UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Dis/counting of women : a critical feminist analysis of two secondary social studies textbooks Tupper, Jennifer 1998

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata


831-ubc_1998-0644.pdf [ 6.8MB ]
JSON: 831-1.0054910.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0054910-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0054910-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0054910-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0054910-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0054910-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0054910-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

DIS/COUNTING WOMEN: A CRITICAL FEMINIST ANALYSIS OF TWO SECONDARY SOCIAL STUDIES TEXTBOOKS by JENNIFER TUPPER B.Ed., The University of Alberta, 1994 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in  THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF CURRICULUM STUDIES; FACULTY OF EDUCATION; SOCIAL STUDIES SPECIALIZATION We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1998 ©Copyright: Jennifer Tupper, 1998  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of Curriculum Studies The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date O c t o b e r ff . I 9 9 2 ?  11  ABSTRACT Two secondary social studies textbooks, Canada: Unfolding,  and Canada  Today  A  Nation  were analyzed with regard to the  inclusion of the lives, experiences, perspectives and contributions of females throughout history and today.  Drawing  on the existing literature,-a framework of analysis was created comprised of four categories: 1) language; 2) visual representation; 3) positioning and; 4) critical analysis of content.  Each of these categories was further broken into a  series of related subcategories in order to examine in depth and detail, the portrayal of women in these two textbooks. Each book was carefully read and then analyzed for instances of gender bias as informed by the analytical framework. of the books was. free from gender bias.  Neither  Although the authors of  the textbooks are careful to employ gender inclusive language, language used to describe women's lives, experiences and contributions is problematic.  It often denies them agency and  categorizes them as members of nameless, faceless collectives. Visually, women in these two textbooks are under represented, and the manner of the representation is problematic, particularly when attention is given to traditional and non-traditional roles (for both men and women).  Frequently, information about women is  included outside of the main text, reinforcing their historical marginalization.  Finally, the textbooks were found to be neither  fair or equitable with regard to women's historical contributions.  •••  111 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  ii  Acknowledgements CHAPTER I  v  Introduction '.  1  1.1 Statement of Problem 1.2 Rationale 1. 3 Purpose 1. 4 Significance CHAPTER II  . CHAPTER III  1 3 . . . 9 18  Review of Relevant Literature  22  2 .1 2.2 2 .3 2 .4 2.5 2.6 2.7  23 24 27 29 30 32 35  Male Defined History Great Man/Woman Model of History Invisibility of Women Situating Women Language in Textbooks . . .•> Visual Representation Textbook Analyses  Methodology 3 .1 3.2 3 .3  •'.  Framework Sample Procedure  53 55 58 59  CHAPTER IV  Findings: Canada: A Nation Unfolding 4.1 Category 1 4.2 Category 2 4.3 Category 3 4.4 Category 4  61 61 70 75 81  CHAPTER V  Findings: Canada Today 5.1 Category 1 5.2 Category 2 5.3 Category 3 5.4 Category 4  94 94 102 108 Ill  CHAPTER VI  Discussion 6 .1 Language 6.2 Visual Representation 6 . 3 Positioning 6.4 Critical Analysis of Content 6 . 5 Implications  12 8 12 8 131 138 142 146  CHAPTER VII  Conclusion and Recommendations  151  Appendix A  Women in Traditional Roles  155  Appendix B  Women in Non-Traditional Roles  157  Appendix C  Women as "Great"  159  Appendix D  Portraits of Individuals  161  Appendix E  Minority Women / Women of Color  162  Appendix F  -Positioning of Women  164  Appendix G  Analysis of Index  166  Appendix H  Textbook'Quotations  169  Appendix I  Chapter and Unit Reviews .  174  Appendix J  Table of Contents  17 5  Bibliography  .  180  V  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  There are so many individuals who deserve acknowledgement throughout the writing of this thesis.  However, I must first  thank Dr. Jim Parsons and Dr. Jill McClay at the University of Alberta who encouraged me and supported me in my pursuit of teaching and of graduate school.  Jim sent me on my journey to  capture that "missing link." Dr. Ian Wright, my advisor and friend, has been an unending source of wisdom and support, putting up with the physical distance as I have written this from Edmonton.  His comments were  invaluable, and his sense of humour always appreciated.  Thank  you for always pushing me to make it better. Dr. Jim Gaskell and Dr. Linda Darling, my two committee members have provided some very thought provoking comments and I believe, have really helped my work to be better. I must also thank those other graduate students who were an unending source of encouragement when I thought I would never finish - you know who you are! Finally, and most importantly, my deepest and warmest thanks go to Phillip.  For his insight when mine was gone; for his  encouragement when I was discouraged; for his complete and unfailing belief in me - he is my light and my hope.  1 Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION What . . . s h o u l d a women's h i s t o r y of t h e w o r l d do? I t m u s t , f i l l i n t h e g a p s l e f t by c o n v e n t i o n a l h i s t o r y ' s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h m a l e d o i n g s , a n d g i v e a t t e n t i o n a n d d i g n i t y t o women's l i v e s i n t h e i r own r i g h t . Women's e x c l u s i o n from t h e a n n a l s r e p r e s e n t s a m i l l i o n s t i f l e d v o i c e s . . . Any women's h i s t o r y t h e r e f o r e h a s t o b e a l e r t t o t h e b l a n k s , t h e o m i s s i o n s and t h e h a l f - t r u t h s . I t must l i s t e n t o t h e s i l e n c e s a n d make them c r y o u t . ( M i l e s , 1 9 8 8 , p p . 1 2 - 1 3 ) .  Statement of Problem Issues of gender inequity in education have been brought to the forefront of s o c i a l and educational discussion in recent years by feminist o r g a n i z a t i o n s .  Informed in p a r t by feminist  reproduction theory, schools are perceived to be t o o l s for reproducing e x i s t i n g gender i n e q u a l i t i e s (Weiller, 1988). According to t h i s theory, these i n e q u a l i t i e s r e s u l t from the appropriation of power by men in order to perpetuate the i  subordination and oppression of women.  Hence, education and  schooling serve to reinforce and maintain e x i s t i n g power s t r u c t u r e s in society through subtle (and often not so subtle) p r a c t i c e s which marginalize female s t u d e n t s .  These p r a c t i c e s ,  which are often based on a f a i l u r e to value female l i v e s and experiences in an educational context,  are termed negative  b i a s e s because they s l a n t in favour of males, r e s u l t i n g in d i s t o r t i o n s in the c o l l e c t i o n , analysis and p r e s e n t a t i o n of knowledge (Dhand, 1988). Acknowledgement of these i n e q u i t i e s by m i n i s t r i e s of education throughout Canada, due in p a r t to feminist c r i t i c i s m ,  2 has resulted in an attempt to alleviate blatant biases in curriculum and curriculum materials, by implementing guidelines which must be followed if texts are to be approved for use. Typically,  micro-analyses of a curriculum and curricula  resources have focussed on specific instances of gendered language and representation, along with the frequency in which women are included in text and visuals.  Because of this  analysis, gendered language no longer dominates the various discourses in schools, and there has been a concerted effort to make women more visible in the curriculum. Today, feminist academics believe that gender bias still exists in education, though in a much more subtle and less obvious manner (Bernard-Powers, 1997; Walter & Young, 1997; Bloom & Ochoa, 1996).  As a result, they are calling for a rethinking  of the knowledge that is valued in schools and are advancing various theories as a means of informing what is included in curriculum and textbooks. In this study, I intend to ascertain whether or not the claims made by these feminist educators are in fact true in the case of the two textbooks I will be examining.  If these claims  are true, then the study will further illuminate the weaknesses of current frameworks of analysis used by the ministries of education in both British Columbia and Alberta. Other studies which examine textbooks for gender bias have often failed to  3 critique the superficial approach to gender equity by ministries of education.  My study, on the other hand, will not fall short  in this regard.  Rationale Textbooks are the major conveyors of the curriculum and guide what knowledge is both taught and valued in social studies classrooms (Gilbert & Cook, 1989; Sleeter & Grant, 1991; Wade, 1993).  According to Connie Muther (1985), the average teacher  employs textbooks in the classroom between 70% and 90% of the time, so it becomes essential for educators to analyse the content and organization of textbooks and the impact they have on students (Wade, 1993).  This belief is supported by A.Graham Down  (as cited in Apple, 199 0) who states that, Textbooks, for better or worse, dominate what students learn. They set the curriculum, and often the facts learned, in most subjects. For many students, textbooks are their first and sometimes only early exposure to books and to reading. The public regards textbooks as authoritative, accurate, and necessary. And teachers rely on them to organize lessons and structure subject matter. (Down, 1988, p. viii) These texts function as vehicles for presenting social values and beliefs, legitimating existing societal power structures, and limiting access to knowledge.  For example, students learn about  the history of war and military conflict, but not necessarily the history of the family or the rise of feminist consciousness. Arguably, authors of texts are limited by space  4 considerations.  To include historical information which includes  the voices and perspectives, contributions and experiences of all social, ethnic and gender groups, would likely result in a textbook far too large for use in the classroom.  Teachers prefer  textbooks to reflect the information that they are mandated to teach.  Thus, textbook authors must make judgements about what is  the most valuable and relevant information to include.  However,  considerations of what information to include and to omit must respect that women have played a role in history outside of the traditional topics of discussion.  Moreover, the use of textbooks  in social studies classrooms influences how students perceive historical and contemporary events.  If the content and language  of the texts position women in ways that perpetuate negative biases and influence students' interpretations of, and attitudes toward, women in general, then an inappropriate curriculum is reinforced. In the past, textbooks which exhibited gender bias failed to expose students to a balanced and adequate interpretation of both historical and contemporary events.  This resulted in the  devaluation of female experience and involvement in the shaping of history, perpetuating the existence (of socially constructed) gender biases.  These biases were grounded in the very structure  and organization of society.  They cannot be simply wiped out  because they are more than ideas, they are ideologies that govern  5 and influence the way that human beings think about gender, class, and race.  Students were subtly inculcated into these  ideologies in the classroom, school, and larger community.  The  textbook was simply one tool for the transmission of them. It is essential to discern whether or not textbooks in use in today's social studies classrooms continue to reflect gender bias, whether it is an obvious form of bias, such as in the use of sexist language, or a less obvious form of bias.  It is not  enough to have an equal number of photographs depicting men and women, nor is it enough to remove blatantly gendered language. Textbook analyses that merely consider these aspects present a rather simplistic view of gender equity.  One must go beyond a  superficial analysis of content in order to uncover the hidden curriculum inherent in textbooks, if in fact there is one.  This  curriculum, if it exists "reinforces the salience of gender, the significance of gender differences and the devaluation of women" (Briskin, 1990, p.5). It also supports the assertion that ministry guidelines are not living up to their purported goal of addressing gender equity concerns. As a teacher of social studies in the high school, I have been repeatedly frustrated by the absence of women in historical discourse.  I have spent a great deal of time searching for  textbooks that present a more balanced interpretation of historical contributions and events and the contributions of  6 historical people, and that have made some effort to include the voices and experiences of women within the pages of the text. However, this has been a difficult endeavour.  I have found  myself having to go to sources beyond the classroom and the school in order to provide my students with the opportunity for a more gender equitable learning experience.  This requires a great  deal of commitment and initiative beyond what is normally necessary for an educator.  Unfortunately, not all teachers have  the time or the inclination to do this, and as research indicates, the text becomes the primary tool for transmission of information (Muther, 1985; Apple, 1990). My own experiences using textbooks that present a particular view of history and appear to value a particular kind of knowledge have influenced my choice of research topic.  Clearly,  I wish to explore how other social studies textbooks approach the inclusion of women and women's history.  My exposure to social  studies textbooks that I have been mandated to use by both the ministry and my department head has been less than positive.  In  this regard, equity guidelines, while eradicating obvious forms of bias, may have failed to address the more subtle forms of bias found in previous studies, that find their way into textbooks. It is important for me to note that I firmly believe the state of social studies textbooks has improved drastically since I myself was a student of social studies.  Just how much they  7 have improved remains to be seen. Uncovering this is central to my research.  As researcher, I will endeavour to be fair in my  analyses of the two textbooks.  That is, I will not allow my own  personal beliefs as a feminist to cloud my judgement of the two texts.  Since, as many post-modern theorists have pointed out,  there is no objective truth, allowances must be made for the role of researcher.  It would be naive to suggest that I can simply  step back from my own reading of the texts and discard my feminist lens.  Rather, this lens will enhance rather than  diminish, the validity of my findings. As a feminist I am well aware of the various forms that biases may take in any discourse.  My views are part of a larger  community of prominent others who have established reputations in the literature.  Thus, my critique is located within this  community and I draw upon their notions of balance, bias and completeness in historical representation to support my assertions.  I am also aware of the need to explicate each  instance of gender bias that I might find present in the texts. Feminist educators have had to fight to be heard and have had to carefully support their claims with tangible evidence of inequities.  This study is no exception.  Situating myself as a  feminist and an educator is an important part of the research process.  To deny the multiple lenses through which I approach my  research weakens both my findings and my discussion of those  8 findings. That said, the definition of gender equity that I will use requires that equal value be placed on socially constructed characteristics and activities typically defined as feminine or appropriate for females and those typically defined as masculine or appropriate for men.  Therefore, in social studies textbooks,  it is essential that both women and men be portrayed as having a full range of characteristics and activities.  Further, to be  gender equitable, a text must discuss not just those topics typically dominated by males (public), but those topics which have impacted females' lives and experiences (public and private).  That is, acknowledgement must be given to the public  and the private sphere, and to their inter-connectedness. Both Noddings (1992) and Bernard-Powers (1997) suggest that the private lives of women must be made central in social studies curriculum.  As a result, students will be able to make  connections among family, local, national, and international history and events.  Bernard-Powers (1997) states that "social  studies curriculum that weaves together the public and private education for community life, and provides voice for the silences we continue to find, could be transformational 88).  (my emphasis) (p.  Thus, it is evident that the current emphasis on the public  domain in social studies text and curriculum is problematic, in that there is a failure to present to students the importance of  9 the private sphere and its impact on historical events.  Purpose of Thesis The purpose of this study is to identify the current content of two secondary social studies textbooks currently in use in both British Columbia and Alberta, with regard to the inclusion of the lives, experiences, and contributions of females throughout history and today.  In order to enlighten educators  regarding the implicit and subtle biases that may be interwoven throughout these textbooks, a comprehensive content analysis will be undertaken, informed by feminist critical theory.  These  biases may include positioning women outside of the main text, using language which denies women agency, portraying men and women in primarily traditional roles, denying women voices within the text, and including those topics of study which were historically dominated by men. This research subsequently provides a framework for critiquing social studies textbooks at all levels.  By  undertaking this form of analysis and creating a conceptual framework which clearly illuminates how, and to what extent females are included in the two social studies textbooks, the possible limitations of the existing frameworks used by the ministry of education in British Columbia and Alberta will become apparent.  My study, unlike previous studies, will point to the  10 failure of ministry guidelines to address equity concerns if warranted by my findings.  This is not just another study of two  textbooks to add to the literature on gender bias in social studies.  It goes beyond the scope of previous analyses to  critique existing frameworks used both by feminist educators and ministry officials.  If I find the two textbooks, based on the  framework I have created, to demonstrate clear instances of gender bias beyond those categories normally accounted for, then my study contributes an important body of knowledge to the field. It will further provide a language useful in professional development and teacher in servicing; a language that will allow a clear understanding of ways in which educators must approach the textbooks that they use in their own classrooms.  Research Question The following question will guide the analysis of social studies textbooks in this study: What is the current content of two sample secondary social studies textbooks currently in use in British Columbia and Alberta, with regard to the inclusion of the lives, experiences, perspectives and contributions of females throughout history and today?  Definition Of Terms Several concepts are central to this study, including: equality,  gender, bias, gender bias, gender equity, feminism,  marginalization and traditional.  In the section that follows,  11 each of these terms will be defined as they are used throughout this study. Equality, the root of which is equal, pertains to being equal, having the same rights or status.  Equality, then, is said  to occur when males and females enjoy the same rights (the right to vote, the right to hold office, the right to speak freely, the right to equal pay for equal work, the right to enter into any profession regardless of gender, etc) and the same status (males are neither more valued or less valued than females) in society. Within the context of social studies textbooks, equality may be incorporated to mean an equal representation of males and females in terms of text and visuals.  When one gender is given greater  representation visually and in written discourse then the text is said to present an unequal representation of the genders. Gender refers to the social differences between males and females. Gender is not biologically based, rather it encompasses the social construction and recognition of femininity and masculinity (Mackie, 1991, p. 2 ) . Thus, the terms gender and sex are not used synonymously.  Sex pertains only to the biological  differences between males and females.  It may be argued, that  historically, because women were biologically different from men, they came to be regarded as weaker, hence inferior.  This in turn  influenced the social construction of identity, with females being socialized to accept that the "qualities" which they  12 possessed were less desirable than those of their male counterparts. Devaluing what is regarded as "feminine," though it may stem initially from biological differences, is based on the social construction of meaning and identity.  Consequently, the  concept of gender is separated from that of sex. Bias, in the dictionary is accorded a three-fold definition: 3 a:  Bent:  Tendency, b:  An inclination of temperament or  outlook; esp:  a personal and sometimes un-reasoned judgement:  Prejudice  an instant of such prejudice. (Websters, 1993, p.  110).  c:  For the purposes of this study, it is the second and third  part of this definition which informs how bias will be used.  The  second part of the definition implies that bias involves preference.  Thus, bias in written materials involves giving  preference to something or someone over another.  In social  studies textbooks, bias occurs in relation to the interpretation of historical events, inclusion or exclusion of facts and particular concepts, and attention (or not) to issues of race, class and gender. Drawing on the third part of the above definition, bias becomes more than preference in some cases. It becomes instances in which prejudice is evident, and is interwoven into the definition of gender. To borrow from Wagenberg (1985), when bias results in "bad thinking as when it consists of prejudice or pre-judgement, when it causes closed-mindedness, when it leads to  13 distortion or misrepresentation or unfairness then it is bad." If what is masculine is given preference over what is feminine because of a socially constructed value system; if what is feminine is devalued and discounted simply because it is "feminine," then prejudice is at work.  Bias, as it is used  throughout this study, denotes something negative; "bad thinking." Gender Bias refers to educational practices which are biased towards one group, resulting in distortions in the collection, analysis and presentation of knowledge (Dhand, 1988). In social studies textbooks which have undergone content analysis by feminist academics and critical theorists, gender bias was found to be rampant when assessments were made of what and whose knowledge is included in historical discourse.  The distortion  that is believed by feminist educators and theorists to be present in social studies textbooks is that history is recorded and presented from the perspective of white European males. Women, minority groups, and certain classes of people, if they are discussed''in texts, are discussed only in the context of particular topics and events accorded value throughout history. Typically these topics and events are the very ones in which white European males have played a leading role.  Textbooks which  do not represent women of various classes, races, and ethnic groups, therefore, are gender biased.  In addition, if the manner  r  14 in which these groups are mentioned within a continuous discourse is cursory, marginal, or disparaging, then the text is clearly gender biased. Gender Equity requires that equal value is placed on socially constructed characteristics and activities typically defined as feminine and those typically defined as masculine. For the purposes of this study, gender equity is employed in discussions of the representation of males and females in historical discourse.  When recognition is given to the  importance of women's work historically, both in the private and public spheres, then the text is said to be more gender equitable.  In addition, if women's lives, experiences, and  contributions inform the structure of the text (print, visuals, headings and sub-headings) and the knowledge included within this structure, then the author(s) of the text are employing a more gender equitable approach. It is important to note that gender equity and gender balance do not have the same meaning.  Balance implies that women  are accorded equal representation within the written and visual elements of the text, but does not necessarily consider the nature of the inclusion.  For example, there may be an equal  number of photographs depicting males and females, but those photos depicting females may do so in a stereotypical way, or may portray females merely in supporting roles. The question that  15 must be asked is whether balance is desirable?  Some educators  might argue that achieving gender balance is a step toward achieving gender equity.  It would certainly seem that women are  more visible in social studies text as a result of efforts to achieve balance. However, I argue that gender balance may be as problematic as omitting women altogether.  What message is being  sent to students if women are depicted in only a traditional manner? If visual representation is to be gender equitable, then both males and females must be depicted participating in traditional and non-traditional roles in both the public and private spheres. For example, although men and women have not equally participated in politics throughout history, women have not been completely inactive in this realm. Nor have men been completely inactive in household duties and child rearing activities.  If textbooks depict women engaging in both public  and private activities, but depict men engaging in only public activities, then an implicit value judgement is being presented to students.  The judgement being made is that it is good and  desirable for women to enter into typically "masculine" activities, but not so for men to engage in typically "feminine" activities.  Here lays the problem.  Students exposed to this  sort of representation will learn to value participation in "masculine" realms and devalue participation in "feminine"  16 realms.  Rather, students need to learn that participation in  both public and private spheres is not only necessary for the functioning of society, but desirable and valuable as well. Feminism is not a term that is easily defined.  Feminism  encompasses a variety of theoretical orientations and means different things to different people. For the purposes of this study, feminism will be defined as: "a movement for the elimination of sex-based injustice"  (Richards in Eichler, 1987,  p. 47). The fundamental premise of feminist thought is the belief that women have not been considered equal to men, and this unequal status must be changed.  Instead, feminists advocate a  revaluing of what is "feminine" in order to attain equality with males. Feminists seek a multifaceted approach to achieving this change, and have been critical of the educational system as central to the perpetuation of women's inequality in society. Feminist Critical Theory is concerned with historical representation of history for reasons which include: the misstatement of history; women's work not regarded as important in historical text (cooking, cleaning, nursing . . . ) ;  students  taught that all women in history only cooked, cleaned, and looked after children.  These concerns are based in feminist critical  theory because students of history are not learning the truth about women's lives, experiences, and historical contributions. The self-perceptions of students are subsequently mis-shaped by  17 the misstatement of history.  Thus, feminist critical theory  informs my research in its recognition that students are very often presented with an incomplete reading of history which is grounded in valuing a particular kind of historical representation. Traditional Role refers to activities, personality traits, and manners culturally assumed to be performed solely or mostly by members of one gender..  Traditional roles for women are  commonly held to be domestic (caring for children, cooking, cleaning, etc.) and traditional manners or personality traits for women are commonly thought to make women submissive to male authority and weaker than males.  Women are "fragile,"  "agreeable," and "passive" whereas men are "strong," "assertive," and inclined to take "action."  In addition, any activities that  females have historically been prevented from participating in (voting, holding office, fighting in a war, etc), are subsequently defined as typically masculine in nature.  Thus, any  discussion of traditional roles as they pertains to males and females, is intertwined with the notion of socially constructed gender-roles.  When males and females transgress the boundaries  of typical gender-roles, they are said to be engaging in nontraditional activities.  18 Significance of Thesis The perception that the state of textbooks has improved in the last two decades is not completely unwarranted and efforts have been made to eliminate gender bias.  By the 1980s, textbooks  being used in Canadian classrooms were not using sexist language, were including visuals of women, and discussing the contributions of women to the Nation's development (Baldwin & Baldwin, 1992) . Certainly, the elimination of obvious stereotypes and gendered language is an important step toward achieving greater gender equity in textbooks.  However, we need a more comprehensive and  critical examination of social studies textbooks to ascertain if the presence of bias which prevents an equitable and sensitive interpretation of historical events, is still occurring.  Have  current guidelines used to select textbooks provincially addressed the problems articulated in the 197 0s by feminists and feminist educators? Current guidelines appear effective, but it is possible that if textbook evaluators lack awareness to the contrary, then they will not see a need to navigate the information and structure of the texts any differently.  Moreover, if they do not know how  subtle biases may be perpetuated through positioning, visual representation, language, etc, they are likely to miss them all together if they exist. Thus, one has to look at present textbooks to reveal whether or not gender bias does in fact  19 exist. If this analysis uncovers the presence of gender bias in social studies texts, it is hoped that an awareness of gender biases which permeate these textbooks will be fostered amongst educators and a renewed commitment to alleviating these biases will ensue.  As well as awareness, it is hoped that educators  will understand the implications of devaluing women's contributions in the context of social studies. Some educators might argue that it is pointless to undergo such a complex analysis of any textbook that students are exposed to as they simply memorize bits of information from the text for the purpose of. passing an exam, and then quickly forget this information.  However, I would argue that this is a faulty  argument, for it'suggests that students do not truly learn.  If  this is the case, then what is the point of schooling our children at all?  Certainly the students are encouraged to  memorize names and dates in social studies, but they are also encouraged to understand what it is they are studying and make connections to their own worlds. They are asked to interpret information, both written and visual, and make generalizations about the information. evident.  Thus, the significance of my research is  Since students do not simply memorize chunks of  information in social studies, it is of paramount importance to ensure that the textbooks they are exposed to present a fair and  20 balanced portrayal of historical people and events.  If textbooks  are guilty of any less, then students are the ones short changed.  Organization of Thesis I have organized my thesis around the two textbooks that I am analyzing.  Prior to my examination of the textbooks, I  provide a review of relevant literature, illuminating the strengths and weaknesses of previous content analyses.  I then  draw on this review in Chapter 3 to inform the creation of my methodological framework of analysis.  Chapter 4 presents my  findings in each of the four categories for the first textbook I examine, and Chapter 5 presents findings for the second.  In both  cases, when I uncover biases that warrant immediate discussion because they have not been accounted for in the review of literature, are ground-breaking, or are particularly problematic, then they are discussed in the parameters of the chapter, rather than later on in Chapter 6. For the sake of brevity in presenting my findings, I include references to appendices created for each of the categories of analysis.  Thus, the reader may refer to these for clarification  or an in-depth recording of the data.  The final chapter of the  thesis discusses my findings in a more general sense pointing out commonalities between the two textbooks.  I conclude with a  discussion of the implications of my findings for students and  21 educators and make recommendations for further research and change in social studies textbooks and curriculum.  22 Chapter 2 Review of Relevant Literature Women have worked, constantly, continuously, always and everywhere, in every type of society in every part of the world since the beginning of human time. (Cremonesi in Miles, 1988, p. 149).  In this study, it is necessary to examine textbook ideology, previous textbook analyses, and feminist research and theory as it pertains to education.  In the 197 0s, several  studies were undertaken in which gender bias in textbooks was the focal point. These came in the midst of a feminist revolution calling for greater attention to issues of sexism and inequity in schools.  At this time, textbooks were blatantly biased, using  male-exclusive language as a universal for both genders, and women most often appeared in stereotypical roles and activities. (Trecker, 1971; Fisher, 1978;  Report of the Royal Commission on  the Status of Women in Canada, 1976).  The analyses illuminated  the need to rewrite textbooks in gender inclusive terms. Those studies which have been executed more recently, though they are not finding blatantly gendered / sexist language, still suggest that the content of social studies textbooks is still problematic. (Tetreault, 1986; Sadker & Sadker, 1988; Coulter, 1989; Lerner, Altheak, & Rothman, 1995).  It is evident that  throughout these textbooks, women are not given the attention that they deserve.  Rather, the story that is being told is still  the story of men as they engaged in wars, politics and economics.  23  Thus, this section discusses feminist theory in social education as a necessary precursor to uncovering the gendered messages implicit in textbooks. Research in the area of textbook analysis, beginning with Trecker's seminal study in 1971, will  touch on  the strengths and weaknesses of these studies as they inform our reading of textbooks. Male Defined History The history that is reflected in textbooks is one in which women have largely been excluded from participation.  .This is not  to imply that women have not participated at all, but it is to suggest that only those women deemed worthy of note and who conform to the male  ideal  of what constitutes contribution, are  included in historical discourse.  It is clear that the central  story being told in history is one in which women are portrayed as playing only a supporting role.  Their contributions and  experiences are discussed only in the context of contributing to the male plot and if they do not, then women are not discussed at all.  "Her-story" is undervalued, undertold and very often  presented as an afterthought, supplementary to "his-story" (Sleeter & Grant, 1991, p.86). This male-defined history, according to Tetreault (1987), lacks a consciousness that there is a wider realm of possible knowledge and experience from which to choose. It also fails to acknowledge women's contributions in other less public realms.  24 She suggests that the history of great women is not the entire story and that it reinforces the view of women as "ahistorical, static, and having a history only when they engage in such activities as politics, wars, reform movements, or organizations." Consequently, the male experience is regarded as the knowledge most worthy of portraying. Only those women who adhere to the male standards of what constitutes contribution are given mention in the political, economic, and military spheres of history (Bernard-Powers, 1997; Coulter, 1989; Flaherty, 1989; Osier, 1994).  "Great" Man / Woman Model of History  >  Including women in the category of "great" conforms to the existing male-defined model of history previously discussed. I would argue that including only""great" women in social studies texts does not give students a complete sense of how women helped to shape history.  Traditionally, this model of historical  learning was implemented in order to foster in students a sense of the characteristics and values they themselves should seek to cultivate. It was hoped that students would then embrace these virtues as they progressed toward responsible citizenship. (Osborne, 1995). Unfortunately, this is an incomplete view of history.  It is also unrealistic to expect that merely studying  individuals like Nellie McClung or Agnes MacPhail will inspire  25  students to become like these women.  This model of historical  learning which is still very apparent in textbooks shortchanges all students, regardless of gender.  According to Margaret Crocco  (1997), it should be noted that in traditional "great man" history, many men's lives get left out of history as well. Traditional history features the "winners," those who have achieved political or military glory, great wealth, fame, or title (32). Thus, students are presented with an idealized view of history and historical people.  They are shortchanged because  they are not learning about the lives of ordinary men and women, like themselves, who played a role in historical events. Students are more likely to relate to ordinary people and to understand that all people contribute to society, historically and contemporarily. "Greatness" is not a precursor to contribution! It is also important to problematize this representation of history because it embodies male experiences as the knowledge that is deemed most worthy.  Despite the abundance of feminist  history and scholarship, it has still not made its way into the fabric of social studies curriculum (Bernard-Powers, 1995). Including women in the capacity of "great woman"  detracts from  the social and personal history of women. Students do not learn about the lives and experiences of ordinary women in the private sphere, only the lives of exceptional women in the public sphere.  26 Some educators would, however, argue that this sort of inclusion is preferable to excluding women altogether. Osier (1994) suggests that the identification of exceptional women and their inclusion within historical discourse is advantageous because it gives women some sense of their  history (my emphasis).  Nonetheless, in most instances, there is not sufficient discussion surrounding these women.  Instead, they are simply  given a cursory analysis. According to Scott (1980), the coverage of "great" women in textbooks is, as Osier (1995) indicated, often brief and uninformative. Moreover, because the "great" women being discussed tend to be white, middle-class women, the text inadvertently suggests that all women share a common history, negating the multiple effects of race and class, as well as gender, on individual experience. When women make contributions to history, there is a delineation between the significance of these contributions and those of men. Thus, women are positioned in historical discourse as marginal, secondary and mattering less. Coulter (1989) maintains that the presentation of great women is problematic because they tend to be all white and middle-class, like their male counterparts. The history of only great women does not encompass the experiences and contributions of "average" women. We do not learn what women's lives were like, nor do we learn what sorts of activities were prescribed for women during  27 particular time periods.  Thus, an analysis of social studies  texts that simply looks at whether or not women are discussed, but does not examine who is being discussed, discussed or in what context,  how. they are  is limited.  Invisibility of Women When there is not an inclusion of women in the role of exceptional or great, then women tend to be invisible in social studies textbooks (Baldwin & Baldwin, 1992; Flaherty, 1989; Klein, 1991;  Hahn, 1996;  Scott, 1972;  Osier, 1994;  Coulter, 1989; Sadker, Sadker, &  ten Dam & Rijkschroeff, 1996 ).  A  study undertaken by Weitzman and Rizzo (1974) found that females represented only 31% of the textbook total and that their representation decreased as the grade level increased (Sadker et al., 1991). In a more recent study focussing on gender and political learning, Carole Hahn (1996) found that when asked what came to mind when students thought about politics, government, or current events, the 3 6 students interviewed named 11 men and only 1 woman (p. 22). It is essential to note that knowledge of male participants in these areas stems from the information that is included in social studies textbooks as well as the media.  The  danger of women's exclusion in this case is that female students are subtly being sent the message that the world of politics and  28 government is a male world and perhaps one that women should not enter into.  According to Kobus (1989, p.67),  the result of this  invisibility is that "women learn that their concerns, their lives, and their cultures are not the stuff of schooling.  They  realize that they are valued neither by the system nor by society." In this discussion, it is essential that women's  exclusion  is recognized as being a separate phenomena from their  omission.  In several of the analyses that have been conducted of social studies texts, women's absence is referred to as an omission. However, women weren't omitted from historical discourse, they were excluded.  Elizabeth Minnich (1995, p. 32) postulates that  "the reasons why it was considered right and proper to exclude the majority of humankind were and are built into the very foundations of what was established as knowledge."  Exclusion  then, though it may not be deliberate today, is in part, a result of the hegemonic nature of the society in which we live.  Minnich  (1995, p. 32) supports this claim when she suggests that: the principles that require and justify the exclusion of women, and the results of those principles appearing throughout the complex artifices of knowledge and culture, are so locked into the dominant meaning system that it has for a very long time been utterly irrelevant whether or not any particular person intended to exclude women. (32) To exclude women from both discussion and participation in particular realms of society, is to maintain their / our marginalization, and reinforce the importance of a particular  29 kind of knowledge.  Situating Women When women's contributions to history are made visible, they are often downplayed or undervalued.  This occurs when the  history of women is treated as supplement; that is, outside the body of the main text, or as marginal.  Several studies have  indicated that this supplementary portrayal of women in history is common in social studies textbooks at all levels (Baldwin & Baldwin, 1992; Flaherty, 1989; Scott, 1980).  Light, Staton & Bourne, 1989;  Often, as a result of equity guidelines requiring  women to be given more attention in textbooks, publishers include this information only in addition to the more important  male  information that encompasses the majority of the main text.  As a  result, descriptions of women and their contributions are included in boxes at the sides or bottoms of the pages or as separate chapters. Frequently, the text that appears in these boxes has little to do with the main narrative (Bourne, 1989). This information may then be easily ignored by both teachers and students utilizing the textbooks and reinforces the perception that the inclusion is an afterthought. This idea is further supported by Carole Hahn (1996), who found that in her observations of two secondary social studies  30 classrooms,  the teachers she was observing (one male and one  female) skipped over the special  sections  some account of women's contributions.  dedicated to providing In addition, the teachers  did not draw attention to the women pictured in photographs either.  It appears that social studies textbooks which position  women on the periphery of the central discourse are doing little to alleviate gender bias.  Crocco (1997) suggests that,  This approach has often been disparaged as "add women and stir," and in truth, little mixing of women's history with the main events occurs when the subject is presented via sidebars. Such presentation may be preferable to women's absence from textbooks altogether; nevertheless, it suggests the degree to which the social studies curriculum has depicted women's stories as peripheral to the real story of political and economic history (p. 32). Thus, it may be argued that this peripheral positioning further reinforces the marginal position of women in society and the devaluation of their experiences.  Language in Textbooks When analysing the representation of women in textbooks, it is essential to consider how language is used to describe and explain experience. Women are often devalued by the language used to describe them and this is problematic as language reflects consciousness and impacts the shaping of individual perceptions. The elimination of blatantly sexist language portrays the world in gender inclusive terms and "helps to build a less sexist future" (Gaskell, McLaren and Novogrodsky, 1989, p. 52).  It is  31 one thing, however, to screen' for blatantly sexist and exclusive language and another to carefully examine the choice of words used in descriptions of people and events to ascertain whether there is subtle gender bias at play.  Katherine McKenna (1989,  p.21) contends that "all too often, the use of generic language is used much as one would wave a magic wand - presto and the sex bias disappears."  The reality is that the bias is still there,  just more difficult to identify. Recent literature recognizes the power of language to sustain bias in curriculum materials (Baldwin & Baldwin, 1992; Light, Staton & Bourne, 1989;  Osier, 1994;  Sheehan, 1991).  The  tone of language is often cited as a technique used to downplay the importance of women's role in history.  In the discourse on  gender bias, this is commonly referred to as the trivialization of women's involvement in history. Light et al (1989) suggest in their analysis of textbooks, that the tone of language used to describe women was less serious than that used to describe men. For example, Light et al found that in one intermediate text examining Canada over the last two decades, the textbook concluded a section on sports and introduced one on the women's movement by including the following passage: When ten-year-old girls ran in 3- or 4-kilometer races, as thousands of them were doing by the 1980s, they were running farther than any woman in the whole country had done in competition in the 1950s. Women's New Freedom Women! Yes, women. The way girls and women took up  32 running in the 1970s was even more amazing than men's interest. Men were supposed to be strong and go for endurance events. But girls just didn't do those things. They didn't run. They didn't play hockey. Those were men's sports. When a strenuous game like basketball had proven irresistible to girls in the early 2 0th century, special rules were invented so they wouldn't strain themselves at it. When some of the women runners in the 800-meter event at the 1928 Olympics had collapsed after finishing, it was decided not to let women run these long races any more. Women were weak and fragile, weren't they? The weaker sex. Mustn't let them over-do it. (Light et 'al., 1989). This shift in tone, whether the writers of the textbooks intended it to or not, belittles the women being discussed.  Light et al  (1989) who conducted an analysis of the above passage suggested that although it might be read as ironic, students are less likely to read it as such.  Thus, it is crucial to move beyond a  simple consideration of gendered words and include an examination of the manner in which words are being used to represent experience and the manner in which these words are being read and interpreted by students.  Visual Representation of Women It is not' only the written word which influences how students perceive people and events;  visual images do as well.  They can serve as powerful influences in the ways students interpret and understand the text.  Gail Brandt (1989) condemns  ministries of education and publishers who claim that they have issued textbooks which "cover" women's history by simply  33 inserting the occasional picture.  Pictures, like those in the  boxed off segments discussing women's involvement in history, are easily disregarded and skipped.  These representations do not  make textbooks more gender equitable. Light et al. (1989, p. 22) suggest that "photographs that include women, photo captions and the phrase 'men and women,' while they may alert students or teachers to a general female presence, can hardly be considered an equal historical treatment." In the 197 0s, visual depictions of women conformed to the stereotype of women as housewives, in caring professions, and as helpless and requiring the assistance of men.  They were "frail,  simple, helpless creatures and they were confined to the home" (Sheehan, 1991, p. 283). Textbook analysis during this time suggested that when females were included in photographs or pictures, they were shown in subservient and passive roles (McLeod & Silverman, 1973). Men, on the other hand, were portrayed as leaders and warriors, and were depicted in a variety of activities and occupations.  McLeod et al. (1973) found that  in the eight secondary civics books on which they conducted a content analysis (grades 9 through 12), 70 to 88 percent of the illustrations showed men only or men as dominant and women as subordinate. Twenty years later, in an examination of 3 6 recently published textbooks used in the United Kingdom to teach grade 7  34 and 8 history, Osier (1994) found that in all textbooks analyzed, the number of photographs of men was still far greater than those of women.  In the least equitable examples, she reports that  women were outnumbered by men 1 : 2 6 or more.  Further, sketches  which portray women have a 6 : 1 ratio of men to women. In an examination of visual representations, it is also important to note the roles that men and women are engaged in. The concept of "role" is implicitly a gendered concept (Acker, 1990).  Historically, value has been accorded to roles deemed  masculine so ensuring that women are depicted in both traditional and non-traditional roles does not alleviate bias from visual representation.  The question that must be posed concerns the  number of pictures where women are portrayed in non-traditional roles, versus the number of men in non-traditional roles. This becomes an issue of what is valued.  If more women then men  appear in non-traditional roles, the message being conferred to students is that it has become acceptable and desirable for women to move into the male domain because it is held in higher esteem, but not for men to move into areas deemed traditionally "female". Again it becomes important to note that what is absent speaks largely of what is valued. This notion is illustrated by Rob Gilbert and James Cook (1989), who state that in texts, "the theories which guide the discourse and the problems they acknowledge can also be inferred  35  from what they omit and deem irrelevant" (p. 64). That it is not desirable for men to move into the realm of the feminine because it is undervalued, is apparent in the absence of images which depict this. .Granted, this issue is larger than that of textbook representation, but necessary, nonetheless, to consider in an analysis.  Textbook Analyses - 27 Years of Research In 1971, Janice Trecker, a high school social studies teacher in the United States, published a study illuminating the problematic nature of textbooks.  This seminal study of 11 high  school history textbooks and 2 collections of documents articulated what many female teachers had known to be the case for some time; that high school social studies textbooks propagated a biased view of history.  At this time, women's  lives, experiences and historical contributions were barely acknowledged in texts. Rather, the traditional view of history as being dominated by male figures in the political, military, economic and social spheres was perpetuated.  Women tended to be  included in the texts only if they conformed to the male model of what constituted historical contribution.  Thus, the names of  "great" American women were occasionally found in texts; names such as Susan B. Anthony, Jane Addams, and Ida Tarbell.  These  women were involved in reform or abolitionist movements and so  36 are deemed worthy of note.  Ordinary women, however, were  glaringly absent from the texts.  The situation, Trecker found,  was even more appalling for minority women and women of color.  A  double edged sword, it seems; gender and race were preventing certain historical discussions and acknowledgements from textual discourse. Trecker suggested that the biases in texts were a result of larger societal biases against women and the "lingering ideas of female inferiority" (250).  Although this is certainly true, it  must be noted that suggesting the notion of female inferiority as "lingering" is problematic. The guiding question in Trecker's study asked whether or not "the stereotypes which limit girls' aspirations are present in high school history texts?" (251). Trecker's answer? resounding yes.  A  She suggests that texts omit many important  women while at the same time minimizing the difficulties that they faced in legal, social and cultural realms.  Further,  textbook authors tend to "depict women in a passive role and to stress that their lives are determined by economic and political trends. (251)"  It is naive to imply, through discussions in  text, that women lack agency; that they do not determine their own lives.  Throughout history women have taken proactive  approaches to improving their own situations, not the least of which includes reform movements at the turn of the century, and  37 more recently, the creation of a feminist consciousness. In addition, Trecker indicates that both the topics discussed in texts and those chosen for discussion omit women.  The emphasis  is on political, diplomatic, and military history. Again, though this is undisputable, her notion of omission must be problematized.  It is erroneous to suggest that women  have merely been omitted from historical discussion.  They have  been excluded. Omission and exclusion lay on a continuum, where omission implies that something has been left out because it is forgotten, exclusion implies that it has been left out because it is deemed irrelevant or undesirable to include. This exclusion is locked into the dominant meaning system, and whether it is intentional or not, it is exclusion rather than omission. The above claims were made by Trecker after she examined all entries in the texts and documents indexed under "women" as well as other sections and topics where information about women would reasonably be expected.  Her categories of- analysis included the  women's rights movement and suffrage, reform movements, abolition, the Civil War, labor, frontier life, the World Wars, family patterns, the present (1971) position of women, and those sections where discussions of intellectual and cultural trends were present.  Although the study is specific to American  textbooks, similar categories might be applied to Canadian texts, with slight alterations depending upon important periods and  38 events in Canadian history. In this analysis, Trecker must be credited for attempting to examine discussions of family patterns as this is a topic which has importance for women, both in terms of historical and contemporary positioning and power.  As well, she provides some  discussion of the bleak situation for minority women in historical discourse. well.  All other categories are important as  However, attending only to women's representation in these  areas legitimates the knowledge valued in social studies textbooks at the time. Trecker needed to supplement these categories of analysis with a more critical discussion of how women are positioned in the text, how language both explicitly and implicitly defines them, and how the very nature of the knowledge valued in social studies texts continues to marginalize women and trivialize their contributions and experiences.  Further, discussion bf visual  representation of women throughout the texts is limited.  This is  a crucial1 category of analysis, for it is in visuals that women are most often shown in a stereotypical manner.  If students are  constantly exposed to this in pictures, it impacts the way that they construct their realities.  According to Scott and Schau  (1985), Pupils who are exposed to sex-equitable materials are more likely than others to: (1) have gender-balanced knowledge of people in society, (2) develop more flexible attitudes and more accurate sex-role knowledge, and (3)  39 imitate role behaviours contained in the material (p. 228). It is also important, to document the percentage of visuals dedicated to women in the context of the entire text.  This is an  illuminating undertaking and often makes blatant the degree of bias against women in social studies texts. A final criticism of Trecker's analysis is that she examines only pockets of text and not the entire text.  Thus, it is more  aptly categorized as a general survey rather than a content analysis.  This paints an incomplete picture of the nature and  extent of gender bias in texts of the day.  However, Trecker's  study was done more than twenty-five years ago, and in light of the feminist  scholarship which informed thought at that time,  her study was indeed ground breaking.  She opened the door for  feminist educators to further problematize the representation of women in history texts, and many rose to the challenge.  The  1970s, as previously stated, saw the rise of content analysis, not just in social studies textbooks, but other subjects, such as science and home economics as well. Due to the nature of my analysis, I have chosen to focus on more recent studies which are informed by a new wave of feminist thought. Her study, however, is a logical starting point when conducting critical examinations of textual discourse and representation and is often found referenced in more recent studies.  Despite the limitations of Trecker's analysis, her  40 insights are valuable. One study, undertaken by Darrell Kirby and Nancy Julian (1981) ten years after Trecker's seminal work drew on Trecker's analysis to inform their own analysis of ten textbooks used in junior and senior high school social studies classrooms in the United States.  The authors used both content analysis and what  they term "descriptive review" in order to ascertain how the textbooks treated women. shape the study:  1.  Five guiding questions were used to  who among outstanding individual women is  noted in texts and who is not? which are omitted? treated?  4.  3.  2.  which topics are covered and  how are average women of selected eras  how are women who fought for currently  controversial issues treated? and 5. appear in coverage of women?  how do distortions, if any,  These are key questions, and if  sufficiently adhered to, integral in uncovering the form and degree of bias against women evident in social texts. Some attention is given, by the authors, to the use of "standard English terms such as male and he" (p. 205) to detract from women's historical presence.  They suggest that this is a  problem of semantics and that those who wish to equally treat males and females will find the solution "difficult" (p. 206). Sadly, the authors do not take the discussion any further. fact, it can be argued, that using male exclusive language creates a false universalization.  The fact is, according to  In  41 Elizabeth Minnich (1990), "that 'man' does not include (or 'embrace,' as witty grammarians used to like to say) women or all humans, any more than qualities derived from man as he has been understood represent either the norm or the ideal for all humankind"  (p. 39). Using male exclusive language, both  pronouns and terms with masculine connotations, does more than obscure women's historical and contemporary roles.  Such biased  language subtly perpetuates the subordinate position of women generally.  They are made marginal; they are made "other".  Kirby and Julian's (1981) descriptive review differs from a critical review in that it does not problematize the topics in the textbooks which marginalize and exclude women, nor does it sufficiently draw on feminist theory and scholarship to inform it. This is unfortunate, as feminist theory and scholarship began to abound in the late 1970s and early 1980s (Lerner, 1973; Hahn, 1978; Spender & Sarah, 1980; Leonard, 1981).  For example, in the  discussion of the visual representation of women in the texts, the authors indicate that "numerous pictures in all texts demonstrated clearly the presence of women in American history" (p. 2 06).  What they fail to identify is the importance of  examining the photos of women to ascertain if they are being depicted stereotypically or not. Although quantity of photos is important, so is the quality of these photos.  If women are being shown in passive,  42 stereotypical roles; if men are always at the forefront of group photos, then is this increased visual representation benefitting women?  Moreover, the authors seem to think that inserting photos  of "great" women such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Jane Addams is acceptable, in fact desirable.  Here is yet another example of  women being included in historical discussion only when they conform to the male-defined model of what constitutes contribution.  The authors have failed to provide answers to  their five guiding questions by not tending to how women are represented or situated pictorially, nor how they are positioned in visuals and text. While their categories of the treatment of women are useful (equality of the sexes, chivalrous view, sex role stereotyping, male supremist, or that there is no mention of women), they limit their analysis to a predetermined list of individual women and topics.  The danger here is that biases outside of this list are  ignored or missed altogether.  The result is a less than accurate  sense of how women are misrepresented and devalued in historical text. Moreover, discussion of topics contained in the textbooks is limited at best. There is some acknowledgement that "the texts tended to omit women who fought for issues which are still extremely controversial and to omit analyses of topics which are likewise controversial" (p. 205). It is again necessary to point out the  43 difference between omission and exclusion.  It is possible that  these women and topics were not omitted but were excluded due to their controversial nature (Bernard-Powers, 1996). are these topics controversial?  And to whom  This is a question that the  authors should have addressed but failed to. Overall, Kirby and Julian found that the representation of women in high school social studies texts was inequitable, though passages which "focused directly on women tended generally to be objective and balanced" (p. 206). They suggest that further efforts be made in order to insure a more equitable treatment of women in texts.  Unfortunately, no concrete recommendations are  made other than some editing to the texts and adding additional information to "correctly portray women's lives and roles" (p. 206) . Glen Blankenship and Carole Hahn (1983) undertook an analysis of 22 secondary economics textbooks used in the United States to ascertain the frequency in which women appeared in these texts. Postulating whether or not the women's movement of the 1970s and the new publisher's guidelines had any effect on materials used in economic classes of the 1980s, the authors examined text examples, photographs, illustrations, and case studies in which women appeared.  In addition, they tabulated the  number of times men and women were quoted in the text, cited in references, for further reading, or highlighted in "special"  44 sections outside the main text (p. 68). Finally, attention was given to the depiction of males and females in humorous cartoons. Overall, the authors found that textbooks of the 1980s were less "sex-biased" than earlier texts (p. 73). An obvious example of this has been the elimination of sexist language; male pronouns for the most part are not used to designate all of humanity. Further, the authors noted that women in visuals appeared in both non-traditional and traditional roles (160 photographs and illustration of non-traditional roles; 327 traditional) but no discussion is provided regarding the roles in which men are depicted.  The authors need to address this, for if  only women appear to be transgressing the boundaries of tradition, the implicit message being sent to students is that it is desirable for women to enter into the "male" realm, but not desirable for men to enter into the "female" realm.  A devaluing  of all that is female is perpetuated, intentionally or not. Finally, the authors note that little attention is given to the "economic realities that pertain specifically to women" (p. 73). Only two of the texts attend to income disparity, affirmative action, women and unemployment, credit, social security, insurance rates, suffrage, and the women's movement. These are important topics in documenting the rise of feminist consciousness and women's efforts to attain equality, but the authors do not discuss this in any depth.  What is clear,  45 however, despite the changes that have made their way into economics texts since the 1970s, is that women are still being accorded a marginal role; the issues and topics that should be included are not being included.  Thus, notwithstanding the  praise the authors bestow upon some of the textbooks for efforts made to include women, these texts exemplify that gender bias still prevails. Following this study, concrete recommendations were made, by one of its authors, Glen Blankenship.  Published in 1984, his  article "How to Test a Textbook for Sexism," outlines a framework for evaluating social studies texts.  Drawing from Trecker's 1971  study discussed above, as well as his own, he suggests that it is crucial for educators to examine the index of texts for their mention of women and women's issues; that the number of' times men and women are quoted and cited in reference sections be noted; that the representation of women visually be noted both in terms of role portrayal and whether the portrayal is favourable or unfavourable; and that attention be paid to the use of sexist language.  According to the author, these four categories shape  how content analyses should be undertaken. While these categories are certainly important to follow, they provide a superficial look at gender bias in texts.  What is  lacking is attention to how women are included within the content of texts - are women presented only in the capacity of being  46 "great?"  Are the lives of ordinary women included in historical  discussion?  What constitutes historical discussion?  Are women's  lives and stories included within the main text or outside?  How  does language (and not just the use of blatantly sexist language) position women? Furthermore, Blankenship needs to expand on the extent of bias, not just as evidenced in the index, quotations, and suggestions for further reading.  Rather, attention needs to  be given to the percentage of visual representation accorded to both men and women, and the frequency in which women appear outside of the main text as opposed to within. Given the abundance of feminist scholarship pervading educational thought by 1984, Blankenship's recommendations, though useful to some degree, fail to illuminate the bias that permeated and may continue to permeate, social studies textbooks. Perhaps one of the more enlightened discussions of women in social studies textbooks is offered by Mary Kay Thompson Tetreault.  Her 1986 study was influenced, like Kirby's and  Julian's (1981), by the work of Janice Trecker fifteen years earlier.  However, Tetreault takes her analysis further, drawing  upon pertinent feminist scholarship to inform her reading of textbooks. In addition, Tetreault considers the intersections of race, class, and gender.  She does not examine the representation  of women as a universal collective; rather she acknowledges the differing experiences and contributions of women contingent upon  47 where they are situated socially and racially.  This is important  as much of the earlier work on women and history focussed on white, middle-class women, who, like their male counterparts, conformed to an ideal of what constituted contribution. As well as acknowledging the importance of class and race in discussions of gender, Tetreault articulates the need to conceptualize both the public and private spheres of women's lives. She suggests that "the central concern of women's history should not be women's history in the public sphere but what the majority of women were actually doing and experiencing during a particular time" (p. 213). Finally, acknowledgement is given to the importance of documenting the development of feminist consciousness.  This consciousness influenced women's efforts at  obtaining education, entering the labour force, and acquiring the right to birth control.  Efforts of women in these areas are an  important part of the historical story, yet often go unrecognized in texts, and according to Gilda Lerner (1975) "the true history of women is the history of their on-going functioning in that male-defined world, on their  own terms"  (p. 148).  Tetreault's analysis comprises five stages of thinking about women in history and how each stage is handled in the twelve texts examined.  These phases include male history, compensatory  history, bi-focal history, feminist history, and multi-focal, relational history, with the latter being the most desirable form  48 of historical interpretation. Allowing these stages to inform her reading of 12 secondary social studies texts, Tetreault found that "5 percent of the copy in these texts is devoted to the female experience.  The  percentage of visuals depicting humans is more balanced between women and men" (p. 218). Overall, averaging the percentage of the number of visual in each text which depict females, females appear in visuals from 3 0 percent of the time to 58 percent of the time.  Tetreault, does not, however, provide much discussion  of how women are situated in the visuals, nor where the visuals of women alone are situated in relation to the main text.  Thus,  although in some texts visuals which include women comprise over 50 percent of the total, there is little sense of whether these visuals actually do justice to women's experiences and contributions. How often are women depicted in supporting roles? Are they portrayed primarily in the capacity of "great?" often are women in the forefront of photos?  How  Despite some  acknowledgement that women are often shown observing male actors from the sidelines in visuals which portray men and women in public spaces, more questions, such as those posed above, need to be addressed in order to uncover some of the more implicit biases in history texts. Overall, Tetreault found, not surprisingly, that the twelve texts she examined fall short of providing a balanced  49 representation of history.  Though textbooks have changed in the  15 years since Trecker's analysis, "it becomes clear that women have been incorporated primarily at the levels of compensatory and bi-focal history" (p. 248). That is, "great" women who contributed to traditionally male-dominated areas or those areas that were extensions of women's traditional roles are included in history texts.  Involvement in the public sphere overshadows the  importance of involvement in the private sphere in every text examined.  Further, the discrepancy between the small amount of  "copy" (Tetreault's usage) devoted to women and the visuals which portray women "suggest cosmetic changes which incorporate women. As long as events in the public sphere are conceptualized as history while those in the private sphere are not, women's history and relational history will continue to be excluded" (p. 148). Thus, Tetreault intimates that if female students in schools are to cultivate a feminist consciousness, educators must rid textbooks of stereotypic thinking. r  All of the content analyses discussed in this section, have, thus far, been American.  Since this study is examining Canadian  social studies texts, it is important to discuss a Canadian analysis of gender bias in history textbooks. Light, Staton, and Bourne (1989) examined 66 Ontario texts published in 1980 or after. Each book was read cover to cover, and each reference in the texts to women was noted.  The authors were unable to  50 recommend any one of the texts analyzed as meeting the sex equity policy for any History and Contemporary Studies course.  They  found that all of the books together devote, on average, a mere 12.8 percent of their pages to females.  Women, in these texts,  frequently appear outside of the main text, "reinforcing their consideration as asides, or afterthoughts" (p. 19). Their contributions are trivialized or forgotten altogether. The authors of this study make an effort to look beyond mere frequency of inclusion, noting the nature and language of inclusion as often being problematic.  Where other studies do not  consider where references to women are made, this one does, so is useful in uncovering a subtle form of bias.  However, the authors  do not criticize the knowledge contained in the textbooks, the very nature of which serves to devalue women's historical contributions and experiences. -Any content analysis which truly seeks to illuminate the depth of gender bias, must acknowledge what and whose knowledge is included. Content analyses continued to be conducted by educators and academics well into the 1990s.  Without exception, none of these  studies were able to report that social studies texts have achieved the goal of gender equity (Sleeter & Grant, 1991.; Baldwin & Baldwin, 1992; Osier, 1994.; Clark, 1996; Commeyras & Alverman, 199 6).  They were able, however, to acknowledge that  some progress has been made in furthering equity goals in social  51 studies materials.  Baldwin & Baldwin (1992) report that in every  province, efforts are being made to produce "gender-blind" materials but that efforts are still not completely successful (p. 114). They suggest that rather than focussing, on eliminating bias in textbooks (as it obviously is not working to date) that schools should teach students how to recognize bias and how to counteract it.  They further suggest that in order to achieve  this, teachers must be trained in detecting bias.  They do not,  however, offer any framework to teachers with regard to detecting bias.  This is where they fail, and where my own research  succeeds in that I offer, in Chapter 3, a framework for detecting bias in textbooks. Osier's study (1994) informs my own research in that she has included an analysis of language beyond merely identifying the use of gendered pronouns and false universalizations (mankind as a universal for all of humanity).  She suggests that the language  of textbooks must be carefully scrutinized to ascertain whether women are being depicted in stereotypical fashion.  For example,  are women described as following men, reacting to men's directions, and supporting the men in their lives, or are women depicted as being leaders, giving direction as well as taking direction and being supported by the men in their lives? Sleeter & Grant (1991) contribute to an understanding of the gendered- nature of social studies textbooks through their-  52 discussion of the categories of knowledge included in textbooks. Their work informs my own in that I have created a category of analysis which attempts to identify what knowledge is valued in the two textbooks under examination and in what respect this knowledge is gendered.  Summary It is apparent .through an examination of the literature, that the representation of women in social studies textbooks is problematic.  It is problematic when women are excluded  altogether, because this exclusion implies that women have been absent from historical participation.  Further, when they are  included, the positioning, language, and visual depiction of women in historical discourse subtly reinforces their marginal position in society, not just in the past, but also in the present.  This is neither a gender equitable nor gender sensitive  portrayal of history.  53 Chapter Three Methodology Gather what little drops of learning you can, and consider them a great treasure. (Christine de Pisan, in Miles, 1988, p. 124).  This study will employ content analysis, a form of research methodology which uses a set of procedures to make valid inferences from text (Weber, 1985).  The inferences, according to  Weber (1985) concern the sender of the message, the actual message, and the audience of the message.  However, I believe it  is erroneous to suggest that each text has an actual message. Just as there is no objective truth, there is no actual message Rather, the message is shaped by the individuals reading the text, where the reader is situated in a social context, and his or her past experiences.  Thus, my interpretation of the texts'  messages are just that - interpretations. Since each individual reading the text brings something unique to that reading, there is no actual  message.  For the purposes of this study, attention will be given to the implicit message (as I have interpreted it) present in the text being analyzed, as well as the explicit message (as I have interpreted it) being reinforced in the discourse.  According to  Weber (1985), an important use of content analysis is "the generation of culture indicators that point to the state of beliefs, values, ideologies, or other culture systems" (p. 10).  54 Thus, feminist theory and the themes that have emerged from my literature review, will inform discussion of the texts' messages and the cultural indicators inherent in them. The analysis will incorporate some of the guidelines from previous textbook analysis. For example, Commeyras and Alverman (199 6), in their analysis of world history textbooks, examined both the language and content of the texts to assess whether women were being represented equally and fairly.  Phase one of  their analysis involved reading each textbook for all the content on women and recording the relevant information into (a computerized program that codes and searches).  Ethnograph  The  information was then coded for recurring themes such as information about famous women and rights. The authors .then read and reread each section on rights to "determine the language regarding the positioning of women in the three textbooks" (p. 37) . Although I am not using a computer program which codes and searches, my reading of the entire text, documenting each instance in which women are mentioned or discussed, categorizing the information according to topics, and tending to the language with a critical eye, is in essence what Commeryas & Alverman accomplished in their analysis. I have incorporated some of Blankenshaft's (19 84) recommendations for testing textbooks for "sexism" into my  55  the text for mention of women and women's issues and the number of times women are quoted throughout the text are used.  However,  I am also documenting the number of times males are quoted to provide a comparison with females, and am also considering the context in which the quotations appear.  Framework While many researchers have allowed themes to emerge from analysis, I have preselected my themes and will look within the texts for instances of each.  However, as previously noted, I  will not exclude from my discussion, any themes that emerge outside of my framework during analysis.  In addition, central to  my examination will be a determination of whom the textbook explicitly and implicitly addresses, and who's story is central. It will explore how women are positioned in historical discourse through the use of language and visual representation, and whether this positioning reinforces the marginalization of women. In addition, an assessment of whether the textbooks contribute to gender equity or whether they impede gender equity, will be made. Using a critical content analysis will ensure that a closer reading of the text will occur and biases will not be missed. Though many content analysis have focussed on the frequency of occurrences of the topic or group under analysis, I intend to move beyond simply recording how often women appear in copy and  56 visuals.  This form of quantitative analysis, though no doubt  useful, does not tend to consider the location of units of analysis in a continuous discourse (Gilbert & Cook, 1989). Rather, it assumes that the frequency of occurrence is the main element of construction of meaning.  I would argue, as Gilbert  and Cook (1989) do, that in fact, this mode of analysis uncovers only a small facet of the biases present in texts.  Rather than  merely "counting" and "recording" instances in which women are mentioned or appear, it is of paramount importance to also consider these occurrences in relation to the structure of the text.  This 'cannot be done using only a quantitative approach,  which is the approach employed in many content analyses I have examined.  For this reason I give consideration to the position  of women in relation to the main text, as well as to the sequencing and organization of the text generally. Four categories will be used for assessment and will incorporate both qualitative and quantitative operations on the texts selected for analysis (see Table I ) . These categories have emerged out of the literature review, previous textbook analyses, and my own experiences as a social studies teacher.  They have  been expanded to more effectively and critically analyse the selected textbooks.  It is essential to note that although  content analysis employs a framework to guide the analysis, I am not approaching the framework as completely fixed.  Rather,  57 through the course of the analysis, if other themes, not initially anticipated, emerge, they will be discussed in the context of the study as well. The four categories that I have designated are: 1.  Language a. Is the language gendered and if so, is it used appropriately? Consideration will be given to the use of both feminine and masculine pronouns and adjectives. b. What message about women's historical contributions and experiences is implied through the use of language? c. What qualifies as discussion of women's contributions? Are they discussed only in context of wars, politics, economics, and reform movements? Specific statements about women will be assessed.  2.  Visual Representation a. How many pictures of women are included in the text? On own? With others? b. How are women depicted in the pictures? Traditional roles? Non-traditional roles? c. How are men depicted in pictures? Traditional roles? Non-traditional roles? d. How many women are included in the capacity of "great?" e. What is the size of the pictures that women are depicted in compared to those of men? f. When women of color / minority women play a role in history, are they visually represented?  3.  Positioning a. How are women positioned in the textbook? Outside of the main text (frequency)? Within the main text (frequency)?  58 4.  Critical analysis of content a. This includes, but is not limited to, an examination of both the table of contents, to determine what knowledge is valued in the text, and an analysis of the index to assess how often women, their experiences and contributions, are noted. b. How often are women quoted in the text? c. Are women included in reference lists for further reading? . If so, how often and in what context? d. What is regarded as significant historical contributions? For example, if politics are important then are females necessarily less important because they were unable to vote or hold office in Canada's early years? e. Is each woman discussed seen as an autonomous being, or are women discussed in relation to men? For example, is a woman a wife of a politician and therefore important only because she is married to him, but a politician important in his own right and not because he is also husband of a house wife? . i f. Does the text provide a fair and equitable portrayal of history?  The Sample The textbooks I have selected for analysis, are each used to teach the Canadian history component of secondary social studies in Alberta and British Columbia.  This is the topic of  study that I am most familiar with as a classroom teacher. Moreover, I have done much work outside of the classroom on the historical experiences and contributions of Canadian women, so my expertise in this area will inform and enhance my discussion of the selected textbooks. Two textbooks have been selected for study.  Though other  59  content analyzes have selected a much greater number of textbooks, more attention is given to an examination of frequency in which females are included, rather than critically examining each instance in which females are mentioned, and where this mentioning occurs.  I have selected two texts so that I may delve  deep within the content and structure and illuminate, if they exist, the inequities throughout. The first text, Canada Today, has been selected because of its prevalence in classrooms in both Alberta and British Columbia. It is a recommended text in British Columbia and a Prescribed text in Alberta. The second text, Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding, has recently been adopted by social studies teachers because of its structure and presentation, and is recommended for use in both provinces.  I believe that it will become widely used  in classrooms in the next few years. Of the two textbooks selected, this one is authored by a male-female team.  Proposed Procedure I intend to approach this study by first reading each of the texts in their entirety to gain a sense of the organization and content of each.  The next step is to focus on the quantitative  aspects of the analysis - counting the number of pictures that depict women,  the number of pictures which depict women of color  and minority women, and the instances within the index that  I  60 women, their experiences and contributions, are noted.  These  will be recorded in a table format. Comparisons will be made to the frequency in which males and females appear in visuals. When this is completed, I will approach the analysis one text at a time, chapter by chapter, adhering to the remaining categories that I have proposed.  At this time I will look for  instances in which women are discussed in the discourse, the manner of this discussion, and their positioning and representation.  This process will take time and painstaking  effort since it goes beyond a superficial examination of the textbook.  I believe, however, that it is necessary to approach  the examination in this way if educators are to understand the nature and extent of gender bias in social studies textbooks that continue to be both approved for use by ministries of education and used by teachers in the classroom. This is not an "objective" study in that my conclusions could be verified by all other analysers.  It is possible that we  might all agree that there were no pictures of women in the textbooks, but disagree on our interpretation of these pictures. My perceptions, experiences, and values will influence the analysis as I bring to bear a feminist perspective.  I make no  apologies for this for if we are to bring about gender equity, then a feminist perspective (as I define, it) is required.  61 Chapter 4 Findings  Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding  As I sat watching Everyman at the Charterhouse I said to myself, why not Everywoman? (Bernard Shaw, in Miles, 1988, p. 219)  Category 1: A.  Language  Is the language gendered and if so, is it used appropriately? Consideration will be given to the use of both feminine and masculine pronouns and adjectives. Throughout the textbook, the authors take care to use  inclusive language when describing the experiences and contributions of people throughout history and in contemporary society. For example, the authors use such neutral terms as one, person, individual, police officer, etc. Unfortunately, the textbook does not always incorporate inclusive language in its discourse.  On page 70, a discussion of citizens and the law is  included with specific reference to the 1993 anti-stalking bill. The text states that: The anti-stalking bill has made harassment a criminal offence. Criminal harassment includes persistently following someone, spending large amounts of time watching someone's home or place of work, making harassing phone calls, contacting someone's co-workers or neighbours, and contacting and possibly threatening someone's current boyfriend (my emphasis) or spouse. In this instance, it is unclear if "boyfriend" is the term used in the legislation, or if it is used by the authors to describe  62 their interpretation of the legislation.  Regardless, it is  inappropriately used, implying that only females are the victims of harassment.  It is erroneous to suggest that this is the case.  But, at the same time in the vast majority of harassment cases' the "victims" tend to be women. This raises an interesting question about the use of genderneutral language.  Should it always be used and subsequently mask  social realities?  For example, should wife-beating be referred  to as spousal abuse which then masks the reality that in most abusive marriages it is women who are abused by men?  Not using  gender-neutral languages in cases such as this would provide an opportunity for discussions of the social realities surrounding the situation.  Teachers must then take responsible for alerting  their students to these issues of language use. In spite of this, male pronouns are occasionally used to describe the experiences of both males and females. When the authors have included direct quotes from individuals in the past, several of these quotes employ exclusive language by the individual speaking.  However, given the context of the period in  which the individual lived, this is not unacceptable. Nonetheless, the authors could have indicated that exclusive language is inappropriate in today's context by inserting, in brackets, sic,  so that students are aware that although the  individual being quoted spoke in exclusive terms, it is not  63 acceptable for students to do so. Despite the non-gendered nature of the pronouns used in the text, the use of adjectives, in some instances, is gendered. Yet, for the most part, the authors make a concerted effort not to use adjectives to describe females; rather, they are simply referred to as "women," neither beautiful, nor fragile.  When descriptions  of women are included, they are frequently described as married, as wives, and as mothers (pp. 22, 71, 93, 94, 197, 257, 377, 376, 402) . • Although this is necessary in some contexts, it is unnecessary in others.  For example, on page 94, the text  describes Lady Isabel Aberdeen, as "the wife of the governor general."  Although it is important to note her status and  position, she is defined first as a wife, rather than as a leader of the women's movement.  Paraskeva Clark, on the other hand, is  not defined first as a wife.  Rather, she is defined as a painter  who had a "Canadian-born husband" (p. 188). On page 197, there is an excerpt from a letter written by a "young man" to R.B. Bennett (the reader learns from the letter that this "young man" is married with children).  There is also an excerpt from a  letter written by a "young mother."  Thus, in this instance, the  man, though he is a father, is not defined as such, whereas the reverse is true for the woman.  The authors need to be consistent  in their use of adjectives to describe males and females, rather  64 than establishing a standard in which women are defined by their roles as wives and mothers, and men only by their role as man. Beyond their roles as "wives" and "mothers", women are also described as leaders (p. '42), unpaid labourers (p. 258), members of groups, including reform groups, special interest groups, and "disadvantaged" groups (pp. 24, 329, 343, 390), activists (p. 403), and politicians (pp. 404, 405). In three instances in this text, "girl" is used to describe adult women.  On page 215, a Flapper is defined as a "typical  girl of the 1920s"; on page 200, John T. Eaton is directly quoted as saying "you could take your girl to a supper dance at the hotel for $10"; and on page 257, women working in the munitions factory are referred to as "Bren girls."  Although girl is  commonly used to refer to women in everyday use, it is troubling when it is used in the language of the textbook.  The use of  "girl" is somewhat offensive when used to describe adult women. The association "carries certainly decidedly negative connotations - irresponsibility, immaturity, "smallness" of body or mind, etc" (Adams & Ware, 1989, p. 473).  I realize that fifty  years ago, the term "Bren girl" was used to describe women of the time and that John Eaton's use of the word "girl" was the norm rather than the exception; however, the authors have a responsibility to either not include this descriptor in the discussion, or to provide some critical discussion of its usage.  65  B.  What message about women's historical contributions and experiences is implied through the use of language? This is a difficult, yet crucial question to answer when  attempting to illuminate the nature of gender bias in texts.  In  this particular textbook, a surface read does not necessarily create cause for concern. • However, there is a very implicit message nurtured throughout the text, in those sections which provide more than a line of discussion about women's experiences and contributions.  This message is that women have not always  taken an active role in their contributions to history, that their experiences are strongly influenced by male actors and decision makers, not by women's own agency, and that they are often victims. Students learn in the text that many war brides were "brought"  (my emphasis) to Canada by their soldier husbands, Immigration boomed after World War II, and almost 1.5 million people came to Canada between 1945 and 1957. The earliest arrivals were the "enemy aliens" who had been sent to Canadian internment camps from Britain during the war...about a fifth of the new arrivals came from Great Britain. Many were war brides who were brought to Canada by their soldier husbands (p. 376).  and that Prime Minister Diefenbaker "brought"  (my emphasis) the  first woman into cabinet, Diefenbaker was a representative of the new face of Canada. Unlike all former prime ministers, who were of either French or British heritage, Diefenbaker was of German stock...Diefenbaker called for a new national  66 unity based on equality for all Canadians, regardless of race or creed. He called it a policy of "unhyphenated Canadianism." Once in office, Diefenbaker appointed a Native to the Senate and named a member of Parliament of Ukrainian descent as his minister of labour. He also brought the first woman into the cabinet: Ellen Fairclough was appointed secretary of state (p. 378). The implication in each of the above passages is that women are followers, not leaders, and their choices are strongly influenced by male actors / leaders. words were different.  Consider the impact if the choice of  Rather than being brought, war brides  chose to accompany their husbands to Canada.  Suggesting  otherwise places these women in the same category as luggage, which is brought with us as we travel. Similarly, rather than being "brought" into cabinet by Diefenbaker, Ellen Fairclough chose to accept her appointment as the new secretary of state. • I am led to wonder why the Native senator was appointed, the Ukrainian MP named, but the female MP brought?  The use of language in this way subtly denies women  agency, and students learn that women did not make choices on their own; they were instead following the lead of men. Even in those discussions which describe women's participation in social reform movements, their experiences are often downplayed and described as strongly influenced by males. For example, students learn that "by the time of the Laurier era, several women had become active in the struggle for women's rights" (p. 93). First, several women suggests an indefinite  67 number, but fewer than many.  In reality, by this time, thousands  of women across the country were actively lobbying federal and provincial governments for the right to vote, so suggesting that only "several" were involved downplays the magnitude of the movement (Hallett, M., & Davis, M., 1993).  Secondly, these women  were doing more than struggling, they were actively fighting. Again, the choice of words diminishes the experiences and contributions of women in reform movements. On page 182, students are told that "women came to play a more active role in society" during the 1920s and 1930s. This implies that prior to these decades, women were relatively inactive in society.  The language used here negates women's  ongoing and active participation in society throughout time. Students also learn that the Enfranchisement of Women Act, passed in 1916, "gave" women the right to vote.  This suggests  that men bestowed upon women an enormous favour in granting their request, negating the long, arduous fight that women engaged in. This message is reinforced when the Wartime Elections Act of 1917 is introduced, and the text states that "Borden's government decided during the war that it was time to give women the right to vote in federal elections" (p. 156). Again, this negates the fight that women had undertaken leading up to this decision. suggests instead that the decision, made by a man, occurred in isolation, and only when he determined that "it was time."  It  68 All of these examples illuminate how language can subtly reinforce particular messages about women's historical experiences and contributions.  I am not suggesting that the  authors of the text deliberately set out to undermine the importance of women's historical role, but through their choice of language, this occurs within the textbook.  C.  What qualifies as discussion of women's contributions? Are they discussed only in context of wars, politics, economics, and reform movements? Specific statements about women will be assessed. Within the pages of this textbook, women are discussed in  the context of their participation in the public sphere, including wars, politics, economics and reform movements, and in their role as caregivers and supporters.  Several examples  support this assessment.- Women are described as "dramatically changed by the war" (p\ 154); working as "nurses in military hospitals to care for Allied soldiers" (p. 155); "taking on a stronger role in public life" (p. 155); "entering the workforce" (p. 94); working "for prohibition...and women's right to vote" (p. 218); being "actively recruited into the labour force" (p. 256); hanging "up their uniforms" and taking "off their slacks and bandannas" (p. 258); once again taking up "the struggle for political, social, and economic equality" (p. 402)and; "entering politics" (p. 404).  69 D.  Emergent Themes In addition to a general discussion of women's lives and  experiences in the public realm, specific discussion of women's firsts  in these areas is prevalent throughout the textbook.  Several political firsts the first  for women are highlighted on page 41;  native female member of parliament appears on page 45;  on page 59, Bertha Wilson is noted as the first the Supreme Court of Canada; women's firsts  woman to sit on  in voting rights  appear on page 156; recognition is given on page 221 to Emily Murphy, in her capacity as the first  female magistrate in the  British Empire; page 220 indicates that "Elsie Gregory MacGill was the first  woman to graduate with a degree in electrical and  aeronautical engineering"; Roberta Bondar is applauded on page 3 49 for being the first  female Canadian astronaut in space;  Audrey McLaughlin is mentioned on page 404 as the "first  woman to  be the national leader of a major political party" and Kim Campbell on the same page as "Canada's first minister."  female prime  70 Category 2: A.  Visual Representation  How many pictures of women are included in the text? own? With Others?  Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  On  is rich with visuals, which is  one of its appeals for teachers and students.  In total, there  are two-hundred and fifty-six visuals in the textbook, and of those, one-hundred and nineteen (46.48%) include females.  Males  appear in one-hundred and seventy-four visuals (67.97%) visuals in the text.  Thus, males are depicted 21.49% more often in  pictures or photos than females. Forty visuals (15.6%) contain neither males nor females.  A category was allowed for visuals  which contain people but are not identifiable as males or females.  In this text, no visual met this criteria.  Forty (15.6%) of the visuals depict females only, whereas ninety-six (37.5%) visuals depict males only. males appear 21.9% more often than females.  In all visuals, Photos containing  images of an individual female or an individual male are twenty (7.'8%) for the former and thirty-six (14%) for the latter.  Thus,  photos of individual males are almost double those of individual females. Forty-six (17.96%) of the two-hundred and fifty-six visuals contain a mix of males and females.  Fifty-eight .(22.66%) visuals  contain groups of males only, whereas twenty-three (8.98%) visuals contain groups of females only.  Females are thus under-  71 represented, implicitly suggesting that men more often associated with one another and contributed to society through group membership.  B.  How are women depicted in the pictures? Non-traditional roles?  Traditional roles?  Of the one-hundred and nineteen visuals in which women appear, sixteen (13%) depict women in traditional roles.  These  roles include mothering, nursing, gossiping, and supporting men (see Appendix A ) . Interestingly, in twenty-four (20%) of the visuals depicting women, women appear in non-traditional roles. These include women as politicians, military personal, factory workers, protestors, gas station attendants, etc(see Appendix B ) .  C.  How are men depicted in pictures? traditional roles?  Traditional roles?  Non-  Of the one-hundred and seventy-four visuals featuring men, eighty-seven (50%) depict men engaging in traditional roles.  In  the remaining 50%, they are shown as members of crowds or groups, or in portraits. roles.  Thus, they never appear in non-traditional  That is, males are never shown as nurses, caregivers,  homemakers, etc, only as politicians, farmers, laborers,, etc. This point will be discussed later in this thesis.  72 D.  How many women are included in the capacity of "great?" Women appear in the capacity of "great" in nineteen (15.96%)  of the one-hundred and nineteen visuals in which they appear. These "great women" include visuals of key women in reform movements; females who were "first" at something, including member of parliament, prime minister, female Canadian astronaut in space; and first female member of the Supreme Court of Canada; and women who have gained fame in the entertainment industry (see Appendix C ) .  E.  What is the size of the pictures that women are depicted in compared to those of men? In this textbook, there was no difference in the sizes of  visuals depicting women versus those depicting men.  Throughout  the text, there is an effort to include visuals of relatively the same size and in a variety of locations, including the centre of the page, top left, top right, bottom left, bottom right, top centre, and bottom centre.  The only difference worthy of note  (and not one initially accounted for in the methodology) is that the authors include "portraits" of individuals throughout the text which generally appear in the bottom left, right, or centre of the page and are not surrounded by borders of any sort.  These  "portraits," eleven in total, tend to depict men who are worthy of note in some area, political or other (see Appendix D ) .  Only  one of the eleven "portraits" is of females; Emmeline Pankhurst  73  and Nellie McClung.  This "portrait," though located at the  bottom centre of the page, is the smallest of the "portraits."  F.  When women of color / minority women play a role in history, are they visually represented? Throughout the text and all of the visuals included within  it, only eighteen (15%) of all photos or pictures depicting women of color or minority women. Thus, women of color / minority women appear in only 7% of visuals in the text.  Moreover, the women in  these visuals are depicted as members of groups or families rather than as individuals contributing to Canada's past and present (see Appendix E ) .  Consequently, when women of color or  minority women have played a role in Canada's history, they tend not to be depicted in the textbook.  This is problematic and will  be discussed later in this thesis.  G.  Emergent Themes As an analysis of the text's visuals was being undertaken,  several themes emerged not previously accounted for.  These  include attention to where women are situated in the,-visuals, how many women are specifically named in visuals, and how many works of art reproduced in the text are created by women.  Since  numerous photos include both males and females, it is crucial to note where females and males are situated.  Situating females  mostly in the background implicitly suggests that they have  74 played only a supporting role in history, rather than a key role. When they appear in the forefront, then the message is that they have actively been involved in shaping history. Nineteen (7.42%) of the two-hundred and fifty-six visuals depict only males in the forefront, whereas in only three (1.17%) of the visuals in which both genders are present, are females situated in the forefront, a substantially smaller percentage than males. Throughout the textbook, there is a tendency to provide a description of the photo below or beside it. referred to hereafter as the "photo caption."  This will be Of those photos  which contain only individual males, twenty-two (61%) of thirtysix photo captions contain the Christian names of males. However, although more than half of the photo captions of individual females provide Christian names (eleven of twenty), they are named 6% less often than males (55% of the time). Naming individuals gives them an identity; not naming them denies them an identity.  With this in mind, this is problematic and will be  discussed at greater length further in this thesis. A final theme which emerged during analysis of visual representation pertains to the use of reproduced artwork in the text.  Generally, the authors have selected paintings done by  Canadians throughout history, and occasionally, they include other forms of art such as sculptures.  In total, there are  75 eighteen paintings reproduced in the text.  Of these eighteen,  eleven artists are male, two artists are women (Emily Carr and Paraskeva Clark), and five artists are unknown (either the authors did not include the painter's name or they did not know the painter's name).  Thus, 61% of the reprinted paintings are -  done by males, 11% by females, arid 28% by unknown artists.  Based  on these percentages, it may be concluded that female artists are glaringly under-represented in the textbook.  Though the authors  may have had good reason for this, a more likely interpretation is that artwork done by Canadian men has received more recognition and as a result, is more available for reproduction. There have been many female artists throughout Canadian history, but for women, art was considered a "hobby" rather than an occupation, so their artwork tended to remain obscure and unknown.  Category 3: A.  Positioning  How are women positioned in the textbook? Outside of the main text (frequency)? Within the main text (frequency)? To determine how information about females is included  within the discourse of the text, the text was read in its entirety and each mention of females documented, whether it was specific or general, one line or several.  It was noted if  mention was made within the main text or outside of the main text in boxed off sections generally set apart by colors or borders.  76 Chapter  Reviews,  which appear at the end of each of the chapters  in the text, and Unit  Reviews  which appear at the end of each  unit, were also examined to assess whether questions about females were posed and their relative location in the list of questions.  Both the Chapter  Reviews  and Unit  Reviews  are not  considered part of the main text, but an addendum to them.  They  are easily skipped by students particularly if they are not required by their teachers to respond to the questions.  Thus,  any mention of females made in these sections is considered separate from the main body of information presented in the text. It could be argued that these parts of the text in fact highlight the really important information; if women are included in these sections then it might be worth more than the main text. I would respond to this argument by suggesting that these sections are still outside of the main text, and are thus less likely to be focussed on by students unless they are required to do so.  Further, teachers often select particular questions for  students to hand in rather than assigning every question.  My  concern is that even if there are one or two questions which address those women, their lives and experiences included in the chapter, there is no guarantee that the students will respond to the questions.  These sections are not part of the main body of  information and will not be dealt with in that category. In addition, each unit begins with a brief overview of the  77 unit's theme/s, and is considered to be outside of the main text, as is the Focus each chapter.  On which appears as a list at the beginning of One final item considered as outside of the main  text is the Glossary  Terms  appearing at the side of the first  page of each chapter. In total, females are mentioned one-hundred and seventy-six times in this textbook, whether they are mentioned in one line or twenty.  They are mentioned eighty-five (48%) times within the  main text and ninety-one (52%) times outside of the main text, even though there are more lines of discussion included within the main text (see Appendix F ) .  Here I must point to the  difference between mention being made of females and lines of discussion accorded females.  For example, if there is a  paragraph of discussion about Nellie McClung I have counted this as one instance in which a woman is mentioned, and 12 lines of text within the main text that includes a woman, her experiences and contributions to history. As discussed in Chapter 2, positioning women outside of the main text makes their stories, and experiences marginal.  The  information is more easily skipped by both teachers and students (and I also speak from my own experiences here).  In this  textbook, more than half of the information about women appears outside of the main text, so possibly more than half of the information will never be read or understood by students.  78 B.  Emergent Themes There are 413 pages of text in this textbook, with  approximately 19160 lines.  This is not an absolute count of the  number of lines in the text; rather, the number of lines on each of the first fifteen pages were counted, and an average calculated.  There are approximately forty-six lines of text per  page, multiplied by four-hundred and thirteen pages, resulting in approximately nineteen-thousand one-hundred and sixty lines of text.  Mention of females is made within the main body of text in  seven-hundred and ninety-four lines, and outside of the main body of text in five-hundred and seventeen lines.  Thus, 6.5% of the  text makes general or specific reference to females, their experiences, and their historical and contemporary contributions to society. To count the number of lines in which males are included throughout the text' would be an extremely tedious and timeconsuming endeavour.  Suffice to say that although some of the  text does not advance descriptions of people, males are included in more than 50% of the text.  This is a casual rather than  empirical observation based on my reading of the text, and observing the number of pages devoted entirely to men, their lives, experiences and contributions (over two-hundred pages). What is interesting to note, is that when women appear within the main body of text rather than outside of it, their  79 positioning within the chapters that they warrant the most discussion is problematic.  For example, in chapter thirteen,  "War on the Home Front," there are two-hundred and thirty-nine lines in which women are mentioned in the chapter's seventeen pages, (see Appendix F ) .  However, it is not until the 11th page  of the chapter that women and their contributions to the war effort are referred to'in any detail.  Thus, women's efforts  appear to be secondary to men's during times of war, as they are not given recognition until well after the men. Within the main text, discussions of women are included in sections entitled "Women's Contribution to the War Effort," "Women in Industry," " Women in Agriculture," "Women in the Services," "Women as Volunteers," and "Women After the War" (the 11th, 12th and 13th pages.of the chapter).  I would argue that  these separate sections again serve to marginalize women's historical experiences and contributions.  They are technically  within the main text, but accorded their own sections, not worthy of being integrated into a general discussion of these topics. Outside of the main text discussions of women are included in two sections entitled "Canadian Women At War," and "Canada's War Brides" (the 14th and 16th pages of the chapter).  So,  although there is a great deal of discussion surrounding women's involvement in the war effort both on the homefront and in Europe, this discussion is situated in the last pages of the  80 chapter. This is also the case in chapter eleven, "Life in Canada in the 1920s and 1930s," and chapter eight "War on the Home Front." Chapter eleven does not detail women in the 192 0s and 193 0s until the 11th, 12th, 13th and 14th pages of the 16 page chapter. discussion comes under four headings: 1930s, 2. r  Women in Sport, 3.  1920s, and 4.  1.  The  Women in the 1920s and  The Many Faces of Women in the  The Person's Case.  Similarly, in chapter eight, there are two sections within the main text that address women's role in the war effort: Women During the War Years, and 2. Vote.  1.  Women, Social Reform, and the  These two sections appear on the 6th, 7th, and 8th pages  of the chapter's thirteen pages.  Although they are not tucked  away at the end of the chapter, as was the case in chapters eleven and thirteen, they are still positioned after topics such as "Gearing Up for the War," "Canada's 'Enemy Aliens,'" "Food for the War Effort," "Canada's Munitions Industry," "Posters, Patriotism, and Government Propaganda," and "Profiteering and Scandal in the War." Finally, the greatest attention to females' experiences and contributions to Canadian society is made in chapter twenty, "Canada As a Multicultural Nation," which is, incidentally, the last chapter in the text(see Appendix F ) .  Headings such as "The  Second Wave": "The New Women's Movement," "Women's Liberation,"  81 "The Royal Commission on the Status of Women in Canada," and "The Struggle Goes On," are located not at the beginning of the chapter, but in the middle.  These sections are located on pages  6, 9, 10, 11, and 12 of the chapter's twenty pages. Obviously, the authors of the text recognized the importance of including some discussion surrounding women's issues; unfortunately, they are situated in the last  chapter of the text.  Positioning the  most extensive discussion of females in the text's last chapter is problematic and will be discussed further in this thesis.  Category 4: A.  i.  Based on the Table of Contents, what knowledge is valued in the text? How often are women, their experiences and contributions, noted in the Index?  ii. i.  Critical Analysis of Content  The Table of Contents is arranged by units and the  chapters included within each unit.  In total, the text is  organized around seven units and twenty chapters (see Appendix J).  Based on the titles of the units and the topics that they  include, it is safe to assume that political, economic and military knowledge are highly valued in this text.  Political  knowledge is what students twill have first exposure to in the text, reinforcing its importance in the curriculum and in the classroom. Several chapters focus on political events and the politics that shaped and continue to shape relations in Canada both  82 internally and externally (see Appendix J ) .  Also, the major  theme of the textbook is that of Canada as a nation, and Canada's nationhood is influenced by both economic and political policy. It is not difficult to discern that military knowledge or the knowledge of conflict is also paramount (Chapters 7-9 and 1214).  In addition, social knowledge merits some value as there is  some examination of the social impact of war on Canadians collectively and individually.  However, the social experiences  of Canadians during times of war, and the position of the chapters addressing these experiences, appear at the end of each unit with a military focus.  This reinforces the value placed on  military knowledge and serves as a means of reinforcing the perceived importance of World War I for Canadians.  These  chapters (9 and 14) discuss the impact of the War on Canadian political autonomy, as well as the economic benefits of the War for Canada as a country.  Thus, the value placed on political and  economic knowledge is again evident, along with the value placed on military knowledge. Some value is placed on cultural knowledge as evidenced in the title of the last chapter in the text (see Appendix J ) . Social knowledge is included in Chapter 19;  however, the title  of Chapter 20 is so generic it is difficult to make a judgement as to what knowledge is valued. In summary, it is apparent, based on both the chapter and  83  unit titles, that economic, political, and military knowledge / the knowledge of conflict, are paramount in this text.  Some  value is placed on social and cultural knowledge but these do not appear to receive the same attention as the others.  This is not  a surprising finding, as traditionally, in their progression toward "citizenship" students tend to learn about the history of wars, politics and economics.  ii.  An examination of the text's index reveals that there  are, in total, six-hundred and eighteen entries.  Women are named  specifically in seven entries and generically in five entries, while women's experiences and contributions constitute seven entries (see Appendix G ) .  In terms of frequency, 3% of the index  documents women, their experiences and contributions.  The  remaining 97% of the index includes references to specific men in Canadian history, political topics, military topics, and economic topics.  Seventy men (11% of the index) are specifically named in  the index.  This is greater than all mention of women and their-  experiences and contributions, by 8%, yet it only includes those men specifically named.  I am not suggesting that the remainder  of all indexed entries are "male" even if not stated as such, for this would be erroneous.  Indexed entries such as "soldiers,"  "prime ministers," "civil servants," etc., though not included in this count would be considered traditionally "male".  84 What is worthy of comment is that many women who are specifically named within the textbook are not included in the index.  For example, ten lines of text on page 189 are dedicated  to a discussion of Emily Carr, a famous Canadian painter, along with a reproduction of one of her paintings. nowhere to be found in the index.  However, she is  This is also true of Paraskeva  Clark, Bertha Wilson, and Ethel Blondin, to name but a few. is not clear why these women have been excluded  It  from the index,  but this issue will be explored later in this thesis.  B.  How often are women quoted in the text? The text contains one-hundred and thirty-three instances  where a male or female is quoted and is identified, either by pronoun or name, as being male or female (see Appendix H ) .  Those  quotes in which gender is indeterminate are not included in this discussion, or in discussions involving the other two textbooks being analyzed.  In total, sixteen women (12%) and one-hundred  and seventeen men (88%) are quoted in the text.  In addition, of  the sixteen women quoted, nine (56%) are named and seven (44%) remain unnamed.  In contrast, of the one-hundred and seventeen  quotes by males included in the text, ninety-six men (82%) are named and twenty-one men (18%) are unnamed.  85  C.  Are women included in reference lists for further reading? If so, how often and in what context? The authors of this text do not include any reference lists  for further reading, so this question is not applicable in this case. D.  What is regarded as significant historical contributions? As previously noted in the language category of analysis,  significant historical contributions made by women are discussed in the context of their participation in wars and conflict, participation in the political sphere, participation in economic activities outside of the home, and participation in reformmovements including suffrage and prohibition.  There is little  discussion on women's participation in the private sphere, their participation in the arts, the rise of feminist consciousness, or the history of birth control. Women are virtually absent from discussions of French-English Relations (general mention is made of women only six times in this chapter, see Appendix F ) , Canadian-American relations (women mentioned generally only five times, see Appendix F) and the formation of Canada as a nation.  The  implicit message here is that women did not contribute to these historical topics; rather, that men alone were the key actors and decision makers.  86 E.  Is each woman discussed seen as an autonomous being? The word autonomous implies that an individual exists or is  capable of existing independently, and although many of the women in this textbook are presented as being autonomous human beings, to the credit of the authors, there are others who are not. Often, discussion of women revolves around their membership in women's organizations or groups.  These groups, nameless,  faceless collectives, are credited with involvement in social reform movements, lobbying the government for changes in legislation, and organizing to support men in various efforts. Few women are specifically named, and when they are, it is often in the context of their membership in a group (pp. 91, 154, 155, 256, 257, 259, 403). For example, on page 156, the text states that: Many suffragists continued to campaign hard for women's right to vote in provincial and federal elections...A group of women journalists, including Nellie McClung, Cora Hind, and Francis Beynon, won for Manitoba women the right to vote in provincial elections. Thus, these women exist only insofar as their group membership allows. Further, women's experiences and contributions are often defined in relation to their role as wives or mothers (pp. 71, 144, 136, 197, 223, 261, 277). In some instances this is necessary,, as in the section "Women and Changes in Civil Law" (p. 71).  Here, it is the way that women were legally treated as  87 wives which is central to the discussion. It is important to point out that the authors of this text have made an effort to depict women as autonomous.  However, when  a comparison is made between men and women, men as autonomous appear more frequently than women.  They are less often defined  in relation to their membership in groups; rather, they are portrayed as individuals acting independently as they contribute to society.  On page 78, John A. Macdonald is introduced in the  following way: John A. Macdonald eased himself down onto a lower step. His hat rested on his knee, and his face was turned squarely toward the camera. This excerpt depicts Macdonald as an individual, not as a father, husband, or member of a group.  Not until the end of the page is  mention made of Macdonald belonging to the Fathers of Confederation, when the text states that "these men came to be known as the Fathers of Confederation."  Consequently, these men  are defined first as individuals taking action, and only after action has been taken are they defined in relation to group membership.  F.  Does the text provide a fair and equitable portrayal of history? This is a difficult question to respond to, as several  factors must first be considered.  An unfair / inequitable  portrayal of history incorporates the belief that matters  88 regarding women are less important than those regarding men. Assessing whether or not this is a "fair" portrayal of history requires an appraisal of the context of this historical discussion.  It may be argued that in any history of wars,  politics, economics, and reform movements, it is unrealistic to expect women to be highly visible, as they were historically invisible  in these areas.  However, when consideration is given to women's inclusion in the text in this context, even if it is only 6.8% of the time, the "fairness" of this inclusion comes into question.  That is,  when an effort is made to deconstruct the excerpts in which women's experiences and contributions are documented, a "fair" portrayal of history is sometimes lacking.  Further, when judging  the fairness of their historical representation, attention to the completeness of it must also be factored in.  To be "fair", a  text must move away from cursory mention of issues which affected women's historical experience.  Instead, these issues must be  attended to with depth and detail.  When this occurs, in the  context of the history being discussed, it is a more fair or just representation of history. Depicting women in the context of "great," defining them in relation to their membership in groups, and failing to discuss the lives and contributions of "ordinary" women in both the public and private spheres does not make for a fair  89 representation of women's historical experiences and contributions.  Even when an evaluation is made only in the  context of what topics and issues are included for discussion in this text, the text falls short. Keeping this in mind, an examination of those instances in which women's experiences and contributions are visible in the text often reveals a lack of fairness. Movement  in  Canada,  For example, The  Women's  which appears on page 94, suggests that as  women entered the labour market, they historically earned less than men.  Although the authors should be commended for including  the issue of pay equity, they fail to discuss why women earned less than men.  They also fail to include mention of those women  who actively lobbied for pay equity, those occupations that, remained closed to women, and why they were closed to women. On page 68, two scenarios are presented that highlight contracts and youth in a chapter addressing Canada's judicial system.  One is the story of a young female promised money for  college by a man on her paper route and the other is the story of a young, male hockey player attempting to remove himself from a contract with his hockey team.  The former scenario does not  include the outcome of the trial whereas the latter scenario does. As a result, students are presented with an incomplete account of the young female's situation and a complete account of the young male's situation.  The result is an incomplete and thus  90 unfair portrayal of the female's experience. Another example involves a section on page 219 entitled The Person's  Case.  Here, Emily Murphy is named as a key figure in  this battle for equality, but the other four women involved in this fight; Irene Parlby, Henrietta Edwards, Louise McKinney, and Nellie McClung are not mentioned.  As well, the authors do not  discuss the Supreme Court of Canada's decision which ruled against these women and denied all women recognition as "people" under the law.  Instead, only the Privy Council decision is  included which granted women the title of "persons."  This  incomplete account of such a momentous battle for all Canadian women is unfair.  It fails to inform students of the barriers  that women faced and their perseverance in light of these barriers. Included on page 399, toward the end of the text, is a section entitled The Second  Wave:  The New Women's  Movement.  Here, women's entry into the workforce is attributed to the desire for a higher standard of living for families. problematic and incomplete discussion.  This is a  Many women entered the  workforce, not to ensure a higher standard of living for their families, but to ensure that their families could survive, particularly if they were single-parent families.  Further, as a  result of the long battle that women waged against barriers in the workforce, it become more "acceptable" for women to enter  91 into paid work outside of the home. Finally, many women saw entry into the labour force as new found independence, not as a means of ensuring a "higher standard of living."  Thus, suggesting that  this movement from unpaid to paid work was the result of a single factor does an injustice to the multiplicity of factors surrounding this issue.  It is neither a complete analysis, nor a  fair analysis of this historical phenomena. Finally, the section entitled The Royal Status  of  Commission  on  the  Women appearing on pages 403 and 404 states that "the  Indian act was•changed to end discrimination against Native women."  In this context, it appears that the authors have  defined discrimination in a legalistic sense.  Native women who  married non-Native men and their children lost their Indian status.  Thus, the act was changed-so that status was no longer  contingent upon marriage choice.  However, although the Act may  have ended discrimination in one sense, it did not eliminate discrimination altogether.  Yet, in reading this section it would  appear that, with the passage of a new act, native women would never again face discrimination.  Sadly, this is not the case,  and it is unfair to suggest otherwise as it mitigates the reality of being both native and female. Determining whether or not the text presents an equitable portrayal of history requires an understanding of the term gender equity.  As defined earlier in this thesis, gender equity  92 requires that equal value be placed on those characteristics and activities traditionally defined as "masculine" and those traditionally defined as "feminine."  In this text, "feminine"  characteristics and activities are not accorded equal value. Evidence of this is apparent in the visual representation findings when no males where depicted engaging in "non-traditional" roles, but several females were. In addition, if historical discourse is gender equitable, then it must acknowledge the importance of women's work historically, both in the private and public spheres.  Though the  authors do provide discussion of women's activities in the public realm, particularly as they engage in politics, reform movements, and the labour force, virtually no discussion of their contributions and experiences in the private realm exists.  Since  the text discusses Canada's evolution as a nation, there is certainly room to acknowledge and discuss the importance of women's work in the home as a factor in Canada's growth.  G.  Emergent Themes One aspect of analysis unaccounted for in the methodology  which is deserving of note is the questions for review at the end of each chapter and unit.  Each chapter culminates with four  sections of questions and activities:  Places  and Events;  Focus Your Knowledge;  Knowing  Apply  the  Your  Key  People,  Knowledge  93 and;  Extend  Your Knowledge.  Each unit ends with questions  pertaining to the issues and topics covered in the unit.  In  total, there are two-hundred and twenty-five entries under Knowing  the  Key People,  Places  and Events,  eighty-eight questions (see Appendix H ) . issues are included in Knowing  the  and three-hundred and Women and women's  Key People,  Places  and  Events  in eight (3.5%) of the two-hundred and twenty-five entries.  Of  those eight entries, two name women specifically, whereas men are specifically named in thirty-five.  This translates into women  being named less than 1% of the time, and men approximately 15% of the time. Further, of the three-hundred and eighty-eight questions following the chapters and units, twenty-four (6%) focus on women, women's issues, and contributions. combined with Knowing  the  Key People,  Places  When questions are and Events,  women  are included in thirty-two (5%) of six-hundred and thirteen entries.  Given that the text dedicates 6.8% of all discussion to  women's experiences and contributions, there is a clear disparity between text and review of text!  94 Chapter 5 Findings Canada  Today  I have seen my country emerge from obscurity into one of the truly great nations of the world. People must know the past to understand the present and face the future. (McClung, in Hallett & Davies, 1993, p. 292)  Category 1: A.  Language  Is the language gendered and if so, is it used appropriately? Consideration will be given to the use of both feminine and masculine pronouns and adjectives. As in Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  there is a concerted  effort in this textbook to avoid the use of gendered language. Within the main text, there is no instance in which exclusive language is used unless it is in the context of discussing the contributions of specific males and females.  Outside of the main  text, however, there are occasions where exclusive language is used. On page 123, a newspaper article entitled "Cod Forsaken waters" is reprinted.  In this article, the term "fishermen" is  used to discuss individuals who fish for a living.  What is  interesting to note is that later within the same article, "fishers" is used in place of "fishermen."  This happens again on  page 405 when Lewis MacKenzie, a Canadian General is quoted. Initially, he uses only male pronouns to refer to the individuals he commands - "every one of them puts his life on the live every  95 day..."  Later in the quote he speaks of "Canada's sons and  daughters ... serving in dangerous situations."  If the authors  of the text are going to include quotes from individuals that alternate between exclusive and inclusive language, the authors have a responsibility to indicate that when exclusive language is used it is not appropriate in today's context.  As indicated  earlier, this can be done by using the term sic  when exclusive  language is used. On page 3 04, in a discussion of citizenship in Ancient Rome, the term "free man" is used to describe those citizens who held certain rights.  In this context, exclusive language is  appropriate, as women were not considered citizens with special rights in Ancient Rome.  Unfortunately, the authors of the text  fail to make this distinction. On one occasion, the authors draw attention to the gendered language used by the poet John Donne in his poem "No man is an island."  In brackets, after the poem is reprinted, the authors  indicate that "In Donne's time, reference to 'mankind' and 'man' meant all human beings."  What they have achieved here is drawing  attention to how gendered language was once used but is no longer used to universalize all people.  For this they must be  applauded. Generally, throughout the text, the authors avoid the use of gendered adjectives to describe males or females.  Women are  96 never described as "pretty" or "frail" and men are never described as "handsome" or "strong."  However, the authors use  the adjective "hero" rather than "heroine" on page 364 to describe the efforts of Grace MacPherson during the First World War.  Hero is a term usually accorded males, and heroine females,  so it is interesting that the authors have selected a male adjective in this case. When descriptions of women are included in the text, they are sometimes described as married, as wives, or as mothers (pp. 39, 50, 97, 206, 281, 306, 360, 363, 380). As well, women are occasionally described as victims as on page 439 when the text states that "Despite the international agreements that protect the rights of women, in many countries women are poor, victims of violence, humiliation, mutilation, job inequity, and low wages." Using the term "victim" to describe women and their experiences suggests that women passively accept these behaviors in the countries in which they live.  Rather than using this term, the  authors might have selected a word that does not imply such a complete lack of agency.  Suggesting instead that women are  "subjected to" or "experience" these behaviors does not negate the agency that women have demonstrated in fighting these injustices. Women are not just described as "wives", "mothers", they are also described as leaders (p. 435), as members, 'of groups,  97 including reform groups, special interest groups, and "disadvantaged" groups (pp. 44, 65, 94, 276, 313, 314, 315, 432, 439, 440, 474), and as politicians (pp. 52, 94). Attention is also given to describing women as hockey players (pp. 20, 21).  B.  What message about women's historical contributions and experiences is implied through the use of language? Although there is little text dedicated to recounting the  experiences and contributions of females throughout history, when more than a few lines do so, they often implicitly suggest that women have not actively engaged in contributing to events. As was the case in Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  this texts tends to  reinforce the message that women's experiences historically have been largely shaped and influenced by men. This is particularly true in sections detailing women's fight to win the right to vote in a democratic nation.  For  example, on page 312, students learn that "voting rights were extended to women." on page 314 that "Ontario allowed women to vote in school trustee elections," that "BC permitted women to vote in local elections" and that "all Canadian women who were not of Asian decent, status Indian, or Innuit, were given the right to vote in federal elections."  While it is certainly true  that the governments had the power to "permit" or "allow" women the right to vote in the early 1900s, the use of these words suggest that women played only a passive role in this process.  98 Rather, as indicated earlier, women fought long and hard to be accorded this right, it was not merely "given" to them by a paternalistic government.  The danger in using such descriptors  is that students will come away with an inaccurate and incomplete understanding of women's experiences and contributions during this period of history. Students learn that "from the 19 60s, the women of Canada have organized and educated themselves to take on an equal role with men in running the country" (p. 17). This statement is problematic in a number of ways.  First, it is erroneous to  suggest that it was not until the 1960s that women organized and educated themselves in order to engage in the business of "running the country."  Rather, women were organizing and  educating themselves much earlier, as the authors themselves suggest in their discussion surrounding the right to vote movement for women. Secondly, the statement implies that the running of the country requires involvement in politics. However, this is but one interpretation of what activities are required in running any country.  Women may not have been  actively involved in the political process because of the many barriers that they faced, but they were actively involved in educating children, raising families, managing households, etc. These activities may not have involved making political decisions, but they did require making numerous decisions about  99 the welfare Canadian citizens.  So in as much as men were  involved in running the country from Ottawa, women were involved in running the country from their homes. Finally, the statement suggests that prior to the 1960s, women were relatively uneducated, and not until this period in history did they actively attempt to become educated.  Again this  is an erroneous, and ultimately unfair statement to make. Moreover, it is equally unfair to imply that women were not organized before 1960.  In fact, women were engaging in reform  and abolition movements before the turn of the century.  What  message does a statement such as this send to students? On page 44, students learn that in 1940, women gained the right to vote in Quebec elections.  They also learn that "The  'new Quebecers' began to demand changes, and they became impatient when government did not respond to their demands." Although this may have been the case, the "new Quebecers" did more that become "impatient" when their demands were not acknowledged, but the authors fail to elaborate.  The image that  is potentially fostered in this description is one of women stomping there feet and wagging their fingers, as an impatient child does, but doing nothing more to alleviate the impatience. Each of these examples, whether the authors of the text intended them to or not, implicitly reinforces particular messages about women and their historical contributions and  100 experiences.  Again, I am not suggesting that the authors of the  text deliberately set out to devalue or belittle the role of women in history, but through their choice of language, this is a potential problem.  C.  What qualifies as discussion of women's contributions? Are they discussed only in context of wars, politics, economics, and reform movements? In an effort to avoid repetition, this question is addressed  by identifying those instances in which discussion of women's contributions is not in the context of wars, politics, economics, and reform movements although, as in Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  this text tends to dedicate the majority of discussion surrounding women in the context of the four categories stated. However, women are also discussed outside of these contexts. Thus, attention to women's lives, experiences, and contributions outside of the predetermined categories will be examined. Women are discussed as athletes, particularly in the context of their success as athletes on an international level 21, 76).  (pp..20,  In addition, several female authors are discussed  including Margaret Laurence, described as a "world famous author," (p. 13) Lucy Maud Montgomery whose character Anne Shirley became "one of the world's most popular literary characters," (p. 13) and Gabrielle Roy "recognized as one of Canada's best writers," (p. 48). Discussion of women also  101 includes those who have contributed to the arts (pp. 7 6 & 77). Although each of these instances falls outside of the context of wars, reform movements, politics, and economics, they still encompass the public sphere.  D.  Emergent Themes As in the previous textbook, there is an abundance of women  included in this textbook when they have been the first something.  at  Charlotte Whitton is included because she was the  first  female mayor in Canada, as is Jean Sauve for being the  first  female governor general of Canada (page 13). The  first  female prime minister of Canada, Kim Campbell, is acknowledged on page 54; Irene Parlby on page 94 for being the first  female  cabinet minister in Alberta; Manon Rheaume on page 21 for being the first  female goalie in the National Hockey League; Nellie  McClung on page 313 for being the first Dominion War Council and; women's firsts on page 314.  woman to sit on the in voting rights appear  102 Category 2: A.  Visual Representation  How many pictures of women are included in the text? own? With Others? Visuals abound in Canada  Unfolding,  Today,  and like Canada:  A  On Nation  there are a total of two-hundred and fifty-six photos,  drawings or pictures.  Females appear in one-hundred and three  visuals (40%) and males in one-hundred and sixty-one (63%). Males appear 23% more often than females do throughout the text. In total, there are forty-six visuals (18%) in the text, which do not include males or females, or where the sex of the individuals pictured is not identifiable. Males are included without females one-hundred and five times (41%) throughout the textbook, whereas females are included without males forty-one times (16%). This translates into a rather substantial difference.  Males appear 25% more often  without females than females do without males. Of the two-hundred and fifty-six visuals, fifty-five (22%) portray individual males only and thirty-one (12%) portray individual females only. This is a difference of 10%.  An even  more substantial difference in frequency involves the representation of groups of males versus groups of females.  In  total, there are fifty-two (20%) visuals which depict groups of males and nine (4%) which depict groups of females, equalling a difference of 16%.  103 Finally, photos which included both males and females were assessed to determine how often each gender appeared in the forefront.  There are twelve visuals (4.7%) in which only males  appear in the forefront, and seven (2.7%) in which only females appear in the forefront.  This is not a substantial difference  and does not merit further discussion.  In fact, in sixteen  instances (6.25%), both males and females appear in the forefront of photographs, so the text is not biased in this respect.  B.  How are women depicted in the pictures? Non-traditional roles?  Traditional roles?  Throughout the text women appear in both traditional and non-traditional roles.  Women are considered to be engaging in  traditional activities if they are care giving, mothering, teaching, or engaging in "domestic" tasks.  Any activities  historically dominated by men, such as participation in politics, reform movements, economic activities, wars, law, medicine, and law enforcement are viewed as non-traditional.  Women are shown  in traditional roles in thirteen (12.62%) of the text's visuals (see Appendix A ) .  However, women appear in non-traditional roles  in thirty-eight (37%) of the one- hundred and three visuals which portray them (see Appendix B ) .  Thus, a concerted effort has been  made by the authors of the text to illustrate females transgressing the boundaries of tradition, and engaging in a wide  104 variety of roles and activities.  C.  How are men depicted in pictures? traditional roles?  Traditional roles?  Non-  Unfortunately, this does not hold true for those visuals which depict men engaging in non-traditional roles.  In only  three (1.86%) of the one-hundred and sixty-one photos depicting males, are they presented in a non-traditional manner.  On page  158, a man is shown mopping a floor in the background of a photo; on page 370 a man is cooking while a woman watches and; on page 3 87 a man wearing an apron is stirring a pot on a kitchen stove, apparently making soup.  In one-hundred and nine (68%) of the  one-hundred and sixty-one visuals in which men appear, they are engaging in traditional roles.  In the remaining forty-nine  photos, men are not shown engaging in any sort of activity, or it is difficult to determine what they are doing, which is why "not every photo that includes a male is part of this total. Such a large discrepancy between women engaging in non-traditional roles, and men engaging in non-traditional roles is very problematic.  Based on this finding it would appear that  it is more desirable for females to move into historically "non-traditional" roles than it is for males.  What this suggests  is that the female realm is still largely undervalued, and this will be discussed at length later in this thesis.  105 D.  How many women are included in the capacity of "great?" Of the one-hundred and three visuals which portray women in  this textbook, they appear as "great" in twenty-seven (26%) of them (see Appendix C ) .  Women are included in the capacity of  "great" if they contributed to society in an important way, such as Aung San Suu Kyi, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize.  In  addition, women who have gained fame in the entertainment industry are noted as are women who have achieved political "firsts," women who were key leaders in reform movements, women who have succeeded in sports, and women who have entered into leadership roles in business and politics.  E.  What is the size of the pictures that women are depicted in compared to those of men? Visuals have been categorized according to three sizes in  this textbook, small, medium, and large.  Small photos are 4.5  cm. X 4 cm. and smaller, medium photos are larger than 4 . 5 X 4 and smaller than 8 X 10 cm., and large photos are any or larger.  8 X 10 cm.  Each of the one-hundred and five photos which include  only males and the forty-one photos which include only females was measured and accorded one of the three size categories. Fifty-four (51.4%) photos of males are included in the category of small. (59%).  Females appear in small photos twenty-four times  Males appear in medium photos thirty-four times (32%),  and females fourteen times (34%).  These are not drastic  106 differences, and so are not considered problematic.  But, when  attention is given to representation in large photographs, the results are more substantial. seventeen times (16%).  Males appear in large photos  Females, however appear in large photos  only three times (7%). Thus, men are represented 9% more often than females in this size category.  F.  When women of color / minority women play a role in history, are they visually represented? In this text, more so than in Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  women of color or minority women are included when they have made contributions to society.  Twenty-five (24%) minority women or  women of color are visually represented in all visuals in which females appear.  That is, they comprise 10% of all visuals in the  text (see Appendix E ) .  This is a positive step toward  recognizing the role that minority women and women of color play and have played in society. However, for the most part, these females are included in contemporary photos, rather than historical ones.  Only four of  the twenty-five pictures show minority women or women of color in an historical way.  One includes a group of black female slaves,  two are of Japanese Canadians during World War II, and one is of a First Nations female in a canoe.  As a result, when these women  have contributed to historical events, they tend not to be depicted in this textbook, although there is a greater effort to  107 include them overall.  G.  Emergent Themes Apart from the varying sizes of visuals in this text,  another difference is apparent in the use of visuals, not initially accounted for.  The authors of this text have included  both color and black and white photos.  Out of curiosity, I made  note of how often males and females appear in color or black and white photos when they appear alone.  Although the results are  not extreme, they are interesting and so will be noted. Color photos are used to portray males in forty-six (44%) of the one-hundred and five visuals where males appear alone. Females appear alone in color photos in sixteen (39%) of the possible forty-one.  In black and white photos, they appear  twenty-five times (61%), and males fifty-nine times (56%). Although there are not large discrepancies in these percentages, males still appear more often in color photos than females. Since color photos tend to be more eye-catching than black and white photos, it is likely that students will attend to the color photos more often or more carefully than the black and white ones.  The result may be that because females are less frequently  represented in color, they may appear to students to be far less prevalent in the text than they actually are.  108 Category 3: Positioning A.  How are women positioned in the textbook? Outside of the main text (frequency)? Within the main text (frequency)? This text was read in entirety and each instance in which a  female was mentioned, either specifically or generally, was noted. When mention of females occurs in boxed off sections, photo captions, or charts and time lines, this is considered outside of the main text.  As well, each chapter begins with a  list of key points or concepts to be discussed and these are considered to be outside of the main text as well. chapter or unit reviews succeeding each chapter.  There were no Rather,  questions for discussion and inquiry are interspersed throughout the chapter.  These are also considered to be outside of the main  text, so each time a specific female or a general reference to females is included in the questions, it is considered to be outside of the main text. In total, females were mentioned either specifically or generally one-hundred and ninety-five times, in one line or several lines.  Within the main text, females are mentioned  thirty-nine times (20%) and outside of the main text one-hundred and fifty-six times (80%).  This is problematic and warrants  further discussion later in. this thesis.  109 B.  Emergent Themes The number of lines of text on each of the first fifteen  pages of this text were counted, and then an average number of lines per page was calculated to get an approximate number for the textbook.  In total, there are approximately twenty-three  thousand six-hundred and fifty lines of text within this textbook, eight-hundred and three of which contain discussion of females, their lives, experiences and contributions. Thus, females, their experiences and contributions comprise 3% of the entire text.  Six-hundred and ninety-three lines (86%) of this  discussion appears outside of the main text, and one-hundred and ten lines (14%) appears within the main text (see Appendix F ) . Also important to illuminate in this textbook, is how, in several chapters that do not include females within the main text, they are included outside of the main text mainly in the chapter questions which include sections entitled Reading  Inquiring  Citizen,  Thinking  Better,  it Through, and Using Your Knowledge.  Chapters 4, 5, 6, and 8 fail to include females within the main text, yet each of these chapters endeavours to include females, if only the names of hypothetical individuals.  For example,  there are thirty-four lines of text in chapter four that discuss females.  Of these thirty-four lines, eight are found included  within the question sections, four of which refer to a poem in the chapter written by Maxine Tynes, and the remaining four refer  110 to a 'hypothetical situation involving a student named Twyla (page 110).  Chapter 5 consists of many lines of text, only six of  which make reference to a female. Thinking  it  Through  These lines appear in the  section where a hypothetical situation  involving an individual named Mila appears (page 152).  In this  instance, it would appear that the authors have recognized that females are glaringly absent in the chapter, and so have endeavoured to include them in some other manner. The situation is much the same for chapter 6, where females appear in only thirteen lines of discussion, five of which appear in the Using  Your  Knowledge  section, where again a series of  hypothetical situations are presented three of which make reference to a female figure (page 166).  Although chapter 8  includes discussions of females in twenty lines of text, seventeen of which occur in a section detailing the contributions of Wendy MacDonald (page 231), the three remaining lines are found in the Thinking  it  Through  Section,  where students are  asked a question pertaining to the information about MacDonald (page 234). It would appear, based on this finding, that the authors of the text have made a concerted effort to include females within the text, if only as part of hypothetical scenarios in chapter questions.  It remains to be seen, however, if the authors did  this out of a genuine concern for the visibility of females in  Ill  their text, of if only to meet provincial equity guidelines in content.  Category 4: Critical Analysis of Content A.  i.  Based on the Table of Contents, what knowledge is valued in the text?  ii.  How often are women, their experiences and contributions, noted in the Index?  i.  The Table of Contents is organized around four units,  with four chapters included in each unit, for a total of sixteen chapters.  Each chapter is named and then further divided into  major themes and concepts to be addressed in the chapter.  For  the sake of brevity, I have categorized each chapter according to political, economic, conflict and challenge, and cultural themes to better assess the knowledge valued within the text based on scrutinizing the table of contents(see Appendix J ) . The majority of chapters, ten of the sixteen,,focus on themes that are political or economic in nature.  Non of the  chapter subheadings which have been placed in the political category make explicit mention of women's political experiences and challenges in either an historical or contemporary context. In fact, if the chapter headings were the only measure being used to assess the knowledge contained in the text, it would not be difficult to illustrate that females, their experiences and contributions are glaringly absent from the text.  However, in  112 the more generic categories such as Rights in Chapter 10, and Influencing  Government:  and Voting  Responsibilities in chapter 11,  it is likely that women are included in these discussions. Further, if one goes on to read the chapters mentioned, women are in fact mentioned in terms of their fight to win the vote in the early twentieth century, and more generally in terms of citizen's rights and responsibilities.  No specific subheadings exist  though for women's suffrage or the Person's Case. In the remainder of the political chapters, it is possible to draw the conclusion that women are absent from the discussion particularly as it pertains to the type of government that exists in Canada and each level of government as presented in Chapter 9, or in the context of constitutional reform as presented in Chapter 12.  Specific men are included in the Chapter 2  subheadings profiling French-English relations (see Appendix J ) , but nowhere in the Table of Contents are any women specifically mentioned. It is equally safe to assume, based on the Table of Contents, that women do not appear in the chapters detailing economic issues in Canada unless it is in the section discussing the role of labour.  Although it is not apparent based on the  subheading in Chapter 6 The Role Age,  of Labour:  Adapting  to a New  it is possible that some discussion of women's role in the  labour force is included.  This is an optimistic and generous  113 assessment, for in reality, only thirteen lines of discussion surrounding females appears in this chapter.  Sections on trade,  investment, and regional disparity also ensure that the chapter discussions will negate the economic role of women in Canada, and focus instead on those individuals and groups who have had the greatest involvement in the economic decision making process throughout Canada's past.  Since economic decisions have been  made and continue to be made by male politicians, and the major corporations that influence trade decisions are run by males, it is likely that women are absent from these discussions.  This  assumption is confirmed by the number of lines in which some mention of women is made within these chapters (see Appendix F ) . The four chapters detailing conflict and challenge also fail to make explicit reference to females.  In particular, the  subheadings in Chapter 13 make no mention of war on the home front, though this is the area in which women played the largest role.  Instead, the subheadings list only the two world wars and  their dates, as well as the Cold War. These subheadings imply that the knowledge most valued in relation to the history of conflict is that which focuses on male involvement and experience.  Men fought in both world wars, major decisions  regarding strategy and involvement in the wars were made by male leaders, and terms of peace were arrived at by men.  Moreover,  the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union  114 involved the leaders of each country, and at no time in history has a woman ever led the United States or the Soviet Union. Again, it is safe to assume that women will be predominantly absent from these discussions as they have been excluded from participation in both military and political realms for much of the twentieth century. In addition, Chapter 15 and Chapter 16, which address world challenges such as sustainable development and human rights, provide no indication that women's issues will be prevalent in these contexts, despite the fact that women are directly affected by development issues and human rights issues globally.  However,  when the actual chapter contents are examined, some discussion of women's issues is included.  Unfortunately, the Table of Contents  does not point to any such discussion, although it does include First  Nations  and  the  World  Today  in Chapter 16.  If First  Nations issues, which are undisputably important to any study of Canada are included, I am left to wonder why it would not be pertinent to also include a section in the Table of Contents which mentions the positioning of women in the World Today and the issues that women face. The remainder of the chapters focus on cultural and social knowledge.  These chapters, more than any other, provide an  opportunity to integrate discussions of females into the text. However, once again, no explicit mention of women is made.  115 Mention is made of Hockey, "Canada's National Sport" in Chapter 1, as a feature of Canadian identity.  This is a sport that has  been historically dominated by men, so based solely on this subheading, it could be ascertained that this is a discussion in which women are absent.  The authors of the text do include women  in this discussion of hockey as they mention the National Women's Hockey Team and the first female goalie in the National Hockey League, but this would not be evident if the Table of Contents were the sole unit of analysis. Finally, within the cultural and social chapters, subheadings on immigration and multiculturalism appear.  These  topics are important for students to study, but if the authors of the text deem these important enough to provide subheadings for, then why not cultural and social issues which impact women? Thus, when an assessment is made of the knowledge included within the text based on the Table of Contents, it is difficult to discern whether or not any discussion of women's experiences and contributions exists.  It is not difficult to see that the it is  the history of wars, politics and economics that receive the most value in this text, based on the number of chapters dedicated to each of these topics as opposed to cultural or social topics.  ii.  The index of this textbook contains five-hundred and  fifty-three headings.  Thirty-nine of these entries (7%) pertain  1  116 to women's lives and experiences as contained in the text.  Women  are specifically named in twenty-six entries and generically in five entries, while women's experiences and contributions comprise the remaining eight entries (see Appendix G ) .  The  remaining 93% of indexed entries includes reference to specific political, military, economic, and historical events; reference to various concepts pertaining to each of these events and; reference to specific men.  Eighty-seven entries (16%) in the  index are of individual men. In this textbook, as in Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  it is  important to note the absence of women in the index despite their inclusion within the main text.  For example, there are fifteen  lines of discussion on page 94 detailing the life of Irene Parlby, but she is nowhere to be found in the index.  Further,  Wendy McDonald, the CEO of BC Bearing Engineers is highlighted in seventeen lines of discussion on page 231, but like Parlby, is absent from the index. This is also the case for Jan Brown, a Reform Party Member of Parliament.  An interview with her is included on page 257 and  comprises over sixty lines of text, a substantial amount for any individual, but her name is not found in the index.  Other women  who are omitted from the index are Mary Simons, Celine Dion, Mary Trimboli,-Maxine Tynes, Milly Charon, and Rosyln Kunin, each of whom appears within the text.  117 B.  How often are women quoted in the text? Within the text, individuals are quoted sixty-four times.  Men are quoted fifty-one times (80%).  Women, however, are quoted  in only thirteen instances (20%)(see Appendix H ) .  Thus, men are  given a greater voice within the pages of this text.  They speak  as politicians, leaders, immigrants, military personal, activists, diplomats, business people, lawyers, philosophers, clergy, and writers.  Women speak as medical personal,  politicians, immigrants, writers, and activists. Despite the inequitable distribution of quotations among men and women, it is important to credit the authors of this text with naming almost all of the individuals quoted.  In fact, there  are only two instances in which individuals are unnamed, and both of these are male.  All the females quoted are named, so they are  given both a voice and an identity, even if it is only 2 0% of the time.  C.  Are women included in reference lists for further reading? If so, how often and in what context? Like Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  this textbook does not  provide reference lists for further reading, so this category is not applicable.  D.  What is regarded as significant historical contributions? There is little discussion of women's participation in the  118 private sphere within this text and virtually no discussion of the rise of feminist consciousness, or the history of birth control. Rather, as noted earlier, the majority of discussion in the text is of a political, military, or economic nature. Thus, women are included when they have contributed to the public sphere, especially in politics and reform movements such as suffrage, or as they supported men during times of war. As previously noted there is discussion of women as they have contributed to Canadian culture through the arts, including literature, music, and dance.  Women's achievements in sports are  also noted in the text, specifically hockey, swimming and track and field. Women are virtually absent from discussions of the economy (they are mentioned only five times in Chapter 5 and thirteen times in Chapter 6,  (see  Appendix F ) , the government (women  mentioned generally in only fifteen lines of Chapter 9, see Appendix F ) , the constitution (women mentioned in only five lines in Chapter 12, see Appendix F), and peace (women mentioned in only fourteen lines).  Women have contributed to French culture  and French-English relations, as they are included in seventy lines of text in Chapter 2 (see Appendix F ) . What is interesting to note is that in Chapter 3, detailing Canada's cultural diversity, females receive the most mention. However, one-hundred and twenty-three of the one-hundred and  119 forty-seven lines of text which include females involve fictitious conversations between groups of students.  So in fact  where it would appear that attention is given to women's lives and experiences in a cultural realm, little attention is actually given to real women who have made cultural contributions to Canada.  Consequently, in this textbook, the implicit message is  that women have made very few historical contributions to the public sphere; rather, men have been instrumental in contributing to the shaping of Canada and Canadian culture.  E.  Is each woman discussed seen as an autonomous being? To the credit of the authors, many women are depicted as  autonomous beings, capable of existing independently of men and other women.  One example is crucial to highlight as it  establishes a precedent regarding the-.autonomy of women.  On page  313, there is a lengthy discussion of Nellie McClung, an individual instrumental in winning the right to vote for women. The authors of this text state that "after the 1914 Manitoba election, McClung  moved  her  family  (my emphasis) to Alberta,  where she continued her efforts to enfranchise women."  In other  textbooks, women have not been credited with making these decisions, particularly in the context of the times.  In reality,  McClung relocated to Edmonton with her family when her husband was transferred with his job (Hallett, M. & Davis, M., 1993) .  120 Regardless, the authors have made an effort to depict McClung as autonomous, granting her agency.  The message to students is that  women have made choices in the past and that it was not simply men who made important decisions.  Unfortunately, this  description is the exception rather than the norm in this textbook, as the following confirms. Throughout the text, women are often included in the context of their membership in groups, particularly disadvantaged groups and reform groups.  For example on page 269, the authors ask if  "the system is fair in its treatment of young people, women, and Aboriginal peoples?"  Here, women are a nameless, faceless  collective who are often victims of unfair treatment, along with young people and aboriginal people.  The authors do not delineate  between different groups of women, some experiencing a greater degree of unfair treatment than others, depending on their ethnicity and cultural capital.  Further, the passage implies  that women are acted upon by the system, but never act upon the system, denying them agency. This also occurs on page 276 where the authors state that "women, people of colour, and people with physical or mental challenges have been discriminated against in Canadian society"; page 312 which states that "a long struggle was necessary before voting rights were extended  (my emphasis) to many groups  including women and Aboriginal Canadians"; page 439 which states  121 that "other treaties deal with specific rights for children and women" and "despite the international agreements that protect the rights of women, in many countries women are poor, victims of violence, humilation, mutilation, job inequity, and low wages"; page 440 which states that "people have the right to follow their own culture's teaching with regard to freedom of speech, religious toleration, and the treatment of women and children"; and page 474 which states that "those with little or no education - often farmers and women - were most seriously affected."  In  each of these examples, women are not seen as autonomous, but as members of groups, and disadvantaged groups at that. Discussion of women also often revolves around their membership in reform movements, "organizing and educating themselves to take on an equal role with men in running the country" (page 17) (pp. 17, 44, 94, 97, 314, 432).  If they were  not members of reform groups, than women were wives and mothers (pp. 39, 205, 206, 306, 380). Occasionally, they are defined as both-wives and reformers, as on page 97 where students learn that: western women were active in the fight to bring a better quality of life to the West. Here miner's wives block a community hall in Flin Flon Manitoba during a miner's strike in 1934. This excerpt fails to illustrate what the women were hoping to achieve in terms of improving quality of life, but it does  122 illustrate that they were willing to support their husbands if their husbands were dissatisfied.  These women are not autonomous  as their actions are contingent upon the actions of their husbands. This is also evident in the discussion of the American health plan which Hillary Rodham Clinton was involved in initiating.  On page 205, the text states that "... his wife,  Hillary Rodham Clinton, appeared before a congressional committee to defend the plan."  Yet again the authors of the text define a  woman's actions and initiative based on her status as wife.  F.  Does the text provide a fair and equitable portrayal of history? As mentioned in the previous analysis, to be a fair and  equitable portrayal of history, the authors of the text must move away from cursory mention of issues which affected women's historical experience and provide instead a more probing and detailed examination of these issues.  Despite the gendered  nature of many of the topics of study throughout the text (wars, politics, nation building, etc), the authors have attempted to include women and women's issues within these contexts.  However,  a failure to provide more than a few sentences of discussion results in an incomplete representation of history.  For example,  on page 17, the authors indicate that "...from the 1960s, the women of Canada have organized and educated themselves to take on  123 an equal role with men in running the country."  There is no  further description of how they organized themselves, nor any description of how until the 1960s it was difficult for many women to pursue education beyond high-school.  Further,  suggesting that it was not until the 1960s that women began to work toward attaining equality is erroneous.  Suffrage movements  began long before the 1960s as did women's involvement in the political realm.  This single line of text negates decades of  organization and initiative on the part of women to enter into traditionally male dominated realms. Another problematic passage appears on page 44 where students learn that, In 1940, after a campaign let by Montreal-born reformer Therese Casgrain, women gained the right to vote in Quebec elections. The 'new Quebecers' began to demand changes and they became impatient when the government did not respond to their demands. The authors do not discuss what changes the women of Quebec were "demanding" nor why the government failed to acknowledge the "demands."  As a result, students will not fully understand the  inequities in Quebec society at this time, why Quebec was the last province in which women won the'right to vote, and the numerous difficulties that these women faced in their struggle toward equality.  This is an incomplete and thus unfair portrayal  of history. The same assessment may be made of a section of text  124 entitled United  Farmers  of Alberta  on page 94,  In 1921, Irene Parlby was elected as a UFA member of the Legislature. She served as a minister without portfolio, and soon became a spokesperson for women's issues such as minimum wage for women, women's property rights, mother's allowance, and the welfare of children. While they held power in Alberta, the United Farmers passed 18 laws that improved the lives of women and children. Irene Parlby was the first woman cabinet minister in Alberta. In this passage, students learn that Parlby, in her capacity as a member of the legislature, became a spokesperson for women's rights.  The reality is that Parlby lobbied for women's equality  long before she became involved in the UFA.  In addition,  although several issues are raised regarding inequities that women faced at that time, no further discussion of these issues is included.  Finally, mention is made of the laws passed by the  UFA which attempted to improve the lives of women and children in Alberta, but students do not learn what these laws were nor how they were beneficial. On the same page, six lines of text are included which profile the work of Violet McNaughton, who "assisted in developing the platform for the newly formed Progressive Party." Unfortunately, students are not told what this platform entailed, nor how it benefitted women at that time.  Again, the authors  have not capitalized on the opportunity to provide a detailed and in-depth discussion of women's issues in an historical context. Subsequently, this cursory mention of the historical experiences  125  and contributions of women does not provide for a fair or just representation. One of the more glaring examples of unfair historical representation appears on page 27 6 where the authors include thirty-six lines of discussion profiling the work of Jeannette Lavell and the rights of aboriginal women.  The authors suggest  that because of Jeannette Lavell, the Federal government passed Bill C-31, which grants aboriginal women who marry non-aboriginal men the same rights that aboriginal men maintain when they marry non-aboriginal women.  No doubt this is an important discussion  and it does highlight the discrimination that aboriginal women have faced in the past.  However, students are left believing  that with the passage of Bill C-31, these women no longer face discrimination.  The truth is that Bill C-31 has been caught up  in the courts since 1985, so aboriginal women have yet to benefit from this legislation. Finally, on page 438, the authors miss an opportunity to fully discuss global issues that women face today.  They indicate  that in China in 1995, the United Nations held a world conference on women, but that is all the attention that they give.  Students  do not learn why the United Nations finds it necessary to hold these conferences, the issues that are raised by women in attendance, or ultimately how the conferences are attempting to address and provide solutions for the inequities that women face  126 throughout the world.  If the authors of the text are going to  include only one line of information regarding such an important topic, then they are doing a disservice to students.  Students,  rather than leaving the text with a complete and accurate understanding of the challenges that women face today, leave the text with only the briefest understanding.  This is neither fair  nor just. In assessing whether or not the text provides an equitable portrayal of history, attention must be given to those activities that men and women are depicted in throughout the text.  Although  the authors of the text include a few men engaging in nontraditional activities, for the most part they do not.  It is the  women who are shown engaging in a multitude of activities beyond the boundaries of those that have been traditionally defined as "feminine."  The result is that the authors (likely  unintentionally) reinforce the value placed on "masculine" activities in favour of "feminine" ones. In addition, for the text to be gender equitable, the importance of women's work, in both the public and private realms, must be acknowledged. Nation  Unfolding,  This textbook, like Canada:  A  includes virtually no discussion of women's  contributions in the private sphere.  Nation building, which is a  theme of this textbook, is narrowly defined to include only the political and economic aspects of building a country. Yet the  127 many women who ran households, raised children, tended to the farm, etc, shared in the responsibility of building the nation.  G.  Emergent Themes As I read through the text, noting each mention of females,  I realized that the number of times women are mentioned in the textbook is not indicative of the amount of text that actually . includes discussion of women's historical experiences and contributions.  Although there are over eight-hundred lines of  text that mention women, the actual number of lines discussing women's involvement in history is far less.  In fact, one-hundred  and fifty-six lines of text focus not on women's experiences and contributions, but hypothetical situations with fictitious characters.  In these cases, the authors have evenly distributed  the text between male and female characters which is positive, but the implication is that there is less discussion of actual women and their experiences.  When women are included in only  three percent of the textbook, they are under-represented; when almost one percent of this representation is not even historical in nature, then women are glaringly under-represented.  I realize  that these hypothetical scenarios are important to include in order to foster student discussion and interest, but it is unfortunate that they are included at the expense of other, more valuable information.  128 Chapter 6 DISCUSSION  Women's s t o r y begins - and begins a g a i n , and a g a i n , and a g a i n . The t e l l e r s of our t a l e have not had t h e advantage of " s t a n d i n g on t h e s h o u l d e r s of g i a n t s " who preceded them. The t a l e i s begun, developed among a courageous r group t h a t r e f u s e s t o be s i l e n t , only t o be e r a s e d from t h e " s t o r y of mankind." Discontinuity, d i s r u p t i o n , and l o s s mark our s t o r i e s and so our s e l f p e r c e p t i o n s j u s t as s u r e l y as do d i s c o v e r y , achievement, and courage (Minnich, 1990, p . 1 ) .  I h a v e o r g a n i z e d my d i s c u s s i o n a r o u n d t h e f o u r c a t e g o r i e s a n a l y s e s u s e d t o g u i d e my r e a d i n g of t h e two t e x t b o o k s .  Findings  t h a t were i d e n t i f i e d as p r o b l e m a t i c r e c e i v e t h e most  attention,  a n d t h e r e m a i n d e r of t h e f i n d i n g s a r e d i s c u s s e d more  generally.  I t is important to note,  at this point,  t h a t my i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  t h e f i n d i n g s a r e g u i d e d b y my own e x p e r i e n c e s a s an e d u c a t o r as a f e m i n i s t .  T h u s , i t would b e e r r o n e o u s t o s u g g e s t t h a t  this  ( i f we b e l i e v e t h e r e c a n b e  complete o b j e c t i v i t y  or t h a t any o t h e r  would i n t e r p r e t  the t e x t p r e c i s e l y as I have.  educator  As I p o i n t e d  out  i n C h a p t e r 3 , I d e f e n d my a s s e r t i o n s on t h e b a s i s of my interpretations  of t h e t e x t s a s a member of a p a r t i c u l a r  community of e d u c a t o r s and a c a d e m i c s who h a v e e s t a b l i s h e d  an  a c c e p t e d a c a d e m i c c a n o n r e g a r d i n g g e n d e r and s c h o o l i n g .  1.  Language In both Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding  and Canada  Today,  of  and  discussion is completely objective in research),  of  the  129 language that is used by the authors define the women being discussed.  Descriptions of many women, as previously mentioned,  are predicated by the terms "wife" and "mother," whereas men are not defined as "husband" and "father" but simply as "man." Briskin (1990) maintains that females are subjected to a contradictory message in the "devaluation of mothering (motherwork, housework and wifework) and the simultaneous presentation of motherhood as a woman's lifework" (p. 2 ) . The authors of the texts present this contradictory message each time that they define women as "wives" and "mothers" and do not define men as "husbands" and "fathers."  According to Adams- and Ware  (1989), One of the most intriguing characteristics of language is that it acts as a kind of social mirror, reflecting the organization and dynamics of the society of which it is a part... English tends to classify women in essentially male terms ... in social titles that make the declaration of a woman's marital status obligatory (p. 472). This suggests that defining women as "wives" and "mothers" within the texts is an extension of how women are defined in society. Thus, the authors of the texts cannot be condemned each time they do this.  They are simply exemplifying a tradition grounded in  the English language. However, I am not suggesting that this tradition should be perpetuated in social studies textbooks.  These books allow an  opportunity to change the way that language is used to define  130 both males and females.  Students should not be exposed to  descriptions of women based on their status as wives and mothers when these terms are not necessary to a description of women's historical contributions.  Rather, whenever possible, women  should be defined based only on their status as women just as men are defined based solely on their status as men.  "Education is  where and how a culture creates itself" (Minnich, 1990, p. 21) so redoing or undoing the ways in which women have been so often defined will allow students to begin to recreate their understanding of men and women. As well as defining women as "wives" and "mothers," each of the textbooks include women when the women have been "first" at something.  I find this inclusion troubling, for it is only in  the public sphere that these "firsts" are included.  There is no  denying that it is important to document the contributions of pioneers in a field or endeavour.  Historians have expended a  great deal of energy noting "firsts" for men, so it would seem logical to do the same for women. When women are credited with being "first" at something, however, it is generally within the traditionally male dominated field of politics; prime minister, governor general, member of parliament, etc.  Equally troubling is that the authors have not  documented "firsts" for males in traditionally female dominated realms.  Thus, this inconsistency reinforces the belief that only  131 when women transgress the boundaries of tradition are they worthy of discussion.  Never is a man worthy of discussion when he  transgresses the boundaries of tradition.  2.  Visual Representation The authors of the two textbooks have certainly made an  effort to include visuals of both males and females.  No longer  do visuals of males vastly outnumber those of females.  On the  surface it would appear that the text has achieved equity in this respect.  This is-important because, as Osier (1994) indicates,  "pupils' understanding of the experiences of men and women in the past are likely to be heavily influenced by the visual images they encounter in textbooks" (p. 223). Yet, despite authors efforts to include visuals which portray women engaging in a multiplicity of roles, the same cannot be said for men. In each of the textbooks, over 15% of the visuals depicting women portray them engaging in non-traditional roles. the other hand, are never portrayed in Canada: Unfolding  A  Men, on  Nation  engaging in non-traditional activities such as nursing,  caring for children, or participating in domestic tasks. Although Canada  Today  includes three visuals of men in  non-traditional roles, it is a very small percentage compared with those pictures which illustrate women in non-traditional  132 roles. This is one of the most troubling findings of these two analyses.  According to Scott & Schau (1985), Pupils who are exposed to sex-equitable materials are more likely than others to: (1) have genderbalanced knowledge of people in society, (2) develop more flexible attitudes and more accurate sex-role knowledge, and (3) imitate role behaviours contained in the materials (p. 228).  Consequently, if students are consistently exposed to social studies materials which implicitly devalue the "feminine" in favour of the "masculine" through visual representation, then students will learn that it is desirable for women to enter into the public, male realm, while it is not desirable for men to do the reverse.  The fundamental problem in this instance is that  these two textbooks have failed to revalue the feminine through visual representation.  Subsequently, gender inequities are  perpetuated through the value (or lack thereof) accorded certain activities. A further problem in visual representation occurs within the first textbook analyzed.  Here, the authors include "portraits"  of famous individuals, the majority of which are men.  In fact,  only one portrait of two females is included in this category. The portraits are larger than most of the visuals in the text, appear in the centre of the page, and are not constrained by borders.  No other content analyses that I have examined make  reference to this form of visual representation, so I am left to  133  interpret the significance without the benefit of other such interpretations.  Students reading the textbook will likely  notice the "portraits" due to their size and location on the page.  The disparity between the number of portraits depicting  men as opposed to women implicitly suggests that men are more worthy of such depiction because their activities and contributions have been historically paramount. A similar problem exists in Canada  Today.  In this textbook,  as previously noted, there are distinct differences in the size of photos.  Males appear in large photos seventeen times and  females only three times.  I hypothesize that in the minds of  students, the size of a photo is a reflection of the importance of what is contained in the photo.  As well, larger photos are  more eye-catching and less easily missed by students as they read the textbook.  With this in mind, if men appear more often than  women in the largest photos, students will have greater exposure to the contributions and experiences of these men.  If size is a  measure of value, then greater value is placed on men in history. In Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  the authors include  reproductions of work by Canadian artists.  Eleven of these  paintings were done by males, two by women, and five by unknown artists.  It is difficult to say if the authors did this for a  reason or if it was unintentional.  The latter is more likely as  historically, most mainstream artists were men.  If women engaged  134 in painting, it was considered a hobby and not taken as seriously (Rowbotham, 1977).  Thus, artwork by men is more available to  include in the textbook then artwork by women. cannot be entirely faulted for this inequity.  The authors They are subject  to- the constraints of what is readily available and permissible to include in the textbook. When photo captions of visuals are included in this textbook, they often contain the Christian names of the individuals depicted. the photo captions.  Women are named in 55%, and men in 61%, of Again, this finding has not been discussed  or even considered in other content analyses, so I am left to interpret the significance of it alone.  Failing to name the  women and men depicted denies the individuals an identity. Failing to name women as frequently as men suggests that women have even less identity visually. I am not suggesting that is always possible to name the individuals appearing in photos.  So many historical photos are  of unknown women and men, gathered from archives or from someone's attic.  However, whenever possible, the authors of the  texts need to be sensitive to naming individuals who appear visually.  Rather than selecting generic photos of some women or  other or some man or other, they should endeavour to include photos where the identities are known, or at the very least, include equal numbers of named and unnamed males and females.  135  When an individual lacks an identity, their contributions and experiences are minimalized. Equally problematic is where women are situated in visuals that contain both males and females.  In each of the textbooks,  men appear more often at the forefront of mixed visuals than women do.  When women appear in the background they appear to be  "supporting" the men depicted in the forefront, not in a literal sense, but in a figurative one.  By just being in the background,  women are cast in a supporting role.  Supporting members in stage  productions generally appear in the background, so to do these women.  Thus, males remain the key actors and women remain in  supporting roles. Extensive discussion of visuals including women (and men) in the capacity of "great" was undertaken in my review of literature. Yet, it is important to again note that this form of representation is troubling.  Each of the textbooks include  visuals of "great" men and women which are more prevalent than those that depict ordinary individuals from a variety of backgrounds, so "the collective nature of social change may not be explored"  (Bloom & Ochoa, 1996, p. 323). Rather than  aggrandizing individualism by including so many photos of "great" men and women, the authors of the two texts must provide a balance so that students see that all people, ordinary or exceptional, made historical contributions to our nation.  136  In addition, the presence of minority women or women of colour is minimal in each textbook.  This is consistent with the  findings of Tetreault (1986), Osier (1994), and Sleeter & Grant (1991). When minority women are depicted visually, it is in a contemporary context, and they are portrayed doing "generic mainstream cultural activities."  (Sleeter & Grant, 1991).  Likely, the authors have presented the women in this manner to avoid stereotyping. Unfortunately, this negates the importance of positive cultural characteristics and experiences which stem from ethnicity. For minority women, representation in visuals is crucial to legitimate their historical experiences and contributions.  The  major theme of each textbook is nation building, and the lack of visuals which depict minority women in a historical context suggests that these women were relatively uninvolved in building Canada.  This could not be further from the truth.  Nova Scotia  evolved with a rich community of African-Canadians inhabiting its soil; the prairies were farmed by Eastern European women; Asian women set up businesses on the west coast and; each of these groups of women intense discrimination.  They were women, so  naturally occupied a position of less status, and they were not members of the dominant group, so their status was further lessened.  No where is this discussed or documented in either one  of the textbooks.  Instead, by including the occasional photo of  137 a minority woman or woman of colour, it would appear  that the  authors of each text have fulfilled the "multicultural" requirements set forth by the ministries of education. Classrooms are not homogenous.  They are inhabited by-  diverse groups of students with a variety of ethnicities, experiences, and voices.  If these students are denied the  opportunity to learn about the pasts of their ancestors, they are being denied a complete understanding of history. I am not suggesting that textbooks cover every ethnic group's history, but that the authors of the textbook consider their audiences and adapt the text to fit.  I remember hearing the mother of one of  my students complain about the lack of "other" history taught in social studies.  She felt that her child was being done a  disservice by learning a particular version of history (the version which is Eurocentric in nature).  This woman was white.  I can only imagine the frustration that would be felt by students and parents who do not belong to the dominant group.  What  disturbs me most is that excluding the history of both men and women of colour and minority women and men perpetuates the hegemonic nature of'the society which so readily excluded these groups from the annals of mainstream history. Overall, despite the visual presence of women in each of the textbooks examined, gender bias in visual representation continues to exist.  The authors have endeavoured to ensure  parity in the number of photos in which women and men are depicted.  However, beyond this, there has been little  consideration of other forms of bias within visual representation.  Including women in both traditional and  non-traditional roles is an improvement.  The failure to include  men in both traditional and non-traditional roles is not an improvement; rather, it reinforces the socially constructed belief that engaging in "masculine" activities is more desirable then engaging in "feminine" activities. Further, the manner in which women are positioned in mixed photos reinforces their role as supporting actors throughout history.  Including more men in portraits and larger photographs  implies that the activities and contributions of these men are deserving of greater space.  Women are relegated to smaller  photos and fewer portraits because their activities are less worthy of attention.  Finally, the relative lack of photographs  accorded minority women and men suggests that they have been ' inactive throughout history.  Instead, members of the dominant  group made the decisions that led to the evolution of a nation.  3.  Positioning This category is of particular importance in assessing the  nature and extent of gender bias in each of the textbooks. Commeryas & Alverman (1996) have suggested that when publishers  139 or authors do little more than add subsections on women in history to standard formats, they have positioned women in ways that "perpetuate biases and influence students' interpretations of and attitudes toward, women in general" (p. 33). Thus, when women appear more frequently outside of the main discourse, as they do in Canada  Today  then their lives, stories, and  experiences are made marginal. Lerner, Nagai & Rothman (1995) have declared this sort of representation "filler feminism" and I would suggest that there is truth to this.  True, the history of politics, economics and  conflict has been largely male-dominated, women being denied public participation in these spheres for most of documented time. Authors of textbooks must include women in their texts in order to meet mandated guidelines set forth by ministries of education. What tends to happen, in order to meet equity guidelines, is that women are frequently included outside the main text in "special" sections.  According to Crocco (1997),  The neglect of women's history persists despite the fact that many publishers feature "women's contributions" in their textbooks, if only by the way of an occasional sidebar. This approach has often been disparaged as "add'women and stir," and in truth, little mixing of women's history with the main events occurs when the subject is presented via sidebars. Such presentation may be preferable to women's absence from textbooks altogether; nevertheless, it suggests the degree to which the social studies curriculum has depicted women's stories as peripheral to the real story of political and economic history (p. 32).  c  140  Both textbooks include women's contributions in a peripheral manner, which is a biased presentation of historical information. Women's names and faces are much more prevalent in today's textbooks than in textbooks published twenty years ago. Canada  Today,  Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding  Unlike  has a more equal  distribution of women's history within and outside of the main text. Unfortunately, when women appear within the main text, they are often relegated to the end of the chapters in which they appear.  This is a poor effort at writing women into history, as  they are still positioned in ways which marginalize their contributions and stories. It seems to me that these sections within the main text are often tacked on as afterthoughts in order to ensure that some discussion of women appears not just in "special sections."  This  fragmentation and isolation implies that women's contributions and experiences are "somehow unrelated to those of the dominant culture"  (Sadker & Sadker, 1988, p. 231). Positioning women's  history in this manner does not address the problem of marginalization; instead, it unwittingly contributes to it. Unfortunately, neither of the textbooks examined cover the contributions and roles of women in any great detail within the main story line. Overall, women are included in both textbooks less than 7% of the time, both inside and outside of the main text.  These  141 percentages, I believe, result not from the authors' failure to include women in the texts, but from the structure of knowledge the texts contain.  When the emphasis is on political, economic,  and military history, rather than on social and cultural history, it is virtually impossible to write a textbook containing an equal number of lines discussing men and women.  If women are to  be equally included in social studies textbooks, there must be a fundamental reconception of how we define history. Knowledge about women cannot be added to knowledge about men, because the centre of the system has shifted radically when women are moved from the margins to the centre (hooks, 1994). Minnich echoes these sentiments when she states that, ...women cannot be added to the present construction of knowledge because knowledge of, by, and for women is not simply more of the same; it is not only knowledge of a subset of "mankind" that is conceptually compatible with that of which it is a subset; it is not a category of exotica that can tacked onto courses without implications for that which remains safely "normal"; is not, indeed, neatly separable in any way from any knowledge that is adequate to human-kind (p. 13) . Thus, based on the emphasis on political, economic, and military history in both textbooks, it is no wonder that women comprise less than 7% of each text.  The focus on the public  rather than the private sphere, in essence, negates the equal presence of women in these social studies texts. cannot be faulted or blamed for this.  The authors  They are merely conforming  to an ideal of how history should be organized and sequenced,  142 whose stories should be paramount, and whose voices should be heard.  The problem is much larger than a single textbook or a  single author.  4.  The problem is imbedded in the curriculum itself.  Critical Analysis of Content Each textbook offers a lengthy index of names, events, and  topics present in the textbook.  Each index, however, fails to  include the names of many women specifically mentioned or discussed in the text. this is the case.  As I noted earlier, it is unclear why  Perhaps there was less attention given to  ensuring that each woman named in the text also appeared in an indexed entry.  Or, perhaps the women included in the text were  not considered important enough to be included in the index. thing is certain though.  One  The indexes are not accurate indicators  of the presence of women, their experiences and contributions, in the textbooks.  In fact, based on the indexes, it would appear  that women are far less present in the text than they actually are.  Since the authors have made an effort to include women in  the text, it is unfortunate that the index is lacking in this respect.  This is not so for males who appear in the index when  they appear in the main text. Throughout both textbooks, the authors take care to include the voices of individuals throughout Canadian history.  The  number of males quoted in each text far surpasses the number of  females quoted.  In essence, the authors, intentionally or not,  by allowing such a disparity in quotations, have largely denied females a voice in history.  This reinforces the belief that  history was largely shaped by men.  They speak of their  experiences and contributions while women remain silent.  Men's  lives "stand in" for women's lives, essentially rendering women invisible to history (Crocco, 1997, p. 32). Thus, only one aspect of a story is being told, and students are the recipients of an incomplete history.  The voices of women that fail to make  it into social studies textbooks are likely to be forgotten; their stories will remain undervalued and marginal at best (Minnich, 1990). I need to clarify here that a common misconception is that women did not write about the history that is taught in schools. Perhaps they did not do so in a traditional sense by having historical books or articles published, but they certainly did keep accounts of their experiences and contributions in diary or letter form.  In addition, oral histories are finally being  recognized by historians as worthy of inclusion in historical texts, and women have a rich tradition in this area. What is of consolation, however, is that when women are quoted, particularly in Canada Nation  Unfolding,  Today more so than in Canada:  they are also named.  Naming the individuals  who contributed to history allows them an identity.  Students  A  144 will know the names of the few women who speak of their experiences in politics, reform movements, the arts, economics, etc.  I would suggest that when an individual is named, their  story is more likely to be remembered.  This sentiment is echoed  by other educators and academics as well (Sadker & Sadker, 1988; Crocco, 1997). I have pointed out repeatedly that in each textbook, the knowledge of most value is that which is political, economic, or militaristic in nature.  Social history is lacking in both  textbooks, and it is within the context of social history that women have played a leading role.  In some instances, each of the  textbooks allude to social issues that have had an effect upon women historically.  But, rather than delving into such issues,  the authors of the texts briefly mention them and move on. example, in Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding,  For  mention is made of  women's entry into the labour force, the resurgence of the women's movement' in the 1960s,- and women's increasing political participation.  The authors of the text miss a valuable  opportunity to present students with an account of social history in these instances.  Since the texts focus on wars, politics,  economics, and conflict, men's experiences and contributions are dealt with in depth and detail. and then forgotten.  They are never merely mentioned  I realize that this is the nature of the  current conceptualization of history and this is precisely why it  145 is so problematic.  If a goal of teaching history is to debunk  historical myths, then histories that have not been included in "mainstream" history need to be. It is also important to point out that neither textbook gives much attention to women's lives and experiences outside of the public realm. private.  There is no bridge between the public and the  Crocco (1997) refers to the lack of discussion  surrounding the private realm as "skewing."  She maintains that  when curriculums or textbooks reflect contributions only to public culture, history is skewed, or lopsided.  The challenge  lies in writing curriculum and textbooks that do not take a "public" or "private" approach, but instead examine both of these cultures concurrently.  As long as publishers and writers  continue to present textbooks that offer only a partial understanding of the past, that view history through a single rather than a multiple lens, that render women's stories invisible, then a disservice is done to students. Overall, neither of the two textbooks present a fair and balanced portrayal of history.  Focussing on a particular kind of  knowledge is not conducive to eliminating gender bias in social studies textbooks.  Women are not always presented as autonomous,  and are often depicted as being "acted on" rather than acting upon. Crocco (1997) says it best when she states that, In essence, a curriculum represents truth and cultural significance for students. If women's lives  146 (or those of non-elite men) get left out of the curriculum, students receive a message that these lives have been unimportant to history. If political and economic history crowd out social history, and by extension, women's history, then students get the message that childbearing and childrearing, subsistence agriculture, the building of a social order, and the care and maintenance of communities have had little significance over time. Only wars, political power, industrial and technological development, economic evolution and convulsion count in this scheme of history (p. 32).  IMPLICATIONS  Since the two textbooks that I examined are not free from gender bias, the implications for students and teachers who use these textbooks are far reaching.  Teachers are subject to time  constraints in the amount of time that they can allocate to preparing to teach social studies to students.  Subsequently, as  previously noted, the textbook becomes a primary vehicle for teaching students about historical and contemporary society.  In  addition, since most social studies textbooks are structured and organized around the existing curriculum, they are often times the best way for teachers to ensure that the curriculum objectives are met.  If these two textbooks continue to exemplify  gender bias, then it is likely that other recently published textbooks do as well. I was fortunate to attend the publishers seminar three years ago which introduced Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding.  At this  147 seminar, I was led to believe that this textbook was leading edge in social studies.  It presents history from a three nations  perspective, instead of two; it includes the stories- and experiences of minority groups and; women are more visible in the text than they have ever been.  Unfortunately, this textbook, as  I have illustrated, is not free from bias. The reality of teaching is that teachers do not have a great deal of time to supplement the textbook with outside resources. Educators who do have the time may not be aware that social studies textbooks contain gender bias.  Therefore, information  beyond the textbook is not brought into the classroom. Ministries of education created equity guidelines to eliminate blatant forms of bias from textbooks.  Likely, teachers believe  that since the text has been analyzed by ministry officials and approved for use, it is not problematic. could not be further from the truth.  Unfortunately, this  Teachers unwittingly  perpetuate the biases inherent in the text if they use it in an unquestioning manner. I am not suggesting that all educators and students read the text in the same way, nor am I denying that many teachers may use the text as a tool to cultivate in students an understanding of the inequities that have existed and continue to exist in society (I have done this myself).  There is a dynamic interaction  between teacher and student, teacher and text, and student and  148 text.  It is also important to note that the experiences each  educator brings to their reading of the text will shape the way they interpret and use it in the classroom.  The same may be said  of students. However, my concern is that more often than not, the text is used as a purveyor of historical truth, unquestioned by those interacting with it.  I have heard my own students comment that  if they read information in a textbook, then it must be "true." What they do not realize is that although much of the information in a textbook is "true" by certain standards, it is only one version of the truth.  In a postmodern sense, truth is a  construct of the context in which it was created.  Because  historical accounts were largely written by men, their "truth" is contained within the accounts.  Other individuals may have  different "truths" that never make their way into mainstream history.  As a result, the view of history that textbooks present  is often narrowly defined and one-sided. Many educators and academics have speculated about the impact of gender biased textbooks on students' understanding and interpretation of the past.  It has been suggested that when  women's history is relatively invisible in texts, female students will not have a sense of their own pasts (Tetrault, 1987; Baldwin & Baldwin, 1992) . They, like the women omitted from historical discourse, will be marginalized; they will learn that the lives,  149 experiences and contributions of women throughout history do not warrant discussion in textbooks with a political, economic, and military focus.  This in turn will continue to perpetuate  socially constructed imbalances between males and females.  What  is "masculine" continues to be valued and what is "feminine" continues to be devalued. Despite the abundance of literature and research available that addresses the problematic nature of gender bias in social studies textbooks, there has not been, to my knowledge, any studies conducted which focus on how this bias impacts both female and male students.  As evidenced in my review of  literature, there has been a great deal of speculation as to .how students are affected by textbooks which present lopsided or narrow views of history.  Yet, I believe that speculating about  how gender biased textbooks impact students does not tangibly address the problem.  There is a need for research in the  schools, specifically social studies classrooms, that explores how students react to the history that they learn and how they perceive this history.  Until this occurs, it is unlikely that  the situation will improve. Finally, I have maintained that gender bias is not so much a result of the textbooks being written for social studies courses, as it is a problem with the very nature of the social studies curriculum itself.  Unless there is a fundamental reconception of  150 what knowledge should be valued and taught in social studies, nothing will change.  Though this may sound fatalistic, I firmly  believe it is the case.  How can women's lives, experiences and  contributions be woven into such a narrowly defined view of history as currently exists in the curriculum?  It is, according  to Minnich (1990) not the goal to "mainstream" women's history, but to change our conception of what counts as historical contribution.  She states that,  Mainstreaming implies that there is one main stream and what we want is to join it, that we are a tributary at best, and that our goal is to achieve the 'normalcy' of becoming invisible in a big river. Transformation on the other hand, puts the emphasis not on joining what is but on changing it (p. 13). . The challenge to educators committed to gender equity in social studies classrooms lies in rethinking what we mean by gender equity in social studies texts differently form the superficial ways we have in the past, and convincing those individuals responsible for the development and implementation of curriculum that the curriculum itself must be rewritten.  Now, in  Alberta, the possibilities for achieving this reconceptualization abound as ministry officials and educators begin to plan a Western Canadian social studies curriculum.  With time and  patience, it is possible to look beyond the textbook to the curriculum itself as a source of change in social studies education.  151 Chapter 7 CONCLUSION Before we can even begin to ask how the literature of women would be different and special, we need to reconstruct its past, to rediscover the scores of women novelists, poets and dramatists whose work has been obscured by time, and to establish the continuity of the female tradition from decade to decade, rather than from Great Woman to Great Woman (Showalter, in Hallett & Davis, 1993, p.268) .  Textbooks are ubiquitous in classrooms, thus what they contain.is of import to both students and teachers as these texts act as the curriculum.  Students are apt to believe what they  read as true, yet, as I have illustrated presenting a particular view of history presents students with limited historical "truth."  The two textbooks that I examined were not free from  gender bias.  In language, visual representation, positioning,  and content, each textbook perpetuates the belief that the history of Canada has been dominated by males,'.  Students are the  recipients of this view of history and it is likely that their awareness and understanding of the past and present is shaped, in part, by this.  More research is needed regarding the impact of  gender biased textbooks on students. By grounding my research in a community of feminist thinkers and educators, I have illustrated that despite the existence of equity guidelines, gender bias still exists in the two social studies textbooks I have examined.  The review of literature I  conducted alerted me to the presence of gender bias in other textbooks examined.  It also allowed me to create my framework of  152 anlaysis, including categories I felt were lacking in other studies. - Thus, my research provides a more probing analysis while at the same time creating a language which can be used in professional development activities.  The creation of my  analytical framework has revealed the very implicit and subtle forms that gender bias takes. Clearly, there is a need to rethink the way in which gender equity goals have been approached thus far. More importantly however, educators committed to achieving change must look to the curriculum itself as the fundamental source of gender bias.  Textbook authors have made an effort to  include women in the pages of their text. However, they are constrained by the mandated knowledge objectives in social • studies curriculum, so the textbooks that they write will never be free of gender bias as long as the knowledge that is valued in social studies continues to be of a political, economic, or military nature. Without exception, the language of the two textbooks, although not blatantly gendered often denies women the agency that they so rightly deserve.  It categorizes them in nameless,  faceless collectives, negating individual experiences and contributions.  Visually, women are represented, though less  often than men, and less often alone then in photos of men and women.  Detailed accounts of women's lives and experiences occur  153  more often outside of the main text than within, reinforcing their historical marginalization in a contemporary textbook. Finally, neither of the textbooks was found to present a fair and equitable portrayal of history; not a surprising finding if consideration is given to the nature of the knowledge that is valued in social studies. As a result of these findings a number of recommendations must be made.  First, textbook guidelines that are currently in  place must be discarded in favour of categories such as I have created in order to move beyond a superficial approach to gender equity.  Second, teachers need to become educated with regard to  identifying gender bias in textbooks.  I would even go so far as  to suggest that teacher education programs should be encouraged to do just that in either their methods courses or in a separate course designed to address issues of inequity in education. Third, textbook authors and publishers must be alerted to the problematic nature of the way in which content about women is included in textbooks.  Fourth, research must be conducted to  assess what students learn from their textbooks, both knowledge and attitudes.  Finally, and most importantly, the social studies  curriculum itself needs to be reconceptualized.  The traditional  bodies of knowledge included in social studies curriculum are not conducive to valuing historical contributions in both the public and private realm.  We have journeyed far on the road to achieving equity. Journeys however, are not always easy.  This one has been long  and arduous and there are still many miles to go.  It is my  emphatic hope that educators, both in schools and universities, are not lulled into a sense of complacency simply because the situation for women in society has improved!  Appendix A: Women in Traditional Roles  Canada: Page 102 Page 10 8 Page 13 9 Page 156  Page 175 Page 193 Page 2 00 Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  223 2 48 258 2 61 310 3 43 3 65 372 3 97  A Nation  Unfolding  Woman as mother. Woman as mother. Wives and mothers seeing their sons and husbands off to war. Group of nuns voting in a Wartime Election. Although their role as nuns is traditional, the activity that they are engaging in, voting, is not. Several women engaged in caring for wounded soldiers. Woman holding a baby. Woman reading an Eaton's Catalogue to her daughter. Woman as mother. Woman as gossip. Women nurses during WWII. Woman as mother. Woman as nurse. Woman as mother. Woman as mother. Native woman tanning a hide. Chinese woman shopping.  156 (Appendix  A  continued)  Canada Today Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  40 42 65 97 109 111 158 164 203 29 0 32 8 37 0 437  Female elementary teacher. Nuns working during the war. Ursuline nuns in early years. Wives of miners. Woman as mother. Woman as teacher. Woman serving food. Girls sorting food. Woman as nurse. Female court clerk / typist. Woman as mother. Woman as mother / caregiver. Woman preparing food.  157 Appendix B: Women in Non-Traditional Roles  Canada: Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  13 35 44 45 54 57 59 67 68 152 154  Page Page Page Page Page Page  155 187 212 218 219 22 0  Page Page Page Page Page Page  2 53 2 59 243 348 402 403  Page 406  A Nation  Unfolding  Women suffragettes rallying. Woman as politician. Woman as politician. Woman as politician. Woman as RCMP officer. Woman as police officer. Woman as judge. Woman as judge (family court). Woman as guard. Women working in munitions factory. Women in quasi-military organization; depicted shooting guns at rifle range. Women pilot and women mechanics. Women volunteering as gas attendants. Woman as radio announcer in 1937. Female basketball team. Female hockey team. Women graduating from the University of Toronto in 1928. Women munitions workers, WWII. Canadian Women at War (CWAC). Women protesting. Female astronaut. Women graduating from the University of Toronto. Women participating in a "Take Back the Night" rally. Female politician.  (Appendix  B  continued)  Canada TodayPage 4: Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  13 20 21 52 53 56 76  Page Page Page Page Page Page  3 66 3 80 4 02 406 432 448  94 94 97 116 157 172 174 190 213 230 237 241 256 257 282 301 313 320 321 344 356 364  Females engaged in protest. Female politician (Jeanne Sauve) Female hockey players. Female hockey goalie. Woman broadcaster (Lisa Payette). Females protesting. Female politician - President of PQ. Female sprinter (Angella Taylor). Female politician. Women engaging in protest march. Female MLA (Irene Parlby). Female politician (Violet McNaughton). Women engaged in protest. Female premier. Female banker / customer relations officer. Females striking. Females playing virtual reality race car driving. Woman working at a machine. Females working on auto assembly line. Female premier. Female police officer. Female Supreme Court Judge. Female politicians. Female MP (Jan Brown). Female police officer. Women protesting at Pro-Choice Rally. Woman as "liberator" (Nellie McClung). Females attending political party meeting. Female campaign workers. Females as Senators. Woman filling tank with gasoline. Female ambulance driver filling tank with gas (Grace MacPherson). Women working in munitions factory. Woman working in munitions factory. Female Nobel Laureate. Female peacekeeper. Female prime minister (Norway). Female politician.  159 Appendix C: Women Appearing As "Great"  Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding  Queen Elizabeth II: Queen of the England and Canada's symbolic head of state, (appears in 4 photos). Mary Collins: former federal minister of economic diversification. Emily Stowe: suffragist. Idola Saint-Jean: suffragist. Louise McKinney: suffragist and member of the "famous five." Henrietta Edwards: suffragist and member of the "famous five." Kim Campbell: Canada's first female prime minister. (appears in 2 photos). Ethel Blondin: first native woman in Canada elected to the House of Commons. Bertha Wilson: first woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court of Canada. Emmeline Pankhusrt: suffragists, and Nellie McClung Mary Pickford: Canadian film star; "America's Sweetheart." Agnes MacPhail: Canada's first woman member of parliament. The Edmonton Grads: the most successful basketball team in history, k.d. lang: singer and songwriter. Roberta Bondar: the second Canadian astronaut in space.  (Appendix  C  continued)  Canada Today Dale Campbell: Celine Dion: Jeanne Sauve: L.M. Montgomery: Team Canada: Manon Rheaume: Gabrielle Roy: Lise Payette: on Monique Simard: Ofra Harnoy: Liona Boyd: Angella Taylor: Irene Parlby: Violet McNaughton: k.d. lang: Hillary Clinton: Queen Elizabeth II  First Nations artist. Singer and songwriter. Former Governor General of Canada. Renowned novelist. Women's world championship hockey team. First female to play in NHL. Award winning French-Canadian author. At one time, one of the most dominant women Quebec's cultural and political scene. Vice President of the Parti Quebecois. Famous cellist. Award winning classical guitarist. Sprinter and medal winner. First woman cabinet minister in Alberta. Suffragette; helped develop platform for Progressive Party. Singer and songwriter. First Lady; health care activist.  Queen of England and Canada's symbolic head of state (she appears in 3 other photos). Jeannette Lavell Native Activist. Nellie McClung: Suffragette and "liberator." Grace MacPherson Ambulance driver in WWI - described as "bravest of them all." Aung San Suu Kyi Winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. Gro Harlem Bruntland:Prime Minister of Norway. Barbara McDougal: Former Minister of External Affairs. Ludmilla Chiriaeff: Governor General Award winner.  161  Appendix D: Portraits of Individuals  Canada: Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  86: 87: 93: 108 125 203 216 233 318 391 410  A Nation  Unfolding  Wilfrid Laurier Chief Poundmaker Emmeline Pankhurst and Nellie McClung Louis Riel Reginald Fessenden J.S. Woodsworth An unnamed male "rum-runner" Adolf Hitler Jean Lesage Brian Mulroney man dressed for the Native Chicken Dance ceremony  ;  162 Appendix E: Minority Women / Women of Color  Canada: Page Page Page Page Page  45: 101 103 10 8 249  Page 2 61 Page 2 90 Page 3 06 Page 310 Page 3 67 Page 372 Page 376 Page 3 95 Page 3 97 Page 398 Page 400 Page 411 Page 413  A Nation  Unfolding  Native Canadian woman, Ethel Blondin French Canadian woman with family Two immigrant girls, ethnicity indeterminate Metis woman with male metis traders Crowd photo of Japanese Canadian internees during WWII. Japanese women'are included in the crowd scene. Two Immigrant women and one immigrant child, ethnicity indeterminate, but included in a section on "Canada's War Brides." UN Poster, in which females and males of all ethnicities are depicted. Trudeau and Chou En-Lai. A Chinese woman is visible in the background. Somalian citizens. Three women included in photo. Immigrant children in Canadian school. Two Asian girls included. Innuit woman tanning hide. Immigrant Jewish family; 3 women depicted. Children holding a Canadian flag. 3 girls of varying ethnicities. Asian woman in Vancouver's Chinatown. Black Canadian family.' Includes males and' females. Black female child in painting. Native women in photo of Native self-government. Native woman standing beside Elijah Harper.  163 (Appendix  E  continued)  Canada TodayPage 2 : Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  61 61 73 75 76 77 84 88 10 8 109  Page 131 Page 163 Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  164 190 277 308 328 329 348 375 387 387 402 437  V  First Nations Artist Dale Campbell. Latin American dancer dancing. Black women in modern dance troupe. 2 Asian women with 5 Asian males. Israeli immigrant Ofra Harnoy. Black woman competing in Olympics. Latvian dancer Ludmilla Chiriaeff. Chinese girls attending language school. 2 Asian women at Harmony March. Black female slaves. Japanese woman, and child leaning out of train window. Native men and women in canoe. Several minority women in group photo of Canadian Airlines employees. 3 Indian girls sorting food. Asian woman working at computer. Native woman with child. Minority women at citizenship ceremony. East Indian woman with female child. East Indian woman walking with man. Native boys and girls attending class outside. l Japanese men and women at Hastings Park. Japanese school girls in uniform. Black teenage girl. Asian woman - winner of Nobel Prize. African woman cooking food.  Appendix F: Positioning of Women  Canada:  A Nation  Unfolding  Chapter  Outside Main Text  Within Main Text  One Two Three Four Five Six Unit Review Seven Eight Nine Unit Review Ten Eleven Unit Review Twelve Thirteen Fourteen Unit Review Fifteen Sixteen Seventeen Unit Review Eighteen Nineteen Twenty Unit Review Epilogue  61 lines 13 lines 23 lines 90 lines 2 lines 0 lines 1 lines 4 lines 15 lines 1 line 0 lines 26 lines 21 lines 1 line 1 line 94 lines 1 lines 2 lines 9 lines 10 lines 54 lines 0 lines 29 lines 0 lines 33 lines 2 lines 24 lines  11 lines 5 lines 45 lines 45 lines 4 lines 5 lines  TOTALS  517 lines  794 lines  TEXT TOTAL:  1311 / 19163  2 lines 122 lines 2 lines 5 lines 126 lines 1 line 145 lines 3 lines 0 times 5 lines 5 lines 3 lines 12 lines 238 lines  = 6.84%  (Appendix Canada  F  continued)  Today  Chapter  Outside Main Text  Within Main Text  One Two Three Four Five Six Seven Eight Nine Ten Eleven Twelve Thirteen Fourteen Fifteen Sixteen  96 lines 58 lines 143.5 lines 34 lines 6 lines 13 lines 19 lines 20 lines 8 lines 116 lines 68 lines 2 lines 3 6 lines 14 lines 3 6 lines 23 lines  15.5 lines 12.5 lines 4 lines 0 lines 0 lines 0 lines 2 lines 0 lines 7 lines 7 lines 4 lines 3 lines 35 lines 0 lines 18 lines 2 lines  692.5 lines  110 lines  TOTALS:  TEXT TOTAL: 802.5 / 23 650  = 3.4s  \  166 Appendix G: Analysis of Index Canada: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.  19.  A Nation  Unfolding  "Baby Bonus", 2 56 Bondar, Roberta, 349 Campbell, Kim, 41, 44, 404-405 Edmonton Grads, 218 Elizabeth II, Queen, 14, 16 McClung, Nellie, 93, 94, 218 Macphail, Agnes, 218 Murphy, Judge Emily, 22 0-221 Native Peoples, women, 404 "Persons Case", 220-221 Pickford, Mary, 213 Prohibition, 78, 216-218 Royal Commission on the Status of Women, 402, 403-404 Social reform, and women, 155-156 Suffragists, 149, 156 Voting rights, 13 for women, see Women War brides, 261, 376 Women: after World War II, 258, 260 in Canadian politics, 41 and changes in civil law, 71 as persons, 220-221 social reform, 94, 155-156 in sport, 218, 220 voting rights for, 13, 93, 156, 160, 218 in World War I, 154-155 in World War II, 256-258, 259 Women's movement: 1960s-present, 399, 402-405, 420 turn of the century, 94  167  (Appendix Canada 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 6. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35.  G  continued)  Today  Aboriginal women and equality rights, 276-77 Nuala, Beck, 470 Boyd, Liona, 7 6 Brundtland, Gro Harlem, 432 Campbell, Kim, 54 ^ Canadian International Development Agency, women's rights, 43 9 Casgrain, Therese, right to vote, 44 Chiriaeff, Ludmilla, 77 Clinton, Hillary, 205 Conquest, Mary Owen, 13 Foreign aid, by Canada, women's rights, 43 9 Harnoy, Ofra, 75 Hockey in Canada, women's hockey, 2 0-21 Kidder, Margot, 14 Kyi, Aung San Suu, 402 lang, k.d., 14 Laurence, Margaret, 14 Lavell, Jeannette, 276-77 MacPherson, Grace,.364 McClung, Nellie, 313 McDougal, Barbara, 448 Montgomery, Lucy Maud, 13 National Action Committee on the Status of Women, 315 Payette, Lise, 52 Queen. See Constitutional Monarchy in Canada. Rheaume, Manon, 21 Right to Vote. See Voting in Canada Roy, Gabrielle, 48, 49 Royal Winnipeg Ballet, 14 Sauve, Jeanne, 13 Takashima, Shizuye, 14 Taylor, Angella, 76 Thobani, Sunera, 315 Voting in Canada, 309 right to vote, 312-315 Whitton, Charlotte, 13  168  (Appendix 3 6.  37. 38. 39.  G  continued)  Women in Canada in armed forces, 381 voting rights, 312, 313-15 World War I, 3 66 World War, II, 380-81 Women's Movement in Canada, 17 World War I, women's role, 3 66 . World War II, women's role, 380-81  Appendix H: Textbook Quotations  Canada: Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  59 62 62 62 82 93 93 118 118 12 0 121 12 3 124 124 13 9 140 141 141 158 159 160 169 174 174 17 6 177 194 195 195 195 197 197 197 199 2 00 2 02 2 03 210 222 222 231  A Nation  Unfolding  Position  Name  Gender  1935 British Judge Police officer Probation officer Psychologist Judge Premier of Manitoba Suffragist Nationalist Politician Finance Minister Continentalist CPR man Senator Congressman Soldier Soldier Soldier Soldier Finance Minister Prime Minister Politician General Politician Politician General Prime Minister Politician Historian J.L. Politician Politician Cabinet Minister Young Man Young Mother Politician Business Person Politician Prime Minister Motorist Farmer Novelist Father  unnamed Frank Craddock Dave Crowe Catherine Challin unnamed Rodmond Roblin Nellie McClung G.T... Dennison unnamed unnamed Goldwin Smith William Van H o m e McCumber Champ Clark Roy Macfie unnamed unnamed unnamed Thomas White Robert Borden Laurier Arthur Currie Robert Borden David Lloyd George Alex Ross Robert Borden Mackenzie King Granatstein Male Mackenzie King Mackenzie King unnamed unnamed unnamed R.B. Bennett John David Eaton William Aberhart R.B. Bennett unnamed unnamed Hugh Garner unnamed  Male Male Male Female Male Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male  (Appendix Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  235: 236: 237: 238: 240: 246: 248: 250: 250: 251 251 254 257 259 260 260 261 261 269 274 274 275 277 278 281 281 293 293 293 296 297 300 300 301 305 314 315 317 317 326 327 328 : 330 : 331 : 332 : 332 :  H  continued) Politician Govt Director Prime Minister Prime Minister Politician Prime Minister WRNCS "Plotter" Prime Minister Japanese Internee Writer Govt Official Cabinet Minister Farmer WRNCS Member Prime Minister Prime Minister War Bride War Bride Soldier Soldier / Writer German Soldier Soldier Jewish Prisoner Painter Emperor Scientist Editor Politician Teacher Politician Politician Peace Keeper Afghan Citizen Politician Politician Politician Politician Politician Politician Politician Politician Politician Politician Politician Politician Author  Adolf Hitler Frederick Blair Mackenzie King Mackenzie King Adolf Hitler Mackenzie King unnamed Mackenzie King Frank Moritsugu David Suzuki James Forbes C D . Howe unnamed unnamed Mackenzie King Mackenzie King Eunice Partington Phyllis Clements unnamed Farley Mowat unnamed unnamed unnamed Pablo Picasso Hirohito Robert Oppenheimer Ian Darragh Lester Pearson unnamed Louis St. Laurent Winston Churchill Jane The.lwell unnamed Lester Pearson Mikhail Gorbechev Charles de Gaulle Lester Pearson Jean Lesage unnamed Rene Levesque Rene Levesque Rene Levesque Brian Mulroney Brian Mulroney Rene Levesque Reginald Bibby  Male Male Male Male Male Male Female MaleMale Male Male Male Female Female Male Male Female Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male •  (Appendix Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page  332 333 334 334 340 341 341 341 343 345 345 346 346 347 348 349 350 352 354 354 369 370 371 370 373 376 376 378 382 383 385 386 389 390 391 396 398 399 402 403 406 406 406 406 : 406 : 413 :  H  continued) Author Politician Politician Politician Writer Writer Writer Chairperson Prime Minister Prime Minister Politician President Prime Minister Prime Minister Astronaut Prime Minister President Prime Minister Politician Prime Minister Geologist Prime Minister Prime Minister Prime Minister Journalist Innuit Spokesperson Ontario Minister Prime Minister Secretary of State Prime Minister Performer Academic Communications Politician Politician Prime Minister Radio Host Politician "Farmer's Wife" Feminist Native Chief Judge Prime Minister Native Leader Prime Minister Native Leader  Donald Posterski Harcourt Jean Cretien John A. Macdonald Robert Fulford Pierre Burton Northrop Frye Arthur Gelber John Diefenbaker John Diefenbaker Lester Pearson Ronald Reagan Brian Mulroney Brian Mulroney Roberta Bondar Brian Mulroney Lyndon Johnson Brian Mulroney Pierre Trudeau Brian Mulroney unnamed John Diefenbaker John Diefenbaker John Diefenbaker Alootook Ipellie John Amagoalik unnamed John Diefenbaker Judy LaMarsh Pierre Trudeau Bob Dylan Hilda Neatby Marshall McLuhan Pierre Trudeau Pierre Trudeau Pierre Trudeau Peter Warren Flora MacDonald unnamed Gloria Steinem Chief Dan George unnamed Pierre Trudeau Harold Cardinal Pierre Trudeau George Erasmus  Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Male Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Female Female Female Male Male Male Male Male Male  172 (Appendix  H  continued)  Canada Today Pacre  Position  9 12 35 41 41 43 49 52 52 52 56 75 75 76 76 76 77 77 77 85 85 85 85 86 86 137  President Bill Clinton Chairperson Keith Spicer Nobleperson Lord Durham Politician Dalton McCarthyClergyman Bishop Tache Writer/politician Henri Bourassa Writer Gabrielle Roy Author June Callwood Politician unnamed Politician Lise Payette Politician Lucien Bouchard Immigrant Tom Telfer Immigrant C D . Minni Immigrant Dilip Bhindi Immigrant Zaven Degirmen Immigrant Anna Torranz Immigrant Henry Dugas Immigrant Nelly Cheng Immigrant Pritam Singh Philosopher Robert Remnant Political Scientist Rais Khan Immigrant Meera .Shastri Historian D.C. Thompson Writer Neil Bissoondath Writer Myrna Kostash Vice-President of Unnamed Macmillan Bloedel Prime Minister Jean Chretien Prime Minister John A. Macdonald Social Credit LeaderRobert Thompson Minister of Trade C D . Howe Scientist Michael Smith Doctor Ron Stewart Trade Minister Roy MacLaren Business person Mark Nantais Environment MinisterMoe Sihota Politician Gordon Wilson Politician Jan Brown Val Meredith Politician Justice Minister Allan Rock Nellie McClung Suffragette Politician Joe Clark  150 189 194 201 201 206 214 249 249 249 257 295 295 313 341  Name  Gender Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Female Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Female Male Female Male Male Male Female Male Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Female Male Female Male  173 (Appendix 352 361 361 361 364 364 364 367 394 403 405 405 405 407 407 425 432 433 448 448 457 458 464  H  continued) Lawyer Politician Politician Publisher Soldier Medic Captain Politician Politician Diplomat General General General Peace Keeper Peace Keeper Poet Environmentalist Environmentalist Politician Politician Activist Activist Doctor  Jack London Robert Borden Wilfrid Laurier Henri Bourassa Talbot Papineau Grace MacPherson Donald Martin Robert Borden Nellie Cournoyea Brian Urquhart Lewis MacKenzie Lewis MacKenzie Lewis MacKenzie Gregory James Mark Isfeld John Donne Maurice Strong Maurice Strong Ed Braodbent Richard Le Hir Zebedee Nungak Zebedee Nungak Karen Hein  Male Male Male Male Male Female Male Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female  174 Appendix I: Chapter and Unit Reviews How often are women, women's issues and experiences included in Chapter and Unit Reviews? Canada: A Nation  Unfolding  Chapter  Key People,  Places...  One  0 out of 8  0 out of 12  Two Three Unit Review  0 out of 11 0 out of 10 NA  0 out of 15 0 out of 18 0 out of 6  Four Five Six Unit Review  1 out of 12 (5 men) 1 out of 11 (5 men) 0 out of 13 (2 men) NA  3 0 0 1  out out out out  of of of of  18 11 14 12  Seven Eight Nine Unit Review  0 out of 11 (3 men) 0 out of 11 0 out of 11 (3 men) NA  0 4 0 1  out out out out  of of of of  17 16 14 7  Ten Eleven Unit Review  0 out of 9 4 out of 13 [5 men) NA  0 out of 21 3 out of 19 1 out of 3  Twelve Thirteen Fourteen Unit Review  0 out of 11 (2 men) 1 out of 11 (3 men) 0 out of 12 NA  0 1 0 1  out out out out  of of of of  14 17 20 6  Fifteen Sixteen Seventeen Unit Review  0 out of 16 (5 men) 0 out of 13 0 out of 14 NA  0 0 0 1  out out out out  of of of of  20 20 21 8  Eighteen Nineteen Twenty Unit Review  0 out of 8 (2 men) 0 out of 10 1 out of 10 NA  0 0 7 1  out out out out  of of of of  20 15 17 7  Questions  175 Appendix J: Table of Contents  Canada: A Nation Unit I:  Unit II:  Unfolding  Government and Law Chapter 1. How is Canada Governed Chapter 2. Canadian Government in Action Chapter 3. Canada's Judicial System Laying the Foundations: From Confederation to 1911 Chapter 4. A Nation Emerges Chapter 5. French-English Relations Chapter 6. Canadian-American Relations  Unit III: The War to End All Wars: Canada and World War I Chapter 7. War on the Western Front Chapter 8. War on the Home Front Chapter 9. Coming of Age Unit IV:  From Boom to Bust: Canada in the 1920s and 1930s" Chapter 10. Prosperity and Depression Chapter 11. Life in Canada in the 192 0s and 193 0s  Unit V:  War Returns: Canada and World War II Chapter 12. The Breakdown of Peace Chapter 13. War on the Home Front Chapter 14. Canada's Role in Ending the War  Unit VI:  The Dawning of a New Era: The Cold War and Beyond Chapter 16: Canada's Role on the International Stage Chapter 17: French-English Relations Chapter 18: Canadian-American Relations  Unit VII: The Changing Chapter Chapter Chapter  Face 19 20 21  of Canada' Life in Canada after World War II Canada from the 1960s to the 1980s Canada as a Multicultural Nation  176  (Appendix J  continued)  Canada TodayCulture  Chapters:  Chapter 1 - The Canadian Identity Focusing on the Issues What Is a Canadian? A Gallery of Canadian Achievement The Evolving Nature of Our Identity Hockey: Canada's National Sport The Challenge of Protecting Canadian Culture - Reviewing the Issues Chapter 3 - Canada's Cultural Diversity Focusing on the Issues Culture and Canadians The Development of a Culturally Diverse Nation Canada's Immigration Policy Immigrant Experiences: Troubles and Triumphs A Difficult Issue: Levels of Immigration Official Multiculturalism: Advantages and Challenges Reviewing the Issues  Political  Chapters:  Chapter 2 - French-English Relations Focussing on the Issues The Early Years and the Quebec Act Two Cultures Advancing Towards Nationhood Two Cultures Diverge Jean Lesage and the Quiet Revolution Pierre Trudeau's Vision, Official Languages, and the FLQ The Parti Quebecois, the 1980 Referendum, and the Constitution Brian Mulroney's Vision Bouchard and Parizeau Versus the Federalists First Nations and Quebec Reviewing the Issues  177  (Appendix J  continued)  Chapter 4 - Challenges and Opportunities: Our Evolving'Identity Focusing on the Issues Regional Identities: Western Alienation Regional Identities: The French-English Language Question The Challenge of Racism Reviewing the Issues Chapter 9 - You and Your Government Focusing on the Issues The Purpose of Government The Powers of Government What Type of Government Do We Have in Canada? The Three Levels of Government The Federal Government Provincial and Territorial Governments Local Governments Reviewing the Issues Chapter 10 - Rights and Responsibilities: You and the Law Focusing on the Issues Rights and Responsibilities Civil and Criminal Law The Canadian Legal System Juvenile Justice Legislation in Canada Reviewing the Issues Chapter 11 - The Role of the Citizen in Canadian Democracy Focusing on the Issues Citizenship in Canada Influencing the Government: Voting Influencing the Government: Pressure Groups and the Media Influencing the Government: Joining a Political Party Reviewing the Issues Chapter 12 - Challenges and Opportunities: The Constitution Focusing on the Issues Canada's Changing Constitution Recent Attempts at Constitutional Reform Should the Senate be Reformed? Aboriginal Self-Government Reviewing the Issues  178 (Appendix  J  continued)  Economic  Chapters:  Chapter 5 - A Diverse Land Focusing on the Issues From Sea to Sea Canada: A Land of Diverse Regions Regional Economic Disparity in Canada Unifying Forces Within Canada Reviewing the Issues Chapter 6 - You and the Economy Focusing on the Issues What Is an Economic System? How the Economy Works: Supply and Demand What Kind of Economy Do We Have in Canada? The Role of Labour: Adapting to a New Age The Economic Impact of Technology Reviewing the Issues Chapter 7 - Challenges and Opportunities: The Continent Focusing on the Issues Ties Between Canada and the US A History of Close Trade Relations Free Trade on the Continent Foreign Investment in Canada Caring for Your Health: The Medicare Debate Reviewing the Issues Chapter 8 - Challenges and Opportunities: The World Focusing on the Issues Why Trade is Important to Canada What Canada Trades Canada and Trade Blocs Currency and Commodity Markets Trade with Europe Trade on the Pacific Rim Reviewing the Issues  179  (Appendix J Conflict  continued)  and Challenges  Chapters:  Chapter 13 - Canada and War Focusing on the Issues World War I, 1914-1918 World War II, 1939-1945 . The Cold War In Defence of Canada: Today and Tomorrow Reviewing the Issues Chapter 14 - Canada and Peace Focusing on the Issues What is the United Nations The United Nations Today The United Nations in Action: Peacemaking and Peacekeeping Sovereignty and Humane Intervention: The World Debates Reviewing the Issues Chapter 15 - Canada and the Global Community Fpcusing on the Issues The World Challenged Food Facts: An Investigation Sustainable Development Foreign Aid Reviewing the Issues Chapter 16 - Challenges and Opportunities: Now and in .the Future Focusing on the Issues International Trade and Human Rights First Nations and the World Today Diseases and Health: A World Response to a World Problem The High-Tech Information Age Reviewing the Issues  180 References Adams, C , & Ware, N. (1989). Sexism and the English language: The linguistic implications of being a woman. In Freeman, J. Women: A feminist perspective. 4th editiion. California: Mayfield Publishing Co. Anyon, J. (1979). Ideology and United States history textbooks. Harvard Educational Review. 49., 361-396. Ayim, M. & Houston, B. (1996). A conceptual analysis of sexism and sexist education. In Diller, A., Houston, B., Morgan, K., Ayim, M. The gender question in education: Theory, pedagogy, and politics. (pp. 9-30). Colorado: Westview Press. Baldwin, P., & Baldwin, D. (1992). The portrayal of women in classroom textbooks. Canadian Social Studies, 26 (3), 110-114. Bernard-Powers, J. (1995). Out of the cameos and into the conversation: Gender, social studies, and curriculum transformation. In Gaskell, J. & Willinsky, J. Gender in/forms curriculum. (pp. 191-209). New York: Teachers College Press. Bernard-Powers, J. (1997). Gender in social education. Ross, E. Wayne. The social studies curriculum: Purposes, problems, and possibilities. (pp. 71-87). Albany: ' State University of New York Press.'-  In  Blankenship, G. (1984). How to test a textbook for sexism. Social Education. 84 (4), 282-283. Bloom, L. R., & Ochoa, A. S. (1996). Responding to gender equity in the social studies curriculum. In Massialas, Byron G.,' & Allen, R. F. Critical issues in teaching social studies K 12. (pp. 3 09-339). 'Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing. Brandt, G. (1989). Teacher education and the teaching of women's history. The History and Social Science Teacher, 25 (1), 9-10. Briskin, L. (1991). Feminist pedagogy: Teaching and learning liberation. Ottawa: Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women / Institut Canadiaen de Recherches Sur Les Femmes. Canada. (197 0). Canada. 1976 Report.  Royal commission on the status of women in Ottawa: Information Canada.  181 Cherryholmes, C. (1992). Knowledge, power, and discourse in social studies education. In Weiler, K. & Mitchell, C. What schools can do: Critical pedagogy and practice. (pp. 95-115). Albany: New York Press. Commeyras, M. & Alvermann, D. (1996). Reading about women in world history textbooks from one feminist perspective. Gender and Education, 8. (1), 31-48. Coulter, R. P. (1989). To know themselves: The transformative possibilities of history for young women's lives. The History and Social Science Teacher, 25 (4), 25-28. Crocco, M. S. (1997). Making time for women's history ...When your survey course is already filled to overflowing. Social Education, 61 (1), 32-37. de Castell, S. (1990). Playing by the book: The problem of textbook knowledge. The Journal of Educational Thought. 24 (3A), 110-113. Dhand, H. (1988). Bias in social studies textbooks: New research findings. The History and Social Science Teacher. 24 (1), 24-27. Doyle, J., Paludie, M. (1991). Sex and gender: experience. Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown Publishers.  The human  Eichler, M. (1987). "The relationship between sexist, non-sexist, woman-centred and feminist research in the social sciences." In Nemeroff, G. (Ed.). Women and men: Interdisciplinary readings on genders. (pp. 21-53). Toronto: Fitzhenry and Whiteside. Farganis, S. (1989). "Feminism and the reconstruction of social science." In Jaggar, A. & Bordo, S. Gender /body /knowledge (pp. 207-223). London: Rutgers University Press. Flaherty, P. (1989). History and/or herstory: One man's thoughts on learning and teaching women's history in high school. The History and Social Science Teacher, 25 (1), 14-17. Fuss, D. (1989). Essentially speaking: and difference. New York: Routledge.  Feminism, nature  Gaskell, J. & McLaren, A. (1987). Women in eudcation: Canadian perspective. Calgary: Detslig Enterprises Ltd.  A  182 Gaskell, J. (1992). Working paper No. 32: Issues for women in Canadian Education. Ottawa: Economic Council of Canada. Gaskell, J., McLaren, A., & Novogrodsky, M. (1989). What is worth knowing: defining the feminist curriculum. In Claiming an education (pp. 32-62). Toronto: Our Schools / Our Selves. Gilbert, R. & Cook, J. (1989). Text analysis and ideology critique of curricular content. In Language, authority and criticism: Readings on the school textbook. (pp. 61-73). London: The Falmer Press. Hahn, C. (1996). Gender and political learning. and Research in Social Education, 24 (1), 8-35.  Theory  Hahn, C , & Blankenship, G. (19 83). Women in economics textbooks. Theory and Research in Social Education. 11 (3), 67-76. Hahn, C. (1978). Review of research on sex roles: Implications for social studies research. Theory and Research in Social Education, 6 (1), 70-92. Hayibor, B. (1990). Analysis of gender bias in home economic textbooks: Masters thesis. University of British Columbia. Hallett, M. Sc Davis, M. (1993). Firing the heather: The life and times of Nellie McClung. Saskatoon: Fifth House Ltd. hooks, b. (1994). Teaching to transgress: Education as the practice of freedom. New York: Routledge. Houston, B. (1996). "Gender freedom and the subtleties of sexist education." In Diller, A., Houston, B., Morgan, K., Ayim, M. The gender question in education: Theory, pedagogy, and politics. (pp. 50-63). Colorado: Westview Press. Kirby, D. F., & Julian, N. B. (1981). Treatment of women in high school U.S. history textbooks. The Social Studies, 72 (5), 203-207. Klein, S. (1985). Handbook for achieving sex equity through education. Baltimore: MD: John Hopkins.  183 Kobus, D. (1989). Inside the mustard seed: Toward a gender balanced education. Social Studies Review. 29 (1), 66-70. Light, B., Staton, P., & Bourne, P. (1989). Sex equity content in history textbooks. The History and Social Science Teacher. 25 (1), 18-20. Leonard, V. W. (1981). Integrating women's history into the secondary and college curriculum. The Social Studies. 72 (6), 265-270. Lerner, R., Altheak, N., & Rothman, S. (1995). Molding the good citizen: The politics of high school history texts. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger. Mackie, M. (1991). Gender relations in Canada: explorations. Vancouver: Butterworths Canada Ltd.  Further  Manicom, A. (1992). Feminist pedagogy: Transformations, standpoints, and politics. Canadian Journal of Education, 17 (3), 365-389. Martin, J. R. (1995). The radical future of gender enrichment. In J. Gaskell & J. Willinsky (Eds.). Gender in/forms curriculum. (157-173). New York: Teachers' College Press. McKenna, K. (1989). An examination of sex equity in the 1986 Ontario curriculum guideline for history and contemporary studies. The History and Social Science Teacher, 25 (1), 21-23. McLeod, J.S., & Silverman, S.T. (1973). You won't do: textbooks on U.S. government teach high school girls. Pittsburgh, PA: Know, Inc.  What  Michel, A. (1986). Down with stereotypes: Eliminating sexism from children's literature and school textbooks. Paris: UNESCO. Minnich, E. (1990). Temple University Press.  Transforming knowledge.  Philadelphia:  Miles, R. (1988). The women's history of the world. London: Harper-Collins. ^  184 Morgan, K. (1996). Describing the emperor's new clothes: Three myths of educational (in-) equity. In Diller, A., Houston, B., Morgan, K., Ayim, M. The gender question in education: Theory, pedagogy, and politics. (pp. 103-122). Colorado: Westview Press. Muther, C. (1985). What every textbook evaluator should know. Educational Leadership, 42 (4), 31-36. Noddings, N. (1992). Social studies and feminism. and Research in Social Studies, 20 (3), 230-241.  Theory  Ollivier, K. E. (1992). Gender stereotyping in elementary school texts. Masters Thesis: University of British Columbia, Department of Anthropology and Sociology. Osborne, K. (1994). An early example of the analysis of history textbooks in Canada. Canadian Social Studies, 29 (1), 21-25. Osborne, K. (1995). "To the schools we must look for good Canadians." Developments in the teaching of history in Canadian schools since 1960. In Osborne, K. In Defence of History. Toronto: Our Schools, Ourselves. Osier, A. (1994). Still hidden from history? The representation of women in recently published textbooks. Review of Education, 20 (2), 219-235.  Oxford  Reagon, B. J. (1988). Gender & race: The ampersand problem in feminist thought. In Spelman, E. Inessential woman: Problems of exclusion in feminist thought. Boston: Beacon Press. Sadker, M., Sadker, D. (1988). society. New York: Random House.  Teachers, schools, and  Sadker, M., Sadker, D., & Klein, S. (1991). The issue of gender in elementary and secondary education. Review of Research in Education, 17, 269-334. Scott, M. (1980). Teach her a lesson: Sexist curriculum in patriarchal education. In D. Spender & E. Sarah (Eds.), Learning to lose: Sexism in education (pp. 97-117). London: Women's Press.  185 Sheehan, N. (1991). Sexism in Education. In Ratna Ghosh & Douglas Ray (Eds.), Social change and education in Canada (pp. 277-292). Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Sleeter, C. & Grant, C. (1991). Race, class, gender, and disability in current textbooks. In Apple-, M. & Christian-Smith, L. The Politics of the Textbook (pp. 78-110). New York: Routledge. Social Science Education Consortium, Inc. (1996). Teaching the social sciences and history in secondary schools. Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Spender, D. (1980). Feminist practices in the classroom. In Dale Spender & Elizabeth Sarah (Eds.), Learning to lose: Sexism in education (pp. 174-179). London: Women's Press. Stone, L. (1996). Feminist political theory: Contributions to a conception of citizenship. Theory and Research in Social Education, 23 (1). 36-53. Tavris, C. (1992). Speaking of gender. The mismeasure of women. New York: Simon and Schuster, 287-312. ten Dam, G., & Rijkschroeff, R. (1996). Teaching women's history in secondary education: Constructing gender identity. Theory and Research in Social Education, 14 (1), 71-89. Tetreault, M. K. (1986). Integrating women's history: The case of United States history high school textbooks. The History Teacher. 1£ (2), 211-261. Tetreault, M. K. (1987). Rethinking women, gender, and the social studies. Social Education, 51 (3), 170-178. Trecker, J. L. (1971). Women in U.S. history high school textbooks. Social Education, 35. 248-335. Wade, R. C. (1993). Content analysis of social studies textbooks: A review of ten years of research. Theory and Research in Social Education, 21 (3), 232-256. Weber, R. K. (1985). Sage Publications.  Basic content analysis.  London:  Weiler, K. (1988). Feminist analyses of gender and schooling. In Women teaching for change: Gender, class & power (pp. 27-56). South Hadley, MA: Bergin & Garvey.  


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items