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A path of learning : Indo-Tibetan Buddhism as education MacPherson, Sonia 2000

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A path of learning: Indo-Tibetan Buddhism as education by Sonia MacPherson  B.A., The University of British Columbia, 1985  A Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Centre for Studies in Curriculum and Instruction)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A April  2000  © S o n i a (Seonaigh) A n n M a c P h e r s o n , 2000  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  available  copying  of  department publication  of  in  partial  fulfilment  University  of  British  Columbia,  for  this or  thesis  reference and  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  scholarly  or for  her  Department  Date  DE-6  (2/88)  Columbia  I  I further  purposes  gain  the  shall  requirements  agree  that  agree  may  representatives.  financial  permission.  The University of British Vancouver, Canada  study.  of  be  It not  is  that  the  Library  permission  granted  by  understood be  for  allowed  an  advanced  shall for  the that  without  make  it  extensive  head  of  my  copying  or  my  written  ABSTRACT ABSTRACT  T h i s study chronicles a n o n - m o d e r n p e d a g o g i c a l tradition, Indo-Tibetan ( G e l u g p a ) B u d d h i s t education, as it negotiates a modern, g l o b a l context i n exile i n India. A s an enlightenment tradition, B u d d h i s m emphasizes investigative inquiry over scriptural o r t h o d o x y and belief, m a k i n g it compatible w i t h some aspects o f m o d e r n , secular culture. T h i s is a study o f the relationship between these t w o educational cultures w i t h i n one educational i n s t i t u t i o n — D o l m a L i n g N u n n e r y and Institute o f D i a l e c t i c s i n the Indian H i m a l a y a s . T h e text itself is arranged i n the f o r m o f a mandala, w h i c h is d i v i d e d into five sections o r stages o f learning: intention, path, inference, experience, and realization.  intention section highlights the value o f cultural and educational diversity, and includes a b r i e f synopsis o f I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t educational history. T h e path The  section describes specific B u d d h i s t approaches to ethnography and social research. The  inference chapter is the empirical (ethnographic) component o f the study, and  considers the practice o f dialectical debate as a case o f what Wittgenstein called a "language game."  T h i s chapter includes photographic documentation and the text o f  a public (Western-style) debate held at D o l m a L i n g o n the subject o f the merits o f their traditional debate system.  The  experience chapter considers the unique role o f  direct perception (experience) i n B u d d h i s m , and h o w it can be educated  through  c o m b i n e d meditational and testimonial practices. T h e author explores the tendency to segregate experiential from rational paths, especially w h e n liminal experiences o f suffering, bliss, and death are i n v o l v e d .  She  concludes that such experiences strain o u r p o w e r s o f reason and, i n some cases, representation, resulting i n a tendency to marginalize such experiences w i t h i n formal, rational e d u c a t i o n systems and their k n o w l e d g e bases.  N a r r a t i v e , poetic, and direct  experiential methods o f meditation are better suited to deal w i t h these subjects. " r e a l i z a t i o n " chapter discusses conceptions o f realization, praxis and  The  embodiment,  that is, rational inferences translated into direct experience and action, as o f particular relevance to educators. all inquiry.  In the B u d d h i s t v i e w , such realizations are the desired end o f  T h i s end is a c c o m p l i s h e d t h r o u g h creative and direct  "conversations"  (testimonies, dialogues) between reason and direct experience o n the path o f learning.  ii  Table of Contents:  Abstract  P- »  List of Figures  P- v i i  Preface  P viii  Acknowledgements  p ix  P R E L I M I N A R I E S ...embarking on a journey  p  1  Chapter one: W H I T E ...intention  p  16  P  17  W h i t e l u m i n o u s gates " W e exchange time for experience."  p.  20  I.  p.  26  A . C u l t u r e , time, g l o b a l i z a t i o n  p.  26  B . E d u c a t i o n i n the g l o b a l local/e  p.  34  C . T r a d i t i o n s o f i n v e n t i o n and education  p.  37  Introduction  D . T h e r o l e o f desire  p.  42  E . F r e e d o m i n modernity/ies  P-  44  F . Q u e s t i o n s t o guide o u r inquiry  p.  49  1. C o m p a r a t i v e theories o f learning and k n o w l e d g e  p.  49  2. T h e o u t c o m e and p u r p o s e o f k n o w l e d g e  p.  51  p.  52  p.  52  p.  53  3.  T h e relation between tradition and modernity in " g l o b a l " education  4.  G e n d e r i n T i b e t a n monastic and " g l o b a l " Education  5.  Intercivilization dialogue o n "freedom" and "creativity"  II.  T i b e t a n education: H i s t o r i c a l and contemporary contexts A . H i s t o r i c a l context B.  C o n t e m p o r a r y context 1. Tibet  p.  54  p.  55  p.  60  p.  60  2. In exile i n India, N e p a l , and elsewhere  p.  64  3. D o l m a L i n g  p.  67  iii  Chapter two: Y E L L O W ...path O b l i q u e y e l l o w paths  p  75  P-  76  T h e p a t h o f research  P  83  I.  p.  83  T h e research path as an "educational j o u r n e y "  II. G r o u n d s  P  86  A . Ethics B . Intention  Pp.  86 88  C. Epistemology 1. A question o f trust  Pp  93 93  Enlightenment epistemologies  p.  94  a) W e s t e r n enlightenment epistemologies b) B u d d h i s t epistemology and enlightenment  p. 96 p. 102  2.  III. Paths A . A p p r e n t i c i n g the path B . T h e conceptual/experiential d i v i d e 1. R e a s o n and direct experience 2. R e a l i z a t i o n and embodiment C. Mindfulness I V . Fruits  V.  P- 106 p. 106 p. 108 p. 109 p. I l l P 113 P H5  A . Wellbeing B . T h e realization o f emptiness as interdependence  P- 115 p. 121  C . C o m p a s s i o n and w i s d o m Conclusion  p- 122 p. 123  Chapter three: R E D ...inference R e d fire, f l o w i n g b l o o d  p. 129 p. 130  D e b a t i n g dialectical debate: R e a s o n i n g education at D o l m a L i n g  p. 134  I.  p. 134  Introduction  II. H i s t o r i c a l and social contexts  p. 138  III. T e x t u a l and oral practices i n I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t education  p. 142  I V . T h e monastic C u r r i c u l u m V . I n t r o d u c t o r y texts and t o p i c s V I . T h e language game o f dialectical debate A . W o r d s and sentences 1. W o r d s as definitions, divisions, and illustrations a) T h e language tree o f " C o l o u r s and so forth" 2. Sentences:  T h e l o g i c , grammar, and discourse m o v e s  a) T h e l o g i c  p. 144 p. 146 p. 146 p  149  p. 149 p. 150 p. 151 p. 151  b) T h e " g r a m m a r "  p. 153  c) T h e discourse m o v e s  p. 154  B . Instruments  p. 158  1. Gestures  p. 158  2. Patterns  p. 166  C. Contexts  p. 167  iv  D . Characteristic activity 1. A s an educational activity a) D a i l y activities and groupings  p. 167 p. 167 p. 167  b) A n n u a l activities and groupings  p. 168  c) L o n g t e r m activities and groupings  p. 169  2. A s a s o c i a l i z i n g activity  p. 170  a) A s socialization into competition/cooperation  p. 170  b) A s s o c i a l i z i n g peer support  p. 171  c) A s s o c i a l i z i n g t h r o u g h apprenticeship and g u i d e d participation  p. 171  d) A s s o c i a l i z i n g and sublimating emotions  p. 174  e) A s gender-socializing activity  p. 176  f) A s socialization into c o m m u n i t y  p. 181  3. D e b a t e as integrated cognitive activity  p. 181  4. D e b a t e as dialectical (dialogic) activity  p. 182  E . Antecedent training and learning i n w h i c h rules are imparted  p. 183  F . U s e o f components o f the language-game  p. 183  G . Its point or purpose V . D e b a t i n g dialectics: T h e v i e w s o f the nuns o f D o l m a L i n g  Chapter four:  G R E E N ...experience  p. 183 p. 184  p 209  R e m e m b e r i n g green. K a n g r a wheatfieldnotes o n skydancing & other feats o f grace  p. 2 1 0  Songs o f experience  p. 2 2 7  I.  P- 2 2 9  II.  T h e nuns' experiences A . Osel Khargyen  p. 2 3 0  B. Metok Yangsom  p. 235  C . N g a w a y n g S a n g d r o l , the nun w h o never made it to D o l m a L i n g  p. 238  D . Kunsang Dolma  p. 2 4 0  E . T h e L i t h a n g nuns  p. 2 4 2  Experience  p. 2 4 6  III. L i m i n a l experiences: A.  Suffering, bliss, and death  Suffering  p. 252 p. 253  B . Bliss  p. 258  C. Death  p. 2 6 2  I V . E d u c a t i n g experience A . E d u c a t i n g emotions: T e s t i m o n y and meditation  p. 264 p. 2 6 6  1. T e s t i m o n y  p. 2 6 6  2. M e d i t a t i o n  p. 2 6 9  B . E d u c a t i n g p o w e r s o f reflection: A n a l y t i c a l meditations C . E d u c a t i n g attention: Single-pointed and mindfulness meditation 1. Single-pointed meditation 2. M i n d f u l n e s s meditation D . E d u c a t i n g the b o d y m i n d : T a n t r i c meditation V . G e n d e r i n g experience  p. 273 p. 2 7 4 p. 275 p. 275 p. 2 7 7 p. 281  v  Chapter five: B L U E ...realization  p. 286  A spacious blue  P 287  Realizations  p. 2 9 0  I.  P- 2 9 0  T h e conceptual/perceptual divide  II. F r e e d o m i n debate III. R e a l i z a t i o n  p 294 p. 301  P O S T - S C R I P T ...on completing a journey  p. 305  Post-script o n c o m p l e t i n g a j o u r n e y  p. 3 0 6  A . A path o f learning  p. 306  B . P e d a g o g i c a l methods  p. 307  1. aspiration, ritual  p. 3 0 7  2. explicit, examined, and apprenticed processes  p. 3 0 7  3. dialogue, analytical meditation  p. 307  4. mindfulness, single-pointed, or Tantric meditation 5.  REFERENCES  the event—bodhicitta,  mahamudra, and interdependence  p. 307 ...  p. 3 0 7  p. 312  vi  F I G U R E S : Photographs and charts  1.  A stone path i n the K a n g r a V a l l e y near D o l m a L i n g  2.  G r o u n d p l a n o f a sample (Zhi khro) m a n d a l a  3.  T h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l structures o f  4.  W h i t e pictures ( W h i t e T a r a , K a n g r a wheatfields, D o l m a L i n g nunnery)  p . 19  5.  Y e l l o w pictures ( H H the D a l a i L a m a , S e r a m o n k s , m a r g o l d s & bee)  p. 82  6.  R e d pictures (the nuns o f D o l m a L i n g )  p . 133  7.  D i a g r a m I: C o n v e r s a t i o n d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g tree  p . 136  8.  F i g u r e I: D e f i n i t i o n s , d i v i s i o n s , & illustrations for " C o l o u r s and so f o r t h "  p . 152  9.  Sarnath U n i v e r s i t y r u i n s i n Sarnath, near V a r a n a s i , U P , I n d i a  p . 159  Zhi khro m a n d a l a  p.  1  p.  14  p . 15  10. " L e a r n i n g to debate" i n classrooms and courtyards  p . 160  11. " P e e r i n s t r u c t i o n " a m o n g the nuns  p . 161  12. T h e m o n k teachers and debate dialogues  p. 162  13. " T a n t r i c arts:" T h e nuns l e a r n i n g a n d p r a c t i s i n g T a n t r i c arts  p . 163  14. " L e a r n i n g T i b e t a n secular a n d r e l i g i o u s m u s i c "  p . 164  15.  " R e s p o n d i n g to contemporary issues:" D e b a t i n g debate; refugee c h i l d r e n . . . p . 165  16.  G r e e n pictures (a b i r d i n B o d h G a y a ; scenes f r o m the K a n g r a V a l l e y )  p . 226  17.  B l u e pictures ( T i b e t a n f l a g ; T i b e t a n C h i l d r e n ' s V i l l a g e students)  p. 289  vii  PREFACE:  I use v a r i o u s designations for B u d d h i s m i n this text, and the reader s h o u l d consider B u d d h i s m identified as designating the scope o f the c l a i m made.  S o , i f I say the  m o r e generic " B u d d h i s m , " then this indicates that the c l a i m is being made for all paths o f B u d d h i s m . I f " T i b e t a n " B u d d h i s m is used, then it identifies a p h e n o m e n o n o r practice d e v e l o p e d after B u d d h i s m w a s established i n Tibet. " G e l u g p a " T i b e t a n B u d d h i s m refers to a specific practice o f the G e l u g p a lineage o f Tibetan B u d d h i s m . O v e r a l l , I refer t o " I n d o - " T i b e t a n rather than just " T i b e t a n " B u d d h i s m t o reinforce the historical c o n t i n u i t y o f many o f the textual and p e d a g o g i c a l contents and practices that d e v e l o p e d i n I n d i a and went t o T i b e t w i t h the spread o f B u d d h i s m . It helps t o r e m i n d us o f the cultural and geographic flexibility o f B u d d h i s m , w h i c h has been engaged i n c r o s s - c u l t u r a l conversations since its inception. Indeed, perhaps the B u d d h i s m discussed i n these pages might be called " I n d o - T i b e t a n - N o r t h A m e r i c a n " B u d d h i s m , since it no doubt has g o n e t h r o u g h yet another permutation as I have attempted to understand it w i t h i n the contexts o f the W e s t e r n academy. F o r n o w , I w i l l keep the " I n d o - T i b e t a n " label as w e begin to sort out just w h a t N o r t h A m e r i c a n B u d d h i s m is i n the process o f its emergence. I have used E n g l i s h translations o f Tibetan and Sanskrit terms i n this text.  To  clarify any ambiguity, w h e r e it seemed helpful I have added the T i b e t a n or Sanskrit terms in parentheses.  T h e T i b e t a n language is difficult to transcribe into E n g l i s h because o f its  c o m p l e x spelling and reliance o n silent letters not p r o n o u n c e d i n s p o k e n Tibetan. T o help w i t h the p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and to remind readers that it is a l i v i n g , s p o k e n language, I have capitalized the transcribed letter that is first p r o n o u n c e d . I have not d o n e so w i t h the Sanskrit terms as it is n o l o n g e r a s p o k e n language.  viii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: I w o u l d like to thank the many people w h o have supported me directly and indirectly i n undertaking the research and w r i t i n g o f this text. I n particular, I a m indebted to H H the D a l a i L a m a for his l u c i d and accessible teachings, to the late V e n . T a r a T u l k u for his compassionate care, to Z a z e p T u l k u R i n p o c h e for his c o m m u n i t y , to C e c i l i e K w i a t for her meditational mentoring, and to H H the 1 6 K a r m a p a and N a m g y a l th  R i n p o c h e ( G e o r g e D a w s o n ) for o p e n i n g this path t o me. A t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I w o u l d like to thank m y supervisors, D r . C a r l L e g g o and D r . B o n n y (Peirce) N o r t o n o f the Department o f L a n g u a g e and L i t e r a c y E d u c a t i o n , w h o s e c o m b i n e d patience and inspiration w e r e a constant source o f encouragement.  I w o u l d also thank the  other members o f m y d o c t o r a l committee, D r . W i l l i a m B r u n e a u , D r . D a n i e l a B o c c a s s i n i , and m y comprehensive e x a m supervisors, D r . T e d A o k i and D r . P a t r i c i a DufF.  Thanks  are o w e d to D r . K a r e n M e y e r , D i r e c t o r o f the Centre for Studies o f C u r r i c u l u m and Instruction, for her co-creating and sustaining such a creative intellectual c o m m u n i t y . F o r their editorial comments and tireless support, I thank m y f e l l o w graduate students and dear friends l o a n n a C a r s o n , A n n e B r u c e , and A n g e l a H r y n i u k . C r e d i t for h a v i n g the courage to teach me the T i b e t a n language are due to the N a m g y a l Institute i n Ithaca, N Y , and T a s h i and L o s a n g R a b g e y and their parents o f L i n d s a y , O N . I n addition, I w o u l d l i k e to a c k n o w l e d g e the considerable c o n t r i b u t i o n and ideas o f D r s . H u m b e r t o M a t u r a n a and B r i a n G o o d w i n , w i t h w h o m I studied at Schumacher C o l l e g e , U K , i n M a r c h o f 1999. P r o f . D r . T u W e i m i n g o f the H a r v a r d - Y e n c h e n Institute inspired many o f m y reflections o n the need to bring more dialogue between traditional and m o d e r n cultures. I met D r . T u at the M i n d and L i f e dialogues i n D h a r a m s a l a and again, w i t h his wife R o s a n n e H a l l , i n C o r t o n a Italy and i n B o s t o n i n the autumn o f 1999. In India, m y research w o u l d have been impossible w i t h o u t the k i n d support o f all the nuns o f D o l m a L i n g , and i n particular o f the senior administrator o f the T i b e t a n N u n s ' Project, the V e n . L o s a n g D e c h e n . I w o u l d also like to thank K a l o n R i n c h e n K h a n d r o C h o e g y a l and D r . E l i z a b e t h N a p p e r o f the Tibetan N u n s ' Project for w e l c o m i n g me to stay and to study at D o l m a L i n g for the duration o f m y research. A b o v e a l l , I w o u l d l i k e to thank the then P r i n c i p a l o f D o l m a L i n g , G e n . P e m a T s e w a n g Shastri, w h o s e critical m i n d , astute translations, scholarly advice, teaching, and care made m y stay there b o t h comfortable and w o r t h w h i l e . Finally, I w o u l d like to thank the m o n k s o f Seramey, and i n particular the acting abbot, G e s h e R a b g a , for their kindness and hospitality during m y m o n t h there. I a m grateful for the generous financial assistance o f the S o c i a l Sciences and H u m a n i t i e s R e s e a r c h C o u n c i l o f Canada, the K i l l a m Trust, the W e b s t e r F o u n d a t i o n , Shastri I n d o - C a n a d i a n Institute ( L a n g u a g e and W o m e n & D e v e l o p m e n t fellowships), the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , C a n a d i a n A i r l i n e s , and Schumacher C o l l e g e , U K .  I  w o u l d also like to thank D r . G e o r g e Tilser for his "dental" scholarship, and the late M a r i o n M a c p h e r s o n , m y aunt w h o s e support was p i v o t a l i n easing financial strains d u r i n g the final year o f this process. Finally, I w o u l d like to thank m y mother, B e v e r l e y M a c P h e r s o n , for so many reasons, not the least o f w h i c h for being m y confidante, bank manager, secretary, and friend t h r o u g h these, and many more, years!  ix  PRELIMINARIES: ...embarking on a journey  Preliminaries for embarking on a journey: 1  T h e intellectual landscape o f our times cries out for perspective-—for o v e r v i e w a n d distance, a n d a type o f integrated c o s m o l o g i c a l awareness the academe s a c r i f i c e d w h e n it abandoned G o d . T o c o n v e y this sense o f u n i v e r s a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , I b e g i n w i t h the universe, w h e r e i n w e f i n d a g a l a x y w i t h a particular solar system o n its orbital edge. Inside this solar system is a blue planet i n the p r i m e o f its y o u t h , a planet constituted o f m a n y sentient beings w h o act to sustain its o x y g e n - r i c h system, w h e r e i n one above a l l predominates—homo sapiens or h u m a n beings. N o w these h u m a n beings have proliferated to s u c h a n extent that they are e r a d i c a t i n g m o s t other species o f the p l a n e t ' s system, w h i l e c o n t i n u i n g to starve a n d k i l l one another. I n their p l a c e , h u m a n s h a v e reo r g a n i z e d matter to create sophisticated geometric structures and technologies. T h r o u g h o u t a l l this, the planet and its life forms continue to c h a n g e — e v o l v e perhaps, d e v o l v e perhaps . U n t i l most recently, the pattern o f this change has tended 2  towards greater c o m p l e x i t y and d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n , both i n p h y s i c a l and c o g n i t i v e qualities. T h i s has reversed i n recent times, w i t h a dramatic loss o f d i v e r s i t y i n species f o r m s , a n d a concurrent loss o f forms o f consciousness (experiences, cultures). A t the same t i m e , m o r e subtle qualities o f awareness appear to be e r o d i n g as h u m a n beings i n c r e a s i n g l y attend to material development, technologies and abstracted experiences o f corporate bureaucracies and mass m e d i a . T h e y are p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h the signs rather than the substance o f w e l l b e i n g , disassociated as they have b e c o m e f r o m a c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the depth, qualities, and potential o f e m b o d i e d experience. E m b o d i e d experience i s p h e n o m e n a l rather than " p h y s i o l o g i c a l " per se; it nonetheless i n v o l v e s a c o m p l e x interaction b e t w e e n m u l t i p l e direct sensory and perceptual experiences and the  2  p h y s i o l o g i c a l responses to those experiences. It is a n interconnected w e b o f relations situated i n the b o d y rather than i n a d i s e m b o d i e d , abstract c o n c e p t u a l o r i m a g i n a r y domain. It is j u s t s u c h e m b o d i e d experience that c a n be said to evolve—matter  just  changes a l o n g s i d e it. I n this respect, I w o u l d contend that it i s experience that d r i v e s e v o l u t i o n , as sentient beings reach to enhance the q u a l i t y o f their e x p e r i e n c e t o w a r d s greater happiness a n d w e l l b e i n g . I n this I f o l l o w the t h i n k i n g o f the C h i l e a n b i o l o g i s t H u m b e r t o M a t u r a n a (1987, 1990, 1997, 1998) w h o considers e v o l u t i o n f r o m the perspective o f the c o n t i n u o u s shifting a n d habits o f a manner o f l i v i n g . F r o m this perspective, h u m a n e v o l u t i o n a n d w e l l b e i n g is enhanced b y awareness (i.e. r e f l e c t i o n a n d r e f l e x i v i t y c o m b i n e d ) , w h e r e i n s u c h habits a n d shifts are r e c o g n i z e d a n d i n certain cases altered. E d u c a t i o n i s a n important h u m a n adaptation used to further cultivate these habits, shifts a n d , to v a r y i n g degrees, qualities o f awareness r e q u i r e d for m o r e intentional shifts i n o u r manner o f l i v i n g .  T h i s f u n c t i o n is not a l w a y s e x p l i c i t ; it c a n arise i m p l i c i t l y  i n a n unstated, a n d sometimes u n c o n s c i o u s ,  hidden c u r r i c u l u m .  N o w , I a m a h u m a n b e i n g a n d not a n o m n i s c i e n t G o d . S o , m y perspective i s necessarily a r r i v e d at  inside consciousness, a n d to be m o r e specific, i n s i d e a human  c o n s c i o u s n e s s c o n d i t i o n e d as it i s b y h u m a n sense organs, patterns o f p e r c e p t i o n , a n d language (that i s , c u l t u r e d contexts). It is easy to o v e r l o o k the q u e s t i o n o f consciousness as it i s so f a m i l i a r as to be i n v i s i b l e i n o r d i n a r y experience. A f t e r a l l , experience is the h a l l m a r k o f c o n s c i o u s n e s s , a n d it i s i m p o s s i b l e t o step outside o f e x p e r i e n c e per se. S o , the awareness o f experience o r consciousness i s s o m e t h i n g rather s u b t l e — d i f f i c u l t to cultivate a n d e a s i l y lost. T o reflect o n experience i t s e l f requires a c o m b i n a t i o n o f meta-  3  awareness a n d r e f l e c t / r e f l e x i v i t y that c o m e s w i t h a w e l l - c u l t i v a t e d q u a l i t y o f attention a n d i n v e s t i g a t i v e i n q u i r y (that is, question).  Education, l i t e r a l l y "to d r a w out," o r m o r e  f o r m a l l y as the systematic attempt to teach and learn the k n o w l e d g e o f a culture, a n d  socialization as the i n f o r m a l equivalent o f education, c o m b i n e to c o n d i t i o n experience. Together, they c o n d i t i o n b o t h the content and q u a l i t y o f experience, but they do not necessarily cultivate s u c h an awareness o f experience itself. W h a t constitutes a human consciousness i n particular? O u r p h y s i o l o g i c a l h a r d w a r e i s a n i n s u f f i c i e n t t h o u g h necessary c o n d i t i o n for the experience o f b e i n g h u m a n . Instead, our c o m p l e t i o n as a h u m a n b e i n g is s o m e t h i n g that arises i n a s o c i a l , languaged e n v i r o n m e n t . Indeed, so dependent have w e b e c o m e o n s u c h a s o c i a l w o r l d that a h u m a n c h i l d w i l l die i f left i n the w i l d e r n e s s o n its o w n .  3  It is o n l y w i t h language  a n d the c o n c e p t u a l d e v e l o p m e n t that a c c o m p a n i e s language that s u c h s u r v i v a l — e v e n i n a w i l d e r n e s s bereft o f p e o p l e — b e c o m e s secured. S o , a h u m a n c o n s c i o u s n e s s or h u m a n experience c o m b i n e s a p a r t i c u l a r pattern o f sensory p e r c e p t i o n w i t h a c o n c e p t u a l o v e r l a y o f language a n d culture. I n turn, this abstract r e a l m creates c o n d i t i o n s w h e r e b y the reflectivity, r e f l e x i v i t y and meta-awareness required to r e c o g n i z e experience or c o n s c i o u s n e s s as s u c h becomes p o s s i b l e . T h r o u g h this path f r o m s o c i a l interaction to language, c u l t u r e and meta-awareness, w e l e a r n to distance f r o m , a n d gaze b a c k u p o n , consciousness, a l l the w h i l e necessarily r e m a i n i n g  inside it. A c c o r d i n g l y , h u m a n m e t a -  awareness is a d e v e l o p m e n t a l p h e n o m e n o n that arises f r o m h u m a n c o m m u n i t y , patterns o f e m o t i o n , language, a n d interactions to m e t a - c o n c e p t i o n a n d meta-awareness.  The  study o f experience a n d its r e l a t i o n to c o n c e p t u a l thought and reason i s a necessary  c o m p o n e n t o f this d e v e l o p m e n t , and for this reason s u c h studies are o f p e r s o n a l , s o c i a l a n d e v e n e v o l u t i o n a r y interest to the w e l l b e i n g o f h u m a n beings a n d o u r societies. A s is l o v e , for the s o c i a l m i l i e u i n w h i c h language emerges is constituted b y h i g h l y r e i n f o r c i n g feelings that encourage h i g h degrees o f interaction and p h y s i c a l and e m o t i o n a l i n t i m a c y and affection. O t h e r sentient beings—at least s o m e birds a n d m a m m a l s — m a y have the experience o f l o v e , and i n d e e d there m a y be an aspect o f what w e c a l l " l o v e " that is the " s t u f f o f sentience i t s e l f .  4  Y e t , certain patterns a n d expressions  o f s u c h affection c a n be s a i d to be u n i q u e l y h u m a n a n d e v e n b i o l o g i c a l l y h u m a n ( M a t u r a n a 1997b, B u n n e l l & F o r s y t h e 1999). P a r t i c u l a r l y unusual is what m i g h t be c a l l e d " a l t r u i s m , " that is the a b i l i t y to cultivate feelings o f i n t i m a c y and c o n c e r n for those not i n o n e ' s i m m e d i a t e f a m i l y or group. S u c h an altruistic attitude is made p o s s i b l e i n part b y language a n d c o n c e p t u a l thought, t h o u g h j u s t l i k e meta-awareness, it is not necessarily present i n every h u m a n b e i n g but p r o b a b l y requires some f o r m o f l e a r n i n g and education.  5  O n e important e x p r e s s i o n o f that altruistic awareness i s the a b i l i t y to see  the necessary c o n n e c t i o n s between our o w n pursuit o f w e l l b e i n g a n d a sense o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for u n i v e r s a l w e l l b e i n g . T h e patterns o f c u l t u r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and education referred to as " m o d e r n " have p r o v e d h i g h l y effective i n c u r b i n g p o p u l a t i o n . A c c e s s to s u c h education, e s p e c i a l l y for w o m e n , is one o f the clearest predictors o f a r e d u c t i o n i n birth rates, m o r e than access to t e c h n o l o g i e s o f b i r t h c o n t r o l per se.  In rural I n d i a , for e x a m p l e , w h e n s u c h t e c h n o l o g i e s  b e c a m e a c c e s s i b l e o n a n a t i o n - w i d e basis, it m a d e little appreciable dent o n p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h l e v e l s . E d u c a t i o n has h e l p e d to sustain the v o l u n t a r y r e d u c t i o n o f r e p r o d u c t i o n m u c h more effectively.  6  T h e r e is s o m e t h i n g about the shift to literacy a n d abstract  5  t h i n k i n g that encourages or enables w o m e n to establish a q u a l i t y o f life less predicated o n r e p r o d u c t i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e d education systems encourage w o m e n and m e n to replace the desire for babies w i t h the desire for c o n s u m e r goods. A l t h o u g h there m a y o n l y be one p e r s o n w h e r e there were once ten, the one c o n s u m e s c o n s i d e r a b l y m o r e resources than i n past times. T h e net effect o f s u c h " e d u c a t i o n " is to reduce c o l l e c t i v e w e l l b e i n g e v e n / / e n h a n c i n g personal w e l l b e i n g . A n d that is a n "if" w r i t large, for the q u e s t i o n r e m a i n s whether q u a l i t y o f life is i n fact enhanced b y m o d e r n c o n s u m p t i o n patterns or whether what is i n fact b e i n g c o n s u m e d are signs o f q u a l i t y w i t h o u t ever r e a l i z i n g the p r o m i s e they represent. In m o d e r n society and its f o r m a l education systems, at least tacit c o n c e r n for i n d i v i d u a l q u a l i t y o f life is g i v e n precedence o v e r c o l l e c t i v e interests. T h e p a t h to q u a l i t y o f life is c o m m o n l y defined to m e a n a nuclear f a m i l y w h e r e i n one reproduces o n e ' s o w n c o m m u n i t y , a n o c c u p a t i o n w h e r e i n one produces lots o f c u r r e n c y for exchange, and the c o n s u m p t i o n o f large amounts o f processed materials and resources. T h u s , our c u l t u r a l f o r m u l a for enhanced q u a l i t y o f life is at odds w i t h the f o r m u l a for enhanced c o l l e c t i v e w e l l b e i n g — f o r e x a m p l e , r e d u c i n g p o p u l a t i o n and c o n s u m p t i o n . U n d e r a n attitude o f u n i v e r s a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , the m a s s i v e export o f m o d e r n e d u c a t i o n poses a p r o b l e m since it r e c o m m e n d s s u c h a pattern o f experience and desire to a w i d e audience. M e a n w h i l e , this " m o d e r n " f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n replaces l o c a l and i n d i g e n o u s e d u c a t i o n a l arrangements— f o r m a l and i n f o r m a l — a s c h i l d r e n lose direct c o n n e c t i o n w i t h traditional c o m m u n i t i e s . O n e t r a d i t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n system is h i s t o r i c a l l y l i n k e d to p o p u l a t i o n stability, m o d e s t c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d an e x p l i c i t c o m m i t m e n t to enhance happiness and w e l l b e i n g . T h e system I refer to is I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s m , and the m o n a s t i c f o r m o f that e d u c a t i o n i n  6  particular. O f course, the decline i n p o p u l a t i o n is accounted for most directly by the fact that the nuns and m o n k s are celibate, but what may be o v e r l o o k e d is that many j o i n such communities out o f a desire to be free o f the burden o f r e p r o d u c t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n i n the first place. H a v i n g l i v e d in these c o m m u n i t i e s — b o t h communities o f nuns and m o n k s — I can attest that they enjoy a remarkably high degree o f energy, relatively l o w signs o f depression, and a seemingly high quality o f life (that is, w e l l b e i n g , happiness).  S o , in  most cases the l o w birth and c o n s u m p t i o n rates do not appear to be secured t h r o u g h repression or oppression—that is, at the expense o f their happiness or realization as h u m a n beings. Indeed, i f one contrasts their quality o f life to the harried existence o f many seemingly successful, m o d e r n people, subject as w e have b e c o m e t o h i g h suicide, h o m i c i d e , d i v o r c e and mental illness rates, one can't help but w o n d e r i f there isn't s o m e t h i n g deceptive i n the m o d e r n " s t o r y " o f o u r increased quality o f life. W h a t I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t monastic communities do offer is a path to personal w e l l b e i n g (that is, quality o f life) that appears to be more complementary w i t h o u r collective path to w e l l b e i n g , whereby " c o l l e c t i v e " refers to all sentient, not just human, life. A s a religious c o m m u n i t y , their lifestyle may seem distant and difficult to emulate w i t h their c o m p l e x v o w s and rules o f organization; however, I am c o n v i n c e d that m o d e r n , secular society has something to learn f r o m their example. I n particular, I a m interested i n their unique approach to learning and k n o w l e d g e , where patterns o f desire and experience are so significantly socialized and instilled. In this respect, the primary intention o f this w o r k is  to learn about learning in andfrom lndo-Tibetan Buddhism. I  use the p r e p o s i t i o n in to suggest that I a m a participant i n the system, w h i c h I am; o n l y in this w a y can I hope to get at the subtle w a y s i n w h i c h education conditions experience  7  a n d desire. A s w e l l , I use the p r e p o s i t i o n from to indicate that I a m also a n o u t s i d e r — a m o d e r n subject s p e a k i n g to other m o d e r n subjects, i m b u e d i n this culture that has b e c o m e so u b i q u i t o u s i n o u r c o n t e m p o r a r y era, attempting to describe a n d represent p e o p l e and systems that are s t i l l l a r g e l y n o n - m o d e r n . T h e use offrom reflects m y inference that m o d e r n cultures and those p e o p l e i m b u e d i n its sensibilities c a n benefit f r o m e n g a g i n g i n m e a n i n g f u l d i a l o g u e w i t h n o n - m o d e r n cultures and peoples, so that the d y n a m i c o f c u l t u r a l change b e c o m e s r e c i p r o c a l rather than u n i d i r e c t i o n a l . O n a m o r e p e r s o n a l note, this is a w o r k that b e g a n o v e r 23 years ago w i t h a paper I w r o t e i n m y f i n a l year o f h i g h s c h o o l o n the subject o f creativity. It c o m b i n e d a literature r e v i e w w i t h a c o n c e p t u a l and e m p i r i c a l study, w h i c h spanned 80 h a n d - w r i t t e n pages w h e n c o m p l e t e d . M y c o n c l u s i o n was that i f creativity c o u l d be educated, then it r e q u i r e d a s p e c i a l i z e d t r a i n i n g l i k e m e d i t a t i o n to cultivate. O n l y i n this w a y c o u l d e d u c a t i o n enact the r e q u i r e d change i n the w a y w e t h i n k and experience the w o r l d , b e y o n d a s i m p l e shift i n c u r r i c u l a r contents. H a v i n g a r r i v e d at s u c h a w e l l - r e a s o n e d inference, I spent the f o l l o w i n g year b u i l d i n g the courage to undertake t r a i n i n g i n m e d i t a t i o n m y s e l f , w h i c h I f i n a l l y d i d . S i n c e then, I have let m y life, m y my  experience be  experiment (from the c o m m o n L a t i n root experiri, m e a n i n g to test, to try). T h i s  d o c u m e n t is m y attempt to share w i t h y o u the f i n d i n g o f those experiments w i t h experience. A c c o r d i n g l y , m y experiences are part o f m y credentials. T h i s accords w i t h the T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t understanding that o n e ' s direct experiences s t u d y i n g w i t h lamas o f v a r i o u s lineages i n o r a l i n s t r u c t i o n is o f greater v a l u e than o n e ' s credentials i n r e a d i n g or w r i t i n g texts. A t the b e g i n n i n g o f any teaching, lamas w i l l u s u a l l y articulate the lineage  8  o f lamas f r o m w h o m they received the particular teachings i n v o l v e d . I n m y case, d u r i n g these intervening 23 years, I have studied and practiced w i t h some o f the leading T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t teachers and meditators i n the w o r l d . These include H i s H o l i n e s s ( H H ) the D a l a i L a m a , H H S a k y a T r i s i n , his sister Jetsun C h i m e L u d i n g , H H the 1 6 K a r m a p a , the th  V e n . T a r a T u l k u and V e n . L a t i R i n p o c h e . In addition, I have studied w i t h less w e l l  1  k n o w n but nonetheless accomplished figures such as N a m g y a l R i n p o c h e , C e c i l e K w i a t , Z a z e p T u l k u R i n p o c h e , and the K h y e n t s e R i n p o c h e o f N a m g y a l M o n a s t e r y i n Ithaca. D u r i n g this same p e r i o d , I have visited and lived i n multiple countries and cultures i n the w o r l d , i n c l u d i n g G r e e c e , S r i L a n k a , India, E n g l a n d , Italy, and the U S A .  Throughout, I  can say w i t h all sincerity that I have tried m y best to understand, practice, and realize the B u d d h i s t path o f learning single-mindedly and to the best o f m y ability. D u r i n g the four years it t o o k to complete this document, I completed a series o f initiations, teachings, retreats and fire pujas o f the M a n j u s r i / Y a m a n t a k a Tantric meditations associated w i t h reason, language, debate, and Father Tantra, as w e l l as the H e r u k a / V a j r a y o g i n i initiations, teachings, retreats and fire puja connected w i t h the c u l t i v a t i o n o f pristine awareness (direct perception) and M o t h e r Tantra. T h e latter I c o m p l e t e d immediately p r i o r to c o m p l e t i n g the final draft o f the section o n experience. I n b o t h cases, insights gained d u r i n g these retreats informed the w r i t i n g o f these pages. I have arranged the text as i f it w e r e a mandala, a Sanskrit t e r m meaning  mind  tool. I d o so t o reflect m y aspiration that, l i k e the T i b e t a n mandala, this text might 1  b e c o m e a t e c h n o l o g y t o expand awareness. for T a n t r i c initiation, but T s o n g k h a p a  T o d a y , mandalas tend t o be used e x c l u s i v e l y  (1977) points out that entrance into a mandala and  initiation had been c o n d u c t e d separately but became almost synonymous. These days,  9  with the desire to share their culture with the world, Tibetans like H H the Dalai Lama are encouraging the construction of mandalas outside of the strict context of initiation, for example in museums, to educate other countries and peoples about Tibet and its Tantric arts. Yet, mandalas are used for much more complex purposes than the visual arts we are accustomed to. A s Tsongkhapa reflected: A mandala is said to be extremely profound because meditation on it serves as an antidote, quickly eradicating the obstructions to liberation and the obstructions to omniscience as well as their latent predispositions. It is difficult for those o f low intellect to penetrate its significance, (p. 77) Mandalas come in different forms, but are commonly circular, two-dimensional representations of divine abodes, whose third dimension is generally enacted in consciousness itself (that is, in the imagination). They are often divided into four quadrants, distinguished visually by differing colours, with a fifth area in the centre inhabited by the deity of the mandala. Each quadrant, as well as the central platform, has an entrance or gate. Accordingly, I have organized the text into five distinct chapters distinguished by a particular order of colours—white, yellow, red, green, and blue.  8  I  have organized these five chapters into contents and titles that reflect the sequence o f learning 1 have come to appreciate as representative o f the Buddhist path of learning: 1.  Intention (white)  2.  Path (yellow)  3.  Inference (red)  4.  Direct experience (green)  5.  Realization (blue)  W h i l e the j o u r n e y reflects m y personal j o u r n e y o f d i s c o v e r y , it also represents the o p t i m a l j o u r n e y o f students through the system o f I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t m o n a s t i c e d u c a t i o n as constituted i n the G e l u g p a system. W h i l e the structure m i g h t be c o n s i d e r e d to be g e n e r i c a l l y B u d d h i s t , I have c h o s e n to illustrate its particular m a n i f e s t a t i o n i n the T i b e t a n G e l u g p a system. I have tried to c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h any c l a i m s I m a k e about the m o r e generic B u d d h i s t path f r o m the m o r e s p e c i f i c I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t path f r o m the even more specific  Gelugpa I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t path, but i f there is any q u e s t i o n then  the reader s h o u l d assume that I a m referring to the latter. T h e gate to each o f these chapters is created t h r o u g h a rather abstract, loose a s s o c i a t i o n between the particular c o l o u r and experiences associated w i t h that c o l o u r . I have done this i n an attempt to anchor m y awareness, and subsequently m y reader's awareness, i n p e r c e p t i o n and f o r m to r e m i n d us o f their difference f r o m abstract concepts, w i t h w h i c h this textual m a n d a l a is necessarily constructed. A t the same t i m e , I d o so to r e m i n d the reader that p r i o r to b e i n g constituted o f w o r d s , this text w a s constituted o f systematic t h i n k i n g a n d l i v e d experiences, w h i c h I have here reconstituted i n its pages. L i k e the T i b e t a n mandalas, its t h i r d d i m e n s i o n is constructed i n turn b y the experience o f y o u r o w n consciousness, w h i c h is u l t i m a t e l y y o u r p u r v i e w . .. . N o w I i n v i t e y o u to j o i n me o n the j o u r n e y , w h i c h k n o w s no destination apart f r o m the g o i n g . . . T o be m y c o m p a n i o n s , readers, I ask o n l y one t h i n g : that y o u c o m m e n c e this j o u r n e y w i t h an o p e n h e a r t / m i n d . S u c h openness, i n turn, requires three qualities: attention, interest, and question. S o , i f y o u are agreeable, then take m y h a n d . . .here it i s . . .and o f f w e g o . . .  11  Notes:  'in employing the term "preliminaries," I am adapting the Tibetan Buddhist term, (ngon dro, or 'first going), which refer to reflections on the "four thoughts that turn the mind:" 1) the rare and precious human birth; 2) death and impermanence; 3) karma (cause and effect); and 4) samsara (suffering or struggle). There is no direct correspondence between these four topics and the substance of this preliminary discussion, but there is a sufficient parallel to merit using the same term. Indeed, there is mounting speculation that human beings in affluent societies may have stepped outside of evolutionary pressures to a great extent through the intervention of technologies. There is in this the sense of the evolution of a collective technological body rather than the evolution of individual corporeal bodies. I do not believe we have stepped outside of nature or evolution in this respect, and would contend that such a view is predicated on a narrow interpretation of evolutionfromnatural competitive selection. Modern affluent humans are just adapting and evolving to a more socialized and technical environment, and the changes (that is, adaptation and evolutionary shifts) arise through our manner of living, as discussed in the evolutionary theories of Maturana (1987, 1990, 1997, 1998), rather than exclusively through genetic competition and survival. This is evidenced in the few cases of children found to have been reared by wolves, known as the "wolf children," who died soon after being reclaimed by human society (see Maturana and Varela, 1987, p. 128129). 2  3  1 am here referring to the attention and care required for sentient beings to survive. Minimally, this means attention and care on one's own survival. In mammals, offspring require the attention and care of mothers to survive. These mammalian mothers suspend their own interest and wellbeing for their offspring. Whether or not such actions are intentional or spontaneous, these are the roots of love, which in human beings can be developed into more intentional attempts to recognize the legitimacy of others and the needs of others to find happiness and relief from suffering. Even the most despicable human being would not have survived without some degree of care and attentionfromothers. Even as wounded adults, these people harbour at least a faint flame of love for themselves or some others, even if most of their relations are driven by hatred or greed. 4  1 say this because the mere act of conceptualizing a world beyond our direct perception requires the intervention of language and socialization. The ability to conceive of a "universe" and to reverse a certain innate self-centred, according to Buddhism, requires the intervention of concepts and analysis. Indeed, HH the Dalai Lama (1996) claims analysis is the principal way to cultivate altruism, more than single-pointed meditation. 5  This is discussed extensively by Planned Parenthood and other international development organizations. See Bumiller (1990) for a good discussion of the issues and practices of population control in India. She discusses the remarkable success of the state of Kerala, where women are considerably more literate than elsewhere without an appreciable higher expenditure by the state on education (p. 276-277). For discussions, explanations, and photographs of various types of mandalas used in the Tibetan Tantric arts, see Brauen (1997), Bryant (1992), or Rhie & Thurman (1991). The order of colours varies with different deity yoga meditational mandalas. The order given here corresponds with the sequence found in, for example, the Zhi kho mandala depicted in the photographs on page 14 and 15 (from Brauen, 1997). This is also the sequence of colours found in White Tara's longevity visualization. In the Kalachakra sequence of colours, the fourth quadrant is dark blue not green. The colours correspond to the five Dhyani Buddhas. On a deeper level, just as all colours are wavelengths of light translated into human experience, the colours of mandalas have both a physiological and phenomenological metonymic (rather than metaphoric) significance. They correspond, respectively, with: 1) white as vajra, purification (Mirror-like Wisdom); 2) yellow as ratna Gewel), generosity and increasing (Wisdom of Equanimity); 3) red as padma, passion and bliss (Wisdom of Discrimination); 4) green as karma, activity (Wisdom of All-accomplishing action); 5) blue as Buddha, primordial intelligence and awareness (Wisdom of All Encompassing Space) (Trungpa, 1973/1987). These colours appear in the form of different meditative deities as well, whose colours depend on their particular meditative function. White (for example, White Tara or Chenreisig) is associated with the desire realm, red (for example, Vajrayogini) with the form realm, and dark blue (for example, Kalachakra) with the formless realm. Yellow is highly energetic (for example, Sakyamuni Buddha and some versions of Manjusri) and green (for example, Green 6  7  8  12  Tara) is both active and protective. The principle of the Lower Tantric practices are to visualize all daces as dmne abodes, a.l beings as Buddhas, and a.l resources as amrit nectar. In v i s u a l ™ ^ a s p >n this way, one experiences happiness and trust. The mandala meditation involves an outer and inner med.tat.onaI pract.ce. The outer mandala, as described in the structure of this text, is a way of conceiving of the Phenomenal un.verse. The inner mandala translates this outer mandala into the human body (tsrauen, 1997). U  13  Ground plan of a three-dimensional  Zhi khro mandala  76  (east at bottom): interior of the palace ... followed by further circles: chamel-grounds,  ... which rests on two crossed vajras and is enclosed In/ a loins-flower circle ...  vajras ...  18  ... and, on the outside, flames. The four entrances to the palace are clearh/ visible ...  19  ... which together with the transparent  walls  support  20  Complete  the palace roof.  21  ... and from the south side  Zhi khro mandala  viewed from abo  WHITE: ....intention  Chapter one...  White luminous gates:  .. . A single granule o f sugar i l l u m i n a t e d b y a certain l i n e o f light. T h e l i g h t collapses i n e x p l o d i n g photons o f b r i l l i a n t w h i t e , l e a v i n g crystal geometries and a deepb e l l y l a u g h b e c o m i n g infinite, deep, b l u e - b l a c k , out o f w h i c h a p r i m o r d i a l v o i c e speaks o f things to pass. I quake w i t h the revelation. M y entire b o d y shakes as I o p e n to a n expanse o f w h i t e eyes a r c h i n g to s u m m i t s o f b l a c k penetrating p u p i l s , at w h o s e centres sit p i n p o i n t craters o f space—holes to let l i g h t enter. B l a c k p u p i l s frame the holes; p i g m e n t e d irises frame the p u p i l s ; w h i t e cornea frame the irises; and friends' faces frame the cornea. O u t s i d e , s n o w falls for the first t i m e that winter, s p a r k l i n g as it catches the l i g h t m o v i n g f r o m o u r r o o m into the darkness o f night. W e g o outside to u n r a v e l tongues, l i c k i n g s n o w f l a k e s f r o m the s k y . S o m e l a n d o n m y mittens, and w e congregate to study the w h i t e crystals revealed to our n a k e d eyes.  Defining "white": An achromatic colour of maximum lightness, the complement or antagonist of black, the other extreme of the neutral grey series. Although typically a response to maximum stimulation, white appears always to depend upon contrast.  1  The paradox of white. "An achromatic colour ": a n o n - c o l o u r . "A response to maximum stimulation": a w h o l e c o l o u r .  17  W h i t e is a c o l o u r / n o n - c o l o u r e m e r g i n g f r o m a l l c o l o u r s ? T h e p a r a d o x o f w h i t e : W h i t e is a c h r o m a t i c w h i l e the entire c o l o u r spectrum is i m p l i c i t i n it. R a i n b o w s are i m p l i c i t i n white. A s w h i t e wanes, so too do lightness and c o l o u r . T h e first debates i n T i b e t a n monasteries c o n c e r n c o l o u r , where w h i t e is a c o l o u r , u n e q u i v o c a l l y — a p r i m a r y ,  root c o l o u r . I n their T a n t r i c meditations, w h i t e arises as rainbow l i g h t arises, a w h i t e that is s i m u l t a n e o u s l y part and w h o l e — r o o t and spectrum c o m b i n e d . . . . W h i t e is a c o l o u r o f c r e a t i o n - p r i m o r d i a l w h i t e photons o f l i g h t ; p r i m o r d i a l w h i t e semen; p r i m o r d i a l w h i t e r a i n b o w light b e c o m i n g . . . .. .a dictatorship o f w h i t e . T h e entire landscape is patrolled b y w h i t e — c h r o m e and w h i t e — f r o m l a b y r i n t h i n e h a l l w a y s and sterile u n i f o r m s to the starched sheets and safety bars I peer b e t w e e n as I a m r o l l e d , prostrate, to the operating r o o m . Inside, w h i t e lights v a n q u i s h the l i n g e r i n g shadows. T h e last vestige o f c o l o u r disappears as the w h i t e m a s k e d anaesthesiologist r e m o v e s m y o v e r - w a s h e d blue-grey g o w n to u n c o v e r m y chest a n d bare a r m as he transfers m e to a white-sheeted s u r g i c a l bed. H e warns m e o f an i m p e n d i n g p r i c k as he administers a l o c a l anaesthetic to e l i m i n a t e the sensation o f the tube he is about to introduce into m y a r m . A s the m e t a l l i c tip o f the s y r i n g e slides under m y s k i n , I feel a sting and a surge o f bitter f l a v o u r e d s a l i v a erupting f r o m m y tongue: 1.  [experience] "I tasted that y o u k n o w " , I say, l o o k i n g up at h i m , s m i l i n g .  2.  [experience invalidated] " N o y o u d i d n ' t . Y o u c o u l d n ' t h a v e . "  3.  [experience reiterated] " W e l l I d i d . " T h e c o n v e r s a t i o n stalls.  4.  [experience obliterated] H e inserts the tube and blackness p r e v a i l s .  ' From Houghton-Mifflin Canadian dictionary of the English Language.  (top left) White Tara for longevity (top right) The fields and mountains next to Dolma Ling (below) Dolma Ling ("Tara's place")  \  "We exchangetimefor experience." -  Mark Strand, poet  In an hourglass, it would have seemed more convincing, moving in an orderly passage of sand, particle by particle. Such a measure might have given Time that irreproachable aura of gravity, and averted the question that was to preoccupy the remainder of my days. But in the stovetop clock, with hands prone to irregular jolts emanating from a common joint long in need of oil, time betrayed its illusory face and so my life shifted direction irrevocably. Even to my seven-year-old sensibility, time equalled pain, that is, the pain of change with its sense of loss, the pain of punctuality and of being late, the pain offacing an uncertain future and an all-too-fixed past. My first conscious memory is running out of it—running out of time, I run to get a dime from my mother to buy a cone from the ice-cream man. My older brother runs faster, past me to my mother's last coin, so by the time I arrive, her wallet is empty and the ice-cream little more than a fading bell in the distance. Something of life came to ring with that bell and time with its fading... the frenetic pain of desire, of unrealized desire, ofpromise & of loss. Three years later, on the last day of kindergarten, I arrive at my street corner as the sun peers between the leaves of the large trees lining the road down to where my house waits beyond view. The moment of turning brings a surge of sunlight and with it an excitement somewhere between my belly and my heart. With it comes a deep contentment, even bliss, and a vivid awareness of my body walking... the rhythm of my feet...walking. ...One foot rising as the other touches the ground, settling, lifting, rising...as the other foot settles again... Why, these feet carry me at the end of  20  kindergarten as they will one-day carry me through to the end of grade six! ...So that is time... I know, you see, that there is something about this moment; and if there isn 't now, there will be. Somewhere, something, between the light and my feet, will survive to grade six. In grade six, I will walk down the street and remember these feet that carry me home so well on this, the final day of kindergarten. ...All those years ago. I don't know what it was about transitions between home and school that made it such fertile groundfor childhood experiences. Perhaps it was its gaping quality, uncertain yet freeing, a gap between a personal and public self where I could wonder and wander at will even when in conflict with what lay on the other side—that is, the school. There was something about its very absence that invited presence, sometimes ominously. Take, for example, grade two: After lunch, I stood in a crowd waiting to return to class. The bell sounded. We were nearing the school doors when I realized I was chewing gum. I couldn't reach the wastebasket, and so surreptitiously dropped the gum in the palm of my hand. That year my teacher was, shall we say, strict. Some gum adhered to my hand, which I struggled to remove with my remaining hand as I walked past the supervisor. Yet, the gum only spreadfurther, to the fingers and palm of the other hand, like a leprosy in fast-forward motion. The stain of sin drove me inexorably towards the nightmare of my teacher's gaze. With a head hung in shame, I approached. Her nostrils widened noticeably with a sardonic grin betraying itself in the corners of her eyes— " Why, you don't belong in grade two; you don't even belong in grade one. " With that, as if to demonstrate my displacement, she led me before the grade one class for a lesson in humiliation. She was sure, she said, none of them would behave in such a reprehensible fashion, and wasn't it true I wasn'tfitfor grade one never mind  21  grade two! She called my mother to fetch me. By the time my mother arrived, I had lost my breath somewhere between shame and hysteria. At home, my mother's kind voice comforted me all afternoon, as my tears mixed with the soapy water of the bathroom sink where together we scrubbed the sign of my banishment from my humiliated hands. In grade three, it was the clock that found me waiting, now more anxiously than before. Lunch was finished but Hercules still leapt across the television screen in the backroom—that meant, what the clock confirmed, that it wasn't quite 12:30, the time I usually left for school. In fact, the clock barely moved, but sat there as an insipid ennui of waiting seeped into and tore at my seams. The irritation was palpable as Ifixed my attention on the minute hand, which steadfastly refused to move. Since my eyes were obsessively preoccupied with the clock anyway, I thought to learn more about time—to locate, attend, and examine time to discover just what it was all about. Fixing on the clock's hands, I waited to witness directly their incremental progress towards my departure. The long hand didn 't move for some time... then—jerky jolt—a minute and a half forward in one movement. Well, a lot had happened in the period when that long minute hand had stood still, all my impatient irritation and efforts at concentration, the Herculean sounds in the distance, and the breeze from the window arising and subsiding. Those changes, it seemed to me, were time, while the clock hands stood still. Why, the clock's hands didn't even follow the rules I learned in school—that 60 seconds brought the long hand forward a full minute in measured motion. Instead, it stood still ...then leapt irregularly as though a minute was a variable from 30 to 90 seconds in duration. Then where was time? Perhaps the clock was a crude, mechanical contraption to mark a more subtle passage of experience. With that, my attention turned inside to locate  22  the smallest discrete moment of time hiding behind the busy crowds of thoughts arising and passing away. Yet, no matter how introspective I became, how confined and directed my attention, I could locate no discernible, identifiable and distinct moment to the stream of changes in my body/mind. It was baffling, as if time didn't exist except as an illusion created and sustained by crude time-contraptions like clocks and less-crude distractions like thoughts. Time was instead a continuum of change. Not a collection of moments of discrete and concrete atoms of experiences and reactions accumulating, but a continuum ofprocesses....of some sort of transformation. ... and so time passed learning ABC's and 123's between recesses spent skipping double-Dutch and dressing Barbie dolls for social teas (or as a squeeze for Ken). Yet I remember little of it. How could one spend so much time in the temple of learning and remember so little? Boredom took its toll as I and others sought solace in alcohol, marijuana and LSD. It was dark, this deep dark chasm of a sad blue-black. Yet there was space, sufficient to rest one's heart intermittently in its soothing grace. ...Boredom left me talking to telephones, gossiping and talking about nothing in particular, and otherwise gazing at my reflection. My mother lined the walls of our house with mirrors: "They make a room look larger, " she said. With three siblings and six of our various friends around at any given time, the walls were further populated with people replicating in reflections. I used to play a game arranging a triptych mirror in the bathroom in such a way that my own image reproduced itself inside an infinity of mirrors. In the dining room, as I sat on the telephone for hours droning on.hours, I would watch my reflection in the tall mirror. It was then I learned to fix on my eyes,  23  inside pupils, to the point at which my awareness went... click... and I could watch myself from outside of myself; sometimes Ifound my form shifting and reforming as I did so. In grade 13, I took on a special project on the subject of creativity, in which I concluded that meditation was the most efficacious way to educate for creativity. Having argued the fact, I spent the subsequent year convincing myself to spare the $80 to receive training in TM myself. As my classes at university drew to a close, I booked an appointment with an instructor, who gave me an elaborate initiation ritual and a short mantra to recite before leaving the room so I could practice. I settled into a deep calm, from which there arose the sound of a single sparrow singing in a nearby tree. The sweetness of that song filled me until there was no me, only song...as if I was hearing soundfor the first time, as if my senses, long numb if not dead, found rebirth in its notes. I practised this mantra diligently for the next six months, and initially the quality of my life and experience improved dramatically. I had a noticeable increase in both energy and willpower, sufficient to start to rise early, stop smoking and exercise regularly. Yet, I was alone in my efforts and soon isolation eroded my discipline and resolve, and with it other aspects of my life began to unravel. I became involved with a group of students interested in phenomenology and mysticism, with whom I shared heady conversations over backgammon and coffee. One of those friends began experiencing difficulties from doing too many drugs—street drugs combined with tranquillizers she'd receivedfrom a shrink. I suggested she might meditate. Feeling rather hypocritical having abandoned the practice myself, I tried meditating again. The very next morning I recited the mantra, and an image of two round lights appeared in my mind—one green and the other red. Ifound myself lifting my foot in the vision, clad in my very own tan  24  raw hide cowboy boots. My foot lifted in the air and came down determinedly on the green light. As I did so, it was as if I said "GO " and a food of bliss arose in my body/mind. I didn't quite know what was happening, but went to university slightly giddy that day. This experience unfolded in a chain of events that led me to the door of an anthropology professor I barely knew, a specialist in Tibetan Buddhism. Within a week, in spite of an "A " average, I quit my near-completed degree program in Economics—to the consternation of my family and some of my friends. I learned to meditate, and within a few months found myself in Woodstock, NY taking refuge with the head lama of the Kargyu sect of Tibetan Buddhism—HH the 16 Karmapa. From there, I made my way to th  Europe, Greece, and Sri Lanka for a year, accompanied by the Anthropologist, where I had time to cook, study, meditate, and compose poetry. This period was my sojourn from the race, gracing me with sufficient recuperative time to face (albeit barely) what was to prove the blackest of nights. ...I now believe that the suffering that ensued was related to a medical intervention I had received as a teenager. This intervention was the result of an unconscionable series of decisions by manufacturers, medical doctors, my mother, and myself. It was not until many years later that I learned a possible connection between this intervention and my suffering, but suffer I did, without knowing why, from a barrage ofphysical and psychological sufferings of an extreme order. Throughout this period, I sought andfound solace in Tibetan Buddhism and the community offriends Ifound there. Ten years later, when Ifound myself at the feet of HH the Dalai Lama during a "Kalachakra—The Wheel of Time " initiation, my suffering seemed the greatest blessing I  25  could have asked for. Not only because it led me there, but because it created a space and openness for me to begin to experience and understand the vast depth of this tradition and its teachers. It is to those teachers, friends, and the continuity of the Tibetan Tantric tradition that I dedicate this work.  I.  Introduction  A. Culture, time, and globalization: This study addresses the dialogue between conservation and creativity in culture; accordingly, it implicitly concerns the phenomenon of time. As Agamben (1993) argues, "Every culture is first and foremost a particular experience of time, and no new culture is possible without an alteration in this experience. The original task of a genuine revolution, therefore, is never merely to 'change the world', but also—and above all—to 'change time'" (p. 91). To change time is to alter the way we remember and what we remember. In this study, I attempt to convey a sense of time and memory as continuity and change within a "traditional" education system facing the ruptures, accelerating forces, and collapsing spaces of modernity and globalization. Globalization, which is never really global but transnational or even post-national, as Appadurai (1996) suggests, is the prevailing term used to describe a constellation of phenomena characterizing a rupture in contemporary sociocultural experience and space/time. While Appadurai's work focuses on the rupture generated by migration and global media on post-colonial Indian experience, this study considers globalization instead from the perspectives of migration and education, and, by inference, development, in post-exile Tibetan experience. In particular, it will focus on the disjunctures and conjunctures of Tibetan  26  traditions i n the face o f modernization, and h o w such m o d e r n i z a t i o n impacts o n traditional and p o p u l a r conceptions o f freedom a m o n g Tibetan refugee nuns. B y " m o d e r n i z a t i o n , " I refer to a sequence o f events whereby a t r a d i t i o n c o m e s into contact w i t h and is affected by " m o d e r n " values and institutions, r o o t e d in, but not necessarily enacted through, contact w i t h W e s t e r n E u r o p e a n Enlightenment values and institutions. T h i s " m o d e r n i t y " I and others (for example, H a b e r m a s , 1985/1987) refer to reaches back to Enlightenment thinkers, w i t h distant roots i n Descartes and B a c o n but m o r e particularly i n the 1 8  th  century w i t h K a n t , V o l t a i r e , and M e n d e l s s o h n to name a  few. T h e values and institutions o f " m o d e r n i t y " reached a pinnacle i n the h i g h m o d e r n i s m o f the early to m i d - 2 0 century, reflected i n its distinctive aesthetic and th  rationalized organization o f the state. T h e aesthetic v a l o r i z e d t e c h n o l o g y and innovation, and p a r a d o x i c a l l y c o m b i n e d a celebration o f the individual-as-creator w i t h the anonymity o f "mass" culture. T h i s aesthetic is typified architecturally i n the sky-scraper (named after a man o r his company), poetically i n the w o r k s o f T S E l i o t and P o u n d , and artistically i n the c u b i s m o f Picasso.  Eisenstadt and Schlucher (1998) identify the  " o r i g i n a l " E u r o p e a n code o f modernity as a particular construal of: " m a n ' s active role i n the universe, .. .the c o n c e p t i o n o f c o s m o l o g i c a l time and its relation t o historical time, the belief i n progress, the relation o f progress to history, the relation between the individual and the c o l l e c t i v i t y and between reason and emotions" (p. 4). Charles T a y l o r (1992) identified i n d i v i d u a l i s m and the rise o f instrumental reasoning, and its impact o n social, t e c h n o l o g i c a l , and e c o n o m i c alienation as principal culprits i n what he calls the " m o d e r n malaise."  27  E x p e r i e n c e arises w i t h i n the d y n a m i c s o f a consciousness interacting w i t h the w o r l d . It has an e l u s i v e q u a l i t y insofar as w e are necessarily i n s i d e o f it, but also because it eludes quantitative c o n t r o l and representation. A l t h o u g h at its root experience and t i m e are connected, i f not s y n o n y m o u s , this relationship b e c o m e s o b s c u r e d w h e n t i m e is represented. H i s t o r i c a l l y , the tendency i n " W e s t e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n " has been to represent t i m e and indicate its passage w i t h quantifiable spatial metaphors and markers. T h e G r e c o - R o m a n s represented t i m e as a repetitive c i r c u l a r c o n t i n u i t y constituted o f discrete t h o u g h infinite instances. A r i s t o t l e r e c o g n i z e d s u c h c i r c u l a r i t y as m e t a p h o r i c , but j u s t i f i e d it because " h u m a n affairs.. .seem to be i n a w a y c i r c u l a r , because a l l these things c o m e to pass i n t i m e and have their b e g i n n i n g and end as it were ' p e r i o d i c a l l y ' ; for t i m e i t s e l f is c o n c e i v e d as c o m i n g r o u n d . .. . H e n c e , to c a l l the happenings o f a t h i n g a c i r c l e is s a y i n g that there is a sort o f c i r c l e o f t i m e . . . " ( A g a m b e n , 1993, p . 92).  This cyclic  understanding o f h u m a n experience is f o u n d as w e l l i n the B u d d h i s t n o t i o n o f "the w h e e l o f l i f e " w h e r e suffering is rooted i n the " c y c l i c e x i s t e n c e " o f sentient life. T h i s focus o n a g e o m e t r i c m e t a p h o r o f t i m e had the effect o f situating t i m e i n the study o f p h y s i c s rather than experience (that is, culture or history). T h e n o t i o n o f t i m e as a c i r c l e constituted o f discrete points or instances o f duration reified the c o n c e p t i o n o f t i m e and experience as possessions o f subjects to be a c c u m u l a t e d , depleted, squandered or hoarded. T h i s v i e w p r o v e d resilient i n spite o f changes i n the scientific c o n c e p t i o n o f t i m e , most n o t a b l y the theories and evidence that t i m e is a relational or relative phenomenon. In the C h r i s t i a n c o n c e p t i o n , under J u d a i c and Z o r o a s t r i a n influences, t i m e b e c a m e represented as a linear rather than c i r c u l a r p h e n o m e n o n , as s o m e t h i n g p r o p e l l e d t o w a r d s  28  eventual destruction and emancipation/perfection. T i m e as h i s t o r y d e v e l o p e d a b e g i n n i n g and e n d — f r o m M o s e s and the b i r t h o f C h r i s t to its end i n a m e s s i a n i c , u n i v e r s a l r e d e m p t i o n . A t the same t i m e , there e m e r g e d a sense o f a clear d i s t i n c t i o n between a discrete h u m a n m o m e n t o f t i m e and a n eternity o f d i v i n e t i m e . E t e r n i t y w a s the o r i g i n o f t i m e , w h i l e its linear appearance w a s a n e p i p h e n o m e n o n o f h u m a n i t y ' s l i m i t e d perception. T h i s linear perspective c o n s e r v e d the sense o f t i m e as a discrete, p h y s i c a l property w i t h geometric and spatial d i m e n s i o n s , and i n some cases e v e n i n c l u d e d the c l a s s i c a l c l a i m o f an u n d e r l y i n g c i r c u l a r i t y to t i m e ' s apparent l i n e a r i t y . F o r instance, d ' A u v e r g n e ' s de Universo contended, " . . . w h e n e v e r the w h e e l o f t i m e touches the w h e e l o f eternity, the contact occurs o n l y at a regular point i n its rotation; this i s w h y t i m e i s not simultaneous [and appears l i n e a r ] " ( A g a m b e n , 1993, p . 96). W i t h the C h r i s t i a n linear c o n c e p t i o n o f t i m e came a n understanding o f a disjuncture b e t w e e n the experience o f t i m e and its representation i n signs, as i n d i c a t e d i n A u g u s t i n e ' s The Confessions a m o n g others ( S t o c k , 1996). H i s reflections o n t i m e framed A u g u s t i n e ' s theory o f the separation between subjective and objective experience (p. 235): W h a t i s t i m e ? W h o c a n e x p l a i n what it means, s i m p l y and b r i e f l y ? E v e n w h e n there is a n understanding i n thought, w h o c a n express it adequately i n w o r d s ? Y e t there is n o w o r d that w e r e c o g n i z e m o r e r e a d i l y o r k n o w better than ' t i m e . ' A u g u s t i n e argued that "the present has n o l e n g t h " ( A g a m b e n , 1993, p . 95), because i f one were to analyse a m o m e n t , one w o u l d o n l y f i n d the future d r i f t i n g into the past. T h i s i s a nascent insight into emptiness as understood i n the B u d d h i s t t r a d i t i o n , w h e r e the present i s constituted o f n o length (that is, time) but as nonetheless capable o f b e i n g e x p e r i e n c e d . S u c h a n experience i s experience b e y o n d c o n c e p t i o n . In the v i e w  29  s u b s c r i b e d b y H H the D a l a i L a m a and m a n y T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t s , this experience is not a mere n e g a t i o n o f experience but constitutes an experience o f the nature o f experience itself, w h i c h is clear and k n o w i n g . I n such a n experience, t i m e , w h i c h is n e c e s s a r i l y c o n c e p t u a l as a m e a s u r e d p h e n o m e n o n , cannot be p o s i t e d to exist. S o , w h i l e d r a w i n g attention to the present m o m e n t c a n be s a i d to be a B u d d h i s t practice, it is not that s u c h a present m o m e n t is c o n c e i v e d to exist i n some inherent or fundamental w a y ; it is, instead, a n experience o f e m p t y , clear, l u m i n o u s k n o w i n g . A s B e n j a m i n (1968) and others have argued, the advent o f m o d e r n i t y brought w i t h it a s e c u l a r i z e d experience o f t i m e , adapted f r o m the earlier rectilinear, quantifiable p h e n o m e n o n but w i t h n o foreseeable end, just a continuous, u n i f o r m before a n d after. S u c h a m o n o l i t h i c t i m e c o n t i n u e d to be c o n c e i v e d o f as a series o f d i s t i l l e d instants analogous to geometric " p o i n t s " i n t i m e . A g a m b e n (1993) argues that: T h i s representation o f t i m e as h o m o g e n e o u s , rectilinear and e m p t y derives f r o m the experience o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g w o r k and is sanctioned b y m o d e r n m e c h a n i c s . . . . T h e experience o f dead t i m e abstracted f r o m experience, w h i c h characterizes life i n m o d e r n cities and factories, seems to g i v e credence to the i d e a that the precise fleeting instant is the o n l y h u m a n t i m e .  (p. 96)  F u r t h e r m o r e , the effect o f this e x t e n s i o n o f the spatial (as points or lines) to a p p l y to the t e m p o r a l is that, j u s t as m o t i o n i n space is reversible, so is the m o d e r n c o n c e p t i o n o f m o v e m e n t t h r o u g h experience. T h i s is quite contrary to the B u d d h i s t c o n c e p t i o n o f k a r m a and the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y o f t i m e . E v e n w i t h i n the scientific c o m m u n i t y , the r e c o g n i t i o n o f this bias has l e d the Italian b i o l o g i s t T i e z z i (1996) to argue for a r e c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f our understanding o f nature f r o m spatial to t e m p o r a l terms:  30  .. .In m y o p i n i o n , w e a p p l y a Gestalt o f space to the concept o f t i m e . Space is reversible a n d i s o t r o p i c , t i m e is irreversible and anisotropic. I n our t h i n k i n g , t i m e is an i n t e r v a l . F o r space w e are a c c u s t o m e d to say: S i x t y k i l o m e t r e s f r o m F l o r e n c e to S i e n a or 60 k m f r o m S i e n a to F l o r e n c e . W e do the same w i t h t i m e : 2 0 years ago or 2 0 years u n t i l the year 2 0 1 6 ; whereas t i m e s h o u l d be thought o f as irreversible and expressed i n terms o f negentropy, stored i n f o r m a t i o n , b i o d i v e r s i t y , n u m b e r o f correlations, events, interactions.  1  T h i s m o d e r n i z e d i s o t r o p i c , m e c h a n i z e d and spatial c o n c e p t i o n o f t i m e c a m e to affect the narrative c o n t i n u i t y o f a h u m a n life, a c c o r d i n g to T a y l o r (1989) w h o argues that the 2 0  t h  century " m o d e r n " aesthetic rejected b o t h the o p t i m i s m o f disengaged reason  as progress and o f R o m a n t i c i s m as the re-integration o f f e e l i n g and reason. I n m o v i n g a w a y f r o m a linear c o n c e p t i o n o f t i m e as progress and an o r g a n i c c o n c e p t i o n o f t i m e as a s p i r a l or c y c l e , m o d e r n society also eroded the sense o f an o r g a n i c c o n t i n u i t y a n d d e v e l o p m e n t a l g r o w t h to h u m a n experience.  " S o m e o f the major writers w e t h i n k o f as  m o d e r n i s t carry us quite outside the m o d e s o f narration w h i c h endorse a life o f c o n t i n u i t y or g r o w t h w i t h one b i o g r a p h y or across generations" (p. 4 6 4 ) . A c c o r d i n g to T a y l o r , this d i s p l a c e d the centre o f g r a v i t y f r o m a sense o f s e l f to a f l o w o f experience , c o m p l e m e n t i n g the inwardness that w a s the h a l l m a r k o f the i n d i v i d u a l i s m o f early m o d e r n i s m . S u p e r f i c i a l l y , such a decentred inwardness appears to a c c o r d w i t h the " t r a d i t i o n a l " n o n - m o d e r n B u d d h i s t i n w a r d reflections o n no-self. Y e t the t w o differ substantially i n that the B u d d h i s t process o f decentred inwardness is d e s i g n e d to r e a l i z e interdependence rather than i n d i v i d u a l i s m , and s p e c i f i c a l l y interdependence as it arise i n a causal p r o g r e s s i o n ( k a r m i c linearity) within a c y c l i c c o n t i n u i t y (reincarnation i n c y c l i c  31  existence) o f time.  A c c o r d i n g l y , for B u d d h i s m the f l o w o f experience has a directed,  progressive trajectory, w h i l e the quality o f such experience is o f great i m p o r t as it aspires to a state o f perfection free o f the suffering o f cyclic existence and rebirth. T h i s attention to causality and development corrects some o f the nihilistic tendencies that arise w i t h a tri  decentred sense o f self and identity. T h e decentred inwardness o f 20  century  m o d e r n i s m , for instance, is deeply i m b u e d w i t h nihilistic tendencies, w h i c h have deep roots i n the W e s t e r n Enlightenment tradition (Gillespie, 1995). A c c o m p a n y i n g mechanized time and decentred identities, modernity f o l l o w i n g W W I , a c c o r d i n g to B e n j a m i n (1968) brought w i t h it a " p o v e r t y o f experience" characterized by a loss o f what he referred to as "the aura" that gave perception its sense o f authenticity and significance (p. 223). In its place g r e w an abstracted, mass r e / p r o d u c e d experience i n w h i c h the singularity o f experience became lost. T h e r e may have been a f l o w to experience, but it became something mass p r o d u c e d and no longer unique, reflected i n P o u n d ' s (1956) p o e m " I n a Station o f the M e t r o " : " T h e apparition o f these faces i n the c r o w d ; / Petals o n a wet, black b o u g h . " T h i s p o v e r t y o f experience w a s ushered i n b y a d i s r u p t i o n i n what B e n j a m i n called " h i s t o r i c a l t i m e , " that is, an experience o f time that arose w i t h the participation i n stories o f personal and c o l l e c t i v e pasts—the narratives o f traditions: It is as i f something that seemed inalienable to us, the securest a m o n g o u r possessions, w e r e taken f r o m us: the ability to exchange experiences. O n e reason for this p h e n o m e n o n is o b v i o u s : experience has fallen i n value. A n d it l o o k s as i f it is c o n t i n u i n g to fall into bottomlessness.  .. E x p e r i e n c e w h i c h is passed o n f r o m  m o u t h to m o u t h is the source f r o m w h i c h all storytellers have d r a w n . A n d a m o n g  32  those w h o have w r i t t e n d o w n the tales, it is the great ones w h o s e w r i t t e n v e r s i o n differs least f r o m the speech o f the m a n y nameless storytellers,  (p. 83-84)  W h i l e W W I served as the catalyst for s u c h a d i s s o c i a t i o n f r o m direct experience a c c o r d i n g to B e n j a m i n , A g a m b e n (1993) argues that today s u c h a state is p e r v a s i v e and no l o n g e r needs s u c h catastrophes to c o m e into b e i n g . Instead, it has b e c o m e the v e r y c o n d i t i o n o f d a i l y , m o d e r n u r b a n life, w h e r e the experience o f t i m e has b e c o m e bereft o f b o t h h i s t o r y and direct perceptual experience. O u r accelerating " r u s h " is m i r r o r e d i n the steadily i n c r e a s i n g speed w i t h w h i c h w e c o m m u n i c a t e — i n b o t h w r i t i n g and s p e a k i n g — and hence i n our interpersonal relations. Indeed, o u r estrangement f r o m ourselves (as experience) and h i s t o r y (as tradition) has a c c o m p a n i e d a n e q u a l l y t r o u b l i n g estrangement f r o m one another. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , the v e r y pervasiveness o f the effects o f this acceleration and d i s s o c i a t i o n has made it i n v i s i b l e , or at least difficult to r e c o g n i z e , for those w i t h o u t the means to step outside its w a y o f b e i n g . That w o u l d require either systematic a n a l y t i c a l reflection, or, m o r e effectively, the direct experience o f a different w a y o f b e i n g i n t i m e and hence i n the w o r l d — t h a t is, another manner o f l i v i n g i n t i m e and i n v e n t i o n . Instead, tradition tends to be treated as some conservative and sentimental attachment to the past. I use the t e r m " t r a d i t i o n " to refer to a manner o f l i v i n g o f h u m a n beings i n a particular space-time c o n t i n u u m . T r a d i t i o n s arise as uninterrupted c y c l e s o f narrative (that is, t i m e ) and experience (that is, space). " M o d e r n i t y , " o n the other h a n d , c a n be d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m t r a d i t i o n insofar as it arises as a  rupture or jump ( d e p e n d i n g o n  whether the change is p e r c e i v e d as h a r m f u l or b e n e f i c i a l ) . I n this sense, w h i l e suggests a n a c c e l e r a t i o n o f t e m p o r a l change and  modernity  globalization its spatial equivalent, s u c h  33  a d i c h o t o m o u s v i e w is o v e r l y s i m p l i s t i c . In altering the w a y w e l i v e i n t i m e , m o d e r n i t y has i m p a c t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y o n the w a y w e l i v e i n space v i a architecture, transportation, and t e c h n o l o g i e s . It has changed the w a y w e " u s e " space—where the i d e a o f using rather than inhabiting space is i t s e l f a m o d e r n r e l i c . A c c o r d i n g l y , m o d e r n i t y and g l o b a l i z a t i o n are r e c i p r o c a l l y related. F o r instance, the c o m p r e s s i o n o f space associated w i t h g l o b a l i z a t i o n has been enacted t h r o u g h the c o m p r e s s i o n o f t i m e created b y " m o d e r n " t e c h n o l o g i e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n , c o m m u n i c a t i o n , and transportation. Indeed, this t e m p o r a l d i m e n s i o n o f g l o b a l i z a t i o n is sometimes referred to as the g l o b a l " n o w , " a t e r m used b y A p p a d u r a i (1996) w i t h early precursors dating b a c k to B e n j a m i n (1968). E l e c t r o n i c m e d i a i n p a r t i c u l a r have contributed to the experience o f g l o b a l i m m e d i a c y . G l o b a l i z a t i o n has i m p a c t e d most s i g n i f i c a n t l y o n e d u c a t i o n t h r o u g h the m i g r a t i o n o f p e o p l e s — w h e t h e r as refugees, f o r e i g n students, d e v e l o p m e n t consultants, f o r e i g n w o r k e r s , i m m i g r a n t s , or tourists. W i t h s u c h m i g r a t i o n c o m e s the g l o b a l m o v e m e n t o f d e v e l o p m e n t d o l l a r s and hence o f " v a l u e s , " and w i t h t h e m the m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f traditional perspectives, institutions, c u l t u r a l practices, and the systems o f e d u c a t i o n that support t h e m . In this respect, g l o b a l i z a t i o n and the process o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n has been and continues to be r e c i p r o c a l l y related, and n o w h e r e m o r e than i n education.  B. Education in the global local/e: N o r b e r g - H o d g e ( 1 9 9 1 , 1997), i n her studies o f e c o l o g y and culture i n L a d a k h , and W o l f g a n g Sachs (1992), i n his c a l l for " c o m m o n e r s " to r e c l a i m the l o c a l " p l a c e " o v e r the g l o b a l "space," understand c u l t u r a l k n o w l e d g e to be situated i n lineages o f relations b e t w e e n l o c a l peoples and e c o l o g i c a l niches or places. C o e r c i v e aspects o f  c o l o n i a l , n e o - c o l o n i a l , m o d e r n state and n o w g l o b a l e c o n o m i c interventions continue to enact ruptures i n l o c a l p e o p l e ' s connections to e c o l o g i c a l , g e o g r a p h i c a l , and s y m b o l i c (for e x a m p l e , cultural) situatedness.  A s i d e f r o m extremes o f l e g i s l a t e d a n d enforced  changes, the process is c o m p l e x a n d often i n v o l v e s the c o m m o n p e o p l e ' s c o m p l i c i t y as they attempt to negotiate g l o b a l and l o c a l k n o w l e d g e ; they are not passive agents i n the process. It is a d i a l o g u e i n w h i c h the desires o f the p e o p l e interested i n the c o n t i n u i t y and w e l l b e i n g o f their l o c a l cultures and places negotiate w i t h what c a n be either a c o n f l i c t i n g or c o m p a t i b l e desire for the experience o f the m o d e r n , g l o b a l " n o w . " A g a i n this reinforces the d i f f i c u l t y o f representing freedom o n a s i m p l e c o n s e n t / c o e r c i o n c o n t i n u u m . H o w free c a n p e o p l e be s a i d to be to negotiate p o t e n t i a l l y c o n f l i c t i n g interests and desires w h e n subject to s u b c o n s c i o u s m a n i p u l a t i o n b y signs p r o m i s i n g satisfaction i n the absence o f any tangible e v i d e n c e or means to s u c h satisfaction? N o r b e r g - H o d g e (1997) c r i t i c i z e s g l o b a l i z a t i o n for its i m p a c t o n the l o c a l a u t o n o m y and e c o l o g y o f l o c a l , r u r a l e c o n o m i e s . She distinguishes b e t w e e n the B u d d h i s t notion o f  interdependence a n d the g l o b a l dependence generated b y corporate  g l o b a l i z a t i o n . W h i l e interdependence i n B u d d h i s m leads to a healthy r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l o c a l a n d the c o l l e c t i v e , d r a w i n g o n to the " u n i t y o f a l l life, the i n e x t r i c a b l e w e b i n w h i c h n o t h i n g c a n c l a i m a separate or static existence," g l o b a l dependence, o n the other h a n d , threatens l o c a l e c o n o m i e s and cultures. " G l o b a l i z a t i o n means the u n d e r m i n i n g o f the l i v e l i h o o d s and c u l t u r a l identities o f the m a j o r i t y o f the w o r l d ' s p e o p l e . " B u d d h i s m p r o v i d e s b o t h a m o t i v e and means to counter this (p. 3 ) : In effect, g l o b a l i z a t i o n means the destruction o f cultural d i v e r s i t y . It means m o n o c u l t u r e . C u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y is a r e f l e c t i o n o f p e o p l e ' s c o n n e c t i o n to their  35  l o c a l environment, to the living w o r l d .  .. . I f globalization is b r i n g i n g  m o n o c u l t u r e , then its most p r o f o u n d impact w i l l be o n the T h i r d W o r l d , where m u c h o f the w o r l d ' s remaining cultural diversity is to be found. . . . A s B u d d h i s t faced w i t h the reality o f a g l o b a l e c o n o m i c system bent o n destruction, w e have little c h o i c e but to b e c o m e engaged. B u d d h i s m provides us w i t h b o t h the imperative and the t o o l s to challenge the e c o n o m i c structures that are creating and perpetuating suffering over the w o r l d , (p. 3-6) L o c a l cultural differences necessarily i n v o l v e some degree o f educational differences, insofar as culture is learned or enacted t h r o u g h formal o r informal education. W h i l e p e d a g o g i c a l differences exist w i t h i n and between W e s t e r n communities and states themselves, there are sufficient similarities across such differences to refer to a g l o b a l (that is, transnational) phenomenon o f m o d e r n , W e s t e r n p u b l i c education. T h i s is the dominant f o r m o f education exported to the d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d , first t h r o u g h c o l o n i a l and n o w t h r o u g h n e o - c o l o n i a l development initiatives. Furthermore, there are f e w alternative models o f education readily accessible to m o d e r n experience that do not fit somewhere o n the historical lineage o f this E u r o p e a n system, w h i c h g r e w out o f industrial economies o f the E u r o p e a n Enlightenment and its related R o m a n t i c backlashes.  Accordingly,  " e d u c a t i o n " has b e c o m e increasingly equated w i t h this particular lineage and m o d e l , w h i c h includes a specific pattern o f disciplinary organization, literacy practices, teacherstudent relations, student-student relations, and critical styles (or l a c k thereof), w h i c h are often consistent across vastly diverse geographical and cultural differences. T h i s study is based on the author's experience l i v i n g and studying in various T i b e t a n refugee communities, where educational m o d e r n i z a t i o n has been negotiated o v e r  36  the four decades since their exodus from Tibet. I focus m y study o n a traditional I n d o T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t monastic c u r r i c u l u m , w h i c h conversely developed o v e r several millennia i n an Indian and later Tibetan lineage unconnected to the E u r o p e a n . I do so b o t h to appreciate its considerable differences and to examine h o w those differences are negotiated b y students reacting to various forces o f globalization and m o d e r n i z a t i o n b o t h in Tibet and in exile i n India. Furthermore, the study concerns w o m e n — n u n s — w h o w e r e formerly e x c l u d e d from the traditional c u r r i c u l u m under study. I n this respect, the site selected for the study is itself a s i g n o f the c o m p l e x dialogue b e t w e e n t r a d i t i o n and modernity, w h e r e b y access to the c u r r i c u l u m by this heretofore disenfranchised g r o u p w a s p r o c u r e d i n large part by the effects o f global, m o d e r n i z i n g development influences.  C . Traditions of invention and education: E d u c a t i o n is a significant site w h e r e i n o u r collective remembering and forgetting transpire, and so contributes to o u r experiences o f time and continuity and c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the past. W i t h the term " e d u c a t i o n , " I refer most specifically to formal, institutionalized, o r at least systematized, attention and efforts b o t h to " d r a w o u t " the unique and m o r e " h u m a n " abilities and interests o f students, w h i l e socializing them i n particular w o r l d v i e w s and practices across generations. In the latter role, formal education serves as institutionalized remembering, both in the contents and process o f explicit and hidden curricula. In this respect, formal education is i n part a " c o m m u n i t y o f m e m o r y , " what S i m o n and E p p e r t (1996) describe as: ... structured sets o f relationships t h r o u g h w h i c h people engage representations o f past events and put forth shared, complementary, and/or c o m p e t i n g versions o f  37  what should be remembered and h o w . W i t h i n these relationships people make t o p i c a l the significance o f their understanding o f past events, a r g u i n g o v e r the r e w o r k i n g o f narratives and images w h i c h e m b o d y and elicit l i v i n g memories. W h a t binds people w i t h i n such relationships is the p r o m i s s o r y relation o f m e m o r y to redemption,  (p. 17)  M e m o r y , o n w h i c h o u r experience o f time is predicated, establishes a sense o f interdependence, interrelatedness, and interconnection across v a r i o u s experiences, b o t h w i t h i n o n e ' s o w n life and w i t h those o f others. C o l l e c t i v e m e m o r y is e n c o d e d i n "traditions," w h i c h are not just memories but k n o w l e d g e recreated i n direct experience, often t h r o u g h rituals o f engagement w i t h i n f o r m a l and informal education. time, the seeming  A t the same  extreme polarities o f tradition/modernity, continuity/discontinuity and  conservation/creativity are i n part artefacts o f conceptual language and its tendency t o construct d i c h o t o m o u s oppositions. T o reify such polarities distorts the c o m p l e x i t y o f l i v e d experience.  3  I f such experience is t o be located, it is i n the ambiguous, generative  space o r gap distinguishing such concepts. Furthermore, only i n such ambiguity w h e r e concepts s o m e h o w collapse c a n w e assert a viable freedom that is m o r e than conceptual; it is the p r o m i s e o f the  experience o f a freedom b e y o n d words—a freedom t o be  ra//ized.  M o d e r n i t y , o n the other hand, has tended t o focus o n freedom as p r o c u r e d and realized t h r o u g h laws, rational principles and reason o r ratio—that is, as freedom o f choice, thought and speech. T h e difficulty w i t h such an approach is that any impact reason exerts o n experience and d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g is negotiated t h r o u g h desires, w h i c h are prone to t r e a s o n a b l y manipulate o u r reasons into rationalizations. U n d e r such circumstances, even the crudest forms o f usury and exploitation are rationalized w i t h i n  38  m o d e r n i s m — b o t h capitalist and communist. T h i s has been further reinforced b y a v i e w o f creativity i n w h i c h it is purportedly necessary to destroy the o l d to create a space for the i n v e n t i o n o f the new, thereby exacerbating the perceived p o l a r i z a t i o n o f conservation/creativity.  4  W h a t has ensued is an acceleration o f time and desire, w h i c h  has planted the seeds o f a g r o w i n g sense o f discontent, ennui, dissociation, disconnection, and alienation f r o m b o t h m e m o r y and direct experience. T h e rupture between history as tradition and the experience o f modernity arises as cultural and t e m p o r a l discontinuity. In such a discontinuous state, even i n the face o f c o l l e c t i v e and personal acts o f remembering t h r o u g h ritual, history is disengaged f r o m any meaningful c o n n e c t i o n w i t h daily experience. There is a loss o f a sense o f interconnection and interrelations across time, and so history becomes something remote and disengaged f r o m o u r daily experience. I n the ensuing v o i d , the place o f ritual is replaced w i t h the c o n s u m p t i o n o f the material signs o f such traditions and memories w i t h o u t any c o r r e s p o n d i n g connective transformation i n experience. R i t u a l s and traditions conserve qualities o f experience across successive generations; i n interrupting such traditions, modernity has left a paucity o f experience i n its w a k e , and a v o i d to be inadequately filled b y disposable consumer goods. A c c o r d i n g l y , n o n - m o d e r n cultures like T i b e t ' s , still steeped i n the sense o f ritual and the sacred, offer a w i n d o w into a different v i e w and experience o f time, m e m o r y , tradition, and creativity. T h e creativity o f the people tends to be expressed collectively rather than individually, and the remembering tends to focus o n c o m m u n i t y traditions rather than o n personal history. In the last four decades, Tibetans have attempted to conserve this c o l l e c t i v e m e m o r y , inscribed i n B u d d h i s t culture, texts, and educational  39  institutions, against the massive rupture posed by the violent i n v a s i o n and o c c u p a t i o n o f T i b e t by M a i n l a n d C h i n e s e military forces. A c c o m p a n y i n g and trailing this literal invasion w a s an equally violent and destructive s y m b o l i c i n v a s i o n that w a s c o u c h e d w i t h i n a modernist development agenda. T h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n became a concerted and violent attempt to enact the forgetting needed to b r i n g about the creative " r e v o l u t i o n " so characterized and coveted by the m o d e r n obsession w i t h innovation. T h i s concerted, violent attack o n traditional culture has continued unabated i n Tibet and C h i n a up to the present, i n spite o f the purported end o f the official capital " C " - c a p i t a l " R " v e r s i o n .  5  T h e o p p o s i t i o n o f conservation and creativity as mutually exclusive binaries has b e c o m e so reified i n contemporary life that terms like conserving, tradition, and even continuity have b e c o m e pejorative in their conventional use, often associated w i t h right w i n g v i e w s . L i k e w i s e has the overstated o p p o s i t i o n between modernity and tradition encouraged a subtractive extremism, i n w h i c h one is asserted to negate the other, o r v i c e versa. W h a t such subtractive l o g i c o v e r l o o k s is that to conserve experiences o f time and patterns o f relations as " c u l t u r e " i n the face o f continuous change requires considerable creativity, inventiveness and even freedom o n the part o f the people participating i n c o n s e r v i n g such traditions. Indeed, more than anything else, culture is a creative strategy t o conserve such experiences and patterns o f relations across time. T o focus o n the cultural as creative, C l i f f o r d (1998) refers to "traditions o f invention," to correct some o f the biases and dangers suggested by the idea o f the " i n v e n t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n . " T h e p r o b l e m w i t h the c o n c e p t i o n o f tradition as invented, that is, w i t h "the i n v e n t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n , " is that it suggests tradition is comparable to any disposable human (marketable) product, something to be invented, consumed, disposed of, and re-invented for another market. O f  40  course, m o d e r n i t i e s and g l o b a l i z a t i o n / s are themselves c u l t u r a l l y i n v e n t e d traditions o f i n v e n t i o n i n the process o f b e i n g passed d o w n t h r o u g h generations. A t t e m p t i n g to understand alternative "traditions o f i n v e n t i o n " offers those o f us c o n c e r n e d b y the p a u c i t y o f experience i n the g l o b a l " n o w " a means to b e g i n to learn alternative strategies for integrating h i s t o r i c a l and inter/personal connections. O v e r t c o l o n i a l o c c u p a t i o n and the f o r c e d m o d e r n i z a t i o n that tends to a c c o m p a n y it, as i n the case o f T i b e t , is f o l l o w e d b y a p e r i o d i n w h i c h overt v i o l e n c e b e c o m e s p r o g r e s s i v e l y supplanted b y what B o u r d i e u (1991) c a l l s s y m b o l i c v i o l e n c e . S y m b o l i c p o w e r is e x e r c i s e d p r i n c i p a l l y t h r o u g h the g i v i n g o f a " g i f t " that creates an o b l i g a t i o n i n the oppressed s u c h that their freedom is c u r t a i l e d s y m b o l i c a l l y rather than t h r o u g h force or c o e r c i o n . I n s u c h circumstances, d o m i n a t i o n and force b e c o m e v e i l e d beneath relations that appear r e c i p r o c a l and v o l u n t a r y . In the case o f g l o b a l i z a t i o n t h r o u g h e d u c a t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t , this i d e a o f a f o r m o f p o w e r and v i o l e n c e e x e r c i s e d s y m b o l i c a l l y t h r o u g h the g i v i n g o f a g i f t — f o r e x a m p l e , language, e d u c a t i o n , and e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e p h e n o m e n o n o f s y m b o l i c v i o l e n c e challenges the enlightenment d i c h o t o m y between freedom as consent and l a c k o f freedom as overt force a n d constraint. A s B o u r d i e u (1991) e x p l a i n s , " A l l s y m b o l i c d o m i n a t i o n presupposes, o n the part o f those w h o s u b m i t to it, a f o r m o f c o m p l i c i t y w h i c h is neither s u b m i s s i o n to external constraint n o r a free adherence to values. .. . T h e distinctiveness o f s y m b o l i c d o m i n a t i o n lies p r e c i s e l y i n the fact that it assumes, o f those w h o s u b m i t to it, a n attitude w h i c h c h a l l e n g e s the u s u a l d i c h o t o m y o f freedom and constraint" (p. 5 0 - 5 1 ) .  41  D. The role of desire: T h i s introduces the rather p a r a d o x i c a l role o f d e s i r e .  6  M o r e than any other factor,  the p o w e r o f w a n t and desire drives the g l o b a l d e v e l o p m e n t agenda—it g i v e s the " n o w " its particular q u a l i t y o f u r g e n c y . A f t e r a l l , c u l t u r a l and e d u c a t i o n a l m o d e r n i z a t i o n s are not enacted e x c l u s i v e l y n o r e v e n p r i n c i p a l l y through t o p - d o w n structures related to the m o v e m e n t o f d e v e l o p m e n t p o l i c i e s , c a p i t a l , and/or educational p r o g r a m s and teachers. T h e failure o f d e v e l o p m e n t p o l i c i e s a i m e d at i m p l e m e n t i n g m e d i c a l i z e d b i r t h c o n t r o l is a g o o d e x a m p l e o f the s h o r t c o m i n g s o f attempts to change desires t h r o u g h r a t i o n a l i z e d topd o w n p o l i c i e s and structures, except w h e n b a c k e d b y totalitarian state forces l i k e those i n M a i n l a n d C h i n a . Rather, m o d e r n i z a t i o n , i n this case educational m o d e r n i z a t i o n , tends to transpire as an enactment o f the agency and desires o f students and teachers, a n d varies w i t h their a b i l i t y to articulate and c o m m u n i c a t e those desires w i t h i n the system. T h i s raises the q u e s t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between desire and q u a l i t y o f life w h e n m e d i a a n d a d v e r t i s i n g intervene, w h i c h , i n turn, begs the question: " W h o s e desires are b e i n g satisfied b y the s y s t e m ? " A s A d o r n o (1957/1993) points out, " A m a n k i n d w h i c h no l o n g e r k n o w s want w i l l b e g i n to have a n i n k l i n g o f the delusory, futile nature o f a l l the arrangements hitherto m a d e to escape want, w h i c h used w e a l t h to reproduce want o n a larger s c a l e " (p. 156157). T h e a c c e l e r a t i o n o f time/change a c c o m p a n y i n g the g l o b a l " n o w " c a n also be understood as an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n and acceleration o f desire. U n d e r s u c h pressure, p e o p l e reach m o r e and m o r e b e y o n d i m m e d i a t e , s p a t i a l l y - t e m p o r a l l y situated experience i n search o f m e a n i n g a n d satisfaction. P e o p l e are pressured to accept things they d o n ' t or c a n ' t have, a n d this creates a frustration and d r i v e to p u s h b e y o n d l o c a l c u l t u r a l ,  42  e c o n o m i c a n d e c o l o g i c a l l i m i t s . W h i l e the most o b v i o u s antidote to want is satiation, rather p a r a d o x i c a l l y , the route to s u c h satisfaction is not necessarily t h r o u g h p r o c u r i n g w h a t it is one desires. E v e n o r d i n a r y experience tells us that the act o f r e c e i v i n g w h a t w e t h i n k w e want c a n p r o d u c e e v e n greater desire. Strategies for e l i m i n a t i n g want as a negative aspect o f h u m a n experience are at the root o f B u d d h i s m , e v e n i n T a n t r a w h e r e a path is accessed b y means o f desire itself. S o , to study B u d d h i s t s and B u d d h i s m interacting i n m o d e r n i t y offers a w i n d o w into a deeper understanding o f the r o l e o f desire i n the process o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n and g l o b a l i z a t i o n . B e n j a m i n ( 1 9 5 5 / 1 9 6 8 ) , i n f l u e n c e d b y h i s in-depth studies o f J u d a i c m y s t i c i s m a n d the events l e a d i n g up to the H o l o c a u s t , reflected at length o n t i m e - c o n s c i o u s n e s s a n d the m o d e r n " n o w - t i m e . " F o r h i m , the greatest expectations, those for j u s t i c e a n d e m a n c i p a t i o n f r o m o p p r e s s i o n , are what d r i v e experiences into a future, but emanate f r o m the expectations o f the peoples o f h i s t o r y and the past. B e n j a m i n argued that t i m e i n the m o d e r n consciousness w a s represented i f not e x p e r i e n c e d as e m p t y and h o m o g e n o u s , as i f the past existed o n l y i m p l i c i t l y i n a c r y s t a l l i z e d , future-oriented present. H e offered an alternative rendering o f m o d e r n time as " n o w - t i m e , " w h i c h w a s not e v e n u n i q u e l y " m o d e r n " but a m e s s i a n i c c o n c e p t i o n o f t i m e , s u c h as the J e w i s h i d e a that " e v e r y s e c o n d o f t i m e w a s the strait gate t h r o u g h w h i c h the M e s s i a h m i g h t enter" (p. 2 6 4 ) . It is a c o n c e p t i o n o f t i m e as s o m e t h i n g f u l l o f the creative p o s s i b i l i t y o f desires and hopes a r i s i n g f r o m the past. In m y r e a d i n g o f h i s rather c r y p t i c annotations, B e n j a m i n ( 1 9 5 5 / 1 9 6 8 ) refuted the m o d e r n i s t v i e w o f progress, i n w h i c h the present was represented as the c u l m i n a t i o n o f a discrete series o f past experiences a c c u m u l a t i n g l i k e "beads o n a r o s a r y . " Instead, he  43  understood the present as a r i s i n g f r o m expectations rooted i n past injustices. N o doubt i n f l u e n c e d b y the events u n f o l d i n g i n E u r o p e i n the 1930s, he w i s h e d to interrupt the future-orientation o f m o d e r n i t y ' s faith i n progress b y p o s i t i n g that the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n c o u l d be secured as m u c h b y b a r b a r i s m as b y culture ( H a b e r m a s , 1987, p . 14). A c c o r d i n g l y , he r e c o n f i g u r e d the time-consciousness o f m o d e r n i t y , founded as it w a s o n the i d e a o f progress as a c o n t i n u u m c o n n e c t i n g a prehistory o f t r a d i t i o n w i t h a futureo r i e n t a t i o n o f the present, to one i n w h i c h the focus is instead turned t o w a r d s the sense o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o w a r d s the remembrance o f the past. H e argued that the present w a s not so m u c h a n empty, h o m o g e n o u s disjuncture i n w h i c h t r a d i t i o n and i n n o v a t i o n c r e a t i v e l y m o v e d into a future, but was instead a c o n t i n u a l c a l l to r e m e m b e r a n d r e m a i n accountable to the u n f i n i s h e d projects o f the past—the desires o f the past. In the process, he p r i v i l e g e d r e m e m b r a n c e over the m o d e r n i s t p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h future-oriented r e v o l u t i o n as the path to l i b e r a t i o n and j u s t i c e .  E . Freedom in modernity/ies: L i b e r a t i o n and j u s t i c e constitute t w o o f the p r i n c i p a l r a l l y i n g u n i v e r s a l s o f the Enlightenment.  7  T h i s century, these ideals became eroded as m e a n i n g f u l constructs as  they became equated w i t h u n b r i d l e d c a p i t a l i s m and rational, self-interested i n d i v i d u a l i s m . Indeed, so dissociated have they b e c o m e f r o m m o d e r n i t y that its current \  i n c a r n a t i o n as g l o b a l i z a t i o n has c o m e under severe critique o n the v e r y grounds that it threatens to e l i m i n a t e freedom and c h o i c e t h r o u g h a loss o f c u l t u r a l and l o c a l d i v e r s i t y . T h e p r i n c i p a l perpetrator o f this threat, a c c o r d i n g to T a y l o r (1992), is instrumental r a t i o n a l i s m . H e faults m o d e r n i t y o n the basis o f three p r i n c i p a l malaises: 1) the rise o f  44  individualism; 2) the disenchantment that comes w i t h the p r i m a c y o f instrumental reason; and, 3) the industrial-technical alienation arising from such instrumental reasoning and the loss o f freedom, choice, and diversity it entails. T h e experience o f such m o d e r n malaise has g i v e n rise to /?os/-modernist, feminist and cultural studies' perspectives oriented o n c r i t i q u i n g and correcting aspects o f the W e s t e r n Enlightenment project (for example, F o u c a u l t , 1965/1988, 1984; L y o t a r d , 1 9 8 8 / 1 9 9 1 ; G i r o u x , 1991, B o r d o , 1987; H a r d i n g , 1991; a n d B h a b h a , 1994). Others, l i k e H a b e r m a s ( 1 9 8 5 / 1 9 8 7 ) , i n an attempt to salvage the E n l i g h t e n m e n t ' s p r o m i s e o f freedom and justice, have argued that modernity and rationalism are incomplete projects, w h i c h , in shifting f r o m subject- to system-centred rationalities, are c o m i n g to address these shortcomings. H o r k h e i m e r and A d o r n o ( 1 9 7 2 / 1 9 9 6 ) launched an early critique o f modernity c l a i m i n g that the dialectic o f the Enlightenment w a s self-negating and w o u l d lead i n e x o r a b l y to totalitarianism b y e m p t y i n g itself o f all religious and metaphysical value w i t h o n l y p o w e r and self-interest remaining i n their w a k e . O n e can see this i n the degree o f self-interest and c o r r u p t i o n found and often tolerated i n b o t h communist and capitalist secular democracies today. In b o t h systems, " c o m m o n e r s " exert little influence o v e r their governance, w h i l e the gap between the r i c h and the p o o r has w i d e n e d demonstrably i n the last decade w i t h increasing e c o n o m i c g l o b a l i z a t i o n . It is difficult to 8  see K a n t ' s ( 1 7 8 4 / 1 9 7 0 version/1996) dream o f freedom as an end to "self-incurred i m m a t u r i t y , " where " i m m a t u r i t y is the inability to use o n e ' s o w n understanding w i t h o u t the guidance o f another" i n t o d a y ' s bureaucratized, technocratic and specialized society (p. 51-57). A d o r n o ( 1 9 6 6 / 1 9 7 3 ) , responding t o the H o l o c a u s t as the ultimate end o f m o d e r n instrumental rationalism, argued for a p h i l o s o p h i c a l rationality i n w h i c h t h i n k i n g  45  subverts itself t h r o u g h a negative dialectics to permit the emergence, expression, and r e c o g n i t i o n o f b o t h nature and experience. T o do so, he contended, dialectical negation must be corrected o f its tendencies b o t h to reconcile opposites i n idealized r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and to forcibly suppress opponent v i e w s . It is this v i e w I return to often as it closely approximates the B u d d h i s t interpretation o f the necessary ethical relation between reason and direct experience. A n o t h e r important contemporary o p p o s i t i o n to modernity, not directly l i n k e d to the post- and late modernists' critiques, comes f r o m those articulating a role for traditions to temper the excesses and ethical shortcomings o f modernities.  9  After B e n j a m i n ' s early  w o r k o n the interruption o f historical narratives and time, the role o f traditions i n modernity has been taken up by some contemporary scholars, w h o differ i n the extent o f their critique o f modernist values. These include A l i s d a i r M c l n t y r e (1984), T u W e i m i n g ( 1 9 8 5 , 1998a, 1998b), R o b e r t T h u r m a n (1984), B o w e r s (1993), and T h o m a s B e r r y (1988, 1996). These "traditions" critiques focus to v a r y i n g degrees o n m o d e r n i t y ' s deleterious effects o n the experience and idea o f c o m m u n i t y and e c o l o g i c a l interdependence, its attempts to rationalize and devalue "habits o f the heart," and its tendency to be mis/represented as a m o n o l i t h i c W e s t e r n enterprise rather than as a culturally diverse manifestation. A s T u W e i m i n g (1998) suggests: ... U n d e r l y i n g this reexamination [ o f modernity] is the intriguing issue o f traditions i n modernity. T h e d i c h o t o m o u s t h i n k i n g o f tradition and modernity as t w o incompatible forms o f life w i l l have to be replaced b y a m u c h m o r e nuanced investigation o f the continous interaction between modernity as the perceived o u t c o m e o f " r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " defined i n W e b e r i a n terms and traditions as "habits  46  o f the heart" (to b o r r o w an expression f r o m A l e x i s de T o c q u e v i l l e ) , enduring modes o f t h i n k i n g , o r salient features o f cultural self-understanding.  The  traditions i n modernity are not merely historical sedimentation passively deposited i n m o d e r n consciousness. N o r are they, i n functional terms, simply inhibiting factors to be undermined by the unilinear trajectory o f development. O n the contrary, they are b o t h constraining and enabling forces capable o f shaping the particular c o n t o u r o f modernity i n any g i v e n society, (p. 9-10) H a b e r m a s ( 1 9 8 5 / 1 9 8 7 ) suggests that in this century, rationalism, the p r i n c i p a l p h i l o s o p h i c a l discourse o f modernity (for example, K a n t , M a r x , and H a b e r m a s himself), became progressively dissociated f r o m m o d e r n i z a t i o n as social, educational, and e c o n o m i c development projects, w h i c h n o w propagate under the p h e n o m e n o n o f " g l o b a l i z a t i o n . " H a b e r m a s argues the need for an ideal public sphere o f rational debate to critique and keep i n check the social and e c o n o m i c manifestations o f modernity. H e claims that this dissociation o f modernity as a rational intellectual project f r o m modernity as an e c o n o m i c development project may have enabled the exploitative and oppressive dimensions o f e c o n o m i c m o d e r n i z a t i o n to propagate unabated.  F o r h i m , modernity is an  unfinished project, and it is the responsibility o f engaged intellectuals to serve as ethical arbiters t o ensure the project is carried t o c o m p l e t i o n . S o , although the e c o n o m i c and cultural manifestations o f globalization are the factors most directly threatening the interests o f "the l o c a l " as e c o n o m i c , cultural and e c o l o g i c a l diversity, the modernist intellectual legacy has exerted a significant, albeit indirect, role. A s L y o t a r d ( 1 9 8 8 / 1 9 9 1 ) suggests, " C a p i t a l is not an e c o n o m i c and social phenomenon.  It is the s h a d o w cast by  the principle o f reason o n human relations" (p. 69).  47  L y o t a r d is referring to that particular manifestation o f reason associated w i t h the rational (Enlightenment) o r g a n i z a t i o n o f society and property. W h a t he neglects to consider is that other cultures w i t h highly rational systems o f thought d i d not generate e c o n o m i e s o r g a n i z e d to the same degree around personal, capital a c c u m u l a t i o n (most notably, i n this case, T i b e t a n society). W h i l e reason is part o f the h u m a n endowment, it arises uniquely across diverse cultural, even perhaps e c o l o g i c a l , contexts. W h e n " t r a d i t i o n a l " education systems are exposed to m o d e r n i z i n g and g l o b a l i z i n g influences, they c o m e under the influence o f certain approaches to k n o w l e d g e and experience i m p o r t e d f r o m other cultural and e c o l o g i c a l contexts. A s benign as m o d e r n education may appear to be, i f L y o t a r d is right, it w i l l nonetheless c o n d i t i o n m u c h m o r e than intellectual ideas as its effects c o m e to be felt i n a c o m m u n i t y . It w i l l directly c o n d i t i o n a p e o p l e ' s experience o f time, their desires, and the quality o f their experience from something e c o l o g i c a l l y and historically connected into something m o r e i n a c c o r d w i t h the d i s s o c i a t i o n and dispossession o f late capitalism. The culprit is not the f o r m o f l o g i c o f W e s t e r n rationalism per se, but rather the c o m p l e x c o l o n i a l and culturally invasive education systems and practices used to instil it. C u m m i n s (1988, 1989, 1991a, 1991b, 1992) calls this "cultural i n v a s i o n , " a subtractive interaction between t w o cultures w h e r e a dominant culture is inculcated at the expense o f the loss o f a first or mother language and culture. A s C u m m i n s argues, formal education is the site w h e r e such i n v a s i o n is most significantly enacted. H i s research considers immigrant experiences, but the m o d e l is applicable to the d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d , as attested t o in the w o r k o f the A f r i c a n author and social critic N g u g i w a T h i o n g ' o ' s (1986, 1993)  c o m m e n t a r y o n the c o l o n i a l l e g a c y o f the E n g l i s h language and e d u c a t i o n system i n K e n y a ( M a c P h e r s o n , 1997). I have engaged i n this critique o f the g l o b a l i z a t i o n o f e d u c a t i o n not to v i l i f y g l o b a l , m o d e r n e d u c a t i o n , but rather to c o n v e y the need to c o m p l e m e n t i f not counter its c u l t u r a l l y i n v a s i v e tendencies w i t h safeguards for c u l t u r a l and e c o l o g i c a l d i v e r s i t y . I have d o n e so w i t h the hopes that c u l t u r a l ex/change w i l l b e c o m e m o r e c r e a t i v e l y a n d r e c i p r o c a l l y directed b e t w e e n the d e v e l o p e d and d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d s . In this particular study, I w i l l focus o n a r t i c u l a t i n g s u c h a space for T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t e d u c a t i o n , w i t h the hopes that others w i l l take m y cue and c o n s i d e r other f o r m a l and i n f o r m a l t r a d i t i o n a l or " a l t e r n a t i v e " e d u c a t i o n systems f r o m the d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d i n a s i m i l a r w a y . N o w I w i l l o u t l i n e the s p e c i f i c questions that guide this particular i n q u i r y .  F.  Questions to guide our inquiry:  1.  Comparative theories of learning and knowledge: W h a t is different about the presentation and education o f reason i n the Indo-  T i b e t a n t r a d i t i o n that m a k e s its effects a n y different f r o m elsewhere? H o w d o s u c h differences, i n turn, interact w i t h m o d e r n i z a t i o n ? Differences i n e p i s t e m o l o g y c a n create c o n f l i c t s for students h a v i n g to negotiate disparate h o m e a n d s c h o o l cultures. I n the case o f E u r o p e a n secular r a t i o n a l i s m , its e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l differences w i t h I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s m are not as extreme as w i t h other r e l i g i o u s systems because B u d d h i s m rejects v a l i d a t i o n b y scripture or the w o r d . N o n e t h e l e s s , there are e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l differences, a n d i n p a r t i c u l a r c o n c e r n i n g the r e l a t i o n between reason and direct experience. It is important to c o n s i d e r h o w such e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l differences are translated into the  49  educational practices and texts used to acculturate students into the monastic culture and system. B y c o n d u c t i n g this inquiry as an ethnographic study, I a m interested i n j u x t a p o s i n g p h i l o s o p h i c a l [e.g. rationalized] narratives about reason and direct experience w i t h the educational practices and l i v e d experiences o f m y participants. A d o r n o ( 1 9 6 6 / 1 9 7 3 ) argues that where, i n the Enlightenment, certain problems w e r e set aside to prevent a d o g m a t i c authority f r o m deciding o n what eluded rationality, eventually the very existence o f such problems became dismissed o n the basis o f being t o o imprecisely defined. " W h a t may or may not be reflected u p o n , h o w e v e r urgent, is regulated by a m e t h o d blithely m o d e l l e d after the current methods o f exact science. .. E x p e r i e n c e s that balk at being u n e q u i v o c a l l y tagged get a dressing-down: the difficulties they cause are said to be due solely to loose, pre-scientific nomenclature" (p. 211). Similarly, I am interested i n considering h o w the highly rational system o f philosophical training found i n Tibetan ( G e l u g p a ) B u d d h i s t monasteries interacts w i t h the challenges o f the lived experiences o f students engaged i n the training. W h a t , i f anything, is left out? T h e education o f experience is conducted m o r e directly i n the meditative (tantric) tradition, formally studied i n G e l u g p a monasteries o n l y after the c o n c l u s i o n o f the 15-20 year p h i l o s o p h i c a l (sutra) p r o g r a m o f studies. Y e t , students are immersed i n living, not just in meditative experiences, and h o w effectively the system offers insight into those experiences bears significantly o n the ability o f the system t o realize their c o l l e c t i v e and individual wellbeing. Is the rational educational system able t o r e s p o n d to the c o m p l e x i t y o f personal experiences, especially those that elude rational representation like sufferings associated w i t h torture and genocide? W h a t experiences  50  are legitimately addressed i n the system and w h i c h ones are neglected o r marginalized? D o the rational and experiential streams o f the education interrelate, and, i f so, h o w ?  2. The outcome and purpose of knowledge: W h a t are the purposes and ends o f k n o w l e d g e , and do they affect patterns o f educational practice? I n the contemporary m o d e r n W e s t e r n context, k n o w l e d g e tends to be d r i v e n b y e c o n o m i c interests. T h i s is not o n l y a m o t i v e o f the hidden c u r r i c u l u m , but is often explicitly stated i n curricular rationale, even at the primary level i n purportedly child-centred p r o g r a m s .  10  Furthermore, i n spite o f attempts by such notable educational  philosophers as D e w e y ( 1 9 2 9 , 1916/1944) t o place direct experience i n the centre o f curricula, abstract conceptual thought continues to be the desired end o f k n o w l e d g e . S o , a student is a success i f s/he graduates w i t h g o o d ideas (that is, expressed i n essays and grades) and a j o b ! I n B u d d h i s m , by contrast, k n o w l e d g e is v a l u e d most explicitly for its soteriological or liberatory value, and, less explicitly, to b u i l d c o m m u n i t y cohesion. " R i g h t " l i v e l i h o o d is one o f eight aspects o f the " N o b l e E i g h t f o l d P a t h , " the foundation o f the B u d d h i s t educational path. T h e emphasis o f such l i v e l i h o o d concerns p r o c u r i n g the necessities o f l i v i n g t h r o u g h ethical actions. A s T h i c h N h a t H a n h (1998) suggests, it is " a w a y to earn y o u r l i v i n g w i t h o u t transgressing y o u r ideals o f l o v e and c o m p a s s i o n " (p. 113). F u r t h e r m o r e , just as the end o f k n o w l e d g e is to be e m b o d i e d i n body, speech, and m i n d , so is the end o f education. T o  realize k n o w l e d g e , the historical B u d d h a  advocated the threefold path o f hearing, t h i n k i n g and meditating. T h e question o f what it means directly to realize and  embody k n o w l e d g e , and the path to such realization,  pervades b o t h B u d d h i s t , and hence this, study implicitly i f not explicitly. T h e very f o r m o f its c o m p o s i t i o n seeks to be a m i r r o r o f realization.  51  3.  The relation between tradition and modernity in "global" education: T h i s dialogue between reason and direct experience makes its w a y into dialogues,  discussions o r conflicts between what is deemed traditional and m o d e r n i n the " g l o b a l " m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f education. I use the term " g l o b a l " to indicate a large cultural and g e o g r a p h i c span, but w i t h the understanding that there is no m o n o l i t h i c " g l o b a l " phenomenon.  T h e conditions i n w h i c h traditional education systems negotiate  m o d e r n i z a t i o n — w h e t h e r they are creatively open o r imposed—offer an important indicator o f whether such educational development is as a finely masked case o f neoc o l o n i a l cultural and e c o n o m i c invasion, or benign s o c i o - e c o n o m i c "development." C o m p l i c a t i n g the traditions/modernization relationship is the fact that m o d e r n i z a t i o n tends to introduce a particular c o n c e p t i o n o f the nation state that, i n the case o f Tibet, w a s not present p r i o r t o the C h i n e s e o c c u p a t i o n . W h a t are the points o f overlap and tension between the rise o f nationalism, part o f the Tibetan experience o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n , and their attempts to safeguard their traditions o f Tibetan monastic education? I n what w a y are traditions and nationalism compatible and i n what w a y are they i n conflict?  4. Gender in Tibetan monastic and global education: M y p r i n c i p a l research site is a nunnery. G l o b a l development creates particular struggles for w o m e n , w h o often gain m u c h greater access to education and personal development o n l y to find themselves i n direct conflict w i t h traditional responsibilities to conserve ethnicity, traditions, and c o m m u n i t y w e l l b e i n g against the deleterious effects o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n . D o l m a L i n g is a c o m m u n i t y o f w o m e n , t h o u g h some students prefer t o refer to themselves exclusively as "nuns" rather than w o m e n . B y whatever name, they are being educated for the first time historically i n the traditional monastic c u r r i c u l u m , a  52  are b e i n g educated for the first t i m e h i s t o r i c a l l y i n the t r a d i t i o n a l m o n a s t i c c u r r i c u l u m , a shift that has c o m e t h r o u g h forces o f m o d e r n i t y and g l o b a l i z a t i o n . W h a t c o n f l i c t s do w o m e n i n particular face i n negotiating m o d e r n i t y and tradition i n a m o n a s t i c e d u c a t i o n a l c u r r i c u l u m ? A l s o , after s t r u g g l i n g to g a i n equal access to a system o f e d u c a t i o n f r o m w h i c h they h i s t o r i c a l l y were e x c l u d e d , are the nuns o f D o l m a L i n g able to adapt it to serve their l e a r n i n g styles, desires and needs? C a n the c u r r i c u l u m be c o n s i d e r e d " g e n d e r e d " i n the m a s c u l i n e after e x c l u d i n g w o m e n for m i l l e n n i a f r o m the system? H o w is the e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m c h a n g i n g to suit m o r e effectively female students? A t D o l m a L i n g , h o w does the presence o f a m o d e r n (that is, A n g l o - I n d i a n c o l o n i a l - b a s e d ) secular c u r r i c u l u m i m p a c t o n processes o f c u r r i c u l a r change i n the m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l B u d d h i s t c u r r i c u l u m ? H o w do gender and nationalistic interests, i n particular the l i b e r a t i o n o f T i b e t f r o m the C h i n e s e o c c u p a t i o n , correspond or c o n f l i c t ? G i v e n 2 0 % o f the nuns w e r e i m p r i s o n e d and tortured for p o l i t i c a l actions i n T i b e t , their n a t i o n a l i s t i c sentiments are strong. D o these extend to a desire for e m a n c i p a t i o n as w o m e n ? These are important considerations to untangle so that w e m i g h t understand better the i m p a c t o f g l o b a l e d u c a t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t o n the q u a l i t y o f w o m e n ' s experience.  5.  Intercivilization conversations on "freedom" and "creativity": In what w a y c a n a resuscitated c o n c e p t i o n o f e d u c a t i o n as a path to a m o r e  e c o l o g i c a l a p p r e c i a t i o n o f freedom and c r e a t i v i t y help realize forms o f d e v e l o p m e n t that enhance the q u a l i t y rather than the quantity o f experience? B y " e c o l o g i c a l " I m e a n a f o r m o f freedom and c r e a t i v i t y based i n an understanding o f the interdependence and situatedness o f a l l experience. T h e a b i l i t y to attend to experience m o r e d e e p l y c a n be learned s u c h that one gets m o r e pleasure out o f c o n s u m i n g less. In a related v e i n , i n what  53  w a y can education c o m e closer to offering students greater degrees o f satisfaction and w e l l b e i n g ? H o w do c o m p e t i n g modernist/traditional interpretations o f freedom play themselves out i n the context o f I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t educational reform? H o w do post-modernist and pre-modern (for example, B u d d h i s t ) v i e w s compare? H o w are creativity and change negotiated w i t h i n such an educational system, and what are the circumstances that appear to facilitate or restrict such creativity?  II.  Tibetan education: Historical and contemporary contexts T h e p r i n c i p a l impetus for this study came f r o m a deep desire to understand and  c o m m u n i c a t e m y experience o f the T i b e t a n religion, people, and culture. I n this respect, I d o not l o o k t h r o u g h the lens o f Tibetans and I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s m as just one a m o n g many interesting cases. T h e y are a people w h o have conserved a highly rational and erudite literate tradition against centuries o f Islamic, W e s t e r n and Chinese c o l o n i a l expansionary incursions. O n l y i n the latter h a l f o f this century has T i b e t c o m e under significant m o d e r n i z i n g influences, and then o n l y under circumstances i n w h i c h change w a s brutally i m p o s e d rather than w i l l i n g l y adopted through the imperialistic p o l i c i e s o f the Chinese C o m m u n i s t regime. F o r Tibetans, it is a painful irony o f history that the o c c u p a t i o n and c o l o n i z a t i o n o f their country t o o k place at the very time the rest o f the w o r l d w a s extricating itself f r o m c o l o n i a l i s m .  11  Y e t , it has meant they have faced highly  unusual and largely supportive circumstances i n exile, where n o w many o f the traditions so painstakingly conserved have adapted w i t h i n an A n g l o - I n d i a n i z e d and A m e r i c a n i z e d context. I n India, Tibetans skilfully negotiate their interests i n a m o d e r n , p o s t - c o l o n i a l  54  circumstance, trading a r i c h cultural and spiritual resource for e c o n o m i c , institutional, political and cultural s u r v i v a l .  12  A. Historical context: B u d d h i s m d e v e l o p e d i n India f r o m the 5 century B C E until the 1 3 century C E , t h  t h  w h e n it was effectively eliminated f r o m India, most probably as a consequence o f a series o f external (for example, M o g u l aggression) and internal factors (for example, disciplinary d e g e n e r a t i o n ) . 13  It w a s n ' t until as late as the 8 century C E that it made its t h  w a y into the high altitude plateau o f Tibet, w h i c h w a s then dominated b y an animistic r e l i g i o n called Bon. Systematic, formal and literate education a c c o m p a n i e d B u d d h i s m t o Tibet, alongside the impetus t o develop a written script based o n the Sanskrit alphabet. B u d d h i s m has relied heavily o n its more rational education t o lend it the resiliency and strength t o establish itself across diverse geographical and cultural milieus.  U n l i k e many  other A s i a n religious traditions that remained tied t o a particular culture (for example, H i n d u i s m ) o r relied o n force to a c c o m p l i s h expansion (for example, C h r i s t i a n i t y o r Islam), B u d d h i s m expanded across a large area principally t h r o u g h education—that is, t h r o u g h teachers, texts, and p h i l o s o p h i c a l debates and t e a c h i n g s .  14  A l t h o u g h feats o f  supposed m a g i c and mystery enhanced B u d d h i s m ' s appeal t o the p o p u l a r imagination, it w a s systematic education and monastic institutions that secured its existence i n the face o f inevitable and often ruthless political and cultural struggles. Tibetans identify the 8 century Indian Padmasambhava as the k e y figure t o have t h  i n t r o d u c e d B u d d h i s m i n Tibet. W i t h the support o f the reigning k i n g K h r i - s r o n g ldebtsan (756-797), this Indian B u d d h i s t y o g i o r mahasiddha, often referred t o as G u r u  55  R i n p o c h e , w a s able to teach and impart the most esoteric o f T a n t r i c B u d d h i s t lineages to the T i b e t a n people--what was to b e c o m e the N y i n g m a or " O l d S c h o o l " o f T i b e t a n B u d d h i s m . T h i s lineage was j o i n e d b y three p r e d o m i n a n t lineages i n s u c c e s s i o n — K a r m a K a g y u , S a k y a , and ( K a d a m p a ) G e l u g p a . A s these lineages appeared, some s c h o o l s e m p h a s i z e d m e d i t a t i o n and m y s t i c i s m and others m o n a s t i c d i s c i p l i n e and r e a s o n . 15  T o d a y , s u c h differences are the m o s t m e a n i n g f u l distinctions to be d r a w n b e t w e e n the four p r i n c i p a l sects and their forms o f education, apart f r o m certain r e g i o n a l or l o c a l l o y a l t i e s . A l l s c h o o l s offer monastic education i n both sutra (scholastic, rational) a n d T a n t r a (meditative, m y s t i c a l , i m a g i n a l and experiential), but w i t h significant differences i n emphasis and practice. S o , the N y i n g m a and K a r g y u e m p h a s i z e T a n t r i c m e d i t a t i o n w i t h a " f o u n d a t i o n " focus o n the c o m p l e t i o n o f a series o f s p i r i t u a l m e d i t a t i o n exercises, whereas the S a k y a and G e l u g p a tend to e m p h a s i z e a n a l y t i c a l m e d i t a t i o n and sutra-based t r a i n i n g i n reason a n d debate as their p r i n c i p a l foundation and e d u c a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s .  16  A d m i s s i o n to m o n a s t i c schools was o p e n to a l l strata o f society, except w o m e n , so l o n g as one w a s o r d a i n e d ; furthermore, o n e ' s a b i l i t y to rise up t h r o u g h the educational a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b r a n c h o f the m o n a s t i c system was based l a r g e l y o n m e r i t and o n e ' s a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s i n debate. S o , m o n a s t i c e d u c a t i o n became an important avenue for u p w a r d m o b i l i t y i n T i b e t a n society, w h i c h was otherwise m i r e d i n aristocratic p r i v i l e g e . E v e n then, aristocrats and incarnate lamas (often f r o m h u m b l e f a m i l i e s ) d i d have certain advantages o v e r their cohorts ( G o l d s t e i n , 1989). Success i n scholarship was a necessary step to ensuring the respect and p o w e r needed w i t h i n a m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y to secure, i n turn, p o s i t i o n s o f influence w i t h i n the g o v e r n i n g institutions o f T i b e t . A l t h o u g h l a y p e o p l e o c c u p i e d some cabinet and  56  administrative positions, these individuals w e r e invariably sons o f aristocrats.  T h e most  accessible path to u p w a r d mobility i n T i b e t a n society w a s through the monastic education system, w h e r e intelligence or g o o d fortune c o u l d compensate for less-than-blue b l o o d . T h e most u p w a r d m o b i l i t y was found i n the educational administration o f monasteries, w h i c h i n c l u d e d the abbot and three "religious heads" o r ucho (chanting master, disciplinarian, and principal). T h e managerial administration (financial) tended to be dominated by the children o f aristocrats, and it w a s this g r o u p that tended to have the closest ties w i t h the central government, also dominated by aristocrats ( G o l d s t e i n , 1989, p. 31-32). Nonetheless, the u p w a r d mobility that d i d exist i n the monastic system made its education o f great social value, i n spite o f its being m o r e p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h abstruse points o f epistemology and p h i l o s o p h y than w i t h issues o f political and social theory. A l t h o u g h the meditative tradition encouraged w i t h d r a w a l and reclusivity, the scholarly education system d e v e l o p e d a c o m p l e x and reciprocal relationship w i t h the secular p o w e r s and state. F o r these and other reasons, the system became entrenched and unprepared to face shifting circumstances. Furthermore, t h o u g h the dialectical debate and scholastic tradition had merits, its association w i t h the secular state gave it m o r e p o w e r and influence than w a s justified by its scholarly and pedagogical value. In some cases such p o w e r was exercised against other less " s c h o l a r l y " and " m o n a s t i c " schools, as in the J o n a n g or later i n the N y i n g m a c a s e s .  17  T h e effect o f the political alignments between monastic society and the C h i n e s e emperors, v i a the institution o f the D a l a i L a m a , added to the highly scholastic education o f the monastic system, w a s the progressive separation literate/monastic f r o m secular/lay communities i n Tibet. E v e n inside monasteries, literacy education i n v o l v e d an emphasis  57  o n reading rather than o n w r i t i n g , w h i c h encouraged the transmission rather than creative adaptation o f the Indian B u d d h i s t system as it became established i n T i b e t a n monastic culture. F u r t h e r m o r e , the male monastic c o m m u n i t y was considerably larger than the female, thereby gendering the secular/monastic separation by leaving a larger p r o p o r t i o n o f the lay c o m m u n i t y female. T h e further gendering o f literary/oral cultural distinctions w a s bolstered b y the fact that the nuns d i d not participate i n the literate education enjoyed b y m o n k s , thereby tending to accentuate the separation even further. became equated w i t h  Indo-Tibetan B u d d h i s t [male] s c h o l a r s h i p .  T i b e t a n scholarship  18  L a y people have access to less formal o r a l teachings g i v e n by lamas, generally i n large, p u b l i c gatherings, but o n subjects quite distinct f r o m the monastic education tradition. A l t h o u g h m o n k s and nuns often j o i n the audiences for such teachings, these studies are perceived to constitute informal rather than formal education for the m o n k s and nuns. In the G e l u g p a lineage, the g r o u p o f B u d d h i s t teachings c o m m o n l y presented to such lay, p u b l i c gatherings are commentaries o n  Atisha's Lctmrim or " L a m p for the  P a t h t o E n l i g h t e n m e n t " teachings. A t i s h a (982-1054) was an Indian m o n k w h o came to Tibet i n the 1 1  t h  century; he distrusted the highly scholastic and rational tradition o f  dialectical debate, then p o p u l a r i n Indian monasteries (Dreyfus, 1997, p. 2 1 - 2 3 ) . A t i s h a believed it w a s m o r e important to apply B u d d h i s t teachings to the experience o f daily life in Tibet t h r o u g h analytical reflections o n such topics as k a r m a , suffering, impermanence, and the rare and precious h u m a n birth. W h i l e lay people d i d have access to formal instruction o f this nature, they w e r e largely excluded from the m o r e scholarly activities o f monasteries and hence remained largely non-literate w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f members o f a few aristocratic families. Indeed, no viable secular system o f education emerged i n Tibet  58  until l o n g after the Chinese o c c u p a t i o n o f 1949. U n t i l then, o n l y the most p r i v i l e g e d o f L h a s a aristocrats sent their children either to basic training programs for p u b l i c servants in L h a s a or outside Tibet to Darjeeling or other H i m a l a y a n hill stations to attend Jesuitr u n schools. T h i s further secured the political and secular p o w e r o f the monasteries over the administration o f Tibet, and contributed, many Tibetans believe, to their vulnerable position in 1 9 4 9 .  19  Since H H the 3 r d D a l a i L a m a i n the 1 6  th  century, the G e l u g p a s maintained  administrative c o n t r o l o v e r Tibet, w h i c h was nonetheless so decentralized that such influence w a s difficult to meaningfully secure except i n the r e g i o n o f the capital o f L h a s a (the capital d u r i n g and after the reign o f the 5  t h  D a l a i L a m a ) . T h e conservative  administration o f T i b e t p r i o r to 1949 served to keep c o l o n i a l and m o d e r n i z i n g influences out o f T i b e t t h r o u g h explicit policies, such as encouraging border regions not t o feed or support any foreigners crossing f r o m the H i m a l a y a s .  20  These attitudes and policies kept  large C h r i s t i a n missions and other c o l o n i a l institutions o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n out o f Tibet. T h e first significant c o l o n i a l i n c u r s i o n into Tibet came i n 1904 w i t h the E n g l i s h B r i t i s h invasion, and later i n 1910 w i t h the Chinese invasion that forced the 1 3 D a l a i L a m a into th  exile under the p r o t e c t i o n o f B r i t i s h - I n d i a until 1913.  S o , w h i l e there w a s some  k n o w l e d g e o f the w o r l d b e y o n d their borders, Tibetans conserved a protective distance f r o m the events o f that w o r l d . T h e geography o f Tibet, situated o n a plateau that is o v e r 15,000 ft. high, made such an isolationist p o l i c y easy to enact. T h e o n l y p r o b l e m is that it backfired w h e n , after the 1949 invasion by C o m m u n i s t C h i n a , the w o r l d i g n o r e d the pleas o f Tibetans for assistance, i n c l u d i n g the B r i t i s h w h o w e r e i n a unique p o s i t i o n to vouchsafe and p r o m o t e T i b e t ' s statehood status to the U n i t e d N a t i o n s .  2 1  Indeed, it w a s  the Irish, perhaps p r o p e l l e d b y their w o u n d e d historical relations w i t h the B r i t i s h , w h o finally i n t r o d u c e d the subject o f C h i n a ' s i n v a s i o n o f T i b e t o n t o the floor o f the U N A s s e m b l y in 1961.  B. Contemporary context: 1. Tibet: F o l l o w i n g the intensification o f the C h i n e s e o c c u p a t i o n o f T i b e t after the L h a s a uprising o f 1959, over 120,000 Tibetans went into exile as refugees, seeming to fulfill Padmasambhava's 8  t h  century prophesy portending that, " w h e n the I r o n B i r d flies and  horses run o n wheels, the Tibetan people w i l l be scattered like ants across the w o r l d . " In 1959, L h a s a w a s b o m b e d and, thereafter, what w a s left o f the monasteries w a s further dismantled before and d u r i n g the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n between 1966-1976. It is estimated that o v e r one m i l l i o n p e o p l e  22  o f a total Tibetan p o p u l a t i o n o f six m i l l i o n died d u r i n g the  years o f the invasion and C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n from violence, persecution and the starvation resulting f r o m failed collectivization. B e f o r e 1959, the number o f m o n k s is estimated t o have been between 1 6 % t o 2 5 % o f the t o t a l male p o p u l a t i o n .  23  E v e n the  p r o p o r t i o n o f nuns, t h o u g h substantially l o w e r , represented the largest c o m m u n i t y o f nuns i n the world—27,000 nuns o c c u p y i n g 818 nunneries concentrated i n the provinces o f U t s a n g and K h a m , w i t h a small number f r o m A m d o .  2 4  In spite o f the fact that p r i o r to the Chinese o c c u p a t i o n most monastic and lay p e o p l e alike led a materially challenged, subsistence existence i n T i b e t , afterwards 25  Chinese persecution focussed o n nuns and m o n k s i n particular. B e t w e e n 1950 and 1970, those few w h o w e r e able to survive d i d so by g o i n g into exile or by g i v i n g up their  60  m o n a s t i c lifestyle. A t the same t i m e , their nunneries and monasteries were destroyed en masse and their r e l i g i o u s art objects p i l l a g e d . O n l y 300 o f T i b e t ' s o r i g i n a l 6,000 monasteries r e m a i n standing, and m a n y o f those have been rebuilt i n the last 15 years. A c c e s s to these monasteries is t i g h t l y c o n t r o l l e d and restricted, so that the desire to b e c o m e a m o n k or n u n i n no w a y assures one c a n do so ( T C H R D , 1997, p . 42). I n e x i l e , m a n y o f the G e l u g p a nuns (the most p o p u l o u s s c h o o l ) ended up at G a d e n C h o e l i n g N u n n e r y i n D h a r a m s a l a . O n e o f these nuns describes these years: " T h e C h i n e s e at the t i m e o f their w o r s t atrocities d i d not o n l y destroy o u r nunneries, they also w e n t to great length to eradicate the v e r y concept o f n u n h o o d f r o m the m i n d s o f T i b e t a n w o m e n , but i n v a i n . It l i v e s o n i n m a n y o f our sisters i n T i b e t , and those o f us w h o were able to escape to I n d i a and those w h o have not e v e n b e c o m e aware o f it yet" ( D e v i n e , p . 17). In 1980, d u r i n g a fact-finding v i s i t to T i b e t , the C o m m u n i s t P a r t y general secretary H u Y a o b a n g f o u n d T i b e t a n infrastructure p i t i f u l l y inadequate, the e c o n o m y i n r u i n s f o l l o w i n g f o r c e d c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , and the m o r a l e o f the p e o p l e devastated. H e is p u r p o r t e d to have t o l d Party cadres: " T h i s r e m i n d s m e o f c o l o n i a l i s m " ( S c h w a r t z , 1994, p. 15). A s a result, he r e c o m m e n d e d a s i x - p o i n t r e f o r m p o l i c y for T i b e t that i n c l u d e d r e v i v i n g T i b e t a n culture, e d u c a t i o n , and science " w i t h i n the socialist f r a m e w o r k " (p. 15). It r e c o g n i z e d the difference between the C h i n e s e and T i b e t a n cultures and made p o s s i b l e a r e v i v a l o f r e l i g i o u s a n d educational practices that h a d been v i o l e n t l y suppressed i n the p r e c e d i n g decades. D u r i n g the e n s u i n g years, serious negotiations began w i t h H H the D a l a i L a m a to return to T i b e t , w h o sent his brother and sister as h i s delegates to c h e c k c o n d i t i o n s i n T i b e t i n the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s . Thereafter began the dramatic r e v i v a l o f r e l i g i o n a n d a p e r i o d o f nationalist i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n a g a i n headed b y the m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y .  61  D u r i n g the early and m i d - 1 9 8 0 ' s , Tibetans w e r e able to b e g i n reconstructing s o m e o f the nunneries a n d monasteries w h i l e r e s u m i n g some fundamental c o m p o n e n t s o f the traditional c u r r i c u l u m under the w a t c h f u l eye o f c o m m u n i s t party cadres. B y 1987, w i t h the n u m b e r o f nuns and m o n k s s w e l l i n g , o r g a n i z e d protests and demonstrations began i n L h a s a , w h i c h were v i o l e n t l y suppressed b y C h i n e s e m i l i t a r y forces. N u n s a n d m o n k s became central figures i n these protests, as n a t i o n a l i s m and r e l i g i o n became u n i q u e l y c o m b i n e d i n the life and lifestyle choices o f Tibetans. A s these protests intensified t h r o u g h 1989, the T i a n a n m e n Square tragedy and the a w a r d i n g o f the N o b e l P r i z e for Peace to H H the D a l a i L a m a l e d to the c l o s i n g o f the borders o f T i b e t to t o u r i s m and a further i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f m i l i t a r y o p p r e s s i o n . In the e n s u i n g years, the C h i n e s e r e g i m e focused their s o c i a l c o n t r o l p o l i c i e s and practices o n the nunneries and m o n a s t e r i e s .  26  T h i s c u l m i n a t e d i n the b a n n i n g o f H H the D a l a i L a m a ' s photo a n d the extensive ree d u c a t i o n p r o g r a m o f the m i d - 1 9 9 0 ' s w h e n s u r v e i l l a n c e teams o f party cadres i n h a b i t e d m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t i e s , e x p e l l e d dissident m o n k s and nuns, and i n t r o d u c e d a d d i t i o n a l courses o n c o m m u n i s t propaganda. A d m i s s i o n to monasteries and nunneries w a s 27  severely restricted  and m a n y a s p i r i n g or e x p e l l e d nuns and m o n k s were forced to leave  T i b e t to pursue the t r a d i t i o n a l B u d d h i s t m o n a s t i c education i n I n d i a . D u r i n g these years, a system o f p u b l i c and private secular e d u c a t i o n d e v e l o p e d under the ( P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a , PRC, c o n t r o l l e d ) g o v e r n m e n t ' s s u p e r v i s i o n . A c c e s s to e d u c a t i o n i n the T i b e t a n language is l i m i t e d for the most part to the first f e w years o f elementary s c h o o l i n g , w h i l e m o s t secondary and post-secondary e d u c a t i o n continues to be c o n d u c t e d i n M a n d a r i n . A s o u t l i n e d i n a study c o n d u c t e d b y the T i b e t a n Centre for H u m a n R i g h t s and D e m o c r a c y ( T C H R D , 1997), these d i s c r i m i n a t o r y language  62  policies c o m b i n e w i t h culturally invasive curricular contents to undermine the T i b e t a n language, culture and r e l i g i o n .  28  T i b e t a n history and culture are steadfastly i g n o r e d i n the  c u r r i c u l u m , and w h e n they are present, they are denigrated i n an i d e o l o g i c a l manner.  The  T C H R D reports that 9 3 % o f the children they i n t e r v i e w e d received no education i n T i b e t a n history or culture d u r i n g their years o f s c h o o l i n g inside Tibet (p. 46).  Also,  T i b e t a n c h i l d r e n have been targeted for brutal c o r p o r a l punishment t y p i c a l o f racist attitudes and p o l i c i e s i n c o l o n i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s .  29  A d d i n g to this mistrust o f the C h i n e s e  d o m i n a t e d education system is the fact that many academically successful T i b e t a n students have been r e m o v e d f r o m their families and taken to M a i n l a n d C h i n a .  3 0  When  they return, they are often hired i n entry-level positions as p r i s o n guards to oversee the punishment o f T i b e t a n political p r i s o n e r s . 31  A s a response to this abuse, and out o f a desire to conserve their language and culture, T i b e t a n parents, even senior government cadres, have c o n t i n u e d to send their children, sometimes u n a c c o m p a n i e d , into exile i n India w h e r e they are educated and cared for by the exile c o m m u n i t y . O n e 12 year o l d b o y interviewed by T C H R D (1997) w a s sent to D h a r a m s a l a " i n order to receive education and because his parents feared that i f he spoke only C h i n e s e i n s c h o o l he w o u l d lose his T i b e t a n B a c k g r o u n d . H e w a s also afraid o f ill-treatment by the C h i n e s e " (p. 68). I n this case, the b o y had been punished severely i n his s c h o o l i n g i n Tibet, "lashed w i t h a rubber w h i p " o n his bare b o t t o m repeatedly. O n one o c c a s i o n , a Chinese student tripped o n h i m and said he had done it intentionally. T h e teacher made the T i b e t a n b o y get sand w h i c h he m i x e d w i t h b r o k e n glass and water. " I then had to kneel for one h o u r this m u d . T h e glass cut into m y knees and into m y feet. It hurt very m u c h and m y knees w e r e bleeding. .. .1 still dream about it.  63  H e w a s subsequently sent t o a hospital where he received stitches and remained f o r a m o n t h w i t h a related infection. A n o t h e r T i b e t a n b o y w h o received a similar punishment ended b y h a v i n g his l e g amputated.  S o , Tibetan parents continue t o send their children  into exile f o r an education. I n turn, the Chinese administration i n Tibet has banned sending c h i l d r e n t o Indian schools and enacted severe penalties f o r those w h o defy the ban.  3 2  B y eliminating access t o education i n the T i b e t a n language, history and culture,  senior Chinese p o l i c y - m a k e r s intend t o eradicate T i b e t a n nationalism b y u n d e r m i n i n g the culture (see ICJ  Report of 1997; o r Tibetan Information Network).  2. In exile in India, Nepal, and elsewhere: T h e r e are n o w T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t nunneries, monasteries a n d branch monasteries established throughout India, N e p a l , and i n v a r i o u s sites i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , E u r o p e , A u s t r a l i a a n d elsewhere. T h e three large G e l u g p a monastic universities (Sera, G a n d e n , and D r e p u n g ) were established i n S o u t h India, and house about 5,000 m o n k s each, many o f w h o m c o m e v o l u n t a r i l y o r are sent b y their parents f r o m Tibet. These monasteries offer secular p r o g r a m s for y o u n g m o n k s , as w e l l as the traditional p h i l o s o p h i c a l debate c u r r i c u l u m . T h e dialectical debate p r o g r a m takes about 15 years t o complete, and culminates i n a geshe degree.  T h e most distinguished o f the geshe degrees is the geshe  lharampa. A f t e r graduating w i t h a geshe degree, the most serious w i l l attend a t w o - y e a r post-graduate p r o g r a m i n T a n t r i c meditation i n one o f t w o T a n t r i c c o l l e g e s — G y u m e i n S o u t h India o r G y u t o i n N o r t h w e s t e r n India (there is a n e w branch i n the K a n g r a valley). M u c h o f this t w o - y e a r p e r i o d is spent i n meditation. O t h e r m o n k s graduate f r o m the debate p r o g r a m and g o o n t o b e c o m e administrators o r teachers at the monastery, and m o r e recently it has b e c o m e very popular t o g o t o the W e s t , especially t o the U . S . A .  64  T h e r e continue to be a smaller number o f nunneries, and those are concentrated i n N o r t h e r n India. M o s t o f these nunneries are administered or supported by the T i b e t a n N u n s ' Project, a j o i n t W e s t e r n and Tibetan w o m e n ' s initiative to support the nuns.  The  c u r r i c u l a vary i n emphasis, but many have instituted traditional debate programs, t h o u g h as yet no n u n has been graduated w i t h a geshe degree.  M a n y combine secular courses  w i t h the m o r e traditional subjects and activities. O t h e r nunneries, such as the N y i n g m a Shungsep N u n n e r y i n Dharamsala, emphasize rituals or meditation. A l s o , there is a g r o w i n g interest i n service vocations a m o n g nuns and m o n k s , a recent i n n o v a t i o n and possibly a result o f increasing exposure to the C a t h o l i c m o d e l o f monastic l i f e .  33  T h e secular system o f Tibetan private and p u b l i c schools became as extensively d e v e l o p e d as the monastic programs early o n i n the establishment o f the T i b e t a n exile c o m m u n i t i e s in N e p a l and India. U n d e r N e h r u ' s direction i n 1961, the Indian government immediately designated numerous large p u b l i c schools for T i b e t a n refugee children, as for example those found i n D a l h o u s i e and Darjeeling (Samten, 1994, p. 20). A t the same time, H H the D a l a i L a m a established a successful n e t w o r k o f private residential schools called T i b e t a n C h i l d r e n ' s V i l l a g e s for those left orphaned b y the large number o f Tibetans w h o died i n Tibet and during the early years i n exile in India and N e p a l . T o d a y , Tibetans continue to send their children into exile to be educated i n these T C V s , many o f w h o m return to Tibet after graduating. B y 1985, most students attended one o f the 35 p u b l i c T i b e t a n schools j o i n t l y administered by the T i b e t a n Department o f E d u c a t i o n i n D h a r a m s a l a ( D O E ) and the (Indian) Central Tibetan S c h o o l s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . T h e D O E independently funded and administered 16 other schools, w h i l e 14 privately funded schools such as the T C V s continue to be administered  65  independently. A t the same time, there were 15,000 students out o f a total p o p u l a t i o n o f 100,000, w h i c h suggests they enjoyed near-universal e d u c a t i o n .  34  T h e c u r r i c u l u m i n the  T i b e t a n schools, b o t h p u b l i c and private, e m p l o y e d E n g l i s h as the language o f instruction until the early 1990's w h e n there began a Tibetanization p r o g r a m i n many elementary schools (Samten, 1994). T h e c u r r i c u l u m is based o n the Indian system, w h i c h w a s fashioned o n the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l system o f education w i t h its W e s t e r n o r g a n i z a t i o n o f subjects and teaching styles, w i t h some l o c a l content. India continues officially or unofficially to tolerate the arrival o f " e d u c a t i o n a l " refugees  35  f r o m Tibet, i n spite o f the consistent and sometimes virulent o p p o s i t i o n o f the  M a i n l a n d C h i n e s e government.  T h e reasons for this support are c o m p l e x , and include  the h i s t o r i c a l spiritual and cultural connections between Indian and Tibet, and the o n g o i n g political tensions between India and C h i n a .  3 6  Y o u n g children, m o n k s and nuns  are still able to stay w i t h o u t interference from the Indian government, t h o u g h they may find it difficult getting documents to travel outside o f India. In the last decade, a large number o f uneducated or p o o r l y educated T i b e t a n y o u t h (that is, 16-25 year olds) have c o m e to I n d i a i n search o f education. T h e Indian government tends to tolerate these y o u t h , w h o have n o official r e c o g n i z e d refugee status. T h e y are housed and a c c o m m o d a t e d i n one o f a number o f craft and education centres designed to train and educate them. These institutions keep the local officials at bay by bribery and d i p l o m a c y , such that i f and w h e n their p r o g r a m ends, i f they haven't secured a j o b and permit, the T i b e t a n students have little recourse but to leave India (to the U S A , E u r o p e , o r back to Tibet).  37  66  3.  Dolma Ling: T h e p r i n c i p a l site o f m y research w a s D o l m a L i n g N u n n e r y and Institute o f  D i a l e c t i c s . It w a s established i n the early 1990s to respond to the increased n u m b e r o f nuns c o m i n g into e x i l e i n pursuit o f r e l i g i o u s and educational freedom. S o m e o f these n u n s — r o u g h l y 2 0 % today—spent t i m e i n p r i s o n , m a n y o f w h o m were tortured d u r i n g that p e r i o d . Others were e x p e l l e d f r o m nunneries or unable to g a i n a d m i s s i o n to nunneries w h o s e n u m b e r s were t i g h t l y restricted d u r i n g this t i m e . A large n u m b e r o f the n u n s — 6 0 % at the t i m e — c a m e as part o f a large group o f nuns and m o n k s w h o c o m p l e t e d a t w o - y e a r prostration p i l g r i m a g e across T i b e t f r o m far-eastern K h a m , o n l y to be d e n i e d entrance to L h a s a , their destination. S o , instead they went into e x i l e late 38  i n 1990 to Sarnath, w h e r e H H the D a l a i L a m a was g i v i n g a K a l a c h a k r a I n i t i a t i o n .  I  attended that K a l a c h a k r a , and afterwards went o n to D h a r a m s a l a w h e r e I first met the nuns where they were t e m p o r a r i l y housed. O n e year later I j o i n e d t h e m i n the K a n g r a V a l l e y w h e r e I taught t h e m E n g l i s h and o v e r s a w their i m m e d i a t e m e d i c a l referrals and first-aid needs. T h e nunnery n o w has property and n e w l y constructed b u i l d i n g s w h i c h 39  continue to e x p a n d . M o s t o f the c o n s t r u c t i o n was f i n a n c e d b y W e s t e r n donors. T h e nunnery is a d m i n i s t e r e d j o i n t l y b y the T i b e t a n N u n s ' Project ( T i b e t a n w o m e n , l a y a n d o r d a i n e d , as w e l l as W e s t e r n l a y w o m e n ) and a nunnery a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( P r i n c i p a l , teachers, accountant, drivers, c o o k s , and so on). D u r i n g m y research tenure there, the P r i n c i p a l w a s G e n . P e m a T s e w a n g Shastri w h o h a d spent years as a T C V p r i n c i p a l i n K u l u - M a n a l i . H e instituted and integrated a c o m p r e h e n s i v e secular system w i t h the m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l p h i l o s o p h i c a l debate p r o g r a m . T h i s is u n u s a l g i v e n m o s t secular p r o g r a m s , i f present at a l l i n m o n a s t i c institutions, are kept quite distinct f r o m the  67  B u d d h i s t d i a l e c t i c a l debate p r o g r a m . T h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n based D o l m a L i n g ' s debate c u r r i c u l u m o n that d e v e l o p e d i n the e q u a l l y i n n o v a t i v e D i a l e c t i c S c h o o l i n D h a r a m s a l a , f r o m w h i c h it draws m a n y teachers, and i n the southern m o n a s t i c u n i v e r s i t i e s . T h e nunnery struggles to find and to keep b o t h secular and p h i l o s o p h i c a l debate teachers, i n spite o f its beautiful l o c a t i o n and f a i r l y generous salaries. A l t h o u g h a large n u m b e r o f m o n k s graduate w i t h geshe degrees every year, as yet D o l m a L i n g has h a d no debate teacher w i t h a geshe degree. T h i s is a continuous struggle and c o n c e r n for the administrators o f the nunnery. There are c o m p l e x reasons for the d i f f i c u l t y D o l m a L i n g has e x p e r i e n c e d getting and h o l d i n g onto q u a l i f i e d B u d d h i s t debate and p h i l o s o p h y teachers, but there is little q u e s t i o n that at root the p r o b l e m is s e x i s m . T h e education o f nuns is b e i n g i m p r o v e d a n d financed l a r g e l y t h r o u g h the support and pressure o f W e s t e r n ( w o m e n ) donors.  While  there is a stable a n d c o m m i t t e d n u m b e r o f l a y Tibetans i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f D o l m a L i n g a n d the u m b r e l l a T i b e t a n N u n s ' Project, they are a s m a l l n u m b e r (five o r s i x ) . Part o f the d i f f i c u l t y is the fact that T i b e t a n nuns o n l y h o l d novitiate o r d i n a t i o n because the f u l l - o r d i n a t i o n lineage o f nuns d i e d out i n T i b e t . S o , T i b e t a n p e o p l e b e l i e v e that the m e r i t a c c r u e d f r o m h e l p i n g nuns is less than the m e r i t a c c r u e d f r o m h e l p i n g m o n k s . W h i l e the nuns tend to a l i g n themselves w i t h the c o m m u n i t y o f m o n k s , i n m y t i m e i n Sera M o n a s t e r y , I d i d not find the m a l e monastics reciprocated those sentiments as a general rule. T h e r e are, o f course, exceptions. O n e m o n k w h o teaches the nuns, a graduate o f the D i a l e c t i c S c h o o l and hence not a geshe, w a s v e r y c o m m i t t e d and appeared to see it as a permanent j o b . T h e indifference o f the m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y to the p l i g h t o f the nuns c a n e v e n b e c o m e belligerent w h e n faced w i t h the prospect o f the nuns  68  b e c o m i n g geshes ( f r o m a c o n v e r s a t i o n I h a d w i t h a Sera m o n k ) . T h e southern monasteries w i l l need to agree to graduate any nuns as geshes w h o c o m p l e t e the full m o n a s t i c e d u c a t i o n process, so this issue m u s t be m o r e d i r e c t l y addressed at some point. A t present, the n u n s ' p r i n c i p a l m o n a s t i c a l l y seems to be H H the D a l a i L a m a , w h i c h is o f great s i g n i f i c a n c e but regrettably insufficient. T h e p r i n c i p a l tenure o f m y research at D o l m a L i n g w a s b e t w e e n O c t o b e r o f 1997 a n d June o f 1998. D u r i n g the w i n t e r months ( D e c . 15-Jan 3 1 ) 1 went to the south to v i s i t S e r a m o n a s t i c u n i v e r s i t y a n d to the n o r t h to v i s i t B o d h G a y a , w h e r e H H the D a l a i L a m a w a s g i v i n g teachings o n B u d d h i s m a n d B u d d h i s t p h i l o s o p h y . D u r i n g m y p e r i o d o f tenure at D o l m a L i n g , there w e r e about 150 nuns registered at the nunnery. 1 0 % o f those nuns w e r e f r o m the I n d i a n a n d other n o n - T i b e t a n H i m a l a y a n states; a l l the r e m a i n i n g n u n s w e r e refugees f r o m Tibet—a s m a l l p o r t i o n o f d a y students but m o s t f u l l - t i m e residents. T h e n u n n e r y w a s b u i l d i n g several n e w residential w i n g s at the t i m e , but the c o n s t r u c t i o n w o r k w a s p r o g r e s s i n g s l o w l y . I n a d d i t i o n , there w e r e c l a s s r o o m s , a t e m p l e , a l i b r a r y , offices, w o r k s h o p space, a guesthouse, staff h o u s i n g , gardens, a k i t c h e n , a n d a d i n i n g r o o m (see photos). N e x t d o o r is the large T i b e t a n arts c o m m u n i t y , store, m u s e u m and t e m p l e , N o r b u l i n g a . B e y o n d that is the s m a l l I n d i a n c o m m u n i t y o f M o l i , and, b e y o n d that, i n one d i r e c t i o n , D h a r a m s a l a a n d the T i b e t a n c o m m u n i t y o f M c L e o d - G a n j , and i n the other, the c i t y o f K a n g r a . I have i n c l u d e d photographs to c o n v e y the e m b o d i e d nature o f the debate a n d T a n t r i c arts (for e x a m p l e , the mandala). G i v e n the importance o f c o l o u r a n d direct experience i n this dissertation, I felt it important to g i v e the reader some f l a v o u r o f the r i c h textures, c o l o u r s a n d experiences difficult to c o n v e y i n w o r d s alone. E d u c a t i o n a l  69  practices that k n o w f e w analogies i n the W e s t e r n system, l i k e mandalas a n d d i a l e c t i c debate, are m u c h easier to appreciate w h e n e x p e r i e n c e d v i s u a l l y o r d i r e c t l y , to c o m p l e m e n t the m o r e abstract explanations a n d t e x t s .  40  A l t h o u g h this study began as a n  ethnography, it has b e c o m e so permeated w i t h B u d d h i s m that it has b e c o m e m o r e o f a h y b r i d B u d d h i s t - s o c i a l scientific m e t h o d . S o , i n the next chapter, I introduce B u d d h i s t theories o f v a l i d i t y ( v i s - a - v i s reason a n d direct experience) a n d s o m e o f its practices o f c o m p a s s i o n a n d m i n d f u l n e s s to articulate a f o r m o f research that is m o r e c o m p a t i b l e w i t h B u d d h i s m . N o t o n l y have I done so to h a r m o n i z e it w i t h the v i e w s a n d values o f those I a m s t u d y i n g , but also because I a m c o n v i n c e d that the B u d d h i s t understanding o f l e a r n i n g and e d u c a t i o n has s o m e t h i n g to offer s o c i a l research a n d e d u c a t i o n i n general.  70  Notes:  I attended a talk Tiezzi gave at Cortona, Italy during the "Science and Wholism" conference convened there by ETH-Zurich in Sept. 1999. He discussed this and other topics related to ecology and time. John Wolf Brennan, who also attended this talk, sent this translation to me via email (hence no page noted). See Jean Jacques Rousseau (1964, 1987/1996) for some classic representations of the Romantic view of a more organic and developmental view of time and experience. In Rousseau's (1964) Julie, for instance, the author argues: "'Nature,' continued Julie, 'means children to be children before they become men. If we deviate from this order, we produce a forcedfruit,without taste, maturity, or power of lasting; we make young philosophers and old children. Childhood has ways of seeing, thinking, and feeling peculiar to itself. Nothing is more foolish than to wish to substitute our own: I would sooner expect a child to be five feet in height than to be able to reason at ten years of age" (p. 28). For instance, there is a tendency to see traditions as conservative and modern culture as creative. In fact, all cultures have traditions of creativity and invention. For a discussion of forms of creativity across diverse cultures see Lavie, S. et.al. (1993). Picasso, in a typical spirit of high modernism, said: "The artist must kill his father" (documentary, A&E Biography, 1999/ In a climate in which the novel invention is perceived to be in conflict with, and superiority to, the mastery of tradition, then individual production will come to supplant in importance and value apprenticeship and the sharing of skills and aesthetic appreciation. In such a context, one would predict a devaluation of the arts because of the alienation of audiences and even studentsfromtraditions of invention and creativity. While there was a considerable loosening of controls and sanctions restricting the expression of Tibetan culture in the mid-1980's, the ensuing pro-independence activities led to a systematic targeting of religion and culture as the source of the independence movement and hence of repression. By the mid-1990's, this resulted in the Re-education Program in monasteries. Repression in Tibet tends to be followed by similar policies in Central China. So, for example, following the harsh crackdown on protests in Lhasa in 1987-88 came the Tiannamen Square massacre of 1989, and following the Re-education policies in Tibet begun in 1994 came the crackdown in 1999 on the Falung-gong movement in Central China. For discussions of desire in Buddhism and its application to issues in Western education see my earlier papers (MacPherson 1996, 1997). For discussions of desire in colonial perceptions and practices, see Young (1995) and Stoler (1995). 1 use "modernity" here in the singular to signify the fact that all the various modernities that arose directly or indirectly from the Western Enlightenment participated in some way in addressing these universal "ideals," albeit in very different and even contradictory ways. In his doctoral research, Peter Urmetzer (1999) chronicles this widening gap in Canada. 1 use the plural here to indicate that modernization has taken very different routes across diverse cultures. This is the thesis of an upcoming edition of the journal Daedalus (Spring, 2000) looking at late modernities and of an earlier edition (Summer, 1998) that looked at Early Modernities. Yet as the authors indicate, these originary codes have been altered significantly as forces of modernity moved outside of Europe, where they developed unique cultural and institutional expression. This is the meaning of the pluralized "modernities." As the authors argue, "The cultural codes of modernity... have been shaped by the continuous interaction between the cultural codes of these societies and their exposure to new internal and external challenges" (p. 5). 1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9  This is the case in British Columbia, where the K.-7 Instructional Resource Package, the official curriculum of the province, identifies the creation of human resources as the outcome of the system, even at the kindergarten level. This contradicts the supposed child-centred philosophy of the system, and reflects the conflicts between the contributors to the program, which included business and labour interests in addition to professionals and educators. " One effect of this has been to place the fate of Tibet in the hands of modern institutions like the UN, an organization from which Tibet is excluded because of the very historical isolation that enabled it to conserve its culture and tradition during the colonial period. While Tibetans have no representation on the UN, China, its aggressor, has veto power. So, Tibetans resort to extreme forms of non-violent or selfsacrificial actions to attempt to negotiate their position within the UN (MacPherson, 1998). 10  71  A South African colleague recounted visiting Nepal in the sixties with her husband, where they were met by a surreal scene of Tibetan monks, lamas, and lay people in exodus from Tibet being greeted by young, white Western people collapsing inchoate on cannabis, if not heroine or LSD. How strange the world sometimes seems. This came to me by way of HH the Dalai Lama (personal communication). Apparently the Moslem repression of Buddhism in the 11 and 12 centuries in India was furthered by the perceived profligacy of Buddhism that came with a too loose and open Tantric practice—monks dropping their robes and taking up consorts, drinking alcohol, and manifesting a form of spirituality that went beyond and often transgressed strict, monastic discipline and vows. This made Buddhism very vulnerable to criticism and attack by more abstemious Moguls. This may be true as well for Confucianism, which like Buddhism, can be called "an enlightenment philosophy." Enlightenment philosophies are those based on reason and education, with an end to an appreciation of univeral freedoms, rights, responsibilities, and laws. This is a term applied to Confucianism by Prof. Tu Weiming (1999, personal communication) and to Buddhism by Prof. Robert Thurman (1984). A lineage refers to an unbroken succession of teachers and students, while the school refers to the institutions, texts, educational and meditative practices that emerged around a certain line of interconnected lineages. Dreyfus (1997) makes the same claim in his comparative study of Gelugpa and Nyingma monastic universities in South India. He says the real distinction between the two curricula is the worldview to which students are enculturated~a sutra and tantra worldview, respectively. This may have contributed to the recent tragic conflict between the southern monasteries, principally Seramey and Ganden, and the Office of HH the Dalai Lama, over the latter's attempt to discourage if not ban a particular practice of placating a protector. This practice was seen as aggressively inimical to the Nyingma school, and encouraged what HH the Dalai Lama referred to as "fundamentalism." Gareth Sparham (1998, personal communication) speculates that this fundamentalism was principally the wish to return to a time when the monasteries wielded strong political and secular power. There are some significant though rare exceptions, such as an early, pre-Buddhist animistic text on the signs of the raven (Rabsel, 1998). See Melvyn Goldstein, (1989). This is recounted by Heinrich Herrar (195-) in his book Seven years in Tibet where he and his companion were denied food and provisions shortly after reaching Tibet after escaping an Indian prison during WWII. The negotiations following the British invasion were conducted exclusively between Britain and the government of HH the 13 Dalai Lama. The fact that no Chinese representatives were consulted is a precedent that could have been used to further Tibet's claim that it was a sovereign state invaded by China, and so win the support of the UN. Indeed, the British were in a unique position to understand the basis of Tibetan cultural and territorial claims. Yet, they backed down from supporting the Tibetans in their hour of need, and came to advise Nehru to do likewise to minimize the possibility of aggression from their northern (Tibetan, hence then Chinese) borders. Some figures go as high as 1.2 million people, but such estimates are at best very rough. This figure comes from a pamphlet from the Canada-Tibet Committee in Vancouver. Most of the figures come from such politically-motivated sources. The fact is that it is impossible to arrive at an accurate figure given the lack of a general census and statistics on pre- and post-invasion Tibet. Even today, demographic figures provided by Mainland China are unreliable and should be considered suspect. For example, they only treat "Tibet" as a small plateau region of the territories inhabited by ethnic Tibetans (whose regions include parts of Chinese provinces such as Szechuan Province). These figures tend to underestimate figures on Han and other non-Tibetan population transfer figures, for which they have received international censure. 12  13  th  th  14  15  16  17  18  19  2 0  21  th  2 2  Indeed, one report (TCHRD, 1997) claims that every third child (son?) was sent to a monastery, which would put the figure even higher than that quoted in the text. These figures come from a 1984 report by the Council for Religious and Cultural Affairs of the Tibetan exile government, reproduced in Carol Devine (1993), Determination: Tibetan women & the struggle for an independent Tibet. Appendix A, p. 101. The late Tara Rinpoche (personal communication) told me that he too, even as a senior reincarnate lama, lived through the cold Tibetan winters with little heat and subsistent food and lodging. The Tibetan plateau is a marginal ecosystem, unlike the more highly populated Tibetan-Himalayan valleys of Kham and parts 2 j  2 4  2 5  72  of Amdo. Some of the largest monasteries and universities were situated on the plateau, where there was little water to bathe in, nor opportunity (i.e. respite from the cold) when there was. It is not uncommon for people in Western Tibet to live on barley flour (tsampa) and tea through the winter (Tenzin Atisha, OUR, personal communication). Tibetan continue to have one of the shortest life expectancies in the world; when I taught the nun in 1992, for instance, most of them were 10-15 years younger than me yet many had lost their mothers and were shocked to learn that my grandmother was and continues to be alive. For more detailed explanations of the issues and human rights abuses in Tibet, see Lazar (1994), Schwarz (1994), and Amnesty International (1996). These data comefromTibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy documents, 1) (1997) The next generation: The state of education in Tibet today, p.42-43; and 2) (1998) Fearless Voices: Accounts of Tibetan former political prisoners. In my research, I found this to be true of Utsang and Kham in particular. Amdo has a reputation for being more literate and, perhaps because of their geographical proximity to the Uighers who have access to education in their first language through to post-secondary levels, the Tibetans in this region of what is now Quinhai have access to education in Tibetan up to post-secondary level. Indeed, there is a large teacher education college in Xining, one of the largest cities, where Tibetans learn to be teachers for the numerous public schools that offer classes in the Tibetan language. In exile, it is often these studentsfromAmdo that become the leading journalists, scholars and social critics who are capable of taking on the nationalists project with a critical awareness of Tibetan culture and history. This information comesfroman extensive series of interviews with children sent into exile to be educated by the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Dharamsala (TCHRD), (1997). TCHRD (1997) quotes Chinese sources that state that "29 provinces and municipalities in China had formed 'Inland Tibetan Classes' with a total enrolment of 12,590 Tibetan students, including 6509 of lower middle school, 1604 of senior middle school, 3195 of secondary vocational schools and 1282 of secondary normal schools" (p. 52). As I point out in Chapter 4, one of the more literate and intelligent nuns, who I call Osel Khargyen, had a brother who had been taken to China to be educated. When he returned, he was given a job as a prison guard. She was later put in prison for her political activities, where he would visit her. This shows the divisive effect that politics and education exert on the personal lives of Tibetans. The prison guards used to torture Tibetan political prisoners are often Tibetans, a fact that causes great distress to the prisoners (1992, in my own interviews with the nuns). In an attempt to control this exodus of young Tibetans to Dharamsala for education, the government threatened all government employees with loss of position if they were found to have sent their children into exile (T.I.N.). Traditionally, the service role of monastics was limited to politics and medicine, and education to within the monasteries by and large. Many of the TNP and Tibetan lay administrators of the nunneries have been exposed through education or experience to the model of service orders in Catholicism. Also, there have been repeated exchanges between Roman Catholic orders and Tibetan Buddhist monastic orders in recent years. These may have encouraged the service model of education and training. Also, HH the Dalai Lama encourages some degree of such service. In Dolma Ling, for instance, several nuns are being trained in program to educate monastics to become Tibetan language teachers, and some others are being trained in health care work. These nuns express the desire to be teachers, doctors, and nurses not just for nunneries but in secular society. These days, monks and nuns can be found employed or working as secular school teachers, environmentalists, Tibetan medicine doctors, and politicians. Indeed, the nun in charge of the Tibetan Nuns' Project, Ven. Losang Dechen, was employed as a teacher in a Tibetan school prior to taking on her role with the TNP. 2 6  2 7  2 8  2 9  3 0  31  3 2  3 3  These figures comefromthe Council for Tibetan Education, 1985, as they appear in Dhondup Samten (1994). Though some monks and nuns and lay people are strict political refugees in that they are fleeing potential torture, incarceration, and isolation for their political sentiments and actions, most by far come for access to education (and indirectly, for access to their culture). Access to education is not recognized as a viable cause for claiming refugee status but it is my hope that there will be increasing discussions of the need to do so. Access to culture and education are recognized as a right by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (TCHRD, 1997), which suggests that denial of such access constitutes an abrogation of fundamental rights. Some good sources looking at the question of language rights (in education) as human rights are 3 4  3 5  73  Tollefson (1995), Peirce (1989, 1990) Pennycook (1994), and in particular Kutnabb-Kangas & Phillipson (1995). A recent example is the exodusfromTibet of HH the 17 Karmapa, who India appears willing and ready to offer refugee status in spite of the vociferous objections of the PRC. This may not be entirely altruistically based, as China attacked India's borders in the early 1960's and has since provided nuclear weapons' and political support to Pakistan, India's rival. This information came to me through numerous interviews with these students. Also, I worked on several development project in the early 1990's that worked with some of the programs for these youth in Bir, HP, Inida. For a detailed account of this pilgrimage, see Myers (1997). The principal financier was the German government through the Green Party (via the Heinrich Boll Foundation), as well as individual Tibetan, Swiss and some US sponsors. The guesthouse was funded by CIDA (Canadian government). 1 do so aware of the historical tendencies and problems in representing and "making strange" those of non-Western cultures (Edwards, 1992). I have tried to include only those photos that assist the reader to visualize the context in which the study was conducted. Most sites used to research Western educational are familiar to most readers, and these become images "read" between the lines of texts. I have included the photos in part to interrupt those images so that the reader recognizes that we are dealing with a complex combination of cultural difference and similarity. 3 6  th  j 7  3 8  3 9  40  74  YELLOW: ...path  Chapter two...  Oblique yellow paths:  O b l i q u e y e l l o w bands o f i l l u m i n a t i o n . T h a t . . .certain slant o f sunlight e m e r g i n g f r o m a frost-stained m o r n i n g w i n d o w . L i g h t lingers o n ice-crystals l i k e so m a n y stars, entertaining w h i t e before e m e r g i n g y e l l o w a g a i n to betray e m p t y air as i n fact constituted o f t h i c k dust and particulate matter. A B u d d h a i n B o d h G a y a , h i s robes f o l d i n g y e l l o w i n the hue a n d f a s h i o n o f T i b e t a n refugee nuns. O u t s i d e i n the nunnery garden, seed-laden C a n a d i a n s u n f l o w e r s lean l a n g u i d l y a m i d the pervasive scent o f a y e l l o w rose, w h o s e petals soothe a n d placate a certain y e a r n i n g o f s k i n . .. . T h e s o u n d o f L o u i s A r m s t r o n g and B e e t h o v e n . T h e taste o f lemonade. R a i n c o a t s and galoshes. E v e n I n d o - T i b e t a n enlightened thought incarnates y e l l o w i n a s w o r d - and b o o k - w i e l d i n g M a n j u s h r i . T h e bright borders o f the T i b e t a n flag w i t h its sun-as-centre, resurrected b e h i n d H i s H o l i n e s s the D a l a i L a m a i n a f l o o d o f s u n l i g h t o r i n the y e l l o w robe he greets us i n as he passes b y . T h e m e m o r y o f a M a d a g a s c a r c i t r i n e gemstone; d a n d e l i o n s , a n d their y e l l o w - m e a n i n g m a r r i a g e (or not?) s h a d o w o n the underside o f c h i n . N i c o t i n e - s t a i n e d s k i n . D y i n g leaves. J a u n d i c e . U r i n e . Y e l l o w i s the c o l o u r o f the earth i n c l a s s i c a l B u d d h i s t meditations, the g r o u n d I w a l k o n . . .one foot lifts and reaches and places w h i l e the other lifts again... M o v i n g b e t w e e n t w o places w i t h o u t resting i n either one. A l r e a d y m o v i n g into the other as I settle into the one. M o t i l i t y i n space/time, m o t i l i t y n o w and t h e n . . .the m e m o r y o f l i f t i n g , m o v i n g , p l a c i n g . . . w a l k i n g through  spaces m i n d reconstructs as experiences i n time.  M i n d m e m o r i z e s . . . m e m o r i a l i z e s . . .and translates into experiences o f t i m e . T i m e as m o t i o n ; t i m e as change. T i m e as m o t i l i t y . M o t i l i t y is the d e f i n i n g p r i n c i p l e o f life.  76  W e interact across space-touching-space, as bodies appear to m o v e t h r o u g h t i m e and earth. P a r t i c l e s a n d m o l e c u l e s alter s u c h that what was once o f b o d y b e c o m e s o f the earth—earth b e c o m i n g b o d y b e c o m i n g earth. T h e  humous o f the human. I f matter m o v e s  r e a d i l y across p o r o u s borders separating life f r o m n o n - l i f e , then w h a t constitutes the difference? W h a t is l i v i n g ? W h a t is life? A h i s t o r y . . . a p r o c e s s , . . . a gap, ...a gate? A gap as a gate to pass through, leading... In one instance, to a y e l l o w r o a d i n the l a n d o f Oz, where a y o u n g g i r l n a m e d D o r o t h y transforms the l i v e s o f her m o t l e y c r e w o f c o m p a n i o n s . O f course, the tale transpires i n a distant p l a c e o v e r the r a i n b o w because o n l y i n s u c h a c u l t u r a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l i m a g i n a r y w o r l d c o u l d a g i r l be r e a l i z e d free o f interfering adults w h o h a v e that nasty t e n d e n c y to c o m e to the rescue at the slightest s i g n o f i m p e n d i n g adventure! W e l l , a l a n d free o f  most interfering adults, n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g the w i t c h e s and the rather  pathetic expatriate professor, the W i s e - O d d - W i z a r d o f O z . It is a d o c u m e n t a r y o f hope j o u r n e y i n g t h r o u g h the i m a g i n a t i o n , an archetypal o d y s s e y that c u l m i n a t e s i n a h o m e l a n d transformed—not p h y s i c a l l y but b y a changed v i e w — a r r i v e d at b y a j o u r n e y a l o n g a y e l l o w r o a d . A l l these years later, this is h o w I see the j o u r n e y o f m y o w n life, a n d the research that has p r e o c c u p i e d the last five years o f it i n particular.  Having written this about Oz, I go for a walk along Jericho Beach, In the parking lot, I see a man and woman walking towards me, laughing. Looking at me, the man calls out, in a jocular tone, "The wicked witch of the West is dead!" After wincing initially at the unwanted attention, I am struck by the strange coincidence of his words. Carl Jung called this "synchronicity, " a phenomenon suggesting relations between mind and matter are not what they seem. Co-incidence, indeed, but what is co-inciding?  11  W i t h D o r o t h y ' s quest t h r o u g h Oz c a r v e d into the grottoes o f m y i m a g i n a t i o n , it i s little w o n d e r I learned to d r e a m heroic scenes. A t seventeen, I d r e a m e d m y s e l f a student i n a residential h i g h s c h o o l i n E n g l a n d , w i t h gothic stone b u i l d i n g s surrounded b y a w a l l a n d moat. In the b u s y c o r r i d o r s o n what I thought was an o r d i n a r y (dream) day, I began to n o t i c e that the students h a d p e c u l i a r , h y p n o t i c expressions, a n d s o o n d i s c o v e r e d that the s c h o o l authorities had g i v e n t h e m p i l l s to put t h e m under their c o n t r o l . A s I t r i e d to return to m y d o r m i t o r y , I w a s caught and taken to a basement r o o m , w h e r e I faced a s e v e r e - l o o k i n g m a n i n a w h i t e lab coat w h o p r o v e d to be the s c h o o l master. H e h a n d e d m e the p i l l , and t h o u g h I pretended to take it, i n fact I let it c o m e to rest u n d e r m y tongue as I p e r f o r m e d  the trance, w h i c h permitted m e to leave unattended. I c l i m b e d the stairs  and w a l k e d outside the b u i l d i n g , w h e r e I spat the p i l l out o n the g r o u n d . It w a s dark that night as I made m y w a y across the desolate s c h o o l y a r d t o w a r d s the stone w a l l , w h i c h I scaled w i t h some d i f f i c u l t y . A s m y legs harnessed the top, m y arms p u l l e d the r e m a i n d e r o f m y b o d y up. I stood to gaze at the h o r i z o n stretching into darkness o n the other side. M o o n l i g h t glistened o n the surface o f the moat. I l o o k e d b a c k at the antiquated stone structures, s o l i d yet lifeless i n the e m p t y s c h o o l y a r d . A certain intensity o f f e e l i n g t i n g e d w i t h m e l a n c h o l y pervaded m y m i n d as I v o w e d to return one d a y to h e l p . S o m e w h e r e out there, b e y o n d the mote, b e y o n d the dark inchoate h o r i z o n n o w b a r e l y d i s c e r n i b l e , I w o u l d t e l l m y story and return one day to h e l p those I w a s l e a v i n g b e h i n d . F a c i n g the water resolutely, I d o v e ; m y b o d y s l i d inside the c o l d water o f the moat l i k e a s e c o n d s k i n . Breathless w i t h e x h i l a r a t i o n , v i t a l i t y , and d e t e r m i n a t i o n , I s w a m r h y t h m i c a l l y t h r o u g h its m o o n l i t w a v e s .  78  T h e s e days, the i m a g e o f a K a l a h a r i b u s h w o m a n hangs i n m y h a l l w a y . H e r finger points a c c u s i n g l y i n m y d i r e c t i o n , under w h i c h is w r i t t e n : " W h a t is your s t o r y ? " T h e K a l a h a r i b e l i e v e everyone has a story, and i f y o u d o n ' t t e l l it y o u w i l l be u n h a p p y . I t e l l her so I w o n ' t be sad. I t e l l her because happiness is m y v a l i d i t y . I n 1987, the search for s u c h v a l i d i t y t o o k m e to another y e l l o w g a t e - Y e l l o w s t o n e N a t i o n a l P a r k . It w a s M a y and the tourist bus service w a s n ' t yet operative; so, I h a d no alternative but to h i t c h - h i k e rides f r o m brush-cut stalky m e n under the l o o m i n g shadows o f rifles strapped to truckcabins. B e f o r e m y descent into the Y e l l o w s t o n e c a n y o n , " w i l d " w a s d e r i v e d f r o m s o m e t h i n g y o u drank; afterwards, it was s o m e t h i n g I shared w i t h a l l sentient hearts, e v e n i f m o s t o f us forget. M y Y e l l o w s t o n e education b e g a n as I returned late one afternoon to m y c a b i n , w h e n I n o t i c e d a h e r d o f buffaloes a p p r o a c h i n g f r o m b e h i n d . T h e buffalo h a d t r a m p l e d someone to death that year, and so I began to w a l k a little faster. W h e n I g l a n c e d b a c k , I s a w they had b e g u n s t a m p e d i n g i n the dust as the distance b e t w e e n us n a r r o w e d . T h e buffalo c o n t i n u e d to g a l l o p f o r w a r d , w h i l e I tried to r e m a i n c a l m , c o n v i n c i n g m y s e l f that w h a t I w a s e x p e r i e n c i n g w a s just fear. I turned a g a i n to see the still considerable space b e t w e e n us n a r r o w . It w a s then I felt a certain surge rise up i n m y b e l l y — t h a t particular sensation that i s the determination to s u r v i v e . I h a d never e x p e r i e n c e d s u c h a desperate and d i s t i l l e d p r i m o r d i a l w i l l , and it w a s h e d a l l i n h i b i t i o n s and arrogance a w a y as I ran u n a b a s h e d l y to safety. W h e n I reached the c a b i n , breathless yet ecstatic w i t h the sense o f h a v i n g earned the right to be there, the s i g n o f that right was w a i t i n g at the foot o f the c a b i n door—a tuft o f buffalo hair.  79  T h e j o u r n e y into the c a n y o n o f the Y e l l o w s t o n e R i v e r t o o k about three hours. T h e trails w e r e w e l l m a i n t a i n e d and easy to use, naturally i l l u m i n a t e d w i t h b r i l l i a n t p i n k a n d g o l d oases o f s u r g i n g water a n d stone. A t the t r a i l ' s end, f r a m i n g the r i v e r , rose the spectacular y e l l o w w a l l f r o m w h i c h the r i v e r t o o k its name. I set up m y lean-to, h u n g m y f o o d o n a distant tree, a n d began to prepare m y c o l d d i n n e r o f trail m i x , fruit, bread, and cheese. T h e s u n set and m y courage went w i t h it. I j u m p e d at the slightest rustle o f a tree, as i m a g i n a r y g r i z z l y bears appeared i n the s h a d o w s o f the sounds. I c a l m e d m y s e l f b y l o o k i n g at the stars and constellations, and c o m p a r i n g t h e m to m y n e w a s t r o n o m e r ' s g u i d e . T h e first c o n s t e l l a t i o n I r e c o g n i z e d w a s O r i o n , w i t h h i s large b o w a n d a r r o w . I read the d e s c r i p t i o n attached to his name—Orion, the bear hunter. I l a u g h e d i n a m a z e m e n t at the encounter b e t w e e n this u n i v e r s a l bear hunter a n d the bear o f m y o w n frightened i m a g i n i n g s , a l l set i n such w i l d solitude! W h i l e the buffalo taught m e to harness the force o f fear, the bear taught m e to m o v e b e y o n d it—courageously and w i t h interest. T h e stars too h a d their lesson—the p r o t e c t i o n garnered f r o m a shift i n v i e w . A s d i d the f i e l d m o u s e w h o c a m e to c o l l e c t m y hair as I l a y d o w n to sleep. She taught m e the p o w e r o f h u m o u r , for, t h i n k i n g her a g r i z z l y out for s o m e d i n n e r , I screamed i n terror before r e a l i z i n g she w a s o n l y . . . a m o u s e . T h i s j o u r n e y to the c a n y o n o f the Y e l l o w s t o n e R i v e r is m y m o d e l o f the research j o u r n e y . It introduces s o m e o f the same fears I faced i n research, a n d the adventure a n d h e r o i s m needed to transform t h e m . It r e m i n d s m e that research is a n endeavour o f courage, a n d that the root o f s u c h courage is l o v e . It is one i n w h i c h m a n y w a r n us a w a y f r o m o u r deepest interests, t r y i n g to persuade us to be " p r a c t i c a l , " w h i l e still others c a l l o n us to be courageous—the h u m a n and n o n - h u m a n friends a n d mentors w h o h e l p us o n  80  our w a y . It is a j o u r n e y i n w h i c h w e r e l y o n plans and maps to f i n d order out o f chaos because w e are afraid and confused. Y e t , i n the end, i f o p e n to the w o n d e r o f the w o r l d , serendipitous, "researchable m o m e n t s " arise outside those plans and m a p s to p r o v i d e the unexpected, l i v i n g creative l e a r n i n g w e hope for. T h o s e are the m o m e n t s o f i n s i g h t towards w h i c h the m o s t p o w e r f u l and m e a n i n g f u l ethnographic research is directed. I f the w o r l d w e research is the w i l d e r n e s s , then our research m e t h o d is the path t h r o u g h that w i l d e r n e s s . It is the path that enables us to enter that w i l d e r n e s s , a w o r l d w e experience b o t h as f a m i l i a r and a l i e n , as b o t h inhabitants and outsiders. O u r j o u r n e y t h r o u g h that w o r l d is one i n w h i c h w e , as researchers, are transformed. Y e t , the p a t h is never prepared for us entirely; to some extent w e m a k e o u r path i n the act o f w a l k i n g t h r o u g h that w i l d e r n e s s , and i n d o i n g so w e change that w i l d e r n e s s just as it changes o u r d i r e c t i o n . I n this sense, research m i g h t be l i k e n e d to a spiritual j o u r n e y , a p i l g r i m a g e . Y e t , i n a p i l g r i m a g e , there is a k n o w n destination, a " p l a c e " that is the e n d and the catalyst for transformation. In research, there is no s u c h place towards w h i c h w e c a n direct our a c t i o n s — n o final end. S o , perhaps it is better to understand our r o l e as t o u r i s t s — e c o - t o u r i s t s — i n a f o r e i g n l a n d . A t least w i t h e c o - t o u r i s m o n e ' s travels are d e s i g n e d to educate o n e s e l f and to benefit the w o r l d , whether or not they f u l f i l s u c h a lofty a i m . T h e i d e a o f ethnography as t o u r i s m c o u l d a d d fuel to c r i t i c s w h o c o m p l a i n o f its e x p l o i t a t i v e and i n v a s i v e characteristics. Y e t , i n the sense meant here, a l l ethnographic participants, b o t h researchers and the researched, are tourists. W e cannot r e a l l y possess a l a n d , its resources and cultures, but instead m o v e t h r o u g h ecosystems and w o r l d cultures as guests r e l y i n g o n and co-creating natural/cultural e n v i r o n m e n t s for our mutual wellbeing.  81  The path of research:  ...Aspiration for Culture and Knowledge: The most excellent virtue is the brilliant and calm flow of culture: Those with fine minds play in a clear lotus lake; Through this excellent path, a song line sweet like the pollen's honey, May they sip the fragrant dew of glorious knowledge. H H 17  th  Karmapa, 2000  1  I. The research path as an "educational journey:" B u d d h i s m is presented through the metaphor o f a path, s i g n a l l i n g the natural, d e v e l o p m e n t a l , and transformative bases o f its practices. Just as one travels a p a t h to m o v e through g e o g r a p h i c a l space, so i n B u d d h i s m one travels an educational and spiritual path to m o v e through e x p e r i e n t i a l space. T o do so, one s i m u l t a n e o u s l y traverses b o t h a graduated s y s t e m o f e d u c a t i o n a n d a s p i r i t u a l life j o u r n e y , w h e r e b y the p a t h as r u l e and r i t u a l b e c o m e s the path as the direct r e a l i z a t i o n o f our nature, w h i c h is clear a n d k n o w i n g . I n this respect, the path i n B u d d h i s m is b o t h c u l t u r a l l y i n v e n t e d as e d u c a t i o n , and spontaneously r e a l i z e d i n natural, e m b o d i e d interaction w i t h that path. E v e n the h i s t o r i c a l B u d d h a s a i d the path (as realization) was s o m e t h i n g he d i s c o v e r e d rather than i n v e n t e d , and hence s o m e t h i n g o f natural rather than supernatural o r i g i n s . B u d d h i s m is quite e x p l i c i t l y represented i n educational rather than r e l i g i o u s terms, as constituted o f teachers, texts, and a c o m m u n i t y o f students.  Rather than  e n g a g i n g i n w o r s h i p , B u d d h i s t s tend to refer to themselves as r e c e i v i n g "teachings," s t u d y i n g , or m e d i t a t i n g . Furthermore, the s o t e r i o l o g i c a l end o f B u d d h i s m is referred to as w i s d o m , l i b e r a t i o n , and enlightenment rather than " s a l v a t i o n " as f o u n d i n paths o f  83  r e l i g i o u s r e v e l a t i o n . A fundamental premise o f this enlightenment is that it is r e p l i c a b l e i f certain causal c o n d i t i o n s are met, and its path is accessible to anyone, so l o n g as they have access to e n l i g h t e n e d teachers ( B u d d h a ) , texts ( D h a r m a ) , a n d c o m m u n i t y (Sangha)-T h e T h r e e J e w e l s o f refuge. E m p h a s i s is p l a c e d o n learning—that is, o n qualities o f m i n d l i k e attention, i n v e s t i g a t i o n , and interest. E v e n m o r a l d i s c i p l i n e tends to be j u s t i f i e d b y its effects o n these other q u a l i t i e s .  2  S o , for instance, d i s c i p l i n e d b e h a v i o u r is said to  cultivate p o w e r s o f attention (that is, mindfulness) and t r a n q u i l l i t y (that i s , c a l m a b i d i n g ) . I n T a n t r i c B u d d h i s m i n particular, the "teacher"  (guru, bLama) p l a y s a central r o l e i n  c u l t i v a t i n g the m i n d o f enlightenment (see G y a t s o , 1988; T s o n g k h a p a , 1999). A t other t i m e s , for e q u a l l y s o u n d p e d a g o g i c a l reasons, the B u d d h i s t path is presented as a s p i r i t u a l life j o u r n e y — m o r e natural and d e v e l o p m e n t a l , and less f o r m a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d than suggested b y the t e r m " e d u c a t i o n . " T o c o n v e y this m o r e natural process, B u d d h i s t t r a i n i n g i s designated as  grounds, paths, andfruits. T h i s  reflects the fact that B u d d h i s t enlightenment transforms t h r o u g h the u n i o n o f c a l m a b i d i n g and s p e c i a l insight.  both the b o d y and the m i n d Calm abiding establishes the  p h y s i c a l and m e n t a l g r o u n d needed to d i r e c t l y experience and e m b o d y the path (that i s , emptiness); it is a state o f one-pointed c o n c e n t r a t i o n and attention characterised b y b o t h mental  and p h y s i c a l p l i a n c y . Special insight, o n the other hand, arises w h e n an interested  and i n v e s t i g a t i v e m i n d is c u l t i v a t e d as a path w i t h i n s u c h a c a l m g r o u n d . T h e i n v e s t i g a t i v e path, also k n o w n as a n a l y t i c a l m e d i t a t i o n , gives rise to questions c o n c e r n i n g the nature o f experience itself. These questions are l i k e seeds i n the path that enable the insight o f emptiness (and interdependence) to arise, l i k e a plant that i n e v i t a b l y appears w h e n a healthy seed is s o w n i n nutritious s o i l . T h e plant is the fruition or e m b o d i m e n t o f  84  w h e n a healthy seed is s o w n i n nutritious soil. T h e plant is the fruition o r embodiment o f the path, referred t o as liberation. T o best include b o t h o f these s t r e a m s - t h e path as education and the path as spiritual life j o u r n e y ~ I c o n c e i v e o f this research as an  educational journey. T o render a m e t h o d o f research " B u d d h i s t , " or simply compatible w i t h B u d d h i s m here i n the W e s t is possible w i t h o u t c o m p r o m i s i n g the fundaments o f either B u d d h i s m o r the W e s t e r n scientific/philosophical perspectives.  T h i s is because, i n principle,  B u d d h i s m does not r e c o g n i z e v a l i d a t i o n b y either textual (that is, scriptural) authority or b y divine revelation. Rather, k n o w l e d g e is something successively validated and then realized t h r o u g h analytical reasoning and direct perception. S o , the B u d d h i s t path is not fundamentally i n conflict w i t h W e s t e r n scientific epistemology, the dominant m o d e l o f W e s t e r n social research, based as it purportedly is o n reason and e m p i r i c i s m c o m b i n e d ; there are, h o w e v e r , differences that merit the articulation o f a distinctive " B u d d h i s t " research path. F o r a path t o be compatible w i t h B u d d h i s m does not require that it be labelled so. Instead, a B u d d h i s t path is any teaching featuring the f o l l o w i n g three characteristics: "1) a teacher w h o has extinguished all faults and c o m p l e t e d her o r his g o o d qualities; 2) teachings not harmful to any sentient being; and 3) the v i e w that the self is empty o f b e i n g permanent, partless, and independent" ( S o p a , 1976, p. 54-55). T h e " g o o d qualities" alluded to are the six virtues or "perfections" (paramitas) i n p a r t i c u l a r — generosity, m o r a l discipline, patience, perseverance, concentration, and w i s d o m . A s for the last t w o points, I w i l l attempt to articulate B u d d h i s t principles o f harmlessness and selflessness that can be adapted and applied w i t h i n the context o f social scientific  85  research. To map such a path, I borrow from the threefold division of Buddhism into grounds, paths, and fruits to frame the intentions, methods and outcomes of research. 3  II.  Grounds: The grounds of social research are the intentions and bases on which it is  conducted. These include considerations of ethics, intentions, and epistemology to address why certain methods (path, or how) and contents (fruits, or what outcomes,) are adopted. I include a rather lengthy comparison of Buddhist and Western Enlightenment epistemologies to provide the grounds to address why such a method and research topic are unique and beneficial for a contemporary, secular Western constituency.  A.  Ethics: Suffering is the ground on which Buddhism is founded. This is articulated in the  historical Buddha's first teaching, the Four Noble Truths, in which he identified the following four fundamental tenets of his path: 1) suffering pervades existence; 2) suffering is caused; 3) as it is caused, so it can cease, and 4) the path to such cessation. The term suffering is translated from the Sanskrit term dukkha, which connotes a state of dissatisfaction or struggle rather than pain per se. Accordingly, Buddhism recognizes as suffering states not characterized as such in the conventional use of the term. More subtle states of dissatisfaction-as-suffering tend not to be recognized as suffering, and so require an open, honest and mindful attention to be discerned. Then, once suffering and its causes are recognized and acknowledged, one requires motivation to be free of their influence. This requires the confidence that such suffering can cease and that a path  exists t o d o so. T h i s confidence is most firmly established t h r o u g h personal, direct experience, but is initiated o r enhanced t h r o u g h encounters w i t h others w h o e m b o d y such liberation f r o m suffering i n their o w n lives—that is, the Sangha as teachers and students. A n o t h e r , albeit m o r e disputed, g r o u n d o f B u d d h i s m is the n o t i o n o f karma—that is, the "theory" that experiences arise as an effect o f previous action, speech and thought.  4  B u d d h i s t ethics and m o r a l discipline are framed b y an understanding o f  karma—that is, b y the understanding that u n w h o l e s o m e actions o f body, speech, and m i n d b r i n g u n w h o l e s o m e effects, rather than o n fear o f punishment b y a creator-god. F u n d a m e n t a l t o B u d d h i s t ethics is t o a v o i d harming sentient beings. F o r activities o f the body, this means not k i l l i n g , stealing, o r perpetrating sexual misconduct.  F o r activities  o f speech it means not lying, gossiping, chattering, o r creating d i v i s i o n i n the c o m m u n i t y . F o r activities o f the m i n d it means not acting o n the basis o f greed, i l l - w i l l , o r w r o n g v i e w s . M o r e generally, B u d d h i s t ethics calls for mindfulness rather than obedience t o guide o n e ' s actions, m a k i n g possible the M a h a y a n a B u d d h i s t ethic, w h i c h can be simplified i n the a x i o m : " D o g o o d , and i f y o u can't d o g o o d , at least d o n ' t d o h a r m . " B u d d h i s t ethics b e g i n i n a series o f v o w s called P r a t i m o k s a o r I n d i v i d u a l L i b e r a t i o n v o w s . T h e y are most elaborately represented i n monastic v o w s , but have simplified lay versions as w e l l . These are directed at m o r a l behaviour, but are designed to encourage an attitude o f renunciation. R e n u n c i a t i o n is an important state o f m i n d o r intention i n the B u d d h i s t path, w h e r e i n one turns a w a y f r o m ego-driven,  worldly  m o t i v a t i o n s f o r fame, success, wealth, prestige and even for h i g h rebirth, w h i c h is not necessarily e g o - d r i v e n , t o w a r d s an unworldy m o t i v a t i o n for liberation f r o m suffering. It is wwworldly w i t h respect t o socially-established values, motivations, and d e c i s i o n -  87  m a k i n g c r i t e r i a that e m p h a s i z e self-protection, p o l i t i c a l strategizing, c o m p e t i t i o n , success, a n d ego-aggrandizement.  T h e M a h a y a n a turn i n B u d d h i s m c a m e w i t h the i d e a  that the desire for l i b e r a t i o n be extended f r o m personal l i b e r a t i o n to i n c l u d e a l l sentient beings. T h e c u l t i v a t i o n o f such u n i v e r s a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , enacted through a path o f c o m p a s s i o n e n t a i l i n g s i x virtues or perfections, characterizes the M a h a y a n a intention u n d e r l y i n g I n d o - T i b e t a n B u d d h i s m . T h e T a n t r i c turn contributed the n o t i o n that, b y means o f its u n i q u e meditations, such a compassionate enlightenment c o u l d be a c c o m p l i s h e d i n one rather than i n n u m e r a b l e lifetimes. In this respect, ethics a n d i n t e n t i o n are c l o s e l y i n t e r w o v e n , but it is the intent and effects o f actions that create the k a r m a , rather than the act per se; there are no actions that are inherently right or w r o n g .  B. Intention: A c c o r d i n g l y , i n B u d d h i s m the q u a l i t y o f o n e ' s intentions are c o n s i d e r e d to have a p r o f o u n d i m p a c t o n the course and effects o f o n e ' s actions. It is s i m i l a r l y important to clarify intentions i n research. In attempting to articulate a B u d d h i s t - b a s e d m i n d f u l n e s s i n q u i r y i n s o c i a l research, B e n t z and S h a p i r o (1998) identify  the intention to learn as the  first p r i n c i p l e . B y i n t e n d i n g to learn, one opens to conversations and experiences o f insight a n d g r o w t h . O n e d o e s n ' t b e g i n b y i n t e n d i n g to get a doctorate or degree or j o b , but to learn. F u r t h e r m o r e , "to intend to l e a r n " requires i n t e n d i n g to stay interested and engaged i n whatever arises, w i t h o u t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n or preferences.  M i n d f u l n e s s and  e q u a n i m i t y , e v e n l o v e , quite naturally a c c o m p a n y s u c h a n intention ( N a m g y a l R i n p o c h e , 1992).  5  88  W h e n interest is turned o n the suffering o f sentient beings, it b e c o m e s c o m p a s s i o n , and w h e n efforts are made to u n i v e r s a l i z e s u c h c o m p a s s i o n , it b e c o m e s the i n t e n t i o n c u l t i v a t e d i n M a h a y a n a schools o f B u d d h i s m l i k e T i b e t ' s . C o m p a s s i o n is associated w i t h perfectionist s c h o o l s o f ethics ( Y e a r l e y i n G o l e m a n , 1997). Indeed, the f o u n d a t i o n o f M a h a y a n a ethics are referred to as the s i x  perfections: generosity, m o r a l i t y , patience,  energy (persistence), concentration, a n d w i s d o m . Y e a r l e y points to the p e r c e p t i o n o f a t e n s i o n or c o n f l i c t i n certain streams o f W e s t e r n p h i l o s o p h y since the E n l i g h t e n m e n t between a c o m p a s s i o n - b a s e d ethics o f virtue a n d one based o n r a t i o n a l i z e d u n i v e r s a l rights.  6  H e s u m m a r i z e s four p r i n c i p a l c r i t i c i s m s o f c o m p a s s i o n - b a s e d ethics: 1) the i d e a  o f u n i v e r s a l rights are r e q u i r e d to safeguard against injustices that c o m p a s s i o n - b a s e d ethical systems m a y tolerate; 2) compassionate feelings are elitist and stable i n v e r y f e w save a n elect; 3) c o m p a s s i o n functions o n a person-to-person l e v e l a n d cannot generate general g u i d e l i n e s to r u n a j u s t society; and 4) c o m p a s s i o n produces p a t e r n a l i s m , or at least p r o b l e m a t i c hierarchies, b e t w e e n the compassionate and their objects (p. 15-16). I w i l l take up each o f these arguments i n succession. T h e n o t i o n that a society or i n d i v i d u a l chooses between an ethic o f u n i v e r s a l rights or an ethic o f c o m p a s s i o n to guide their actions, as i f the t w o were s o m e h o w i n c o n f l i c t , sets u p a false d i c h o t o m y between questions o f j u s t i c e (that i s , rights) and c o m p a s s i o n . T h i s s u p p o s i t i o n appears to be based o n an u n d e r l y i n g separation b e t w e e n reason ( m i n d ) and feelings ( b o d y ) . In the B u d d h i s t v i e w , a l l sentient beings are understood to share a c o m m o n desire for happiness. A s the D a l a i L a m a ( i n G o l e m a n , 1997) e x p l a i n s , this is the nature o f sentient life, and our " e q u a l r i g h t s " c a n be founded o n this desire to be h a p p y and free o f suffering. S u c h rights, i n turn, b e c o m e the basis for articulating and  89  understanding a sense o f u n i v e r s a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to b r i n g this c o m m o n desire into fruition. S o , the M a h a y a n a a r t i c u l a t i o n o f B u d d h i s m c o m b i n e s this sense o f u n i v e r s a l rights w i t h a sense o f u n i v e r s a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y : . . . [a] p e r s o n wants happiness j u s t l i k e m y s e l f and has every right to be happy and to o v e r c o m e suffering j u s t l i k e m y s e l f , whether that p e r s o n is close to m e or not. S o l o n g as they are a sentient b e i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y a h u m a n b e i n g w i t h s i m i l a r desires a n d rights, o n  that basis I d e v e l o p c o m p a s s i o n . That type o f c o m p a s s i o n is based  o n the e q u a l i t y o f s e l f a n d others. T h e r e ' s n o r o o m there for f e e l i n g superior. S o actually first y o u realize that others have rights, and o n that basis y o u d e v e l o p the sense o f c o n c e r n and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y .  (p. 2 2 - 2 3 )  A s for the argument that c o m p a s s i o n is s o m e h o w accessible to o n l y a f e w , a s u b l i m e a n d rarefied v i r t u e e x p e r i e n c e d b y a s p i r i t u a l o r f e e l i n g elite, a c c o r d i n g to B u d d h i s m , c o m p a s s i o n does not arise as a particular personality trait or as a q u a l i t y o f grace. Instead, it is p a r a d o x i c a l l y b o t h p e r v a s i v e i n nature yet capable o f b e i n g perfected (that is, learned). A C h e n r e i s i g m e d i t a t i o n , for instance, refers to c o m p a s s i o n as a natural and omnipresent p h e n o m e n o n ,  pervading the depths of samsara (i.e. the suffering and  struggles o f existence). Y e t , at the same t i m e , B u d d h i s m offers systematic methods to cultivate c o m p a s s i o n through a n a l y t i c a l and meditative practices l i k e  The Four Brahma  Viharas (The Four Immeasurables i n T i b e t a n B u d d h i s m ) : 1)  l o v i n g - k i n d n e s s ( w i s h i n g a l l beings happiness)  2)  c o m p a s s i o n ( w i s h i n g a l l beings free o f suffering)  3)  sympathetic j o y ( r e j o i c i n g i n the happiness o f others), and,  4)  e q u a n i m i t y (equal feelings for a l l sentient beings).  90  A s for the t h i r d argument, that c o m p a s s i o n arises i n person-to-person  exchanges  and cannot serve as the basis for r u n n i n g a just s o c i e t y , as the p r e v i o u s quote b y H H the 7  D a l a i L a m a indicates, an ethic o f u n i v e r s a l c o m p a s s i o n is i n fact c o m p a t i b l e w i t h an ethic o f u n i v e r s a l rights. I n this sense, c o m p a s s i o n is understood as the u n i v e r s a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to act o n the basis o f the interests o f a l l sentient beings, as i f the w e l l b e i n g o f every sentient b e i n g , i n c l u d i n g m y s e l f , were o f equal c o n c e r n . It is a c c o m p l i s h e d t h r o u g h c u l t i v a t i n g e q u a n i m i t y towards a l l beings b y s u c h methods as a n a l y s i n g the w a y s i n w h i c h o n e ' s e n e m y is l i k e a friend or strangers m i g h t once have been o n e ' s mothers. Indeed, c o m p a s s i o n offers a m u c h - n e e d e d c o m p l e m e n t to rights-based ethics b y c u l t i v a t i n g a sense o f u n i v e r s a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to balance the sense o f u n i v e r s a l rights. It is a h y b r i d f e e l i n g - i n s i g h t that arises i n part t h r o u g h means o f reason—that is, a n a l y t i c a l reflection. T h e final c r i t i c i s m concerns the purported p a t e r n a l i s m o f c o m p a s s i o n , w h i c h is based o n the erroneous understanding o f c o m p a s s i o n as p i t y or charity directed t o w a r d s others as s o m e h o w separate f r o m oneself. I n B u d d h i s m , c o m p a s s i o n does not i n v o l v e p i t y , nor is it restricted to charity i n the c o n v e n t i o n a l sense o f the t e r m . 8  9  C h a r i t y and  p i t y are responses to a particular f o r m o f suffering, that b e i n g the suffering o f p a i n , whereas B u d d h i s m a c k n o w l e d g e s t w o other forms o f suffering—the suffering o f change and the suffering o f suffering (or a l l - p e r v a s i v e suffering). T h e suffering o f change is the suffering that c o m e s w i t h the k n o w l e d g e that e v e n the greatest pleasures are i m p e r m a n e n t and unstable. T h e suffering o f suffering is e n d e m i c to a l l beings w h o inhabit a sentient b o d y , as i n the dissatisfaction that leads us to shift o u r p o s i t i o n or take i n another breath. In a c k n o w l e d g i n g the near-universal scope o f suffering, and the u n i v e r s a l desire to be  91  free o f s u c h suffering, the B u d d h i s t v i e w o f c o m p a s s i o n offers a w a y to reduce a n d e v e n t u a l l y to e l i m i n a t e the sense o f separation between ourselves a n d those p e r c e i v e d to be i n need o f assistance. T h i s appears i n S a n t i d e v a ' s  Bodhisattvacharyavatara (1979) i n  the p l e d g e to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the suffering o f every last sentient b e i n g : " F o r as l o n g as space endures / A n d for as l o n g as l i v i n g beings r e m a i n / U n t i l then m a y I too abide / T o d i s p e l the m i s e r y o f the w o r l d " (p. 193). In B u d d h i s m there is less o f a separation between the m i n d (rational a n d otherwise) and "the heart," the literal site w h e r e i n c o m p a s s i o n a n d w i s d o m are s a i d u l t i m a t e l y to be r e c o n c i l e d . A c c o r d i n g l y , I p l a c e c o m p a s s i o n rather than c r i t i c a l r e a s o n i n g o r s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m per se at the heart o f m y research because it offers the greatest p r o m i s e for a w a y to integrate research as reason (establishing what is " r i g h t " ) w i t h r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s (as e m b o d i e d experiences a n d activities o f care). C o m p a s s i o n offers a l i v i n g - c e n t r e d rather i n f o r m a t i o n - or theory-centred research e t h i c .  10  A s d i s e m b o d i e d abstract c r i t i c i s m ,  research b e c o m e s prone to i n f l i c t i n g h a r m under the guise o f objective, i n t e l l e c t u a l freedom. T h i s d o e s n ' t m e a n there is not a p l a c e for righteous i n d i g n a t i o n , a p o i n t H H the D a l a i L a m a (for e x a m p l e , G y a t s o , 1996, p . 179) has repeatedly reiterated. I n the face o f c o n f l i c t , c o m p a s s i o n is part o f any m e a n i n g f u l s o c i a l j u s t i c e a n d v i c e - v e r s a . A s C a r t e r H e y w a r d (1984) argues: L o v e , l i k e truth a n d beauty, is concrete. L o v e is not f u n d a m e n t a l l y a sweet f e e l i n g ; not, at heart, a matter o f sentiment, attachment, or b e i n g ' d r a w n t o w a r d . ' L o v e is active, effective, a matter o f m a k i n g r e c i p r o c a l and m u t u a l l y b e n e f i c i a l r e l a t i o n w i t h o n e ' s friends a n d enemies. L o v e creates righteousness, or j u s t i c e , here o n earth. T o m a k e l o v e is to m a k e j u s t i c e .  92  E v e n post-structuralist philosophers like F o u c a u l t (1965, 1984) or D e r r i d a (1982, 1985, 1992), w h i l e c r i t i q u i n g the n o t i o n o f a rational, m o n o l i t h i c truth, still w r i t e and present their ideas i n the highly arcane and abstract language o f a disembodied rationalism w i t h little attention paid to feelings and issues o f love and c o m p a s s i o n (see L o y , 1992). C o m p a s s i o n provides an important intention and centre to the research process as a means to b r i n g the m o r e disembodied p h i l o s o p h i c a l enterprise o f scholarly inquiry into an e m b o d i e d realization o f our e c o l o g i c a l embeddedness and interdependence, and hence o f our true indebtedness to all l i f e .  11  A s poet and ecologist  G a r y Snyder (1998) suggests, it is a quality capable o f transforming the hyper analytical project o f rational post-structuralism (and the D e r r i d e a n process o f analytical "deconstruction") into a path closely aligned w i t h B u d d h i s m : .. . D e c o n s t r u c t i o n , done w i t h a compassionate heart and the intention o f gaining w i s d o m , becomes the M a h a y a n a B u d d h i s t l o g i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l exercise, w h i c h plumbs to the b o t t o m o f deconstructing and comes b a c k w i t h c o m p a s s i o n for all beings. D e c o n s t r u c t i o n w i t h o u t c o m p a s s i o n is self-aggrandisement.  C . Epistemology: E p i s t e m o l o g y , h o w w e establish "the true," is learned t h r o u g h patterns o f trust w i t h respect to conceptual assertions about the w o r l d . I n this respect, trust is not just a factor o f feeling, but influences our approach to k n o w l e d g e and experience. Just as it is a g r o u n d o f ethics and intention, trust is an epistemic g r o u n d that affects the choices and k n o w l e d g e w e use to construct our research, w o r l d , and life.  93  1. A question of trust: Trust. T h e question o f trust underlies a l l e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l concerns. W h a t w i l l serve as the basis o f o u r trust? D o w e trust what others t e l l us about o u r w o r l d ? D o w e trust our o w n p o w e r s o f reason? D o w e trust o u r o w n experience? W h e n i n c o n f l i c t , w h i c h do w e trust m o r e ? It seems necessarily the case that w e learn what w e l i v e , but do w e trust s u c h l e a r n i n g , or do w e instead l o o k elsewhere, to authorities to t e l l us what o u r o w n direct experience cannot or w h a t w e are unable to trust o f it? O f course, the i m p e r a t i v e o f b e i n g a l i v e w i l l reassert i t s e l f i n the end, for there is no actual path made b y p l a n n i n g , reasoning, and strategizing, o n l y b y w a l k i n g the contours o f experience. D o w e trust our life to m a k e s u c h a path b y w a l k i n g ?  2. Enlightenment epistemologies: T h u r m a n (1984) identifies the acceptance o f diverse and m u l t i p l e " a g e - o l d 'tradition(s) o f o r i g i n a l i t y , ' the enlightenment traditions that have f l o u r i s h e d i n a l l c u l t u r e s " as an asset, i f not p r e c o n d i t i o n , to any m e a n i n g f u l i n t e r c i v i l i z a t i o n d i a l o g u e (p. 8).  C r e a t i v e , o p e n d i a l o g u e between the v a r i o u s enlightenment traditions offers the  greatest p r o m i s e for t e m p e r i n g the deleterious effects o f m o r e c u l t u r a l l y i n v a s i v e processes o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n — t h e effects o f the W e s t e r n E n l i g h t e n m e n t t r a d i t i o n m o v i n g w i t h c a p i t a l i s m into a g l o b a l arena. It is a question o f adapting change to suit l i v i n g beings a n d their w o r l d s rather than rejecting m o d e r n i z a t i o n per se, w h i c h seems unfeasible. A s the C o n f u c i a n scholar T u (1998) suggests: T h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f a r a d i c a l l y different ethic or a n e w v a l u e system separate f r o m and independent o f the E n l i g h t e n m e n t mentality is neither realistic n o r authentic. It m a y e v e n appear to be either c y n i c a l or h y p e r c r i t i c a l . W e need to e x p l o r e the  94  spiritual resources that may help us t o broaden the scope o f the E n l i g h t e n m e n t project, deepen its m o r a l sensitivity, and, i f necessary, transform creatively its genetic constraints i n order t o realize fully its potential as a w o r l d v i e w for the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n as a w h o l e , (p. 5) B u d d h i s m and the W e s t e r n Enlightenment tradition have sufficiently similar u n d e r l y i n g epistemic assumptions to permit creative dialogue between them. F o r instance, B u d d h i s m shares w i t h the W e s t e r n scientific tradition, one significant offspring o f the W e s t e r n enlightenment, a cause-and-effect explanation o f phenomena, free o f any reference t o a n intervening C r e a t o r - G o d . Y e t , rather than a materialist causality, the B u d d h i s t s p r o p o s e a central role for consciousness, for w h i c h they have a nuanced and c o m p l e x understanding. Suffice to say that consciousness is considerably m o r e than intentional thought, as reflected i n the o p e n i n g lines o f one o f the earliest o f B u d d h i s t texts, the Dhammapada: " A l l is generated f r o m mind—great m i n d , creative m i n d . " In B u d d h i s m , it is u n d e r s t o o d that o u r w o r l d is constructed t h r o u g h an interdependent relation between m i n d and matter that does not privilege either side. V a l i d phenomena (that is, phenomena established o n the basis o f a correct inference o r direct experience) cannot be said to arise exclusively f r o m consciousness o r matter, n o r from b o t h o r neither, but f r o m the c o m p l e x , interdependent relations between the t w o . T h e doctrine o f k a r m a (literally,  1 2  activity) suggests a causal relationship between m i n d  and matter, such that what w e think, b o t h individually and collectively, impacts o n o u r experiences i n the material w o r l d . A l l experiences have latent o r direct causes based i n the m i n d , as w e l l as present supporting circumstances that arise i n material phenomena as w e l l . K a r m a is considered t o be i n a class o f "extremely hidden p h e n o m e n a " that m a k e it  95  v e r y difficult t o understand completely t h r o u g h either analysis or direct experience.  A  complete understanding o f k a r m a is one o f the fruits o f the full realization o f the human potential as a B u d d h a . In a d d i t i o n to this assumption of, o r trust i n , causality, there are other characteristics B u d d h i s m shares w i t h the Enlightenment. These include an emphasis o n : 1) universal principles; 2) reasoned argumentation; 3) o p e n debate; 3) access to education; and, 4) a systematic path to freedom. These o v e r l a p p i n g characteristics constitute adequate grounds to m a k e feasible the n o t i o n o f a hybrid p a t h — a B u d d h i s t inspired social research method. T o do so, I w i l l first attempt a c o m p a r i s o n o f the e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l grounds o f W e s t e r n and B u d d h i s t educational traditions.  a) Western enlightenment epistemology: It is w o r t h w h i l e p o i n t i n g out that as W e s t e r n scholars w e enter any meaningful intercivilization dialogue w i t h a consciousness i m b u e d i n perceptions and w o r l d v i e w s c o n d i t i o n e d b y E u r o c e n t r i c and N o r t h A m e r i c a n modernity (for example, individualism, progress, and mechanized time). R e c o g n i z i n g this bias challenges us to scrutinize the w a y w e understand and represent differences between traditions o f historical experience as they interact w i t h forces o f modernization. A s Eisendstadt and Schluchter query: I f there are multiple modernities, then the question arises: T o what extent have they been shaped by the historical experience o f their respective societies? T h e very p o s i n g o f this question invites another: A r e the concepts d e v e l o p e d i n W e s t e r n social science, and above all i n the social-scientific literature on m o d e r n i t y and modernization, adequate for the analysis o f these historical experiences?  (p. 5-6)  96  T h i s q u e s t i o n l e d m e to articulate and enact a f o r m o f s o c i a l scientific i n q u i r y c o m p a t i b l e w i t h B u d d h i s t ethics and e p i s t e m o l o g y . I began w i t h a c r i t i c a l i n q u i r y into the d o m i n a n t N o r t h A m e r i c a n p a r a d i g m o f research. T h i s l e d m e b a c k to the E u r o p e a n E n l i g h t e n m e n t , and i n particular to G e r m a n y as the country that focussed m o s t o n enlightenment as an e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l , r a t i o n a l , and m o r a l p h i l o s o p h i c a l p r o j e c t .  13  In the  late 18th century, interest i n this project sparked a series o f p u b l i s h e d debates that appeared i n G e r m a n y under the challenge: " W h a t is E n l i g h t e n m e n t ? "  14  Moses  M e n d e l s s o h n (1784), an early contributor to the debates, contended that enlightenment, culture, and e d u c a t i o n f o r m e d an interrelated t r i a d that c o u l d s i g n i f i c a n t l y i m p r o v e a s o c i e t y ' s w e l l b e i n g . H e defined " e n l i g h t e n m e n t " as a p e o p l e ' s rationality and " c u l t u r e " as their aesthetics, s o c i a l mores and habits. H e contended that enlightenment related to culture as theory to practice, and together they i n f l u e n c e d the educational system that emerged i n their w a k e . F r o m this perspective, i n the case o f E u r o p e a n d N o r t h A m e r i c a , [scientific] rationality was its enlightenment and m o d e r n i t y  15  its culture, w h i c h c o m b i n e d  to influence m o d e r n , secular education. T h e other respondents to the " W h a t is E n l i g h t e n m e n t " debate, b o t h c r i t i c a l and supportive o f the E n l i g h t e n m e n t , seemed to c o n c u r w i t h this understanding o f enlightenment as reason. I m m a n u e l K a n t was the respondent most r e n o w n e d to posterity, a n d I w i l l use h i s v i e w s as a w i n d o w into the E n l i g h t e n m e n t . I do so i n part because his w a s an attempt to moderate the extremes o f science and safeguard a role for m o r a l i t y and r e l i g i o n i n the E n l i g h t e n m e n t . H e was a moderate i n this respect, but a h i g h l y i n f l u e n t i a l one as w e l l . H i s v i e w s c a n be taken as b o t h e m b l e m a t i c and f o r m a t i v e o f the e p i s t e m i c traditions that have e m e r g e d i n the w a k e o f the E u r o p e a n E n l i g h t e n m e n t . F o r K a n t ( 1 7 8 4 / 1 9 9 6 ) ,  97  e n l i g h t e n e d reason w a s