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Korean immigrant parents' attitudes and practices regarding Korean and English development in preschool-aged… Koh, Jin Young 2000

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K O R E A N IMMIGRANT PARENTS' ATTITUDES AND PRACTICES REGARDING K O R E A N AND ENGLISH DEVELOPMENT IN PRESCHOOL-AGED CHILDREN: A COMPARISON OF BILINGUAL A N D ENGLISH-SPEAKING PROGRAMS by JINYOUNG KOH B.Sc. in Child and Family Studies, Yonsei University, Seoul, Korea, 1996 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES Centre for the Study of Curriculum and Instruction (Early Childhood Education) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2000 © Jin Young Koh, 2000 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) A B S T R A C T The purpose of the present study was to understand how Korean immigrant parents envision their children's learning of Korean and English during the preschool years, and how they provide language environments and activities in the home to facilitate the learning process. Questionnaires and follow-up interviews were used to gather data from sixty parents who either sent their children to bilingual preschool programs (BP) or who enrolled their children in English-speaking programs (ESP) in the Greater Vancouver area. This study has resulted in a broad range of findings, among which are that most parents attached great importance to and had high expectations for their children's acquisition of both Korean and English. At the same time, parents thought that having their children learn two languages would be not an easy task. Moreover, parents differed in their beliefs as to the appropriate time to balance the competing interest between learning Korean and English during the preschool years. The B P group placed a higher priority on their children's learning of Korean during the preschool years, spoke more Korean at and outside of home, and had more exposure to Korean literacy-related activities and materials in the home than did the E S P group. In the B P group, parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean were correlated with the frequency of the children's use of Korean literacy materials at home. The E S P group, on the other hand, placed a higher priority on their children's learning of English, spoke more English in their daily lives, and had more exposure to English literacy activities and materials in the home than the B P group did. The E S P parents' attitudes to their children's learning of English were correlated with the frequency of the children's use of English literacy materials at home. This study suggests that although Korean immigrant parents were positive about their children's development of both Korean and English, considerable work needs to be done for these families to support early bilingual and biliteracy development. Findings also show that parents' attitudes and practices regarding their children's first and second language learning are different in terms of the preschool types the children are attending. T A B L E OF CONTENTS A B S T R A C T ii T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S iv LIST O F T A B L E S vii LIST O F FIGURES ix A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S xi C H A P T E R O N E : Introduction 1 1.1 Background of the research problem 1 1.2 Research questions , 5 1.3 Significance of the study 6 1.4 Definitions of terms 7 1.5 Organization of the thesis 9 C H A P T E R T W O : Literature Review 10 2.1 Korean immigration to Canada 10 2.1.1 The history of Korean immigration to Canada 10 2.1.2 Korean immigrants in British Columbia 10 2.1.3 Demographic characteristics of Korean immigrants 12 2.1.4 Adaptation of Korean immigrants to the new culture 13 2.2 Bilingual development in immigrant preschool-aged children 14 2.2.1 Types of childhood bilingualism 15 2 2.2 Second language learning during the preschool years 16 2.2.3 Home environmental features related to bilingual development 20 2.3 Language use in the home 22 2.3.1 Variables related to the choice of language use in the home 22 2.4 The literacy environment of the home 24 2.4.1 Home literacy environment related to bilingual development 24 2.5 Parents' attitudes towards their children's first and second language learning 27 2.5.1 Parents' attitudes towards their children's language maintenance 27 2.5.2 Factors related to minority language attitudes and maintenance 30 2.5.3 Parents' attitudes towards their children's second language learning 31 2.6 Parents' choice of preschool programs for their children 32 2.6.1 The impact of early schooling on language use in the family 32 2.6.2 The impact of preschool on parents' attitudes to bilingualsim 34 2.6.3 Parents' expectations of home language support from preschools 35 2.7 Summary of the literature review 36 C H A P T E R T H R E E : Methodology 38 3.1 Participants 38 3.1.1 Descriptive data on the parents and their children 40 3.1.2 Summary 49 3.2 Instruments and procedures 51 3.2.1 Questionnaires 51 3.2.2 Interviews 52 3.2.3 Data analysis 53 C H A P T E R FOUR: Results 55 4.1 Language use patterns in the families 57 4.1.1 The language used among parents 57 4.1.2 The language parents use to their children 58 4.1.3 Children's language use patterns 58 4.2 Literacy environments and activities in the families 61 4.2.1 The number of books at home 62 4.2.2 Reading books to children 63 4.2.3 Language used in reading to children 65 4.2.4 Literacy-related activities parents provide for their children 66 4.2.5 Children's use of literacy-related materials at home 70 4.2.6 Children's observations of literacy-related activities at home 73 4.2.7 Summary 77 4.3 Parents'attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English 79 4.3.1 Expected levels of children's language proficiency 79 4.3.2 The importance of the children's learning of Korean and English 81 4.3.3 Parental reasons for wanting their children to learn Korean 83 4.3.4 Disadvantages of having children learn Korean 85 4.3.5 Parental reasons for wanting their children to learn English 86 4.3.6 The language parents prefer to use with children 87 4.3.7 The language parents expect their children to use with parents 89 4.3.8 Advice/information parents have received on child bilingualsim 89 4.3.9 Summary 92 4.4 Parents' views on the impact of preschool experiences and the role of preschools on their children's bilingual development 93 4.4.1 Parents' expectations of their children's learning in preschool programs 93 4.4.2 Parental reasons for choice of preschool programs 94 4.4.3 Parents' expectations of home language supports from schools 95 4.4.4 Children's language use changes after preschool enrolment 98 4.4.5 Summary 99 4.5 The relationships between the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English, and the language environments in the families 100 V C H A P T E R FIVE: Discussion 102 5.1 Patterns of language use in the families 104 5.2 The literacy environments and activities in the families 106 5.3 Parent's attitudes to their children's learning of English and Korean 108 5.3.1 Parents' beliefs about the timing of English language acquisition 109 5.3.2 Parental motivation to teach their children Korean and English 112 5.3.3 Parental beliefs about disadvantages of having their child learn Korean 114 5.4 Parents' views on the impact of preschool experiences and the role of preschools on their children's bilingual development 115 5.4.1 Parental reasons for choice of preschool programs 115 5.4.2 Parents'expectations of home language support from preschools 116 5.4.3 Parents' views on the impact of preschool experiences on their child's language use patterns H 7 5.5 The relationships between the parents' attitudes to the children's learning of Korean and English, and the language environments in the families 118 C H A P T E R SIX: Implications and Recommendations 122 6.1 Implications for practices 122 6.1.1 Implications for parents 122 6.1.2 Implications for educators and other professionals 125 6.1.3 Implications for community support 129 6.2 Recommendations for future research 131 R E F E R E N C E S 135 APPENDIX A: Initial Parent Questionnaire 141 APPENDIX B: Parent Questionnaire 151 APPENDIX C: Changes made in the questionnaire based on the pilot study 165 APPENDIX D: Initial Contact Letter to Directors/pastors 169 APPENDIX E : Cover letter of the Questionnaire 170 APPENDIX F: Parent Consent Form 171 VI LIST OF T A B L E S 2.1 Features of the home environments for competent bilingual development 21 3.1 Number and percentage of parents reporting their plan to stay in Canada 42 3.2 Number and percentage of parents reporting their residential areas 42 3.3 Number and percentage of parents reporting frequency of contact with Korean Speakers 46 3.4 Number and percentage of parents reporting their child's age 47 3.5 Summary of background information on the parents and their children 50 3.6 The design of the questionnaires 52 3.7 Statistical methods used in the study for comparisons 54 3.8 Spearman correlation analysis used in the study 54 4.1 Number and percentage of parents reporting the language used among parents 57 4.2 Number and percentage of parents reporting the language parents use to their child 58 4.3 Number and percentage of parents reporting their child's language use patterns 60 4.4 Mean frequency with which parents provide literacy activities for their child 66 4.5 Mean frequency of the child's use of literacy-related materials at home 70 4.6 Mean frequency of the child's observations of literacy activities at home 74 4.7 Summary of home literacy environments and activities in the families 78 4.8 Number of parents reporting reasons for their preferred language use with the child 88 4.9 Number of parents reporting advice/information they have received on child bilingualism 90 vii 4.10 Number and percentage of parents reporting sources of the information/advice they have received 91 4.11 Parents' reports of concerns, difficulties, or desires regarding their children's language development 91 4.12 E S P parents' reports of receiving home language supports from preschools 96 4.13 Number and percentage of parents reporting the reasons for not receiving home language supports from preschools 97 4.14 Number of parents reporting their child's language use changes after preschool enrolment 98 4.15 Correlations between parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English, and literacy environments at home 101 5.1 Summary of the main findings of the present study 103 vii i LIST OF FIGURES 3.1 Length of residence in Canada: Father 41 3.2 Length of residence in Canada: Mother 41 3.3 Fathers' educational achievement 43 3.4 Mothers' educational achievement 43 3.5 Mean levels of fathers'English proficiency 44 3.6 Mean levels of mothers' English proficiency 45 3.7 Mean levels of the child's English proficiency 48 3.8 Mean levels of the child's Korean proficiency 48 4.1 The number of Korean books at home 62 4.2 The number of English books at home 63 4.3 Frequency of reading Korean books to the child 64 4.4 Frequency of reading English books to the child 64 4.5 Mean frequency with which parents provide literacy-related activities for their child in Korean 67 4.6 Mean frequency with which parents provide literacy-related activities for their child in English 68 4.7 Mean frequency of the child's use of Korean literacy-related materials at home 71 4.8 Mean frequency of the child's use of English literacy-related materials at home 72 ix 4.9 Mean frequency of the child's observations of literacy-related activities in Korean at home 75 4.10 Mean frequency of the child's observations of literacy-related activities in English at home 76 4.11 Mean levels of Korean proficiency parents expect their child to attain 80 4.12 Mean levels of English proficiency parents expect their child to attain 80 4.13 Mean degree on the importance of learning Korean 81 4.14 Mean degree on the importance of learning English 82 4.15 Mean ranks on parental reasons for wanting their child to learn Korean 84 4.16 Parental beliefs about the disadvantages in having their child learn Korean ... 85 4.17 Mean ranks on parental reasons for wanting their child to learn English 86 4.18 The language parents prefer in speaking to their child 87 4.19 The language parents expect their child to speak with parents 89 4.20 Mean ranks on the important skills parents want their child to learn in preschool/daycare centers 94 4.21 Mean degree of importance regarding the ways the child's school might support minority language 97 X A C K N O W L E D G M E N T First of all, I express my wholehearted appreciation to God who has helped, guided, and comforted me throughout the journey of this project and of my life. I am greatly indebted to my supervisor, Dr. Hi l le l Goelman, for his thoughtful suggestions, encouraging words, and editorial assistance throughout the entire process of research and thesis writing as well as for his precious support and guidance during my academic years at U B C . Without his help, this study would not have been completed. I am also sincerely grateful to Dr. Jacquelyn Baker-Sennett and Dr. James Anderson, members of my thesis committee who shared their valuable time and expertise, and provided warm support and inspiring advice. Dr. Marion Porath deserves my deepest appreciation for attending to my thesis concerns while on sabbatical and sharing her perceptive comments regarding this study. Sincere thanks also go to the directors, pastors, and teachers from the preschools and Korean churches, especially to Mrs. JaeKyung Lee who gave great support to this study, and to the participant parents who made this study possible. Dr. Maria Trache also deserves special thanks for the time she spent assisting me in analyzing the data. M y gratitude is also extended to all of my dear friends and my family: my parents, Dr. WeeKong Koh and Mrs. KyungLim Hwang, my parents-in-law, Dr. S iYung Kang and Mrs. JungSun Yoon, and my brother and sister, who have provided spiritual and financial supports while I have been away from home. WooJin Kang, my husband, deserves my biggest thanks and love—I am truly happy that I share every moment of life with someone who has always believed in and supported me without conditions. xi C H A P T E R O N E Introduction 1.1 Background of the research problem The proportion of immigrants to Canada arriving from countries where English is not the native language has dramatically increased over the last decade. Statistics show that between 1991 and 1995, seven of the top ten source countries of British Columbia (BC) immigrants were Asian countries, which accounts for 87 % of all immigrants to the province (BC Statistics, 1997b). With this growing number of immigrants coming from non-English speaking countries, 22.3% of B C ' s 3.9 million residents report their mother tongue as neither English nor French (BC Statistics, 1997a). Accordingly, the population of children who speak English as a second language is increasing and is expected to continue to increase (Schiff-Myers, 1992). For example, more than half the students in Vancouver schools do not have English as their mother tongue (Vancouver School Board, 1994). Due to the increasing number of non-English speaking children entering the education system in the province, a great deal of time and money has been contributed to help them enhance their proficiency in English. For example, there has been a growing demand on English as a second language (ESL) programs in the school system during the last few years. In the 1995-1996 school year alone, there were more than 67,000 E S L students in the public school system in B C , and the majority of them were in the levels from kindergarten to grade eight (BC Statistics, 1997b). This high proportion of non-English speaking students is also the same for younger age 1 children who are enrolled in early childhood educational programs, such as preschool or daycare centers (Bernhard, Lefebvre, Chud, & Lange, 1995; Wastie, 1996). Another important issue which arises from the high inflow of non-English speaking children is their native language retention. Historically, terms such as 'second language learning' and 'language maintenance and loss' were used to explain what happened when children entered school at age five or six. In fact, researchers interested in second language learning and language maintenance have been more concerned with school-age children, and research on preschool-aged children has been scarcer (Cummins, 1986; Lyon, 1996; Wastie, 1996). However, these terms also apply to minority preschool-aged children, because it is during this period that many immigrant children become exposed to English through their enrollment in preschool or daycare centers. In the past decade or so, researchers have become increasingly concerned about the consequences of emphasizing English to preschool-aged language minority children. It was documented that a rapid acquisition of English in the preschool before competence in the first language has been achieved could result in home language loss, disruption of communication within families, and a higher risk for delaying proficiency in both languages (Cummins, 1991; Schiff-Myers, 1992; Wong Fillmore, 1991). Therefore, encouraging the use of the first language during preschool years both in the preschool and in the home is strongly suggested not only for the children's first language proficiency but also for English achievement, academic success, and family relations. However, the extent to which such home language loss takes place during the preschool years and the impact of early schooling on language development of these children have been matters of some debate. Despite the increasing attention to immigrant children's first and second language development during the preschool years, the issue of how to balance the competing interest between developing English and maintaining their native language still relied ultimately on parental and individual struggles (Lin, 1998). LaGrange, Clark, and Munroe (1994), who surveyed 195 childcare centers in Alberta, Canada, with respect to the cultural sensitivity of the supervisors and teachers, found in many centers a lack of sensitivity specifically with regard to knowledge of the importance of home language. It was reported that some centers "see no need to provide children with opportunities to maintain their own languages" (p.62). LaGrange and her colleagues recommended that "the early childhood community needs to increase its understanding of the critical influence of cultural identity and home language in a child's development" (p.78). To understand the influence of cultural identity and home language in a child's development, it is necessary to explore the role of parents, because the home is the key institution for the children's mother tongue and cultural maintenance. In fact, researchers who attempted to identify the environmental factors which are associated with minority children's high bilingual competence have reported that these children's bilingual competence appears to rest at the door of parents. In particular, significant predictors for the preschool-aged children's competent bilingual development were parents' provision of materials and resources, language spoken at home, parents' attitude to language learning, parents' educational level, and parents' choice of preschool centers (Faulstich Orellana, 1994; L i n , 1998; Sharpe, 1994,1997; Siren, 1991). Therefore, these variables which are potential contributing factors in preschool-aged children's patterns of bilingual proficiency should be examined carefully. Knowing about parents' attitudes to their children's language learning during the preschool years and language environments in 3 these families can provide educational practitioners with insights on how the needs of this population can be met within the educational system. Few studies, however, have looked at how language learning within the families of minority language preschool-aged children is accomplished (Arnberg, 1987). Even though the language used in early childhood programs has been reported as a significant factor in children's native language use at home (Siren, 1991; Sharpe, 1994; Wong Fillmore, 1991) and in parents' attitudes to their children's native language maintenance (Holmen, Latomaa, Anderson, 1992), little attention has been given to exploring how parents' provision of various language experiences for their children is different in terms of their children's school language environments. As a result, little is known about the variability of early home language environments in preschool children who are attending different types of educational programs. Moreover, some studies have examined how parents' attitudes to their children's first language maintenance were related to their actual language choice in talking with their children (Lewin, 1987; Siren, 1991; Soto, 1993; Yamamoto, 1995). However, no work has been done to explore how parents' attitudes are related to their provisions of language environments and experiences for their children, besides speaking a particular language with their children. More studies, therefore, are needed to look at how parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of first and second languages are related to their provisions of language environments and activities for their children at home. There has been a rapid increase in the number of Korean immigrants in the province of British Columbia over the past few years during which time, Korea has been among the top ten sources of immigration to B C (Citizenship & Immigration Canada, 1999). Since the growth in Korean immigration to B C is a recent phenomenon, few studies that are pertinent 4 to Korean immigrant parents have been done, and as a result, information about these families is scarce. It has been reported that many recent immigrants from Korea are young couples who are often accompanied by their young children or whose children are born in Canada. Most of these families came to Canada to provide a better educational environment for their children (Hangyurea Newsletter, Dec. 16, 1999). Therefore, studies focusing on these young families, especially regarding their children's early education and language learning, are needed. Consequently, given the growth in Korean immigration to B C , the increasing attention to first and second language development during the preschool years, the importance of home environmental features on the development of compete bilingualism, and the impact of preschool language environments on the family's language practices, this study attempts to investigate how Korean immigrant parents provide their preschool-aged children with language environments that are associated with their children's later bilingual competence in terms of two types of preschool, English-speaking and bilingual programs. This study also examines how parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English are related to their provisions of language environment for their children. 1.2 Research questions This exploratory study involved 60 Korean immigrant families from both English-only speaking and bilingual preschool programs. It investigated how these parents envision their preschool-aged children's learning of Korean and English, and how they provided language environments and activities in the home to facilitate the learning process. The relationship 5 between the two variables, parents' attitudes to their children's language learning and the language environments they provided for their children, is also considered. The research questions address possible differences between the two groups of parents from English-speaking preschool programs and from bilingual programs in the following areas: 1) What are the patterns of language use in the Korean immigrant families who have preschool-aged children? 2) What are the literacy environments and activities in the families? 3) What are the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English? 4) What are the parents' views of the role of preschools in their children's learning of Korean and English? 5) What are the relationships between the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English, and the literacy environments in the home? 1.3 Significance of the study With the growing number of Korean immigrants in the province of British Columbia, Korean children are becoming an important minority language group in the Vancouver school system and in the early childhood programs. However, information on these families, especially with a focus on the language learning of preschool-aged children, is very limited. Therefore it is relevant to conduct a study concerning Korean immigrants in terms of their attitudes and practices regarding their children's Korean and English development. 6 This study is expected to help people who work with Korean families to learn and understand how the children are exposed to language learning environments in the home. A deeper insight into the language situation of immigrant families is especially needed in teacher education and in-service training for other professional groups who come into contact with Korean families. The knowledge of parental attitudes to their children's language learning in the home and in the preschool revealed in this study is expected to provide educators with some ideas about how to promote the children's development of both first and second language by working together with their parents. The comparative findings between English-speaking and bilingual preschool groups may also assist educators in understanding how children had different patterns of language environments during their preschool years in relation to the preschool programs they were attending. 1.4 Definitions of terms Some terms that are relevant to this study are defined below. First language: The first language refers to the language that a person first learned at home in childhood (BC Statistics, 1997a). It is often used interchangeably with a variety of terms, such as mother tongue, native language, minority language, and home language. In this study, these terms share the same meaning which refer to the language of the home country from which immigrant families came. 7 Language minority children: These are children whose first language is different from the one used in the wider community and schools. Language minority children in Canada refer to those whose first language is other than English or French. The preschool years (preschool-aged children): In this study, the preschool years refers to the stage before entering grade one in elementary schools. Accordingly, preschool-aged children refer to those who have not yet entered grade one in elementary schools. For example, the participants of this study are parents of children aged three to six years old who are attending preschool program, daycare center, or kindergarten, and these children are called "preschool-aged children." Bilingual development: Bilingual development or bilingualism have often been defined in relation to factors such as proficiency, function, or context of acquisition, and has been broadly used in the literature (Romaine, 1998). However, this study uses the term "bilingual development" literally to mean simply the language minority child's development of the first language (in this study Korean) and the majority language (English). 8 1.5 Organization of the thesis This thesis consists of six chapters. Chapter One includes the background of the research problem, the research questions, and the significance of the study. Several terms used in this study are also defined in this chapter. Chapter Two begins by looking at the relevant immigration history of Koreans into British Columbia, and progresses into a review of the literature on language minority children's first and second language learning during the preschool years and on the home environmental features that are potential contributing factors in children's patterns of bilingual proficiency. Chapter Three describes the methodology used in this study. Sample selection, instrument design, and procedures of the questionnaire and interviews are provided. The analyses of the questionnaire with the findings from the interviews appear in Chapter Four, followed by a discussion of the findings in Chapter Five. Chapter Six provides the implications of the current study for parents, educators and other professionals working with Korean families, and for personnel in community support. Some suggestions and recommendations for future studies are also presented in light of limitations of this study. 9 C H A P T E R T W O Literature Review Because this study is concerned with the attitudes and practices of Korean immigrants in Canada, this chapter begins by giving an overview of Korean immigration to Canada. Then, to provide a basis for understanding why the preschool years are particularly important to be explored in relation to first and second language development, the researcher reviews the conflicting literature on the appropriate time for preschool-aged children's second language learning to begin in early childhood programs. The literature relevant to factors affecting competent bilingual development, from which the research questions of the present study are derived, is then reviewed, followed by a more detailed discussion of specific variables which relate to this study. These variables include language use in the home, the literacy experiences in the home, parents' attitudes to language learning, and choices of preschools. 2.1. Korean immigration to Canada 2.1.1 The history of Korean immigration to Canada The immigration history of Koreans to Canada is relatively short. The vast majority of Korean immigrants (over 90%) came after Canada liberalized the immigration regulations in the mid-1960s and changed its immigration policy from virtually prohibiting Korean immigration to allowing a selection of those with high educational attainment and professional skills (Kim, 1986; Lee & Lehmann, 1986). According to K i m (1984), the Korean immigrants who first entered Canada were Korean Christians who had intense 10 personal contacts with Canadian missionaries. This contact between Canadian missionaries and their Korean flock was the major point of encounter for an increasing flow of Korean Christian immigration to Canada. B y 1965, there were approximately seventy Korean immigrants in Canada and by 1966, one hundred had settled in the Toronto area (Kim, 1984). Canadian immigration statistics recorded only 17,687 Korean immigrants during the period from 1965 to 1977, which was a much smaller number than the 240,000 Korean immigrants arriving in the U S during that period (Lee & Lehmann, 1986). The growth in Korean immigration to Canada is a recent phenomenon. The Korean-Canadian population has increased substantially over the past few years during which time, according to the report to the Korean Parliament, Canada has been the most popular destination for Koreans considering immigration (cited in The Hangyurea Newsletter, Dec. 23, 1999). The number of Koreans who immigrated to Canada during 1997 was 4,000, expanding to 4,909 in 1998 and to 7,212 in 1999. Presently, Korea is the fifth ranked source of immigrants to Canada (Citizenship & Immigration Canada, 1999) with the majority living in either the Metropolitan Toronto area or the Vancouver Census Metropolitan area (The Hangyurea Newsletter, Dec. 23, 1999). 2.1.2 Korean immigrants in British Columbia According to Lee and Lehmann (1986), in 1965 there were about thirty Korean families in B C who were mainly students. Since then, the number of Korean immigrants to the province of B C has continuously increased. In 1987, 456 immigrants arrived in B C from Korea; the number increased to 896 in 1993 to 1,137 in 1995 and to 1,809 in 1999 (Citizenship & Immigration Canada, 1999). The total Korean population in B C was 17,080 in 11 1995; it had increased to 25,000 by 1999 (The Korea Sun, Oct. 28, 1999). As a result, Korea has been among the top ten sources of immigrants to B C in the last few years, and Korean has represented the ninth ranked mother tongue of the B C population (Citizenship & Immigration Canada, 1999). 2.1.3 Demographic characteristics of Korean immigrants Koreans in general are voluntary migrants who have come to Canada hoping to give their children a better educational environment. They tend to be young families who are often accompanied by young children or whose children are born in Canada, and well educated with professional backgrounds prior to immigration (Kim, 1986). These demographic characteristics are primarily a result of the selection criteria in admitting the business and independent skilled worker classes which most Korean immigrants come under. In fact, in 1995, 55 % of Korean immigrants landed under business classes, and 40 % under the independent skilled worker classes (BC Statistics, 1997c). In 1999, Korea was the first ranked source of business class and fourth ranked source of skilled worker immigrants to B C (Citizenship & Immigration Canada, 1999). It can be said that immigration from Korea to B C has brought injections of foreign investment as well as the creation of business and employment (BC Statistics, 1997c). However, although many Koreans immigrate to Canada with college degrees and professional backgrounds, their lack of speaking skills in English limits their ability to land attractive jobs in Canada. Due to this language barrier, many Korean immigrants find occupations that allow them a degree of independence and economic stability (K im, 1988). Moreover, the entrepreneur class immigration status imposes the establishment and 12 management of a business for a certain period of time after arriving in Canada. These are some of the reasons many Koreans operate labor-intensive small businesses after settling in Canada. In fact, small business is the biggest occupational category of Vancouver's Korean-Canadian community (Kim, 1986; Lee & Lehmann, 1986; The Hansyurea Newsletter, Dec. 16, 1999). This high concentration of Korean-Canadians in the small businesses sector increases close contact among themselves, but lessens their contact with non-Korean speakers (Kim, 1996). 2.1.4 Adaptation of Korean immigrants to the new culture Koreans as a group show high social ties to their own community in Canada. Korean churches, in particular, are the most important social organizations for the Korean community. They serve to provide not only religious programs but also educational, recreational, and cultural programs. It has been reported that approximately 70 percent of the Korean-Canadians are attending churches. This high level of attendance in community churches strengthens Korean ethnic retention (Kim, 1986; K i m , 1988; K i m , 1996; Lee & Lehmann, 1986). One of the most significant challenges for Korean immigrants is the maintenance of a harmonious parent-child relationship (Kim & Choi, 1994; Lee & Lehmann, 1986; The Hansyurea Newsletter, Dec. 16, 1999). This challenge stems from three factors: cultural differences between the two countries, a different rate of adaptation for parents and children, and changes in occupational status (Kim & Choi , 1994). Children adopt the culture and value of the new country more rapidly than do their parents who often maintain the culture of their home country. In addition, children learn English much faster than their parents. In the worst 13 cases, children become unable to speak their home language, and the difficulty they have communicating with parents can be highly disruptive on family relations (The Hangyurea Newsletter, Dec. 16, 1999). Another major change is the shift in occupational status. The small businesses that Korean immigrant parents run require both parents to become full-time participants in the business. As a consequence, they have difficulties providing support for their children and being highly involved in their children's education, activities which are more easily accomplished in Korea (Kim & Choi, 1994). Over 90% of the young Korean-Canadian immigrants came to Canada for their children's education, yet socialization or even communication with the children becomes their most significant challenge (The Hangyurea Newsletter, Dec. 16, 1999). It is also important to point out, however, that there are always individual family variations around each adaptation level. A discussion of adaptation by Korean-Canadian immigrants is not intended to contain any global generalizations about those families, but is included simply to point out the issues which have been frequently discussed among Korean researchers and within the Korean community. 2.2 Bilingual development in immigrant preschool-aged children Since there are considerable variations in the language situations of bilingual families, it is necessary to identify the language situations that this study is dealing with regarding "bilingual development." This section offers a brief introduction of variations in the context of children's bilingual acquisition. It then reviews conflicting views in the literature that deal with the appropriate time for preschool-aged immigrant children's second language learning. This issue is discussed in this study because it accounts for why bilingual development 14 during preschool years is particularly important and different from that of school-aged children, and because this issue can significantly influence parents' attitudes and practices regarding their preschool-aged children's first and second language development. 2.2.1 Types of childhood bilingualism Researchers distinguish between different kinds of childhood bilingualism. The first kind of childhood bilingualism encompasses the situation in which both languages are spoken to the child in early infancy. For example, this condition is created in a bilingual family where parents are native speakers of two different languages. The second group includes preschool-or school-aged children who usually hear their first language in the home and later come into contact with a second language elsewhere (Schiff-Myers, 1992). The first type of bilingualism is usually referred to as simultaneous bilingualism while the second group is called sequential bilingualism. McLaughlin (1984) distinguished sequential from simultaneous bilingualism with an arbitrary age of three years. This distinction is not always well fitted to the immigration context, where for various reasons, a continuum of types ranging from simultaneous to sequential acquisition is taking place even within the same family (Romaine, 1998). Nevertheless, sequential bilingualism is generally considered to be the subject matter of the field of immigrant children's bilingual development, though the boundaries are arbitrary. Types of bilingualism based on societal variables focus mainly on the status of the languages involved. Lambert (1975) distinguished additive from subtractive bilingualism based on the effect of learning a second language on the retention of the first language. In additive bilingualism, the native language is secure, and the second language serves as 15 enrichment. In subtractive bilingualism, the acquisition of a second language results in lower development of the first language. Most immigrants in North America whose native language may be of low status and not institutionally supported reportedly experience subtractive bilingualism. Cummins (1991) has suggested that cognitive advantages are likely as a result of additive bilingualism rather than subtractive bilingualism. This study focuses on very specific conceptions of bilingual development in the children of immigrant families who are likely to experience sequential and subtractive bilingualism. That is, the children frequently use their native language at home, then are exposed to a second language during childhood, and may become bilingual with the new language dominant and with limited command of the parent language, although variations always exist. 2.2.2 Second language learning during the preschool years Researchers have been interested in when preschool-aged immigrant children should be exposed to the majority language in a school-like setting. Should the children's first language be established before the second language is introduced? Or should they take advantage of an early immersion in both languages? This issue is also closely related to the issue of the impact of early schooling on the language minority children's first language maintenance, which wi l l be reviewed later in more detail. "After the first language is developed" Preschool children who start to learn a second language in a school-like setting before they are proficient in their first language with a corresponding lack of incentive to develop home language, are at a higher risk for delaying proficiency in both languages for a period of 16 time (Cummins, 1984; Schiff-Myers, 1992). These children may show low scores in tests of both languages and appear to be similar to language-disordered children for a time (Schiff-Myers, 1992). Cummins's (1984, 1986) proposition of threshold and developmental interdependence hypotheses are often drawn upon to explain this bilingual language delay. These hypotheses suggest that: (a) when a child is exposed to a second language before competence in a first language has been achieved, the development of the first language may be arrested while the child attends to second language development; and (b) the level of competence in a second language is partly a function of the competence previously developed in the first language at the start of exposure to the second language. Therefore, if competence in the first language is not achieved, it may in turn affect the extent of second language development. This can result in "semilingualism" which was defined by Schiff-Myers (1992) as "a condition in which one can communicate in both languages, but in which one fails to reach monolingual literacy proficiency in either" (p. 29). Cummins (1991) concluded that encouragement of the first language during preschool years both in the school and through family literacy-related experiences would promote not only first language proficiency but also English achievement and academic success. A rapid acquisition of English at the preschool stage before mastering the first language can also lead to the loss of their home language, and such loss can cause serious problems with communication and socialization within the language minority families (Wong Fillmore, 1991). This does not mean that language minority children should be kept from learning English; however, as Wong Fillmore (1991, p. 345) emphasized: The problem is timing, not English. The children have to learn English, but they should not be required to do so until their native languages are stable enough to handle the inevitable encounter with English and all it means. 17 Similarly, Baker (1996) suggested that i f parents attempt to raise their child to be a fluent bilingual, and the child care centers run through the medium of the majority language, parents need to make a careful decision about when to send their child to the programs. The matter then rests as a problem of deciding when the appropriate time is to expose preschool-aged children to a second language setting for their later bilingual competence and for family relations. "The second language as soon as possible" Other researchers have recommended that language minority children take advantage of an early start in introducing both languages since language skills require many years of practice to reach the levels necessary for academic learning. Porter (1991) argued that early immersion in a second language, preferably between ages three and five, offers the greatest opportunity to learn native pronunciation and the highest level of literacy in that language. The earlier the children learn a second language, the easier it is to achieve a high level of fluency. Therefore, learning English in an early childhood education program at age three to five permits the natural and easy acquisition of a second language. In his study of Chinese immigrant children in the U S , L i n (1998) also concluded that the acquisition of two languages simultaneously at an early age could result in competent bilingualism. According to L i n (1998), starting both languages at a very early age is an important factor in the children's competent bilingual development. It seems that there is no clear cut research agreement on the appropriate time to expose preschool-aged language minority children to a second language learning environment. However, researchers have increasingly emphasized the full development of the home language first, before learning a second language in a formal setting. It should be noted here 18 that when researchers advocate the importance of establishing the first language before introducing the second, they are referring to formal learning situations where the second language is more valued such as that of the classroom. In other words, the introduction of a second language, even in a limited way, should not be delayed. Despite researchers' increasing attention to the appropriate time for preschool-aged immigrant children's second language learning, a missing component in this discussion is how such an issue is in fact affecting parents' attitudes and practice regarding their children's language learning during the preschool years. Has this timing issue been adopted by parents, and in what ways are they being enacted? In his study of immigrant parents in Sweden, Siren (1991) reported that although bilingual development is the goal of most immigrant parents for their children, opinions regarding the appropriate time to provide a relative balance between the two languages for their preschool-aged children were not consistent among the parents. Soto (1993) demonstrated that parents of high academic achieving Puerto Rican children (n=15) in grades K - 2 strongly believed in developing a foundation in Spanish first while gradually introducing English, and preferred Spanish language environments at home. Conversely, parents of lower achievers (n=15) valued Spanish, but preferred initial learning in both languages or were ambivalent about when to teach both languages. It is likely that the timing for second language learning during the early years is also an important and challenging issue for the parents. More studies are needed to explore how this timing issue influences parents' support for their preschool-aged children's language learning. What is generally more agreed upon among researchers is that there are other important factors affecting preschool children's bilingual development than the timing of introducing a second language. For example, according to Arnberg (1987), how well the 19 child learns two languages is more related to how favorable the environment is for learning the two languages than when the child is exposed to a second language. Schiff-Myers (1992) drew on Ben-Zeeve's (1984) notion that minority children's second language learning in early years is not a problem if the home language is valued by the community, and if its literacy is encouraged in the home as well as in the school. Therefore, how to expose a child to the two languages may be as or more important to consider than when to expose. The issue of how to expose is discussed in the following section, where the environmental features considered to be influential on children's later bilingual competence are reviewed. 2.2.3 Home environmental features related to bilingual development There have been attempts to identify what types of language environments language minority parents provide to their children and how these are associated with the children's bilingual competence (Lin, 1998; Loh & Sim, 1993; Lyon, 1996; Okamura-Bichard, 1985; Siren, 1991; Sharpe, 1994, 1997). Sharpe (1994) investigated the contribution of selected home and school effects on the bilingual competence of ten preschool children who were considered by center staff to be competent in both Mandarin and English. Supervisors, teachers, and parents completed sets of questionnaires which covered a number of areas. The significant predictors for preschool children's competent bilingual development that this study found were: a) parents' provision of rich materials and resources; b) use of the minority language at home; c) parents' positive attitudes to language learning; d) parents' high educational background; and e) parents' choice of preschool centers which support the home language. Lin (1998) reviewed environmental factors associated with competent bilingual children who were successfully developing their native language and literacy at home while learning English within the school. These factors included: a) the school framework; b) parents' support of the language learning environments (e.g., importance of bilingualism in the parents' minds, reasons to educate their child bilingually, and the language environments that parents provide to their child); and c) parental background (e.g., parents' ethnicity and educational achievement). Competent bilingual development among language minority children, therefore, has been found to be associated with: a) the support of the home language from the educational institution; b) the rich language environment and activities parents provide for their children; c) parental positive attitudes; and d) parents' demographic background (Table 2.1). Table 2.1 Features of the home environments for competent bilingual development Factors affecting competent bilingual development Research conducted a. Language use at home L i n , 1998; L o h & Sim, 1993; Lyon , 1996; Okamura-Bichard, 1985; Putz, 1991; Sharpe, 1994; Siren, 1991 b. Language environments parents prov ide w i th their ch i ld • A provision of materials and resources for language enrichment • A provision of language experiences L i n , 1998; L o h & Sim, 1993; Sharpe, 1997; Soto, 1993 c. Parents ' att itude to their ch i ld 's learning of L I and L2 • Parents' linguistic expectations for their child • Importance of learning of L I and L 2 in parents' minds • Parents' reasons to teach their child L I and L 2 • Parents' attitudes to (early childhood) bilingualism in general De Houwer, 1998; Lewin , 1987; L i n , 1998; L y o n , 1996; Okamura-Bichard, 1985; Soto, 1993 d. Parents ' choice of preschool centers • Language used in the school Okamura-Bichard, 1985; Rodriguex, Diaz , Duran, & Espinosa, 1995; Sharpe, 1994; Siren, 1991; Wong Fil lmore, 1991 e. Parenta l background • Parents' language proficiency • Parents' educational achievement • Parents' occupations L i n 1998; L y o n , 1996; Sharpe, 1997; Tsai , 1997 Note: L1: the first (minority) language; L2: the second (majority) language 21 These home environment features influencing the levels of bilingual competence in preschool-aged children (Table 2.1) provided the rationale for the research questions of the present study. The following section discusses each of the factors influencing competent bilingual development presented in the chart above. 2.3 Language use in the home Observations from minority language families suggest that consistent use of the minority language in the home is one of the most important indicators of the children's fluency in their home language (Lin, 1998; Lyon, 1996; Putz, 1991; Sharpe, 1994; Siren, 1991). According to Siren (1991) and Lyon (1996), competent bilingualism may be difficult to achieve in families where both minority and majority languages are spoken. In other words, parents are strongly encouraged to interact with their children through their home language, especially at an early age, because the minority language can be best maintained when it is transmitted in early childhood. 2.3.1 Variables related to the choice of language use in the home Numerous studies have looked at how the choice of language use in minority families is related to or influenced by different background and environmental factors (Grosjean, 1982; Huls & Mond, 1992; Hymes, 1974; Siren, 1991). It has been found, in general, that each language is used within a particular social, cultural, or linguistic environment. Some critical variables, such as conversation partners, types of activity, topic of conversation, and other parental background (e.g., socio-economic status and family situation) have been studied in relation to the choice of language use in immigrant families. 22 Children switch languages according to the language proficiency, language preference, and social identity of their conversation partners (Faulstich Orellana, 1994). The minority language is used more often than the majority language in talking with parents and less often with siblings. Most of the children reportedly use their mother tongues with their grandparents (Sharpe, 1997; Tsai, 1997). The minority language in the language repertoire is relatively high during emotionally laden activity types, such as playing games. On the other hand, the share of the majority language in the family is high while watching T V or during educational activities (Huls & Mond, 1992). Conversation of a formal topic is relatively favorable to the use of the majority language. On the other hand, the topics that are favorable to the use of the minority language are emotional commitment and intimacy, or domestic matters such as neighbors and drama (Huls & Mond, 1992; Hymes, 1974; Siren, 1991). Some findings show that parents with high educational achievement, professional occupations, and high language proficiency in the majority country use more majority language; however, the relationship between social status and language use has not been agreed upon among researchers (Putz, 1991; Seif, 1984; Siren, 1991; Tsai, 1997;Yagmur & Korzilious, 1999). The minority language is used more in family situations where both parents speak the minority language than where only one parent does or where only one parent alone is raising the child (Siren, 1991). Choosing the majority language is also more apparent in the family with a longer span of residence in the immigrant country (Huls & Mond, 1992; Siren 1991) and with more exposure to the majority culture (Seif, 1984). 23 In summing up the variables related to language choice in immigrant families, it is apparent that some external factors are operating. However, it also should be noted that internal factors such as attitudes are vital in one's language choice. This attitudinal base wil l be reviewed later in more detail. 2.4 The literacy environment of the home From the perspective of emergent literacy, children have literacy experiences through contact with literacy-rich environments and interactions long before they begin to read and write conventionally. Such activities include being read to regularly, seeing others reading frequently, having easy access to printed materials and writing utensils, and having experience of activities such as finger plays, songs, or stories (Snow, 1983; Teale & Sulzby, 1986). These early literacy environments and interactions in the homes of preschool-aged children have been explored in a variety of contexts, such as with children from economically disadvantaged families (Anderson & Stokes, 1984; Taylor & Dorsey-Gaines, 1988) or children with disabilities (Marvin & Mirenda, 1993). However, studies on early literacy environments and the experiences of language minority children, especially from middle-socioeconomic status families, have been scarce. Moreover, the few studies which have investigated early literacy environments of minority children were limited to only the minority language perspective, and little work has been done from a bilingual perspective. 2.4.1 Home literacy environment related to bilingual development Researchers found a close relationship for bilingual children between the language input they receive in each language and the relative progress made in each language (Chang, 1994; Loh & Sim, 1993; Sharpe, 1997; Yamamoto, 1995). For example, Loh and Sim (1993) investigated the relationship between the language environment in the home and the bilingual ability of preschool-aged (five to six years old) children in Singapore. Three hundred and seventy-eight children were tested on their English and Chinese language skills, and their parents and preschool centers were given a questionnaire about the home language environment. The results of this study revealed that children who had home environments that were balanced between the two languages showed high achievement on both English and Chinese language tests. On the other hand, those with home environments which were largely English or Chinese were among the lowest in achievement in the Chinese and English language, respectively, and were not necessarily at the top in tests using their preferred language. This study suggests that home language environment should not be predominantly one language, but opportunities for exposure to resource materials and literacy activities in the home should be balanced in both languages. However, such research dealing with the home language environment in a bilingual context has taken place in societies such as Singapore where bilingualism is strongly supported by the educational institutes. Therefore, recommendations arising from those studies cannot simply be applied to situations in which exposure to the minority language is mainly found inside the family. Another study conducted by L i n (1998) examined two groups of Chinese-American families who had raised balanced bilingual children and pseudo-bilingual 1 children comparing the parents' provision of language environments for their children. Twelve elementary students and their parents were given a survey and interviewed. This study found 1 The researcher defines "balanced bi l ingual" as " those who have well-developed competence in two languages and who can understand the delivery of the curriculum in school in either language." On the other hand, "pseudo bi l ingual" are "those who have not attained age-appropriate abilities in one of these two languages-one language is more developed than the other" (Peal & Lambert, 1962, cited in L in , 1998, p. 2). 25 that parents of balanced bilinguals provided more language learning input than did the parents of pseudo-bilinguals. The former provided more supplemental reading materials, spent more time telling family stories and Chinese folk stories to their children, and had their children attend religious activities in the Chinese community more often than the parents of pseudo-bilinguals did. The balanced-bilingual children had also more opportunities to travel to Chinese-speaking countries. The researcher concluded that the parents of the balanced bilingual group provided "language input and a linguistic learning environment" which was richer than that of the pseudo-group parents (p.27). However, the "language input and a linguistic learning environment" here seems to refer to materials and activities which promote Chinese language development. Therefore, implications of variations in the proportion of input in the English language were not clear. For example, it was found that parents of the pseudo-bilingual group helped tutor their children with their English homework more often than did the parents of the balanced bilinguals. How the variations in the parents' provision of materials and activities in English language affected the children's later bilingual competency was not clearly indicated throughout this study. In summary, the literature on the literacy environments of language minority children indicates that competent bilingual children brought up in societies where the minority language is strongly supported by school settings appear to have home literacy environments which are balanced between the two languages. On the other hand, for children whose minority language input is mostly from their family, parents' provision of literacy environments and activities which support their children's home language has been associated with the children's competent bilingual development, although the implication of variations in second language input has not yet been explored. 26 2.5 Parents' attitudes towards their children's first and second language learning Attitude is one of the major factors affecting which language is used, learned, and preferred by bilingual families (Grosjean, 1982). While the attitudes of the speaker affect the use and the achievement of the two languages by older children and adults, younger children's bilingual development is strongly influenced by their parents' attitudes and values toward the two languages and cultures (Lyon, 1996). This section addresses research findings on language minority parents' attitudes concerning their children's learning of first and second languages, and on general factors found to be related to the parents' attitudes. 2.5.1 Parents' attitudes towards their children's language maintenance Numerous studies of minority parents' attitudes to their children's language maintenance were conducted in a variety of minority communities (Lasimbang, Miller, & Otigil, 1991; Lyon, 1996; Pavao, 1996; Seif, 1984; Siren, 1991; Tamis; 1990; Yamamoto & Richards, 1998). These studies reported, not surprisingly, that most parents wanted their children to preserve their own languages and cultures. The parents not only expect their children to speak and understand their home language but also to achieve literacy skills in their home language. Studies dealing with parents' motivation to teach their native language to the children agreed in general that ethnic identity, communication with the family, and career opportunities were considered most important by the parents (Du, 1994; Lasimbang, Miller, & Otigil, 1991; Lewin, 1987; Lin, 1998; Lyon, 1996; Smolicz & Lean, 1979; Tamis, 1990; Tsai, 1997). Within this body of research, some studies indicated that different types of parental motivation were related to the parents' actual practices for their children's bilingual 27 development, and also to the children's bilingual competence. For instance, in looking at the reasons for raising children bilingually, L in (1998) found differences between parents who raised their children to be balanced bilinguals (n=6) and pseudo-bilinguals (n=6). The parents of balanced bilinguals emphasized family communication, ethnic identity, a sense of pride, and the gift of being bilingual. Parents of pseudo-bilinguals, on the other hand, chose professional options and linguistic advantages as the reasons. No difference between the two groups was found in their ratings of importance to raise their children bilingually. This study also asked the children in both groups about their attitudes to learning two languages. More balanced bilingual children than pseudo-bilinguals answered that they would like to be bilingual because it is fun. They also agreed more strongly than the pseudo-bilingual children that the effort to learn both languages is worthwhile. Another study conducted by Lewin (1987) compared the reasons for language choice between two groups of English-speakers in Israel: those who communicated with their children in English (n=10) and those who chose Hebrew (n=10). The most important reasons for choosing a particular language had to do with practical (for professional lives) and personal (for communicating with the family) considerations. A n interesting finding of this study was that while Hebrew-speaking parents were motivated by their fear of confusing the child with the two languages, the English-speaking parents thought that learning two languages would be beneficial for the child. Therefore, the beliefs parent hold regarding the learning of two languages as helpful or harmful to the child seemed to play a part in choosing which language to communicate in with their children. Lin ' s (1998) and Lewin's (1987) studies presented above show that even though most parents attached great importance to their children's learning of both languages, what was 28 related to their actual language choice and the children's bilingual competence was their different reasons for teaching their native language and their attitude to bilingualism in general. The parents of competent bilingual children had more ethnic identity or personal/emotional reasons rather than practical/instrumental reasons. However, a small sample of 12 could not draw any conclusions as to how the variation in motivation influenced their children's bilingual competence. Both parents and children who had positive attitudes to bilingualism, in other words, those who thought that to be bilingual is a gift, a benefit, or fun, practiced their native language more often and developed a more competent bilingual proficiency than those who were less positive. In short, parents' beliefs about benefits of bilingualism and motivation which are oriented to emotional and personal aspects encourage them to practice their home language with the children and the children to enjoy their emerging bilingualism. These findings were supported by De Houwer (1998), who reviewed the relationships between parental attitudes regarding children's language development and parental linguistic practices, and reported that it was not only parents' attitudes towards a particular language that affected their language choices in talking with their children, but also parents' attitudes towards child bilingualism in general. Therefore, in order for parents to create a supportive environment for early active bilingual development, parents should have a positive attitude to both languages involved and to early child bilingualism in general. However, because of the lack of investigation into the potential links between parents' language attitudes and language practices in bilingual families, it is at present not clear in what ways parents' attitudes towards their young children's bilingual development are closely related to their language behaviors toward their children (De Houwer, 1998). 29 2.5.2 Factors related to minority language attitudes and maintenance A multitude of factors has been identified as relevant to minority language attitudes and maintenance. Three categories of factors that influence minority language attitude and maintenance, status factors, demographic factors, and institutional support factors (Extra & Verhoeven, 1998), are discussed below. Language attitudes and maintenance are affected by demographic factors, such as the size of the ethnic group, the time of immigration, and the duration of immigration. Recent immigrant groups, such as Taiwanese- or Korean-Canadians, which are being reinforced by new native language speakers from the home countries, have better opportunities to maintain their native languages (Grosjean, 1982). A certain degree of possibility to return to or visit the home country as well as the expected length of stay is also related to the motivation for home language maintenance (Brisk, 1998). Immigrants from large ethnic groups, which have rural as opposed to urban backgrounds, and are from an older generation rather than a younger one favor the minority language and have better opportunities to retain this language (Williamson, 1991). Status factors are related to the degree of economic, historical, social, and linguistic position and status of a minority group in the host countries. The growing economic and political importance of an ethnic language can have a positive influence on the motivation to retain the minority language. The work setting is another factor. If there are more jobs requiring knowledge of specific languages, motivation to maintain the language is higher (Cummins, 1992; Williamson, 1991). Languages reflect the nuances of a society and may or may not be nourished by the principal agencies of a society (Williamson, 1991). Institutional support factors are related 30 to the degree of support by mass media, religion, public services, and education. The use of the language within the educational system favors language attitudes and maintenance. Furthermore, when language is linked to religion, there are positive effects on group cohesion and the maintenance of the heritage language (Grosjean, 1982; Tsai, 1997). Mass media such as the Internet and television networks can be another possible means of maintaining the language. When minority language children are exposed to mass media in their home language, not only do the children receive language input through it, but they also identify the language with the high status being used in the larger social context (Baker, 1996; L i n , 1998). The influence of education, psychology, and health professionals as well as speech therapists can further play an important role in creating negative or positive attitudes to language maintenance (Baker, 1996; Romaine, 1998). 2.5.3 Parents' attitudes towards their children's second language learning Researchers have pointed out the strong influence parental attitudes and encouragement have on their children's second language development (Baker, 1996; Chang, 1994; Holmen, Latomaa, & Anderson, 1992; Shin, 1994). Parental preference or prejudice towards languages shape directly or indirectly their children's language attitudes and achievement. Immigrant parents, without exception, perceive that high fluency in the majority language is vital for their children. It often has been reported that parents felt the minority language an asset only when the children are doing well in their learning of the majority language (Siren, 1991). According to Seif (1984), Korean immigrant parents of elementary students in Alberta, Canada, thought that it was important for their children to be able to speak both Korean and English. When it came to literacy skills, however, they 31 believed that being able to read and write Korean was significantly less important than to read and write English. It has been generally consistent that practical and instrumental motives, such as the desire to be successful in school and work, played the most important role in immigrant parents' motivation to teach their children the majority language (Du, 1994; Grosjean, 1982; Seif, 1984; Siren, 1991). 2.6 Parents' choice of preschool programs for their children For many minority language families, the choice of preschools for their children plays a significant role in their children's bilingual development from various perspectives. The impact of early schooling on the minority language children's language use patterns in the home and on the parental attitudes to their children's language learning is discussed next. 2.6.1 The impact of early schooling on language use in the family The change of language use patterns in immigrant families is influenced by both linguistic factors such as increased knowledge of the majority language, and psychological factors, such as a desire to belong to the majority culture (Siren, 1991). When children from minority language families are enrolled in early childhood programs such as preschool or daycare, it is frequently the first experience of a majority language setting for the children and in some cases for the parents as well (Bernhard, Lefebvre, Chud, & Lange, 1995). The exposure to English through preschool programs contributes to the children's English development and their desire to be accepted in the social life of the classroom, which in turn influences the change of language use patterns in the home. Cummins (1991) examined patterns of language use in the homes of Portuguese children attending Junior Kindergarten in Toronto, Canada. This study showed that the language shift from Portuguese to English during this stage (age 5) was surprisingly rapid. Both parents spoke predominantly Portuguese to their children and with each other. However, the children spoke English more than Portuguese with their parents and spoke predominantly English with their siblings. Other studies have investigated the impact of early childhood education on the minority language children's first language maintenance in terms of preschool types. The National Association of Bilingual Education ( N A B E ) study (Wong Fillmore, 1991), which conducted interviews with 1,100 minority families from various ethnic groups, sampled two groups: families whose children were enrolled in bilingual or English monolingual preschool programs, and families whose children were enrolled in native language preschool programs. This large-scale study found that children attending monolingual English or bilingual preschool programs rapidly lost their proficiency in home language, and such loss in home language brought serious disruptions in communication within the families. In response to the N A B E study, Rodriguez, Diaz, Duran, and Espinosa (1995) investigated the effect bilingual preschool education has on Spanish-speaking children's Spanish and English development. Tests were administrated to 50 children who either did or did not attend bilingual preschool programs. The resulting data showed that children enrolled in bilingual preschools learned English at a faster rate than those children who remained at home, but no loss in Spanish proficiency was found over a one-year period for children attending the bilingual preschool programs. Rodriguez et al. (1995) indicated that the concerns of language loss raised by Wong Fillmore (1991) were unfounded, at least for the children of bilingual programs. These studies indicate that children attending English monolingual preschool programs show significant change in their language use at home, but reports of similar language loss or shift for the children attending bilingual programs have not been consistent. More research is needed to explore how minority language children's language use in the home is affected by their attending bilingual and English monolingual preschool programs, a comparison which has not been yet made. Moreover, studies have been concerned with how types of preschool are related to children's language use patterns in the home, yet the relationship between preschool types and various language environments and activities in the home has not been examined. 2.6.2 The impact of preschool on parents' attitudes to bilingualism The language spoken in the child's preschool is also associated with parents' perceptions of their children's bilingual development. Several studies (Holmen, Latomaa, & Anderson, 1992; Shin, 1994; Siren, 1991) have noted that parents with children in home language-speaking programs are more supportive of their children's home language maintenance. In their investigation of 276 parents of various ethnic groups in Denmark, Norway, Finland, and Sweden, Holmen, Latomaa, and Anderson (1992) found that children who attended home language classes had parents who viewed the maintenance of the home language as very important (75%) or somewhat important (25%). Contrary to this group, more parents whose children attended majority language schools with home language classes held outside regular school hours viewed the maintenance of the home language as not particularly important 34 (20.6%), and even more so by the parents whose children received no minority language instruction at all (30% viewed it as not important). This may imply that the types of schools that the children are attending are related to the parents' attitudes to their children's development of first and second languages. 2.6.3 Parents' expectations of home language support from preschools Home language support is not a uniform concept. It includes a variety of forms, both quantitatively and qualitatively (Siren, 1991). Whether parents expect home language support from their children's preschools, and if so, what kinds of support are needed should be considered. Studies that examined minority parents' attitudes to home language support from their children's formal education have revealed a wide diversity and ambivalence among parents. Bernhard and her colleagues (1995) conducted a study with fourteen parent groups of different ethnic backgrounds to elicit their children's experiences with childcare centers in Canada. Two types of parents' opinions regarding language issues in the centers were reported. The first group of parents wanted the centers to help the mainstream language assimilation process in the children and believed that their home language should be maintained through using it at home. A second group wanted the center to support the home language more through bilingual staff members, interpreters, and through allowing the children to speak their home language in the centers. Other studies have frequently reported that even though minority parents would like their children to retain their home languages, at the same time, they do not expect the school to educate their children about their ethnic languages or through the languages (Houlton & King , 1985; Lasimbang, Mi l le r , & Otigil , 1991; Romaine, 1998; Smolicz & Lean, 1979). This is partly because parents believe that there is some kind of contradiction between learning their home language and acquiring English. In other words, the parents' support for home language learning in the schools is mitigated by their fears of a negative impact on the child's English development (Houlton & King , 1985). Parents also do not expect home language support from schools because they believe that the school may not able to do so (Siren, 1991; Smolicz & Lean, 1979) and that the family is responsible for native language development (Du, 1994). Studies of Korean immigrant families in North America have also revealed parents' differing attitudes to Korean language teaching in their children's public schools. A report of the Aurora Colorado School District's program for Korean-speaking new immigrant children showed that Korean families wanted their children to be immersed in the American traditional education system and to speak only English at school (cited in Houlton & King , 1985). On the other hand, there are several studies which have reported that Korean parents wanted the Korean language to be taught in public schools (Pak, 1984; Seif, 1984; Shin, 1994). This indicates variation within a minority language group in parents' expectations of home language support from schools. 2.7 Summary of the literature review Since approximately 1990, a number of studies have been conducted with various language minority groups concerning the children's first and second language development during the preschool years. However, few studies have focused on Korean immigrant preschool children, with the result that our knowledge about this group is limited. In the past decade, researchers have debated about when immigrant parents should expose their preschool-aged children to second language environments in a school-like 36 setting. Some researchers have claimed that children should not be required to learn English until their native languages are competent. Others have recommended that parents should take advantages of an early start in introducing both languages for their children. However, how such a timing issue is affecting the parents, who have the ultimate decisions of when and how to balance the competing interest between the two languages, has not been explored. More studies, therefore, should focus on immigrant children's language learning from the parents' perspectives, asking how the parents envision and support their children's first and second language development during the preschool years. Recent studies have attempted to identify types of language environments during the preschool years that are associated with the children's later high bilingual competence. These include: a) the consistent use of home language in the family; b) parents' provision of rich literacy materials and activities; c) parents' positive attitudes to bilingual development; and d) parents' choice of preschool programs which support their home language. Therefore, a careful investigation of these variables in immigrant families which have preschool-aged children wi l l elucidate the prerequisites for the children's language development. This study attempts to f i l l these gaps by examining how Korean immigrant parents envision their preschool-aged children's language development in the home and in the preschool, and how they provide language environments that are associated with later bilingual competence. Since the language used in the preschool programs significantly impacts on the family's language practices, this study looks at parents' attitudes and practices in terms of two types of preschools, English-speaking and bilingual programs. The relationships between parents' practices and attitudes to their children's bilingual development, which were not previously apparent, are also investigated to some extent. 37 C H A P T E R T H R E E Methodology This exploratory study investigated language environments and experiences of Korean immigrant preschool-aged children and their parents' attitudes toward their children's Korean and English learning during the preschool years. Data were collected through parent questionnaires and interviews. In this chapter, information on the participants, questionnaire design, procedures of the questionnaire and interviews are described in detail. 3.1 Participants The participants in this study were 60 Korean parents with children aged three to six years old. The parents were recruited from Korean-English bilingual preschools/ daycare centers and Korean-speaking churches in the Greater Vancouver area. The parents were recruited to participate in this study i f both mother and father were immigrants to Canada, and if the parents have a child/children aged three to six attending either a bilingual or an English-speaking preschool/daycare/kindergarten programs in Greater Vancouver. The procedures of recruiting participants are described in the following. Recruiting from bilingual preschool/daycare centers The investigator first contacted the directors of the Korean bilingual preschools to get their approval to conduct this study in their schools. There were only a few Korean-English bilingual preschool programs in the Greater Vancouver area. Three bilingual 38 programs agreed to participate. One was a preschool program with two teachers who were native speakers of English and Korean. The ratio of lessons taught in English and Korean during daily group time was seven to three. However, Korean was used mostly in peer interactions during free play and individual activities. The other two were daycare centers with a strong emphasis on music education and with Korean-English bilingual teachers. Korean was used mostly during group lessons, and the children's language use varied depending on their English proficiency. Classroom teachers distributed forty questionnaire packets to parents. Each packet contained a questionnaire and a cover letter explaining the purpose and procedures of the study and assuring respondents' anonymity. A stamped, self-addressed envelope was also included. Parents who were interested in this study were asked to f i l l out the questionnaire and return it directly to the investigator. Recruiting from churches The investigator contacted a number of Korean churches in the Greater Vancouver area to get permission for recruiting Korean parents. The researcher decided to recruit parents from churches because the Korean-speaking church is the best place to find a number of Korean parents, and there were no particular English-speaking preschool settings in the Greater Vancouver where a large number of Korean children were enrolled. Six Korean churches agreed to participate. The teachers of Sunday schools were asked to distribute a total of 60 copies of the questionnaire packet to the parents of preschool-aged children. Parents who agreed to participate in this study completed the questionnaire and returned it directly to the investigator. 39 Questionnaires from 61 parents were returned, out of the 100 that were distributed giving a response rate of 61%. One returned questionnaire was not used in this study because the child was not attending a preschool/daycare program. Among the 60 participants in the total sample, 34 (56.7%) were parents of children enrolled in English-speaking preschools (ESP) and the other 26 (43.3%) were from Korean-English bilingual programs (BP). In both groups, the questionnaire was completed mostly by mothers (ESP: N=29; B P : N=23) as compared to fathers (ESP: N=4; B P : N=l ) . One questionnaire from the E S P and two from the B P group were completed by both parents. Following is further information on the participants. 3.1.1 Descriptive data on the parents and their children Background information about the parents and their children was collected from the first section of the questionnaire1 and is presented in the following categories: • Residency in Canada (e.g., length of stay in Canada, residential areas) • Information on parents (e.g., educational achievement, levels of English proficiency) • Information on the child (e.g., age, birth order, gender, preschool enrolment) Residency in Canada There was a high percentage of new immigrants who have lived in Canada for less than three years in both the ESP (fathers: 41.2%; mothers: 44.1%) and the B P groups (fathers: 52.0%; mothers: 53.8%). Although a higher percentage of the ESP group (fathers: 20.6%; mothers: 14.7%) than the B P group (fathers: 4.0%; mothers: 3.8%) have 1 See Appendix B , Section A , Question 1-12. 40 lived in Canada for longer than ten years, these differences were not significant based on the Mann-Whitney test (Figure 3.1 and 3.2). F igure 3.1 Leng th of r e s i d e n c e in C a n a d a : Fa ther B E S P H B P Less than 3 and under 5 5 and under 10 years or three years years 10 years more F igu re 3.2 Leng th of r e s i d e n c e in C a n a d a : M o t h e r Less than 3 and under 5 5 and under 10 years or three years years 10 years more E1ESP SIB p Table 3.1 shows the numbers of parents who expressed their intention to stay in Canada. Over half of all BP parents (68%) and ESP parents (55.9%) intend to stay in Canada permanently. More ESP parents than the BP parents (20.6% vs. 12.0%) answered that they "don't know for the moment" about their plans to stay in Canada. 41 Table 3.1 Number and percentage of parents reporting their plan to stay in Canada ESP BP Total W i l l go back to Korea 8 23.5% 5 20.0% 13 22.0% W i l l permanently stay in Canada 19 55.9% 17 68.0% 36 61.0% Don't know for the moment 7 20.6% 3 12.0% 10 16.9% Total 34 100.0% 25 100.0% 59 100.0% The residential areas in which the participants lived are shown in Table 3.2. The highest percentages of the B P group lived in Burnaby (30.8%) and Coquitlam (42.3%) where the participating bilingual preschools were located. On the other hand, the highest percentages of the E S P parents (35.3%) came from Vancouver. Table 3.2 Number and percentage of parents reporting their residential areas ESP BP Total Vancouver 12 3 15 35.3% 11.5% 25.0% Burnaby 4 8 12 11.8% 30.8% 20.0% Surrey 6 3 9 17.6% 11.5% 15.0% Coquitlam 6 11 17 17.6% 42.3% 28.3% Richmond 2 1 3 5.9% 3.8% 5.0% New Westminster 2 0 2 5.9% 0.0% 3.3% Other 2 0 2 5.9% 0.0% 3.3% Total 34 26 60 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 42 Information on parents Parental demographics Fathers' ages ranged from 31 to 46 years (M=37.75, SD=4.02) for the ESP group and from 28 to 50 years (M=35.33, SD=5.04) for the BP group. The mothers' age ranged from 29 to 46 years (M=35.30; SD=4.07) for the ESP group and from 28 to 39 years (M=32.42; SD=2.69) for the BP group. Overall, ESP parents were slightly older than the BP group parents. Figure 3.3 Fathers' educational achievement • ESP • BP High school College/University Graduate school Figure 3.4 Mothers' educational achievement E E S P H B P ' High school College/University Graduate school 43 The educational backgrounds shown in Figure 3.3 and 3.4 revealed that parents in both groups had high educational achievements; 91.2% of the fathers and 76.5% of the mothers in the E S P group had graduated from university or graduate school. Among the B P group, 100% of the fathers and 88.5% of the mothers had university or graduate degrees. Parents' ratings of their own English proficiency Parents indicated the levels of their own English proficiency by rating them from the following categories: "1 (very poor)," "2 (poor)," "3 (average)" "4 (good)," and "5 (excellent). " Generally, both mothers and fathers from the E S P group checked a slightly higher level of English in all four areas than the B P group parents did. Moreover, the fathers reported higher levels of English than did the mothers in both groups. A t-test revealed significant differences between the two groups only in fathers' listening and speaking; that is, E S P group fathers had a higher level of listening and speaking skills in English than did the B P group fathers (Figure 3.5 and 3.6). Figure 3.5 Mean levels of fathers' English proficiency HI ESP • BP Listening *a Speaking *b Reading Writing Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1(very poor) to 5 (excellent), t-test of ESP vs. BP mean levels: *p<0.05, 3 t=2.09, df=58; b t=2.08, df=58. 44 Figure 3.6 Mean levels of mothers ' Eng l i sh prof i c iency • E S P 0 B P Listening Speaking Reading Writing Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1(very poor) to 5 (excellent). S o c i a l c o n t a c t s P a r e n t s w e r e a s k e d h o w o f t e n t h e y h a d c o n t a c t w i t h o t h e r s p e a k e r s o f K o r e a n i n f i v e d o m a i n s : 1) f a m i l i a l d o m a i n ( e . g . , s i b l i n g s / r e l a t i v e s ) , 2 ) f r i e n d s h i p n e t w o r k ( e . g . , f r i e n d s / n e i g h b o r s ) , 3 ) w o r k p l a c e / s c h o o l , 4 ) r e l i g i o u s d o m a i n , a n d 5 ) s o c i a l c l u b s / c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z a t i o n s . A s s h o w n i n T a b l e 3 . 3 , t h e t w o g r o u p s w e r e s i m i l a r i n t h e i r f r e q u e n c y o f c o n t a c t w i t h K o r e a n - s p e a k i n g p e o p l e , e x c e p t i n t h e r e l i g i o u s d o m a i n . H i g h e r p e r c e n t a g e s o f t h e E S P g r o u p t h a n t h e B P g r o u p ( 7 9 . 4 % v s . 5 2 . 0 % ) h a d f r e q u e n t ( " w e e k l y " o r " d a i l y " ) c o n t a c t w i t h K o r e a n s p e a k e r s i n a r e l i g i o u s d o m a i n . T h i s w a s n o t s u r p r i s i n g b e c a u s e m o s t o f t h e E S P p a r e n t s w e r e s e l e c t e d f r o m K o r e a n - s p e a k i n g c h u r c h e s w h e r e a s m a n y o f t h e B P g r o u p p a r e n t s c a m e f r o m b i l i n g u a l p r e s c h o o l s . I n b o t h g r o u p s , t h e p a r e n t s h a d f r e q u e n t c o n t a c t w i t h f r i e n d s o r n e i g h b o r s ; 3 8 . 2 % o f t h e E S P a n d 4 0 . 0 % o f t h e B P g r o u p h a d c o n t a c t w i t h K o r e a n f r i e n d s o r n e i g h b o r s w e e k l y , a n d 3 2 . 4 % o f t h e E S P a n d 2 8 . 0 % o f t h e B P g r o u p h a d d a i l y c o n t a c t w i t h K o r e a n f r i e n d s o r n e i g h b o r s . 45 Table 3.3 Number and percentage of parents reporting frequency of contact with Korean speakers Never Seldom Monthly Weekly Daily Total Familial domain ESP 13 39.4% 6 18.2% 2 6.1% 7 21.2% 5 15.2% 33 100.0% BP 9 36.0% 3 12.0% 2 8.0% 6 24.0% 5 20.0% 25 100.0% Friendship network ESP 3 8.8% 4 11.8% 3 8.8% 13 38.2% 11 32.4% 34 100.0% BP 0 0.0% 5 20.0% 3 12.0% 10 40.0% 7 28.0% 25 100.0% Work place/school ESP 14 42.4% 4 12.1% 1 3.0% 5 15.2% 9 27.3% 33 100.0% BP 12 50.0% 3 12.5% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 9 37.5% 24 100.0% Religious domain ESP 4 11.8% 3 8.8% 0 0.0% 26 76.5% 1 2.9% 34 100.0% BP 10 40.0% 1 4.0% 1 4.0% 13 52.0% 0 0.0% 25 100.0% Social clubs/community organizations ESP 18 54.5% 10 30.3% 2 6.1% 2 6.1% 1 3.0% 33 100.0% BP 18 72.0% 3 12.0% 1 4.0% 2 8.0% 1 4.0% 25 100.0% Information on the Child Descriptive data on the child The children's mean age in the ESP group (M=5.30 years, SD= .92) was older than that of the B P group (M=4.42 years, SD= .76). Table 3.4 shows the distribution of children by age. Overall, there were more males (N=31, 52.5%) than females (N=28, 47.4%) in the total sample of children; in particular, there was a larger percentage of males in the B P group (65.4%) than in the E S P group (42.4 %). A higher percentage of the B P group children than the E S P children (69.2% vs. 41.2%) were first born; accordingly, more E S P group children than the B P group (59.8% vs. 30.7%) had older siblings. Table 3.4 Number and percentage of parents reporting their child's age Age ESP BP Total 3 2 2 4 6.7% 7.7% 7.1% 4 3 13 16 10.0% 50.0% 28.6% 5 9 9 18 30.0% 34.6% 32.1% 6 16 2 18 53.3% 7.7% 32.1% Total 30 26 56 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% School enrolment of the child The children from the ESP group had been attending preschools or daycare centers longer than the B P group children (M=15.16 months, SD=7.60 vs. M=7. 24 months, SD=5.29). In the E S P group, an equal proportion (45.8%) of children were attending community-based and private preschools/daycare, and two children (8.4%) were from university-based preschool centers. On the other hand, all (100.0%) the children from the B P group were from private preschools/daycare. Most children in both groups (ESP: 65.2%; B P : 80.0%) stayed all day in preschools/daycare rather than half days (ESP: 17.4%; B P : 12.0%). Some (ESP: 17.4%; B P : 8.0%) went to the preschools/daycare just for a few hours per week. Parents were asked i f their children were attending any language program outside of preschools/daycare centers to learn either Korean or English. A higher percentage of the E S P group than the B P group (47.1% vs. 16.0%) was attending Korean language schools (e.g., Saturday school) or Korean language programs at churches. No child in either group was learning English outside of preschool. 47 Child language proficiency Parents reported their children's levels of Korean and English in listening, speaking, reading, and writing by rating them from "1 (very poor)," "2 (poor)," "3 (average)," "4 (good)," and "5(excellent)." The mean levels of children's English and Korean proficiency are shown in Figure 3.7 and 3.8. Figure 3.7 Mean levels of the child's English proficiency 5.0 4.0 3.0 2.0 1.0 3.09 3.00 1.62 1.97 1.54 1.7" I 2^ Listening **a Speaking **b Reading *c W riting **d Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1(very poor) to 5 (excellent), t-test of ESP vs. BP mean levels: *p<0.05, **p<0.01, 3 t=5.70, df=55.45; b t=5.71, df=53.79; ° t=2.59, df=48.76; d t= 3.49, df=49.55. F i g u r e 3.8 M e a n l e v e l s o f t h e c h l i d ' s K o r e a n p r o f i c i e n c y • E S P U B P 5.0 4.0 3.0 2.0 Listening Speaking Reading *a Writing *b Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1(very poor) to 5(excellent) t-test of ESP vs. BP mean levels: *p<0.05, 3 t=2.33, df=52.32; t=2.59, df=48.77. • E S P H B P 48 Because the children targeted for this study were all between three and six years old, many in both groups had not developed their reading and writing skills in either Korean or English. As shown in Figure 3 .7 , the mean English levels in the B P group was fairly low in all four areas. A t-test showed that the mean English levels of the ESP group were significantly higher than that of the B P group in all areas of listening, speaking, reading, and writing (See Figure 3.7). In terms of the children's proficiency in Korean, both groups indicated similarly high means in listening and speaking skills, but when it came to reading and writing, the ESP group showed higher means than the B P group. A t-test found that the E S P children had significantly higher levels of reading and writing in Korean than the B P children ..(Figure 3.8) . 3.1.2 Summary of the descriptive data on the parents and their children Both groups contained relatively high percentages of new immigrants who had lived in Canada for less than three years. However, a slightly higher percentage of the E S P than the B P group had been living in Canada for longer than ten years. The parents' mean age in the E S P group was slightly older than that of the B P group. The majority of parents in both groups had high educational backgrounds with university or graduate degrees. In general, E S P parents rated their own English proficiency higher than did B P parents in all areas of listening, speaking, reading, and writing. However, only the fathers' listening and speaking were significantly different between the two groups. Both groups had frequent contacts with other speakers of Korean in Canada, especially with friends or neighbors. 49 The children's mean age in the E S P group was slightly older than that of the B P group, and E S P children had been enrolled in preschools/daycare centers for longer than the B P children. There were significant differences in the parents' ratings of their children's language proficiency between the two groups. The ESP children were rated higher than the B P children on all four areas of English, and on the reading and writing of Korean. A summary of background information is presented in Table 3.5. Table 3.5 Summary of background information on the parents and their children ESP BP Parent • Length of stay in Canada High percentages of new immigrants (< 3 years) • Educational background Majority with university or graduate degrees • English proficiency: Mean levels Father: 4.07 3.62 Mother: 3.16 2.76 Children • Mean age 5.30 years 4.42 years • Birth order 41.2% first born 69.2% first born • Total month(s) in preschool: Mean 15.16 months (SD: 7.60) 7.24 months (SD: 5.29) • Korean proficiency: Mean levels Listening 3.97 4.19 Speaking 3.79 4.08 Reading 1.79 1.32 Wri t ing 1.76 1.27 • English proficiency: Mean levels Listening 3.09 1.62 Speaking 3.00 1.54 Reading 1.79 1.23 Wri t ing 1.97 1.23 50 3.2 Instruments and procedures A questionnaire and a follow-up interview were used to collect data from the parents. The survey questionnaire and interview method was chosen because these have been used effectively in related previous studies (Lewin, 1987; Putz, 1991; Lyon & El l is , 1991; Sharpe, 1994, 1997; Smolicz & Lean, 1979; Tsai, 1997). Williamson (1991) noted that a standardized instrument, one which included many open-ended items, would be the most advantageous procedure to explore parents' reported usage of the two languages, attitudes towards language maintenance, and demographic data. Questionnaires allowed the researcher to obtain data from a extensive number of participants rather than from a small number of case studies, and provided data for statistical analysis which can reveal relationships not previously apparent (Lyon, 1996). However, the combination of questionnaires with follow-up interviews permitted a greater depth of insight. 3.2.1 Questionnaires The questionnaire, which consisted of a total of 42 questions broken down into five topics, was developed by the researcher after an extensive review of related previous studies.2 The five sections of the questionnaire and the related literature from which the questions of each section are derived are presented in Table 3.6. The questions are posed in Likert-scale, multiple choice, checklist format, and open-ended questions. The Korean version of the instrument was pilot tested with five Korean-speaking parents who were not part of the main study to test the validity of the questionnaire. Five parents of preschool-aged children who are living on the university campus participated 1 See Appendix B , the Parent Questionnaire. 51 in the pilot study. The parents completed the questionnaire and gave feedback about the questions to the researcher. Approximately 30 to 40 minutes of interviews in Korean were conducted in the parents' homes. Based on this pilot study, some changes were made in the questionnaire. The rationale for eliminating, adding, or recategorizing questions based on the pilot study is provided in Appendix C. Table 3.6 The design of the questionnaires Sections Questions , References a. Background in format ion (e.g., parents' English proficiency, educational background) 1-12 Tsai, 1997 b. Language use patterns in the fami ly (e.g., the proportion of Korean and English used among family members) 1-3 Lyon, 1991; Tsai, 1997. c. L i teracy experiences in the fami ly (e.g., the frequency with which adults read books to the child) 4-10 Genisio, 1998; Fitzgerald, Spiegel, & Cunningham, 1991; Levin, Brenner, & McClellan, 1993; Marvin & Mirenda, 1993; Seif, 1984; Sharpe, 1997; Snow et a!., 1993 d. Parents ' attitudes to their ch i ldren 's learning of K o r e a n and Eng l i sh (e.g., parents' reasons for wanting their children to learn Korean and English) 11-24 Arnberg, 1987; Lewin, 1987; Seif, 1984; Tsai, 1997; Putz, 1991; Lyon & Ellis, 1991 e. Parents ' views on the role of preschools on their ch i ldren 's learn ing of K o r e a n and Eng l i sh (e.g., parents' expectations of home language support from preschools) 25-32 Bernhard et al., 1995; Brisk, 1998; Lyon, 1991; Pavao, 1996; Sharpe, 1994; Siren, 1991 3.2.2 Interviews The questionnaire was the primary method of this investigation, but it was combined with a follow-up unstructured interview aimed at gathering some in-depth information about the meanings and interpretations behind the responses on the questionnaire, thereby allowing the researcher to better understand the variations of parental attitudes and practices measured in the questionnaire. Certain areas of interest in the individual parents' responses to the questions along with the analysis of the statistical 52 data were the basis of follow-up interview questions. Exact phrasing and ordering of questions was avoided. In general, parents were asked to give more detailed information of their answers to the questionnaire. The interviews were conducted in Korean with eight parents (4 ESP ; 4BP) who expressed their willingness to be interviewed by responding positively to question 13, "Would you be wil l ing to be interviewed?" and who returned the Parent Consent Form to the researcher. The interviews lasted on average 45 minutes, but they varied from 30 to 120 minutes. Nearly all the interviews were held in the home and were audio-taped and transcribed in Korean and English. 3.2.3 Data analysis After the data collection was completed, the questionnaire responses were coded and entered into the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). Descriptive analyses were used to describe most of the findings. Five statistical methods were used for data analysis: t-test, Mann-Whitney test, chi-square analyses, Post hoc Scheffe range test, and Spearman correlation. Both statistical methods of the t-test and the Mann-Whitney test were used to compare the data between the E S P and B P groups in the home language environment and in the parents' attitude to language learning. The Chi-square test was also used to evaluate the differences between the two groups in the distribution of categories of language use patterns. The main comparison groups were the E S P and B P groups. However, because of the relatively large number of 4-year-old children represented in the B P group and 6-year-olds in the E S P group, the data were also sorted and analyzed by age (a. 3- and 4-years old, n=20; b.5 years old, n=18; c. 6 years old, n=18) as well as by group. In comparing these three age groups, the post hoc Scheffe test 53 and the Chi-square were used. Table 3.7 shows details of the statistical methods used in this study for comparisons. Table 3.7 Statistical methods used in the study for comparisons Tests Comparison groups Sections in which the tests are used Questions in which the tests are used t-test E S P & B P A 5, 10, & 11 C 8 ,9 , & 10 D 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, & 17 Mann-Whitney E S P & B P A 1 , 2 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 10, & 11 C 4, 5 ,6 , 8 ,9 , & 10 D 11, 12, 13, & 16 Chi-square E S P & B P B 1,2, & 3 Age groups B 1,2, & 3 Scheffe range test Age groups C 4 , 5 , 6 , 8 ,9 , & 10 D 11, 12, 1 3 , & 16 Spearman correlation analysis was used to examine how parents' length of residence in Canada and English proficiency were related to parents' provisions of language environment and parents' attitudes to bilingual development (Table 3.8). Table 3.8 Spearman correlation analysis used in the study Variables The section in which the correlation used Questions with which the correlation tested Parents' length of residence in Canada C 4, 5, 6-a, 6-b, 8, 9, & 10 (Section A , Question 1) D 11, 12, 13, 16 Parents' English proficiency C 4, 5, 6-a, 6-b, 8, 9, & 10 (Section A , Question 5) D 11, 12, 13, 16 54 CHAPTER FOUR R e s u l t s This chapter presents the responses of the parents to the questionnaire and to the interviews. Parents' responses to the questionnaire are presented in descriptive form in frequency tables, cross-tables, or figures indicating means of the responses. Some of the open-ended responses are used as illustrative quotations to enrich statistical reports. Some quotations from the parent interviews are also provided in order to contextualize the quantitative data. A l l the percentages described in this chapter are percentages of the total number of responses in each group. Most of the findings are presented for the two groups (ESP & BP) separately to compare the two groups. In comparing the two groups, both parametric (t-test) and nonparametric (Mann-Whitney U-test) analyses were used in the questionnaire data of which the scales one to five are ordinal but are not based on assumptions of equal interval data. However, no differences were found in using the t-test and Mann-Whitney U-test. Therefore, the results of the t-test are presented for most results. The main comparison groups were the two E S P and B P groups. However, as mentioned in the previous chapter, the data were also sorted and analyzed by age (a. 3-and 4-years old, n=20; b.5 years old, n=18; c. 6 years old, n=18) as well as by group. This was done in order to determine the extent to which child age may have been a factor influencing group differences. In only a few instances, however, were significant age group differences found. A l l significant age group differences are reported; in all other instances, it can be assumed that no significant age differences were found. 55 The length of residence of parents in the majority country and parents' language proficiency were also analyzed in relation to the literacy environments in the home and parents' attitudes to their children's language learning using correlation analyses.1 When significant relationships were found, they are reported. The findings are presented in the order of the research questions, which are reproduced below from Chapter One, page 6: 1) What are the patterns of language use in the Korean immigrant families which have preschool-aged children? 2) What are the literacy environments and activities in the families? 3) What are the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English? 4) What are the parents' views of the role of preschools in their children's learning of Korean and English? 5) What are the relationships between the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English, and the literacy environments in the home? 1 Parents' educational background was not analyzed in this study due to the highly homogenous educational background of the participants. 56 4.1 Language use patterns in the families The data concerning language use patterns of parents and their children were collected through the second section of the questionnaire. This section addressed: 1) the language used among parents, 2) the language parents used with their children, and 3) children's language use patterns in various situations. Parents were asked to report the language use patterns of parents and their children by choosing one of the five categories: "1 (almost always English)," "2 (mainly English plus some Korean)," "3 (same proportion of English and Korean)," " 4 (mainly Korean plus some English)," and "5 (almost always Korean)." 4.1.1 The language used among parents As shown in Table 4 .1 , most fathers and mothers in both groups "almost always" spoke Korean to each other. In other words, Korean was the dominant language among the parents in both groups. Table 4.1 Number and percentage of parents reporting the language used among parents E S P B P Father to mother Mother to father Father to mother Mother to father Almost always English 0 0 0 0 0 .0% 0 . 0 % 0 . 0 % 0 .0% Main ly English plus some Korean 0 1 0 0 0 . 0 % 2 .9% 0 . 0 % 0 .0% Same amount of English & Korean 2 1 0 0 5.9% 2 .9% 0 . 0 % 0 .0% Main ly Korean plus some English 7 6 5 4 2 0 . 6 % 17.6% 19 .2% 15.4% Almost always Korean 25 26 21 22 7 3 . 5 % 7 6 . 5 % 8 0 . 8 % 84 .6% Total 34 34 26 26 100.0% 100.0% 100 .0% 100.0% 2 See Appendix B, Section B, questions 1-3. 57 4.1.2 The language parents use to their children Higher percentages of the B P fathers than the E S P fathers (80.8% vs. 55.9%) "almost always" spoke Korean to their children. In contrast, higher percentages of the E S P fathers than the B P group fathers (38.2% vs. 19.2%) spoke "mainly Korean plus some English" to their children. This pattern was similar to the one mothers used with their children (Table 4.2). Therefore, it is likely that although Korean was the main language parents used in talking to their children in both groups, parents in the ESP group reported using more English to their children than the B P group did. Table 4. 2 Number and percentage of parents reporting the language parents use to their child E S P B P Father to child Mother to child Father to child Mother to child Almost always English 0 0 0 0 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% Main ly English plus some Korean 1 1 0 0 2.9% 2.9% 0.0% 0.0% Same of amount of English & Korean 1 1 0 0 2.9% 2.9% 0.0% 0.0% Main ly Korean plus some English 13 11 5 6 38.2% 32.4% 19.2% 23.1% Almost always Korean 19 21 21 20 55.9% 61.8% 80.8% 76.9% Total 34 34 26 26 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 4.1.3 Children's language use patterns Table 4.3 shows the children's language use patterns at home and outside of home, as reported by their parents. A higher percentage of B P children than E S P children (84.6% vs. 41.2%) "almost always" spoke Korean to their parents. On the other hand, a higher percentage of E S P than B P children spoke "mainly Korean plus some English" (44.1% vs. 15.4%). Therefore, although Korean was the main language spoken by 58 children to their parents in both groups, more B P children than E S P children spoke Korean exclusively with their parents. Children from the E S P group were also reported to use more English than the B P group with siblings, friends, grandparents, in playing with toys, at school, and in other public places. For example, in speaking to friends, a considerably higher percentage of the B P children than E S P children (92.3% vs. 36.3%) used "mainly Korean plus some English" or "always Korean," while more ESP than B P children (42.4% vs. 3.8%) used "mainly English plus some Korean" or "always English." Also when the children played with toys, a larger percentage of B P children than E S P children (88.4% vs. 44.1%) spoke "mainly Korean plus some English" or "always Korean" whereas higher percentages of ESP than B P children (32.3% vs. 3.8%) spoke "mainly English plus some Korean" or "always English." A Chi-square test supported the differences in the children's language use patterns between the two groups in all except in speaking to their grandparents, as children in both groups used more Korean than English with their grandparents.3 It appeared that the B P group children spoke more Korean than did the ESP group, and spoke mainly Korean in their daily lives. The E S P children, on the other hand, used more English than did the B P group and chose their language depending on situation or conversation partners. For example, 89.3% of the E S P children spoke "mainly Korean" or "always Korean" to their grandparents; however, 42.2% and 88.2% of them used "mainly English" or "always English" to their friends and at school respectively. 3 See note on Table 4.3 for results of the Chi-square test. 59 Table 4 .3 Number and percentage of parents reporting their child's language use patterns Always English Mainly English Same amount of English & Korean Mainly Korean Always Korean Total To mother a * E S P 1 2.9% 3 8.8% 1 2.9% 15 44.1% 14 41.2% 34 100.0% B P 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 4 15.4% 22 84.6% 26 100.0% To father b * E S P 1 2.9% 3 8.8% 1 2.9% 15 44.1% 14 41.2% 34 100.0% B P 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 4 15.4% 22 84.6% 26 100.0% To siblings c ** E S P 5 16.7% 0 0.0% 6 20.0% 11 36.7% 8 26.7% 30 100.0% B P 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 4 15.4% 22 84.6% 26 100.0% To friends d *** E S P 8 24.2% 6 18.2% 7 21.2% 8 24.2% 4 12.1% 33 100.0% B P 1 3.8% 0 0.0% 1 3.8% 7 26.9% 17 65.4% 26 100.0% To grandparents E S P 0 0.0% 2 7.1% 1 3.6% 5 17.9% 20 71.4% 28 100.0% B P 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 2 9.1% 20 90.9% 22 100.0% In playing with toys ** E S P 6 . 17.6% 5 14.7% 8 23.5% 10 29.4% 6 14.7% 34 100.0% B P 0 0.0% 1 3.8% 2 7.7% 9 34.6% 14 53.8% 26 100.0% A t school **** E S P 24 70.6% 6 17.6% 0 0.0% 3 8.8% 1 2.9% 34 100.0% B P 2 8.7% 0 0.0% 2 8.7% 6 26.1% 13 56.5% 23 100.0% a In public place °** E S P 4 12.1% 3 9.1% 10 30.3% 10 30.3% 6 18.2% 33 100.0% B P 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 3.8% 8 30.8% 17 65.4% 26 100.0% Note: Chi-square *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ***p<0.001; 3 X2=12.30, df=4; b X2=12.30 df=4; ° X2=12.20, df=3; d X2=23.56, df=4; S X2=15.80, df=4;f X2=37.16, df=4; 9 X2=19.29, df=4. The association between age groups and child language use patterns was examined using the chi-square test. Only child language use in the school was associated with the age groups (chi-square=23.06, df=8, p<0.01). In fact, 66.6% of the 3- and 4- years old 60 group spoke "mainly Korean plus some English" or "always Korean" at school, while 47.0% of the 5 years old and 77.8% of the 6 years old group spoke "mainly English plus some Korean" or "always English" at school. In summary, Korean was the main language used among parents and between parents and children, though more families in the B P group reported using Korean exclusively. In terms of the children's language use, E S P children spoke more English in their daily lives than did the B P children. Age groups were only related to the children's language use in the school; that is older children tended to speak more English and younger children speak more Korean at school. 4.2 Literacy environments and activities in the families In this study, "literacy environments and activities" were examined by asking the parents about: 1) the number of Korean and English books at home; 2) the frequency of reading Korean and English books to the child; 3) the language used when reading books to the child; 4) the frequency with which parents provided literacy-related activities for the child (e.g., visit library/bookstores); 5) the frequency of the child's use of literacy-related materials (e.g., tape/record stories or songs); and 6) the frequency of literacy-related activities the child sees others in the home engaged in (e.g., read books/ magazines).4 Summary of the findings of literacy environments and activities is presented at the end of this section. 4 See Appendix B, Section C , questions 4-10. 61 4.2.1 The number of books at home As shown in Figure 4.1, children in both groups had quite a number of Korean books. In fact, over half the children in both groups (ESP: 58.8%; BP: 73.0%) had more than twenty Korean books in their home, and 53.8% of the BP and 29.4% of the ESP children had over thirty Korean books. However, the BP group had fewer English books than the ESP group: 57.7% of the BP group had fewer than ten books, while 55.9% of the ESP group had over twenty English books. The BP group had significantly fewer English books than did the ESP group based on the Mann-Whitney U-test (Figure 4.2). 5 Spearman correlations were used to examine the relationship between mothers' levels of English proficiency, length of residence in Canada, and the number of books at home. Only mothers' levels of English proficiency were significantly correlated with the number of English books in the home (r= .42, p<0.01). The children whose mothers had higher proficiency in English had more English books at home. F i g u r e 4.1 The n u m b e r of K o r e a n b o o k s at h o m e 5 See Note on Figure 4.2 for results of the Mann-Whitney test. 62 F i g u r e 4.2 T h e n u m b e r of E n g l i s h b o o k s at h o m e B E S P • B P Note: Mann Whitney test of ESP vs. BP: U=235, p<0.05. 4.2.2 Reading books to children A larger percentage of the BP parents than the ESP parents (77.0% vs. 26.5%) read Korean books at least 3-4 times a week to their children. Conversely, a higher percentage of the ESP parents than the BP parents (35.3% vs. 7.7%) read Korean books to their children "never" or "occasionally." A different profile appeared in terms of English books. A higher percentage of ESP parents than the BP parents (55.9% vs. 20.0%) read English books at least 3-4 times a week to their children, whereas a higher percentage of BP parents than the ESP parents (56.0% vs. 29.4%) read English books "occasionally" or "never" (Figure 4.3 and 4.4). The Mann-Whitney test revealed significant differences between the two groups in term of reading both Korean and English books.6 This suggests that ESP parents read English books significantly more frequently than did the BP group, and the BP parents read Korean books significantly more often than did the ESP parents. 6 See Note on Figure 4.3 and 4.4 for results of the Mann-Whitney test. 63 Figure 4.3 Frequency of reading Korean books to the child Never Occasionally 1 -2 times a week 3-4 times a week Daily Note: Mann-Whitney test of ESP vs. BP: 11=223, p<0.01 Figure 4.4 Frequency of reading English books to the child Never Occasionally 1-2 times a 3-4 times a Daily week week Note: Mann-Whitney test of ESP vs. BP: U=286, p<0.05 Spearman correlation analyses revealed that: 1) parents who had been in Canada for a shorter period of time read Korean books more often than parents who had been in Canada longer (r= -.28, p<0.05); 2) mothers with higher proficiency in English tended to read English books more often to their children than mothers with lower proficiency in English (r= .37, p<0.01). 64 4.2.3 Language used in reading to children A large percentage of parents in both groups (ESP: 61.8%; B P : 88.5%) reported that they read Korean books only in Korean. A smaller percentage (ESP: 35.3%; B P : 11.5%) reported that in addition to reading the text of Korean books in Korean, they also explained, discussed, or translated the story in English. Only one parent from the E S P group reported that she read Korean books mostly in English. On the other hand, when parents read English books to their children, a large percentage in each group (ESP: 61.8%; B P : 65.4%) read the text in English and also explained, discussed, or translated the story in Korean. Only 29.4% of the E S P and 15.4% of the B P parents read English books only in English. In addition, 11.5% of the B P parents reported they read English books mostly in Korean. Parent interviews revealed various reasons for the parents' language choice during reading to children. The following are some of the examples: I used to read English books in Korean. Because, she was not able to understand English and was not interested in. But now she knows some English and asks me to read in English. I read English books in English these days, but still talk about the story in Korean for her better understanding. I read English books in Korean, because I don't want to teach him my accent and pronunciation. I know some words I pronounce wrong, and I don't want him to do that. So, I just show pictures and do not read it aloud in English, but we talk about the story in Korean. When I read (English or Korean books) to her, I take turns reading in English first and then in Korean. I mean I read a book in both languages, but do not mix the two languages at once. I am doing this, because I think it will help her to distinguish the two different languages. I can read the text in English, but it would be strange for me to talk about the story in English. It's just unnatural for me. 65 4.2.4 Literacy-related activities parents provide for their children Parents reported the frequency with which they provided literacy-related activities for their children in each language. Parents' responses to the nine items representing literacy-related activities were coded with "1 (never)," "2 (occasionally)," "3 (1-2 times a week)" 4 (3-4 times a week)" and "5 (daily)." 7 The mean frequencies of each item were then computed into a scale by averaging across items. Cronbach's coefficient alphas for reliability of the scale were .77 and .82 for the Korean and English scale respectively. The means of Korean and English language scales are presented in Table 4.4. Table 4.4 Mean frequency with which parents provide literacy activities for their child Korean literacy activities a English literacy activities Mean S D Mean S D ESP 2.63 0.60 2.71 0.69 BP 3.25 0.75 2.02 0.41 Note: t-test of ESP vs. BP: t=-3.53, df=57, p<0.01; t=4.87, df=55, p<0.001. The mean of the B P group indicates much more frequent Korean literacy activities ( M : 3.25) than English literacy activities ( M : 2.02). The t-test revealed that the B P parents provided literacy activities in Korean significantly more often than did the E S P parents, and the E S P parents provided English literacy-related activities significantly more often than did the B P parents (Table 4.4). 7 See Appendix B , Section C , question 8 for details of items. 66 Figure 4.5 Mean frequency with which parents provide literacy-related activities for their child in Korean S E S P E B P Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (daily) ESP BP t-test of ESP vs. BP mean scores Mean (SD) Mean (SD) t df P< A . Te l l stories without using books (e.g., fairy tales/religious stories) 3.25 (1.19) 3.85 (1.26) -1.85 56 N . S . B . Sing children's songs with (to) the child 3.06 (1.20) 4.15 (1.12) -3.60 58 p<0.01 C . Watch TV/videos 2.97 (1.31) 4.17 (1.40) -3.29 54 p<0.01 D . Play games/role plays (e.g., play cops and robbers) 2.81 (1-47) 3.20 (1.19) -1.09 54 N . S . E . V i s i t library/bookstores 1.75 (0.76) 1.83 (0.87) -0.39 54 N . S . F . Teach letters/reading/writing 2.94 (1.22) 3.04 (1-18) -0.31 57 N . S . G . Have conversations at a quiet place 2.85 (1.44) 3.65 (1.50) -2.10 58 p<0.05 H . Hire private lessons (e.g., music/ art) in which Korean is used 1.53 (0.88) 2.00 (1.47) -1.50 56 N . S . I. Provide recreational experiences (e.g. visit theatre/park) 2.03 (1.97) 2.50 (1.54) -2.02 56 p<0.05 67 Figure 4 . 6 Mean frequency with which parents provide literacy-related activites for their child in English ESP BP t-test of ESP vs. BP mean scores Mean (SD) Mean (SD) t df P< A . Te l l stories without using books (e.g., fairy tales/religious stories) 2.20 (1.52) 1.36 (0.64) 2.75 40 p<0.01 B . Sing children's songs with (to) the child 2.72 (1.46) 2.64 (1.55) 0.20 55 N . S . C . Watch TV/videos 4.41 (1.02) 4.69 (0.68) -1.28 57 N . S . D . Play games/role plays (e.g., play cops and robbers) 2.13 (1.52) 1.13 (0.34) 3.60 30 p<0.001 E . Vis i t library/bookstores 2.27 (1.01) 1.88 (0.95) 1.50 57 N . S . F . Teach letters/reading/writing 3.24 (1.15) 2.08 (1.26) 3.70 57 p<0.001 G . Have conversations at a quiet place 1.47 (1.04) 1.04 (0.20) 2.20 31 p<0.05 H . Hire private lessons (e.g., music/ art) in which English is used 2.64 (1.17) 1.19 (0.57) 6.23 48 p<0.001 I. Provide recreational experiences (e.g. visit theatre/park) 1.97 (0.98) 1.54 (0.65) 1.90 55 N . S . 68 Within item analysis, as shown in Figure 4.5 and 4.6 revealed that the B P parents sang more Korean songs with children, showed more Korean TV/video to children, and had conversations and recreational experiences in Korean significantly more often than did the ESP parents. In contrast, the ESP parents told more stories in English, played more games in English, taught English letters/reading/writing more often, and used private lessons in which English was used more often than did the B P group. Activities requiring spontaneous conversation skills such as "telling stories without using books," "playing games/role plays," and "having conversations at a quiet place" occurred more frequently in Korean than in English in both groups. However, when parents planned specific activities for their children, there were differences between the two groups. For example, the ESP parents taught English letters/reading/writing and hired private lessons in which English was used more often than those in Korean. The B P parents taught Korean and hired private lessons in which Korean was used more often than those in English (Figure 4.5 and 4.6). The frequency of parents' provision of literacy activities in English for their children was significantly correlated with parents' length of stay in Canada (r= .38, p<0.01) and mothers' English proficiency (r= .42, p<0.01). Parents who had stayed in Canada longer and had a higher proficiency in English tended to provide literacy-related activities in English more often than did parents who had stayed in Canada shorter and had lower levels of English. In summary, the B P children experienced Korean literacy-related activities more often than the ESP children did. In the B P group, Korean was used more often than English in the overall activities except when they watched English TV/videos. On the 69 other hand, the ESP children experienced English literacy-related activities more often than did the B P children. In the ESP group, both languages were used depending on the different functions of the language on specific activities. For example, they attended private lessons in which English was used more often than those in which Korean was used; however, they played games more often in Korean than in English. 4.2.5 Children's use of literacy-related materials at home Children's use of literacy-related materials at home in each language was examined by creating scales from subsets of eight items. 8 Cronbach's alphas for reliability of the scale in Korean and English were .79 and .82 respectively. The t-test found that the mean of the ESP group (2.87) was significantly higher than that of the B P group (1.93) for the English materials. In contrast, the mean of the B P group (2.81) was significantly higher than that of the E S P group (2.35) for the Korean materials (Table 4.5). Table 4.5 Mean frequency of the child's use of literacy-related materials at home Korean literacy materials a English literacy materials Mean S D Mean S D E S P 2.35 0.91 2.87 0.81 B P 2.81 0.66 1.93 0.61 Note: t-test of ESP vs. BP: 3 t=-2.11, df=56, p<0.05; t=4.75, df=55, p<0.001 See Appendix B , Section C , question 9 for details of items 70 ESP BP t-test of ESP vs. BP mean scores Mean (SD) Mean (SD) t df P< A . Story/picture books 3.18 (1.29) 4.42 (0.99) -4.07 57 p<0.0001 B . Magazine/newspapers 1.53 (0.88) 1.65 (1-20) -4.45 56 N . S . C . Tape/record stories and songs 2.45 (1.25) 2.48 (1.33) -0.08 56 N . S . D . Computer reading/writing or "game" programs 1.79 (1.27) 1.69 (1.23) 0.29 57 N . S . E . Preschool workbooks/ worksheets 1.94 (1.27) 1.96 (1-51) -0.07 56 N . S . F . Games (e.g., puzzles/cards) 2.03 (1.19) 2.62 (1-30) -1.75 54 N . S . G . Wri t ing utensils (e.g., pens/pencils) 3.03 (1.62) 4.20 (1.15) -3.18 55 p<0.01 H . Painting materials (e.g., crayons/brushes) 2.84 (1.57) 3.88 (1-30) -2.66 54 p<0.05 71 Figure 4.8 Mean frequency of the child's use of English literacy-related materials at home E E S P S B P Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (daily). ESP BP t-test of ESP vs. BP mean scores Mean (SD) Mean (SD) t df P< A . Story/picture books 3.47 (1.41) 2.46 (1-32) 2.72 54 p<0.01 B . Magazine/newspapers 2.06 (1.19) 1.50 (1.02) 1.86 54 N . S . C . Tape/record stories and songs 2.50 (1.55) 1.55 (1.10) 2.49 52 p<0.05 D . Computer reading/writing or "game" programs 3.10 (1.54) 1.80 (1.15) 3.61 52 p<0.001 E . Preschool workbooks/ worksheets 2.00 (1.32) 1.92 (1.53) 0.21 54 N . S . F . Games (e.g., puzzles/cards) 2.29 (0.97) 1.74 (1.01) 2.03 52 p<0.05 G . Wri t ing utensils (e.g., pens/pencils) 3.87 (1.41) 1.44 (2.45) 3.61 52 p<0.01 H . Painting materials (e.g., crayons/brushes) 3.74 (1.46) 2.30 (1-26) 3.63 49 p<0.001 Within item analyses, as shown in Figure 4.7 and 4.8, revealed that the BP children used Korean books significantly more often than did the ESP children, and spoke more Korean than the ESP children in using writing and painting materials. The ESP children used English materials more often than the BP group in most items. They 72 used English books, English tape/record stories or songs, English computer programs, and English games significantly more often than did the B P children. The most commonly used materials for the B P group were Korean story/picture books (mean measured on a five-point scale: 4.42). On the other hand, the E S P children used English books ( M : 3.47) and English computer programs ( M : 3.10) most frequently. Spearman correlation analyses revealed that children whose mothers had stayed in Canada longer (r= .32, p<0.05) and had higher levels of fluency in English (r= .29, p<0.05) used English literacy-related materials more often than children whose mothers had been in Canada shorter and had lower levels of English skills. However, both correlations were not very high. No significant correlation was found in terms of fathers' duration of stay in Canada and levels of English proficiency. In summary, the E S P children used English literacy-related materials more often than the B P children did and also more than they used Korean ones. On the other hand, the B P children used a few Korean literacy-related materials significantly more often than did the E S P children. The B P group showed less frequent use of English literacy materials (mean of all 8 items: 1.93 on a five-point scale). 4. 2. 6 Children's observations of literacy-related activities at home The frequency of children's observations of the family members' literacy-related activities at home was also explored through eight subsets of items in the same way as in the previous two questions (Question 8 and 9). 9 Cronbach's alphas for reliability showed .75 for the Korean scale and .83 for the English scale. The mean frequencies of each scale 9 See Appendix B, Section C, question 10 for details of items 73 are presented in Table 4.6. The t-test revealed that the mean of the E S P group (M=2.76) in the English scale was significantly higher than that of the B P group (M=2.17), suggesting that ESP children observed English literacy activities more often than the B P children in the home. N o significant difference between the two groups was found in the child's observations of family members' Korean language activities. Table 4 . 6 Mean frequency of the child's observations of literacy activities at home Korean literacy activities English literacy activities Mean S D Mean S D ESP 2.59 0.90 2.76 0.90 BP 2.40 0.52 2.17 0.76 Note: t-test of ESP vs. BP: 3 t=2.51, df=51, p<0.05. 74 Figure 4.9 Mean frequency of the child's observations of literacy-related activities in Korean at home Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (daily). ESP BP t-test of ESP vs. BP mean scores Mean (SD) Mean (SD) t df P< A . Read books/magazines 3.55 (1.33) 3.63 (1.38) -0.22 55 N . S . B . Read newspapers/advertisements 2.97 (1.26) 3.35 (1.03) -1.19 54 N . S . C . Read or write letters/birthday cards 2.06 (0.91) 1.72 (0.46) 1.71 55 N . S . D . Read or write shopping lists/ address books 2.30 (0.98) 2.52 (1.19) -0.76 56 N . S . E . Use computers/typewriters 2.72 (1.61) 2.38 (1.58) 0.80 54 N . S . F . Leave notes for family members/ notes on wall calendars 2.67 (1.45) 2.40 (1.29) 0.73 56 N . S . G . Label name on child's artwork/ possessions 2.16 (1.05) 1.32 (0.27) 0.23 54 N . S . H . D o homework 2.13 (1.38) 1.30 (0.66) 2.85 44 p<0.01 75 F igure 4.10 Mean f r e q u e n c y of the ch i ld ' s o b s e r v a t i o n s of l i teracy related act iv i tes in Eng l i sh at h o m e B E S P Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (daily). ESP BP t-test of ESP vs. BP mean scores Mean (SD) Mean (SD) t df P< A . Read books/magazines 3.39 (1.56) 2.62 (1-47) 1.78 50 N . S . B . Read newspapers/ advertisements 3.20 (1.54) 3.13 (1-39) 0.17 51 N . S . C . Read or write letters/ birthday cards 1.87 (0.94) 1.53 (0.77) 1.32 47 N . S . D . Read or write shopping lists/ address books 1.77 (0.18) 1.55 (0.86) 0.83 50 N . S . E . Use computers/typewriters 3.37 (1-67) 2.58 (1.58) 1.57 47 N . S . F . Leave notes for family members/ notes on wall calendars 2.27 (1-31) 1.55 (1.10) 2.09 50 p<0.05 G . Label name on child's artwork/possessions 3.10 (1-51) 1.11 (0.23) 2.95 52 p<0.01 H . D o homework 3.19 (1.60) 2.32 (1.52) 2.02 47 p<0.05 Within item analyses, as shown in Figures 4.9 and 4.10 showed similar means between the two groups in the Korean scale. The only significant difference between the two groups was children's observations of family members' doing homework in Korean (Mean: ESP: 2.13; BP: 1.30). The possible explanation for this difference is that more E S P children than B P children had older siblings who were attending Korean language schools, so that they had more opportunities to observe their older siblings' doing homework in Korean. On the other hand, the E S P children saw their family members' English literacy-related activities more often than did the B P group in overall activities. They observed significantly more English than the B P children in their parents' notes for family members or notes on wall calendars, labels stating the child's name on artwork/ possessions, and doing homework in English. Frequency of children's observations of English literacy-related activities in the home was significantly correlated with mothers' English proficiency (r= .51, p<0.01), that is children of parents with higher English proficiency had more frequent opportunities to see occurrence of English literacy-related activities in the home. In brief, children in both groups observed their family members engaging in Korean language activities in similar occasions. However, the E S P children saw their family members' engaging in English literacy-related activities more often than the B P group children did. 4.2.7 Summary of literacy environments and activities in the families The results on literacy environments and activities in the two groups of families present a consistent picture in which the B P group had more exposure to Korean literacy-related environments and activities, and conversely the ESP group had more exposure to English literacy-related environments and activities. The B P children experienced frequent Korean language activities with their parents at home; however, they had reduced exposure to English language activities and materials in the home. In the E S P group, English and Korean were both used in activities that parents provided for their children. However, when it came to the children's own activities such as using materials, English was used significantly more often than Korean. The E S P children also had more opportunities to observe their family members' literacy activities in English than did the B P children. Correlation analyses revealed that mothers who had stayed in Canada longer and who had higher proficiency in English tended to engage in more English literacy environment and activities for their children at home. Table 4.7 Summary of home literacy environments and activities in the families ESP BP • Number of books Korean books 59% had over 20 73% had over 20 English books 56% had over 20 58% had less than 10 • Reading to children Korean books 21% read daily 46% read daily English books 35% read daily 56% read never/occasionally • The language used in reading Korean books The highest percentages read only in Korean English books The highest percentages read in English and translate/discuss the story in Korean • Mean frequency of literacy activities parents provide with the child in Korean 2.63 3.25 in English 2.71 2.02 • Mean frequency of the child's use of literacy materials at home in Korean 2.35 3.25 in English 2.87 1.93 • Mean frequency of the child's observations of literacy activities at home in Korean 2.59 2.40 in English 2.76 2.17 78 4.3 Parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English This section explored parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English. "Attitudes" were defined here as parental perceptions of: a) expected levels of their children's proficiency in both Korean and English; b) the importance for their children to learn both languages; c) the reasons they wanted their children to learn Korean and English, and the possible disadvantages of their children learning Korean; d) their preferred language in talking to their children; and e) the language they expected their children to speak to the parents.9 4.3.1 Expected levels of children's language proficiency Parents indicated the levels of fluency of Korean and English they wanted their children to attain in listening, speaking, reading, and writing. Parents' expected levels of fluency were coded with "l(very poor)," "2(poor)," 3(average)," "4(good)," and "5(excellent)" for analysis. The mean levels of fluency in Korean are presented in Figure 4.11 and 4.12. Both groups of parents expected their children to attain high levels of fluency in Korean. The B P parents showed higher mean expectations of their children's Korean proficiency in all four areas than the E S P parents, but these differences were statistically significant only in listening and speaking. Spearman correlation showed a significant negative correlation between length of residence of parents and their expected levels of Korean for their children (Mother: r=-.31, p<0.05; Father:r=-.25, p<0.05). Parents who had stayed in Canada for a shorter time 9 See Appendix B , Section D , questions 11-24. 79 span tended to have higher expectations of their children's levels of Korean than those who had stayed in Canada longer. F igure 4.11 M e a n levels of K o r e a n p r o f i c i e n c y pa ren t s expec t their chi ld to attain Listening *a Speaking *b Reading Writing Note. Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1(very poor) to 5 (excellent), t-test of ESP vs. BP: * p<0.05, 3 t=-2.31, df=57; b t=-2.54, df=57. Figure 4.12 Mean levels of English proficiency parents expect their child to attain Listening Speaking Reading Writing Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1(very poor) to (excellent). As shown in Figure 4.12, parents in both groups had similarly high expectations of their children's levels of English proficiency. No significant difference was found between the two groups in the parents' expected levels of English proficiency. 80 In short, both groups of parents had high expectations of their children's proficiency in both Korean and English. However, BP parents had higher expectations of their children's proficiency in Korean, especially in listening and speaking, than the ESP parents. The ESP parents had higher expectations of their children's levels of English than Korean, while the BP parents had similar expectations regarding the levels of their children's Korean and English proficiency. 4.3.2 The importance of the children's learning of Korean and English Parents indicated how important it was at this time for their children to learn Korean and English by rating them from "1 (unimportant)," "2 (little important)," "3 (somewhat important)," "4 (important)," and "5 (very important)." The mean scores on the importance of learning Korean are presented in Figure 4.13. Although the BP group showed slightly higher means in all four areas than the ESP group, the differences between the two groups were not significant when tested by the t-test. F igure 4.13 Mean degree on the impor tance of learning Korean Listening Speaking Reading Writing Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (unimportant) to 5 (very important). 81 As shown in Figure 4.14, the E S P parents attached considerably greater importance to their children's learning English in all four areas than the B P group did. The t-tests revealed significant differences between the two groups in all four areas of Engl i sh . 1 0 Figure 4.14 Mean degree on the importance of learning English Listening **a Speaking **b Reading *c Writing *d Note: Means measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (unimportant) to 5 (very important), t-test of ESP vs. BP: *p<0.05, **p<0.01, 3 t=3.36, df=36; b t=3.85, df=35; C t=2.56, df=41; d t=2.51, df=4. A significant age group difference was found only in the parents' ratings of the importance of speaking skills in English. The Scheffe range test revealed that parents of the 6 year-old group attached significantly greater importance to their children's learning of speaking skills in English than did the parents of the 3- and 4- year old group (F=3.67, p<0.05), but no other significant difference was found. In summary, parents from both groups attached great importance to their children's learning of Korean. In terms of English, however, the E S P parents attached significantly greater importance than did the B P group. It appeared that even though the 1 0 See note on Figure 4.14 for results of the t-test. 82 B P group had very high expectations of their children's levels of English proficiency, they thought that learning Korean was more important than learning English for their preschool-aged children, and that learning English at the present time was considerably less important. 4.3.3 Parental reasons for wanting their children to learn Korean Parents were asked to choose five important reasons that they wanted their children to learn Korean, and to rank them from (5) the most important to (1) the least important. The means of parents' ranks in each item are presented in Figure 4.15. The most important reasons that parents gave for their children to learn Korean were "because my child is Korean, he/she should know the Korean language" and "for better emotional contact between parents and children." The following remarks by the parents who were interviewed were quite typical: Because he is Korean (He should know Korean language). That's that. He can't change it even though he speaks English. It is his inheritance. I think building a close emotional relationship is more easily achieved in a familiar language. So, if we (parents) will attain only limited English, it just seems natural that he learns Korean and uses it with us. The E S P group ranked the statement "for self-identity as Korean and pride of Korean cultural heritage" higher than did the B P group. The following comment illustrates this view: I think language is culture and identity. If she knows Korean as well as English, she can have the option of an identity between the majority and Korean culture. 83 On the other hand, the B P parents ranked the following statements higher than the E S P group: "Experiencing two cultures enhances open-mindedness and develops an ability to understand various ways of thinking" and "competency in two languages can lead to career related advantages" (Figure 4.15). Figure 4.15 Mean ranks on parental reasons for wanting their children to learn Korean Note: Means were calculated by adding the ranks of respondents selecting their 'lop five important reasons." A . To maintain contact with family and relatives in Korea B . Competency in two languages offers more educational opportunities for the child. C . Because my child is Korean, he/she should know the Korean language D . For better emotional contact between parents and children E. Competency in two languages can lead to practical career related advantages. F . For my child 's self-identity as a Korean and pride of Korean cultural heritage G . Opportunity to experience two cultures enhances open-mindedness and develops an ability to understand various ways of thinking. H . To have my child keep Korean tradition and cultural value (e.g., respect adults) I. Because of the possibility that my child w i l l go back to Korea 84 4.3.4 Disadvantages of having children learn Korean Among the eight items reflecting possible disadvantages in having their children learn Korean, parents were asked to choose all of items that applied to them. Figure 4.16 Parental bel iefs about the d i s a d v a n t a g e s in having their chi ld learn Korean Note: Totals exceed 1 0 0 % because respondents checked "all that apply." Mann-Whitney test of E S P vs. BP: *p<0.05, **p<0.01, D: U=264; H: U=272. A. There is no disadvantage in having my child maintain Korean. B. A delay in English development C. Child can feel 'different' or 'frustrated' among English-speaking friends. D. The possibility of difficulty in integrating into the mainstream culture E . Bilingualism could be confusing for the child in dealing with two languages. F. High pressures or stress for the child to learn two languages G. The great amount of time and efforts required for parents to teach two languages H. The possibility of having a problem of identity with two different cultures A s shown in Figure 4.16, higher percentages of the E S P group than the B P group (62.5% vs. 37.5%) believed that there was no disadvantage for their children to learn Korean. Conversely, higher percentages of the B P group than the E S P group chose negative aspects of maintaining Korean. For example, more B P parents than the E S P parents chose "the possibility of difficulty in integrating into the mainstream culture" 85 (37.5% vs. 6.3%) and "child feels different or frustrated among English-speaking friends" (20.8% vs. 6.3%) as disadvantages of learning Korean for their children. In both groups, "high pressure or stress for the child to learn two languages" and "the great amount of time and effort required for parents to teach two languages" were frequently chosen as disadvantages of learning Korean, with more of those choices represented in the BP group. The following comment by an ESP mother illustrates this view: Of course it will be great if she speaks both languages well. However, in reality, this seems to be too difficult. If I force her to learn or speak Korean it will be stressful for both of us. For me also, I don't know if I can spend so much time and effort in teaching her Korean (ESP mother). 4.3.5 Parental reasons for wanting their children to learn English F i g u r e 4.17 M e a n r a n k s o n p a r e n t a l r e a s o n s for w a n t i n g the i r c h i l d to l e a r n E n g l i s h 0 E S P H B P Note: Means were calculated by adding the ranks of respondents' selecting their "top three important reasons." A . Because English is the language of the country my child is l iv ing in/because my child is a Canadian citizen B . Because good proficiency of English enhances future career possibilities C . To adapt him/herself well to school D. Because English is the most popular and powerful international language E . To make English-speaking friends 86 As shown in Figure 4.17, parents from both groups ranked the statements, "because English is the language of the country my child is living in/because my child is a Canadian citizen" and "because English is the most popular and powerful international language" as the most important reasons for wanting their children to learn English. 4.3.6 The language parents prefer to use with their children Over half the parents in both groups (ESP: 51.5%; BP: 65.4 %) stated that they preferred speaking "always Korean" or "mainly Korean plus some English" in talking to their children. A smaller percentage (ESP: 39.4%; BP: 30.8%) wanted to use "the same amount of English and Korean" to their children. Few parents in both groups indicated that they would like to use "mainly English plus some Korean" or "always English" (Figure 4.18). It seemed that both groups of parents preferred using Korean rather than English in talking to their children. Figure 4.18 The language parents prefer in speaking to theirchild Always English Mainly English Same of English Mainly Korean Always Korean & Korean Parents were also asked an open-ended question regarding the reasons for their preferred language use with the children. Parents' reports are presented in Table 4.8. 87 T h e m o s t f r e q u e n t l y r e p o r t e d r e a s o n f o r t h e p a r e n t s w h o p r e f e r r e d t o s p e a k t h e " s a m e a m o u n t o f E n g l i s h a n d K o r e a n " t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n w a s " f o r t h e c h i l d r e n ' s f l u e n c y i n b o t h l a n g u a g e s . " O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e m o s t c o m m o n r e a s o n s f o r p a r e n t s w h o p r e f e r r e d s p e a k i n g " m a i n l y K o r e a n p l u s s o m e E n g l i s h " o r " a l w a y s K o r e a n " w e r e t h a t " b e c a u s e h o m e i s t h e o n l y p l a c e t o l e a r n K o r e a n " a n d t h a t " b e c a u s e h e / s h e i s K o r e a n . " P a r e n t s w h o w a n t e d t o u s e " m a i n l y K o r e a n p l u s s o m e E n g l i s h " r a t h e r t h a n " a l m o s t a l w a y s K o r e a n " a d d e d t h e r e a s o n t h e y w a n t e d t o u s e s o m e E n g l i s h a s : " S o m e t i m e s , E n g l i s h i s n e e d e d f o r i n s t a n t a n d a c c u r a t e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w i t h m y c h i l d , b e c a u s e h e / s h e d o e s n o t u n d e r s t a n d s o m e K o r e a n w o r d s o r e x p r e s s i o n s " (N=6). Table 4.8 Number of parents reporting reasons for their preferred language use with the child Preferred language use with the child Reasons for the preferred language use Number of parents "Mainly English plus some Korean" or "Always English" (N=4) • to improve the child's English 2 • because the parents and the children are more comfortable speaking English 2 "Same amount of English & Korean" (N=21) • to have the child learn both languages/speak both fluently 9 • young children can acquire two (or more) languages naturally, if there is rich input in both languages 6 • for deep conversations and emotional relationship between parents and children, both languages are needed 3 • to minimize the child's confusion from the two languages 2 • because the parents are learning English too, it is good to practice English 1 "Mainly Korean plus some English" or "Always Korean" (N=35) • because home is the only place to learn Korean in this English-speaking environment 12 • Koreans should know their mother tongue/because the child is Korean 9 • currently, it is more important for the child to learn Korean than English/because the child has not yet fully developed their Korean 7 • because the child does not understand English 2 • if the child heard only Korean at home and English outside of home, he/she can better distinguish the two languages 1 88 4.3.7 The language parents expect their children to use with parents Higher percentages of the ESP parents than the BP parents (39.4% vs. 15.4%) wanted their children to use "same amount of English and Korean" with the parents. On the other hand, a higher percentage of the BP parents than the ESP parents expected their children to use "mainly Korean plus some English" (42.3% vs. 24.2%) or "always Korean" (42.3% vs. 30.3%) with the parents (Figure 4.19). Therefore, both groups of parents expected their children to use more Korean rather than English with the parents, but the ESP parents expected their children to use more English with the parents than did the BP group. Figure 4.19 The language parents expect their child to speak with parents Always English Mainly English Same of English Maily Korean Always Korean & Korean 4.3.8 Advice/ information parents have received on child bilingualism Over half the parents in both groups (BP: 76.9%; ESP: 51.5%) reported that they have received advice or read information on how to raise their children bilingually. They were then asked to say what the information or advice was through an open-ended question. Parents' reports of the information or advice they have received are presented in Table 4.9. More ESP parents than the BP parents had heard about the cognitive or social 89 advantages of bilingualism and were advised to teach both languages from an early age. On the other hand, more BP parents were advised to speak either English or Korean at home. A parent who immigrated to United States at an early age and reported that her child's first language is English commented: A l m o s t a lways , one shou ld demand, even force , a c h i l d to study and speak K o r e a n at home because she/he is e thn ica l l y K o r e a n . M e a n w h i l e the person g i v i n g adv i ce does not necessar i ly attempt to learn language other than his/her mother tongue or f i rst language ( E S P mother) . Table 4 . 9 Number of parents reporting advice/ information they have received on child bilingualism Advice/ information parents have received 1 ESP BP • First, teach (or use) Korean at home, children learn English naturally when they enter English-speaking schools. 4 6 • Because children in early age (3-4) can acquire two (or more) languages as like their mother tongue, expose then to both languages when they are in very early age. 5 1 • Learning two languages in early childhood can enhance cognitive development/ academic achievement/social relationship. 6 1 • It is important to teach and use English at home to improve minority-language children's English skills 0 3 • Children who are good at their first language can do second language better than who are not 0 2 • Children learning two languages can get double stress and pressure 1 0 Many parents in both groups got the information or advice from their friends/neighbors and from books/magazines/newspapers. Smaller percentages reported that they have received the information from siblings/relatives, preschool programs, or health professionals (Table 4.10). 90 Table 4.10 Number and percentage of parents reporting sources of the information/advice they have received ESP BP Siblings/relatives 3 17.6% 5 25.0% Friends/neighbors 8 47.1% 11 55.0% Preschool/daycare centers 3 17.6% 3 15.0% Books/magazines/newspapers 8 47.1% 8 40.0% Health professionals 3 17.6% 3 15.0% Note. Totals exceed 100% because respondents were asked to check "all that apply." In the final open-ended question of this section, parents commented about their various concerns, difficulties, or desires regarding their children's language development. Twenty-two parents responded to this question. Their responses were generally grouped in three categories as presented in Table 4.11. Table 4.11. Parents' reports of concerns, difficulties, or desires regarding their child's language development Concerns about English development N • Child's progress in English has been too slow, and parents want to know the reason. 6 • Parents wish their child not to be stressed at school because of his/her lack of English. 2 • Parents want to know how they can help their children's smooth transition into an English-speaking kindergarten 2 • Parents are not sure if their child's English is fine for his/her age 2 Concerns about Korean N • Child speaks less Korean and prefers to speak only English 3 • Parents wish there are more rich resources or institutes in which their child can learn Korean at low costs 4 • It is difficult to have the child learn Korean in a long-term perspective 1 Concerns about children's learning of two languages. N • Child is slow in both languages, is it due to his learning of two languages? 2 91 4.3 .9 Summary of parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English Both groups of parents had high expectations of their children's Korean and English proficiency. However, the BP parents expected higher levels of Korean proficiency than did the ESP group. Parents from both groups perceived learning Korean was important for their preschool-aged children. In terms of English, however, the ESP parents attached significantly greater importance than did the BP group. Parents in both groups wanted their children to maintain Korean for the emotional relationship between parents and children and for its symbolic value representing ethnicity. However, they perceived that learning two languages could be stressful for the child, and that teaching two languages required a great amount of time and effort for the parents. A higher percentage of ESP parents than the BP parents believed that there was no disadvantage for their children to learn Korean. Conversely, more BP parents than ESP parents perceived negative aspects of their children's learning Korean. Both groups showed similar preferences in terms of the language they wanted to use with their children. The majority of parents in both groups preferred to speak more Korean than English with their children. However, ESP parents expected their children to use more English with the parents than did the BP parents. Parents have received a variety of information or advice on how to raise their children bilingually, mostly from friends/neighbors or books/magazines/newspapers. Compared to the BP group, higher percentages of the ESP group parents were informed about the advantages of bilingualism. 92 4.4 Parents' views on the role of preschools in their children's learning of Korean and English This section addresses: 1) the most important things parents want their child to attain in preschool; 2) the reasons for parents' choice of the preschool; 3) parents' expectations of home language supports from their child's school; and 4) changes in the child's language use pattern after preschool enrolment." 4.4.1 Parents' expectations of their children's learning in preschool programs Parents were asked to choose three important things they wanted their children to gain in preschool/daycare centers and to rank them from (3) the most important to (1) the least important. Generally, parents from both groups had similar expectations of their children's learning in preschools. Language skills and social skills with peers were listed as top priorities by both groups of parents. The E S P parents ranked language skills and social skills with peers as almost equally important, and the B P parents attached greater importance to social skills with peers than to language skills (Figure 4.20). " See Appendix B, Section E , questions 25-32. 93 Figure 4.20 Mean ranks on the important skills parents want their child to learn in preschool/daycare centers Note: Means were calculated by adding the ranks of respondents selecting their "top three priorities." A. Language skills (learn to express his/her thoughts and feelings verbally in a clear and appropriate manner) B. Motor/physical skills (improve coordination, balance, and agility through large-muscle activities) C. Pre-academic skills (learn basic concepts and skills necessary for reading/writing/arithmetic) D. Aesthetic/creative skills (express him/herself creatively through arts, crafts, music, dance, and imaginative play) E . Social skills with adults (learn to listen to, cooperate with, and respect adults) F. Social skills with peers (learn to share and cooperate with other children, and to understand their feelings) G. Self-sufficiency skills (learn to care for him/herself and his/her belongings in a responsible manner) H. Self-assessment skills (learn to take pride in his/her accomplishments, and develops a sense of self-confidence) 4.4.2 Parental reasons for choice of preschool programs There were significant group differences in the reasons parents chose the preschools/daycare centers for their children. The most common reasons for the ESP parents were because it was near home (n=15), and because it had appropriate time schedules, good (well-equipped) environment, or good educational programs (n=8). On the other hand, the BP group parents chose the preschools for the following reasons: 94 1) Chi ld can learn two languages from a bilingual program (n=6); 2) to have child know about Korea and learn Korean at preschool (n=5); and 3) experiences in a bilingual school can help ease of transition into a English-speaking school (n=5). Similar to the ESP group, four parents from the B P group considered appropriate time-schedules, distance, good environments, or educational programs in choosing particular preschools for their children. 4.4.3 Parents' expectations of home language supports from schools12 The majority of the respondents in both groups (ESP: 82.4%; B P : 76.0%) expected their children's current or future schools to support their home language and culture. The remaining parents (ESP: 17.6%; B P : 24.0%) answered that they did not expect support of home language and culture from their children's schools. When they were asked i f they felt their children's current preschool/daycare centers supported their home language and culture (Question 28), 39.4% of the E S P parents said "yes," 57.6% answered "no," and one parent answered "don't know." In the B P group, not surprisingly, 100% of the parents answered "yes." Question 29 asked those parents who had answered "yes" to Question 28, "In what ways your child's current school supports your home language and culture?" The responses from the E S P group varied. Three parents answered that they were asked by the teachers to share their ethnic customs, books, and other information on Korean culture. Other parents reported episodes in which they felt their children's schools respected their home language and culture. Parents' reports are summarized in Table 4.12. 1 2 See Appendix B, Section E , questions 27-30. 95 Table 4.12 ESP parents' reports of receiving home language supports from preschools In what ways your child's current school supports your home language or culture? • "Sometimes, when they sing songs in a circle time, they sing the songs in other minority languages as well, like in Korean" • "For a new child who doesn't speak English at all, the teacher learns basic necessary words or expressions in the child's home language from the parents" • "The teacher called my child's Korean name and did not request an English name" • "When there were big events in the school, they put greetings in Korean on the wall" • "My child's teacher remembered the word my child told her in Korean, and asked me what it meant in English" • "The teacher said my son can speak Korean in the classroom when he wants" • "The teacher suggested that I teach reading and writing in Korean and use Korean continuously at home" • "When my child's preschool sent me important documents, they translated them into Korean, which impressed me." Compared to the various responses from the E S P group, the B P parents' reports had much in common with each other. The majority of parents answered that the school used and taught Korean language, there were Korean-speaking teachers, and there were many materials and books in Korean or about Korea. The second sub-question of Question 29 asked the parents about the reasons they thought they did not get home language supports from their children's schools. Among the 21 E S P parents who answered that they did not get home language supports, the highest percentages thought because "it was not realistic to arrange it for all minority language families" (Table 4.13). The following example illustrates this view: This is a multicultural society which consists of diverse languages and heritage cultures. How can the school support every minority language and culture? (ESP mother) 96 Table 4.13 Number and percentage of parents reporting the reasons for not receiving home language supports from preschools N (%) • It was not realistic to arrange it for all minority language families 16 (76.2%) • No information about home language supports had been given to the parents 4 (19.0%) • Parents had not asked for it. 4 (19.0%) Note: N=21. Total exceeds 100% because respondents checked "all that apply" No parents from the BP group answered this question because there were no parents from this group who thought they did not get home language supports from their children's schools. Parents were given seven possible ways that English-speaking schools might support their home language, and were asked to rate them in a Likert type scale from (1) unimportant to (5) very important. The means of parents' ranks were then computed and presented in Figure 4.21. Figure 4.21 Mean degree of importance regarding the ways the child's s c h o o l might suppor t minority language Note: Mean measured on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (unimportant) to 5 (very important). A. Allow students to use their home language anywhere in the school B. Assess children's abilities in both home language and English C. Hire interpreter or translators to assist in direct contact with the parents D. Have bilingual teacher available in the classroom E . Have materials/books written in Korean or about Korea F. Involve parents in classroom activities G. Teach Korean for groups of children as a second language 97 As shown in Figure 4.21, most items were considered highly important by both groups of parents. In the E S P group, "teach Korean to groups of children as a second language" and "involve parents in classroom activities" were listed as the most important ways. On the other hand, the B P group considered "have materials/books written in Korean or about Korean" and "hire interpreter or translator to assist in the direct contact with the parents" as highly important. However, these differences were not significant. 4.4.4 Changes in the children's language use after preschool enrolment Parents reported positive and negative changes in their children's language use patterns at home after their children's preschool enrolment. More of the E S P group (N=24, 70.6%) than the B P group (N=16, 64 %) reported that they did find changes. Table 4.14 Number of parents reporting their child's language use changes after preschool enrolment N Positive ESP • Child's English has developed/ child uses more English 15 BP • Child's self-expression skills and vocabulary of Korean have improved 7 • Child understands that there are different races and languages in the world, and is not afraid of different races of people anymore 3 • Child began to be interested in English and tried to use it at home 2 Negative ESP • Child speaks Korean less than before and prefers to use only English 9 • Child starts to mix Korean and English, and seems to be confused between the two languages. 2 BP • Child has made no progress in English 2 As shown in Table 4.14, many parents did not respond in terms of the negative changes they have noticed. In terms of positive changes, most E S P respondents reported that their child's English has improved; whereas the B P group reported their child's Korean has 98 improved. The child's use of less Korean and preference to speak English was most frequently indicated as a negative change in the E S P group. 4.4.5 Summary of parents' views of the role of preschools in their children's learning of Korean and English The E S P and B P group indicated different reasons for their choice of the preschool programs. Most E S P parents considered distance, environments, and educational programs of the schools; whereas most B P parents considered opportunities to learn Korean and a smooth transition into English-speaking schools. In both groups, language skills and social skills with peers were the most important skills parents expected their children to learn in preschool programs. Parents from both groups expected their children's current or future schools to support their home language and culture. However, compared to the high percentages (82.4%) of E S P parents who expected home language supports from their children's schools, a smaller percentage (39.4%) felt that they actually received home language supports from their children's schools. Both groups of parents thought that "teach Korean as a second language" was a very important way that English-speaking schools could support the Korean language. Regarding the positive changes in the children's language use patterns after their preschool enrolment, the E S P and B P group reported respectively that their children's English and Korean has improved. Many E S P parents, however, considered their children's use of less Korean and preference for English as negative changes. 99 4.5 The relationships between the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English, and the language environments in the families Correlations between the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English, and the language environments in the families were computed. "Parents' attitudes" were represented by two variables: 1) the levels of Korean and English parents expect their child to attain and 2) the degree of importance of learning Korean and English. The measure for "the language environments" included three scales for each language which were created from subsets of items 1 3: 1) literacy activities parents do with their children; 2) children's use of literacy-related materials; and 3) literacy activities children see at home. The correlation between parents' attitudes and literacy environments in the home was tested in each language separately. The results of the correlation analyses are presented in Table 4.15. In both groups, parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English were correlated with the frequency of children's use of literacy materials; but neither with the frequency of literacy activities parents do with their children nor with the frequency of literacy activities children observe at home. Moreover, in the E S P group, the only significant correlation was between the parents' expected levels of English and the frequency of the child's use of English materials (r= .45, p<0.01). In other words, E S P children whose parents had higher expectations of their children's English proficiency tended to use English literacy-related materials more often than children whose parents had lower expectations. In the B P group, on the other hand, the frequency of the child's use of Korean materials was correlated with: 1) parents' ratings of the 1 3 See page 66, 70, and 73 of this chapter for details of the three scales. 100 importance of learning Korean (r= .49, p<0.05) and 2) parents' expected levels of Korean proficiency for their child (r= .44, p<0.05). This indicates that B P children whose parents had higher expectations of their children's Korean proficiency and attached greater importance to learning Korean, used Korean literacy-related materials significantly more often than children whose parents had lower expectations and attached lower importance of their children's Korean. Table 4.15 Correlations between parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English, and literacy environments at home Parents' expected levels of Korean The importance of learning Korean Frequency of the parents' provisions of ESP 0.09 0.07 literacy activities in Korean BP 0.01 0.18 Frequency of the child's use of Korean ESP 0.11 0.24 literacy materials at home BP 0.44* 0.47* Frequency of the child's observations of ESP -0.07 0.14 literacy activities in Korean at home BP 0.07 0.34 Parents' expected levels of English The importance of . learning English Frequency of the parents' provisions of ESP 0.19 0.04 literacy activities in English BP 0.21 0.18 Frequency of the child's use of English ESP 0.37* 0.21 literacy materials at home BP -2.15 0.19 Frequency of the child's observations of ESP 0.04 -0.23 literacy activities in English at home BP 0.16 0.08 Note: *p<0.05 101 C H A P T E R F I V E D i s c u s s i o n This chapter begins by presenting a summary chart of the main findings of the present study, then discusses these findings in relation to the research questions as well as the issues dealt with in the review of related literature. Some insights which have emerged from the parental interviews are also discussed. The discussion of the findings is organized in accordance with the research questions, which are shown below: 1) What are the patterns of language use in the Korean immigrant families which have preschool-aged children? 2) What are the literacy environments and activities in the families? 3) What are the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English? 4) What are the parents' views of the role of preschools in their children's learning of Korean and English? 5) What are the relationships between the parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and English, and the literacy environments in the home? 102 Table 5.1 Summary of the main findings of the present study Research Questions Findings from the total sample Comparative findings between ESP & BP Language use patterns in the families • Korean was the main language used among parents and between parents and children. • More BP parents than the ESP parents spoke Korean exclusively with their children. • The BP children spoke Korean predominantly at home and outside of home. • The ESP children spoke more English to their parents and in their daily lives than did the BP children. Literacy environments and activities in the families • The families had supportive literacy environments and activities in the home. • The BP group had more exposure to Korean literacy-related activities and materials, but had much less exposure to English language activities and materials than the ESP group. • The. ESP group had more exposure to English literacy-related activities and materials than the BP group. Parents' attitudes to their children's learning of English and Korean • Parents had high expectations of their children's both English and Korean proficiency. • The BP parents had higher expectations of their children's Korean proficiency than did the ESP parents. • Parents believed that it was important for their preschool-aged children to learn Korean. • The ESP parents attached a significantly greater importance to their children's learning of English than did the BP parents. • Parents wanted their children to learn Korean for emotional bonding between parents and children and for symbolic value representing Korean ethnicity. • More ESP parents than the BP parents perceived that there was no disadvantage of learning Korean for their children. • More BP parents than the ESP parents perceived negative aspects of their children's learning of Korean (e.g., a difficulty in integrating into the mainstream culture). • The most frequent cited disadvantages of learning Korean were "high pressures for the child" and "the time and efforts required for parents." Parents' views on the role of preschools in their children's learning of Korean and English • Language skills & social skills with peers were the most important skills parents expected their children to learn in preschools. • The ESP group considered distance, environments and educational programs in choosing preschool centers. • The BP group considered opportunity to learn Korean and an ease of transition into an English-speaking school in choosing preschools. • The majority of the parents in both groups expected their children's preschools to support the Korean language and culture. • The ESP group reported that their children's English has improved after their preschool enrolment, but they have used less Korean and preferred to speak English. • The BP group reported that their children's Korean has improved. The relationships between parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean & English, and the literacy environments in the home • Parents' attitudes to their children's language learning were correlated with the frequency of the children's use of literacy-related materials at home • In the ESP, correlations were found between the parents' attitudes to English and the child's use of English literacy materials at home. • In the BP, correlations were found between parents' attitudes to Korean and the child's use of Korean literacy materials at home. 103 5.1 Patterns of language use in the families In the both E S P and B P groups, parents mainly spoke Korean with each other and with their children. Somewhat different patterns of language use, however, were observed between the two groups. In the B P group, parents spoke Korean exclusively in talking to their children. The B P children also spoke Korean predominantly at and outside of home. In the ESP group, the children's language choice depended on the conversation partners and place of conversation. They spoke more Korean than English to their parents, grandparents, and siblings, but spoke more English than Korean to their friends and at school. In general, the E S P group spoke English significantly more often in their daily lives than did the B P group. According to Huls and Mond (1992), attrition of the native language in immigrant families is a process that takes years and spans different generations. Since high proportions of the participants in this study were relatively new immigrants to Canada, these families still speak their mother tongue (Korean) in the domestic circle. The different patterns of language use between the two groups are consistent with other studies (Chang, 1994; Yamamoto, 1995). For example, in his study of English-speaking minority families in Japan, Yamamoto (1995) found that children who attended an English-speaking school used English predominantly with their siblings in the home, whereas children attending Japanese-speaking kindergartens or preschools spoke mainly Japanese with their siblings. This different language use between the two groups may be possibly explained by findings of other studies which suggest that language minority children's entry into English-speaking classrooms has an effect on their use of native language at home 104 (Cummins, 1991; Faulstich Orellana, 1994; Siren, 1991; Wong Fillmore, 1991). In his study on Portuguese children, Cummins (1991) found that during the short period of time that children had been exposed to English in kindergarten, their language shift from Portuguese to English at home was already very much in progress. In fact, E S P parents in this study reported that there was a tendency for their children to use more and more English at home after they had began to go to preschool or daycare centers. Consistent with studies of Siren (1991) and Wong Fillmore (1991), children's entry into English-speaking programs affected not only the children's language use at home, but also parental language use to the children. The relationship between children's school enrolment and parental language use was confirmed by interviews with the E S P parents as in the following case: She's been in the preschool for one year and now she uses (Korean and English) half and half. I used to speak only Korean at home, but now I use English and Korean almost equally. I do it to make it easier for her in preschool. As Siren (1991) claimed, it is not solely the parents who determine language use between parents and children, but the parents' choice of language use is also continually adjusted to the language of the children. In comparing patterns of language use between the two groups, however, it must be remembered that association between language used in the preschool and the language spoken at home can not be interpreted directly in terms of cause and effect. The data from the questionnaire and interviews in the current study did not offer clear evidence of such direction. It would be well worth further investigating to what extent the language environments in the school influence the language chosen for communication among immigrant families. 105 Siren (1991) suggests that whether parents use only a minority language or both a minority and majority language is significant for the child's bilingual development. If parents use both languages with their child, the child mostly responses with the majority language to the parents and the chances of the child becoming a competent bilingual are limited. It is possible that the B P group may develop the Korean language better than the E S P group in the long run i f the B P group continues to speak Korean predominantly in the home. 5.2 The literacy environments and activities in the families Generally, both groups were found to have supportive literacy environments at home. Children had access to many books and other literacy-related materials; they experienced various literacy activities, such as being read to, being told stories, singing songs, and watching TV/videos; and they had opportunities to see others reading and writing. There were, however, somewhat different language patterns within their literacy experiences in that the B P group had more exposure to Korean literacy-related materials and activities and the E S P group had more exposure to English literacy-related materials and activities. Most of the findings supported the notion that the language environment of the B P group was predominantly Korean. Fairly large percentages of the B P children experienced Korean literacy-related activities on a daily basis. For example, just under half the B P children were read Korean books and were told stories in Korean daily, and over half the children watched Korean TV/videos and sang Korean songs on a daily 106 basis. However, these children had less frequent exposure to English language activities and materials in the home. The E S P group reportedly experienced literacy-related activities in both languages, but Korean and English had their own respective domains in which they were used. For example, consistent with other findings, emotionally laden or conversational activity types (e.g., playing games, telling stories) favored the use of Korean in the families. In contrast, the use of English was highest while watching T V or engaging in educational activities (e.g., teaching letters/reading/writing, having private lessons) (Huls & Mond, 1992; Hymes, 1974). It was found that parents who had been in Canada for a longer period of time and had higher proficiency in English tended to provide more English literacy activities and materials for their children at home. Although the difference was not statistically significant, there were slightly higher percentages of the E S P parents (father: 20.6%; mother: 14.7%) than B P parents (father: 4.0%; mother: 3.8%) who had been in Canada for longer than ten years. In addition, the ESP parents indicated slightly higher mean levels of their own English proficiency (father: 4.07; mother: 3.16) than did the B P parents (father: 3.62; mother: 2.76). Therefore, it is possible that the E S P parents' longer duration of residence in Canada and higher English proficiency may have influenced the finding that the E S P group had more exposure to English activities and materials in the home than did the B P group. Researchers have reported that parents of competent bilingual children provided consistent input in their home language during their children's preschool years through activities such as conversing, singing, playing, reading, teaching to read, and using mass 107 media (Lin, 1998; Saunders, 1983; Sharpe, 1997). Parents in the current study carried out a variety of literacy activities in Korean, which is highly positive for their children's Korean language development. It is not clear at the present time, however, what the implications are regarding the variations in the parents' provision of literacy activities in English, a practice which was much less frequently claimed by the B P group. A s discussed in the literature review of this study, this uncertainty is because much of the research on the home literacy environments of minority language families has looked at language environments in terms of minority language input, but home literacy environments in bilingual contexts or with specific reference to bilingual language use have not yet been explored. Parents' provision of rich first language experiences during the child's preschool years has been reported as an important indicator for the children's later proficiency in the first language. However, research has not explored how the variations in the parents' provision of second language environments and activities affect the preschool-aged language minority children's later bilingual competency. More research is needed, therefore, to assess the implications of variations in the first and second language input in preschool-aged immigrant children. 5. 3 Parents' attitudes towards their children's learning of English and Korean Overall, most parents in this study were positive about their children's learning of both Korean and English. However, the B P group expected higher levels of Korean proficiency for their children than did the E S P group. Conversely, the E S P group attached greater importance to learning English during the preschool years than did the B P group. The positive attitudes towards the children's learning of both languages found 108 in this study confirm studies done with other language minority groups which reported that parents wanted their children to develop their home language while learning a second language (for example, Lasimbang, Mil ler , & Otigil , 1991; L i n , 1998; Pavao, 1996; Seif, 1984; Siren, 1991; Tamis, 1990; Yamamoto & Richards, 1998). The finding that the B P group placed a higher priority on the children's learning of Korean also supports other studies that found that parents of children in home language-speaking schools were more supportive for their children's home language maintenance than parents of children in English monolingual schools (for example, Holmen, Latomaa, & Anderson, 1992; Shin, 1994). It remains an open question as to whether this relationship shows us that parents with a strong a desire for maintaining their home language send their children to a bilingual school, or that parents' attitudes are influenced and adjusted by their children's school type. It should also be kept in mind that looking at parents' choice of school in relation to their attitudes is only relevant in certain cases where there is a real choice. In this study, however, the few bilingual programs available in Greater Vancouver limited the parents' options for their children's school language environment. Therefore, caution should be taken when interpreting the current study's findings regarding parents' differing attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English in terms of the preschool types that they chose for their children. 5.3.1 Parents' beliefs about the timing of English language acquisition Even though both groups of parents had similarly high expectations of their children's levels of English proficiency, there were differences between the two groups in their beliefs about the appropriate time to expose their children to an English language 109 environment during the preschool years. These differing opinions about the timing of English language acquisition were observed consistently throughout the parents' responses to the questionnaire and through parental interviews. For example, significantly higher percentages of the B P parents than the E S P parents reported that at the time of this study learning English was not particularly important. The lower importance placed on learning English by the B P group was somewhat surprising since the parents from this group had very high expectations of their children's levels of English proficiency. A n example given from the interview with B P parents illustrates how parents revealed their attitudes: I think now is a very good opportunity to learn Korean rather than to learn English. Of course I want her to have very good English, but there will be always chances to learn English in this country. However, learning Korean will be difficult if she starts an English-speaking school (BP mother). Similarly, more B P parents than E S P parents expressed their desire for their children to build a strong competency in Korean before engaging in English acquisition at English-speaking preschools. The following comment by a B P group mother illustrates this view: I send him to this preschool because he does not speak Korean very well. Before he starts to learn English at English school, I want him to have a good basis in Korean (BP mother). On the other hand, some parents from both groups believed that children should learn both Korean and English from a very early age because they had the ability to acquire two or more languages naturally. However, somewhat more parents in the E S P group reported this to be the case. The differing opinions about the timing of English learning were also observed in the parents' reports of the reasons that they preferred to use a particular language with their children. For example, some parents who wanted to 110 speak mainly Korean to their children indicated the reasons that "it is more important to learn Korean at this age" or "because his/her Korean has not fully developed." Others who preferred to speak the same proportion of English and Korean with their children reported their reason that "children in early age can acquire two languages as like a mother tongue, if there are rich input in both languages." From these data, it is not clear why parents have these differing beliefs on the appropriate time to introduce English. However, it is interesting to note that the most common types of information or advice parents reported receiving were also that the "child should attain Korean first" and the "child should attain both languages in early age." Therefore, there is a possibility that the information or advice parents have received might influence their beliefs regarding the appropriate time for their preschool children's acquisition of the two languages. It also should be noted that a significant age group difference was found in the parents' ratings of how important it was for their children to learn speaking skills in English. That is, parents with six-year-old children attached greater importance to their children's learning of speaking skills in English than did the parents of three- and four-year-old children. Even though the statistically significant age group differences were found only in the parent's ratings of speaking skills in English and not for the other areas, as Wong Fillmore (1991) reported, children's age may be a significant variable in the parents' attitudes to their children's language learning. Therefore, the relatively younger age of children in the B P group may account for the lower importance placed in learning English by the B P group. i l l This study shows that the appropriate time for second language learning during the preschool years, an issue which has been generated among researchers1, is also an important issue for parents of preschool-aged children. Moreover, this issue can significantly influence parents' practices regarding their preschool-aged children's language development, such as speaking a particular language with their children or sending their children to a particular preschool program. 5.3.2 Parental motivation to teach their children Korean and English The most important reasons that both groups of parents wanted their children to learn Korean were for emotional bonding between parents and children, and for a symbolic value representing Korean ethnicity. In terms of the reasons parents wanted their children to learn English, both groups of parents put a greater emphasis on integrative/identity motivation 2 and language status factors3 and less emphasis on the instrumental value 4. The ethnic identity motivation for teaching Korean to their children was consistent with other studies such as those dealing with immigrant parents' motivation to maintain their home language (Du, 1994; Lewin, 1987; L i n , 1998; Oliver & Purdie, 1998; Smolicz & Lean, 1979; Tamis, 1990; Tsai, 1997). However, contrary to these studies, practical motives such as to communicate with relatives in Korea or for career related advantage, were ranked as relatively less important than other reasons in this study. 1 See Chapter Two on page 16-19 for review of the related literature. 2 "English is the language my child is living in/ because my child is a Canadian citizen" 3 "English is a powerful and international language" 4 "To be successful in the child's future studies or work" 112 In the study of Korean immigrant parents in Alberta, Canada, Seif (1984) found that parents wanted their children to maintain the Korean language "to keep their unique tradition and culture" such as respecting the elderly and the parents (p. 37). However, both groups of parents in the current study ranked the statement "to have my child keep the Korean tradition and cultural values (e.g., respect adults)" as much less important than other reasons. Considering that Seif's study was conducted in the early 1980s, it may be possible that the young, recently arrived immigrant parents with preschool-aged children who had been raised in a more individual and westernized society have less desire to keep Korean traditional cultural values. It also shows that variations exist within the Korean immigrant group in the motivation to maintain Korean language and culture. The finding of the parents' reasons for wanting their children to learn English is also different from other studies which have reported that practical/ instrumental motives, such as to be successful in studies and work, played the most important role in the immigrant parents' motivation to teach their children the majority language (Du, 1994; Grosjean, 1982; Seif, 1984; Siren, 1991). In the current study, the practical/instrumental reasons were considered less important for the children's learning both Korean and English. The feelings behind the parents' motivations to teach their children both Korean and English were: "because they are Korean" and " because they are Canadian." In brief, this study found the same emphasis on identity as the prime reason for both Korean and English acquisition, with less importance attached to functional purposes. 113 5.3.3 Parents' beliefs about disadvantages of having their child learn Korean Parents perceived that having their children learn Korean would not be an easy task for either the children or the parents. The most frequently reported disadvantages of their children's learning of Korean were "the high pressure for the child to learn two languages" and "the great amount of time and efforts required for parents." However, more E S P parents than the B P parents perceived that learning two languages would not be disadvantageous. On the other hand, the B P parents were more sensitive to the possible disadvantages of their children's maintaining of Korean, such as "the difficulty in integrating into the mainstream culture" and "child feels different or frustrated among English-speaking peers." This was an unexpected finding since the B P parents had a stronger desire for their children's learning of Korean and actually practiced Korean more than the E S P group. It is also inconsistent with other researchers' findings suggesting that parents with more positive attitudes to their children's learning of two languages practice their native language more often with the children than parents who are less positive (Lewin, 1987; L i n , 1998). It may be possible that due to the B P children's relatively low proficiency in English and less frequent contact with English-speaking peers, the B P parents worried more about the possible difficulties their children would face in English-speaking settings. Another possibility is that the B P group had experienced more difficulty in adjusting themselves to the mainstream society than did the E S P group. For example, a director of the B P school informed the researcher that some children in her school moved from English-speaking programs to her preschool because they had a hard time in the English-speaking settings. This may be one of the factors explaining why many B P group 114 parents perceived "difficulty in integrating" as a negative aspect for their children's learning of Korean. It is also interesting to note that significantly higher percentages of the B P group than the E S P group perceived "the great amount of time and effort required for parents to teach two languages" as disadvantages of learning Korean. The sample size in the interview was too small to draw any verifiable conclusions about whether the B P group had more difficulty than the E S P group in terms of providing bilingual environments for their children, or whether the two groups had different family work patterns, a factor which may have contributed to the parents' judgment of their effectiveness in developing their children's first language (Seif, 1984). However, it would be well worth investigating further why the bilingual group perceived more negative aspects of their children's learning of Korean, even though they placed a higher priority on their children's Korean than did the E S P group. 5.4 Parents' view of the role of preschool on their children's learning of Korean and English 5.4.1 Parental reasons for choice of preschool programs There were distinct reasons for the parents' choice of preschools between the two groups. The E S P group considered the relative importance of distance, time schedules, or environments of the schools when choosing child care centers for their children. On the other hand, the B P group chose bilingual schools either for their children's learning of the Korean language and culture, or for ease of transition into an English-speaking school. The following remark by a B P parent illustrates the latter case: I concerned that she might be hurt her self-esteem or lost her interests in schools, i f she went an English school with no knowledge of English. I wanted her to learn English in a more comfortable atmosphere. If she learns some English and how the school is going on, then I will feel better sending her to an English school (BP mother). As illustrated above, it was not always the case that every B P parent chose a bilingual school for their children's learning of the Korean language and culture. For some parents, bilingual preschools played a transitional role connecting home to English settings, or a role as the place that children and parents feel more comfortable starting their school life and starting to learn English. 5.4.2 Parents' expectations of home language support from preschools The majority of parents (approximately 80%) in both groups expected their children's preschools to support the Korean language and culture. However, the percentage of E S P parents who thought that Korean language was actually supported by their children's preschool programs was not very high (39.4%). D u (1994) reported that Chinese immigrant parents did not see the role of their children's preschool or later school in sending positive or negative messages regarding their children's bilingual development. In contrast, parents in the current study seemed to be more concerned about the school's influence on their children's development of Korean. Many parents thought it was very important that the school support Korean language through such activities as teaching Korean as a second language, involving parents in classroom activities, and arranging Korean materials or books in the schools. 116 This finding is congruent with other studies suggesting that Korean immigrant parents would have liked the Korean language to be taught in public schools (Pak, 1984; Seif, 1984). 5.4.3 Parents' views on the impact of preschool experiences on their child's language use patterns In both groups, many parents found changes in their children's language use patterns after their preschool enrolment. Moreover, both E S P and B P parents noticed more positive rather than negative changes. However, there were differences between the two groups in their reports of the positive changes. The B P group found that their children's Korean had improved, while the E S P parents noticed their children's English had improved. In addition, nine out of the 24 E S P parents who observed changes in language use considered that their children's less frequent use of Korean and preference for English was the negative change they have noticed. This finding confirms previous studies which found that immigrant children were using less of their native languages as they learned English in English-speaking early education programs (Cummins, 1991; Faulstich Orellana, 1994; Siren, 1991; Wong Fillmore, 1991). The data from the present study do not give evidence that "children were losing their home language as they learn English" as reported by Wong Fillmore (1991, p. 341), at least not for Korean preschool-aged children. Yet while the data do not suggest an immediate trend toward language loss at this time, the children's less frequent use of Korean and their preference for English reported by the nine E S P parents may indicate a starting point for the process of language shift to English in these children. 117 The findings from this study do not suggest that one or the other types of early education is better for Korean preschool-aged children' bilingual development. However, it was shown that the types of preschool children are attending may reveal much about parent's attitudes to their children's language development, the language environments in the home, and the children's language use patterns in the home. More research is needed to investigate the relationship between the types of preschool and language attitudes and practices in the homes of different linguistic and cultural groups through which we wil l better understand the impact of school language environments on minority language children's bilingual development. 5.5 The relationships between the parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English, and the language environments in the families This is an exploratory study of the relationships between immigrant parents' attitudes to their children's language development and the literacy environments in the home. Therefore, it is beyond the scope of this study to offer definitive or causal conclusions on these findings. In addition, the relationship between attitudes and practices is not a simple task to explore, especially through the use of questionnaires. Correlations found in this study, therefore, should be interpreted with caution. With this in mind, this section discusses the findings of correlations between parents' attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English and home literacy environments. In both groups, parents' attitudes were correlated with the frequency of the child's use of literacy materials at home, but not with either parents' provisions of literacy activities or literacy activities that the child observed at home. It may be reasonable to 118 assume that the child's use of literacy materials at home is also related to the parents' literacy practices in that parents provide the materials for the children. Therefore, a possible explanation for this correlation finding may be that when parents feel the need for their children to learn a particular language, they provide materials or books for their children more easily rather than doing literacy-related activities with their children. It may also be assumed that from the parents' perspectives, using literacy-related materials such as books, writing utensils, or computer programs are more closely related to the children's language learning rather than telling stories, singing songs, or playing games. That there was no significant correlation between parents' attitudes and the frequency of literacy activities the child observed at home may be due to different understandings of "home literacy activities." It is possible that attitudes to their children's language learning may have an indirect, rather than a direct, effect on the amount of time that parents spend reading or writing to themselves at home. Another interpretation regarding the correlation is simply that parents do not practice what they have in mind. Parental desire is not automatically translated into their behavior (Siren, 1991). For example, Seif (1984) reported that Korean immigrant parents had a strong desire for their children to maintain the Korean language, but they made no effort to formally teach their children Korean at home. There may be gaps between parents' attitudes and practices regarding their children's Korean and English development. Finally, as De Houwer (1998) noted in his review of the relationship between language-related parental attitudes and parental linguistic practices, "parents' attitudes to particular languages, (early child) bilingualism in general, and aspects of language choice 119 interact in complex ways that are not always transparent, and may in fact result in ambivalent situations which do not necessarily correspond to parents' behaviors" (p. 82). In the correlational analyses of this study, parental attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English were measured by two questions: parents' expected levels of language proficiency and the degree of importance for the children to learn the languages. Parents' responses to these questions may not be enough to explore parents' attitudes in relation to their practices. Further studies are needed to explore specifically whether the parents' attitudes are related to parental efforts to transmit the language to their children, with more careful considerations of other variables which can influence parents' practices and with more extensive and multi-level measures of parental attitudes. A significant correlation in the ESP group was found between parents' attitudes to their child's English and the child's use of English literacy materials at home but not in the case of Korean. On the other hand, in the B P group, parents' attitudes to their child's Korean and the child's use of Korean literacy materials were correlated. Clear reasons for this differing pattern of correlation between the two groups were not drawn from this study. Some insights, however, were derived from the parental interviews as in the following case: In one side, Korean is also important for her and I should do something for her Korean before she forgets it. But the other side, I'd like to do something that can be beneficial to her school experiences. I don't want her to fall behind other kids because of her Korean (ESP mother). For some ESP parents, having their children attend English-speaking educational programs may hinder their support for their children's continued learning of Korean. The ESP group rather than the B P group is in the situation where their children's English is 120 felt to be more important for their school lives than the maintenance of the Korean language. Therefore, from the parents' perspectives, time would be better spent on English which is beneficial to their school experiences. In the B P group, parents' attitudes to their child's Korean and the child's use of Korean literacy materials were correlated, but not in the case of English. A possible explanation is that parents' English proficiency (other than parents' attitudes) might have influenced the parents' provision of literacy activities in English. In fact, correlation analyses revealed a significant positive correlation between parents' English proficiency and the literacy environments and activities engaged in English. Therefore, the B P parents' relatively low English proficiency might be one that affects parents' less frequent engagement of literacy activities in English. However, further research needs to be conducted to investigate the reason for the differing patterns of correlation with Korean families who send their children to English-speaking and bilingual preschools. 1 2 1 CHAPTER SIX Implications and Recommendations 6.1 Implications for practice The results of this study provide some insights and implications for Korean immigrant parents as well as for professionals in early childhood education working with Korean children and their parents. The findings can assist immigrant families by increasing their understanding and practices in raising their children to be bilingual. It may also assist educators, school counselors, and other personnel involved in the education of Korean children in understanding the language issues of Korean immigrant families. In this way, the findings may help educational personnel to become more sensitive to those needs. Finally, the results of this study should stimulate further study in the area of language attitudes and practices in minority language families, particularly Korean families. 6.1.1 Implications for parents Suggestions for support of bilingual experiences Although both E S P and B P groups claimed that the learning Korean was important for their children, the E S P group reportedly practiced it less often than the B P group did. They had less exposure to Korean literacy-related materials and activities, and lower expectations of their children's Korean proficiency than did the B P group. If the E S P parents expect their children to be competent bilinguals, they may need to participate in activities in which Korean is used with their children besides simply talking to their 122 children in Korean. As well, they should consider providing various Korean literacy-related materials at home. Compared to the B P children who are exposed to Korean language at school as well as in the home, the E S P children hear Korean for only a short time in the home. In this group, therefore, Korean may need more stimulation to counteract the dominance of English outside the home. A number of researchers have stressed the importance for minority language children to extend their minority language experiences in a variety of situations so that the language is not confined to their home (Arnberg, 1987; Baker, 1996; Saunders, 1983). The children's proficiency in Korean needs stimulating inside as well as outside the home through different levels of pleasurable activities such as: • using cassette/video tapes, T V , books, games and songs in the home; • visiting shops or a variety of cultural events (e.g., sports events) in the Korean community; • having recreational experiences with people who speak Korean; and • visiting to the linguistic homeland (Arnberg, 1987; Baker, 1996; Saunders, 1983). The B P group spoke Korean exclusively in their daily lives and had rich Korean literacy-related environments, but had limited exposure to the English language. Moreover, the B P parents thought that learning Korean was more important and that learning English at this time was relatively less important for their children. This is, of course, a highly positive situation for developing Korean at the preschool stage; but nevertheless, it is rather worrying in view of the research findings which point out the strong influence parental attitudes and encouragement have on their children's second language development (Baker, 1996; Chang, 1994; Shin, 1994). Arnberg (1987) noted 123 situations where the minority language may become the child's dominant language. For example, • the minority language is the only language used in the home, • the child attends a preschool program where the minority language is used, and • the family has little contact with majority language speakers. In such situations, there is the possibility that the child's contact with the majority language is too limited. Parents should, therefore, provide majority language support in various forms inside and outside the home while at the same time encouraging the child to maintain their minority language and culture (Arnberg, 1987). Parents can encourage their children's English development by providing: • stimulating materials, such as computer programs, posters, videos; • experiences which allow different styles of speaking and vocabulary to be absorbed by the child, such as visiting parks, bookstores, zoos; and • various chances to meet English-speaking peers (Arnberg, 1987; Baker, 1996; Saunders, 1983). Suggestions for support of literacy development in Korean Researchers have more recently emphasized the importance of continued development of literacy skills in the home language. Strong literacy development of the home language has been reported to be crucial not only for a high level of first language proficiency but also for a good foundation for the acquisition of a second language and academic success (Cummins, 1991; Noguchi, 1996). It was evident in the E S P group, however, that children were using mostly English literacy materials and parents were 124 reading English books and teaching English literacy rather than Korean. Moreover, the ESP parents had higher expectations of their children's literacy skills in English than in Korean. Since most children do not develop their literacy skills in Korean by the time they enter English schools, it is reasonable to assume that those children would have very limited opportunities to develop literacy skills in Korean. In fact, Yamamoto (1995) noted that many minority language children do not achieve even a limited degree of literacy in their home languages. This is because the development of literacy involves much more effort on the part of both parents and children than simply providing frequent opportunities for oral exposure to the home language. Parental interviews in this study also revealed that many parents expected their children to understand and speak Korean through communication with the parents at home, but to learn Korean literacy from Korean language schools. However, attending Saturday school alone may not be sufficient to develop literacy proficiency in the home language (Cummins & Nakajima, 1987). Greater importance should be attached to the parent's role in encouraging their children to read and write in Korean. D'onofrio (1988) showed that parents can encourage their children's biliteracy in the home by spending 15 minutes a day reading and playing, an experience which can be very enjoyable for the children. 6.1.2 Implications for educators and other professionals Suggestions for providing information to parents Parents felt that helping their children learn both languages would not be an easy task for both parents and children. In fact, "high pressure and stress for the chi ld" and "great deal of time and effort required for parents" were considered as the greatest 125 disadvantages in having their children learn Korean. Parents can benefit from receiving increased information on children's bilingual development and on how to support it in the home so that failure to help one's child learn both languages should not occur due to lack of information. Information can be provided to parents through available resources such as church newsletters, monthly family meetings at community centers, home nurses, or parent information bulletin boards, newsletters, and parent involvement in schools. Assistance can be provided by helping parents contact various parent advocacy organizations, or by giving them some examples of how other families have been successful and providing opportunities to discuss similar experiences with other parents (Arnberg, 1987; Baker, 1996). This may be particularly effective in that it was evident in this study and other studies that neighbors or friends who have had similar experiences were the most important sources from which parents would get information or advice regarding their children's development (Seif, 1984). As mentioned in the previous chapter, parents had somewhat differing beliefs regarding the appropriate time to expose their preschoolers to the two languages. It was also discussed that the parents' beliefs may be partly influenced by the advice or information they had received 1. Arnberg (1987) reported that parents are often caught in the middle of the various theories and strategies of raising children bilingually when they read articles from newspapers and books or when they consult professionals. It is partly due to researchers' opinions being polarized in this area (Arnberg, 1987). Moreover, the term "bilingual" has been broadly used in the literature without a precise description of the subject's linguistic exposure patterns, and therefore parents may often adopt findings 1 See Chapter Five on pages 109-111 for details. 126 of the research study which do not reflect their own needs and situations (Romain, 1998; Siren, 1991). The above implies that when information is provided to parents, it should be objective, current, non-technical so that they can evaluate the available knowledge in the field (Arnberg, 1987). It is also suggested that in presenting research findings, the detailed information on the subjects and linguistic situations of the families should be clearly described so that parents or other people helping those families can make decisions as to whether the findings reflect their own needs and situations. Professionals working with those families should also know about the specific patterns of linguistic and social interactions of the families and should not make any global assumptions or conclusions about families with children learning two languages. Professional development can be done in the field of early childhood education teacher-training programs or in-service training for other professional groups working with diverse language-minority families. Other professional organizations such as Early Childhood Multicultural Services ( E C M S ) or Early Childhood Diversity Network Canada ( E C D N C ) should also be encouraged to facilitate the development and accessibility of research and resources in language minority children's bilingual development at local and community levels by providing training, workshops, consultations, and resources to early childhood educators and to parents. Suggestions for educators in early childhood programs Even in many cases where minority language classes or bilingual teachers are not available, messages which show how the minority language and culture is valued within 127 the context of the school can be communicated to students and parents in a variety of ways. For example, in the current study, parents reported in several cases that they felt their children's schools supported and respected their home language. These parents' reports show that even i f a teacher learns a few words in the minority-language child's home language or puts written notices in the minority language during school events, children and their parents feel that their linguistic and cultural background is valued, which in turn wi l l benefit the children's development of their home languages as well as the parents' participation in the school. This study also showed that involving parents in classroom activities was considered an important way for parents to support the minority language and culture, yet at the same time, the parents' English proficiency was often a barrier to participation in their children's education. It seems that more appropriate structures and strategies should be considered for involving minority parents who have poor proficiency in English. Hiring volunteer interpreters or translators or recruiting a bilingual staff can be considered, wherever possible. Since parents' self-report of their English proficiency in the current study indicates that many Korean parents have better reading skills than speaking skills in English, written communication such as newsletters, notes, or memos is recommended for communication with parents. To enhance the effectiveness of oral communication, a short written progress report can be given to parents a few days before their meeting with school personnel. 128 6.1.3 Implications for community support Implications for Korean language schools It is likely that Korean language schools are important sources for helping the children learn literacy skills in Korean. In fact, 47.1% of the E S P and 16.0% of the B P group children took Korean lessons in Korean language schools or Korean language programs at churches. At the same time, parents claimed that they wished to have more institutes in which their children could learn Korean at low cost. Currently there are only a few Korean language schools in the Greater Vancouver area. These provisions exclude many children who live in areas far from those few schools. Increased institutional support for Korean language learning from Korean language schools, religious organizations, and community centers is necessary to help the children develop literacy skills in Korean. Implications for exposure to Korean language through mass media It was evident in the current study that the extent of exposure to Korean from T V programs and videotapes was significantly great. Almost one third (31.3%) of the E S P children and over two thirds (79.3%) of the B P children watched Korean T V or videos at least three or four times a week. Parents named two famous Korean educational programs for children with which they were very satisfied: one called "1,2,3 Preschool" appeared on the multicultural channel every morning. The other is called "Kiss , Kiss , Kiss , " which they borrowed from local Korean video shops. They stated that their children liked them very much and learned a lot of Korean vocabulary from them. It becomes obvious that the development of multicultural T V contributes a great deal to the interest in the Korean 129 language and culture and to Korean language development among preschool-aged children. Researchers claim that exposing minority language children to mass media in their home language is not only good language input for the children, but also the language itself may be identified with high status in the children's eyes (Arnberg, 1987; Baker, 1996; L i n , 1998). Therefore, it would be worthwhile to provide more children's programs on ethnic T V programs or videos. Parents should also be encouraged to increase their children's contact with Korean through mass media. Computer software programs are another important means through which children are exposed to English during their preschool years. In fact, English computer programs were the most commonly used materials for the E S P group children. More age> appropriate computer software programs should be used effectively to promote children's contact with English as well as Korean. Implications for Korean-speaking early childhood programs The bilingual preschools in this study played important roles in terms of helping the children learn the Korean language and culture, and of connecting the home to English-speaking school settings. Although the effects of bilingual education for preschool-aged children were not the focus of this study, it is apparent that the school language environment plays a significant role in immigrant children's home language maintenance, especially for preschool-aged children. However, currently there are few early childhood programs in Greater Vancouver in which Korean is used in the classrooms. Parents, therefore, have limited options concerning school language environments which meet their children's needs. The establishment of more bilingual or 130 Korean-speaking early childhood programs is recommended for local areas where many Korean immigrant families with young children are resident. 6.2 Recommendations for future research This study is an exploratory one. The number of participants is small and the selection was not completely random. Therefore, the information from this study may not reflect the general population. In addition, the sample was strategically recruited from different settings. That is, some parents were recruited from specific Korean-English bilingual preschools, and some were recruited from a number of specific Korean-speaking churches. This sampling method might have excluded parents who have limited contact with the Korean community and as a result, there may be some sampling bias. This procedure was designed due to the restricted number of available participants in particular English-speaking preschools. For future studies, in order to reduce the bias and to increase the generalizability, the sample size should be increased by including parents from other geographic locations and from a broader range of settings (e.g., children who are not enrolled in early educational programs). In this study, contextualizing the parents' responses to the questionnaire was attempted through follow-up interviews with the parents. However, both the parent questionnaire and follow-up interviews are self-reporting instruments. Moreover, only a small number of parental interviews were conducted. In terms of language use patterns and literacy activities in the home, a standardized self-report method alone may not be adequate for collecting an accurate description of the diversity of home literacy practices. 131 For example, the literacy environments and activities in the home were explored in each language separately by asking the parents how often they or their children engaged in the activities or used the materials. However, there is no guarantee of how much language occurred in these contexts, whether the two languages were mixed or only one language was used in the verbal interactions, nor what the quality of the interactions were (e.g., turn taking or question-asking patterns). Therefore, if the observation method could be used in future studies, it would help researchers to understand language environments and interactions in the family better. This study found differences between the E S P and B P group in terms of attitudes to their children's learning of Korean and English and language environments in the home. However, exploring in-depth information on which factors accounted for the differences between the two groups was beyond the scope of this study. Moreover, it should be noted that with regard to the language practices of the families, there are likely to be more variations within individual families than differences between the two groups. Therefore, in-depth case studies should be conducted to extend this exploratory study and to further understand the meanings behind the parents' attitudes and practices regarding their children's language learning. It would also be worth conducting longitudinal studies that focus on later bilingual competency of these groups of children. Empirical investigations examining the future bilingual competence of these children wi l l provide valuable implications about the extent to which the variations in the proportion of input between English and Korean, and 132 the variations in the parents' attitudes to their preschool children's bilingual development influence the children's later Korean and English proficiency. The current study, which focused on preschool-aged children ranging in age from three to six years, showed that parents had positive attitudes towards their children's learning of Korean and facilitated the learning process in the home in various ways. A similar study conducted with the parents of older children such as elementary school students would reveal whether the language attitudes and practices of these families are similar to those of the parents with preschool-aged children, or whether these tend to change after their children are enrolled in public school systems. This study did not fully investigate the socio-economic status of the participants. The researcher noticed through the pilot study that due to the context of Korean immigrants in Canada, income or occupation might not be accurate indicators of socio-economic status of the families. That is, many parents have recently immigrated to Canada and are not currently in the paid labor force. In addition, many parents who immigrated under the business classes establish and manage small community businesses for a certain period of time, which was imposed by the immigration contract. Through consultation with the person working for Korean immigrants, the researcher found that young Korean immigrant families with preschool-aged children are likely to be homogeneous in their socio-economic status due to the selection criteria in admitting Korean immigrants. In fact, the homogeneous educational background of the participants in this study confirmed this to some extent. However, it must also be realized that the 133 relationships between educational achievement and economic status may not be linear, and class boundaries are often vague. A more precise measure of socio-economic status of young Korean immigrant families should be developed and used when conducting further research in this area. Despite these limitations, this study represents the first comparative examination between families from English-only speaking preschools and from bilingual preschools in terms of the parents' attitudes to their children's development of Korean and English and the language practices in the families. The findings suggest that although parents in both groups had high expectations and positive attitudes to their children's development of both English and Korean, there is considerable work to be done for these families to support early bilingual and biliteracy development of the children. 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Father's occupation Mother's occupation 4. Please list all the people living in your family or household. Relation to Child Relation to Child Age e.g.) Adult grandparent e.g.) ChUd older brother 9 Adult 1. Child 1. Adult 2. Child 2. Adult 3. Child 3. 5. Please indicate (J ) the proficiency of English of parents: Father: Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 141 Mother: Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 6. H o w much education do you have? Father: • Elementary school • Junior high school • High school • College/university • Graduate school Mother: • Elementary school • Junior high school • High school • College/university • Graduate school 7. Currently how often do you have religious, cultural, and familial contact with other speakers of Korean? • Daily • Weekly • Monthly • S e l d o m • Never 8. Please tell me about your child who is enrolled in a daycare/preschool/kindergarten: Date of birth (YY/MM/DD) / / birth order gender ( M / F ) Total year(s) or month(s) in day care or preschool year(s) month(s) Types of daycare or preschool: a. • English-speaking • Bilingual b. • University-based • Community-based Q Private • Other c. • All-day • Half-day 9. Please indicate (•/) the levels of your child's English Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 142 10. Please indicate ( / ) the levels of your child's Korean. Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 10. Who is the respondent of this questionnaire? • Father • Mother 11. Would you be willing to be interviewed? • Yes • No B. Language Use Pattern in the Family: 1. Approximately what percentage of time do mother and father talk to each other in English and Korean? Father: English (%) Korean (%) Mother: English (%) Korean (%) 2. Approximately what percentage of time do mother and father talk to the child in English and Korean? Father: English (%) Korean (%) Mother: English (%) Korean (%) 3. Approximately, how often does your child speak English and Korean: a. with mother b. with father c. with his/her siblings d. with his/her friends e. with his/her grandparents f. at school g. at other public place (e.g. church or shopping center) English (%) English (%)" English (%) English (%)" English (%)" English (%)~ English (%)' Korean (%) Korean (%) Korean (%) Korean (%) Korean (%) Korean (%) Korean (%) 143 C. Literacy Activities in the Family: 4. Approximately, how many Korean books does your child have? • 0 • 1-10 • 11-20 • 21-30 Dover 30 5. Approximately, how many English books does your child have? • 0 • i_io • 11-20 • 21-30 • over 30 6. How often do you or other adults in your home read books to your child? • hour(s) per day • hour(s) per week • Seldom • Never 7. Please indicate the percentage of the following cases of English vs. Korean when you or other adults read books to your child. Text English read in English (%) Text English read in Korean (%) Text English read in both languages (%) Text Korean read in Korean (%) Text Korean read in English (%) Text Korean read in both languages (%) 8. How often do you provide the following types of early literacy experiences for your child at home? What is the language mostly used during the activities? Please mark (S) Activities with your child Language used Frequency of doing English Korean Interchange o f Korean & Engl ish Da i ly Weekly Seldom Never a. T e l l stories wi thou t b o o k s (e.g., fairy tales, holiday/religious story) • • • • • • • b . S i n g chi ldren 's songs • • • • • • • c. Rec i te rhymes /poems • • • • • • • d. W a t c h T V / v i d e o s • • • • • • e. V i s i t l ib rary /books tores • • • • • • • f. Teach read ing /wr i t ing s k i l l s • • • • • • • g. D o finger p l a y or games • • • • • • • 9. Place a check (•/) next to those printed materials that children uses at home and the frequency with which the child uses these materials Printed materials child uses at home Language used Frequency of using English Korean Interchange of Engl ish & Korean Dai ly Weekly Monthly Never a. S torybooks /p ic ture books • • • • • • • b. Magaz ines /ca ta logues • • • • • • • c. Newspaper s • • • • • • • d. Tape / record stories o r songs • • • • • • • e. C o m p u t e r programs • • • • • • • f. P reschoo l w o r k b o o k s • • • • • • g. Workshee t s • • • • • • • h. C h i l d r e n ' s e n c y c l o p e d i a • • • • • • • i . D r a w i n g / w r i t i n g utensi ls • • • • • • • 145 10. Check ( / ) any of the following literacy activities your child sees adults engaged at home, and the frequency with which the adults use these materials Literacy activities child sees adults engaged Language used Frequency of doing English Korean Interchange o f Korean & English Dai ly Weekly Seldom Never a. R e a d books/magazines/ • • • • • • • newspapers b. R e a d catalogues/advertisements • • • • • • • c. R e a d or wr i te bi l ls/cheques • • • • • • • d. R e a d b i r thday cards/ letters • • • • • • • e. R e a d or wr i te address b o o k s • • • • • • f. R e a d or wr i te shopp ing l ists • • • • • • • g. U s e computers/type wr i ters • • • • • • • h. Leave notes fo r f a m i l y members • • • • • • • D. Parents' Attitudes towards Their Children's learning of Korean and English 11. What levels of fluency of Korean would you like your child to attain? Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 12. What levels of fluency of English would you like your child to attain? Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 146 13. Why do you think it is important for your child to maintain Korean? Choose four items you think important and rank (1) the most important to (4) the least important. (If you think maintaining Korean is not important, check the first box.) J It is not important. To maintain contact with family and relatives in Korea To make friends among Korean-speaking people To have my child keep the Korean cultural values (e.g., respect adults) Competency in two languages offers more educational opportunities for the child. Because it is a symbol of Korean nationhood. For better emotional contact between parents and children Competency in two languages offers more opportunities to get a good job. For my child's self-identity as a Korean and pride of Korean cultural heritage Other (please specify) 14. What are the disadvantages in having your child maintain Korean? Please indicate all that apply. (If you think there is no disadvantage, check the first box.) • There is no disadvantage in having my child maintain Korean. • A delay in English development • Child feels 'different' or 'frustrated' among English-speaking friends. • The possibility of difficulty in integrating into the mainstream culture • Bilingualism could be confusing for the child in dealing with two languages • High pressure or stress for the child to learn two languages • Other (please specify) 15. Why do you think it is important for your child to learn English? Choose four items and rank (1) the most important to (4) the least important. (If you think it is not important, check the first box.) Learning English is not important for my child. Because English is the language of the country my child is living in Because good proficiency of English enhances future career possibilities To adapt him/herself well to school Because English is the most popular and powerful international language To make English-speaking friends Other (please specify) 147 16. Which language do you prefer to speak with your child? • English • Korean • Interchange of English and Korean (English %; Korean %) 17. If you could speak English well, which language would you like to speak with your child? • English • Korean • Interchange of English and Korean (English %; Korean %) 18. What language do you expect your child to speak to you? • English • Korean • Interchange of English and Korean (English %; Korean %) 19. Have you ever received any advice as to the language that you should use with your child? • Yes • No 20. If you have received such advice, which language were you asked to use with your child? • English • Korean • An interchange of English and Korean 21. Please tell me who advised you • Siblings/relatives • Friends/neighbors • Teachers • Others 22. What is your main concern, difficulty, or desire about your child's language development? 148 E. Parents' views of the role of preschools in the children's learning of Korean and English: 23. What would be the most important thing your child can learn in preschool/daycare/ kindergarten this year? 24. Why did you choose this preschool/daycare/kindergarten for your child? 25. Do you think your child's preschool/daycare/kindergarten supports your home language and culture? • Yes • No 26. If the answer to Question 25 is YES, in what ways do you think your child's preschool/daycare/kindergarten supports your home language and culture? 149 27. There are number of ways that school supports the minority languages and cultures. How important do you think the following items as possible ways your child's school supports your home language? Little Somewhat Very Unimportant important important Important important a. Allow students to use their home • • • • • language anywhere in the school b. Assess children's abilities in Q Q Q Q Q both home language and English c. Hire interpreters or translators to assist • • • • • in the direct contact with the parents d. Have bilingual teachers available • Q Q • Q in the classroom e. Have materials/books written Q Q Q • Q in Korean or about Korea f. Involve parents in classroom activities Q Q Q Q Q g. Others 28. Did you find any change in your child's language attitudes and language use patterns at home after he/she began going to preschool/daycare/kindergarten? • Yes • No 29. If the answer to number 28 is YES, what are some positive and negative changes you have noticed in your child's language attitudes and language use patterns at home after he/she began going to preschool/daycare/kindergarten? Positive Negative Thank you very much for your cooperation and time! 150 A P P E N D I X B : QUESTIONNAIRE Section A% Background Information 1. How long have you lived in Canada? Father: Q less than 1 year O 1 and under 3 years Q 3 and under 5 years Q 5 and under 10 years 10 years or more Mother: Q less than 1 year Q 1 and under 3 years Q 3 and under 5 years Q 5 and under 10 years Q 10 years or more 2. How long do you plan to stay in Canada? • 0-3year(s) Q 3-5 years • 5-10 years Q permanently Q don't know for the moment 3. In which residential area do you live? • Vancouver Q Burnaby Q Surrey Q Coquitlam Q Richmond Q New Westminster • Other 4. How much education do you have? Father: Q Less than high school Q High school Q College/university Q Graduate school Mother: Q Less than high school Q High school Q College/university Q Graduate school 151 5. Please indicate ( • / ) the proficiency of English o f parents from your perspective: Father: Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent almost no skill in manage in a few manage in some manage in manage without difficulty language simple situations situations most situations in almost every situations a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • Mother: Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 6. In which other situations outside your family, do you have contact with other speakers of Korean? and how often? Never Seldom Monthly Weekly Daily a. Familial domain (e.g., siblings/relatives) • • • • • b. Friendship network (e.g., friends/neighbors) • • • • • c. Work place/school (e.g., colleagues) • • • • • d. Religious domain (e.g., church) • • • • • e. Social clubs/community organizations • • • • • f. Other • • • • • 152 7. Please tell me about your child who is enrolled in a daycare/preschool/kindergarten: Date of birth (YY/MM/DD) / / birth order gender ( M / F ) Total year(s) or month(s) in day care/preschool year(s) month(s) Types of daycare/ preschool: a. Q English-speaking Q Bilingual Q Other b. Q University-based Q Community-based Q Private • Other c. • All-day • Half-day • Other •> If your child is enrolled in more than one daycare/preschool/kindergarten, please indicate all of them. If you have more than one child who are attending a daycare/preschool/ kindergarten, please answer regarding the older child. Does your child attend a Korean language program or an ESL program outside of school (e.g., Saturday school)? Q Yes {please specify, ) • No Please indicate (•/) the levels of your child's English Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 10. Please indicate (•/) the levels of your child's Korean Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 153 11. Who is the respondent of this questionnaire? • Father • Mother 12. Would you be willing to be interviewed? Q Yes Q No Section B* Language Use Pattern in the Family 1. Which language do mother and father talk to each other at home? Father: Q Almost always English Q Mainly English plus some Korean Q Same amount of English and Korean Q Mainly Korean plus some English Q Almost always Korean Mother: Q Almost always English Q Mainly English plus some Korean Q Same amount of English and Korean Q Mainly Korean plus some English Q Almost always Korean 2. Which language do mother and father talk to the child at home? Father: Q Almost always English Q Mainly English plus some Korean Q Same amount of English and Korean Q Mainly Korean plus some English Q Almost always Korean Mother: Q Almost always English Q Mainly English plus some Korean Q Same amount of English and Korean Q Mainly Korean plus some English Q Almost always Korean 154 3. Which language does your child speak with (or at): Almost Mainly English Same amount of Mainly Korean Almost always plus some English and plus some always English Korean Korean English Korean a. mother • • • • • b. father • • • • • c. his/her siblings • • • • • d. his/her friends • • • • • e. his/her grandparents • • • • • f. in playing with toys • • • • • f. school • • • • • g. other public place • • • • • (e.g. Church/shopping mall) Section O* Literacy Environments and Activities in the Family 4. Approximately, how many Korean books does your child have? • 0 • 1-10 • 11-20 • 21-30 • o v e r S O 5. Approximately, how many English books does your child have? • 0 • 1-10 • 11-20 •21-30 • o v e r S O 6. How often do you or other people (e.g., siblings) in your home read Korean and English books to your child? Never Seldom 1-2 times a 3-4 times a Daily (less than once a week) week week a. Korean books: • • • • • b. English books: • • • • • 155 7. When you or other people in your home read books to your child, which language do you use? Please check all items that apply a. Korean books: Q read only in Korean Gl read only in English Q read mostly in Korean and explain/discuss/translate in English Q read mostly in English and explain/ discuss/ translate in Korean b. English books: Ql read only in English Q read only in Korean Q read mostly in English and explain/discuss/translate in Korean Q read mostly in Korean and explain/discuss/translate in English 8. Approximately, how often do you provide the following types of early literacy experiences for your child at home? Please mark (S) according to each language. Activities with the child Never Seldom 1-2 times a week 3-4 times a week Daily a. Tell stories without books in Korean • • • • • (e.g., fairy tales/religious stories) in English • • • • • b. Sing children's songs to in Korean • • • • • (with) the child in English • • • • • c. Watch TV/videos in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • d. Play games/role plays with the in Korean • • • • • child (e.g., play cops and robbers) in English • • • • • e. Visit library/bookstores for Korean books • • • • • for English books • • • • • f. Teach letters/reading/writing in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • g. Have conversations at a quiet in Korean • • • • • place in English • • • • • h. Hire private lessons in which Korean is used • • • • • (e.g., music/swimming/art) in which English is used • • • • • i. Provide recreational experiences using Korean • • • • • (e.g., visit zoo/park) using English • • • • • j. Other in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • 156 9. Approximately how often does your child use the following materials at home? Please mark (S) according to each language (Korean and English) your child uses during the activities Materials child uses at home Never Seldom 1-2 times a week 3-4 times a week Daily a. Storybooks/picture books in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • b. Magazines/catalogues/newspapers in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • c. Tape/record stories and songs in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • d. Computer reading/writing programs in Korean • • • • • or "game" programs in English • • • • • e. Preschool workbooks/worksheets in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • g. Games (e.g., puzzles/cards) in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • h. Writing utensils (e.g., pen/pencils) using Korean • • • • • using English • • • • • i . Painting materials (e.g., crayon/brush) using Korean • • • • • using English • • • • • k. Other in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • 157 10. A p p r o x i m a t e l y h o w o f t e n d o e s y o u r c h i l d s e e t h e f o l l o w i n g l i t e r a c y a c t i v i t i e s o t h e r p e o p l e i n y o u r h o m e e n g a g e d i n . Please mark according to each language used during the activities. Literacy activities child sees others Never Seldom 1-2 times 3-4 times Daily engaged in a week a week a. Read books/magazines in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • b. Read newspapers/advertisements in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • c. Read or write letters/birthday cards in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • d. Read or write shopping lists/ in Korean • • • • • address books in English • • • • • e. Use computers/type writers in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • f. Leave notes for family members/ in Korean • • • • • notes on wall calendars in English • • • • • g. Label name on child's artwork/ In Korean • • • • • possessions in English • • • • h. Do homework in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • i. Other in Korean • • • • • in English • • • • • 158 Section D. Parents' Attitudes towards their Children's learning of Korean and English 11. What level of fluency of Korean would you like your child to attain? Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking Q • • • • c. Reading Q • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 2. What level of fluency of English would you like your child to attain? Very poor Poor Average Good Excellent a. Listening Q • • • • b. Speaking Q • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 13. Currently, how important it is for your child to learn Korean? Unimportant Little Somewhat Important Very important important important a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 14. Currently, how important it is for your child to learn English? Unimportant Little Somewhat Important Very important important important a. Listening • • • • • b. Speaking • • • • • c. Reading • • • • • d. Writing • • • • • 159 15. Why do you think it is important for your child to maintain Korean? Choose five items you think important and rank (5) the most important to (I) the least important. (If you think maintaining Korean is not important, check the first box.) ( ) It is not important. ( ) To maintain contact with family and relatives in Korea ( ) Competency in two languages offers more educational opportunities for the Child. ( ) Because my child is Korean, he/she should know the Korean language. ( ) For better emotional contact between parents and children ( ) Competency in two languages can lead to practical, career related advantage. ( ) For my child's self-identity as a Korean and pride of Korean cultural heritage ( ) Opportunity to experience two cultures enhances open-mindedness and an ability to understand various ways of thinking. ( ) To have my child keep the Korean tradition and cultural values (e.g., respect adults) ( ) Because of the possibility that my child will go back to Korea ( ) Other (please specify) 16. What are the disadvantages in having your child maintain Korean? Please indicate all that apply. (If you think there is no disadvantage, check the first box.) Q There is no disadvantage in having my child maintain Korean, d A delay in English development • Child can feel 'different' or 'frustrated' among English-speaking friends. Q The possibility of difficulty in integrating into the mainstream culture Q Bilingualism could be confusing for the child in dealing with two languages. Q High pressure or stress for the child to learn two languages Q The great amount of time and efforts required for parents to teach two languages Q The possibility of having a problem of identity with two different cultures Q Other (please specify) 17. Why do you think it is important for your child to learn English? Choose three items and rank (3) the most important to (1) the least important. (If you think it is not important, check the first box.) ( ) Learning English is not important for my child. ( ) Because English is the language of the country my child is living in/because my child is Canadian citizen ( ) Because good proficiency of English enhances future career possibilities ( ) To adapt him/herself well to school ( ) Because English is the most popular and powerful international language ( ) To make English-speaking friends ( ) Other (please specify) 160 18. Which language do you prefer to speak with your child? Gl Almost always English Q Mainly English plus some Korean Ul Same amount of English and Korean Q Mainly Korean plus some English • Almost always Korean 19. Can you tell the reasons for your answer in question 18? 20. What language do you expect your child to speak to you? Q Almost always English Q Mainly English plus some Korean • Same amount of English and Korean Q Mainly Korean plus some English Q Almost always Korean 21. Have you ever received any advice as to the language that you should use with your child, or read information on how to raise children bilingually? • Yes • No 22. If yes, please tell me briefly about the advice or information 23. Please tell me where you got the advice or information (check all that apply). Q Siblings/relatives O Friends/neighbors Q Preschool/daycare/kindergarten Q Books/magazines/newspapers Q Community centers Q Health professionals (e.g., doctors/special needs professionals) Q Others 24. Currently, what is your main concern, difficulty, or desire about your child's language development? 161 Section E. The role of preschools in the children's learning of Korean and English 25. What are the most important things you would like your child to gain in preschool/day care this year? Choose three items you think important and rank (3) the most important to (I). Language skills Motor/physical skills Pre-academic skills Aesthetic/creative skills Social skills with adults Social skills with peers Self-sufficiency skills Self-assessment skills -child learns to express his/her thoughts and feelings verbally in a clear and appropriate manner. -child improves his/her coordination, balance, and agility through large-muscle activities. -child learns basic concepts and begins to master skills necessary for reading, writing, and arithmetic. -child learns to express him/herself creatively through arts, crafts, music, dance, and imaginative play. -child learns to listen to, cooperate with, and respect adults. -child learns to share and cooperate with other children, and to understand their feelings. -child learns to be independent and to care for him/ herself and his/her belongings in a responsible manner. -child begins to take pride in his/her accomplishments, and develops a sense of self-confidence. 26. Why did you choose this preschool/day care center for your child? 27. Do you expect your child's preschool/daycare/kindergarten to support your home language and culture? • Yes • No 28. Do you think your child's current preschool/daycare/kindergarten supports your home language and culture? • Yes • No 162 29. a. If your answer to question 28 is YES, in what ways do you think your child's school supports your home language and culture? b. If your answer to question 28 is NO, why do you think you do not get supports of home language and culture from your child's school? Q It had not been realistic to arrange it Q No information about home language support had been given to the parents Q Parents had not asked for it • Other 30. There are number of ways that mainstream school supports minority languages ancj cultures. How important do you think the following items as possible ways your child's school supports your home language? Unimportant Little Somewhat Important Very important important important a. Allow students to use their home Q Q Q Q Q language anywhere in the school b. Assess children's abilities in Q Q Q Q Q both home language and English c. Have bilingual teachers available • • • • • in the classroom d. Hire interpreters or translators to assist Q Q Q Q Q in the direct contact with the parents e. Have materials/books written Q Q Q Q Q in Korean or about Korea f. Involve parents in classroom activities Q Q Q Q Q g. Teach Korean for groups of children Q Q Q Q O as a second language h. Others • • • • • 163 31. Did you find any changes in your child's language attitudes or language use pattern at home after he/she began going to day care or preschool center? • Yes • No 32. If the answer to number 31 is YES, what are some positive and negative changes have you noticed in your child's language attitudes or language use pattern at home after he/she began going to day care or preschool? Positive Negative Thank you very much for your cooperation and time! * r If you are interested in participating in a follow-up interview, please leave your name, address, and phone number so that I can send you a Parent Consent form and we can fix a date. Name Phone # Address 164 APPENDIX C: CHANGES MADE IN THE QUESTIONNAIRE BASED ON THE PILOT STUDY a. Question 3, which asked about parents' occupations (Appendix A , Section A ) , was eliminated. The researcher was reminded during the interview that many parents have recently immigrated to Canada and are not currently in the paid labor force. Moreover, parents who immigrated under the business classes own small community businesses for a certain period of time, which was imposed by the immigration contract. Therefore, the socioeconomic status of the families might not be indicated by eliciting the parents' occupations as the researcher had expected. b. The Researcher found that some parents would not feel comfortable being asked about their educational achievement when it was less than high school. Accordingly, in question 6 (Section A ) , the categories were changed to " Less than high school" instead of making a distinction between "Elementary" and "Junior high school." c. The phrase "from your perspective" was added to question 5 of Section A , "Please indicate the proficiency of English of parents." Self-reports of language competency may not be accurate, but even subjective estimates can reveal meaningful differences. However, to avoid possible problems in using self-reports of language skills, explanatory phrases were added in each five-point scale (e.g., "manages without difficulty in almost every situations" was added to the scale of "excellent") referred to Boyd and Latomaa (1998). d. In the initial questions regarding patterns of language use in the families (Section B , Question 1, 2, & 3), parents were asked to estimate the proportion of Korean versus 165 English language they and their children spoke in each situation. However, these were changed to multiple choice questions asking them to choose one of the five categories: "Almost always Korean," "Mainly Korean plus some English," "The same amount of Korean and English," "Mainly English plus some Korean," and "Almost always English." This change was made due to the time and difficulty parents felt in approximating the percentage of English versus Korean. e. Question 6, which concerned the frequency with which parents read books to their children, and question 7, regarding the proportion of Korean versus English books and language use during reading (Appendix A , section C) , were changed to question 6, which inquires about the frequency of reading English and Korean books respectively, and question 7, which asks the parents to state the language they use when reading Korean and English books to their child (Appendix B , Section C) . This change was made because the parents had difficulty in approximating the percentage of English versus Korean books and language usage during reading. f. In questions 6, 7, and 10 (Section C), "you and other adults in your home" was rephrased to "you and other people in your home." For example, in question 6, "How often do you or other adults in your home read books to your child?" was rephrased to "How often do you or other people (e.g., siblings) in your home read book to your child?" This change was made because from the readings (Snow, Barnes, Chandler, Goodman, & Hemphill , 1991), the researcher recognized that older siblings can be a valuable resource in the preschoolers' language development. With the same line, "Complete homework" was added to the items of literacy activities child see others engaged in (Section C, Question 10). 166 g. In questions 8, 9, and 10 (Appendix A, Section C), the parents were asked to indicate the frequency (daily, weekly, monthly, or never) of doing the listed literacy activities and the language (Korean, English, or interchange of Korean and English) which they use during theses activities. The researcher, however, found that the frequency of doing the literacy activities can be different depend on which language the parents and children use. For example, parents can tell stories daily in Korean but monthly in English to their child. The researcher, therefore, separated the literacy activities in terms of Korean and English and then asked how often they experience the literacy activities in terms of these two languages. In addition, the frequency of doing activities was recategorized from daily, weekly, monthly, and never, to daily, 3-4 times a week, 1-2 times a week, seldom (less than once a week), and never. This change was made because "weekly" can be a category with a large number of respondents, which might tend to obscure details. h. In question 8 (Appendix A, Section C), the literacy activity items "Do finger plays with the child" and "Recite rhymes/poems" were eliminated. During the conversations with the parents, the researcher realized that these children's activities, which are prevalent in Western culture, are not common for Korean children. Moreover, "Hire private lessons" and "Provide recreational experiences" were added to the list of literacy activities. These were included because during the pilot study, the researcher was reminded from readings (Snow, Barnes, Chandler, Goodman, & Hemphill, 1991; Sharpe, 1997) that parents could also promote their children' literacy and language development indirectly by facilitating access to other people and activities. 167 Question 19 in Section D (Appendix B) , "Can you tell me the reasons for your answer in question 18 (question asking parent's preference of language use with their child)?" was included in the questionnaire in order to check the respondent' consistency of responses. Questions which target parents' beliefs about the importance for their children to learn English and Korean (11-17) are important questions in this study. Therefore, the consistency of the responses to these relevant questions can be looked at by asking virtually similar question in a somewhat different manner. 168 

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