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Exteriority and deconstruction : against counterfeit nineteenth century European ideas on music education Imada, Tadahiko 1999

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Exteriority and Deconstruction: Against Counterfeit Nineteentli Century European Ideas on Music Education By Tadahiko Imada B.Mus., Kunitachi College of Music, Tokyo^ Japan, 1986 M.A., Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC, Canada, 1994 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (DEPARTMENT OF CURRICULUM STUDIES) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard The University of British Columbia October 1999 © Tadahiko Imada, 1999 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Cwv^(Jxi^ Stiy<^^ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date OcxJ^^, ill') DE-6 (2/88) Abstract The modem and contenporary history of Western music education has focused on interpreting musical value based on the principles derived from the "aesthetic experience" of nineteenth century metaphysics. Traditional Western aesthetics based on Platonic ethos and Aristotelian mimesis has also exerted a great influence on Japsuiese music education. However, the Japanese nineteenth century differed fundamentally from the nineteenth century of the West. The concept of "man" or "meaning" in nineteenth century Europe was absent from Japan (e.g., Karatani, 1989). The French post-structuralists state that Western people in the twentieth century are still the prisoner of a determined system of the nineteenth century bourgeois-humanist. These a£fect all aspects of life. Thus attention should be paid to invisible powers supporting a spurious unified approach in today's music education curriculum. The twentieth century has seen the emergence of many thinkers such as Derrida and Foucault who criticize Western metaphysics. Their criticism reveals a power structure expressed in the concefjt of logocentrism that tends to unify and centralize. EuropeeUi music's autonomy and hegemony has been believed and taken £or granted for at least a century (Said, 1991). Kany music teachers in Japan have blind faith in Western aesthetics. Today there is an tirgent need to bring contemporary discourse and the concept of exteriority to the analysis of Japanese music education. This thesis attenpts to contribute to that discourse. /// Table of Contents Abstract ii Acknowledgements iv Chapter One: The Nineteenth Century European Influence on Japanese Music Education Has Never Been Fully Assimilated 1 1 -Introduction 1 1 —1 Japan and the Nineteenth Century: An Unhappy Marriage 2 1 -2 The History of Western Music Education in Japan 18 1 —3 The History of Western Music in the Eighteenth and the Nineteenth Century 31 1 -4 Aesthetic Music Education As a North American Illusion 36 1 -5 Helping Consuming Passions in British Music Education: Another Version of the Universalist i^>proach 46 Chapter Two: Explanation of the Inconpatibility of European Epistemological and Ontological Views of Music with Traditional Japanese Views of Music 57 2 -Introduction 57 2 -1 Music As Language 60 2 -2 Musical Semiotics: Structuralism in Saussurean Linguistics 65 2 -3 Japanese Sound Culture 72 2 -4 Japan, As Observed by Roland Barthes 84 Chapter Three: Post-structuralism and the Concept of SoundScape 95 3 -Introduction 95 3 —1 Escaping the European Concept of Subjectivity 97 3 -2 Post-structuralism: Against Metaphysics 104 3 -3 The Concept of SoundScape 117 Chapter Four: Final Thoughts 141 Reference s 152 IV Acknowledgements My thanks go to Dr. Jerrold Coombs, Dr. Robert Walker and Dr. Yaroslav Senyshyn for their inspiring supports throughout this research; to Dr. Murray Elliott and Dr. John Willinsky for their suggestions in my final oral examination. Acknowledgement is also due to Dr. Neryl Jeanneret at the University of Newcastle in Australia, who was external examiner for my thesis. Lastly I am most grateful to Dr. Walter Werner, my friends Dr. Lynn Fels, Fleurette Sweeney, Esther Mang and Stanley Tsao for their supports and encouragements. Chapter One: The Nineteenth Century European Inf luence on Japanese Music Education Has Never Been Fu l ly Ass imi la ted 1 -Introduction This chapter explores the process of "Westernization" in Japan, and, in particular, Japanese music education. Modem and contemporary histories of Western music education, for exasple, have focused on interpreting the musical value of what some call the "aesthetic experience," the principles of which derive from, nineteenth century metaphysics. The Western tradition of aesthetics has been applied cross-culturally with a significant impact on the history of Japanese music education. Its influence in this area can be traced back to the unei^ected arrival of an American military presence in Japem in 1854. Reacting to the American presence, the Japanese government found it expedient to enforce the adoption of certain Western cultural practices. By the end of the nineteenth century, a number of policies such as enhancing Japanese wealth and military strength and the Emperor system were implemented with some urgency and speed in order to offset anticipated American colonial ambitions. One strand of these policies, engaged during the Ifeiji Restoration G!oveminent (1868-1912) in Japan, established a public school system based on the Western model. Since that time-and continuing today- the curriculum in music education has largely restricted its focus on Western music up to the end the nineteenth century, drawing on Western aesthetics from that same period. Westernization in Japan, therefore, was supposedly an assimilation process of Western metaphysics. However, from a Japeuiese perspective, the concept of European metaphysics is totally alien to the Japanese traditional thoughtis and sound culture. In this sense, Japan's decision to modernize did not quite signal acceptance of European metaphysics. 1-1 Japan and the Nineteenth Century: An Unhappy Marriage Kojin Karatani (1989, pp.259-261) has written, as follows: What the term "modem" in fact refers to is the nineteenth century of the West, that century which has managed to extend Western culture all over the world and to reorganize world history on a Eurocentric basis...In Japan, eras are naiDed sifter reigning emperors and differentiated on that basis. It is in this sense that "Meiji literature" and "Taisho literature" can be said to exist. This method of periodization provides us with beginnings and ends. We have here a form of narrative which organizes a self-regulating discursive space in which exteriority is either suppressed or internalized in an arbitrary fashion. By contrast, the Western calendar may a.pp&SLX to be ^^universal." But the Western calendar was initially originated around a Christian narrative in which the one-hundred-year period was invested with ritual significance, as making the "death" and "rebirth" of an era...When X use the term "nineteenth century," 1 am not singly making use of an original number; I am giving tacit recognition to the universality of a Western narrative/history. Karatani bracketed Japanese imperial era names as a demarcating time and giving it meaning in the Japeuiese context. At the same time, according to Karateuii, the narrative/.history which universalizes the European nineteenth century was bracketed in the Japanese context, (Karatani, 1989, p261). "Exteriority" is therefore "either suppressed or internalized." In the early seventeenth century, the Tokugawa Shogunate government (the Edo Period) closed the door to foreigners except those from China and Holland for 250 years. This policy of isolation was challenged by the US, and Japan was forced to open its doors by American demands. Since that time, the Japanese have assimilated Western culture in order to offset anticipated Western colonial ambitions. Karatani (1989, p.261) continues: The Japanese nineteenth century differs fundamentally from the nineteenth century of the West...in the nineteenth century, "man" or rather, "meaning" is absent from Japan. This absence is not linked to any premodern character of the period, but is rather the culminating point of a maturation process. Western modernism was originally advocated by a class of citizens called the bourgeoisie who were atten^ting to become independent from the dominant political powers £uid the authoritarian state in Europe. In order to develop this Europeeui social structure, several thinkers, such as Descartes, Hegel and Marx, played in^ortant roles. They criticized human desire in order to propose a style of modem European ethics. Karatani (1989, p.267) has also written, as follows: Those who critic[ue nineteenth century thought always look back to Descartes. But for Descartes "spirit" was not the same as thought, nor was it a psychological subject. "I think therefore I am" was but a formula repeated since St. Augustine...Descartes...asks if what we think is not merely a custom peculiar to each community, and if, rather than thinking, we are not just conforming to a prescribed system. Descartes tl^ us doubts, wondering whether or not he is dreaming, and it is this doTibt which constitutes spirit and makes it clear that spirit is exteriority. Descartes (1988) thought that a feeling sometimes betrays humanity therefore we should doxibt everything. And eifter we have excluded everything, the one and only thing beyond any shadow of doubt might exist, namely, you cannot doxibt your own existence because you are now thinking. "Z think therefore I am" was therefore introduced. According to Descartes, we should try to prove the existence of God rationally and reasonclbly. But why should we doubt things? This line of questioning might be explained by the period in which Descartes lived. At that time in Europe, some philosophers argued about what Heaven and Hell were like. The Skeptics argued that scholarship could not prove anything «d»out the world at all. The Skeptics, at the same time, became more generally supported because the natural scientific view had already started criticizing the religious perspective of Christianity. For people in Europe, reason supplanted faith (seventeenth century onwards) as the ultimate source of knowledge about the world. They become interested in the rational mentality rather than in superstitious beliefs about God. Descartes discovered a variety of cultures within Europe through his travels: People in Europe, he soon realized, had totally different perspectives and beliefs. He found so many "truths." As a result, he felt an urgent need for new thought/ideology to unify people. Karatcuii (1989, pp.267-268) says, as follows: As Husserl has observed, the Cartesian cogito is a trcinscendental ego through which the psychological ego is bracketed. But to be transcendental is to be exterior— I exist in exteriority and can exist only there. The Cartesian cogito is alien to interior certainty, consisting rather in the doubting of such an interior presence. For such a presence to exist, proof of the cogito would have to be guaranteed by God (the Other), which is not the God believed in by the comnninity or by individual conscience. "To be transcendental" is the key which Karatani uses tQ explain exteriority. The CartesiEui cogito can be explained as "A=A," and "A=sA" is the concept of identity. The nature of the concept of identity is to seek the sameness £iinong many different things and to unify those differences (Foucault, pp.50-58, 1994). Descartes (1988, p.77) has written: It is a frequent habit...when we discover several resemblances between two things, to attribute to both equally, even on points in which they are in reality different, that which we have recognized to be true of only one of tl>em. In order to consider the two as one and the Seune thing, you have to prove your existence first, therefore European philosophical tradition in the seventeenth century introduced "I think therefore I am" as the foundation of metaphysics and logo-centrism. And proof of the cogito is guaranteed by God. According to Ksu:atani, this "God" is "the other" and has to be trcuiscendental, therefore the Cartesicui cogito is not the concept for the single unification of each small community or single human being. Exteriority for Karatani is the spirit to go beyond established or accepted human ideas or practices or beliefs. Jacques Derrida (1981, pp.15-16) has an idea of exteriority and his explanation is quite unlike Karatani's: To "deconstruct" philosophy is...to work through the structured genealogy of its concepts in the most scrupulous and immanent fashion, but at the same time to determine, from a certain external perspective that it caiuiot name or describe, what this history may have concealed or excluded, constituting itself as history through this repxression in which it has a stake. This is also Derrida's interpretation about "spirit," ^nd "a certain external perspective" (i.e., exteriority) is an apparatus to deconstruct philosophy. Exteriority, therefore, is the concept, "at a particular moment, to reverse the hierarchy," (Derrida, 1981, pp.56-57). Karatani is critical of what Derrida says. In fact, he (1989, p.268) comments: "But this 'certain exteriority' is nowhere to be found in a positive form. It is a purely transcendental exterior; if it were not so, it could only be a transcendent, imaginary subject." Karatani (1989, p.268) has also written, as follows: When the Cartesian cogito was interiorized as a thinking STibject, Spinoza criticized Descartes in order to xremain faithful to him. For Spinoza, the psychological ego, or free will, was purely imaginary...Nevertheless, Spinoza recognized the existence of a kind of will which is knowledge. Subjectivity, therefore, is that which strains to discern the ways in which unconscious structures and the system of the community constrain it— subjectivity, in this sense, is treuiscendental. It is the cogito as exteriority. Spirit is never reduced, as with Heidegger, to a "historical mission of the nation." It is a will (to power, as Nietzsche says) which seeks to 7 distinguish itself; it is an identity which differentiates itself. Spirit is a will that externalizes itself, a position that nullifies all positions. Derrida uses the term exteriority (i.e., "a certain external perspective") differently from Karatani. For Karatani, exteriorty is involved in a will, however, for Derrida, exteriority is "a purely transcendental exterior" (Karatani, 1988, p.268) and no will is involved. However, both Karatani and Derrida share some similarities in terms of their attitudes towards philosophy. They try to bring on a new perspective against a preconceived idea. Thus, having "exteriority" might be considered as a strategy for "a general displacement of the system," (Derrida, 1977, p.195). Karatani's comment against Derrida might be literally right (at the same time, Derrida's concept of a "certain external perspective" might involve a will as well). Therefore we might call those new thoughts of the twentieth century such as structuralism/post-structuralism, for example, as exteriority intended by twentieth century philosophers, to move beyond an established philosophy from nineteenth century Europe. Let us talk about Japem once aged-n. During the Edo period (1603-1867) in Japan, even though the governmental isolation policy was quite strict, Japan was inevitably a part of the world. Yuko Tanaka (1990, v) has written as follows: There were China, Thailand, Cambodia, Taiwan, Vietnam, Indonesia and Philippine behind Japan and those cultures were always brought by Dutch, Italian cuid Spanish people to Japan... Susan Sontag's Notes on "Camp" reminds us of "Japanese Modem (Kinse)." Sontag (1990, p. 280) has written: "The dividing line seems to fall in the eighteenth 8 century; there the origins of Canp taste are to be found (Gothic novels, Chlnolserle, caricature, artificial ruins, and so forth.) But the relation to nature was quite different then. In the eighteenth century people of taste either patronized nature (Strawberry Hill) or attempted to remcdce it into something artificial (Versailles). They also indefatlgably patronized the past." Those European aesthetic tendencies are quite similar to tendencies which could be found during the seventeenth to the early nineteenth century so called "Japanese Modem" (Kihse) . (translation: T.Imada) Tanaka points out that many influences from abroad during the Edo period can be found in various Japanese cultural aspects including architecture, dress design, accessories, papers, printing technology, medicine, paintings and so on. These cultural exchanges maintained a natural balance of influence based on the curiosities and tastes of commoners in Japan and no nationalistic pretension was involved. Karatani (1989, p.269) has written, as follows: Until the eighteenth century, Japanese thought operated in accordance with Confucian and Buddhist texts, which is to say that Japanese people were conscious of exteriority. It was neo-Confucianlsm, a synthesis of Buddhist philosophy and Confucianism, which dominated the Edo period and had been introduced from China, functioning exactly like a scholastic philosophy. At the end of the seventeenth century, Ito Jinsal, a scholar with origins in the merchant class, undertook an interpretation of Confucian texts in order to criticize the rationalism (or logocentrlsm) of neo-Confucianlsm... He focused his critique on Zen-like thought emanating from individual awareness. What Ito emphasized was the exteriority of language. According to Karatani (1989), Japanese thinkers began criticizing philosophy itself, that is to say, they used hermeneutics. Motoorl Norinaga was one of the most important thinkers in this regard. He was the first Intellectual who sideste{^>ed Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism, and criticized rationalism by using ancient Japanese literatures such as the Tale of Genjl and the Records of Ancient Matters (Kojiki) . Karatani (1989, pp.270-271) continues: Motoori Norinaga as a textual scholar thus clearly locates his "Japanese spirit" in the Ancient period, imich as Nietzshe found his "beyond good and evil" in the age of Greek tragedy...The Japanese nineteenth centuzry is distinguished, then, by the fact that, as it begins, the deconstruction of ri (reason, principle, etc.) is already accomplished. It is therefore impossible to consider the nineteenth century simply as a premodem era. However, Japan suddenly had an urgent need to embrace Western civilization quickly because of emerging American demands at the end of the nineteenth century. Modern-day Japanese social structure was technically imported from Europe as a political strategy by the Japanese government primarily during the Meiji period (1868-1912). That is to say, "modernism" in Japan arose as a policy to enhance the wealth and military strength of Japan. It is a strange conceptual situation compared with the original concept of European modernism. Modernism, first advocated in the Western world, originally evolved around Europe in the last years of the nineteenth century. It arose in the poetry, fiction, drama, music, painting, architecture, and other arts of the West and was created to comment on the world in that setting. Modernism embodied cUiti-representatibnal concepts by late nineteenth century artists and thinkers. It therefore included symbolism, impressionism and decadence at the end of the nineteenth century and fauvism, cubism, post-inpressionism, dada and 10 surrealism (Goldberg, 1988). Modernism was advocated in different European countries at different times. In Germany in the 1890s, in England in 1908, in Russia in the pre-Revolutionary years, in America after 1912 cind in France "it is a plateau rather than a pecdc, though sloping off after cd>out 1939," (Edwards, 1988). The term modernization in the West was used for all modem developments realized through industrialization and mechanization including de-social-classification; the growth of education; new procedures of industrial negotiation; the development of social services and so on (Eisenstadt, 1966 & Rostow, 1971). In Japan, however, the term modeimism and modernization have been understood differently. Especially in the Meiji period, the term modexrnism included everything from the West such as naturalism, romanticism, symbolism cuid even socialism. The previous Japanese government utilized several aspects of Western ideas such as i mperiailism, capitalist economy and industrialization in order to create the Emperor i^ ystem of Japan. A sort of natural flow of influence between inside cUid outside JapcUi in terms of Japanese literature was artificially torn by this governmental policy, namely, nationalism. However, Western modernism destroyed this idea. Karatani (1989, pp.262-^64) explains: It was during the last decade of the nineteenth century that modem literature made its appearance in Japan: while it did not derive from an epistemological model specific to the nineteenth century, it was ma HIP possible only by the breach and overthrow of this model...Japanese literature attempted to use the nineteenth century of the West to suppress its own Japanese nineteenth century. At the very moment when the avant-garde of the West was challenging the 11 episteme of its nineteenth century and looking to the non-West (especially to Japan) for a way out of its inpasse, Japemese literature found itself inscribed within the framework of the nineteenth century, or rather (to go back even further) within a logocentric system. It is always difficult to identify or purify what Japanese indigenous culture is about. Even though during the Edo period, foreign influences were coming over, and Japanese people liked to adopt them. However, this Westernization in Japan in the Meiji Period might be considered too drastic because it happened so fast, in spite of the fact that Japan was only a third world nation, which quickly assimilated Western imperialism and reproduced it. Since then, Japanese thinkers have wondered and struggled between "the blood of the Japanese, which truly motivates" their "intellectual life," and Western knowledge, which has been superimposed upon Japan in modern times," (Harootunian, 1989, p.68). In July of 1942, six months after the outbreak of the Pacific War, a group of distinguished thinkers in Japan held a conference in Kyoto to discuss the theme of "overcoming the modem." H.D.Haroothunian (1989, p.68) has written, as follows: For the most part, "modem" meant the West, its science, and the devastating effects it had inflicted on the face of traditional social life. A nuinber o^ writers, like Kanei and Hayashi, recommended thai; the inappropriateness of science and even technology )iad, in fact, alienated the Japanese from their founding myths and their gods, to such an extent that the rejal meaning of "overcoming" required the reintegration of the Japanese with the spirit of the Kami (gods) ^nd the elimination of the effects of reason, with its ceaseless propensity to divide and separate. 12 According to Haroothunian (1989, p.71), those Japanese thinkers faced the choice between traditional and modem modes of production because of the duplicity of Meiji civilization, and eventually no one advocated turning back the clock. E^ ven though they strongly criticized "Americanism" as "hedonistic" and "crass" materialism, which was popular among Japanese urban youth (so called "modem boys" and "modern girls" especially after World War I), at the conference, they already knew that Japan could hot return to its tradition of the Edo Period. The dichotomy between the West and Japsui is not simple at all, because it doesn't merely rely on the fact of whether the concept of exteriorty exists or not, but is split into three different layers. The concept of exteriority has been inevitably brought on by those intellectuals, even in the ^do period, while at the same time Japanese popular culture has been influenced by outside cultures to reproduce an amalgam. As Yuko Tanaka (1990) says, various foreign influences can be seen in mcuiy cultural aspects in ordinary people's lives in the Edo period. For example, the "modem boys and modem girls" phenomenon after World War I was the result of a foreign influence which was naturally assimilated by Japanese urban youth. The way those young people assimilated Western culture was different from the way Japanese intellectuals did. Though Japanese youth at that time did not bring in any philosophical sort of exteriority, there might have been a sort of pure enjoyment and curiosity toward Western culture. The tepn modem here did not have to be involved in any modernism movement in Europe. If these youth wore stylish Western clothing and frequently appeared at Western style music halls 13 or restaurants in Ginza, a classy EuropecUi style shopping area in downtown Tokyo, they would be "modern" enough. Simultaneously, the Meiji Government desperately tried to introduce Western inperialism into Japan. There are th^ee major influences on Japanese culture, as follows: 1) Government introduced policies: such as an isolation policy during the Edo Period; a policy for enhancing the wealth and military strength; the Emperor sys'^em through the Meiji Period to World War II; and the public educational system since the Meiji Period. 2) Intellectuals; who have struggled philosophically between Westezm and Japanese traditions. 3) Popular culture: which has been based on the tastes of urban people and deeply involved with the market economy. The difficulty of identifying Japanese culture derives from the kind of conplications which these three aspects induce. They sometimes overlap, or criticize or manipulate but at the same time frequently ignore or refuse to acknowledge relationship between each other. Besides these three aspect^, people have their own local life style. Karatani (1986, p.18) has written, as follpws: The Japanese post-modem has a different character (from its Western counterpart). While it does involve a radical process just as in the West, the Japanese 14 post-modem does not include that "resistance" so endemic to the Western world...A post-modem thought is but a consumable decor; in a self-sufficient discursive space suid functions ultimately only to further the development of consumer society. In Japanese society, where there was no "resistance" to this movement, concepts like eibsence of the subject or decentering do not have the intensity they might have in Frcuice. But precisely for this reason, Japanese consumer and information society accelerates its process of rotation without the slightest obstacle, (translation: A. Wolfe from French) Karatani firstly in^lies post-structuralism, which is subsumed by post-modernity. The term resistance can be equivalent to the term deconstruction against the concept of metaphysics and logo-centrism in Europe. As Karatani indirectly says, the post-structuralistic movement by such thinkers as Derrida, Barthes and Foucault is exclusively strong in France (this will be discussed later). However, the European concept of metaphysics or logo-centrism has not b^en assimilated yet in Japsuiese culture, therefore, Karatani secondly points out that even if post-modernity refers to the state of modem society, especially capitalism, consumerism and market-economy, because of the absence of Western metaphysical euid logo-centric background in Japan (Karatani explains using the words "absence of the subject or decentering"), Japan has not yet reached the position in which the concept of metaphysics or logo-centrism in the West can be deconstruclfed or uresis ted. Since the Meiji period, Japanese intellectuals have never philosophically buried the '^huge empty hole" between the West suid Japcin. At the same time, popular culture in Japan has produced so called "post-modern" products such as parody, pastiche, and collage. Karatani (1989, p.271) says: "It is a revival of that mood within which late Edo society saw itself 15 as a "paradise of fools." "Post-modern" might be able to exist only in the West and of course Japan is not a Western country at all. Karatani (1989, pp.271-272) continues: Japan has become a highly developed information-consunption society, in which meaning is information and desire is the desire of the Other, because the "subject" of the nineteenth century West has never existed in Japan, nor has there been any resistance to the modem. . .There is an almost pathological play with language, with the reign of the superficial, on the one hand, and the regeneration of ultra-nationalistic ideology on the other. The "overcoming of the modem" is once again being touted, but in a different context. This historical stage should not be called post-modernity. For the postmodern...designates that which is transcendental in contradistinction to a mode of thought which lacks exteriority and perceives history in terms of stages and ends. In other words, Japan has not philosophically assimilated Western modernism yet, and it is possible to say that one culture cannot be transferred to another culture like a facsimile transmission. Japanese cultural uniqueness has been there all the time. However, one of the most serious problems arises from governmental policy, which produced the Japanese educational system. But intellectuals and popular culture have been historically oppressed and/or manipulated frequently. The Western educational system was first introduced by the Heiji government at the end of nineteenth century, and because of this forced imposition and the kind of manipulative nature of govezmmental policy, music education in Japan has consequently never been closely connected to the real intellectuals and popular cultures. In other words, music education in Japsm has been stuck with a kind of counterfeit nineteenth century Europe and has never reflected Japanese actual life. The Japamese 16 composer Haruna Miyake (1995, pp. 124-125) has written, as follows; Japanese modezmization was created to catch up with Western culture, therefore those Japanese musicians who play European classical music have kept this mentality. That is why they are happy enough to not ever think through their life time about why we as Japanese people play old European music and what it means for us after all. Japanese classical music is a bizarre field. People hardly inquire about their identity. Both performers and audiences still believe that European classical music is absolute and universal, and there is no room for them to doubt it. This is exactly the same mentality as the cultural policy of the Meiji Restoration Government...! somehow clearly understand how exhausted Japanese modernization since the Meiji Period was. All kinds of contradictions which arose from underdevelopment and Western influences of Japan still remain, even in music, as if in a drift for one hundred years. (translation: T.Imada) In the early 60s, Miyake studied composition at the Juilliard School in New York. In 1967, the Composers Forum in New York performed three of her works. When a discussion regarding her compositions was held after the concert, she fielded this question from the American audience: "Why do your compositions have no Oriental suggestions at all?" And she singly answered: "it depends on how you think about 'Oriental'." Miyake had struggled with dealing with this kind of question for many yeeurs. Miyake (1977, pp. 226-227) has written: I started having a direct connection with the West at the age of thirteen. Since that time I've spent half of my life in the US, especially in New York. But it doesn't mean that either my works are not Japanized or I am receiving more influences from Western music culture. Use of Japsuiese folk tune, rhythm and instruments has nothing to do with expressing Japaneseness. It is merely about materials. 17 When Z was a kid, I learned the koto and I could play the sasisen a little bit. But I think it doesn't matter at all...A couple years before I went to New York, I was always thinking about how to merge Japanese materials into modem Western classic models and e±>out that the music should convey nationality, and I spent all my energy thinking that. Right now, 1 think differently, "what does Japaneseness actually mean?, (translation: T.Imada) The Japanese coznposer Toru Takemitsu (1996, pp. 109-110) has also written about this kind of dilemma, as follows: Even today when I go abroad Z am sometimes asked ;the unsettling question "Why does a Japanese person coiopose Western Music?" Zt's as silly as saying thajb a foreigner can't understand Noh theatre. There are Japanese people who do not get Noh, and as many French people with no feeling for Debussy. What does it mean, to "understand"? Zt is possible that when listening to a work by Brahms my understanding is quite different than that of a German's. But the passages that move us would be the same. Although it would be fine if we were each moved by different passages...Used properly, misunderstandings can help us to deepen our understanding, and they are better than a superficial understanding...! would very much like to be able to write a rich Western-style music. Z would like to get that sensual sound Debussy achieves. But when Z perform my work abroad, people tell me that it sounds very Japanese. That it is like Japanese vegetarian cuisine. (translation: S.Forth eind T.Zmada) Zt does not matter whether both Miyake's and Takamitsu's comments are right or wrong. What is important here is that both of them speak about their music with the concept of "exteriority," which Karatani e:q>lains. A kind of similarity between those Japanese modem intellectuals in tezms of thought and these two soodern Japanese coirposers can obviously been seen, that is to say, they have wondered between the West cUid Japan. However, according to Miyake, not many musicians in Japan think about how Japeutese Western style music is socio-18 culturally developed, in other words, they have some problem with their self-identification: why do they, as Japanese, compose Western style music? They have never thought of it. This identity problem of Japanese musicians is strongly connected to the introduction of Western music education in Japan. Western style music education in Japan has not quite dealt with "exteriority" at all. In order to clarify this issue, the history of Japanese Western music education should be discussed. 1-2 The History of Western Music Education in Japan The Meiji Restoration Goverxunent established a piiblic school system in Japan based on the Western model. The first school system in Japan was formed and instituted in October, 1872, and was eclectic, namely they adopted the Russian educational spirit, French educational system and Dutch educational contents (Matsumoto, 1986, p.51). Music was introduced as one of the subjects, including "singing (shoka)" in the elementary school and "musical performance (Sogaku)" in the secondary school. But at this time, Japanese teachers difi not know how to teach Western music, and they were not able to find any practical reason why music should be taught at school. At the same time, there was no suitable educational musiciil material in Japan (Mashino, 1963). 19 In October, 1879, the Meiji Government established the Music Study Committee (Ongaku torishirabegakari) with Shuji Izawa (1851-1917) as a director. He was a Japanese music educator who studied at Bridgewater Normal School in Massachusetts under the direction of the Americcin music educator Luther Whiting Mason. Sondra Hieland Howe (1991, pp. 65-66) has written, as follows: Luther Whiting Mason (1818-1896), an international music educator, made an impact on music education of the twentieth century through the textbook series he developed in three countries. He created the "National Music Course" (1870-71, 1886), the first graded music textbook series in America. In Japan he served on the committee that produced Shokashu (1881-83), the first Japanese music series. Mason then traveled to Germany to publish the German music series, Neue Gesangschule (1892-94). Mason used German songs in all three series, thus transmitting German music around 'l;he world. The series incorporated Mason's method of teaching scales with ladders and rhythm with time names. Shuji Izawa invited Mason to Tokyo in March, 1880, ^nd together they produced the first Japanese music textbook series, the Kindergarten Song Collection (Yochien Shokashu) in 1881, and Three Elementary School Song Collections (Shogaku Shokashu) in 1881-84. Shogaku Shokashu became quite popular among Japanese teachers and the first edition sold mozre than eight thousand copies. Izawa and Mason took advantage of a German folk-song style in these books, and they introduced several German songs such as "Honeybee," "May Song," and "Twinkle." Mamoru Watanabe (1983, p.5) has written, as fOIIQWS: The original plan was "to fuse Oriental and Western 20 music" in the songbooks, and Zzawa commissioned Japauiese^ musicians to coirpose a large number of songs for the purpose. But the plan ran aground because the musicians of the day were not yet capable of composing melodies of a high enough standard to be included in the official schoolbooks. Izawa therefore took a large number of melodies of Western origins...and set entirely different Japanese words to them. Izawa first tried to make some sort of adaptation from Japanese tunes to Western songs. Even though he had invited Mason to Tokyo, Zzawa took Japanese traditional arts iinportantly, consequently. Koto specialists, Japanese literature specialists and Gagaku (the court music of Japan) musicians were invited to the Music Study Committee as well. Izawa submitted an official report to the Minister of Education, Munenori Terashima in 1876. According to the report (Matsumoto, 1986, p.54), the businesses of the committee were provided, as follows: 1) conparative studies of Japanese and Western temperaments and sceiles 2) translations of Western music publicatipns 3) p\iblications of music papers 4) studies of music history 5) productions of music educational materials 6) re-productions of the instruments 7) establishing the national anthem (trcuislation: T.Imada) The Music Study Committee was the only place where both Western and Japanese traditional music were taught at that time, in fact they dealt with as many Western instzruments as Japanese traditional instruments (Matsumoto, 1986). However, this eclectic experiment in music education of Japan was not quite successful. Watanabe (1983, p.5) explains: 21 As for Japanese music, only a few melodies from traditional gagaku court music and a selection of folk-songs were included. Moreover, the scale was somewhat simplified...Contemporary middle-class music was virtually ignored, probably because many of the songs had originated in a brothel context. Besides, their complicated melodic structure may have been considered unsuitable for general pedagogical purposes. The wareibe-uta, traditional children's songs sung in the provinces, were almost completely unknown to the central authorities in the Ministiry of Culture. Some discussion is needed here to clarify what "general pedagogical purposes" were about. As earlier discussion shows. Westernization of Japan was the most inportant and urgent motto for the Meiji Government at that time in order to attain a policy for enhancing the wealth and military strength of the country. The introduction of Western music education was a. policy cleverly engineered by the Meiji Government in order to civilize the Japanese nation. The Meiji Government believed that teaching Western music could possibly make the Japemese people westernize more quickly than teaching science or language. They strongly promoted Western music and introduced the organ to many elementary schools all over the country to teach how to sing "Do Re Mi" (Torigoe, 1996, p.19). However, as Karatani (1989, p.259) says: "the Japanese nineteenth century belongs unequivocally to the age of Edo (1600-1867). Notwithstanding the rapid economic £uid political tramsformations brought about by the Meiji restoration of 1868, Japanese tastes and ways of life did not chcuige radically," people in the Meiji period were still living with their local sound cultures. In fact, popular songs among people in Edo city were also popular among the people in Downtown Tokyo in the Ifeiji period. For example, Tachibanaya Kichinosuke was a 22 Japanese Samisexi (a three-stringed Japanese banjo) player and variety-show entertainer at a storytellers' hall in Tokyo. He created Rfciyo-Jbuslii (btishi or ftishi means a melody) . An elite college boy at the University of Tokyo created Dekansho-bushl (the title parodied three fcimous Western philosophers, Descartes, Kant and Schopenhauer), and these popular songs were based on Hauta, a Japanese traditional ballad sung to the acconpaniment of the saxalsen since the Edo period. These songs purely expressed nonsense based on a satire on political circles, (Nakasnira, 1988, p.439). These popular songs so called Zokkyoku (secular tunes) were widely supported by ordinary people in Tokyo during the Meiji period. Besides Masxaae-g'ldayu (ballad-drama form for recitation by girls) so called Taregita was quite popular among college boys in Tokyo and there were over a thousand female performers of Miisame-gidayu in the end of the Meiji period. They were young girls such as Ayanosuke, Kosato, Kokiyo and Rosyo who were big stars and something like today's pop idols in Japan. Since the contents of Musume-gidayu were most likely to be sensual, it was making an obvious contrast with a kind of directivity being sought by the Meiji intellectuals based on Western humanism (Nakanura, 1988, p.439). Therefore Watanabe's explcuiation that the central authorities in the Ministry of Culture did not know the traditional folk songs in Japan for example, is doubtful. If emything it would be more understandable that the Heiji Government intentionally ignored and sometimes oppressed those local traditions to accomplish their urgent policy. In 1887, the Music Study Committee {OngaJm toz-i.jsitiz-abeg'aJtari) changed its name to the "Tokyo School of 23 Music" (now, it is the Tokyo University of Music and Fine Arts). In 1900, the Secondary School Song Collection was published by the Tokyo School of Music, and included the first Japanese Western style songs conposed by Rentaro Teiki (1879-1903) , such as "HaJtone" (Hakone is the neune of a Mountain in Japan) , and "Koujo no Tsiikl" ("the Moon on the Ruins of a Castle") . Rentaro Taki was the first Japanese coii^ >oser to work in the Western style of music. He studied piano and conposition at the age of fifteen as the youngest student of the Tokyo School of Music. In 1900, aged twenty, he went to Leipzig in Germany as a JapcUiese Government scholarship student to study piano and conposition, but he contracted tuberculosis, and was sent back to Japan a year later. He left many works, and his songs in particular are still quite popular and well-known among most Japanese. Since Rentaro Taki, sevieral Japanese composers started their careers, and they composed under the influence of European classical music until the 1940s. Most music educators focussed on singing and solmization during that period. Things chamged dramatically after the Second World War. Kensho Takeshi (1997, p.81) has written, as follows: The foundation of today's Japanese public education was formed during a series of educational reforms after World War II...The introduction and impact of American and Europeeui ideas, culture, and education were inevitable in the process of modernization in Japan. The process of assimilation of foreign culture was diverse, and was basically influenced by political and economic trends. When taking a general view of post-World War II music education in Japan, Japanese educators cajuiot disregard the effect of Western music education. 24 After World War II, the Japanese Ministry of Education produced an official guideline for public music education (still in effect) called the "Course of Study" (COS), which is made up of two main categories: "expression," which includes singing, solo and instrumental ensemble and coioposition, and "appreciation." Basically, every Japanese school (kindergarten, elementary, secondary and high school) has to follow this COS, regardless of each prefecture and city. There are three private music textbook con^euiies in Japan, and the textbooks which are published by these con^anies have to be officially approved by the Ministry of Education. In the case of elementary and secondary levels, several songs and pieces for instruments and works for appreciation have been adjudicated for the course of study, and the other details of teaching music elements in each grade are also mentioned in the course of study. For exanple, a quarter note, an eighth note, a quarter rest eind an eighth rest have to be taught in grade 2, and a half note and a G clef have to be taught in Grade 3, and so on. As a result, these music textbooks are almost all the same. The Japanese music educator Tomiko Kato (1992) has introduced the contents of COS at the elementary and secondary level, as follows: The statement about the over-all objectives of the music subject described in the course of study (New issue, officially announce^ on 15 March, 1989) is as follows: To help pupils cultivate fundamental musicality throtigh the activities in musical expression and appreciatiqn, encourage a love eind sensitivity for music and enrich the sentiment (elementary school)...The objectives for each grade are listed in CSE (course of study for elementary school). For instance, the over-all objectives of the music siibject for grades 1 and 2 are 25 stated as follows (CSE 1989): a. To help pupils develop sensitivity to musical beauty euid have an interest and concern in music. b. To help pupils develop the ability for expression and appreciation with eznphasis on the element of rhythm in both listening and performance. c. To help pupils develop the right attitude and habit to make life happy and pleasant through musical experiences. To help students develop musicality through the activities in musical expreission and appreciation, encourage a love and sensitivity for music and en^rich the sentiment. (CSL, course of study for lower secondary school, 1989) (Adjectives for each grade are listed in COS. For exanple, the objectives for grades 2 and 3 in the lower secondary school are (CSL 1989): a. To help the student find the variety auid beauty of musical structure, to foster the ability for creative expression putting emphasis on aesthetic^. b. To help the student promote a general understanding of music and thereby develop the ability for appreciating music in its broadest sense. c. To help the student feel the pleasure and impression brought by musical learning, to cultivate an attitude to music positively and foster an attitude to make their own lives happy and enriched through music. (trans: T. Kato, 1992, pp. 71-76 from COS 1989) Besides this introduction, COS includes numerous guidelines in each category. For exanple, in the elementary level: A. Expression l.To sing or play while listening to music. a. To sing following live or recorded model performances. b. To sing by imitation or rote-singing in tonic sol-fa. B. Appreciation 1.To develop musical sensitivity by listening to music. a. To listen to the music by grasping its mood. b. To listen to the music with special attention to the characteristic of the rhythm, melody and ti&aspo. 26 c. To listen to the music with special attention to the tone-colour of various instriunent. (trans: T. Kato, 1992, p.72 from COS, 1989) And also at the secondary level; Expression To teach the following matters through expressive activities: a. To deepen expressive ability while appreciating the poetic content of song texts or the feeling of musical composition. b. To sing with a full resonant voice cUid correct pronunciation. c. To play the instruments with the basic technique and. with concern for producing tones in a musical instrument. d. To sing in chorus or to play in a concert in harmony with the total sound while becoming aware of the rules regarding individual parts. e. To express while studying the relation between melody and harmony, principal part and other parts, f. To express while examining the total musical context contained in the phrases. g. To deepen expressive ability while examining pniE^ ical elements which characterize individual pieces. h. To express with the instrument and voice creating short melodies suitable for song texts and pieces for instruments. i. To create isprovisational e3q>ression or to compose with free conception. J^preciation To teach the following matters through activities of appreciation: a. To appreciate the functions of the ba^ic elements of music as they characterize individual pieces, the relation between them and the feeling of musical conposition. b. To appreciate the tone colours of various instruments £md voices, euid the sounds cind effects of their combination. c. To appreciate the tone colors aind. the technique of various instruments, the characteristics of singing expression in Japanese music and ethnic music from foreign countries. (trans: T. Kato, 1992, p. 77 from COS, 1989) 27 However, the COS does not give any remarks concerning the cultural background of music; moreover, the COS attempts to teach students to understand ethnic music in the same ways articulated for understanding Western music. The COS focuses on teaching the elements of Western music such as melody, harmony, and rhythm using the staff method of notation, the diatonic function of key (e.g., major and minor), and Western instruments such as the piano. Both system and content in COS have spread throughout JapeUi even to remote farming villages. Summary: There are two characteristics in the COS, as follows: 1) It focuses on Western music and notation as it was developed by the end of nineteenth century. 2) It is based on Western aesthetics as advocated in the nineteenth century, with an enphasis on "expression" and "appreciation." As a result of 1) and 2), pop tunes from around the world, which have been broadly introduced into school education through music textbooks approved by the Ministry of Education, are musically limited. That is to say, they are expected to meet the concept of Western aesthetic value in the nineteenth century. A majority of music teachers in Japan have a tendency to use songs such as "When You Wish tJpon a Star," "Over the Rainbow," "The Sound of Music," "Bridge over Trouble Water," "Yesterday," "Yesterday Once More," "Sing," "We are the World," 28 "Let It Be," "Memory," cind so on. These songs are arranged with piano accompaniments for use in music textbooks and taught to "help students cultivate fundamental musicality through the activities in musical expression and appreciation, encourage students' love and sensitivity for music and enrich the sentimient," according to the COS of 1989. Kyoko Koizumu (1998, pp.81-82) writes, as follows: In Japan there are many pseudo-popular songs in textbooks. From the first, these songs had the authentic style of popular music, however, once they are put into the classroom context, they are filtered and completely effemiinized by the measure of legitimate classical music. One of the most typical examples is the selection of the Beatles' songs... JapeUiese music textbooks reflect a strong preference for Paul McCartney's lyrical songs to John Lennon's rock'n'roll, since Paul's soft rock-style songs can easily be noted on score, whereas John's musical world of cock rock cannot be represented by the value system of classical music. What is more, in music textbooks in Japan, even Paul's harmless songs like "Hey Jude" or "Ob-La-Di, Ob-La-Da" have been arranged on criteria abstracted from Western classical music...Thus, the distorted mieaning of popular music as acquired capital in school rather deepens the chasm between school culture and peer culture. Thus, Western aesthetics still has the power to control sound in today's music education in Japan, (the details of Western aesthetics will be discussed later on). Although the COS has been based on Western aesthetics in the nineteenth century, the philosophical part of music has been hardly taught. As Miyake says earlier in this chapter, music teachers in Japan have taken for granted a kind of universality of European music. Takeshi (1997, pp. 91-92) has written, as follows: 29 Mursell...contributed to Japeuiese music education after World War II. He was known as a leading figure in music education from 1930s through the 1960s in the United States...Mursell's philosophical and psychological theories provided a theoretical foundation on which Japanese music educators could carry out their teaching. Mursell and Glenn (1938, j>.369) stated that "the school music teacher should dedicate himself to the task of conveying the power and glory of music to all the children of our schools." The quotation from Mursell and Glenn illustrates that school music teachers do not have any exteriority to examine what music is about, because they can easily take for granted the power and glory of music. However, the power and glory of music itself should be examined and this is one of most important tasks today's music teacher has to do. Edward W. Said (1991, p.xvi) sa,ys: It is to say, however, that because imisic's autonomy from the social world has been taken for granted for at least a century... there is a putative, or ascribed, fullness to self-sufficient musicological work that is now much less justified than ever before. The school music teacher therefore should not take for granted music's autonomy. Said (1991, p.xvi) has also written, as follows: The point I am making is that the study of music can be more, and not less, interesting if we situate music as taking place, so to speak, in a social and cultural setting. Another way of putting this is to say that the roles played by music in Western society are extraordinarily varied, and far exceed the antiseptic, cloistered, academic, professional aloofness it seems to have been accorded. Think of the affiliation between music and social privilege; or between music and the nation; or between music cind religious veneration, and the idea will be clear enough. The difficulty, however, is to devise modes of articulating musical activity in that larger context, a difficulty 30 only just beginning to be approached systematically. What Said mentioned above is not only a problem which musicologists are expected to think about but it is also a problem confronting music teachers. The COS focuses primarily on the technical practice of music based on a belief in semantic music's autonomy. The lack of connection between music and its cultural background is obvious in COS. Today's music teacher should think of music and society, including ^11 kinds of criltural settings. According to Said (1991, p.xv) , today's way of operating culturally has been clarified by Raymond Williams, Roland Barthes, Hichel Foucault, and Stuart Hall. In addition, Jacque Derrida, Frederic Jameson and Stanley Fish have extensively discussed analysis of a text. And feminists clearly show us that we can no longer ignore the gender issues in the production and interpretation of art anymore (refer to Chapter three). Addressing the concept of structuralism/post-structuralism might be a tool to re-examine the cultural historical background of European nineteenth century on Japanese music education. However, the ideas of post-structuralist thinkers such as Derrida, Foucault ^ d Barthes have not yet been introduced in Japsuiese music educational research (post-structuralism will be discussed later). This lack of exteriority isolates today's music education from the actual cultural setting in Japan including musical aspects such as Japanese traditional music, modern classic music or contemporary music in the twentieth century and pop music. Where does this lack of exteriority on Japanese music education originally come from? In order to clarify this 31 question, the history of Western music in the eighteenth and the nineteenth century will be discuss,ed. 1 -3 The History of Western Music in the Eighteenth and the Nineteenth Centuries To begin with, music history from the Viennese classicists to the Romantics will be discussed in order to understand the foundation of the present Japanese music education system. European classical music changed as a result of various revolutions in Europe. In the eighteenth century, many concerts existed as societies for entertaining aristocrats rather than purely for listening to music. However, the sponsorship of music switched from the aristocracy to the bourgeoisie from the eighteenth century to the nineteenth century as a result of the acquisition of wealth in the Industrial Revolution and the shift of power following iphe French Revolution. Audiences increased dramatically as a result of the participation of the bourgeoisie, cuid the relationship between musicians and audience also changed as a result. In the nineteenth century, a musician came to perform for the general public rather than for the aristocracy. Many conposers (Beethoven, Chopin, Liszt and others), became independent of their patrons and, as a result, music was put into general distribution as a commodity. At the same time, a distribution system of musical scores was established, and the 32 bourgeoisie learned to enjoy playing musical instruments in their homes. Jacques Attali (1985, p. 69) has written, as follows: Music's mode of financing then conpletely shifted, making publishers partial substitutes for patrons. Interested in the production of new works, they took the risk of sponsoring them for a rapidly expanding market of amateur interpreters. The bourgeoisie, unable to afford a private orchestra, gave its children pianos. There was a need, therefore, for productions that could be played on them. Works for a small number of instruments, or adaptations of that kind, were thus preferred by publishers. The breadth of the piano repertory of the nineteenth century is quite clearly connected to the place it occupied in the salons of the bourgeoisie of the time, as an instrument of sociality and an imitation of the Parisian salons and the courts. Power continued to address the musician haughtily. But the tone was no longer one of conquest; it was the tone of the grocer. As Attali mentions, music became a commodity through publishers in the nineteenth century, "a means of producing money" (Attali, 1985). But if Western classical music is just a commodity, why do today's music educators concentrate on teaching it? If anything, music educators hardly think that Western classical music is a commodity. This is because there must be a certain psychological background among music educators to support the value of Western classical music, that is to say, its aesthetic value. As distinct from what is mentioned above, it is also important to consider the aesthetics of music from the eighteenth century through the nineteenth century. In this period, the concepts of beauty and art rapidly changed. Several cliches about the concept of art were bom, namely, "originality," "a work of art," "a genius," "a prodigy" and so on. Today, we think about art in all kinds 33 of media such as painting, drama, music, literature and architecture. But people in the eighteenth century did not think like that. The word "technique" is derived from Greek "techne," and there was no exact border between technique and art by the middle of eighteenth century. People used art in military tactics, the art of navigation, optics and dynamics, (Watanabe, 1989, pp.24-25). The subject of the aesthetics of imisic in this period was to establish the significance of music. Many thinkers asserted the original value of music and tried to rank art as the place where people were able to have the purest experience of beauty. The concept of the aesthetics is expressed by Edward Hanslick in 1854, as follows: "...the most essential condition to the aesthetic enjoyment of imisic is that of listening to a composition for its own sake...The moment music is used as a means to induce certain states of mind...it ceases to be am art in the purely musical sense" (1957, pp. 100-1). This is a czrucial statement concerning the essence of Hanslick's view of "pure music" and "aesthetics." ffhat he tried to explain was "the vol\intary and pure act of contemplation which alone is the true and artistic method of listening" (1957, p. 97). Nicholas Cook (1990, pp. 15-16) has written, as follows: Hanslick's ideas, and even some of his words, are echoed in the more wide-ranging distinction that R.G. Collingwood drew some eighty years later between vdiat he called "Art proper and falsely so called". Collingwood (1938, p.276) describes false art as being "aimed ultimately at producing certain states of mind in certain persons. Art falsely so called is...the utilization of 'leuiguage' (not the living language which alone is really language, but the ready-made "lemguage" which consists of a repertory of cliches) to produce states of mind in the persons 34 up>on whom these cliches are used. " This is the distinction between art and entertainment in music, one of the strongest and the most importcuit distinctions in the Western aesthetics of music. We can find this kind of aesthetic influence even in the twentieth century composer's words. Arnold Schonberg (1984, p.62), for instance, says: Those who compose because they want to please others, and have audiences in mind, are not real artists. They are not the kind of men who are driven to say something whether or not there exists one j>erson who likes it, even if they themselves dislike it. They are not creators who must open the valves in orde;r to relieve the interior pressure of a creation ready to be bom. They are merely more or less skilful entertainers who would renotince composing if they did not find listeners. Cook (1990, p. 182) elaborates on Schonberg's words by saying that "a work of music is fundamentally a moral entity and not a perceptual one. And this is little more than a twentieth-century adaptation of the concept of 'art-religion'." Western classical music in the nineteenth century developed amid a mixture of social, economic and philosophical contexts in Europe. Though nineteenth century classical music in Europe became a commodity because the sponsorship of music switched from the church and the aristocracy to the bourgeoisie, the music simultaneously acquizred an aesthetic stance as a means of maintaining its authority. As a result of this process, many outstanding musical works were spread among the general population in the nineteenth century. This W4.s because the technical innovation inside music allowed it to 35 become a good commodity. And with the spread of this music, it established both an aesthetic and economic dominance. At the same time, these changes in music had several consequences. One such consequence is that many artistic activities became monopolized by specialized professionals such as conposers, performers^ and publishers and so on. This specialization has been continued even today. Said (1991, p.3) points out, as follows: ...today's conplete professionalization of performance. This has widened the distance between the "artist" in evening dress or tails and, in a lesser, lower, far more secondary space, the listener who buys records, frequents concert halls, and is routinely made to feel the impossibility of attaining the packaged virtuosity of a professional performer. In the middle of nineteenth century, the "professional* R^ant what was called the "virtuoso." They attracted an audience using superhumcui skills and immaculate technique. Said (1991, p.3) explains, as follow: Here Poirier's rather melodramatic ideas cd>out brutality, savagery, and power can be moderated with and acknowledgment of the listener's poignant speechlessness as he/she faces an onslaught of suclt refinement, articulation, and technique as almost to constitute a sadomasochistic experience. In the middle of nineteenth century, many concerts included works by earlier conposers. A lot of earlier conposers (for instance, J.S. Bach, Mozart, Beethoven, etc.) came to be deified and their biographies were remodeled from the middle to the end of the nineteenth century. For instance, the art historian Alessandra Comini in "The Changing Image of 36 Beethoven—A History of Mythmaking" (New York, 1987) introduces a variety of Beethoven's portraits. In one drawn in 1803, Beethoven looks like an ordinary person, but in a statue made in 1902, he is semi-nude like the ancient Greek thinkers and becomes £ui heroic image. Walker (1996b, p.4) has written, as follows: Aesthetics is but one of these "fashions" which emerged in the nineteenth century but lives on in western culture. It is however a well though-out concept which has logic based in the musical structures of conposers such as Beethoven, Liszt, Schimiann, Brahms and Wagner, and argued in the texts of Hegel, Schopenhauer, Hanslick, Fichtes, Schelling and Schlegel. The music written to this specific theory of aesthetic experience constitutes a supreme expression of the culture of centred. Europe in the nineteenth century. Philosophically, this nineteenth century German position moved the locus of debate about aesthetic experience from issues of sense perception and feelings to those of transcendental experiences of pure beauty and perfection. The concept of focussed listening (Schafer, 1977) to appreciate music as part of high-class culture, was bom. It brought about a dualism between artist and audience (e.g. the separation of professional and amateur or producer and consumer). 1-4 Aesthethic Music Education As a North American Illusion In the twentieth century, many music teachers teach students that Beethoven's music is "great" according to the 37 aesthetic values of the nineteenth century. Sontag (1990, p.8) says: In most modem instances, interpretation amounts to the Philistine refusal to leave the work of art alone. Real art has the capacity to make us nervous. By reducing the work of art to its content and then interpreting that, one tames the work of art. Interpretation makes art manageable, conformable. The word "interpretation" can be changed to today's Western music education, that is to say, "in most modem instance, 'music education' amounts to the philistine refusal to leave the work of art alone." And "interpretation" is closely related to the concept of aesthetics in the nineteenth century, advocated by German thinkers such as Schopenhauer, Hegal and Hanslick, (Walker, 1994, p.26). Exanples of these views of Western aesthetics in the nineteenth century can be found in a number of music educators' books, for exanple, Bennett Reimer's (1989) "A "PhxloBophY of Maslc Edaaation." Reimer cites examples from all kinds of musical genres, classical music, popular music (e.g., jazz and rock), ethnic music from around the world, and contemporary music. In "A Philosophy of Music Education," Reimer has written about the difference between feeling and emotion, and aesthetic experience. He says, "The experiences most people have with art testify to the existence of feeling but feeling as somehow different from the emotions outside art" (Reimer, 1989, p.41). Reimer (1989, p. 185) has also written about the goal of music education, as follows: The goal or aim of the general music program is to 38 develop, to the fullest extent possible, every student's capacity to experience and create intrinsically expressive qualities of sounds or, to put it another way, to develop every student's aesthetic sensitivity to the art of music. The goal of the performance program is precisely the same. However, Reimer's attitudes to music, "expressive qualities of soiinds" and the "student's aesthetic sensitivity to the art of music" has been criticized by Walker (1995), as follows: Reimer was not really suggesting that we can find aesthetic value in all the world's musics: Kwakiutl Potlatch songs, Ituri Forest Hunting songs, AustralieUi Aborigine Corroboree songs, rock and roll or even jazz...My point here is that aesthetic music should not be accepted as a socio-cultural universal even in western culture. Rather, it should be seen as one of the pluralities which go to make up the conplex tapestry of western musical history. Reimer's words are coming from nineteenth century Western aesthetics as articulated by Hanslick according to the musical situation of Western society in those days, in which critics had developed a position where music could exist as an autonomous world. And this kind of attitude by critics can be exclusively seen in the nineteenth century. Hanslick <1957, p.12) took the formalist position with his line "the beauty of musical work is specifically musical— i.e., it inheres in the combinations of musical soiinds and is independent of all alien, extramusical notions." Reimer (1989, p.27) takes the position of absolute expressionism. He criticizes the formalist position with his comments, "Art becomes, in Formalism, a matter for the artistic elite, and it provides those few a special intellectual pleasure unlikely to be considered 39 essential by any but that chosen few." However, both the formalist and the absolute expressionist positions deeply inplicated each other. Jean-Jacques Nattiez (1987, p.110) clearly explains the difference between the formalist and the expressionist. According to Nattiez, the formalist thinks that music means itself and for the expressionist-absolutist, music is capable of referring to the nonmusical. Nattiez (1990, pp.110-111) continues, as follows: The history of musical aesthetics may well iii{>ress us as a kind of pendulum, swinging between these two conceptions, across a whole spectrum of intermediary nuances. We should, nevertheless, remember that different conceptions often coexist, as in the Romantic era, when Hanslick was set against his contenporary Richard Wagner. But across the ages, one or the other takes a dominant position, as did the formalist position after World War II. The dominance of one or the other position owes a great deal, I believe, to the importance and esthesic success of the musical schools that eznbody them. Let Boulez be the leading man in the neo -serialist school, and we are ready to acknowledge that "music is a nonsignifying art" (Boulez, 1981, p.18) but let Stockhausen successfully make music into a vehicle for cosmological visions, and music once more bears meaning. As an early discussion in this chapter shows, today's Japanese music education fails to articulate the cohcept of exteriority, and this situation is based on Western aesthetics in the nineteenth century. The writer believes that today's music educators in Japan should reconsider Western aesthetics and its values, not follow them: we need to learn what deconstruction, cultural history, narratology, and feminist theory have to offer (Said, 1991, p.xvi). Reimer (1989, p. 229) has also written in the last chapter, as follows: 40 All art serves the same function, which is to provide a means for exploring and experiencing the nature of human feeling. All art fulfills this function in a common manner, which is to embody, in some perceptible medium, conditions which are analogous to the conditions of feeling. All art yields experiences of feeling through the same way of sharing, which is to perceive the conditions expressive of feeling and to react to their affective power. Reimer easily takes for granted those terms such as "the nature of human feeling" and "their affective power." Walker (1990, pp.187-188) writes, as follows: It is commonly reported in many ethnological studies of the Australian aboriginal culture, for example, that the Australian aboriginal considers the role of the Dreamtime absolutely czrucial to their survival. The Dreamtime is regarded as the truly creative time of their existence. It is the time when they make contact with the supernatural forces that shaped their universe. It is also regarded as the source and repository of songs and, indeed, all artistic activities... In such a belief system, creativity, as Western thought has defined it, cannot exist. There is no place for the individual as "creator" of his or her own music. This represents a significant and qualitative difference between an aboriginal musician and a Western conposer such as Liszt. We have to mcUce sure that the "affective power" of music belongs to Western culture. There are no terms for Western affective power in the Australian Aboriginal aural culture. As Walker mentions, there is no place for the individual as "creator" of his or her own music outside Western musical culture, even though Reimer (1989, p.69) says, as follows: Music education should also involve people in the creation of music to the fullest extent possible, to experience their own explorations and discoveries of feeling through the act of creation. 41 Reimer tries to understand all kinds of music from rock to ethnic music as an extension of aesthetic education as well (Reimer, 1989, p. 143): While jazz still finds itself fighting the old, tired battle of its "impolite" origins, it has long since become accepted for what it i s — a fascinating and valuable source of musical experience...that some popular music of the present time...is of extremely high quality in musical excellence and musical expressiveness. Reimer assumes all music serves the same function for all human beings, and that music is a kind of universal language for all human races as he acclaims himself as an absolute expressionist. He says (1989, p.33): "The idea that arts have a special relation to feeling— the Absolute Expressionist position— is pervasive in all cultures." In order to support his views of music education, we perhaps should believe that all human beings have the saaa& brain function and cultural differences arise only from social conditioning. This would be Hegel's and Kant's position too. Walker (1994, p.18) argues against Reimer's position, as follows: It's like this. If bear brains are all the same, basically, then we can acculturate polar bears to act like urban brown bears. Similarly, we can acculturate Chicago b o m and bred children, or Tokyo, or Taiwan children, to think musically like children brought up in, say, Vienna in the late eighteenth century. Thus music education, like bear education, is siaply a matter of identifying, goals, such as Reimer's goals of aesthetic education. But suppose the supporting assumptions about brain function are wrong! This is where we stand at present with our educational enterprise: we do not know the answers but we are assiiming that we do in our classroom practices. 42 Western aesthetic theory is a cultural artifact oUtid can be applied to a particular musical culture based on the nineteenth century Europe. The invention of the theory is matched by the invention of the music to suit, in which case, the theory is a cultural invention, like the music, and is not universal, unless all cultures invented the same theory— which they actually have not. Thus, Western aesthetic theory does not have to be imiversally accepted by everyone in the world. Walker (1994, p.19) continues: In essence, then, Reimer's prescription probably cannot work in the classrooms of contenaporary society. Schools are now full of children with what some might call a "postmodern" basic rule-set: i.e. a jtixtaposition of contradictory, conflicting, and confused rule-sets where none assume ciny inportcuice or particular relevance over any other. Thus, Reimer's notion of aesthetic education in music is merely one of many competing interpretations of music which the acquired rule-set scans like an inpartial, value-free assessor. The values articulated by Reimer are those of 19th century German philosophers and aesthetes such as Schopenhauer, Hegel, Hanslick and Schlegel, and Suzanne Langer is a 20th century heiress to this tradition. Bruno Nettl (1983, p.25) says: "ethnomusicology as western culture knows it is actually a western phenomenon." Nattiez (1990, p.60) has written, as follows: Any musicologist realizes that music is probably a universal fact (it appears that there is no civilization without music), and realizes that the "faculty of music" is written into the genetic destiny of humanity, like the "faculty of language." The moment this is realized, however, the musicologist must be able to relativize the concept of music, ouid acknowledge that western musicology is itself merely a form of culturally conditioned knowledge. 43 Nattiez does not say that the universals of music cannot be sought. At the same time, the concept of music in the West has changed. In other words the borders between music and noise are becoming more and more ambiguous because of Western coEoposers such as Russolo, Schaeffer, Varese, Cage cuid Schafer in the twentieth century. The problem of the schism between music and noise has been researched by some alternative apparatuses including that of cognitive anthropology (e.g., "Maslc ±n the Mind, The Concepts of Masla and Maalclan. in Afghaniatan." by Hiromi Lorraine Sakata, 1983) , zoomusicology (e.g., the French conposer F. Mache's omithomusicology, 1983 and "T3o Animals Have a Masla?" by George Herzog, 1941) , ethono-musicology and semiology of music. Nattiez (1990, pp.61-67) has written, as follows: As soon as we go off in q[uest of the universals of music, we encounter a similar difficulty. We recognize the worldwide existence of music, but all those things that we acknowledge as musical facts are not necessarily thus categorized by everybody. The investigator's dilemma when confronted by this paradox is inherent not only in the question of universals. This dilemma is...the dilemma of any conparative study. Any conparison will always be shaped by the compazrer's point of view...If music appears to be a universal activity, universals of music doubtless do exist, but they must be sought in the realm of poietic and esthesic strategies more than at the level of immcuient structures. Even through the use of semiology of music, Nattiez operates with the assumption of the universed.s of music, that is to say, we do not yet know the answers toward the universals of music. Nietzsche (1954, pp.46-47) has written, as follows: a mobile arn^ of metaphors, metonyms, and 44 emthropomorphisms — i n short, a sum of human relations, which have been enhanced, transposed, and embellished poetically and rhetorically, and which after long use seem firm, canonical, and obligatory to people: truths are illusions about which one has forgotten that this is what they are. Nietzsche's view will tell us the fact that non-Western sotind culture only exists in the Western perspective because of the boundaries of the nature of language. Such a European awareness including Nattiez's view of non-Western sound culture has been f ul][.y explained by meanings, connotations and so-called scientific evidence. However, Nattiez's view of music is perhaps merely a positive doctrine about non-Western sound culture as one of European academic fashions. Said (1994, pp.201-202) has written, as follows: My principal operating assiimptions were—and continue to be—that fields of learning, as much as the works of even the most eccentric artists, are constrained and acted upon by society, by cultural traditions, by worldly circumstance, and by stabilizing influences like schools, libraries, and governments; moreover, that both learned and imaginative writing are never free, but are limited in their imagery, assumptions, and intentions; and finally, that the advances made by "science" like Orientalism in its academic form are less objectively true than we often think. The Western aesthetic theory was formed from a background of philosophy, cultural and political history until the end of nineteenth century. As Said points out, arts and music are constrained by socio-cultural conditionings. And the views of alternative studies such as semiology, ethno-musicology will still be conditioned by language, what Nietzche says is the truth of language. Thus, Reiner's position is not supportive; that is to say. Western aesthetics will be em illusion, or at 45 least one of many fashions about how to listen to music. The aesthetic theory of the nineteenth century was a social invention of Europe and cannot be a luiiversal anymore than the Aboriginal dreamtime can. How can a social invention be a universal? It is nonsense to say that we should deny philosophy itself. Since every single human being thinks about something and always drifts between life and death, epistemology and ontology might provide us with two of the tools to look at human nature cuid culture. As early discussions about Japanese philosophical aspects in the Edo period show, considering epistemological euid ontological issues has not exclusively been in the West. They are within Asian cultures as well. Emphasizing Western aesthetic values in the nineteenth century, however, has made a kind of cerebral infarction situation in Japanese music education, because of the cultural differences between the West and Japan. Reimer (1995, p.233-244) has written about "foreign musics," as follows: To understand that foreign musics are foreign is to have learned a fundamental lesson about the nature of the h\iman condition. . .Music, I want to suggest, exists, first and foremost, to serve our souls...each individual can both find soul in the music of his or her cultiire and share soul to some extent with those of other cultures, is to have helped them experience musically the paradoxical -and fundamental - nature of the human condition. Reimer's position, however, is still stuck with Western nineteenth century aesthetic values. A couple of possible questions exist concerning Reimer's position. Can we take for granted the term "soul"? Does music always exist to sezrve for 46 each individual soul? lAnberto Eco (1972, p.383) has written, as follows: If the ultimate Structure exists, it cannot be defined; no metalanguage can ever capture it —because if it can be discovered, it is no longer ultimate. The problem here does not rely on whether the universals of music exist or not but our attitude towards the universals of music, that is to say, some investigations are needed to clarify the reason why we should identify the universals of music and where the desire comes from. This is the exteriority which we need in Japanese music education. Reimer is a person who can easily move from camp to caaap (e.g., ethno-musicology) to extend his concept of aesthetics. He might be a good missionary for the aesthetic camp in American music education, however, he is not at all suitable for considering any alternative for Japanese music education. 1-5 Helping Consiiming Passions in British Music Education: Another Version of the Universalist Approach Ethnocentrism is not confined to North America; Keith Swanwick is seen as another influential figure in international music education but suffers from a similar narrow perspective 47 demonstrated by Reimer. Judith Willi£unson (1991, p.67) has written, as follows: Advertising is part of a system which not only sells us things -it sells us "choices": or, to be more precise, sells us the idea that we are "free" to "choose" between things. To nourish this "freedom" advertising must, like other key ideological forms, cover its own tracks and assert that these choices are the result of personal taste. As a contenporary advert puts it: "One instinctively knows when something is right." In our society "high" and "low" cultural forms share the Scune speech: for this pon^jous phrase could equally have leapt straight from the mouth of that most instinctive bourgeois character The Artist. Swanwick also cites materials from all kinds of musical genres from popular to classic, ethnic music from around the world to contenporary music. Swanwick tries to erase any cultural context of music, such as the drug culture in rock music or a social structure in ethnic music, as if he is a quite good record producer or sales person. Swanwick (1988, p.81) introduces a story about a seventeen year old British boy's first e^cperience at a sitar recital, as follows: ifhat did happen was magic! After some time, insidiously the music began to reach me. Little by little, my mind—all ny senses it seemed— were becoming transfixed. Once held by the soft but powerful sounds, I was irresistibly drawn into a new world of musical shapes £Uid colors. It almost felt as if the musicians were playing me rather than their instruments, and so I, too, was clapping and gasping with everyone else...I was unaware of time, unaware of anything other than the music. Then it was over. But it was, I am sure, the begiiuiing of a profound admiration that I shall always have for an art form that has been, until recently, totally alien to me. Afterwards, Swanwick (1988, p.82) goes on: 48 Clearly, this young person writing about a single experience with Indian music has moved through the developmental transformations of the spiral to the level of being able to declare some value commitment. Needless to say, this young boy does not study either Indian music or Indian culture. What he did was to write about his personal experiences. This attitude is a good exanple of "the danger of reading Western meanings and expectations into passages where they are not relevant" (Meyer, 1956, p.197), and "people often listen to Japanese, Javanese, Indian music, making comments about it that would be totally unacceptable to an Asian musician, but satisfied that they understand it because they enjoyed it" (Nettl, 1983, p.44). The writer believes that it is difficult to understand Indian music without knowing IndieUi culture cuid its context. This is because, as Martyn Evans says, "perhaps we can, in time, adopt the perspective of the Indian, or of the Venda, so that we really listen through it and not simply to it. But this means living their life" (1985, p.141). However, Swanwick (1988, p. 101) goes on: If we believe that any musical tradition is able to be interpreted only through extra-musical references shared within a particular culture, then it follows that responses to music will be a local phenomenon from which people of other cultures are largely excluded.. .music can be culturally exclusive if the sound-spectrum is strange, if expressive character is strongly linked with a particular culture or sub-culture and if structure expectations are inappropriate. All of these elements, especially expressive characterization, can be anplified by labeling and. cultural stereotyping. The task of education is to reduce the power of such stereotypes through a lively exploration of musical procedures, phenomena which can be relatively independent of cultural ownership. 49 Swcinwick uses such terminologies as cultural stereotypes, and labels them as a negative factor in music education; at the same time, he confuses the meaning of the words cultural context. How does he think one can access music in any other cultures? And why is there a necessity for reducing cultural context? In Swanwick's scheme it would be easy for Western people to exploit music in non-Western cultures like the Japanese Kabviki (the traditional Japanese style opera) and the Javanese Gamelan, because any non-Western sound has the possibility to become a commodity. Western people do not have to pay attention to the cultural backgrounds of non-Western sound cultures. This attitude is not so much music education as shopping. Paul Griffiths (1978, p.124) writes: If there were to be new releases in music, it would come not from the West but from the East. Musical Orientalism has a long history— most of the standard Western orchestral instruments can be traced back to Arab sources - but as far as modem music is concerned the trend has its origins, again, in Debussy's Pxelude a ^L'apres-mldl d'un favuae. In 1889, three yeeu:s before he began work on that coinposition, Debussy had been greatly impressed by the Eastern music he heard at the Paris Exhibition. For exaicple, music serialist composers such as Boulez, Stockhausen, Krenek, and Dallapiccola re-found Debussy in the 1950s. At that time, they had already been aware of the boundaries of European avant-garde. It singly expresses the limitation of dodecaphonic system by Schoenberg. Debussy was the first Western composer who recognized some other sophistication outside European music. Avant-garde conposers, who dared to break off the relationship with tradition, urgently needed to find other traditions outside Europe. 50 stockhausen composed Tslemasic, Messiaen conposed Sept HaiJrai, and Reich composed Maslc fox 18 maslclana. Cage was infatuated with Japanese Zen Buddhism. Boulez was a little bit more sensitive than other composers. Though he composed Ls marteau sans msiltre in 1954> he becomes a conductor after all. Griffith also (1978, p.126) writes; Perhaps... a certain lack of confidence in the continuing strength of the Western tradition...had a part in encouraging a more whole-hearted and searching investigation of alternatives. The American composer and musicologist Colin McPhee (1901-64) spent several years in Bali studying the music of the g-amelan. and using what he learned in his own compositions... These coiqpositions by such composers as Stockhausen, Messiaen, Boulez and Reich are produced by the result of "a certain lack of confidence in the continuing strength of the Western tradition," as Griffith explains. These composers all found inspiration in non-Western culture. However, non-Western culture has its own environment cuid sophistication, and just the imisical elements from non-Western culture should not be abstracted. Because non-Western culture consists of many aspects that not only includes space and environment, but also each ethnic group's reality of life, logical and illogical aspects and everything. Said (1994, p.207) has written, as follows: Along with all other peoples variously designated as backward, degenerate, uncivilized, and retarded, the Orientals were viewed in a framework constructed out of biological determinism and moral-political admonishment. The Oriental was linked thus to elements in Western society (delinquents, the insane, women, the poor) having in common an identity best described as lamentably alien. Orientals were rarely seen or looked 51 at; they were seen through, cuialyzed not as citizens, or even people, but as problems to be solved or confined or-as the colonial powers openly coveted their territory-taken over. However, more recently Western conposers suddenly came to find the value of non-Western music as well as early European musical works. The works of two Asian conposers, Toru Takemitsu of Japan and Isang Yun of Korea, were favorably received by the European and American coinposers and critics. They unexpectedly became heroes for the new age. What has actually happened in the last forty years in European music? This is a question, which music educators today must carefully analyze before becoming slaves of our consuming passions. However, Swanwick (1988, p. 110) introduces several aspects of Western exoticism as "transcending cultures", as follows: This musical traffic does not only run from west to east or north to south; nor does it only flow from "classical" traditions to "folk." The drift is in all directions, unstoppable. Western "symphonic" music (for want of a better term) has always absorbed elements from elsewhere like a great sonorous sponge. Haydn absorbed Slavonic turns of phrases; Debussy was impressed by the "Cakewalk"; Stravinsky copied "Ragtime"; Puccini did his homework on ancient Chinese tunes for "TureUidot"; Vaughan Williams soaked vtp model folk melodies from rural Britain; at some point, "Moorish" dances became Morris dancing, hence the exotic costumes. If Swanwick proposes to reduce stereotype cuid labelling, why is he able to accept the music which he mentions above, as "transcending cultures"? If Puccini's "Turandot" is the result of a sort of cultural exchange, it can also be seen as entirely stereotyping Chinese culture. "Turandot" is written in the style of Italian operas in the early twentieth century, and has 52 nothing to do with Chinese music. The same kind of evidence can be seen Puccini's "Madame Butterfly," the story of which is set in Nagasaki, Japan in the end of nineteenth century. Nattiez (1990, p.121) has written, as follows: Emphasizing certain degrees of. the scale within a melody, or a chord, could provoke a specific psychological state. For Max d'Ollone, the diminished seventh chord expresses a particular feeling of anxious expectation, and for this reason Puccini uses it in "Madame Butterfly" to underscore Cio-Cio-San's vigil, as does Berlioz in "Romeo et Juliette," and Tchaikovsky in the "pathetique." In other words, both "Turandot" and "Madame Butterfly" were conposed within Western notation for Western instruments and Western singing styles. One may consider Karlheinz Stockhausen as reflecting Swanwick's conceptual background. Stockhausen tried to establish a "World Music" in the 1960s. He conposed "Telemusik" in Tokyo in 1966, and said, "write not 'my' music but rather the music of the whole earth all lands and races" (Griffiths, 1978, p.138). Telemaasik includes recordings of sounds from Sped.n, Vietnam, Bali, the southern Sahara, Japan cuid Hiingary, all appearing fleetingly cUid caused by electronic mesuis to interact with each other. However, it is not so much a "World Music" as his own music. Stockhausen merely confused an arbitrary ownership with universality. As Walker (1996a, p.126) says, music psychology is mostly informed by formalism or structured.ism, and pays attention to commonalities across all humans usually without testing assumptions across different cultures and environments. Swanwick takes advanta.ge of his belief in the existence of cognitive universals and genetic templates. But we don't know 53 yet what they are or whether they exist, amd his position looks like an extension of metaphysics or applied Hegelianism for resolving today's so called cross-cultural situation in music education. However, Swanwick's proposal is, rather, a "paradise of fools (Karatani, 1989, p.271)," in which the original contexts are disintegrated and parody, pastiche, and collage become trends, that is to say, he simply proposed the same commercial copy as "one instinctively knows when something is right," in music education after all. Swanwick maikes those non-Western sound cultures manageable, in other words he contributes to producing flexible and capricious listeners (constuners) for music industries in the XJK. We do not have any common groxind for saying a piece of music transcends cultures at all. Cook (1990, pp.237-238) has written, as follows: Music theorists, analysts, and historicUis have a tendency to assume that only those aspects of music that a given culture rationalize are of aesthetic significance. Now all musical cultures rationalize certain aspects of their musical production, while leaving others open to determination by ear in the light of the specific musical context. The pattern of rationalization varies between different cultures: for instance, whereas in Western classical music note-to-note structure is highly rationalized but the precise values of intervals are not, in Iranian classical music it is just the other way round. The primary formal unit of Irauiian classical music is the dastgah (Nettl 1983, 109-10), which resembles the raga of North Indian music in that it rationalizes intervallic values to a rather high degree and in a relatively context-sensitive manner, while leaving note-to-note structure effectively up to the direction of the performer (that is why one speaks of Indian and Iranian music being improvisatory). It has been said that rationalism as we know it in twentieth century scientific endeavors originated in the West. However, as Cook points out, each culture has its own 54 rationalizations. In the West, rationalism and intellectualism have been based on human reason, that is to say, reason being much more important than experience, and Western aesthetics is based on rationalism. In the East, their own rationalizatiQns, are different from Western rationalism. Murray Schafer, for example, tries to release music from the narrow frame of Western thought to a chaotic physical acoustic space, and to reconsider what the meanings of sounds are once again through the concept of sotmdscape. Schafer (1977, p. 256) has written, as follows: Since modern man fears death as none before him, he avoids silence to nourish his fcuitasy of perpetual life. In Western society, silence is a negative, a vacuum. Silence for Western Man equals communication hang-up. If one has nothing to say, the other will speak; hence the garrulity of modem life which is extended by all kinds of sonic jabberware. In other words, Schafer tries to reflect on Western society from the bottom up. In fact, the concept of music itself does not matter in A Sound Ednccitlon (Schafer, 1992) . He writes about environmental education in sotind rather than Western music education. However, Reimer and Swanwick's concepts in music education have had a much bigger influence among music educators in Japan thcUi brand-new approaches like Schafer's concept of soundscape. Because the dominant models of music education originated within Western society, people who live in non-Western societies have been exclusively following this kind of Western approach based on nineteenth century Western aesthetics without having any exteriority. Walker (1996a, p.104) has written, as follows: 55 Early twentieth century Western traditions still show clear links between truth and form in both langu^.ge and music. In language this translated into a structuralist theory...which held that all humans share a basic linguistic brain fiinction and language structure. Language is something out there, a separate entity for us to plug into, not something to negotiate through discourse, and music was regarded similarly. Such essentialist theories came under attack from so-called post-structuralists, particularly where language was concerned. Structuralism, with links to ancient theories of rhetoric, posits relationships between brain structures and linguistic and musical structures common to all humans. Such a pylori behaviours link all humanity because at some level all language and music are structurally and therefore semantically, similar. Post-structueiJ.ists argue that content and meaning are socially negotiated and determined. There is no language or music "out there" except that which we construct through social intercourse, which inplies that within any culture there will be differences brought about by different conditions and social interactions. To sustain both Reimer's and Swanwick' s concepts of music education, we have to accept essentialist and structuralist positions. Walker (1996a, p.113), however, says: There is no empirical evidence from biology, from anthropology, nor from psychology that humans are pre-determined towards any particular behaviours in cultural activities such as music and language... Basic adaptive capabilities of the human species might be iii{>ortant to the survival of humanity as a whole, but they appear to be predictive of very little to do with how humans behave in the context of culture... In studies of musical behaviour the locus of interest should lie in the specific environmental and ontological conditions which gave rise to the specific socio-cultural interactions, the social interactions themselves, the products and interactions between these. We can only observe essentialist and structuralist theories, more specifically Reimer's and Swanwick's concepts in music education as a cultural aspect or fashion arising from certain socio-cultural conditionings in the USA and the UK. If 56 there is no evidence that all htimans are pre-determined, any musical activities and any musical content and meaning are socio-culturally negotiated and determined. Japan originally imported a European style of music education as a product using their basic adaptive capedsilities for survival to offset American colonial eunbitions. However, this assimilation process of nineteenth century European ideas in terms of music education is not quite successful because Japan exists in i^e specific environment and ontological conditions which are totally different from those of the West. Given the kind of manipulative nature of governmental policy, music education in Japan has not had any external perspective. That is to say, music teachers have hardly inquired of what the duplicity of the Meiji civilization was, or how their Japanese roots made the Japsinese people differently even though they were brought up with Western artifacts including music in Japan. Thus, exteriority is needed to decode what is actually going on in Japanese culture to open the closet on Japanese music education. We cannot possibly go further without having an accurate circumstantial analysis based on our own socio-cultural conditionings in Japanese music education. 57 Chapter Two: Explanation of the I n c o m p a t i b i l i t y of European Epis temolog ica l and Ontolog ica l Views of Music with Tradi t iona l Japanese Views of Music 2 -Introduction "Let roe listen. Why don't you play "KnroJraTni [black hair]" for me?" ...Her sense of pitch wasn't really bad. Because of her nervousness, the opening was shaky, but eventually her confidence returned. Her voice wasn't bad either...He, however, felt that her performance was not in time..."You have studied European music, haven't you?" Her mother answered, "She used to practice the piano but started being interested in playing the saaaLaen two years ago..." "Can you see the difference between the piano and the samisen? "Yes." "What is it?" "Well, the sami^en is much more difficult to play. If I accurately follow the music notes, somehow my piano performance sounds like "music." But in terms of samisen music, notation means nothing"..."To learn Ongyoka [a song accompanied by samisen music] isn't easy. Especially for anybody who first studied European music like you. You have to make a fresh start. You should forget the piano, otherwise your JLnta. [a Japanese traditional song] performance will never be in time. Sounds are indeed important but ma [silent intervals] are really devilish in samisen and Jtoto performances." (translation: T. Imada from Ariyoshi, 1976, pp.58-63) The Japanese best-seller Sawako Ariyoshi (1931-1984) wrote her maiden work "Cang-en [Catting the Thread]" in 1956. 58 The story is cJaout a great blind jiuta master and living national treasure Toshihisa Kikusawa, and his daughter Kunie, who is also an excellent jiuta. player. The conversation from the cJsove quotation is made between Toshihisa and his new pupil, Ruriko Mase. Ruriko is a young mathematics major college girl, who is quite westernized in terms of her modepi life style. She is especially described as a person who has logical and rational thinking and can easily argue with the great master. According to the old tradition in terms of the learning process of Ongyoku, the great master was everythi^ig. There should be no argument or even conversation between teachers and pupils. Pupils were expected to follow and st^al their masters' art quietly. The master Toshihisa disowned Kunie because she got married to a highly educated Japanese American diplomat Joji (George), who studied Asian history at Cambridge University. Toshihisa cannot accept alien blood in his family tree, especially into his art tradition. But as he gets older, he starts missing his only daughter, and Ruriko reminds him of Kunie, when she was young. He therefore accepts Ruriko's modem attitude. Ruriko, on the other hand, is quite infatuated with the great traditional world. One night, she invites the great master to a classical concert. After the concert she criticizes Bartok's third piano concerto, as follows: X am a huge fan of modem atonal music. But that particular piano concerto is quite unlike his other works. Xt is too well balanced and friendly. X was really sad. Even though he composed it just before his death, he should have been more aggressive... (Translation: T. Xmada, from Ariyoshi, 1976, p.113) 59 The great master does not have any words to explain Bartok's third concerto. He simply says that the concert was interesting. Any sound from the Japfinese traditional instruments such as the Jbiva, the shaJtuhachx and the samlsen, even one single sound or interval is very much coitpleted. In European music, the instruments are played to make a logical phrase, and eventually those phrases are constructed like a big novel, as if one single sound plays a role as a word. However, a single sound in Ongyokn, for exauople, is already conplicate enough, and hardly makes a move. The Japanese traditional musiciauis, therefore, paid significant attention to silent intervals "ma'' as a sort of comparable strength with sounds. "Ma," therefore, brings so many sounds, and a single sound loses its principal or meaning after all. The sounds get nearer to silence or environment or nature and are eventually expected to not express any semantic meanings. European music in the nineteenth century, however, has a tight relationship with words. Osamiu Hashimoto (1995, p.254) has written, as follows: We should think a little bit more about efficiency of languages. No matter how much we watch movies or listen to music, we cannot possibly explain or remember our experiences without having words. Hashimoto's idea cibove has clearly embodied in nineteenth century EuropeeUi music. Ruriko likes atonal music in which familiar sounds like a tune and harmony are totally disintegrated. We can easily euiticipate that she finds some similarities between atonal music and the Japanese traditional music in terms of the relationships between sounds cind words. 60 This chapter explains the inconpatibility of European epistemological and ontological views of music with traditional Japanese views of music in order to avoid following European aesthetics in terms of music education in Japan. In Chapter One, we historically observed how alien European metaphysics actually is to the Japanese tradition in terms of socio-cultural settings. In this chapter, discussion on both European and Japanese music themselves will be more focussed. Why does Toshihisa ask Ruriko to forget the piano? Why does the Japanese composer Miyake ask herself (in Chapter One), "what does Japaneseness actually mean?" In order to clarify these questions and issues, detailed explanations of the relationships between music and language in Europe are required. 2 -1 Music As Language The structural organization of music and that of language was at one time asstimed to be more or less coextensive (Cook, 1990). The concept of "aesthetics" in European music theory was fully developed by the nineteenth century and it was based on "Platonic ethos" and "Aristotelian mimesis." This concept of "aesthetics" was essentially a literary one where music was explained by words as a means of addressing the issue of musical understanding. Western composers could not disregard the existence of rhetoric, that is to say, they always had to think about relationships between music and poetry, for 61 exeuiple. In ancient Greek culture, all arts such as music, painting, poetry, drama, and dance were thought of as "imitating action." According to both Plato and Aristotle, art represented or imitated the inner htiman spirit, the so-called ethos or character. European Renaissance thought argued that melody should reflect the ethos, or character, through the words being sung. Beethoven's music, such as the opera "Fidelia" or the ninth Syiophony, was received as indicating the ethos of the new age of freedom and closely linked to the ideas which fuelled the French Revolution (Walker, 1990). In order to express pure rhetorical elements in music, the system of major or minor keys played a quite inportant role. Deryck Cooke (1989, pp.13-14) has written about the minor keys, as follows: In ciny case, it is undeniadsle that composers have consciously or unconsciously used music as a langu^ge^ from at least 1400 onwards—a language never formulated in a dictionary, because by its very nature it is incapable of such treatment. A few examples may suffice here. A phrase of two notes (the minor sixth of the scale falling to the fifth) is to be found expressing anguish in music by Josquin (Deploration); Morley (•Ah, break, alas!); Bach (Crucifixus in the B minor Mass); Mozart (Don Giovanni—Donna Anna's grief at her father's death)...and innumerable other places in the music of these and practically all other composers. The Scime thing applies to the major keys. The classical period which extends from about 1770 to about 1830, was based on itpollonian worship. According to R. Murray Schafer (1977, p.6): "In the j^ollonian view music is exact, serene, mathematical, associated with transcendental visions of Utopia and the Harmony of the Spheres." In this period, as a result, rhythms and harmonies had a tendency to be sisplified, and the 62 major keys were used much more frequently than the minor keys. Cooke (1959, p.14) also has written, as follows: Another example is a phrase of 1-3-5-6-5 in the major scale (sometimes with passing notes), used to express a simple, innocent, blessed joy: found in coijntless plainsong themes and Christmas carols... Formal principles of rhetoric were established based on a belief in the presence of an affectiveness for various musical elements such as Bielody, harmony and rhythm. In the eighteenth century, most significant composers were influenced by the art of rhetoric in music. They tried to develop musical structure as a system of logical argument. This process of musical sophistication and elaborations produced counterpoints and eventually a full classical sonata form. Walker (1990, pp.122-123) writes: The development of musical structure as a systematic form of logical argument, expressed through the musical elements of melody and harmony in a conpositional procedure known generically as counterpoint, was entirely due to the sophisticated stage that had been reached in the applications of rhetoric to music. Most significant conposers of the eighteenth century were greatly influenced by the art of rhetoric applied to music and succumbed to interpretation of the notion of musical mimesis to some degree or other. Walker (1990, p.102) has also written, as follows: The nineteenth century witnessed an aesthetic debate, at times most bitter, concerning whether music could represent specific feelings or the general nature of feelings in ways more meaningful than words. This controversy occurred despite certain eighteenth century skeptical and empricist views questioning whether music could represent such things at all! Coioposers, writers, philosophers, and. music lovers took sides, eind conposers such as Tchaikovsky, Liszt, Wagner and Berlioz were 63 pitted against nonrepresentational conposers such as Brahms, whom some felt wrote "pure" music: music which is thought to be exclusively a structural, classical expression relying on intrinsic musical qualities such as counterpoint, melody, harmony and formal structure. Both representational and non-representational composers were, however, influenced by each other. In fact, Brahms was an admirer of one of the most powerful representational composers Robert Shumann. Brahms was also indifferent to the debate between representational and non-representational campus (Walker, T.990, p.102). What is more important here, however, is that nineteenth century audiences seemingly tried to listen to certain types of musical component such as melody, rhythm and tonality, which signify different emotions and feelings. Cooke (1959, p.28) writes, as follows: Everyone can hear how Schubert, by use of different types of melody, different rhythms, and subtle tonal modulations follows the emotional progression of the poem, in such songs as Gretchen at the Spinning-Wheel swift succession—restless anxiety, joyous ecstasy a cry of pleasurable pain, restless anxiety—yet the emotions of the one are as "real" as those of the other. People who were in Schubert's circle for the famous "Schbertiads" (evening of performing Schubert's music), mostly his close friends, might have ishared the same musical elements and vocabularies. Music, at the same time, became a means of communication in a specific society, as if music was a language. What is more problematic, however, is that an application of formal principles of rhetoric to music beccime accepted rationally, scientifically and physiologically as \uiiversal presence. And Cooke was su£^>osedly a follower in this regard. Nattiez (1990, p.115) writes: 64 For Cooke, compositional intention (from the poetic side) aims for the transmission of a message: he admits no doubts. Leonard Meyer's position is only a tiny bit different; he acknowledges the coexistence of "absolute" and "referential meanings" within a single work (1956, xi), but for Meyer, extrinsic meanings, whose existence he freely admits, are of secondary inportance: musical meaning exists when a musical event gives rise to expectations for another event, within the framework of given style (35), and in this (to borrow his own terminology), his position remains that of an expressionist-absolutist...! consider the concept of the nature of musical meaning itself as a semiological phenomenon, to the extent that, in each epoch, culture, or theoiry, a certain or lesser weight will be accorded to music's internal or external referring. Although Nattiez seeks the universals of music in terms of a semiological phenomenon, he does not take Western rhetoric in music as a universal presence. Walker (1990, p.145) also writes: The claims of Aristotle to the effect that music CEin make our "souls enthusiastic, and enthusiasm is a condition of the soul" (Strunk, 1950, p.18)—so that when we listen to imitations we acuire a syiif>athy with the feelings imitated—would seem to be at the heart of Western aesthetics...Wagner and Schopenhauer both pointed in another direction: the autonomy and independence of musical sound...There is little doubt that most people outside the circles of the musicians concerned are unaware of the aesthetic watershed in development of Western musical art that occurred with the work of Schopenhauer and Wagner. That is to say, we cannot define music except contextually since we have not yet found the nature of universals in music. Nattiez considers that a semiology of music can possibly be a tool to find the nature of universals in music. The use of a semiological approach to investigate musical phenomena, however, is simultaneously expected to identify many 65 differences and incoinpatibilities between Europecin musical culture and others. 2 -2 Musical Semiotics: Structuralism in Saussurean Linguistics Ferdinand de Saussure (1966, pp.66-67) says: The linguistic sign unites, not a thing and a name, but a concept and a sound-image. The latter is not the material sound, the impression that it makes on our senses...The psychological character of our sound-images becomes apparent when we observe our own speech...Our definition of the linguistic sigh poses an important question of terminology. I call the combination of a concept and a sound-image a sign, but in current usage the term generally designates only a sound-image, a word, for example (arbor,etc.). One tends to forget that arbor is called a sign only because it carries the concept "tree," with the result that the idea of the sensory part inplies the idea of the whole. According to Saussure, language is a system of signs to be studied as a complete system at a given a point in time and any account of history of a culture is not needed. Each term has two aspects. First, it is madf as sound, that is to say, "cat" is different from bat, mat, hat and so on because of the first consonant. If you pronounce "bat" or "mat," those are not the word "cat." "Cat" is the signifier. Second, the meaning associated with the sound the word "cat" is the signified. These two elements are closely linked to form each linguistic sign, as follows: 66 Sign: Signifier, cat (sound image) + Signified, the animal "cat" (content) This linking between signifier and signified is not a natural linking. The reason why the word "cat" can be identified as an animal cat is, according to Saussure, because of the operation of the system of the English language. Even if there was not the system of the English language, the animal "cat" would still exist in the world, but we would not be able to classify cat, tiger, peuida and so on. Because we would have no linguistic signs which identified "cat" as different from "bat" or "mat." Other important factors in Saussure's theory are the concept of the arbitrariness of the relationship between the signifier and the signified, and the thought that the content or meaning or value of each linguistic unit is established only in relation to all other units. He (1966, p.67) says, "The bond between the signifier and the signified is arbitrary. Since I mean by sign the whole that results from the associating of the signifier with the signified, I can simply say: the linguistic sign is arbitrary." That is to say, it is internal to the language system, rather than being eui inherently determined phenomenon external to language. Therefore, his famous dictum applies: in languages "there are only differences." Saussure (1966, pp.119) wrote, as follows: The signs used in writing are arbitrary; there is no connection, for example, between the letter t and the Q7 sound that it designates. This arbitrariness of relationship means we are able to view any event or object working as part of a system of signs and ignore what the signs are saying. Saussure thinks that this linguistic arbitrary nature of relationship comes from culture, that is to say, the order of things has been arranged by the cultural system of the language. The concept of arbitrariness of relationship introduced the idea that language is not organized by an order of things, which has previously objectively existed but an order of things that has been created by language, which we human beings have "arbitrarily" orgcuiized. This perspective in Saussure also breaks Europ>ean epistemological belief of the "existential idea" into contextual relationships. According to Saussure, 2.axiga& is part of the cultural system which plays a role as a medium to make relationships between real things in the world and hviman. We know the existence of a "glass" as object. We have the word "glass" which labels the object differently from other objects. Saussure found a kind of power of language and developed the concept of semiology to study the structure of language as a science. The concept of l.aiiga.& includes the meanings of words and grammatical structure. Vaxolc is each of the practical acts of speech according to the concept of 2azigue but essentially according to cultural practice. However, parole can influence the nature of 2angue. The language use of each single person has a tendency to modify or reject the cultural system of the language (e.g. poetry of Dadaism). That is to 68 say, relationship between the langne and pa2:ols is not stable. Parole can go beyond the cultural system of the language and become the wellspring for deconstruction of the system of the language. That is why the language is not only the system of difference but also a system of arbitrary difference. Saussure also proposed the concepts of synchronic and diachronic. That is between the study of language without reference to the past, only as an existing system of relationships, and the study of cheinges in language (Jary, 1991) . The cultural system of the language can be changed in terms of time and space because of its arbitrariness. In other words, if we take any language as the system of difference, we have to specify time and place. Saussure thought that the diachronic change of history and the synchronic system of time and space should be differentiated. Cooke (1959, p.64) writes, as follows: Khen we turn to the second most common note in the major-minor antithesis—the sixth—we find that the contrast functions in much the same way as with the third. Again, the major interval is used for pleasure, the minor one for pain. It might be possible to apply these roles in music, such as major-minor function, to Saussurean linguistics. If the major functions as pleasure, major keys are the signifier^ (sound image in language). This linking between signifier and signified is also not a natural linking. The content or meaning associated with the major keys is "pleasure." A sign therefore could be equivalent to a sound image, according to this Western concept of music. The reason why the major key 69 can be identified as pleasure is because of the operation of the system of "music," namely, music plays a role as some'thing like the system of language, for example, the "English language." If major keys did not occur within the concept of music, we would not be able to classify G major chord or melody, for example, as signifying pleasure. Sign (Western music sound image): Signifier (e.g. Sixth, Major and Minor) + Signified (Pleas'ure, Pain) Other inportant factors are of course the concept of the arbitrariness of 'the relationship between the signifier and the signified, and 'the 'thought 'that 'the concept or meaning or value of each musical 'unit is established only in relation to all o'ther units. That is to say, it is internal to 'the music system in Europe and its culture, rather than being an inherently determined phenomenon external to music. Therefore, Saussure's famous dictum applies to music as well: in music "there are only differences." The arbitrary relationship comes from culture where a "music" was created. These parallels between modem language system and music are exclusively seen in the Western music system. Though Saussure tried to decode and apply his 'theory to all languages around the world, it can be difficult to apply this to non-Western music cultures. We could understand Bee'bhoven's music through those explanations by words. For example, many music teachers teach students that Beetho'ven's music is "great" according to the aesthetic values of the nineteenth century. 70 At the Scune time, the laws of the physics of sound are substantially the same all over the world <Walker, 1990), which means that a Japanese person in the early 19th century Kyoto could listen to Beethoven's "'Egmon.t." However, this would not mean that she or he could understcind what was actually going on in "'Egmoat.. " The sound pressure waves of Beethoven's music might be at worst a terrible noise for her/him. There is reverse evidence as well. A Japanese theatrical company premiered their performcuice outside Japan in December 10, 1866, at Maguizre's Opera House in San Francisco (Mihara, 1998). Their kind of acrobatic performance was based on kabuki. They also used Japanese traditional music as had been heard on stages of kabuki. They presumably sang migaxita. and played such traditional instruments as the aamLsen., the Japanese drum, the tin-bell cuid the fife in their performance. Aya Mihara (1998, pp.134-135) writes: In such time that Japanese music was new to western ears and was much abused for its cachophony, there existed a niimber of acrobatic troupes from Japan who earned tremendous popularity in the western theatre...Theatre reviews in contemporary newspapers and magazines were unanimous in highly praising skills and abilities of Jap2uiese acrobats, using such phrases as "unqualified camplete" (New York Times, 7 Hay 1867) euid "the most extraordinary feats ever placed before the public for their amusement and delight" (Morning Advertiser, 13 j^ril 1867), but to music produced during the show they raised an unwelcoming outcry in unison. Mihara (1998, pp.135-136) introduces some comments that reviewed about their Chicago tour, as follows: In one of the feats, a sample of Japanese music was given, one performer playing upon a stringed instrument, producing an almost endless repetition of a 71 single tone, varying only in time, while emother samg a mess of gibberish which bore about the same relation to music as the squealing of a pig under a gate, or a baby with the colic, (the Chicago Tribune, May 28, 1867) Take, for instance, the peculiar tone which a dog emits when siobjected to the irritation of a tin kettle tied to his tail, and under a rapid state of locomotion down a side street; join to this the heartbroken tone which a pig makes, xuider gate, when he CeUinot go forward, when it is forever too late to retrace his steps, and when it is misery to remain where he is; unite with this, the plaintive notes of a guinea hen in a state of mental agitation, and you have the peculiar music which my Japanese friend produces. To be sure, the dog, pig, guinea hen and Hollander together make more of a tune than he, which is not surprising, as one Japanese cannot be expected to rival the joint efforts of all these animals, (the Chicago Tribune June 2, 1867) There are some other reviews that appeared in San Francisco papers, as follows (Mihara, 1998, p.139): A conplete orchestra of Japanese men and women kept up a dreadful discord throughout the evening, now and then intermixing the horrible noise with a more horrible song. Kould it not be an inprovement to leave this part of the performance out? (Critic, September 24, 1867) What do those reviews actually tell us? From our late twentieth century eyes, a lack of information and understanding for Japanese culture and music could be obviously found, and racial prejudice was clearly involved at that time. If today's newspaper critics in Chicago and San Francisco are able to better understand than their cohorts one hvuidred years ago, is this because they have much more information about Japan, and they know that racism is not right? So where can we find the purely universal stanc^oint of music, which all human beings can equally share? The following hypothesis presumably comes into being: 12 1) We cannot universally understand any music because music is arbitrarily created based on a specific epoch and culture. In other words, to understand a piece of music one must understand the cultural forms that produced it. 2) We can conceivably learn music in terms of contextual relationships, for example, coirparing European music and Japanese music. 2 -3 Japanese Sound Culture How can we \inderstand or even compare music which have totally different histories and contexts? In non-Western cultures, there is presunuibly no concept of Western music at all. Can we singly abstract a "musical structure," of which Western people make sense, from non-Western sound cultures? And can we accept the structure as a \iniversal of music ignoring eill the evidence of differences? This section is a bit descriptive, however, it will conceivably illustrate the incompatibility of Europesm epistemological euid oiitological views of music with traditional Japanese views of music. We can possibly have some sense of universals of music from a European perspective. However, if it does not apply to non-Western sophistication (if people in the non-West do not need to seek the nature of universals of music at all), a universal 73 of music itself would be European cultural product in a certain particular p>eriod. People in Japan, for example, used the word "music" as soon as Western musical influence came to Japan in early twentieth century (Tanaka, et al, 1986). In ancient times, music meant the foreign instrumental sounds which were mostly from Korea and China. Simultaneously, people in ancient Japan called their own music "singing and dancing," "playing" and "sound of a thing." That is to say, the ancient Japanese people thought about various sounds not only as acoustic phenomena but also as cultural cind religious events, existing in a more inclusive socio-cultural context. The traditional way of listening in Japan involves a sort of amalgam of environmental sound, instrumental so\ind and any other environmental facts. 1) Sound of the bloom of a lotus flower In the early Showa period (1925-1989), people gathered to listen to the sound of the bloom of a lotus flower at Sinobazu-no-ike pond in the early summer. This pond is one of the most famous ponds in Tokyo, which is in the Ueno Park, Tokyo. However, the frequency of that sound is approximately 9-16 Hz. We can usually hear sound within a frequency of reUige from 20 Hz to 20,000 Hz. Since it is physically impossible for people to listen to this kind of low sound, we should understand that this sound is a metaphor. That is to say, people were unable to actually hear the sound of the bloom of a lotus flower, but they loved and wanted to listen to that phantom sound. The 74 experience was a kind of communal auditory hallucination (Tanaka, 1989). But people are not gathering today because of traffic noise (i.e., they still cannot hear it). This is because people tend to listen to environmental sounds as a total "soundscape" rather than as each single sound. The soundscape includes other social and cultural aspects of people's daily lives. 2) The sound installation, SuiklnJcatsu Naoko Tanaka investigates the Japanese sound installation, "sniklzikntsu." She describes a kind of old Japanese sound installation which was set at a stone-basin or a wash-basin in the Japanese style garden from the end of Edo period (1603-1867) to the early Showa period (TcUieJca, 1986) . "Su±" is equivalent to water, "kin (koto)" is the Japanese zither and "kutsn" means cave. The sound of "suikinkutsu" was made by the stream of a drain coming from a stone-basin or a wash-basin. A gardener usually dug a thin hole \inder a drain, and he always covered it with stones to allow water to flow naturally. In the case of the "snlkizikutsn," the gardener made a drain using an overturned water pot or barrel. There was water at the bottom of the pot. When someone washed their hands, water dropped slowly, falling to the bottom of the pot, and these sounds were amplified inside the water pot. People enjoyed listening to the subtle and quiet sounds coming from underground. Not only did they appreciate the sound of the suikinkutsu itself, but also the time spent creating the sound. After washing their hands, they had to wait a moment until the 75 sound from the suiJtisJImtsu emerged. This delay, caused by the structure of the suiJrinlnifcsu had the effect of directing people's listening to other environmental sounds in the garden. While looking at some of the garden plants and stones, and while listening to the voices of the birds or the whispering of the wind in the trees, the sui^inJrutsu contributed its qpaiet soTinds a few moments later. The result was that people forgot their ordinary time sensations little by little during the time they spent in the Japanese style gardens. The svLxki.xilcastxL, however, is totally different from the other classical arts (e.g., the Japanese tea ceremony and the art of flower arrangement) in that it is just one aspect of Japanese daily life, closely related to the human sensory organs aind physical movements or daily actions like washing hands and gargling. It is always set not only in a garden but also just beside a washroom or inside a washroom. This aspect is important to any understanding of the old Japanese aural culture. People listen to the sound of svtikxzxkatsvL along with other environmental sounds. The sound of suiJIrinimtsa does not force us to listen, but neither is it ever erased by other environmental sounds (Tanaka, 1986). 3) Ear witness accounts from literature research We can find references to Japsmese musical sensations in ancient Japanese literature, such as "Th& STale o:f Genji" (1928), which was written by Murasaki-shikibu (Lady Murasaki) (AiD. 978?-1014) in 1008?-iai0?. The Prince Genji is the ancient Japanese aristocrat, who is a son of the Enf>eror and 76 his concubine Kiritsbo. Moiioga.taxx is equivalent to "tale" or "story." If an ancient master plays the ^is, his music has the power to move the earth and a fierce god, and all kinds of instruments have a variety of effects according to 'ki.D. sounds. However, when poor players play the Jcin, its sounds sometimes move the moon and the stars, make snow and frost out of season, and disturb the clouds and thunder. Thus, the Jtizr is the greatest instrument. So why should we choose any other instrument except the IcixL as a standard for ttining all sounds? (translation: T. Imada from Tzuiaka, 1986, pp. 144-145) Naoko Tanaka (1986, p. 145> says, a.s follows^r We should understand "all sounds" as "sounds of all things in nature." thus, it is equivalent to "soundscape of the world" rather than "sotinds of all kinds^ of instruments. " The sound of the- Jrin was^ important not only as a musical sound but also as a kind of symbol, which was able to move the world. Or, to say it another way, sounds which were organized by the kin were not only sounds- of instruments but "all sounds" of the world. We shovild understand that "sounds of all kinds of instruments" is the same as "sounds of all things in the world. This idea is very dose to the Western concert of the Music of the Spheres. Murray Schafer (1977, p. 260) has written, as follows: Before man, before the invention of the ear, only the gods heard sounds. Music was then perfect. In both East cuid West arcane accounts hint at these times. In the ganglta-inafcaranda (I, 4-6) we learn that there are two forms of sound, the anahata, "unstruck," and the ahata, "struck," the first being a vibration of ether, which cannot be perceived by men but is the first basis of all manifestation. "It forms permanent numerical patterns which are the basis of the world's existence." (Alain Dani lou. The Ragas of Northern Indian Music, London, 1968) This is identical with the Western concept of the Music of the Spheres, that is, music as rational order, which goes back to the Greeks, particularly to the school of Pythagoras. Having 77 discovered the mathematical correspondence between the ratios of the harmonics In a sounding string, and noting that the planets and stars also appeared to move with perfect regularity, Pythagoras united discovery with Intuition and conjectured that the two types of motion were born expressions of a perfect universal law, binding music and mathematics. Pythagoras Is reported to have been able to hear the celestial music, though none of his disciples was able to do so. But the Intuition persisted. It is very difficult to explain the Japanese musical sensations in "Z2te Fale of Genjl"' in English. It seems the aincient Japanese people considered various sounds as total "scenery," and being more imaginative than us, there was no border between sound and music in the euicient Japanese sound culture. The concept of sound was extended from the real sound of an Instrument to sounds of a variety of phenomena in ancient Japanese culture, and therefore was more inclusive, without the artificial divisions found in the West between speech, music and SoundScape. 4) Shamanism and traditional Japanese performing arts Until the fifth century, the performing arts in Japan were introduced by Idie governing classes centered around the Imperial family (Kojlma, 1985). Japanese were eager to learn continental Asian cultures. The introduction of European classical music by the Meijl Restoration Government in the 1860s was a part of drastic reform to re-organlze Japan Into a powerful, centreillzed nation (Chapter One) . However, there was no drastic reform at all in ancient Japanese performing arts, if euiythlng these performing arts took quite a long time to spread among the general people. The influences from 7Q continental Asian coiintries on ancient Japanese performing arts were clearly limited in terms of the periods and the contents. This is because of the geographical features of Japan as an island country. An outline of the historical influences from continental Asia on cuicient Japcinese performing arts since the sixth century has been revealed by ethno-musicologists (e.g., Koizumi, 1958) in Japan. The ancient Japanese people started settling in a particular leuid. Their life style, until about the third century, that of an agrarian society, was organized around the development of rice growing in a paddy field. At the same time, people were bound to their own lands and did not move anywhere. As a result, there was little or no cultural exchange between each of the areas, and local performing arts went on unchanged. The differences between each of the genres in ancient Japanese performing arts were clearly divided by a social stratum such as folk tunes in local villages, and a historically older performing art such as the gagaJni, the orchestral music of the Japanese court. The Japanese gagaJIm, founded in the eighth century, has been preserved to the present day with little change. For ex£urple, the gagaka was basically supported and enjoyed by the aristocracy, centered on the Imperial family. On the other hand, the buzzraJtu, the Japanese puppet performance that was originally begrin in the sixth century, was adhered as today's performance by townspeople especially in the Edo period (1603-1867). Thus these traditional performing arts in Japan have not had any major change in terms of performance and concept of styles and 79 forms since they were originally begun. Considering the conplications of today's musical situation in Japan, the influence of the West since the end of the nineteenth century, capitalist Japan, American acculturation, technological development, and so on, this preservation within traditional performing arts in Japan might be regarded as a peculiarity. Many traditional Japanese performing arts were offered to the Gods of the village shrines on festival days as prayers for good harvests and health for the village people (Fujita, 1992). In ancient times in Japan, shamanism played a quite inportant role. It is no exaggeration to say that shamanism provided the matrix of performing arts in ancient Japanese sound culture. Alhough there were some male shamans, the mainstream of shamanism was formed by female shamans who were called "miko" in the Japanese leinguage. When a psychic medium "miko" said an oracle, she used several sounds as a tool at the Seime time. She also sang a song, called "ailka" (medium song) during the process as a means of delivering a divine message. This song was not so much repetition of a short incantation as a long song with a profound content. She sometimes did not play any instrument at all when she sang the medium song "mlka." As she sang a song, simultaneously she concentrated on receiving an oracle. Then a deity would come over her. As soon as she was possessed, she kept speeJcing a divine message or words from the spirits of a dead person. We are able to learn through some ancient Japanese pictures that the psychic medium "miko" beat a Japanese hand drum "tauzvmil" as well when she delivered a divine message. 80 Nob. is a genre of Japanese theater that originated in the fourteenth century. A nob. has normally one or two acts and is categorized by themes such as god play, battle play, female's play, secular play or demon's play. It is performed by a group of soloists, a chorus, and instrumental ensemble consisting of a beunboo flute, two drums shaped like hourglasses, and a barrel-shaped drum played with wooden sticks. These two drums play quite iiipprtant roles in creating a sonic space which is tense with passionate beating soTinds. This particular drum performance came from shamanism. The bamboo flute, named "Bohkan" is an instriiment, which has a unique structure. There is a part, named "nodo" inside the pip>e. This part "nodo" creates some difficulties for players to take a breathe because this section is actually narrower than the rest of the parts inside the pipe. The natural overtones, therefore, cannot be expected to be heard. A sort of distortion, however, produces an isportant characteristic sound, which makes the Japanese people comfortable. The finger holes of nobkan are unnaturally big, as a result, the pitch is always unstcJsle. This instrument was^ originally introduced from China and re-created by the Japanese people. In terms of its function as an instzrument, however, it was intentionally retrograded in comparison with the original Chinese instrument. The same kind of retrogression can be found with other Japanese traditional instruments such as sbaJcahachi and biwa. This is because the Japanese people believed that any instrumental sound has a spiritual power so-called "otodaxaa" (literally "sound spirit" in English) and that these sounds were able to reject evils. People in Japeui paid more attention to the characteristic 81 sounds of each instrument rather theui some ftinctional aspects such as the laws of motion and good manageability, which any Western instruments are expected to contain (Nishimura, 1999). Ksbvkl is one of the "great three theatrical arts in Japan" with nob. euid bnnraJm, and is the most popular traditional performing art in Japan, even in comparison with not only nob and bumraJcu., but also a style of modern Japanese drama the " sbxng'ski (new drama) ," which developed under the influence of Occidental drama and European operas. Kabnki was originally begun in Kyoto (the former capitarl city" of Japan) at the end of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the early seventeenth century by a certain psychic medium named "Izumo no Okuni ('Xzumo' is the name of a city in the western part of JapcUi)." Kabuki was also developed under the influence of shamanism in Japan. Ancient Japanese performing arts were essentially the products of people's religious feelings and ^aotions, their prayers for good harvests and a: long life; and village festivals. A festival in a particular village was a ritual to contact a god (each village had their own god), and it signified a "sacred world." In order to become a member of this "sacred world," one had to get rid- of her or his impurity in the "secular world." The earlier experience of the performing arts in Japan was a sort of rite of passage. People practiced performing arts for a piirification of their souls and spirits in order to transform from a "secular world" to a "sacred world." That is the reason why shamanism became the matrix of ancient Japanese performing arts. ifalker (1990, p.62) has written: 32 The theory, or the so-called scientific basis, of Western melody and harmony goes back in time at least 3,000 years to ancient China and Mesopotamia. But a direct link can be traced from Pythagoras (ca.570-500 B.C.) and the teachings of his secret society in Crotona (southern Italy, or Great Greece as it was then known) right up to the present day. It is known that Pythagoras spent many years studying in Babylon and Egypt, and possibly even farther East, before setting in Crotona to found his society and propagate his knowledge of the cosmic significance of nunaber. The Pythagorean scale was created to divide the octave into more or less equal steps on the basis of pureness of 2/3 or 3/2, downward or upward intervals of the fifth respectively (Truax, 1978). The ancient Chinese calculated a temperament' dividing the length of either string or tube 1/3; Traditional Chinese temperament is close to D-A-E-B-F#-C#-G#-D#-A#-E#-B#-F##-C## in terms of Western notation. The thirteenth note does not go back to D after all. The traditional Japanese temperaments^ system is^  an adaptation from Chinese scales. If translated into a Western scale, it appears, as follows: D-D#/Eb -E-F-F#/Gb -G-G#/Ab -A-A#/Bb -B-C-C#/Db. Since the intervals of Pythagorean scale becomes: 1-9/8-81/64-4/3-3/2-27/16-243/128-2, traditional Ja.panese temperament is relatively similar to Pythagorean scale and differs from equal temperament. Japanese traditional tunes are, therefore, very much melody oriented cind the concept of harmony in European music cannot be applied. The pitch of Japanese temperament was changed from time to timi^  according to the system of weights and measures of each period. A sort of melisma style is frequently seen in Japanese folk tunes. 83 Before the Meiji period, Japanese people were still practicing their own folk tunes without having the concept of scale. There was no concept of major or minor key as found in European music in Japan. Because of this incompatibility in terms of scale, Japanese traditional music has been involuntarily rejected in school music education in Japan. Japanese traditional performing arts also have their own traditions and teaching methodology which are quite different to those of the West. A Japanese traditional teacher regards aural transmission more highly than notation. For example, "ahogra." is a system of solmization used in learning the fingerings, playing techniques and rhythm of an instrument or piece in the "gagafcu" ensemble and the transverse flute of "Nob," (Motegi, 1992). This teaching style, sometimes secret, has been dominated by the "lemoto" system, the system of licensing the teaching of a traditional Japanese art. The "leanoto" system has also been controlled by the main branch of a particular family to keep its hereditary system. Thus, it was difficult to adapt JapeUiese traditional music to Western music education in schools in Japan. Recently the Ministry^ of Education has introduced Japanese traditional music and several types of ethnic music into school music education through the COS; however, the means to understand them was left to the traditions of Western aesthetics. Western classical music and associated aesthetics still have a very strong position of influence in school music education in Japan. The decision of whether some sounds are regarded as music or not rests with the cultural background of the listener. In other words, cultures do not share the same methods of listening, that is to say. 84 there are as many ways of listening as there are cultures and ears. 2 -4 Japan, As Observed by Roland Barthes Rol£uid Barthes (1968) started off as a structuralist and coded evezrything into semiotics systems of signs and signifiers from fashion, to poetry, striptease, hamburgers and advertising, in the manner of Jakobson and Levi-Strauss. But for Barthes, the sign draws attention to its own arbitrariness, which does not want to be natural, and in the act of conveying communicates its own relative and artificial status as well as signified. His reasoning is political. Signs which are "natural" are also authoritarian and ideological because ideologies seek to make social reality "natural (e.g. saluting the flag, western democracy represents the true meaning of the word freedom)." Barthes sees such things as contemporary tcY^^ologxms. He thinks that all signs are ambiguous, capable of many different interpretations, but this does not mean they are all limitless, but it does mean they are not fixed in meaning. Barthes (1973) also illustrated his view that all theory, all ideology, all determinate mecuiing, all social commitment have become terroristic and writing is the answer to all such "terrorism." He thinks about writing that enables meaning to be dislocated, released from the straight-jacket of a single identity. To understand why Barthes held this view, the context of modem France must be examined. Particularly 85 important is the fact that he wrote The Plea8ui:e of tbs Text five years after the 1968 students riots in Paris where France itself nearly collapsed into anarchy (Reader, 1987). Barthes (1982, p. 4) has written about Japan, as follows: Today there are doubtless a thousand things to learn about the Orient: an enormous labor of knowledge is and will be necessary (its delay can only be the result of an ideological occultation); but it is also necessary that, leaving aside vast regions of darkness (capitalist Japcin, Azoerica acculturation, technological development), a slender thread of light searches out not other symbols but the very fissure of the symbolic. Barthes visited Japan as a member of a French cultural mission in 1966. Wnpire of Signs is a sort of iirpressionistic criticism of Japan which was written by Barthes in 1970. What Barthes hoped to reveal are things which have been concealed by metaphysics — "another wisdom (the latter might appear thoroughly desirable)" — but he keeps his perspective as an outsider and tries to forget his own background as a French person. A sort of common point of view cem be found between the trend today in Japan for people to abandon their individualities and Barthes' position here. But it is not exactly the same. Bcurthes had a need to escape from metaphysics and logo-centrism in the West, but the Japanese do not need to escape. Japanese behave according to a cultural manner that Barthes likes, but it is always done involuntarily unlike him. Only when a certain external perspective is brought into an internal culture, the culture can be accepted as an exotic presence. However, since this exteriority is always produced somewhere out there, we can hardly expect a neutral stan<^oint at all. With some exteriority, somehow this 86 kind of Japanese attitude can be explained, as Fumio Nanjc (1988, p.315) writes: In the Japanese language there is no word able to express the idea of individual identity in the Western sense. One's own identity can only be thought of in terms of a relationship with another person or thing: that is, in a subjective sense. This is derived primarily from Buddhist philosophy, in which the concept of the self or ego, is held to be an illusion —responsible for mankind's desires for wealth, power and the flesh — which must be escaped in order to see the reality of the world around us. Even today, many Japanese are not sure cibout the difference between individualism auid egoism. The absence of individuality has been explained on many occasions as one of the most inportant sociocultural differences between Japan and Europe. Akira Asada (1989, p.276) has written: Despite frequent argument about Confucian patriarchy, the Japanese family is an essentially maternal arena of "amae," indulgence, and both the father and the children are softly wrapped in it (in other words, the mother is forced to provide that kind of care). In Japanese conpanies, the clever management, rather than mobilizing the entire aoitpany around its positive leadership, functions as an apparently passive medium which prompts agreement to be spontaneously formed from the bottom up. To begin with, the enperor is exactly that kind of passive medium, and this is reflected in the city structure which has an enpty center. Whether this results in praise of the harmony and efficiency in Japanese institutions (revisionist modernism) or praise of the aesthetic of &apty "relationality (postmodernism) ," the ideological nature of these stereotypes is undeniable: that is, an aspect of Japan' s ideological mechajiism—a description which is ideological, yet, as such, adequate to a certain extent. The use of a Western exteriority for the observation of Japan in terms of philosophical perspective results in some 87 contradictions because of its nattire of incoinpatibility, as Asada (1989, pp.276-278) also claims: One of the most abstract and powerful expressions of this Japanese ideology is Nishida Kitaro's philoshophy —his theory of "mu no basho," place of nothingness— which became the tacitly understood foundation of the postmodernism of the 1930s, or the so-called theory of "kindai no chokoku" : "overcoming the modem." "Mu," nothingness, is the principle of his philosophy... While European kings and nations, based on the principle of "yu," presence, contain conflict between individuals and the whole, and have no other choice but to repeat collision through striving to expand the self in space, the imperial household as the place of nothingness contains Japan like an empty cylinder which pierces time... Kius we can once again return to delirious parody of Hegelian world history and polish it even further. Children are running around, each one as fast as possible, at the front lines of the history of capitalism as infantilization proceeds. They are enveloped by a "place" whose age is hardly known—the "place" that is trans-historical in the sense' that Nishida demonstrated, or, if you like, posthistorical in Kojeve's sense; the "place" which, moreover, is now electronic. Can this be the absolute contradictory self-identity between the "old" and "the infantile" which is achieved at the end of world history? Asada criticizes the European nation as "old" society and Japan as "the infsuitile" in tezms of European philosophy including capitalism. He concludes that the Westernization of today's Japan is a "grotesque parody." Barthes (1982, pp.61-62) also found this kind of Japanese tradition present in Banxaka, the Japanese puppet performance: Take the Western theater of the last few centuries; its function is essentially to manifest what is supposed to be secret ("feelings," "situations," "conflicts"), while concealing the very artifice of such manifestation (machinery, painting, makeup, the sources of light). The stage since the Renaissance is the space of this lie: here everything occurs in an interior surreptitiously open, surprised, spied on, savored by a spectator crouching in the 88 shadows. . . BunraJra does not directly subvert the relation of house and stage (though Japanese theaters are infinitely less confined, less enclosed, less weighted down than ours)...Bnnraku practices neither the occultation nor the enphatic manifestation of its means; hence it rids the actor's manifestation of any whiff of the sacred and abolishes the metaphysical link the West cannot help establishing between body and soul, cause and effect, motor and machine, agent and actor. Destiny and man, God and creature: if the manipulator is not hidden, why—smd. how—would you make him into a God? In BawcaJca, the puppet has no strings. No more strings, hence no more metaphor, no more Fate; since the puppet no longer apes the creature, man is no longer a puppet in the divinity's hands, the inside no longer commands the outside. Barthes believes that, Japan as an empire of signs, is opposed to the West as an empire of meanings. This opposition between sign and meaning is equivalent to the opposition between full and empty. According to Barthes, people in the West always have a desire to fill signs with meanings, that is to say, the Western world is fulfilled by the metaphysics of Christiainity. However, Japanese people reject filling signs with meaning involuntarily. Signs in Japan always exist with a kind of lack of meaning as if they are enpty signs. It means that many signs are not explained by both spoken and written words in Japan. People do not have any desire to fill signs with meanings^. In this quote he clarifies the most dunportant difference between the West and Japan, namely, there is no antinonr^ in the Japanese Bunraku in contrast to the fact that a basic antinomy plays a very important role in Western drama. In the West, this cuitinon^ is called dualism. Especially the modem Western thinkers, for example Descartes, tried to understand the world as divided into the spirit and the body, mind and matter. Though we can find many common points between the Western and Japanese puppet performance in that they have a 89 pupi>et, story, music, actor, audience and so on, the concept is completely different, that is to say, Bunraku is not based on Western dualism. Barthes contrasts the Western theater and the Japanese Bunraku, however, the Japanese have never regarded the Bunraku like Barthes does, that is to say, they have never tried to analyze the Bunraku. "EcritvLre" (writing) is one of Barthes' best-known terms. It has an original meaning of "written language," "a literary expression," or "literary style." But he thinks ecrlture is a tendency which is seen in a certain period of literature and is independent of each single work. In Empire of Signs, ecrlttzre becomes a general term for a visual and spatial sign system. He (1982, p. 4) says: Writing (ecxltxLce) is after all, in its way, a satorx: satori (the Zen occurrence) is a more or less powerful (though in no way formal) seism which causes knowledge, or the subject, to vacillate: it creates an emptiness of language. And it is also an emptiness of language which constitutes writing; it is from this emptiness that derive the features with Zen, in the exenption from all meaning, writes gardens, gestures, houses, flower arreuigements, faces, violence. For Barthes, writing is "not in order to read it (to read its symbolism) but to follow the trajectory of the hand which has written it: a true writing," (Barthes, 1982, p. 45). He has also written edsout the Japanese Kabuki actor, "The Oriental transvestite does not copy Woman but signifies her" (1982, p. 53) . He thinks ecxituxre is formed by a gesture of ideology (So, 1974), and that is why the Oriental transvestite is a gesture of the ideology of woman and is not plagiarism. "The whole of Zen wages war against the prevarication of meaning. 90 We know that Buddhism baffles the fatal course of any assertion (or of any negation) by recommending that one never be caught up in the four following propositions: this is A—this is not A—this is both A and not A—this is neither A nor not-A...The Buddhist way is precisely that of the obstructed meaning: the very arcanum of signification, that is, the paradigm, is rendered impossible" (Barthes, 1982, p. 73). This "exemption from meaning" is exactly what the Japanese culture values based on "ruminating" and "satorl." Barthes explains "aatojci, " as follows: "Westerners can translate only by certain vaguely Christiein words (illumination, revelation, intuition), is no more than a panic suspension of language, the blank which erases in us the reign of the Codes, the breach of that internal recitation which constitutes our person" (Barthes, 1982, p.75). There is a particular space for Bunraku and Kabuki and those Western concepts such as metaphor, iTriplication and dualism are not involved at all. Karatani (1989, pp.268-269) has written, as follows: For example, the "JapcUi" of the Bnipire of Signs is a place of absence. Barthes's project was to reexamine Western thought in terms of an exteriority free of the sovereignty of the thinking subject which would be called "Japan." It is in this sense that Barthes's "spirit" exists: as a critique of the Western nineteenth century, seen as an aurarchy devoid of exteriory. But the "Japan" discovered by Barthes— that is, the Japanese nineteenth century—is also a despotic system. What Karatani inplies here is that two different cultures can co-exist, however, creating a sort of cultural mixture is not quite possible. Some commonalties can be found between two 91 different cultures, however, many differences simultcuieously exist. Karatani (1989, pp.271-272) concludes: No matter what form the West's evaluation of Japan may take, Japan will remain for the West a place of exteriority rather them being what in fact it is: a discursive space filled with conplacency and almost totally lacking in exteriority. Can there be a way out of this situation? The only word that comes to mind is "spirit," not, to be sure, interior or community spirit, but rather spirit as exteriority. Karatani does not think that semiotics by Barthes can be considered as a tool to make a connection between two cultures (e.g., Japan and France). As Karatani says, the methodology to observe each cultural sophistication has to be spirit, since exteriority goes beyond single stylistic borrowings or adaptation from Western concepts as the West sees it. The predictable question arises here: Can post-structuralism make a link between the West eind Japan in terms of social constructs of a space and location through time? Several Japanese researchers such as Naoko Tanaka have investigated the Japanese sound culture by using the concept of SoundScape by Schafer (this concept will be discussed in the next chapter). The concept of soundscape is presumably effective to recall sound memories from the past. Some investigations, however, must be done to examine whether the concept of soundscape can bring an exteriority for modem Japanese context or not, since it is a Western product, proposed by a Canadian conposer. Keiko Torigoe (1993, pp.lCT^ 11) has written after she iindertook an acoustic design of the "Rentaro Garden Project," as follows: 92 Formerly, Japanese gardeners designed their spaces not only visually but aurally. They had a knowledge and technique of introducing a specific bird voice by choosing the species of tree with which the bird had a special affinity. However, since we became "modernized" and divided^ our education and design systems into specialized senses, it became rare for gardeners to continue this practice. The saute thing can be said of architects...The concept of soundscape helps us to realize what we have lost through the process of modemization...Considered socially, if I did not have the concept of soundscape, I could not have produced this paper nor the Rentaro Garden project. However, as a Japanese person, I cannot deny my feeling of a certain embarrassment at realizing the contradictions which exist in me. In a sense, Rentaro Taki is a big contradiciton himself in Japeuiese aural culture. This contradiction includes a definition of music; he devoted his life to introducing modem Western European "music," to Japan despite having inherited a holistic sense and culture himself. The Japanese conposer Rentaro Taki was one of pioneers vrho contributed to the introduction of Europesui music in Japan at the beginning of twentieth century (refer to Chapter I-l). At age of twelve, Tcdci moved to Taketa City, an old castle town in Oita prefecture in Kyushu, Japan. Taketa Municipal Hall purchased his property in 1990. They repaired the building and the garden as the Rentaro Memorial House (Torigoe, 1993). Torigoe clearly expresses a serious contradiction, torn by East and West. Can Japanese people today successfully retrieve the Japanese traditions, which they have somehow forgotten, through the concept of soundscape? What kind of methodology do we need to bring "exteriority" into JapeUiese music education? Jtinzo Kawada (1997, p.117) has written: liOgoB and scxltare are given the absolute value by Christianity and Islam, dancing, therefore, had been historically forbidden in Christiem and Moslem traditions, (translation: T. Imada) 93 According to Japanese tradition, there is no distinction between noise and music. Any musical sound has to be heard with environmental sounds around it. Body movement and rhythm of the dr\im, in a sense, reject or absorb logos and ecaritiire. If someone tries to fill a single sound from the Scunisen with a meaning, the intensity or sophistication of the sound will disappear. Sounds from the inside ecrifcrure (European music) and sounds from the outside eoriture (Japanese sound culture) provided a distinction which illustrates the incompatibility of Europ>ean views of music ouid traditional Japanese sound culture. Thus, the great jlnta. master Toshiisa asked his pupil Ruriko to forget the piano. The piano simply inplies logos and ecrlture. Today's Japcinese people, however, live within a quite ambiguous or ambivalent environment, which has arisen from the duplicity between the West and the East since the Meiji civilization. The Japaneseness inquired by Miyake, therefore, does not mean either those old historical traditions such as Noh, Kabuki and BnnraJca, or Japan as a highly sophisticated technological society with a drastic economical development. If anything, this ambiguity or eunbivalence itself is presumably close to an explanation of what the JapeUieseness actually is. Some Japanese musicians like Miyake and Torigoe realized this duplicity but they have also known that they cannot turn back the clock. How can they possibly keep going while holding with this contradiction? The only way perhaps is to accept this ambiguity. Japanese music education, however, has not yet realized this ambiguity, therefore, many music teachers still follow 94 European aesthetic values. At the same time, the European philosophers have started doubting and deconstructing Platonic and Cartesian metaphysics using post-structuralism in the twentieth century. If Europe itself deconstructs aesthetics based on Platonic or Cartesian metaphysics, our Japanese music teachers will simply not be able to follow European music any more. This is not a suggestion for rejecting Western music. What Japanese music teachers should do is to re-examine Western music philosophically and socio-culturally. Perhaps, they will eventually have two choices. The first choice is to follow the French post-structuralist thinkers and deconstruct the music curriculum in Japan. The second choice is to say "our music curriculum is just fine. It is a result of the duplicity of the Meiji Government after all." At any rate, as music educators investigating our practice, we should not ignore the existence of post-structuralism. In the next chapter, some possibilities that post-structuralism and the concept of SoundScape potentially have as external perspectives for modern Japanese music education will be discussed. 95 Chapter Three: P o s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s m and the Concept of SoundScape 3 -Introduction This chapter will explore the mid-century structuralism/post-structuralism in France as a tool to investigate ontological and epistemological issues inherent in European philosophy and modem music education based on nineteenth century European aesthetics, which has directly influenced Japanese practices in music education. And then this chapter will discuss whether the concept of soundscape, as proposed by the Canadian R. Murray Schafer, can possibly be a new apparatus to bring "exteriority" into Japanese music education. This is because both post-structuralism and the concept of soundscape try to not rely on European logo-centrism. Foucault (1966) says, "if we study thought as cin archaeologist studies buried sites, we can see that Man was b o m yesterday, and that he soon may die." Foucault states that Western people in the twentieth century are still "the prisoner of a determined system (Ardagh, 1980, p.538) of the nineteenth century bourgeois-humanist." Politics means power and the concept of power includes such words as hegemony. Thus, attention should be paid to invisible powers or hegemonies based on "unification" and centralization" in 96 today's educational system, for example. In the twentieth century, we have seen the emergence of many thinkers who criticized Western metaphysics in the style of Derrida, for example. Their criticism reveals a power structure that tends to be unifying aind centralizing through the concept of logo-centrism. According to Derrida, a characteristic of Western metaphysics is the concept of soliloquy; that is to say, people have a desire to listen to their own monologue. The other words, it should be explained like "A=A." As we discussed in the chapter one, "A=A" is the concept of identity or subjectivity to find the sameness among many differences for the unification. The European concept of subjectivity has produced power structures, the apparatuses of nations. Various ideologies force people to obey the national power in the form of family, school, factory, hospital, army, mass media and so on through power apparatuses, and music education in Japan was originally established by the national power as well. Structuralism and post-structuralism both have indirectly suggested that we pay attention to politics and power structure. For example, the concept of de-construction for Derrida refers to a political practice. Since the music curriculum in Japan has been developed as a part of the political practice, perhaps his concept of de-construction can be applied to the COS. De-construction is an attempt to dismantle the logic by which particular systems of thought as well as supporting systems of political structures and social institutions in France, maintain their force (Reader, 1987). Can we possibly dismantle the political logic in the COS or 97 other practices in modem music education proposed by Reimer and Swanwick, for example? We should first discuss structuralism within which post-structuralism was originally born in order to msUce clearer sense of what actually happened in Europe itself. 3 -1 Escaping the European Concept of Subjectivity structuralism represents opposition to the European concept of saibjectivity and individual will. Structuralism clarifies the point at issue that the concept of subjectivity, which the European world had treated as a golden rule, was actually neither the origin of all things in the universe, or the starting point of human thought and activity, moreover. It is because the concept of subjectivity is too fragile a foundation to support human identity. It had been asserted by the European thinkers in the nineteenth century that the concept of subjectivity actively created social context and structure, that is to say, history was created by humcui subjectivity. Structuralism, however, has doubts sGsout this. Structuralist anthropology, linguistics, economics, psychoanalysis and eUiy other scientific field tell us that those social contexts, structures and history passively create human subjectivity. Subjectivity is not the producer of social structures, but is a product. European modem subjectivity is based on such concepts as individuality, will, consciousness and mentality, eUid was eventually developed by the dynamics of 98 social structures euid contexts. European aesthetics in the nineteenth century believed that music was an autonomous object, and musical works had to be con^>osed by human subjectivity expressed by such terms as feelings or affect (Reimer, 1989, p.33). Reimer (1989, p.33) has written, as follows: Creating art, and experiencing art, do precisely and exactly for feeling what writing and reading do for reasoning... In this profound sense, creating art and expressing art educate feelings. The idea that the arts have a special relation to feeling— the Absolute Expressionist position—is pervasive in all cultures. Structuralism, however, does not take Reimer's absolute expressionist position in music education at all. Structuralism presumably observes that such terms as feeling, subjectivity and affect are all socio-culturally produced; therefore, the absolute expressionist position is not pervasive in all cultures. Structuralism is closely linked to a scientific epistemology. It has been developed as a scientific concept and is not part of the terminology of philosophy, anthropology, linguistics and so on. In other words, structuralism is the generic term for a contesnporary science of language, social structure and expression generally. Structuralism is ed>out a study of the system rather theui the mecuiings of signs; therefore, texts could be detached from their surroundings eUid contexts, cuid be taken as autonomous objects. This structural unity of a work became important as information theory. For example, romeuiticism held that each work of art had a "soul," cui essence that we had somehow to get 99 into. Structuralism, as a method, questions the uniqueness of art as a form of communication. Structuralism seemed to spell the end of the world of great intellectuals, scholars and aestheticians, the end of the Age of European Humanism begun in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The emphasis in structuralism on construction rather than human meaning meant the end of the private experience of art, and art as a divine occurrence. That is to say, there could be no private sensation of art. Art became merely a product of certain shared systems of signification and no different from any other communications activity. Structuralism proposes that any human thought and experience is an effect of structure, rather like the claim that the deepest thought of humans is merely the product of chemistry in brain processes and arbitrary socio-cultural invention. Some structuralists claim that basic forms of structure are universal, not historical. The earliest experience of anthropology, for example, might have been used for satisfying European colonial pretension with a quite Euro-centric view of the world. Claude Levi-Strauss (1960), however, attempted to clarify the negative aspects in Europecin civilization through discovering universal rules between "cold' societies (primitive tribes and unchanging culture) and "hot" societies (modem civilized societies). Levi-Strauss (1973) after all reached a certain point of view, which let him find Utopia in the "cold" unchanging cultures. Levi-Strauss in his inaugural lecture at the College de France about the post-Marxist vision of freedom, spoke as follows: 100 History would henceforth be quite alone, cuid society, placed outside and above history, would once again be able to assume that regular and quasi-crystalline structure which, the best-preserved primitive societies teach us, is not contradictory to humanity. It is in this admittedly Utopian view that social anthropology would find its highest justification, since the forms of life and thought which it studies would no longer be of mere historic and comparative interest. They would correspond to the permanent possibility of man, over which social sinthropology would have a mission to stand watch, esp>ecially in man's darkest hours (Sontag, 1990, p.81). Once upon a time, anthropology was "one of the rare intellectual vocations which do not demand a sacrifice of one's manhood. Courage, love of adventure, and physical hardiness— as well as brains— are called upon" (Sontag, 1990, p.74). Structuralism believes that human Icinguages and actions are invisibly and unconsciously constituted by cognitive structures deeply underlying the surfaces of social activity. This is the point of structuralism — it is a reflection of the minds of hTimans. Levi-Strauss argues that all human societies display the same basic structures in their escpressions and provided anthropological evidence to support this. Structuralism is effective analyzing non-Western cultures scientifically through locating systems of contrastive classes underlying marriage systems and beneath myths (Jary & Jary, 1991, p.276). This concept of invisible structures in the style of Levi-Strauss, however, is still based on the European concept of agnosticism and can be criticized that it is too statically scientific and logical. Clifford Geertz (1983) argues that the Balinese people used theatre as a political system— something the West does not know, and in Tunisia he found shepherds who communicated through what the West could call poetry. They, 101 however, had no systematic, logical linear type of argument at all, in other words they thought in different ways to the people of the West. Geertz argues against structuralist views of Levi-Strauss precisely because he disagreed that all humans share the same cognitive structures cuid therefore display the same structures' in their activities. From non-Western cultural sides, some c[uestions can be asked, such as: why does Europe seek itself in the exotic — in non-Western cultures? Self, in fact, always wishes to colonize all exotic experiences. Said (1994, pp.53-54) has written, as follows: Despite the distraction of a great many vague desires, impulses and images, the mind seems persistently to formulate what Claude Levi-Strauss has called a science of the concrete. A primitive tribe, for exanple, assigns a definite place, function, and significance to every leafy species in its immediate environment. Many of these grasses and flowers have no practical use; but the point Levi-Strauss makes is that mind requires order, and order is achieved by discriminating and taking note of everything, placing, therefore giving things some role to play in the economy of objects and identities that make up an environment. This kind of rudimentary classification has a logic to it, but the rules of the logic by which a green fern in one society is a symbol of grace and in another is considered maleficent are neither predictably rational nor universal. In music, many Western artists became interested in non-Western culture. However, such "exchanges" involved only stylistic borrowings instead of a more fundamental rethinking of sound and its social, cultural and environmental role. Paul Griffiths (1978, p.l29), for example, has written about the conposer John Cage as the American composer who "could have made a drastic revision of the notion of what music is about, substituting Zen "non-intention" for achievement of a product of the individual will, the goal of European art since the 102 Renaissance." However, if Cage's concept of Zen non-intention is a substitution for the concept of European intention, this Zen non-intention is not non-intention at all, that is to say. Cage's own concept of non-intention springs from the European concept of the individual will since the Renaissance and is itself an act of intention. Non-intention cannot be intention according to Zen doctrine. Europe seeks itself in the exotic, in non-Western cultures because of the European concepts of other and self, or home and out there, and these concepts are derived from Western individualism. Cage therefore is merely a Western composer and his activities are not made because of some common structures underlying America and Japan at all. The use of structuralist analysis in social anthropology by Iievi-Strauss is considered as technique de depayseznent (technique of de-nationalization), according to him, (Sontag, 1990, p.74). Sontag (1990, pp.74-81) has written about Levi-Strauss, as follows: The anthropologist is not singly a neutral observer. He is a man in control of, and even consciously exploiting, his own intellectual alienation...He takes for granted the philistine formulas of modem scientific "value neutrality." What he does is to offer an exquisite, aristocratic version of this neutrality. The anthropologist in the field becomes the very model of the twentieth centuxry consciousness: a "critic at home" but a conformist elsewhere...The anthropologist is thus not only the mourner of the cold world of the primitives, but its custodian as well. Lamenting among the shadows, struggling to distinguish the archaic from the pseudo-archaic, he acts out a heroic, diligent, and coiiplex modem pessimism. Chapter two explained how Barthes observed Japan. A country in which the European people wish for value neutrality so-called could be fulfilled is, for Barthes, Japan. His 103 position is that of cm outsider cuid he tries to erase his background as a French p>erson in order to overcome this contradiction of "self" and "other." Barthes (1982, p.3) has written: I can also— though in no way claiming to represent or to analyze reality itself (these begin the major gestures of Western discourse)— isolate somewhere in the world (faraway) a certain number of features (a term employed in linguistics), and out of these features deliberately form a system. It is this system which I shall call: Japan. Europe has to inquire of itself the reason why it should seek modem scientific value neutrality, and this inquiry automatically makes some connections with the reason why Ijevi~ Strauss has a necessity to pursue teahni que de dspayaeraent. These inquiries for the European people indeed cannot be ignored and as soon as they start asking, a door will be opened wide for welcoming European metaphysics once again, that is to say, a monologue is now restored. From a Japanese perspective, structuralism CeUinot possibly escape the European concept of subjectivity cifter all. No matter how the West analyzes the non-West, the European explanations will remain in their own perspectives and interpretations, and the non-Western cultural sophistication itself always exists somewhere else the European investigations cannot reach. 104 3 -2 Post-structuralism: Against Metaphysics The French structuralist and post-structuralist thinkers such as Foucault and Derrida have taken structuralist positions further. Unable to break the structures of state power in France, structuralist and post-structuralists found it possible instead to subvert the structures of language, and thereby the communication of power. In the early twentieth century, some scholars such as Ludwig Wittgenstein and John Dewey had already rejected Platonic notions of metaphysics and Cartesian dualism (Gottdiener, 1995). Derrida and Foucault, too, particularly argued that all classical notions of truth and reality, n^aning and knowledge could be exposed as resting on naively representational theory of language. Derrida and Foucault both argue principally about the meeUiings of words. In Derrida's argument, words referred to other words, which in turn referred to other words, and so and so on, thus the locus of the meaning was always begin ^^deferred" because of the fact that words refer inevitably to other words. In other words, there cannot be identified an actual fixed meaning of words within a culture, as Saussure suggested. Saussure writes about the structural relationships between word structures— much like musical structures in the Western canon (Chapter Two). Saussure argues that meanings are culturally given and to some extent fixed. Derrida eurgues that meanings are culturally given but they are not fixed because of this continual reference to other words, which deferred meaning. Derrida 105 (1982) re-interpreted Plato, especially in LA Phanaacie de Platon ("Plato's Pharmacy") , by pointing out how Plato used metaphor euid stories to make his arguments, therefore Plato's meanings were deferred in the metaphors which deferred to other metaphors and so on. Foucault on the other hand argues the words have different meanings depending on how they are used in different historical epoques. He examined the word madness and pointed out that in the sixteenth century the "fool"— as in Shakespeare's play, and many French plays of the period— the fool was harmless and often had wisdom. By the nineteenth century the "fool" was regarded as a dangerous madman to be locked away because of strange behaviour. By the twentieth century madness was an illness to be treated with drugs and electronic therapy. His books "The Order of Thiags" cUid "Madness and C±v±l±zat±on" were major epistemological landmarks whereby the principles of archeology were applied to understanding the meaning of words— words like prison, madness, punishment, sex and so on. Even though they are considered as post-structuralists, both Derrida and Foucault have never suggested abandoning the concept of structure. Their purposes are to deliberate about social contexts and cultural realities through a structural viewpoint. Jonathan Culler (1982, p.92) writes, as follows: Philosophy defines itself as what transcends writing, and by identifying certain aspects of the fiinctioning of language with writing aside as sinply am artificial substitute for speech. This condemnation of writing, in Plato and elsewhere, is of considerable importance because the "phonocentrism" that treats writing as a representation of speech and puts speech in a direct and natiiral relationship with meaning is inextricably associated with "logocentrism" of metaphysics, the 106 orientation of philosophy toward an order of meaning—conceived as existing in itself, as foundation. European metaphysics investigates of what the world really looks like using rational argument, as a result direct; mystical intuition so-called is automatically rejected. The term logos is equivocally interpreted. It can be understood by such terms as speech, explanation, understanding, human rationality and logic and so on. Logos, therefore, has laid the foundation for European philosophy. The concept of logo-centrism is based on the acceptance of "presence." According to Derrida (1989) "presence" is the concept to previously ensure the existence of the world. For exairple, speech can be ensured by the presence of the previous meaning or concept, sTobjectivity can be ensured by the presence of objectivity, which previously exists behind subjectivity. The term presence here therefore may be explained as a "truth." European metaphysics based on logo-centrism has a deep attachment to seeking any truth. Thus, Plato banished painters, who make the imitations of this world, and actors, who imitate the real human actions, from his "Republic." Plato believed that some beautiful objects, which we have seen in our daily lives, are not pure beauties. The reason why we could recognize a beautiful thing is because of the existence of the absolute beauty itself. Anything we see or hear or touch has an original form a so-called Idisa., and this idisa. is actually created first. The concept of dualism in European philosophy was therefore introduced. Even though there is the existence of a truth or absolutely conpleted thing that we human beings have never been able to touch, we are still able to touch so 107 many incomplete things in our daily lives. Thus, European metaphysics has to explain where our experience or judgement comes from. The European nineteenth century concept of aesthetics in music is based on this metaphysical inquiry of what is the absolute beauty and from where that actually comes. The Ministry of Education of Japan has also taken this concept of aesthetics after the Second World War. They published "the Course of Studies (COS)" for elementary schools in 1951 (Takeshi, 1997, p.96): In conteR^>orary music education based on the philosophy of democracy, the perfection of humanity is required. The perfection of htimanity includes aesthetic sentiment through skills in musical experiences. Spontaneous musical activities and. self-expression based on the children's wants through music are also respected. We call for the propulsion of music education that has joy and pleasure through musical experiences in home and community. The Ministry of Education obviously took for granted such terms as "the philosophy of democracy," "the perfection of htimanity." As Foucault suggested, we should re-excunine where those terms originally come from and how they have socio-culturally been established. Can we possibly seek the perfection of humanity, which applies to all humans? And this "aesthetic sentiment" in the 1951 COS should be socio-culturally clarified as well. The bible, for example, starts with "In the beginning was the word." liogo-centrism is the basis of Christianity because Christianity is basically a Greek philosophical position about life and death. Most of the early Christians were neoplatonists— including St. Augstine. This is why it is 108 important to point out that the meanings of music were thought, like the meanings of words, to have a fixed, ontological status --logos. Derrida and Foucault provide an epistemological argiunent which undermined this fixedness this log'os. In other words the Western aesthetic is based on the ideas of logos an application of meaning taken from words. The evidence for this is overwhelming in Western musical history. Plato is cited in most music history books as being responsible for the rise in importance of words as the central point for musical meaning -logos. The Western aesthetics in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was deeply involved with the Cartesian concept of rationality in the seventeenth century that if all people think carefully, our rationality will introduce a universal truth. This concept of rationality by Descartes, therefore, introduced the concept of subjectivity and identity. Walker (1990, p.122) writes: In 1649 Descartes produced a powerful and influential argument in favor of establishing scientific principles of musical expression in Les passions de I'ams. This argument emanated from a "belief that he had discovered a rational, scientific explcuiation for the physiological nature of the passions and the objective nature of emotion" (Buelow, 1980, p.801). As Buelow further points out, this was a common concern regarding all the forms of art at this time. Derrida criticized this European metaphysical view of philosophy as logo-centrism. Derrida, however, thinks that logos is merely a monologue criticized as phonocentrism. Derrida (1976, p.12) explains more details of this European desire of monologue as phonocentrism, as follows: 109 Phonocentrism, the privileging merges with the determination through history of the meaning of being in general as presence, with all the sub-determinations that depend on this general form and organize within it their system and their historical linkage (presence of the object to sight as eidos, presence as substzuice/ essence/ existence (ousia), teirporal presence as the point (stigma ) of the now or the insteuit (nun), self-presence of the cogito, consciousness, subjectivity, co-presence of intentional phenomenon of the ego, etc.). Logocentrism would thus be boTind up in the determination of the being of the existence as presence. Phonocentrism suggests that when one speaks something, her speech should express exactly the Scune contents as she intends to say, that is to say, there is no difference between speech and writing. Derrida (1978, pp.279-280) also writes, as follows: The history of metaphysics, like the history of the West, is the history of these metaphors and metonymies. Its matrix—if you will pardon me for demonstrating so little and for being so elliptical in order to come more quickly to my principal theme—is the determination of being as presence in all senses of this word. It could be shown that all names related to fundamentals, to principles, or to the center have always designated the constant of a presence—eidos, arche, telos, energeia, ousia, (essence, existence, substance, subject) aletheia, transcendentality, consciousness, God, man, and so forth. We can see a metaphysics of presence in some practices of twentieth century European music education. Swanwick (1988, p.107), for example, has written about "trsuiscendental musical experiences," as follows: Music has its own ways of creating new values; transcending both self and immediate culture. Musical procedures can be absorbed and re-used over centuries of time, between vastly differing cultures and across miles of geographical space; they are not irrevocably buried in local life-styles, even though 110 they may have birth there. Musical elements— that is to say, the sensory iirgpact of sound materials, expressive characterization and structural organization-have a degree of cultural autonomy which enables them to be taken over and re-worked into traditions far removed from their origins. The fact that musical procedures can to some extent be freestanding, transferable, negotiable is vital to any sense of individual freedom, freedom to break out of the tenplates made by local cultures and our own personal repertoire of feeling and action. Without such scope, education is unthinkable, inconceivable. A Euro-centric view of music education, which both structuralism and post-structuralism have intensively criticized, can be found in Swanwick's view of cultural transcendence, that is to say, his concept is still deeply involved in European aesthetics. In order to transcend both self and immediate culture, we should tcike for granted European determination or "presence," explained by Derrida, that is to say, "individual freedom" produces the desire to break out of the templates. Structuralists argue that this "individual freedom" is passively made by a certain cultural structure, therefore, this attitude towards other local cultures is purely cultural as well. Post-structuralists, such as Derrida, may presumably criticize: Khat music educators today should do is to disclose what the European concept of transcendence based on "individual freedom" may have concealed or excluded in music education." According to Swemwick, this "musical transcending" is attained by musical sensitivity. He (1988, p.116) writes: Musical sensitivity arises out of receptive attention coupled with an understanding of the \iniversality of musical practice and a recognition that idiomatic 111 variations arise out of a common human theme, best rendered as a verb, an impulse "to music." Swanwick therefore believes that music educators should try to reach the core of htiman valuing of meaning, namely a universal truth. The concept of transcendence in music, however, is not a brand-new idea but that one can be found in the nineteenth century as well. Walker (1990, p.134) writes, as follows: The nineteenth century philosophers euid musicians took up the challenge. They revisited Plato cind went to the heart of the matter by means of a further interpretation of the ethos theory. In particular, they wrestled with the notion that music can enable us to communicate with the essence of feelings, where essence is equated with the Platonic notion of ideal ethos, or character: this CeUi be done not through greater realism but through greater abstraction to level of the spirit, the soul of our being^the realm of transcendentalism. It was to this solution that some nineteenth century philosophers and musicians turned. Let us go back to Derrida once again. The history of Western metaphysics can be criticized as logo-centrism, and logo-centrism can be thought of the metaphysics of the phonogram. Derrida (1976, p.78) has explained phonogram, as follows: The privilege of the phone does not depend upon a choice that might have been avoided. It corresponds to a moment of the system (let us say, of the "life" of "history" or of "being-as-self-relationship"). The system of "hearing/understanding-oneself-speak" through the phonic substance—which presents itself as a non-exterior, non-worldly and therefore non-empirical or non-contingent signifier—has necessarily dominated the history of the world during an entire epoch, and has even produced the idea of the world, the idea of world-origin, arising from the difference between the worldly and the non-worldly, the outside and the inside, ideality and non-ideality. 112 universal and non-universal, transcendental £ind enpirical, etc. Thus, European philosophy is now listening to its own voice. This monologue always seeks a desire for the unification, explained by the terms "A=A." "A=A" is the concept which seeks identity among difference, for exaii^ >le, the concept of "a human = a human" expresses that a hiunan being is always a human being even if one looks like a hoodlum, and this concept of "A=A" comes from a particular value named "Cogito." Therefore, the concept of "AsA" secretly introduces the concept of humanity and creates a hierarchy between humanity and non-humanity. As we discussed earlier, Reimer automatically induces a hierarchy between musical and non-musical, or good music cuid bad music and so on, as well as Swanwick invisibly creates a hierarchy between cultural outsider (visitor or exploiter) cind the insider (or the parties concerned) . We are therefore merely listening to Swanwick's or Reimer's monologue after all, and should not expect any fundamental musical truth from them. What is more inportant is that in the previous chapters, we only discussed incompatibility of European epistemological and ontological views and traditional Japanese views in terms of both philosophy and music, however, Europe itself has already started developing this doubt of logo-centrism and deconstructing European metaphysics. Derrida (1981) also argues that all language, because of a surplus over any exact reference leaves the reader and listener free to interpret because of the vagueness of the relationship between signifier and signified. European metaphysics seeks solid foundation for language, that is to say, an original 113 meaning, which is spoken, can precisely be written. Therefore this writing (ecritore) is actually saying exactly the same thing as the original meaning of the speech. In Saussurian linguistics, attention is paid to speech events {peu:ole). Derrida criticizes it as phono-centrism and removes the center of Saussurian linguistics from speech events to writing (ecx-itture) . Derrida (1981, p. 28) has written, as follows: We can extend to the system of signs in general what Saussure says about language: "The linguistic system (langne) is necessary for speech event {paj:ole) to be intelligible and produce their effects, but the latter are necessary for the system to establish itself..." There is a circle here, for if one distinguishes rigorously laxi^ae and pcix-ole, code and message, schema and usage, etc. and if one is to do the two principles here entinciated, one does not know where to begin and how something can in general begin, be it laagae or parole. One must therefore recognize, prior to any dissociation of langae and palojre, code £Uid message, and what goes with it, a systematic production of differences, the production of a system of differences-a d±ffe:rance among whose effects one might later, by abstraction and for specific reasons, distinguish a linguistics of langue from a linguistics of parole. Derrida sees a fundamental alienation between speech events {paxole) and writing (ecriture). If one says the sea is blue, this paxole may be expressing a specificcd.ly impressive blue, felt by a particular person. Writing (ecritture), however, produces "the death of a subject," because this writing does not represent (=presence) any specific feeling of any particular person at all and merely becomes a general linguistic sign. If one can possibly own the teirms "the sea is blue" to express a specific feeling, nobody CcUi use the terms any more. If language is the system of differences as Saussure says, language cannot be presence for anybody any more. Hence, 114 language no longer represents any specific feeling of*any particular person at all. The term "play" is therefore introduced by Derrida to indicate this absence of any transcendental meanings in ecrittire or text. Derrida thinks that as soon as one uses some words, language automatically gets involved in the system of differences and is separated from any original meanings. The combination between "original meaning," "speech events {.psa:ole)" and "writing (ecxitxixe) ," which phono-centrism takes for greuited, cuid the presence of the truth ensured by phono-centrism, cannot be established any longer. In other words, the sound cat only signifies cat, whatever that is, by social convention but the word cat can refer to many more things than a furry animal, and many more signifiers, which in turn refer to yet more signifiers, thus leaving any signifier open to change and modification, and leaving any applied meaning open to deconstruction. Nineteenth century European aesthetics has imposed the semantic interpretation of music as we discussed in Chapter Two. Cooke (1989, p.€4), for example, says that the major interval is only used for pleasure and the minor one for pain. According to the critical style of Derrida, however, the major intervcd. can refer to many more things than pleasure or happiness, and many more signifiers, which in turn refer to yet more signifiers, thus leaving any signifier open to change modification. The original meaning of the major interval, therefore, can be deconstructed. The Japanese music teachers therefore should not take for granted this European key function as a universal musical idiom. They should teach where this diatonic key function came from. As well we cannot expect to meet euiy truth 115 or essence or spirit or soul in terms of music whatsoever from the COS at all. If meaning, the signified, was a passing product of words or signifiers, always shifting and unstable, part present and part absent, how could there be any determinate truth or meaning at all? Music therefore should be taught with the socio-cultural conditionings where music was produced, that is to say, the Japanese music teachers, at least, should teach European aesthetics as one of historical or cultural fashions. We, at the same time, should n»et some boundaries of an analysis of a text based on the French language by Derrida. If reality is constructed by our discourse, rather than reflected by it, how can we ever know reality itself as opposed to our own discourse? Is all talk just talk about talk and nothing else? Does it make sense to claim that one interpretation or reality or text, or art, is better than another? It is because everything Derrida says is only textually happening especially in the French language. Derrida's basic theory is to bring a paradox into a text where the relationship between ^^  original meanings" and "presence" are expressed, and states that there is only "play" in the text. We can therefore easily find this kind of paradox between "original meanings" and "presence" in any texts. However, can a text make a culture itself? We have known some realities from not only a text but from many things far beyond a text. Thus, several possible arguments against Derrida exist. There are no absolute groiinds for use of words such as truth, certainty, reality and so on. However, are we able to say that these words lack meaning? At the same time, if there are no 116 certainties or truth, how do we know that there is no tz:uth singly because words cannot tell us the truth? We should carefully take a look at what Derrida actually suggests. What are those terms such as deconstruction, diffeiraaae (difference), and play, proposed by Derrida, actually for? The European people have always grasped reality by words. However, no matter how we try to explain this world by words, this world keeps continuously bringing new realities. Don't we call this sort of unpredictable nature, which the world has, "reality." Derrida therefore states that European metaphysics cannot tell us any truth because of the huge gap between reality and human recognition, and this "world" is only "play" after all. The COS, for exeuiple, states the motto of music education: To help pupils cultivate fundamental musicality through the activities in musical expression and appreciation, encourage a love and sensitivity for music and enrich the sentiment. None of us in Japan can actually share exactly the same interpretation or understanding of the original or genuine meanings of the COS. We can merely understand those terms differently. Only "play" presvimably exists between the COS cuid reality, so why do we have to support this curriculiim in Japan? What we have to pay attention to in Japanese music education is that if there are no absolute grounds for European aesthetics, the COS, for example, is inevitably left open to deconstruction. This indicates that music education in Japan since the Ifeiji period has already lost its foundation and needs to be reexamined. There is one more thing, which we should not ignore. As Chapter One explained, European modernism has been tinderstood quite differently in Japain. The theme of "overcoming the 117 modem" has therefore never been solved in Japan. The Japanese people might have been "playing" with European aesthetics as an inported product since there is no heavy burden arising from European metaphysics in Japan. The application of post-structuralism in the style of Derrida to Japain therefore may not be useful. As Barthes found Japan is a system, isolated from European discourse, and the Japanese people might naturally be of a "play" of their own discourse. In this sense, the Westernization in Japan can presumably show the West the process of a deconstruction of European discourse. Derrida extensively discussed sui euialysis of a text towards deconstruction against European metaphysics. In the next section, the same sort of attenpt in terms of sound and culture will be discussed. 3-3 The Concept of SoundScape Parallels can be observed between structuralist/post-structuralist theories and the concept of soundscape by Schafer. The term soundscape is a word coined from landscape by Schafer, who established the World Soundscape Project (WSP) at Simon Eraser University in the early 1970s. The definition of the concept of soundscape by the WSP (Truax, 1978, p.126) Ah environment of sound (sonic environment) with emphasis on the way it is perceived and understood by the individual, or by a society. It thus depends on 118 the relationship between the individual and cuiy such environment. The term may refer to actual environments, or to abstract constructions such as musical conpositions and tape montages, particularly when considered as an artificial environment. Schafer (1977, p.4) has also written: The home territory of soundscape studies will be the middle ground between science, society and the arts. From acoustics and phychoacoustics we will learn about the physical properties of sound and the way soTind is interpreted by the human brain. The concept of sottndscape therefore is the idea of perceiving various sounds such as the sound of nature, artificial sounds in cities and music, as total scenery. SoundScape is also a method of research that not only conceives of sounds as physical objects, but is concerned with what kind of sounds people are hearing, and what their values are in interpreting particular areas as of sound. And Schafer thinks that the purpose of soundscape research is eventually to design soundscape, namely, he calls it "soundscape design." According to the WSP (Truauc, 1978, pp.126-127), the term soundscape design is explained, as follows: Soundscape design attempts to discover principles and to develop techniques by which the social, psychological and aesthetic quality of the acoustic environment or soundscape may be improved. The techniques of soundscape design are both educational and technical...To the extent that it attempts to understand individual, community and cultural behavior, soundscape design takes the broad perspective of conmunicational discipline, and touches such other areas as sociology, anthropology, psychology and geography. 119 Though Derrida's analysis is pretty much limited within a text, because of this proposal of soundscape design, the concept of soundscape indicates some possibility to connect more directly with the actual socio-cultural movements and activities. Since the concept of soundscape has an element of understanding communities and their environment, this concept is also closely linked to ecology. The concept of soundscape ecology is therefore needed to study the effects of acoustic environment on the physical responses or behavioral characteristics of those living within it (Truax, 1978). The Tokyo Soundscape Project (1986-88) is one of these soundscape researches, which has been undertaken in an actual particular space. Specifically, an interview survey (interviewing people in the surveying area) was attenpted to decode the Tokyo soundscape. The sounds of the bells at Nicoli Tenple, a Russian Orthodox Church, provided a focus. Informants, people in the town of Kanda in Tokyo, describe their reactions, as follows (Imada, 1994, p.61): Question: Explain in words your impressions of the sound of the bells. Answer: I wish you every happiness! It was a signal of evening in n^ childhood. I don't like it, because its reminds me of when I was poor. I wish to marry as soon as possible. It is not noisy, I have very fond memories of it. This survey represents a very basic stage in soundscape research, which would lead to more detailed, further investigations of the concept of soundscape design. Schafer (1992, p.11) mentioned: 120 To me soiindscape design is not design from above or abroad but from within, achieved by stimulating larger and larger numbers of people to listen to the sounds about them with greater critical attention. Which are the sounds we wish to keep? How can they be encouraged so that the essential character of our environments can be preserved and become more beautiful?...We must sensitize the ear to the miraculous world of sound around us. Schafer pointed out the relationship between the concert hall today and the technical, industrial environment. He (1977, p.71) has written, as follows: The lo-fi SoundScape was introduced by the Industrial Revolution and was extended by the Electric Revolution which followed it...The Industrial Revolution introduced a multitude of new sounds with unhappy consequences for mcuiy of the natural and human sounds which they tended to obscure; and this development was extended into a second phase when the Electric Revolutions added new effects of its own and introduced devices for packaging sounds and transmitting them schizophonically across time and space to live amplified or multiplied. The term lo-fi is the abbreviation for low fidelity. The system of lo-fi reproduces less than a full frequency spectrum, and has a poor signal-to-noise ratio (Trueuc, 1978). The term of schizophonia was first created by Schafer in Ths New SoundScape (1969) to refer to the separation between ah original sound and, its electoacoustic reproduction. Schafer explains (Schafer & Imada, 1996, i), as follows: If you speak to a friend it is your friend who hears you; but a voice on the radio or television is multiplied by as many radios or TV sets as are turned on. According to Schafer, the existence of the modem concert hall which urban audiences take for granted is, in reality, a 121 very recent institution and is historically linked to the awareness of noise pollution. Schafer (1995) has written: Noises are the sounds we have been conditioned to ignore, and the separation of sound into two compartments, a collection of precious and pleasant sounds which are admired in respectful silence, called music, and the exterior soundscape, which is not so precious or pleasant, has had some detrimental effects that are only now beginning to be realized. Schafer employs the term hi-fi. This is the abbreviation for high-fidelity, a system reproducing a full audio frequency spectrum (20 to 20,000 Hz), and a favourable signal-to-noise ratio (Trucix, 1978). In this condition of sound environment, referential meanings such as acoustic signs, signals and symbols which each sound portrays can be heard clearly. A sign is, according to Schafer (1977, p.196), "any representation of physical reality (the note C in a musical score, the on or off switch on radio, etc.)...a signal of a sound with a specific meaning, and it often stimulates a direct response (telephone bell, siren, etc.)." He (1977, p.169) also says that a symbol has rich connotations. For exanple, the bells in eighteenth century Europe used to function as a symbol for a certain particular community: "Most may be said to function in one of two distinct ways: either they act as gathering (centripetal) or scattering (centrifugal) forces," (Schafer, 1977, p.173). In Rome, a bronze gong was supposed to drive away ghosts, and played a role as a centrifugal function. In Vancouver in 1895, a small bell on a wagon carrying smallpox victims warned passers-by of possible infection. The role of the bell was also a centrifugal function. On the contrary, small jingling 122 bells o£ newspaper boys in Japan were used to attract customers, and played a role as a centripetal function. In Tonga and Fiji Islands, bells summon worshipers, and they also perform a centripetal function (Schafer, 1977). Some bells, however, cajinot be categorized according to centrifugal-centripetal function. Schafer (1977, pp.173-174) explains: In the Middle Ages in Europe, knights wore little bells attached to their armor and women wore them jingling from their girdles. Centripetal? But what do we says about the court jester, whose cap was adorned with the seune little bells? And then there are the countless bells attached to animals all over the world in order to inform their owners of their whereabouts, or to identify the lead animal. However, this function of bells has already been eliminated with increased sound levels in environments of modem cities. Schafer (1977, pp.175-177) writes: While the contemporary church bell may remain important as a community signal or even a soundmark, its precise association with Christian symbolism has diminished or ceased; euid it has accordingly experienced a weakening of its original purpose...As the ambient noise of the modem city rises, the acoustic outreach of the church bell recedes. Drowned by merciless traffic, bells still possess a certain stammering grandeur, but the parish to which they now announce their messages has shriveled to a fraction of its once formidable size. The WSP (Truax, 1977) has researched today's situation of bells around the world. According to the investigation, in the English city of Bath, there are 60 churches with 109 bells. In Vancouver, there are 211 churches, however 156 of these churches no longer have bells. / "Of those with bells, only 11 still ring them, though 20 have electric carillons or play recorded music," (Schafer, 1977, p.177). 123 The native people of Papua New Guinea are able to distinguish the voices of many birds by their distinctive sound system. Some of them sing a song, some cry, some imitate the flute and speak language. Conseq[uently, the forest becomes a microcosm of acoustic messages (Feld, 1982). Schafer is a composer who wishes to listen to the voices of spirits who live in a specific mountain or lake or forest. For example, Schafer (1995, p.6) explains his recent orchestral work Manitou (1995) as follows: Manitou is the Algonquin word denoting the "n^sterious being" who, for the woodland Indians of North America, represents the unknown power of life and the universe. Sometines Manitou is associated with the svin to suggest omnipotence, though, like the Christian God, he is unseen. When I discussed native spirituality with a Manitoba Indian he kept using the word "monster" to describe Manitou and mentioned that his people used to believe that lightning was a serpent vomited up by him. ..and I have no doubt that the climate, the geography and the "mysterious being" contributed strongly to the shape and character of what was written there. Schafer (1977, p. 19) also introduced a description by the Ceuiadieui painter Emily Carr to explain the relationship between an environmental sound and. a person, as follows: The raindrops hit the roof with smacking little clicks, uneven and stabbing. Through the open windows the sound of the rain on the leaves is not like that. It is more like a continuous sigh, a breath always spending with no fresh intake. The roof rain rattles over our room's hollowness, strikes and is finished. One of Schafer's works Miniwanka (1973) is closely linked to the sound of water. This conposition describes various aspects of water opening with the words "the wise man delights in water." The text is chosen from the languages of native 124 Americans, particularly their expressions for water including rain, small river, big river, fog and ocean. Schafer (1977, p.19) has written, as follows: Water never dies and the wise man rejoices in it. No two raindrops sound alike, as the attentive ear will detect. To hear those environmental sounds, noises which symbolize capitalism today must be a real obstacle for Schafer. He is a person who has his own particular criteria for defining the environment where people can listen to the natural relationship between signifier and signified in terms of soundscape. Barry Truax (1984, pp.47-48, p.147) has written, as follows: Jacobson (1978) has described the linguistic relation of sound to meaning on the phonemic level in terms of Saussure's concept of the sign through which the signifier and the signified are linked (Saussure, 1966)...Although originating in the theory of signs, these terms and the model within which they function are useful for describing how sound comnninicates...In situations where sound is the conveyer of information, it functions in a quasilinguistic sense as a "signifier" of that information. One identifies a particular sound as indicating the environment. Truax (1984) thinks that the concept of soundscape describes the various systems of acoustic communication in relationship to each other. Saussure (1966, p. 67) referred to the arbitrary nature of the sign and the Scune concept of this arbitrariness applies in acoustic communication to some extent. Schafer tries to release music from nineteenth century Western aesthetics and relocate it in more chaotic physical acoustic space. This chaotic state can be observed in some twentieth century musical practices, that is to say. Western 125 classical music entered a period where feuniliar sounds such as melody and harmony were abandoned. Therefore the relationship between language and music which European music in the 19th century had supported was deconstructed. Fredric Jcuneson (1995, p.28) explains, as follows: What happens in textuality or schizophrenic art is strikingly illiiminated by such clinical accounts, although in the cultural text, the isolated signifier is no longer am enigmatic state of the world or an incomprehensible yet mesmerizing fragment of language but rather something closer to a sentence in free-standing isolation. Think, for exanple, of John Cage' s music of material sotinds. . . it is followed by a silence so intolerable that you cannot imagine another sonorous chord coming into existence and cannot imagine remembering the previous one well enough to make any connection with it if it does. Schafer attempts to reflect on Western society from the bottom up like Cage did. In fact, he (1995, p.9) says: The orchestra as we have it today, is an invention of the colonial powers of the 19th century Europe...what they were really celebrating was their empire overseas as a museum of sentimental sound objects mostly from that period. Schafer proposed the concept of soundscape with an awareness of his duty as a conposer in the twentieth century. However, since Schafer published the Timing of the World, in 1977, the concept of soundscape has not philosophically progressed. Schafer (1977) proposed three concepts such, as keynote sound, sound signals and soundmark to research the sotmdscape of a certain particular area. Those terminologies are defined by the WSP (1978, p.68, p.119, p.127), as follows: 126 In sovindscape studies, keynote soiinds are those which are heard by a particular society continuously or frequently enough to form a background against which other sounds are perceived... a signal is any sound or message which is meant to be listened to, measure or store. In soundscape studies, sound signals are always treated in relation to their ambient or keynote context, since they complement that context in the same way figure and ground are related in visual perception...Soundmark: A term derived from "landmark" to refer to a community sound which is unique, or possesses qualities which make it specially regarded or noticed by the people in that community. Soundmarks, therefore, are of cultural and historical significance and merit preservation and protection. Schafer does not physically or scientifically decode soiindscape. It is different from pure acoustic research. His research here is based on a socio-cultural background in a particular community. Therefore, some similarities between soundscape studies and structuralism may be found in this regard. He has written about symbolism in soundscape studies, however, he has never made a clear connection between semiotics 2uid soundscape. Saussurian linguistics focuses on abstracting the universal system (e.g., the concept of signifier and signified) which can apply to all Ismguages around the world. Semiotics, however, extends Saussurian linguistic theory to decode socio-cultural systems as a system of meaning, that is to say, semiotics is an ap>paratus to analyze socio-cultural phenomena as the structure of meaning. Semiotics assumes that language is not merely a tool for communication but also for creating any other communicative apparatuses such as music, advertisements, food, objects, clothes and so on. Barthes (1953), for example, proposed the concept of connotation and denotation (first and second degree l2uiguages). The denotation 127 refers to the actual things to which language applies: a line from an Australian film Babe (1995, Director, C. Noonan), "A little pig goes a long way" denotatively means "a small pig walks a long distance." The connotation, however, brings in many more things and is the meaning proper of an expression: "A little pig has many exp>eriences to clear his obstacles up and will eventually overcome," or "A little pig does so much." Barthes thinks that the concept of connotation and denotation is a mythical system which can apply to not only language but also any other social events. Schafer's symbolic approach in soundscape is exclusively limited to pre-industrial local communities. Even though the WSP researched the Vancouver soundscape, the opinion according to their ecological perspective was simply negative and has a tendency to be nostalgic for the "old days." Schafer (1977, p.77, p.84) has written, as follows: When sound power is sufficient to create a large acoustic profile, we may speeUc of it, as imperialistic. For instance, a man with a loud-speaker is more imperialistic than one without because he can dominate more acoustic space... Sheer volume aside, the human sound which most closely approximates that of the internal combustion engine is the fart. The analogies between the automobile and the anus are conspicuous. First of all the exhaust pipe is placed at the rear, at the same position as the rectum in animals. Cars are also stored in dirty and dark underground garages, beneath the haunches of the modern dwelling. Freud says there are anal types. There are probably also anal eras. However, a loud-speaker signifies many more things than an iii{>erialistic object and the connotations are based on socio-cultural settings as well as personal experiences today (the same thing applies to cars). Schafer's criticism, based on the 128 concept of soundscape, therefore, can possibly be euialyzed by semiotics according to Canadian culture under the influences of North American counter culture in the early 1970s to some extent. Because of its nostalgic and ecological nature, the concept of soundscape is sometimes too "musical" and "poetic." This might be one of the reasons why the concept of soundscape couldn't successfully make a connection with semiotics. Schafer analyzed the bells in eighteenth century Europe according to the concept of centripetal and centrifugal function. However, the idea was to research those small communities before the Industrial Revolution in Europe, that is to say, to fit Schafer's ideal acoustic world. Hence, the concept of centripetal and centrifugal function might not be suitable for analyzing those soundscapes in modem cities. Considering the fact that semiotics by Barthes was proposed as a tool for decoding contemporary cultural phenomena, the concept of soundscape is not scientifically or philosophically elaborated enough yet to tcJce a look at today's conplexity in terms of acoustic environment. The WSP (Truax, 1978, p.109) also proposed the concept of schizophonia, as follows: The term was first eiif>loyed by R.M. Schafer in the New Soundscape (Toronto, 1969, pp.43-47) to refer to the split between an original sound and its electroacoustic reproduction. Original sounds are tied to the mechanisms which produce them. Electroacoustic sounds are copies and they may be reproduced at other times or places. Schafer enploys this "nervous" word in order to dramatize the aberrational effect of this twentieth century development. 129 Schafer's insight about mass culture stops at this point with the term aberration. He has simply turned his back on urban culture, however, reality tells us that our soundscape today is pretty much monopolized by mass media and capitalism, as Judith Willamson (1988, p.11) says: We are consuming passions all the time —at the shops, at the movies, in the street, in the classroom: in the old familiar ways that no longer seem passionate because they are the shared paths of our social world, the known shapes of our Wcdcing dream. Music in the twentieth century plays a role as an unproductive squandering force to consume economical overproduction to some extent. Jean Baudrillard (1981), for exan^le, criticizes Marxist basic economic concepts such as use-value/ exchange-value, and productivity/ over-production. Karl Marx anticipated that capitalist society would eventually be collapsed because of the conflict of interests between the working-class proletariat and the capitalist bourgeoisie based on a declining rate of profit cind periodic crises of over-production. He predicted that capitalist society would be over-thrown by the working class proletariat and a new system of classless society would eventually formed. Baudrillard argues that capital will not be self-destroyed because consvunption in the twentieth century is siirply the active manipulation of signs, that is to say, today's capitalist society can be criticized as the production of the sign cind the commodity, and has produced the "cossDodity-sign." According to Baudrillard, these concepts of use-value and exchange-value are not involved in any social acceptance such as average working 130 hours but are merely codes signifying consumption and production in a system. Since music in the twentieth century has been deeply involved in capitalism, Schafer's concept of schizophonia should be identified with more conplicated socio-cultural setting in today's capitalist society (e.g., the trivialization of the concept of soundscap>e in Japanese or North American school systems). The term aberration is emotional and dramatic but might not be suitable for expressing today's acoustic communication. Schafer criticizes the split between an original sound euid its electroacoustic reproduction, however, Baudrillard (1983) argues that a kind of dichotomy between an original and its copy has disappeared in the late twentieth century. According to Baudrillard, the concept of original and copy has switched to the concept of simulations and he uses his own term "hyper-real" to express the concept of simulations. That is to say, language is not any copy of the original which can be expressed as t:he t:erm "reality," if anyt:hing a language is all copy's copy. The system of consusoption and production in today's capitalist society is an automatic and mechanical system of sign, therefore it is unnecessary to assume the "original." Schafer's concept hi-fi/lo-fi, based on acoustic ecology, should also be examined. The term lo-fi is the abbreviation for low fidelity. According to the WSP (Truax, 1978, p.71), it is a system which reproduces less than a full frequency spectrum, cuid which has a poor signal-to-noise ratio. The term is most likely to be used in electroacoustics, such as when applied to an amplifier or recording. According to Schafer's ecological point view, today's soundscape should be back to the 131 "hi-fi" situation, where every sound in nature can clearly be heard. We, however, should think of what nature is. How can we support or define that the "hi-fi" acoustic environment as more "natural" than the "lo-fi" condition? Conceivably we should not expect a neutral standpoint in soundscape researches. As Baudrillard (1981) pointed out, people tend to find pleasure among something "unnatural" and "un-ecological." Eroticism, for exanple, is produced by the passion against the concept of ecology. People are body-piercing, tattooing, coloring their hair, clubbing, smoking, drinking, and taking the birth-control pill for making love. Those activities are, in a sense, not quite ecological and of course should not simply be criticized. The "lo-fi" acoustic environment, therefore, should be carefully analyzed to de-code today's urban life style and its acoustic environment. The concept of soundscape is also supposed to have a capcdsility for helping to analyze problems, which emerge from urban sound environments and electrical media environments including gender issues, as Truax (1984, pp.156-157) says: The audio industry itself is coirpletely male dominated; therefore it is not surprising that its products and services often show a sexist bias. Audio technology, as a part of technology in general, is clearly understood as a seat of power, whether economic, social cultural or communicational, euid men have never been far from any source of power...Judging from the populations of the young found in video game arcades and home conputer outlets, the male dominance in technology is not likely to change with the next generation either. In its worst forms such sexism takes on an ethos of "techno-macho" where the technical possibilities of audio power and control are reflected in individual behavior. 132 Truax's argument conjures up Michel Foucault, who described an inter-relational history between rationality and power, relating to sexual issues and values, in modem European society. Foucault (1978, p.43) has written, as follows: As defined by the ancient civil or camonical codes, sodomy was a category of forbidden acts; their perpetrator was nothing more than the juridical subject of them. The nineteenth century homosexual beccune a personage, a past, a case history, and a childhood, in addition to being a type of life, a life form, and a morphology, with an indiscreet anatomy and possibly a n^sterious physiology...We must not forget that the psycholoigical, psychiatric, medical category of homosexuality was constituted from the moment it was characterized —Wesl^hal's famous article of 1870 on "contrary sexual sensations" can stand as its date of birth — less by type of sexual relations than by a certain quality of sexual sensibility, a certain way of inverting the masculine and the feminine in oneself. Homosexuality appeared as one of the forms of sexuality when it was transposed from the practice of sodomy onto a kind of interior androgyny, a hermaphrodism of the soul. The sodomite had been a temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a species. Foucault (1978) argues that those European paradigms such as history, society and hiiman behaviors have basically been created by the privileged class in Europe with their rationality and power. He also clarifies that the concept of history itself has been identified by rationality with power. Without having a perspective of the rationality with power, the concept of history cannot exist at all. Foucault, therefore, reveals that history itself is not the fact but merely a fiction or an interpretation by authoritarian states. Foucault (1966, xxiv) has also written, as follows: What historical a priori provided the starting-point from which it was possdLble to define the great checkerboard of distinct identities established 133 against the confused, iindefined, faceless and, as it were, indifferent background of differences? The history of madness would be the history of the Other — of that which, for a given culture, is at once interior and foreign, therefore to be excluded (so as to exorcize the interior danger) but by being shut away (in order to reduce its otherness); whereas the history of the order imposed on things would be the history of the Same — o f that which, for a given culture, is both dispersed and related, therefore to be distinguished by kinds and to be collected together into identities. A relationship between sound and gender cannot utterly be investigated by a sort of extension of soundscape researches, which have presently been deeply related to the concept of ecology. Truax's previous comments presumably imply some assumptions which many people have easily taken for granted: the reason why the audio industry has been male-dominated is because females are not quite as good at dealing with technologies. One of the most significant debates, which has seen the emergence in feminism and gender studies, is a conflict between "structuralist" and "essentialist." The social-structuralists such as Foucault have argued that every single gender identity is a fiction, which has been socially and culturally created (Vincent, et al, 1997, p.153). According to social sturucturalist theory, if females are not quite good at dealing with technology, this is because they are socially being separated from touching technologies. An assumption that females are biologically weak at technologies, therefore, is merely a fiction. At the same time, we should know the fact that homosexuality, for example, had been considered as a mental illness in the United States until 1973 (Lewes, 1988) and in Japan, until 1995 (Vincent, 1997). It simply implies that those all-academic studies in the natural 134 and social sciences, and the arts are all political. We, therefore, should not seek a perfectly "natural" and "ecological" sound environment, which all human beings can happily share. Truax's argument of sexist bias in terms of soundscape is a basic stage in gender research. In order to get more deeply inside some gender issues using soundscape, it is necessary to make a closer connection with historical or cultural researches. Truax (1978, p.157) continues: The path to a solution may simply be a matter of exposure to alternatives. Just as North American children may grow up thinking that society is like what they see on television (with its high proportion of doctors, policeman, entertainers, sports figures, and middle class families), so too the listener is exposed to a limited ranges of music, advertising images, time flows, and even types of listening experiences through the commercial audio media. Critical listening and a careful evaluation of existing and developing technologies are necessary for the individual to understand how to create alternatives and regain control. A possible solution is suggested above. That is to say, what is important for music education is to figure out how to reach the stage in which critical listening can be taught. Schafer proposed the concept of soundscape with eUi awareness of his duty as a composer in the twentieth century and the same thing might apply to Truax. Though Schafer's first concept of soundscape was advocated as a kind of inter- disciplinary study based on the middle ground between science, society and the art, it seems that Schafer's recent activities are exclusively seen in the art field with some extensions to society. However, a kind of poetic interpretation of sovmd and its 135 environment is no longer needed. Jameson (1995, p.299) has written, as follows: Music...ought to lead us into something more interesting and conplicated than mere opinion. For one thing, it remains a fundamental class marker, the index of that cultural capital Pierre Bourdieu calls social "distinction": whence the passions that highbrow and lowbrow, or elite and mass, musical tastes (and the theories that correspond to them, Adomo, on the one hand, Simon Frith, on the other) still arouse. The concept of sovmdscape should be more deeply involved in structuralism and post-structuralism, which subsumes cultural studies, feminism and gender studies. Otherwise the concept of soundscape will be absorbed by the established educational system as a safe and manageable tool. European music's autonomy has been accepted for at least a hundred years. The music curriculum in Japan has been based on Western aesthetics as articulated by Mursell and Glenn (1938) and Langer (1942), for exanple, according to the musical situation of European society in the nineteenth century, in which critics such as Hanslick (1957) had developed a position where music could exist as an autonomous aesthetic object (Chapter One). In order to investigate what is actually going on in music education today, the collaborations between the concept of soundscape and post-structuralism should be critically important. The concept of soiindscape in Japan, however, has been introduced as an extension of the so-called "creative music education." Since the end of World War II, many methodologies in music education, especially in composition, proposed by such composers as Emile Jacques-Dalcroze, Zoltan Kodaly, Carl Orff as well as Trevor Wishart (1975), John 136 Paynter and Aston (1970, 1992) and Pauline Oliveros (1974) in the 1980s and 90s, have been brought into Japanese music education. Schafer with his concept of soundscape was also introduced as a conteirporary composer who was keen about music education. Walker (1984, pp.106-108) writes about Schafer's early book Ear Cleaning (1967): He advocates "opening ears to all sounds so as to develop appreciation of sounds which truly matter." The problem lies in identifying "soTinds which truly matter." What criteria are to be applied to such judgments? Here is the place for no conclusion being accepted "until thoroughly tested in the crucible of personal experience." It is this exploration of sound which is the innovative feature of Schafer's approach. Exploration with a purpose is being able to develop, through personal experience, critical faculties in judging the effect of sounds, first those produced by students "exploring" sounds, then those from other sources around them. After this Schafer turns to exaii^ >les from the art of music. The sequence then becomes clear as movement from the generality of sound as it exists in the world around us towards the specific experience of art music, and on the way, during this process of aural education, the student develops "ear cleaning," which is to say discrimination powers based upon his or her own personal standards and background...The concept is unique and brilliant and intended to eradicate auditory illiteracy or bias induced by cultural conditioning. "Ear Cleaning" is the term, but ear opening is the product towards a more discriminating auditory awareness. Even though Schafer approached music in Ear Cleaning, music was considered as a part of sound, that is to say, music's autonon^ was intentionally eliminated by his concept. Schafer paid attention to individual (personal) eseperience. The process of each person's listening is more inportant than the product (i.e., compositions by students). Since the introduction of Western music education in Japan, Western music and its cultural conditioning at least for one hundred years 137 have siimiltaneously induced auditory illiteracy or bias. The concept of soundscape presumably tries to eradicate Western music's autonomy, that is to say, people's own personal standards can possibly re-examine all the traditions which Western music has preserved. The reality of Japanese music education, in which the concept of soundscape has been introduced, however, is quite unlike Schafer's original scheme. Particularly in the school system in Japan, the concept of soundscape has been superficially used as a tool for "conposition." Since evaluation is indispensable in the Japanese educational system, the concept of soundscape in Japanese school system was expected and recreated as a safe and manageable tool, when the concept was introduced indirectly by the COS into the national music curriculum. Teachers mostly deal with singing choral music, playing instruments such as the recorder, "appreciating" many "Western classical works" in accordance with suggestions by the COS. The concept of soundscape in the Japanese school system is most likely to be used as an extra attraction to make students a little bit more releuced, consequently the concept of soundscape is seldom used for inquiring about what the definition of music is. This kind of insouciance has been continued since the Meiji Period. All kinds of Western thoughts have already been introduced into Japan. This metamorphic process induces a black hole, which could presumably be explained by the term "play," to use Derrida's word, that is to say, bringing Western ideas or products into Japan without having any European metaphysical ties. The original concepts of these Western thoughts are automatically put on the shelf without ever being 138 articulated. What is more problematic, however, is that those Japanese metamorphoses have been accepted as the originals. As Baudrillard says, metamorphoses eventually become original: a copy is no longer the copy and is manipulated by a system, which lacks having any external perspectives at all. Asada (1989, p.278) has written, as follows: At this point, the idiocy of it all is already evident. Or rather I should say, so that this vision will collapse by itself, I have purposely continued to engage in grotesque parody. What remains to be done is to dismantle this perversion thoroughly, and from there to produce a realistic analysis. That work, however, is something I would like to undertake together with you who know Japan better than I do, in future discussions. Can you hear me laughing? In the 1980s, when the concept of soundscape was first introduced to Japanese classrooms, it must have made an impact on music teachers as an external perspective, particularly those who had problems relating to literacy and technique. They were skeptical of their achievements within one or two hours a week. However, if they keep using the concept of soundscape as a substitution for teaching European solmization, sooner or later, they will have to face a severe problem, mainly to do with its nostalgic and ecological nature based on the sort of European euid North American perspectives. Any external perspective is neither universal nor neutral but very much cultural, historical and contextual. JapeUiese music education has believed the European aesthetic values since the Meiji period to the present time, that is to say, the inposition of European musical epistemology on Japan has continued over one hundred years. And the COS has 139 imposed this nineteenth century Europeein idea literally to music teachers in Japan. This chapter, however, argued that in any case the Western position has no validity except as an archeological artifact as in Foucault, or as something with meaning deferred from one metaphor to another, as in Derrida. There is evidence of how Japanese music education was politically created as an archeological product. A recent historical research in terms of the introduction of European xausic to Japan by Rihei Nakamura and others, for example, has gradually been revealing that Luther Whiting Mason (Chapter One) was sent to JapeUi for the propagation of Christianity. The New England Music Conservatory and the Meiji Government negotiated this, (Hirataka, 1996, p.32). Both structuralist and post-structuralist theories show us that the European aesthetics does not have any autonomous power, which can apply to all musical cultures arotuid the world and even though within European music itself, music can possibly be understood contextually. The COS should therefore genealogically be re-examined. That is to say, we shoxild disclose what the COS has concealed or excluded because of its nature based on nineteenth century European aesthetics. In this regard, structuralism/post-structuralism, which Japanese zmisic education has never used, can possibly be effective as an exteriority to explore the states of Japanese music education. The concept of soundscape has, however, already been introduced through the COS. Since the COS was established based on the European aesthetics, this concept has been absorbed by the established educational system as one of its tools. Without revealing the whole notion of Japanese music 140 education based on the COS, music teachers are not able to use the concept of soundscape effectively in their classrooms. The usefulness of soundscape is that this concept can show us how to listen to sounds critically, socio-culturally. But at the Scune time, this concept itself should be re-examined by structuralism and post-structualism to avoid being utilized by any invisible political power. After finishing the revealing or deconstructing process of Japanese music education by structuralism/post-structiiralism as an exteriority, Japanese music teachers should probably start creating their own methodology as another exteriority, something that goes beyond a single adaptation from Derrida's or Foucault's or Schafer's concepts as the West sees music and culture. This is the thing, and they have never done it in music education in Japan. 141 Chapter Four: F i n a l Thoughts In Pleasantville, USA, there has never been any rain. There has never been hatred, aggression or tears. In Pleasantville, USA, there has never been a passionate kiss. There has never a flat tire, a red rose or a work of art. Until now. (from the movie "Pleasantville," 1998) The American movie "Pleasantville," directed by Gary Ross, interestingly illustrates the concept of exteriority: David Wagner is a teenager who lives in the 1990s. He, however, is infatuated with the 1950s, especially with a classical television show titled "Pleasantville." "Pleasantville" is a sleepy fictional town where everyone is happy, friendly, punctual but boring. Nobody uses the term "confrontation," for exasple, and life there is hypocritically and superficially "pleasant." David is addicted to this innocent town and people since his real life is troublesome. One night, an old television repairperson gives David a magic remote control, £ind David and his twin sister Jennifer are transformed into the town "Pleasantville." David and Jennifer start their new life inside the television as the earnest children of a typical middle class couple, George and Betty. People in Pleasantville absolutely believe in their perfectly ordered world. They do not know the real rain, fire (those fire fighters only rescue the poor cats, which cannot get down from big trees), novels (books in the library £u:e all blank), the geography outside the town, and sex (they don't even know about kissing). David tries to maintain the "innocence" of Pleasantville, but eventually he and Jennifer disrupt this starched black and 142 white fantasy world. David tells his classmates about the real stories of individual library books. And then the real lines start appearing in the books. Jennifer seduces a young boy and so on, and eventually the inhabitants of Pleasantville start learning the subtleties of human nature such as love and anger from these two kids from the real world. As a result, the black and white screen gradually turns into a colour picture... The question is: Can we view the television show "Pleasantville," as a fairy tale of a black and white 1950s Utopia? Is this because we somehow know what the real world is about more than the people in Pleasantville do? If anything, this movie clearly and ironically shows us a sort of double image between Pleasantville and our so-called "real world." We take for granted so many things with little or no doubt. And we are sometimes afraid to confront an external perspective brought by visitors like David and Jennifer from "out there." The real world, which we take for granted, however, might be nothing more than an elaborate facade (even Keanu Reeves' new action film "the Hatrix" shows us what the "real" world is). Chapter One of this thesis tries to reveal the manipulative nature of the governmental policy in Japan that demands no involvement of any external perspectives. The present educational system as symbolized by the COS in Japan, for example, implies a starched fictional world similar to Pleasantville. The COS has totally rested on the laurels of European aesthetic values in the nineteenth century, cUid many music teachers have blind faith in the "power and glory" of European classical music, as did the people in Pleasantville with regards to their perceived world. This kind of blockade 143 in music education is found not only in JapcUi but also in the USA and the UK. Reimer and Swanwick play roles as gaolers of music education's Pleasantville, namely, the conterfeitness of nineteenth century European ideas in contenporary music education. Walker (1994, p.18), for example, criticizes Reimer's position based on nineteenth century aesthetics and its background, as follows: For long enough psychology has relied on assunptions of some common brain operations in all humans at some level, and philosophers have assumed an essentialist view of the mind. Thus, both these disciplines, which are responsible for producing and feeding practically all the theories affecting education, rely on a proposition that all human functioning is basically the same whatever the culture, or environment, or gender, or social class, or location. However, since we cannot get into brains and observe the truth of falsity of this position, we are doomed to speculation. According to the Japanese sociologist Toru Yano (1988), any sound culture both the East and the West has a symbolic relationship with its social background. The following five constituents systematize music or sound culture as an element of this symbolic relationship. 1) the political power 2) the framework for a communal society 3) influence from an economic production style 4) influence of a n^thology system 5) influence from some other cultural sphere A political ritual ranks music as a regalia or one of the ritualistic elements that distinguishes between public euid private. In southern India, for example, musicians become one of the classes that monopolize the playing of music because of their caste. Moslems do not admit the existence of music as it 144 functioned in the nineteenth century Western world because Islamic "music" must be systematized as a public music according to religious authority (Yano, 1988). Music roust be a function used by political power, which it therefore serves to reinforce. Schafer (1977, p.215) explains the concept of sound as a framework for a commxinal society, as follows: Throughout history the range of the h\iman voice has provided an important module in determining the grouping of human settlements. For instance, it considered the "long" farm of early North American settlers, where the houses were placed within shouting distance of one another in case of a surprise attack, and the fields ran back from them in a narrow strip.. The acoustic farm may still be observed along the banks of the St. Lawrence River though its Talson d'etxe has vanished. In his model of Republxc, Plato quite explicitly limits the size of the ideal community to 5,040, the number that can be conveniently addressed by a single orator. That would be about the size of Heimar in the days of Goethe and Schiller. Weimar's six or seven hundred houses were for the most part still within the city walls; but it was t:he voice of the half-blind night watchman which, as Goethe tells us, could be heard everywhere within the walls, that expressed best the sense of human which the poets fotind so attractive in the small city-state. People's working style influenced many traditional folk tunes in Japan in terms of melody lines, rhythms and the instruments. The folk tunes, which were sung by lumberjacks, fishermen, farmers and so on, had their own characters, and were influenced by some particular economic production-styles (Koizumi, 1958). Attali (1985, p.72) has written about the genealogy of the popular star in Europe, as follows: The process of the selection and emergence of stars in the popular song of the eighteenth and nineteenth 145 centuries relates to the same dynamic of musical, cultural, and economic centralization. t^ until that time, popular song found expression mainly in the street, the traditional domain of the jongleurs. Its confinement cUid pricing, first in the cabarets, then in cafe concerts, was the precondition for its entry into the commodity market and conpetition. In the middle of nineteenth century, these halls became the heart of the economy of music; they were an essential source first of exchange, then profit, and gradually replaced the other sites of musical expression, whose capacity to realize surplus-value was insufficient. Thus, music, not only classical but also any other Western pop music including jazz, became a commodity through an economic production-style in Europe. Music, outside of Europe has been influenced by the nn^thology systems found in each culture. The Javanese Gawslan, fox example, has existed as a tool to develop respect for the Court, and the performance was historically limited to the Court. The Gamelan was developed by various methods, which belonged to several dynasties such as Madjapahit, Hataxam, Solo and Gogja, (Kurosawa, 1963). The orchestra music of the Japanese court, GagaJcu, was originally from China and Korea (refer to Chapter Two), and Persian and Arabic music are strong predecessors of the traditional Turkish music (Yano, 1988). Music, therefore, reflects the variety of life-styles of individual ethnic groups. The organization of music is influenced by these five constituents and cannot exist without a social background, favorable and arbitrary psychological process, and contextual constraints. Educational essentialists such as Reimer, however, have tedcen for granted universal vsLlues in music and common brain 146 structures and functions in all human beings, and music structuralists such as Nattiez, for example, have attempted to identify universals of music. Chapter Two of this thesis, however, explains the incompatibility of European epistemological and ontological views of music with traditional Japanese views of sound, as follows: 1) The concept or meaning or value of each musical unit in European tonal music is established only in relationship to all other units. 2) Thus, it is internal to the music system in Europ>e, rather than being an inherently determined phenomenon external to music. 3) In music as in language, there are only differences. 4) The arbitrary relationship comes from culture in which "music" is produced. Again, we, therefore, cannot define what music is about except contextually nor do we yet know the existence of universals in music yet. E^ ven the idea of those five constituents by Yano is not an absolute structure but is merely one of many possible euigles of what sociology sees as music. Weedon (1987, p.41) has written, as follows: Post-structualism is a theory which decentres the rational, self-present subject of humanism, seeing subjectivity and consciousness, as socially produced in language, as a site of struggle and potential change. Language is not transparent as humanist discourse, it is not expressive and does not Icdsel a "real" world. Meanings do not exist prior to their 147 articulation in language and language is not an abstract system, but is always socially and historically located in discourse. Chapter Three of this thesis is an atteiopt to bring an exteriority to our discussion using post-structuralist theories and the concept of soundscape in order to de-construct the established educational system. If many music teachers in JapeUi are asked the reasons why European classical music is so injportant for children in Japan, they will presumably answer: "Because the great European classical music has been treasured and appreciated by many people from around the world, even in a far east country like Japan, we have loved to play and listen to European classical music for over a hundred years." Many musicologists, as matter of fact, have hardly gone beyond an approach based on positivism (Said, 1991, xiv). As well many music teachers have been stuck with the typical "iroasic history" based on nineteenth century Western aesthetic values. The concept of soundscape by Schafer, however, brings Western music to light contextually. Schafer reveals the relationship between nineteenth century European music and European colonial ambitions. For Schafer, the existence of modem concert halls which compel us to listen to performances intensively, and where we cannot even permit ourselves cui occasional cough, is closely linked to the acoustic environment in the twentieth century, namely, noise pollution. Chapter Three, at the same time, reveals some p^losophical weaknesses, which arise from the ecological and nostalgic nature of the concept of soundscape in conparison 148 with post-structuralist theories. For example, Jordan cUid Weedon (1995, p.185) have written, as follows: Post-modern forms of feminism, most of which draw on post-structuralist theory, argue that neither gender nor race have naturally fixed meaning. Furthermore, they cannot be understood singly in terms of their usefulness to capitalism. At one time, the concept of soundscape had a strong impact on music education as an exteriority. The concept of soundscape unfortunately has been losing a critical edge in the disclosure of contemporary societies and educational systems as related to capitalism and gender issues, for example. This automatically induces a certain assumption: Perhaps no exteriority is ever lasted. We do not have any universal implements to investigate what is actually going on in our culture, society and life. As time progresses, the concept of exteriority has to be changed according to the objects, which need to be investigated at the present/imomediate time. Because there is no such term as "ever after" in this non-fictional world. In the Australian movie, "Babe," a little pig named Babe, wins a sheep-dog competition and makes the audience overjoyed. He probably becomes the first sheep-pig in the world. In a way the little pig successfully brings an exteriority. Dann Gire of the Chicago Daily Herald calls the movie: The citizen Kane of talking pig picture. 149 We are happy enough with this perfect ending of the movie "Babe" and none of us has to worry about what is going to happen next in Babe's fictional world. Now, the little pig brings an external perspective, so, do the Australian fanners become interested in training their other livestock such as cows, horses and roosters in order to make them sheep-whatevers? The spirituality of the concept of exteriority is really fragile, that is to say, we have to let it flow all the time. This is a typical tendency, found among Western scholars like Nattiez, for example, who always attempt to terminate their research objects. For Nattiez, the object is to find and pin down the universals of music. One who can possibly claim to having found a universal is always open to refutation or revision based on some new exteriority. Physics, for exanple, has progressed from one set of "universals" to another— from Newton to Einstein. However, in the case of cultural products like music, counting commonality does not directly connect a "universal" as Said and Geertz, or post-structuralists argue (Chapter Three). In other words, we should be careful to avoid congealing the concept of exteriority as a clot of blood. "Vermilion." Kunie took out a scarlet half-coat from her closet. Many females are instinctively attracted by this loud colour, however, they are most likely to avoid dressing in vermilion because they are simply scared of either the extremeness, which the colour originally has, or public eyes against any woman who dresses in r^ed. One has to be a person of guts to dress in vermilion. The reason why Kiinie bravely decided to order this coat is because she started to have a certeu.n fighting spirit. She used to be ashamed on her tall figure. She, therefore,, always tried to be quietly dressed. But she somehow wanted to wear the colour with •fyas't the right effect. When her coat was made, Joji was really surprised and said, "It becomes you!" Since then, he began to suggest that she dressed in loud 150 colours. Kunie herself was happy as well because she didn't expect that she could possibly manage the colour so well. (translation: T. Imada from Ariyoshi, 1976, p.24) This is a paragraph from the novel Danffen [Cutting the Thread], written by Ariyoshi. According to Oseumi Hashimoto (1984, p. 33), since Ariyoshi considered herself a tall woman (she was 170 centimeters in height), she presumably found her alter ego in the main character "Kunie." Kunie's challenge, therefore, was Ariyoshi's own challenge against the male dominated Japcinese society in the 1950s. The colour "vermilion" must have symbolized her bravery and the spirit, that is to say, the colour "vermilion" played a role as an exteriority against the established culture and society. The main characters in the rest of Ariyoshi's novels are all women. She continued to challenge hypocrisies, which arise from the male-predomination in Japan from time to time. Said (1994, pp.19-20) has written, as follows: There is nothing mysterious or natural about authority. It is formed, irradiated, disseminated; it is instrumental it is persuasive; it has status, it establishes canons of taste and value; it is virtually indistinguishable from certain ideas it dignifies as true, and from traditions, perceptions, and judgements it forms, transmits, reproduces. Above all, authority can, indeed must, be analyzed. Ariyoshi indeed attempted to analyze authority using "vermilion." In the 1950s, dressing in vermilion could possibly express a fighting spirit; it had an dLnpact and spirituality as an exteriority. However, once it became a social fashion among Japanese females, for example, the original spirit was gone. Thus, vermilion is no longer 151 effective as an exteriority in the 1990s. At the Seune tine, what Ariyoshi criticized in the 1950s, has not quite changed in Japan. Clearly indicated is that social, cultural de-construction is an endless business and exteriority must be un-formed and not involved with authority. It must not be instrumental and persuasive. It must not have status. Because it is a spirit as Karatani says. Hence, we do not need part two of "Babe" any more (though they have already produced "Babe II"), do we? The ending of the movie "Pleasantville" is obscure. David decides to go back to the 1990s and is zapped straight into his previous "real world." Jennifer, on the other hand, decides to stay in Pleasantville, where all exteriorities are perfectly inplemented and everything turns colour. But at the same time, nobody knows the future of the coloured fictional town Pleasantville and the people there in the 1950s. 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