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Responding to racism: measuring the effectiveness of an anti-racism program for secondary schools 1995

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Responding to Racism: Measuring the Effectiveness of an Anti-Racism Program for Secondary Schools. By Stephen F. Culhane .A., B.Ed., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS . . in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF CURRICULUM STUDIES We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required stand_ard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA APRIL 1995 © Copyright Stephen F. Culhane, 1995 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) A b s t r a c t This thesis reports on the effectiveness of an a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g program implemented at secondary schools i n Vancouver and Richmond i n February and March of 1995. The program used Responding to Racism; a guide for High School Students, prepared by the author, with John Kehoe and L i l y Yee. Training involved three hours of a n t i - r a c i s t role-play exercises from Responding to Racism. A pretest-posttest control group design was employed to measure: retention of given models for dealing with r a c i s t incidents, post-treatment lev e l s of racism, and behavioral reactions during a staged r a c i s t incident. Ten s o c i a l studies classes from two schools made up a sample population of 262 students. Following half-day workshops, three teachers c a r r i e d out the program with a t o t a l of s i x classes of eith e r grade 9 or 11 students. Four additional classes continued with regular curriculum to serve as the Control sample. The C u l t u r a l D i v e r s i t y Scale (Kehoe, 1982, 1984), was given as a pretest to e s t a b l i s h Control to Experimental group equivalency. A posttest Written Response to Racist Incidents instrument, used to measure knowledge of how to respond to a r a c i s t incident, found a s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e difference between Experimental and Control groups, (t=(3.83) p.<.001). Post-training l e v e l s of racism, evaluated through the Evidence of Racism Scale, were not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t (+.16Sd). i i The f i n a l postmeasure, the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale (Culhane, 1995), found s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e e f f e c t among a sample of 68 students (40-Exp./28-Cntl.), (t=(3.33) p.<.001). Students undergoing treatment were i n the 68th percentile of Control students on the Written Response to Racist incidents, (+.47Sd), and the 92nd percentile (+1.23Sd) of Control subjects on r e s u l t s from the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale. Experimental students did not show s i g n i f i c a n t difference when compared to Control subjects on items pertaining to empathy for the victims of racism. The r e s u l t s suggest the program was most successful i n changing behaviour, over attitudes, within the context of a r e l a t i v e l y short-term time period. Responding to Racism provided students with methods for responding to r a c i s t incidents which were evident on written and behavioral measures. Support given to the victims of the r a c i s t incidents, opposition to the perpetrators, and p o s i t i v e attempts to l i m i t the racism i n each incident were a l l s i g n i f i c a n t l y more apparent i n responses of Experimental students over Control. The r e s u l t s r e a f f i r m the u t i l i t y of role-play a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g , and val i d a t e the use of Responding to Racism as an e f f e c t i v e package for use i n secondary school settings, notably i n regards to changing student behaviour i n racially-motivated s i t u a t i o n s . i i i Table of Contents C H A P T E R PAGES Abstract i i Table of Contents i v - v L i s t of Tables v i - v i i i I I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 - 1 6 Problem and Overview 1 Role-play Anti-Racist Education 7 Consortium Program: 12 R e s p o n d i n g t o R a c i s m Hypotheses 16 I I S I G N I F I C A N C E OF T H E PROBLEM 1 7 - 2 5 Transformation 17 Anti-Racism and Reality 20 Measuring Anti-Racist Training 2 4 I I I REVIEW OF T H E L I T E R A T U R E 2 6 - 4 9 Role-play 26 Bandura So c i a l Learning 26 Triandis 32 Rokeach et a l . 35 Evidence of Role-play Success 36 Consortium Design 40 Measurement Devices 43 I V D E S I G N AND METHODOLOGY * 5 0 - 6 2 Design 50 Methodology 51 Selection & Training 51 Scoring 52 Behavioral Scoring Examples 56 Procedure 58 V R E S U L T S 6 3 - 8 3 Knowledge of How to Respond to Racism 63 Levels of Racism & Victim Empathy 65 Posi t i v e Response to a Racist Incident 72 Grade Level Analysis 7 6 Gender Analysis 80 iv C H A P T E R PAGES V I SUMMARY AND C O N C L U S I O N 8 4 - 8 6 V I I D I R E C T I O N S FOR F U T U R E RESEARCH 8 7 - 8 9 V I I I R E F E R E N C E S 9 0 - 9 5 A P P E N D I X A 9 6 - 1 0 1 L i s t o f A p p e n d i x e s 96 Questionnaire I 97 Questionnaire II 98 Questionnaire III 99-100 Answer sheets 101-102 A P P E N D I X B 1 0 3 - 1 0 5 Group Equivalency Anova 103 T-Tests 104 A P P E N D I X C 1 0 6 - 1 1 2 UBC E t h i c a l Review Acceptance 106 Richmond Acceptance Letter 107 Vancouver Acceptance Letter 108 Parental Permission Letter 109 Information Sheets Student 110 Teacher 112 X I I A P P E N D I X D 1 1 4 - 1 1 7 Training Package Excerpts 114 X I I I A P P E N D I X E 1 1 8 - 1 2 2 Scores - Group Means Premeasure 118 Postmeasure I 118 Postmeasure II 119 Postmeasure III 120 v List of Tables T a b l e 1 Group Equivalency Page 45 T a b l e 2 Means - Written Reaction to Racist Incidents Page 64 T a b l e 3 T-Tests - Written Reaction to Racist Incidents Page 64 T a b l e 4 Means - Evidence of Racism Measure Page 66 T a b l e 5 Overall Means - T-test - Evidence of Racism Page 66 T a b l e 6 Means Post-Empathy Control to Experimental Page 69 T a b l e s 7 & 8 Means & T-Test Written and Behavioral Measures Page 71 T a b l e 9 Means - T-Test Racist Incident Behavioral Scale Page 73 i T a b l e 10 Frequencies - Racist Incident Behavioral Scale Page 74 T a b l e 11 Group Frequencies - Behavioral Measure Page 75 T a b l e 12 Group Means - Behavioral Measure Page 76 T a b l e 13 Grade Variance - Evidence of Racism Scale Page 77 T a b l e 14 Grade Variance - Written Response to Racist Incidents Page 77 T a b l e 15 Post-Empathy by Grade - Experimental to Control Page 78 T a b l e 16 Means - Behavioral Measure by Grade. Page 79 T a b l e 17 Anova - Behavioral Results Page 79 v i Table 18 Gender Means - Postmeasure II Page 81 Table 19 Means by Gender - Post-Empathy Page 81 Table 20 Gender Anova - Post-Empathy Page 82 Table 21 Means by Gender - Racist Incident Behavioral Scale Page 83 Table 22 Anova - Gender Difference - Racist Incident Behavioral Scale Page 83 v i i I Introduction Problem & Overview The perception of a growing problem i n t h e i r schools led representatives of f i v e Lower Mainland school d i s t r i c t s to become ac t i v e l y involved i n implementing a model a n t i - r a c i s t program. This group became known as the Consortium for Preparation and Evaluation of an Anti-Racist Training Package f o r High School Students, hereafter "the Consortium." The Consortium began meeting i n the Spring of 1994. Over the next few months, the author and L i l y Yee were employed to gather c r i t i c a l incidents of racism. These came from extensive interviews with teachers, students, administrators and members of various c u l t u r a l associations. Some t h i r t y of these incidents formed the basis for an a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g package, adapted by the author and John Kehoe: Responding to Racism; a Guide for High School Students (Kehoe, Culhane, & Yee, 1995). 1 The next step for the Consortium was to implement the program on a t r i a l basis for the purpose of evaluation, which became the impetus for t h i s study. Three aspects of a possible impact of Responding to Racism emerged for consideration: i t s e f f e c t s on reducing l e v e l s of racism; whether i t encouraged a greater sense of empathy toward the victims of racism, rather than a strengthened sense of vicarious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the perpetrators; and f i n a l l y , whether the program would lead to a behavioral change when students were placed i n an actual s i t u a t i o n involving racism. Three teachers volunteered to take part i n the study aft e r being made aware of the program through contact with Consortium members from Richmond and Vancouver School D i s t r i c t s . These teachers worked through the package with a t o t a l of six classes, while four other classes made up the Control group. Prior to beginning the program, the three p a r t i c i p a n t teachers underwent a workshop t r a i n i n g session at UBC, where they became more f a m i l i a r with Responding to Racism, i t s methods and procedures. Following the return of parental permission forms, and the administration of the pretest equivalency measure, students underwent one week of a n t i - r a c i s t role-play a c t i v i t i e s as l a i d out i n Responding to Racism. Students were given a v a r i e t y of techniques for responding to r a c i s t s i t u ations, and then the opportunity to practise these responses within the context of the role-play. Two measures were administered i n an i n i t i a l 2 posttest, one week after the t r a i n i n g program. P a r a l l e l i n g the pretest, the f i r s t of these measures was the Likert-type Evidence of Racism Scale. The second post-measure to be administered sought evidence of student retention of the t r a i n i n g package models for responding to r a c i s t incidents. Pre and posttest r e s u l t s were then correlated for each grade l e v e l and each teacher. F i n a l l y , c o r r e l a t i o n a l data was used to e s t a b l i s h differences between Control and Experimental groups, for an o v e r a l l analysis of the impact of the Responding to Racism t r a i n i n g program. From ten to twelve days subsequent to the written posttests, a smaller sample (Vancouver & Richmond, N=68; n=40 Experimental / n=28 Control) underwent a covert behavioral measure, involving a staged r a c i s t incident. Students were placed i n a s i t u a t i o n where r a c i s t words and actions would a r i s e . The scenario involved asking students to complete a short survey of t h e i r attitudes on a variety of issues about student autonomy i n the classroom. Students from both Control and Experimental classes were taken i n pairs to a small interview room, and asked to complete a b r i e f questionnaire on the stated topic while working with two additional students, who were explained to be from a d i f f e r e n t secondary school that was also taking part i n the study. One of these other students was already present when the two students arrived i n the interview room, while the other arri v e d shortly a f t e r . In fact, these t h i r d and fourth students 3 were professional actors of a si m i l a r age to the students being measured. The researcher l e f t the room afte r asking the group to complete a single survey sheet, on which they were to record how many i n the group agreed or disagreed with four simple questions. The questions concerned whether students should be allowed to eat food or wear "Walkmans" i n cl a s s , take advantage of empty parking spots i n s t a f f parking l o t s , and otherwise enjoy more control over what goes on i n t h e i r classes. As the groups worked through the questionnaire, the two actors would become involved i n a minor argument over an aspect of one of the questions. This argument would take on r a c i a l overtones, and eventually include r a c i s t words and attitudes. The two students to be measured were then evaluated on t h e i r reaction to the r a c i s t exchange between the actors. Scoring was c a r r i e d out by the two actors, with each student receiving a number on a five-point scale. Anecdotal information was also recorded immediately following each session, involving input from the actors and the researcher, who watched the exchanges through a concealed opening to a window into the interview room. 4 Assessment of each student focused on the degree to which they became involved i n the incident, as well as whether t h i s was i n a supporting or opposing manner, v i s a v i z the r a c i s t comments, the victim, or the perpetrator of the r a c i s t attack. As expected, the r e s u l t s from t h i s behavioral measure were the most i n t r i g u i n g aspect of the study. Not only did these r e s u l t s provide potent evidence for a s i g n i f i c a n t impact of the t r a i n i n g program, but they also offered evidence of the u t i l i t y of the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale as a simple, unobtrusive, measure of behavioral response following a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g . Results of t h i s administration found students undergoing t r a i n i n g to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y more l i k e l y to oppose the racism than Control students. An average Experimental student scored i n the 92nd percentile of Control subjects on the behavioral measure, whereby only 8-percent of students not being trained scored higher than the average of the trained group. In comparison, students from the Control group were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more l i k e l y to support the r a c i s t comments i n the scenario, to provide some form of support for the perpetrator, and to worsen the s i t u a t i o n for the v i c t i m i n some manner. These res u l t s suggest the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale brings assessment of a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g programs much closer to an accurate prediction of impact on student behaviour, than can be accomplished simply through the use of written measures. Moreover, the Racist Incident 5 Behavioral Scale accomplishes the e t h i c a l l y challenging process of a covert measurement of racism with a r e l a t i v e minimum of student deception being necessary. Although students are unaware they are being measured for t h e i r response to the racism i n the scenarios, they are aware they are being measured, and that answers they give are being written down on the questionnaire sheet. Use of the actors to score the incidents further eliminates the need for video or sound recording, while also affording very detailed data on student reactions, most of which would be extremely d i f f i c u l t to discern from sound or video recordings. 6 Role-Play in Anti-Racist Education A n t i - r a c i s t role-play targets the a f f e c t i v e aspects of racism. I t i s designed to address the inadequacies of C u l t u r a l Information and Intergroup Contact strategies (McGregor, 1993), two of the more prevalent techniques i n a n t i - r a c i s t education. C u l t u r a l Information methods of a n t i - r a c i s t education seek to l i m i t r a c i s t b e l i e f s by replacing what are usually depicted as conceptions of c u l t u r a l difference born out of ignorance, with more accurate portrayal of various c u l t u r a l groups. Intergroup Contact approaches attempt to accomplish a s i m i l a r type of replacement. They d i f f e r i n preferring d i r e c t contact between members of two or more c u l t u r a l groups over other means to t h i s end. In contrast, A n t i - r a c i s t Role-play involves placing students i n situations where they can practise responding to r a c i s t incidents, without necessarily involving a great deal of c u l t u r a l information, or any p a r t i c u l a r need for mixed c u l t u r a l grouping. Discussions of the roots of s o c i a l tension and other intergroup problems take place throughout a role-play exercise, as students learn new response patterns to various situations involving racism. 7 Role-play's foundation i n a n t i - r a c i s t methodology i s found i n a progression of theories from S o c i a l Psychology. The l i s t includes Festinger's concept of Cognitive Dissonance, Bandura's So c i a l Learning Theory, Rokeach's Values Discrepancy strategy, and Triandis' Cross-Cultural S e n s i t i v i t y Training (Festinger, 1957; Bandura, 1962, 1965, 1969; Rokeach, 1960, 1966, 1971, 1973; Triandis, 1964, 1975). The intended outcomes of a n t i - r a c i s t role-play vary. However, a l l programs attempt to change r a c i a l attitudes i n some manner, toward generally more tolerant positions on various aspects of c u l t u r a l difference. In acting out the r o l e of the "other" during the staged racially-charge incidents, students are believed to be building up a cognitive dissonance, as inconsistencies mount between e a r l i e r attitudes and emergent ones. If successful, such dissonance r e s u l t s i n an eventual a t t i t u d i n a l and behavioral change i n a more tolerant, empathetic d i r e c t i o n (Festinger, 1957; Bandura, 1969; Rokeach, 1971, 1973). Several methods are used to measure pre and post-treatment a t t i t u d i n a l or behavioral change. These range from assessments of c u l t u r a l s e n s i t i v i t y , such as l e v e l s of out-group to in-group a f f i l i a t i o n , to measurement of changes i n general l e v e l s of r a c i s t a t t i t udes. Assessment frequently involves an evaluation of a subject's attitudes towards some aspect of c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y . Instruments used for such measurement generally include semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l , s o c i a l proximity, or s o c i a l 8 distance scales. Recently, a developing body of tools for q u a l i t a t i v e analysis i s also being shaped, demonstrating a t t i t u d i n a l change through anecdotal description (Breckheimer & Nelson, 1976; Sechrest, 1979; Webb et a l , 1981; Strauss, 1988; . Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Hopkins, Stanley & Hopkins, 1990; Schumacher & McMillan, 1993. These type of studies involve much smaller samples than t h e i r quantitative counterparts, affording more detailed, i n d i v i d u a l i z e d analysis which i s , unfortunately, less generalizable to other research s i t u a t i o n s . As an a n t i - r a c i s t strategy, role-play has numerous successful examples. It has been found to create s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e attitude change toward members of s p e c i f i c minority groups (Kehoe & Rogers, 1978); to r e s u l t i n lowered l e v e l s of s o c i a l distance between majority and minority group members (Culbertson, 1957; Verma fi Bagley, 1972, 1973, 1979, 1981); and to increase both the frequency and strength of s o c i a l bonds between majority and minority students (Breckheimer & Nelson, 1976). However, role-play approaches have also produced quite the opposite outcomes. Research has found some programs resulted i n a strengthening, rather than a reduction of previously-held s t e r e o t y p i c a l or r a c i s t attitudes ( M i l l e r , 1969). Other examples suggest an enhancement of vicarious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the perpetrators of racism, (Kehoe & Rogers, 1978; Kehoe, 1981); 9 others s t i l l , that an i n s i g n i f i c a n t impact on either attitudes or behaviour has resulted (Balch & Paulsen, 1978; Ungerleider & McGregor, 1990; McGregor, 1993). The most recent meta-analysis of research conducted i n t h i s area synthesized studies of role-play, comparing i t s e f f i c a c y with that of other a n t i - r a c i s t strategies (McGregor, 1993). An average s h i f t of (+.419Sd) was found among experimental groups undergoing a role-play treatment program, when compared to control samples (McGregor, 1993). E f f e c t i v e l y , t h i s means an average student i n the 13 studies included i n the review exhibited less r a c i a l prejudice than 64% of the students not undergoing treatment (McGregor, 1993). The figures from the McGregor meta-analysis are s l i g h t l y more favourable than those found i n an e a r l i e r study she c a r r i e d out with Charles Ungerleider. This previous meta-analysis compared the r e s u l t s of studies involving role-play with those from other a n t i - r a c i s t , and c u l t u r a l presentation strategies. Among the subject groups were in-s e r v i c e teachers, student-teachers, and p o l i c e o f f i c e r s . S i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e e f f e c t sizes were found among 19 studies i n the data involving the use of role-play. An average (+.2 0Sd) improvement was found i n treatment groups from the 19 studies, whereby an average Experimental subject was i n the 57th p e r c e n t i l e of Control subjects when measured f o r r a c i a l prejudice 10 (Ungerleider & McGregor, 1990). McGregor and Ungerleider portrayed a series of impressive examples of successful use of role-play i n reducing r a c i a l prejudice. Overall, A n t i - r a c i s t role-play has almost fo r t y years of examples where p o s i t i v e e f f e c t sizes have been produced: Culbertson (1957), Gilmour & Janice (19 65), Rosenberg (1965), Hohn (1973), Gray and Ashmore (1975), Breckheimer & Nelson (1976), Verma & Bagley (1979), Ungerleider & McGregor (1990), McGregor & Douglas,(1993). 11 Consortium Program Responding to Racism builds on many of the recommendations l i s t e d i n the above meta-analyses (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990; McGregor, 1993). It also r e f l e c t s numerous other suggestions raised i n a variety of studies (Verma & Bagley, 1976, 1979; Kehoe, 1981, 1984; Buchignani, 1985; Butt, 1986; Ungerleider, 1992). Ungerleider & Douglas' When Cultures Meet, a role-play a n t i - r a c i s t package designed f o r primary l e v e l teachers, uses many s i m i l a r techniques to those i n Responding to Racism. The f i r s t contrast between the two packages i s natur a l l y a difference of intended audiences. Responding to Racism has been produced with the secondary school setting i n mind. Its role-play aims for greater student to student contact, more appropriate student- aged language^ and to be part of an o v e r a l l package more f a m i l i a r to students. Responding to Racism contains a s i m i l a r attempt to include a va r i e t y of c u l t u r a l groups, yet with a more l i m i t e d focus than found i n When Cultures Meet. Other complex s o c i a l issues, l i k e gender and power r e l a t i o n s , which are important on t h e i r own but may over-complicate an already d i f f i c u l t subject for adolescents during the role-play exercises, were de l i b e r a t e l y not mixed i n t o the package. Responding to Racism deals primarily with racism. As a r e s u l t , many concerns found i n When Cultures Meet are not as prominent i n t h i s package, although they may c e r t a i n l y be raised during the discussions following each of the role-plays i n Responding to Racism. These were considered to be secondary to 12 the p r i n c i p l e focus of t h i s t r a i n i n g programs: analyzing the underlying racism i n each scenario. Further suggestions from members of the Consortium have afforded a very wide spectrum of involvement i n the creation of Responding to Racism. Although the package centres on behavioral t r a i n i n g f o r reacting to r a c i s t incidents, rather than other educational issues such as causes of racism or the s o c i e t a l impact of t h i s problem, t h i s does not mean i t s foundation i s likewise as t i g h t l y focused. A diverse chorus of voices were i n t e g r a l to the creation of t h i s package, from teachers and administrators, to members of m u l t i c u l t u r a l sections of Greater Vancouver school boards, and the Multiculturalism branch of the Ministry of Education, as well as several c u l t u r a l groups i n the Vancouver and V i c t o r i a areas. The c r i t i c a l incidents of racism turned into dramatic dialogues for use i n the role-play have emerged from concerns and experiences of those most d i r e c t l y involved i n secondary schools. Some were pa i n f u l revelations, stories of personal tragedies. The discussions following each role-play are aimed at forming l i n k s between students and the actual participants who related these s t o r i e s . 13 Emotions a r i s i n g as a r e s u l t of the role-play may be worked out with teachers and peers, however, the true power of role-play emerges i n a much more private place, within each student's own understanding of culture, race, and i d e n t i t y . Students can c e r t a i n l y gain a deeper understanding of the issues and impact of racism from adopting the perspective of the "other" within the guises of a role-play s e t t i n g . They may accept a teacher's encouragement and adopt techniques from the t r a i n i n g package i n dealing with r a c i s t incidents they encounter i n everyday l i f e . Yet, a successful intervention i n an a n t i - r a c i s t program does not necessarily have to go t h i s f a r . When a trained student decides not to aggravate a r a c i s t s i t u a t i o n , or to o f f e r some increased l e v e l of comfort for a vi c t i m to a greater extent than they otherwise might have, Responding to Racism w i l l have been successful. These may be only p a r t i a l successes i n a more gradual process, but changes i n behavioral reactions to r a c i s t incidents must be seen as e s s e n t i a l components of not only ongoing changes i n attitudes, but also of ensuring racism i s both l i m i t e d and counteracted when i t does a r i s e . Responding to Racism seeks to change behaviour. The tools i t o f f e r s for students to use i n reacting to r a c i s t situations are designed to allow for behavioral and a t t i t u d i n a l change, but are c e r t a i n l y grounded on the premise that behavioral change i s an e s s e n t i a l step which 14 can be separate from, or d i r e c t l y t i e d to a t t i t u d i n a l change. A r e a l i s t i c assessment of an a n t i - r a c i s t program needs more than measurement through written instruments alone. Testing e f f e c t s , whereby students produce what they believe to be desired answers i n a given s i t u a t i o n , are too r e a l to be eliminated from overt tests of racism. For t h i s reason, the i n c l u s i o n Of a covert behavioral measure was regarded as an imperative i n the design of t h i s study. Evaluating students on behavioral reactions serves to predict i n a much more adequate way how " s i g n i f i c a n t " a program has been i n encouraging students to work against r a c i s t incidents i n classrooms, lunchrooms, h a l l s and playgrounds. Examples of the f i r s t two of t h i r t y c r i t i c a l incidents from R e s p o n d i n g t o R a c i s m can be found i n Appendix D. 15 Hypotheses Three aspects were considered e s s e n t i a l for a systematic analysis of the effectiveness of Responding to Racism. These were formulated into the following three hypotheses: (1) Students p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the program would demonstrate a s i g n i f i c a n t l y more po s i t i v e knowledge of the how to respond to a r a c i s t incident, as l a i d out i n the t r a i n i n g program, compared with students who did not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the program, on the Written Reaction to Racist Incidents measure. (2) Students p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the program would be s i g n i f i c a n t l y less r a c i s t then those i n the Control group, as measured by the Evidence of Racism Scale. (3) Students p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the program would respond s i g n i f i c a n t l y more p o s i t i v e l y to both a described r a c i s t incident, as measured by the Written Response to a Racist Incident Questionnaire and an actual s i t u a t i o n , as measured by the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale. 16 II Significance of the Problem Transformation School d i s t r i c t s i n Southwestern B r i t i s h Columbia are undergoing an ethno-cultural transformation brought on by s h i f t i n g immigration trends. Today, "New Canadians" are f a r more l i k e l y to have l e f t East, South, or Southeast Asian nations, rather than North, West, or East European ones (Fleras & E l l i o t t , 1992). Demographers and various other s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s w i l l debate the impact of s h i f t i n g sources of Canadian immigration, away from what are s t i l l unfortunately termed "the t r a d i t i o n a l sources." Yet, i r r e s p e c t i v e of these concerns, Vancouver w i l l continue to be a school d i s t r i c t made up of students with ethnic backgrounds from over 80 d i f f e r e n t countries (Ashworth, 1989; Su l l i v a n , 1989). The Greater Vancouver area already leads the country i n percentage of population considered to be " v i s i b l e minority" group members. In 1986, the v i s i b l e minority population i n Greater Vancouver was over 16-percent (Fleras & E l l i o t t , 1992), already 10-percent above the national average. Recent S t a t i s t i c s Canada numbers suggest t h i s percentage i s r a p i d l y r i s i n g . In 1988, Hong Kong, India, the Philippines, Vietnam, Jamaica, and Iran were among the top ten countries of o r i g i n for immigrants to Canada (Fleras & E l l i o t t , 1992). In 1990 alone, East and South Asian nations accounted for approximately 26.4% of the t o t a l of 212,166 immigrants to t h i s 17 country (Fleras & E l l i o t t , 1992). The point to be made does not involve questions of e t h n i c i t y , or "Countries of Origin", rather, a simple acknowledgement of an ongoing process of transformation. E t h n i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y , Vancouverites are a changing group. The region stands as a destination for a huge number of New Canadians, who come to unite families, f i n d jobs, or simply r e j o i c e i n the "wet-coast" climate. The Greater Vancouver area serves as a major centre of an ongoing c u l t u r a l adjustment. An adjustment process involving not only the newcomer, but also those who came a l i t t l e e a r l i e r , as well as the nations s e t t l i n g the region thousands of years ago. Secondary schools i n Greater Vancouver are a natural locus of the necessary c r o s s - c u l t u r a l accommodation. Language learning i s of paramount concern for recent newcomers from non-English speaking backgrounds, and school d i s t r i c t s throughout the region have implemented new or addi t i o n a l English as a Second Language programs. But i t would be shortsighted to l i m i t the adaptation process to l i n g u i s t i c s . Both the i n d i v i d u a l and most of the receiving community share the need for accommodation and adaptation. Ethno-cultural difference i s playing i t s e l f out as often on the streets and i n the businesses of Greater Vancouver, as i t i s i n i t s classrooms and c a f e t e r i a s . Such difference can r e s u l t i n c u l t u r a l clashes and racism, which are l i k e l y to arise to some extent, given the r e a l i t i e s of the current period of ethnic change. Meanwhile, 18 changes i n student populations are d r i v i n g concomitant ones i n methodology adopted by teachers, administrators, m u l t i c u l t u r a l workers and other participants i n the educational system. Cu r r i c u l a must be reshaped accordingly. Exemplifying t h i s process i s the recent recognition of Japanese and Mandarin as Heritages Languages by the Ministry of Education, through the s e t t i n g of Province-wide exams. The recognition came af t e r years of intense lobbying, and can only open new educational opportunities and challenges for Primary, Secondary, and Post- secondary systems throughout B.C. As the ethnic composition of the Greater Vancouver student population i s redefined, a n t i - r a c i s t educational i n i t i a t i v e s are r e s u l t i n g from an awareness of a need to take proactive measures to keep r a c i a l problems from becoming entrenched. Responding to Racism evolved from t h i s type of impetus. The package stands i n evidence of the work of people at various l e v e l s i n Lower Mainland school d i s t r i c t s , who are turning to a n t i - r a c i s t education as a guide for i n s t i t u t i n g programs to address the impact of changes i n t h e i r student population, and within t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s . 19 Anti-racism & Reality A n t i - r a c i s t programs are r a r e l y evaluated based on what works i n an everyday educational s i t u a t i o n (Buchignani, 1985). A v a i l a b i l i t y of class time for such programs/ as with any other type of in-service workshop, i s at a premium for secondary teachers, who must constantly balance competing i n t e r e s t s and needs. The immediacy of Responding to Racism hopes to counteract t h i s problem. A teacher can be f a m i l i a r with i t s contents, and more than capable of carrying out i t s methods af t e r only a h a l f - day workshop. Teacher competence i n leading an a n t i - r a c i s t program has been repeatedly stressed as a key aspect i n successful interventions (Verma & Bagley, 1981; Buchignani, 1985; Ungerleider & McGregor, 1990; McGregor, 1993). To ensure t h i s , Responding to Racism u t i l i s e s r e l a t i v e l y straight-forward patterns. It embodies strategies which are e a s i l y transferred from t r a i n i n g workshops on campus to role-plays i n the secondary classroom. C u r r i c u l a r r e s t r i c t i o n s form a further l i m i t a t i o n facing most teachers i n regards to a n t i - r a c i s t programs. Responding to Racism i s designed to meet t h i s problem by being f l e x i b l e enough to be applicable to a wide variety of educational settings. Its design i s quite adaptable to any number of subject-area c u r r i c u l a , from Social Studies to English, Humanities to Guidance and other Counselling Programs, to Theatre c l a s s . Responding to 20 Racism works to create an important modelling aspect for teacher to student r e l a t i o n s which can be useful i n as assortment of school s i t u a t i o n s . Its design allows for value-laden teaching about racism, i n a more personal climate which i s hopefully more meaningful to students. This type of climate has often been attr i b u t e d by researchers as an i n t e g r a l component of successful a n t i - r a c i s t education (Verma & Bagley, 1981; Sarnoff & Katz, 1981; Buchignani, 1985). There are many examples of negative outcomes being produced i n studies using a n t i - r a c i s t teaching techniques which involve distant, impartial moderators ( M i l l e r , 1969; Balch & Paulsen, 1978; Kehoe, 1981;). V i r t u a l l y a l l a n t i - r a c i s t teaching programs have produced examples where e n t i r e l y unexpected negative outcomes have resulted. Three recent meta-analyses of a n t i - r a c i s t educational techniques found such examples of negative e f f e c t s i z e s , i n these cases, experimental subjects ended up measuring higher on scales of racism aft e r being "treated" (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990). The f i r s t of these meta-analyses involved a n t i - r a c i s t programs for p o l i c e o f f i c e r s . Negative e f f e c t sizes were found i n 31% of the cases studied. Likewise, the second meta-analysis, with student-teachers and in-service teachers as the subject groups, found 28% of e f f e c t sizes were negative (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990). The t h i r d meta-analysis compared the effectiveness of role-play with C u l t u r a l Information strategies. Role-play programs led to negative outcomes i n 12% of the studies 21 showing s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t sizes (McGregor, 1993). Part of the difference between higher and lower negative e f f e c t sizes was att r i b u t e d to the age of the p a r t i c u l a r subject group under study. Overall, elementary and secondary school-aged students were more l i k e l y to change t h e i r b e l i e f s or behaviours, over post-secondary students, police o f f i c e r s , or in-service teachers, (McGregor, 1993). With an abundance of studies showing negative impacts, any large scale attempt at a n t i - r a c i s t education c l e a r l y needs to be assessed. Adding to r a c i a l stereotyping and int o l e r a n t attitudes are both very r e a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s as a r e s u l t of role-play, as with any other type of a n t i - r a c i s t teaching. Role-play uses language and materials which contain r a c i s t aspects, presenting these i n order to work through t h e i r consequences, inconsistencies, and f a l l a c i e s . As a r e s u l t , a series of challenges for a teacher implementing t h i s type of program natu r a l l y a r i s e . These include an i n a b i l i t y of some students to recognize situations where empathy i s needed, which may produce quite inappropriate reactions (Kehoe, 1981). One p o s s i b i l i t y i s the production of what has been termed an "inoculation e f f e c t " ( M i l l e r & Dollard, 1941; Verma & Bagley, 1976). The inoculation e f f e c t involves subjects casting aside a d i l u t e d form of an argument due to an apparent weakness i n i t s p o s i t i o n . With regard to a n t i - r a c i s t role-play t h i s would l i k e l y a r i s e through the use of sanitized language and s i t u a t i o n s , which deny the heed for action against a form of racism made too 22 "classroom acceptable" to actually portray the true nature of the problem. "If t h i s i s racism," a student might conclude, "then i t ' s no big deal...;" or "If t h i s i s racism, you're saying we're a l l r a c i s t s ! ? " The l o g i c a l conclusion from a subject would be to re j e c t the suggestions of the t r a i n i n g program. This has been demonstrated as a major problem with subjects who already hold r a c i s t opinions (Verma & Bagley, 1976). A second problem i s the reluctance of some students to f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n the exercise, due to the s o c i a l pressure of the si t u a t i o n (Kehoe, 1981). Moreover, there appears to be a serious tendency of some students to form a vicarious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the perpetrators of racism (Kehoe, 1981, 1984a). The process of role-play has also been found to lead to a weakening of i d e n t i t y and self-image for minority students. A number of researchers have charged poorly formulated a n t i - r a c i s t role-play programs with leaving minority students f e e l i n g the portrayals present them as helpless victims (Ijaz, 1984; Kehoe, 1984b; Lynch, 1987; Rattansi, 1992). C r i t i c i s m of these programs includes t h e i r f a i l u r e to portray minority group members as f i g h t i n g back against perpetrators of racism, or as perpetrators of racism themselves. 23 Measuring Anti-Racist Training A series of questions must be considered before any a n t i - racism program can move into general use. Whether i t follows s o l i d t h e o r e t i c a l grounds or not, the p o s s i b i l i t y of negative outcomes being produced remains. The questions t h i s study asks must be addressed before an a n t i - r a c i s t program can be considered to meet i t s goals. Students must remember the methods i t relates before they can put them into p r a c t i s e . A successful program must also create some modicum of an increased l e v e l of empathy for the victims of racism, i f i t i s to create attitude s h i f t s toward more tolerant views toward c u l t u r a l difference. However, t h i s may be problematic to measure, as i t i s l i k e l y to be a latent reaction to t r a i n i n g . F i n a l l y , i t must be asked i f the "classroom lessons" of the program ac t u a l l y lead to behavioral change beyond t h i s a r t i f i c i a l s e t t i n g . Evaluating the degree to which Responding to Racism answers these c r u c i a l questions can further the process of a n t i - r a c i s t education by providing a t e s t for a t h e o r e t i c a l l y sound design. The package i s based upon a r e l i a b l e a n t i - r a c i s t strategy. It includes recommendations drawn from the most current meta- analyses, as well as considerable involvement of teachers, administrators, m u l t i c u l t u r a l works, and many others involved i n the educational system. Responding to Racism appears to have a s o l i d foundation. Yet, without a systematic assessment of i t s 24 impact on students, i t can only remain a newly-packaged version of somewhat untested educational assumptions. 25 I l l Review of the Literature There are three separate areas of the l i t e r a t u r e to be reviewed: the t h e o r e t i c a l background for role-play techniques i n a n t i - r a c i s t education; evidence for the success of t h i s approach, as i t pertains to the eventual design for Responding to Racism: and f i n a l l y , relevant research on the instruments used i n the study. Role-Play: Bandura's Social Learning Theory As a technique of a n t i - r a c i s t education, role-play involves three separate processes: observation, action, and cognitive reaction. Each of these has i t s own t h e o r e t i c a l basis. Bandura's S o c i a l Learning Theory explains the observation aspect of r o l e-play. During a role-play, students i n i t i a l l y view the actions and attitudes of s i g n i f i c a n t others, be they peers or i n s t r u c t o r s , and then come to p a r t i c i p a t e i n modelling t h i s behaviour (Bandura, 1968, 1969). Gradually, an expression of well-formulated responses appears, and t h i s i s s t e a d i l y enhanced, as well as s o c i a l l y regulated, through the actions of the models; i n i t i a l attempts by the participant are eventually successfully modeled (Bandura, 1962, 1965, 1968, 1969; Bandura & Walters, 1963). Modelling has been found to be i d e a l l y suited to the elimination of behavioral d e f i c i t s , to the transmission of s e l f - regulated systems, and s o c i a l f a c i l i t a t i o n of behavioral patterns, most notably on a group-wide scale (Bandura, 1962, 26 1965, 1968, 1969). As students i n a role-play rehearse responses, they are formulating these patterns into reaction sets from within a s o c i a l context c l o s e l y matching that of the incident outside of the role-play. The context serves to reinforce the modelling. Subjects come to pattern t h e i r behaviour increasingly on that of the model, and then re-use t h i s model i n apparently si m i l a r future situations (Bandura, 1965, 1968, 1969). Bandura worked often with very d i f f e r e n t subject groups than those of a n t i - r a c i s t education i n secondary schools. However, his theories are powerful descriptions of t h i s use of role-play, i n what i s s t i l l an example of socially-based learning. The process of observation, formulation of action, and then performance of a modeled inte r a c t i o n , applies d i r e c t l y to the process used i n both examples of role - p l a y i n g . To understand the importance of Bandura's ideas to the concept of modelling, some discussion of work previous to his i s necessary. Modelling was e a r l i e r thought to take place as a r e s u l t of the p o s i t i v e reinforcement of a subject, should the "correct" response be matched adequately. Early tests generally used a series of t r i a l and error responses, which were i n i t i a l l y random, and became progressively more and more patterned ( M i l l e r & Dollard, 1941). Modelling was seen as a form of stimulus matching, i n which a person would match the stimulus pattern being modelled with t h e i r own responses. Gradually, these responses would1 become more and more appropriate to the purpose of the role-play. A series of p o s i t i v e cues from the model 27 helped to further t h i s process (Skinner, 1953; Bandura, 1969). Bandura accepted these e a r l i e r aspects of role-play, but expanded both of these notions by introducing an aspect of s e l e c t i v i t y to t h i s type of i m i t a t i v e response reproduction (Bandura, 1962, 1968a, 1969). The r e p e t i t i o n of modelled patterns, to Bandura, was driven by a u t i l i t a r i a n value, rather than simple reinforcement. It could not be achieved unless a needs, or benefit analysis had been made by the subject. Bandura believed a person would never lose the fear of dogs, for example, unless a benefit appeared to r e s u l t from losing t h i s fear. Exposing persons to d i s t i n c t i v e sequences of modeled s t i m u l i was not enough, he asserted, unless an i n d i v i d u a l had imagined a possible benefit to be gained from modelling. Bandura thought indiv i d u a l s would natu r a l l y select only those aspects most relevant to t h e i r needs, according to an i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the modelling, and the s o c i a l expectations i t contained. Only the aspects most pertinent to the individual's needs would be retained for future imitation (Bandura, 1968a; 1969). Closely p a r a l l e l i n g current role-play strategies, Bandura believed new response patterns could be more e f f e c t i v e l y related through modelling procedures which involved more natural interpersonal interactions, where, "verbal approval, a f f e c t i o n a l expressions, play a c t i v i t i e s and a sense of accomplishment replace primary rewards as major r e i n f o r c i n g events," (Bandura, 1965, 1969). For example, Bandura found empathetic reactions were more l i k e l y when children were asked to imagine how they 2 8 w o u l d f e e l i f they were i n the s i t u a t i o n of the other person being observed, rather than how t h e y b e l i e v e d the other would f e e l (Stotland, 1969; Bandura, 1969). In role-play, t h i s i s accomplished through acting out the r o l e of the other, whereby sensations f e l t by t h i s other person can be f e l t f i r s t hand, while playing t h i s r o l e , rather than merely imagined from a distance. Bandura found a need for subject to model s i m i l a r i t y i n attempts at creating empathetic responses. I t appeared to him quite natural that a person would be more capable of applying the r e s u l t s of observed actions as consequences they might endure, when the model c l o s e l y r e f l e c t e d who they a c t u a l l y were (Bandura, 1968, 1968a, 1969). Bandura did not t i e emotional arousal d i r e c t l y to a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n vicarious observational learning, but suggested t h i s strategy had not yet been employed on a systematic basis to develop empathy, pleasurable reactions, and favourable s o c i a l attitudes (Bandura, 1969), as current role-play techniques seek to do. The "action" aspect of role^play can also be related to Bandura, and So c i a l Learning Theory. Modelling i s turned into action through performing the r o l e of the other. Patterns of observational response are learned and roles practised during t h i s performance, which are l a t e r imitated and reinforced when used i n s i m i l a r situations (Bandura, 1968a, 1969). Three d i s t i n c t reactions to observant modelling can a r i s e during such subsequent behaviour according to Bandura. The observer may acquire new responses that did not previously e x i s t i n his or her 29 behaviour repertoire. A second outcome involves the weakening or strengthening of i n h i b i t o r y responses, as a r e s u l t of patterns i n the modelling. F i n a l l y , the behaviour of models may e l i c i t previously learned responses that match precisely, or bear a close resemblance to those exhibited by the model, and are merely repeated by the subject i n t h i s l a t e r episode (Bandura, 1968a, 1969). To use the case of Responding to Racism, the learning of a new response technique would apply to learning how to comfort a v i c t i m of racism, and equally as well to addressing the unacceptability of the perpetrator's actions d i r e c t l y . The second reaction, involving the generation of an i n h i b i t o r y response, can also be seen i n a n t i - r a c i s t r o le-play. For example, a witness to a r a c i s t incident may choose to stand up against an aggressor, as a r e s u l t of a weakening of the i n h i b i t i o n against doing so. This would be an example of a weakened i n h i b i t o r y response. An example of a strengthened i n h i b i t o r y response can be found i n a greater reluctance of a person to engage i n r a c i a l discrimination i n the future. This would r e s u l t from an i n d i v i d u a l a t t r i b u t i n g additional or more stringent negative consequences a r i s i n g from espousing or acting on r a c i s t attitudes. The behaviour modelled i n the text and role-play of the a n t i - r a c i s t package seeks to e l i c i t t h i s double- edged response, weakening i n h i b i t i o n s i n some a t t i t u d i n a l or behavioral aspects, while at the same time strengthening those i n others. S o c i a l l y sanctioned actions are shown to be 30 unacceptable, both i d e o l o g i c a l l y and through the v i s i b l e consequences evident i n the role-play. S o c i a l l y appropriate actions, on the contrary, are rewarded and repeatedly remodelled through examining the text and acting out the scenarios. Bandura's t h i r d possible outcome, the " r e s p o n s e - f a c i l i t a t i o n e f f e c t " d i r e c t l y epitomizes the goals of a n t i - r a c i s t role-play. Here, modelled behaviour, be i t a response pattern to comfort a v i c t i m or, as with the case i n much of Bandura's work, to reduce the fear i n a young c h i l d of snakes or dogs, i s repeated by the observer-participant i n continued practise. F i n a l l y , t h i s i s successfully imitated as a learned pattern of s o c i a l response which mirrors that portrayed by the o r i g i n a l model (Bandura, 1968, 1968a, 1969). In anti-racism, role-play would be aimed at gradually weakening an i n h i b i t o r y response, such as reducing the fear of confronting a perpetrator of racism, through p o s i t i v e reinforcement of modelled actions (Bandura, 1968a; 1969). This p o s i t i v e reinforcement generally takes the form of exposing subjects to modelled behaviour iri i ncreasingly threatening scenarios, but s t i l l ensuring that the model does not meet with negative consequences. A c l a s s i c a l Bandura example would be to show children short movies of other children slowly approaching snakes or other feared animals. Gradually, the model children i n the films become more and more at ease with these animals, yet s t i l l do not meet with the assumed d i r e consequences underlying the i n h i b i t o r y responses from the subjects. As models present a weakening of t h e i r i n h i b i t o r y responses i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n , the 31 subjects come to follow t h i s new behaviour i n t h e i r modelling, following the slow step toward reduced i n h i b i t i o n i n tandem with that demonstrated by the models. Bandura i l l u s t r a t e d these three possible outcomes c l e a r l y i n an investigation of the s o c i a l transmission of novel aggressive responses, (Bandura, Ross & Ross, 1961), and upheld them with l a t e r e f f o r t s to assess the importance of observer-modeller s i m i l a r i t i e s (Bandura, Ross & Ross, 1963; Bandura, 1968a). In each study, these three reaction patterns emerged. Greater success i n reducing previously-held i n h i b i t i o n s , both through increased retention of patterns presented, and by affording more prevalent adaptation of previously known patterns, were shown to occur i n situations involving models c l o s e l y r e f l e c t i n g the p a r t i c u l a r subjects (Bandura, Ross & Ross, 1961, 1963; Bandura, 1968a, 1969). Triandis Triandis' work on c u l t u r e - s e n s i t i v i t y t r a i n i n g further rel a t e s these behavioral aspects of role-play. Triandis holds that behavioral intention, defined as what one would do toward any "desired object" carrying an attitude attachment with i t , i s very c l o s e l y related to s o c i a l l y - d r i v e n norms of behaviour. What appears to be expected by others i n a s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n comes to be modelled by the p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l , as a r e s u l t of close examination of the apparent expectations of the "other" i n the s o c i a l context (Triandis, 1964, 1971). Correlations i n the order 32 of (.60) have been observed i n studies of behaviour norms and behaviour intentions (Bastides and Van den Berghe, 1957; Triandis, V a s s i l i o u and Nassiakon, 1968). Triandis l a t e r went on to expand into studies of cr o s s - c u l t u r a l learning, applying these concepts to such learning i n a new, or otherwise changed c u l t u r a l environment. Many of Triandis' current c r o s s - c u l t u r a l s e n s i t i v i t y t r a i n i n g strategies employ role-play techniques. In a role-play episode s o c i a l l y - d r i v e n expectations are both presented and reinforced, through the content of the text used and the reaction patterns being taught. These expectations are mirrored through the actions of fellow students and teachers leading the episodes. Case-study role-play such as that i n Responding to Racism evokes each of these components for messages of s o c i a l expectation. Teachers and students are both modelling responses from the package design. Triandis' modification of t h i s concept into c r o s s - c u l t u r a l t r a i n i n g c l e a r l y represents the goals of role-play i n a n t i - r a c i s t education. Here, the behavioral intentions are derived from varying norms generated i n a disparate culture, and the role-playing serves to give students new response patterns suitable to t h i s a l t e r n a t i v e s o c i a l environment (Triandis, 1975, 1977, 1992). New behavioral norm patterns are being s o c i a l l y taught, viewed, and then practised through performing the rol e of the "other" i n a c u l t u r a l context, i n the same manner as that used to generate empathetic responses from performing t h i s r o l e i n r a c i s t incident r e p l i c a t i o n through a n t i - r a c i s t role-playing. Inappropriate actions are i d e n t i f i e d 33 and negatively sanctioned i n a s o c i a l l y - r e l e v a n t context, within which they can be replaced with more appropriate patterned responses, "putting your l e f t hand on that Egyptian Arab man's shoulder held a completely d i f f e r e n t connotation than the one you offered..." T r i a n d i s ' "Cultural Assimilator", (Triandis, 1992), mirrors the strategies of current a n t i - r a c i s t role-play, seeking as i t does to model behaviour on expectations of such c u l t u r a l environments. A n t i - r a c i s t education seeks to create scenarios where r a c i s t actions are presented as s o c i a l l y unacceptable, as well as to provide patterned responses to e f f e c t i v e l y teach t h i s i n l i f e - l i k e s i t u a t i o n s . Triandis suggests a need for transmitting d i f f e r i n g r o l e expectations of i n d i v i d u a l s moving into d i f f e r e n t cultures, i n a manner d i r e c t l y relevant to the value-laden educational strategies used i n a n t i - r a c i s t role-play. Here too, correct and incorrect behaviours are constantly reinforced through the content i n the cases being studied, the s o c i a l l y based modelling of the performances, and the text i t s e l f , upon which the entire exercise i s based. Even when a p a r t i c u l a r student views, p a r t i c i p a t e s , and models what are deemed to be s o c i a l l y correct behaviour i n a role-play s i t u a t i o n , the exercise does not f u l l y succeed unless a further cognitive goal i s achieved. This i s r e a l i z e d through the process of dissonance. Festinger's Theory of Cognitive Dissonance holds that i f a person experiences enough discordant 34 information, the information w i l l eventually cause a change i n attitude or behaviour (Festinger, 1957). As i t pertains to r o l e - play, students i n the unfamiliar r o l e as the "other" are eventually led into dissonance, as the imagined s i t u a t i o n of t h i s other person i s gradually replaced with d i r e c t sensations emerging from playing the r o l e . Teachers must work to l i m i t the p o s s i b i l i t y of vicarious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the perpetrators i n the r a c i s t scenarios, by creating a climate i n the role-play where these actions are a c t i v e l y portrayed as unacceptable. Adequate stress must be placed on the dangers a r i s i n g from t h i s aspect of the role-play i n the t r a i n i n g given to teachers undertaking the package. The creation of perpetrator i d e n t i f i c a t i o n must be minimized, and t h i s i s l i k e l y only achieved through a very c a r e f u l analysis of the possible responses i n a role-play s i t u a t i o n . Rokeach et al. Rokeach (1960, 1966, 1971, 1973), Janice & Gilmour, (1965), and Rosenberg, (1965), Gray & Ashmore, (1975), and others have adapted Festinger's dissonance-creating strategy to a n t i - r a c i s t education by using discussions of equality and values. In one example, students were asked to compare t h e i r group's stated responses to a ranked l i s t of "most important things", with those of other students. S t a t i s t i c s from U.S. colleges were used to show Equality at #11 of 18 items l i s t e d . This was then compared 35 to stated exultations of equality under the American democratic i d e a l (Gray & Ashmore, 1975). When students were confronted with the d i s p a r i t y between the value place on personal freedom versus welfare of others, or equality, researchers have been able to create dissonance, and a r e s u l t i n g change toward more equitable values (Rokeach, 1971, 1973; Janice & Gilmour, 1965; Rosenberg, 1965; Gray & Ashmore, 1975). In each of the above studies, students were found to reduce t h i s type of cognitive inconsistency by elevating the value they placed on equality i n subsequent rankings. Rokeach found r a c i a l attitudes, which he relat e s to issues of equality, were also observed to move i n an e g a l i t a r i a n d i r e c t i o n as a consequence of t h i s i nsight (Rokeach, 1969, 1971, 1973, & Cochrane, 1972). Gray & Ashmore (1975) upheld Rokeach i n a l a t e r study i n t h i s f i n d i n g . Although Values Discrepancy may or may not involve role-playing techniques, i t relat e s d i r e c t l y to creating dissonance, which i s i n t e g r a l to the question of effectiveness i n both strategies. Role-Play: Evidence of Success Role-playing as an e f f e c t i v e t o o l for a l t e r i n g r a c i a l attitudes can be seen as early as 1957. Culbertson found r o l e - play to be e f f e c t i v e i n s h i f t i n g attitudes toward more i n t e g r a t i o n i s t approaches i n students from a middle-England school, who were facing a growing integration of recent Black immigrants i n housing and schooling. Culbertson suggested i t may 36 prove to be a useful technique for a l t e r i n g even strongly-held r a c i s t attitudes (Culbertson, 1957). Gilmour & Janice (1965), Rosenberg (1965), Hohn, Weisner & Wright (1973), and Gray & Ashmore (1975) a l l found s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s from using role-play to modify r a c i a l b e l i e f s . Gray & Ashmore i n p a r t i c u l a r b u i l t d i r e c t l y on Culbertson, but with a larger e f f e c t s i z e , comparing role-play, informational, and values discrepancy techniques. They found the strategy to be e f f e c t i v e i n creating dissonance, and to r e s u l t i n more equitable attitudes toward c u l t u r a l difference (Gray & Ashmore, 1975). Breckheimer & Nelson (1976) found r a c i a l discussion and racial-based role-playing strategies led to greater cross-race contact i n an informal meeting s i t u a t i o n , as measured by a series of behavioral i n t e r a c t i o n scales. They compared cross-race contacts i n a group setting, including the s e l e c t i o n of partners f o r use i n a discussion exercise and other such measures i n order to evaluate greater r a c i a l tolerance i n attitudes (Breckheimer & Nelson, 1976). In concluding, they recommended a hybrid approach involving role-play, games, and r a c i a l discussion, because no single strategy seemed to a f f e c t change i n each of the behavioral d i f f e r e n t i a l and sociometric choice scales they used (Breckheimer & Nelson, 1976). Verma & Bagley (1971, 1973, 1979) have been successful i n a series of quasi role-playing s i t u a t i o n s , involving both discussions of r a c i a l difference and modelling (Verma & Bagley, 1971, 1973, 1981). In t h e i r 1979 study, they d i r e c t l y measured the effectiveness of role-play i n 37 comparison to three other designs, finding s h i f t s toward tolerant views on a number of measures as a r e s u l t of role-play from pre- to-post tests (Verma & Bagley, 1979). The three recent meta-analyses mentioned previously o f f e r support for the use of role-play i n a n t i - r a c i s t education. McGregor & Ungerleider analyzed research using student-teachers, in - s e r v i c e teachers, and police o f f i c e r s as subject groups. These studies were a l l aimed at preparing each group for dealing with i n t e r c u l t u r a l and i n t e r - r a c i a l contact (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990). The programs they analyzed were concerned with both attitudes and behaviours, and involved two d i s t i n c t teaching approaches: c u l t u r a l information and racism awareness. Their f i n a l data set included 19 studies, conducted between 1967 and 1985, one of which was Canadian (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990). A wide variety of d i f f e r e n t measurement devices were used, but findings were li m i t e d to those garnered from s o c i a l distance, semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l , and behavioral observation scales. The average study showed a (+.20) Standard Deviation improvement i n experimental group, representing an average person undergoing treatment demonstrating less r a c i a l prejudice than 57% of control subjects who did not undergo treatment (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990). Racism awareness studies had a mean e f f e c t s i z e of (+.27Sd), while c u l t u r a l information approaches one of (+.09Sd). In a subsequently published meta-analysis, McGregor d i r e c t l y compared role-play to a n t i - r a c i s t information strategies involving elementary, secondary, and post-secondary students. 38 McGregor found 13 studies involving role-play which could be e f f e c t i v e l y used i n her meta-analysis. This group represented an average standard deviation of (+.419Sd), i n s h i f t i n g attitudes toward more tolerant positions; 64% of students i n control groups showed more prejudice than the average of students undergoing a role-play treatment. McGregor's findings were also more favourable than those i n the 1990 meta-analysis with Ungerleider i n the important area of negative e f f e c t s i z e s . Whereas 28% of studies involving teachers, and 31% of those with p o l i c e o f f i c e r s showed negative e f f e c t sizes i n the 1990 meta-analysis, (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990), McGregor found only 12% of the role-play e f f e c t sizes were negative (McGregor, 1993). A negative e f f e c t s i z e e s s e n t i a l l y means subjects measured higher on r a c i a l prejudice from pre-test to post-test, or scored higher than control groups on post-test only designs. Moreover, McGregor found a higher percentage of s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t sizes i n 1993, 53% as compared to 47% percent (police) and 30% (teachers) (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990; McGregor 1993). McGregor suggests the more favourable e f f e c t s may represent an increased m a l l e a b i l i t y i n children, over teachers and p o l i c e , which could allow for a greater impact of a n t i - r a c i s t teachings (McGregor, 1993). McGregor also found higher e f f e c t sizes i n studies involving younger students, elementary and secondary, when compared to those i n post-secondary settings (McGregor, 1993). 39 Behind the Consortium Design The Consortium's role-play package follows a pattern l a i d out i n the program for teachers of elementary students by Charles Ungerleider and Cheryl Douglas: When Cultures Meet (Ungerleider & Douglas, 1989). Ungerleider and Douglas used a v a r i e t y of sources to create t h e i r package, from general, non-sexist and/or non-racist education guidebooks, to su b j e c t - s p e c i f i c texts for p a r t i c u l a r aspects of one or more of the c r i t i c a l incidents of racism included i n the program. John Kehoe's, A Handbook for Enhancing the M u l t i c u l t u r a l Climate of the School, (Kehoe, 1984), serves as a major source for both Ungerleider & Douglas, and Responding to Racism. Kehoe suggests teachers must have a p o s i t i v e , not neutral attitude when dealing with r a c i a l issues i n the classroom. Other studies have found such an attitude to be an important factor i n success of role-play (Rubin, 1967; Buchignani, 1985). Kehoe suggests any a n t i - r a c i s t education strategy must portray victims who are about the same age as the subject groups, appear to be f i g h t i n g back against the perpetrators, and are generally people seen to be agreeable i n the subjects' eyes (Kehoe, 1984). Responding to Racism aims at presenting just such a message, with peer-group victims being used throughout the role-play technique. Part of t h i s study's purpose was to measure post-treatment empathetic l e v e l s , i n hopes of evaluating exactly what Kehoe's suggestions are seeking to l i m i t : vicarious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with 40 the perpetrators of racism. Kehoe further suggests such r o l e - plays should stress a sense of public agreement, with opinions being demonstrated i n order to add to s o c i a l pressure to conform to expected behaviour (Kehoe, 1981, 1984). The building of s o c i a l sanctions against r a c i a l behaviour serves to magnify opportunities for dissonance, and further the valued-oriented goal of the role-play. While the structure of the package c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l s When Culture's Meet, some important recent recommendations are also part of Responding to Racism. A greater attempt has been made to ensure a l i m i t i n g of an e f f e c t of creating vicarious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the perpetrators of racism. Teachers are being encouraged to take overtly strong moral stands against racism, to d i r e c t l y present values i n a s i t u a t i o n where i n d i v i d u a l behaviours are depicted as r i g h t or wrong. This can also aid i n personalization of race, to make the role-play more meaningful for students (Katz & Sarnoff, 1981; Buchignani, 1985). As mentioned, vicarious i d e n t i f i c a t i o n can be a serious unintended outcome of any a n t i - r a c i s t strategy (Kehoe, 1979, 1984). In one example of unintended negative outcomes from a h i s t o r i c a l analysis of racism, students were apparently l e f t with the impression racism was a frequent occurrence i n Canadian society, and that reduced immigration was the only answer to curb the problem (Kehoe, 1981). Numerous recommendations from the meta-analyses l i s t e d above have also been included. McGregor recommends programs need to be 41 longer than a single-shot duration (McGregor, 1993), but warns of a serious drop-off when they are too long (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990; McGregor, 1993). Responding to Racism involves three one-hour sessions with students over a regular week of classes, and i s intended to f a l l within these l i m i t s . Teacher competence has been found to be a major factor i n role-play (Verma & Bagley, 1981; Buchignani, 1985; McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990;McGregor, 1993). In t h i s case, half-day t r a i n i n g seminars were given to teachers implementing the program. McGregor (1993) found teacher t r a i n i n g was not c a r r i e d out p r i o r to most programs she analyzed. The c r i t i c a l incidents used, and the makeup of the Consortium i t s e l f both promoted substantial teacher involvement i n the creation of Responding to Racism, r e f l e c t i n g another McGregor recommendation for successful role-play a n t i - r a c i s t education (McGregor, 1993). Neither pre- t e s t i n g e f f e c t , not ethnic composition of treatment groups were found to be factors i n either meta-analyses. McGregor and Ungerleider (1990) found greater success with increased ethnic mixture with groups of police o f f i c e r s , which i s somewhat r e f l e c t i v e of the general ethnic composition of most classrooms undergoing treatment i n t h i s study. McGregor (1993) also recommends an integration of a n t i - r a c i s t education into regular curriculum, which was intended to be accomplished by bringing the t r a i n i n g program into regular s o c i a l studies classes, rather than having sp e c i a l teachers carry out the program with these classes. 42 Measurement Devices Instrument One - Willingness to Accept C u l t u r a l D i v e r s i t y A l l subjects were pretested with a measure of Willingness to Accept C u l t u r a l D i v e r s i t y (Culhane & Kehoe, 1994), for the purpose of establishing Control to Experimental group equivalency. This measure was adapted from one created f o r a number of previous studies (Kehoe, 1984). A Likert-type 5-point scale, t h i s instrument was administered on a t r i a l run among 143 subjects i n both grades 9 and 11 i n Richmond, as well as among a single group of approximately 30 grade 9's i n a North Vancouver c l a s s . T r i a l - r u n v a l i d i t y Means and Anova r e s u l t s suggested two items, which did not correlate as strongly as the other 15-items, should be removed from the f i n a l version of the Questionnaire. V a l i d i t y r e s u l t s are presented below. T-test and Anova comparisons demonstrated group equivalency from Control to Experimental groups i n a l l three teacher samples. Equivalency data follow the R e l i a b i l i t y Analysis. Dates of B i r t h , written by the students on the top of the answer sheets, provided a l i n k i n g mechanism from pre to posttest. Analysis of the data was on a c l a s s - t o - c l a s s , experimental-to-control basis, rather than on an i n d i v i d u a l basis. 43 Reliability Analysis i - R e l i a b i l i t y variables Premeasure (premOl to preml5) R E L I A B I L I T Y A N A L Y S I S - S C A L E (A L L) ITEM-TOTAL STATISTICS SCALE MEAN IF ITEM DELETED SCALE VARIANCE IF ITEM DELETED CORRECTED ITEM- TOTAL CORRELATION ALPHA IF ITEM DELETED PREM01 31.3460 49.6654 .4672 .7072 PREM02 31.2417 54.9937 .2096 .7345 PREM03 31.8957 52.1796 .3578 .7200 PREM04 32.2322 54.5030 .2649 .7290 PREM05 31.8057 51.8906 .3927 .7165 PREM06 32.1090 56.4976 .0906 .7475 PREM07 31.9336 51.2241 .3635 .7195 PREM08 31.7915 53.7373 .2244 .7353 PREM09 32.5687 55.4560 .2739 .7284 PREM10 31.5545 55.0673 .1658 .7406 PREM11 31.6540 50.4559 .5318 .7031 PREM12 32.0948 52.0481 .4609 .7114 PREM13 31.8720 52.3978 .4293 .7142 PREM14 31.4597 49.6972 .4746 .7064 PREM15 31.6351 50.5090 .4140 .7135 RELIABILITY COEFFICIENTS N OF CASES 211.0 N OF ITEMS = 15 ALPHA = .7359 44 T a b l e 1 Group Equivalency Variable PREHEASURE SCORES By Variable GROUP SELECTION Analysis of Variance Source Sum of D.F. Squares Mean Squares F F Ratio Prob. Between Groups 1 30.0012 30.0012 .5436 .4618 Within Groups 209 11534.1220 55.1872 Total 210 11564.1232 O N E W A Y - - Group Count Standard Mean Deviation Standard Error 95 Pet Int Conf for Mean Experimental Control 137 74 31.2774 7.2728 32.0676 7.7111 .6214 .8964 30.0486 30.2810 To 32.5061 To 33.8541 Total 211 31.5545 7.4207 .5109 30.5474 To 32.5616 Fixed Effects Model 7.4288 .5114 . 30.5463 To 32.5627 Random Effects Model .5114 25.0563 To 38.0527 Random Effects Model - Estimate of Between Component Variance -.2621 Group Minimum Maximum Grp 1 Grp 2 14.0000 18.0000 50.0000 53.0000 Total 14.0000 53.0000 Tests for Homogeneity of Variances Cochrans (Approx.) Ba r t l e t t - Maximum C = Max. Variance/Sum(Variances) Box F = Variance / Minimum Variance 1 .5292, .327 , .124 P P .550 = .567 45 Instrument Two - Evidence of Racism Scale The Evidence of Racism Scale (Kehoe, 1994) was administered post-treatment to Experimental groups, and to Control subjects following a week of regular s o c i a l studies classes. V a l i d i t y t e sts performed on t r i a l runs of t h i s instrument also led to a reduction i n number of items. In t h i s case, three items which did not correlate as strongly with o v e r a l l r e s u l t s were removed. V a l i d i t y r e s u l t s are below. Matched Dates of Births were again used to l i n k p a r t i c u l a r students from pre to posttest. i i - Evidence of Racism Scale - (postaOl to postal4) R E L I A B I L I T Y A N A L Y S I S - S C A L E (A L L) ITEM-TOTAL STATISTICS SCALE MEAN IF ITEM DELETED SCALE VARIANCE IF ITEM DELETED CORRECTED ITEM TOTAL CORRELATION ALPHA IF ITEM DELETED POSTA01 28.8710 37.2481 .3918 .6723 POSTA02 29.1344 37.7926 .3934 .6737 POSTA03 27.9570 37.7711 .2757 .6862 POSTA04 29.1022 35.7571 .5535 .6538 POSTA05 28.4355 37.7823 .2510 .6900 POSTA06 28.6828 37.9367 .2401 .6915 POSTA07 28.8280 37.1702 .4554 .6670 POSTA08 28.9570 36.9927 .2970 .6838 POSTA09 28.2151 35.9751 .3331 .6790 POSTA10 28.5591 39.9343 .1078 .7078 P0STA11 28.3871 39.4926 .1022 .7128 P0STA12 28.3495 38.1961 .2668 .6870 P0STA13 29.0108 36.9837 .4155 .6695 P0STA14 28.9032 36.4554 .4919 .6614 COEFFICIENTS: N OF CASES = 186.0 N OF ITEMS =14 ALPHA = .6974 46 instrument Three - Written Response to a Racist Incident This instrument was created s p e c i f i c a l l y for the purpose of t h i s study to measure knowledge of how to respond to a r a c i s t incident. Experimental and Control subjects were given four examples of r a c i s t incidents i n anecdotal form. They were then asked to write b r i e f outlines of how they would respond to these s i t u a t i o n s . The strategy outlined i n the t r a i n i n g package, for responding to a r a c i s t incident, served as a model for appropriate responses, and the blueprint for scoring. The questions used c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d the scenarios given i n the t r a i n i n g program. Upon t r i a l runs of t h i s instrument i n North Vancouver, a single item was considered for removal, as i t s mean score did not correlate well with o v e r a l l scores of i n d i v i d u a l students. It was believed t h i s was due to a difference i n locus of the r a c i s t incident. While the other three items involved the student reading about a si t u a t i o n which included them as a partic i p a n t , i n the scenario involving a r a c i s t incident, t h i s item did not. However, i n the f i n a l design, t h i s item was included as i t was believed to r e f l e c t some of the c r i t i c a l incidents i n the t r a i n i n g package, and would therefore afford more de t a i l e d analysis of the program than i f i t were to have been removed. 47 Instrument Four - Racist Incident Behavioral Scale. Breckheimer & Nelson (1976) used a s i m i l a r staged s o c i a l s e t t i n g to record behavioral interactions following a role-play t r a i n i n g program, along with three other a n t i - r a c i s t teaching st r a t e g i e s . In t h e i r example, students were asked to come to an organizational meeting i n a conference room, where they were to wait a short time before the proceedings got underway. The room was equipped with a one-way mirror, behind which was video recording equipment. During the 10 minute period, student to student interactions were recorded on tape for l a t e r analysis. Students had been warned that they were being videotaped as part of the program. Two undergraduate students, unaware of the d e t a i l s of the study, were trained to a 90% r e l i a b i l i t y l e v e l p r i o r to judging the tapes. Breckheimer & Nelson used the session as a measure of sociometric choice, with students being asked to s e l e c t partners f o r an upcoming exercise. Meanwhile, behavioral interactions were recorded, ranging from choice of seating positions to verbal interactions. The methodology of the current study borrows from Breckheimer & Nelson, but also uses a somewhat d i f f e r e n t set of measurement devices. A reshaping of the essentials of Breckheimer & Nelson's pattern f o r analyzing student to student i n t e r a c t i o n has been c a r r i e d out to measure student reactions i n a manner more c l o s e l y r e f l e c t i n g Responding to Racism. 48 Students are scored based upon the l e v e l to which they p a r t i c i p a t e i n the r a c i s t s i t u a t i o n , and whether that p a r t i c i p a t i o n serves to oppose or support the r a c i s t ideas presented. The grading system uses anecdotal comments from two student actors involved and the researcher, i n coded scores from each actor between one and f i v e . A more thorough explanation of the workings of the instrument are to be found i n the upcoming Methodology section. 49 IV Design and Methodology Design — 2 High Schools: 1 Vancouver, 1 Richmond — Vancouver: 2 Grade 9/2 Grade 11 * Taught by Teacher A — Richmond: 3 Grade 11 * Taught by Teacher B 3 Grade 11 * Taught by Teacher C Total of 10 classrooms, 6 - Experimental 4 - Control, T=262. A l l subjects were pretested with measure of Willingness to Accept C u l t u r a l Diversity/Questionnaire I. Mean and Anova comparison data established group equivalency. Treatment: Experimental Anti-Racist Training Package. Control: Regular Socials Studies Classroom Work. A l l subjects post-tested with: a) Written Response to Racist Incidents / Questionnaire I I I . b) Indication of level s of racism / Questionnaire II - Li k e r t Scale. A smaller samples post-test with: c) Unobtrusive Reaction to a Racist Incident Behavioral Scale / Number of subjects = 68 (40 Experimental;28 Control.) 50 Methodology (a) Selection Teachers involved i n the study were aware of the program as a r e s u l t of t h e i r school d i s t r i c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Consortium. Each were contacted by members of the Consortium from t h e i r d i s t r i c t . They volunteered to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t e s t i n g Responding to Racism i n t h e i r classrooms. Students included are members of three classes per teacher involved. School d i s t r i c t approval for the study was received af t e r applications were made to the respective e t h i c a l review committees of Vancouver and Richmond School D i s t r i c t s , (see Appendix C). Individual schools involved gave t h e i r approval through d i s t r i c t e t h i c a l review consultation. Student and parental permission were obtained through request forms, (see Appendix C). Students not completing successive measures were dropped from l a t e r analysis and subsequent measures. Selection for the Behaviour measure was threefold. F i r s t , teachers removed names from class l i s t s of students who had not completed the previous three questionnaires. Second, random samples of ten to twelve students were selected, ensuring s u f f i c i e n t numbers for study i n the event of student absence. Students were then matched into pairs immediately p r i o r to taking part i n the behavioral t e s t by the teacher and not the researcher. No attempt was made to ensure pairs were of any p a r t i c u l a r ethnic, gender, or other type o f c o m p o s i t i o n . 51 The actors involved i n the study were selected a f t e r contact with the Vancouver Youth Theatre. Due to the nature of the program, i t was necessary that one student actor was from a v i s i b l e minority group, and the second was not. For t h i s reason, great care was taken i n selecting the f i n a l two actors involved. Both actors pa r t i c i p a t e d i n a b r i e f discussion i h regards to what the work entailed, as well as an afternoon t r a i n i n g session at UBC. During t h i s time possible areas to be used i n generating a l i f e - l i k e r a c i s t exchange were worked out. While the students were made aware of the essentials of the t r a i n i n g package, and the purpose for the behavioral measure, they were not aware of group membership of p a r t i c u l a r pairs of students being measured at any time. (b) Scoring Premeasure and Postmeasure I scoring followed the L i k e r t r a t i n g scale. Choices ranged from: "Strongly Agree": 1 ; "Moderately Agree": 2 ; "Can't Decide": 3 ; "Moderately Disagree" : 4 ; "Strongly Disagree": 5. Negatively skewed questions were coded likewise, but recoded upon c a l c u l a t i o n . This involved approximately 40% of the items on both Questionnaires. Students were matched from measurement to measurement through Dates of B i r t h , requested on each answer sheet. Students were dropped from the sample i f t h i s could hot be established through subsequent measures. A unive r s i t y student not otherwise involved i n the study was brought i n to enter the data, and also to score 52 the second Postmeasure. Scoring for Postmeasure II - Written Reaction t o Racist Incidents followed the pattern l a i d out i n Responding t o Racism. This f i v e - p o i n t scale measures two aspects of possible responses: support/opposition for perpetrator and/or vi c t i m i n the p a r t i c u l a r incident, and the strength of t h i s support or opposition. The scoring c r i t e r i a was explained to the data entry student, who scored t h i s measure according to the following model: F u l l P ositive Intervention = 5 P a r t i a l Intervention = 4 Neutral Response = 3 P a r t i a l Negative Response = 2 F u l l Negative Response = 1 A F u l l P o s i t i v e Intervention would be characterized by an active attempt to stop the perpetrator, or to show d i r e c t opposition to the r a c i s t comments, and to support or comfort the victim. A P a r t i a l P ositive Intervention would be demonstrated by an apparent uneasiness displayed toward the r a c i a l s l u r given, a p a r t i a l attempt to have the perpetrator h a l t the action, and/or a p a r t i a l attempt to comfort the victim. 53 A Neutral Response would be characterized by no attempt to stop the perpetrator or comfort the victim, but may include some e f f o r t to dissipate or otherwise calm the s i t u a t i o n . A P a r t i a l Negative Response would be evidenced by a v i s i b l e or audible support for the perpetrator, be i t i n laughter or some other supportive gesture, no attempt to comfort the victim, but no overt attempt to further add to the name- c a l l i n g , and/or to escalate the s i t u a t i o n . A F u l l Negative Response would involve an action r e f l e c t i v e of the perpetrator, furthering the r a c i a l s l u r , adding support for the perpetrator, and furthering the discomfort of the v i c t i m i n some way. Scoring of the Racist incident Behavioral Scale was done by the actors, following the above model from the Written Response to a Racist Incident. O r i g i n a l l y , hidden video recordings were to be used, but i t was found almost immediately that the other scoring techniques were more r e l i a b l e , e s p e c i a l l y i n r e l a t i o n to minor f a c i a l or verbal reactions, which were a l l but impossible to pick up with video recordings. Moreover, the student actors found many other subtleties that would be e s s e n t i a l l y i n v i s i b l e to a video recording, such as quick incidents of eye contact, small reactions evidenced by body language, and minor laughs or sighs. While the actors had some b r i e f i n g on the goals of the program, and were aware of the ingredients of the scoring 54 c r i t e r i a , they were purposely not made aware of which subjects were from Control or Experimental groups. The scoring c r i t e r i a was thoroughly discussed with the actors p r i o r to commencement of the behavioral measurement. The actors were encouraged to write anecdotal comments immediately following each measurement session, which added to the researcher's data on each p a i r i n g . Each of the two individ u a l s under study were categorized separately, although i t was understood the actions of one may have had a bearing on that of the other. Responding to Racism draws heavily on s o c i a l aspects of racially-motivated behaviour, and i t was the intent of t h i s measure to evaluate the extent to which reactions of the students would follow t h i s s o c i a l behaviour. Examples of anecdotal comments and subsequent scores assigned by the actors follow. 55 Behavioral scoring - anecdotal comment examples. *Names have been changed to protect anonymity. *Pat and Karen are the student actors. *Pat i s of Japanese descent; Karen, of English descent, (a) F u l l - P o s i t i v e Addressal = Score 5 . Y. was more aggressive i n responding to the r a c i s t words than W. She looked d i r e c t l y at Karen and showed displeasure with a noticeable glare. Support was given to Pat i n a nodding motion, apparently suggesting Pat should ignore what was going on. Y. also t o l d Karen that what she was saying was "garbage", "offensive", and " r a c i s t . " A. challenged Karen immediately. She looked at Pat, who was the r e c i p i e n t of the r a c i s t comments from Karen, and shook her head i n d i s b e l i e f . She then gave a perplexed look at Karen, as i f to say that she could not understand how some people were l i k e t h i s . . . l i k e Karen was acting. She asked Karen to stop, t o l d Pat not to l i s t e n , and mentioned the incident when the researcher returned to the interview room. (b) P a r t i a l - P o s i t i v e Addressal = Score 4. D. was c l e a r l y uneasy about the r a c i s t words being said by Pat. While she appeared to agree with L., she was less d i r e c t i n confronting Pat, choosing to show her displeasure with quick glances and, at one point, a long disapproving stare accompanied by a puff of breath i n astonishment. S. reacted quickly when Pat made her r a c i s t remarks about Karen, although he chose to focus d i r e c t l y on Pat, and not on helping Karen, for the most part. He gave her, i n Pat's words, "a cold hard stare" which was v i s i b l e outside the room as a confrontation. A less tangible sign of support for Karen was also noticed by both actors and the researcher. 56 (c) Neutral Response = Score 3 . R. was even more distant than the other student i n the incident, C. She r e a l l y didn't involve herself i n the s i t u a t i o n , taking care not to laugh, smile, or frown i n disagreement or sympathy with either actor. Neither A. nor T. were very comfortable with any aspect of the survey or even leaving class to take part. What appeared to be confusion may very well be due to weaker lev e l s of English, and a misunderstanding of what was going on. During the r a c i s t incident, neither made comments of support or opposition, i n fact, they appeared to be quite cautious with the s i t u a t i o n , and seemed to c a r e f u l l y avoid coming down with any type of opinion that might get them involved. (d) Partial-Negative Response = Score 2. N. stayed away from supporting or confronting either actor immediately aft e r Pat made comments about "White people wearing t h e i r f ing walkmans", but soon chose to support the racism. He laughed, smiled and made a s i m i l a r comment under his breath, which was hot picked up c l e a r l y by either actor. His actions f e l l short of furthering the racism, but c e r t a i n l y helped to continue i t . A. began to support Pat's comments immediately a f t e r hearing them. He chuckled, smiled at N., and made a few s i m i l a r comments to Pat's. It appeared to the researcher that his actions were working to further the racism, both student actors agreed t h i s was the case, but did not believe i t warranted a full-negative response. (e) Full-Negative Response = Score 1. D. took o f f when Karen made a comment about stupid "ch-nks" i n Richmond and Vancouver, with "their fancy cars". She showed immediate and strong support for the comments i n a way which c l e a r l y served to add to the racism of the s i t u a t i o n . Both actors were shocked at her f u l l - f l e d g e d acceptance of the racism expressed, which even continued when the researcher returned t o the room, when she said there should be d i f f e r e n t rules for the "rest of us" than "them." 57 (c) Procedure A l l subjects were pretested with a measure of Willingness to Accept C u l t u r a l D i v e r s i t y (Culhane & Kehoe, 1994). A Likert-type 5-point scale, t h i s instrument was administered on a t r i a l run among 143 subjects i n both grades 9 and 11 i n Richmond, as well as among a single group of approximately 30 grade 9's i n a North Vancouver c l a s s . T r i a l - r u n v a l i d i t y Means and Anova r e s u l t s suggested two items, which did not correlate as strongly as the other 15-items, should be removed from the f i n a l version of the Questionnaire ( V a l i d i t y r e s u l t s can be found e a r l i e r , i n the Measures section of the Literature Review). One week p r i o r to commencement of the t r a i n i n g program, both Control and Experimental groups completed the Premeasure, Questionnaire I. Data was immediately analyzed to ensure Control to Experimental group equivalency, which was established, (see Measures i n Lit e r a t u r e Review). In the following week, experimental students i n s i x classes underwent three one-hour sessions using the role-play strategies and scenarios from Responding to Racism. Meantime, four control classes continued with regular s o c i a l studies material. Postmeasurement began one week l a t e r . Questionnaires II and III were written i n the same session, taking up about t h i r t y minutes i n t o t a l . The Evidence of Racism Scale (Kehoe, 1994) was also tested for v a l i d i t y p r i o r to use, (see Measures). Matched 58 Dates of Births were used to l i n k p a r t i c u l a r students from pre to posttest, ensuring students had written both measures. Comparison data was obtained for Control to Experimental samples, Gender and Grade difference. The Written Reaction to Racist Incidents measure / Questionnaire III involved giving subjects four written examples of r a c i s t incidents i n anecdotal form. They were then asked to write b r i e f outlines of how they would respond to these s i t u a t i o n s . The strategy outlined i n the t r a i n i n g package, f o r responding to a r a c i s t incident, served as a model for appropriate responses, and the blueprint for scoring. The questions used c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d the scenarios given i n the t r a i n i n g program. Mean, T-test, and Anova data was then tabulated for Control to Experimental group comparison. Ten to twelve days afte r the administration of the t r a i n i n g program, random samples of students from Experimental and Control groups (N=68) were placed i n a staged s i t u a t i o n where strategies role-played i n the program could be u t i l i z e d . Students underwent analysis i n pairs, (n=32 Vancouver/n=36 Richmond; Total Samples: Control n=28; Experimental n=40). In these pairs, with Experimental and Control pairs kept i s o l a t e d , students were asked to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a survey of youth attitudes on various topics involving autonomy i n the classroom. They were t o l d other students from a nearby school would also be taking part. The sample was chosen at random by each of the three teachers involved, who made cer t a i n only students having written the three 59 previous measures could be selected. Students were grouped into pairs on a class l i s t , with no attempt made to ensure p a r t i c u l a r gender or ethnic grouping. When students arrived at a s p e c i a l room for the interview, the researcher handed them a simple survey sheet containing four questions, i n s t r u c t i n g the two students to be measured to complete the survey along with two other students, explained to be from a nearby school. In fact, these two other students were professional actors, trained for the r o l e . The researcher l e f t the room while the students worked through the survey sheet, saying he had to arrange the following groups, and that he would return aft e r about f i v e minutes. Once he had l e f t the room, the two actors chose an aspect of the survey to disagree on. Their disagreement turned into a r a c i s t incident, with one of the actors making r a c i s t comments toward the other, and the other e s s e n t i a l l y acting the r o l e of the vict i m . The actors were of d i f f e r i n g e t h n i c i t i e s , one of Japanese descent, and the other of English descent. While the scenario progressed, the two actors paid attention to the reaction of the two students being measured. Immediately following the return of the researcher, and the dismissal of the two students, anecdotal comments and scoring of the two students was c a r r i e d out. Care was taken to ensure the proceeding pairs of students to be measured were not aware of the true i d e n t i t y of the two actors, and that students returning from the t e s t i n g did 60 not meet up with upcoming groups immediately upon t h e i r a r r i v a l back to c l a s s . Scoring was on a five-point scale, e n t i r e l y done by the two actors, who were clo s e s t to the students being measured, and also more impartial to the goals of the program than the researcher. Anecdotal comments recorded by the researcher, who was able to view the ongoing scenarios through a small window opening, were used to v a l i d a t e the scoring by the actors. However, f i n a l scoring was t a l l i e d only from the actors' numbers. The cover story of a student attitudes survey on topics, such as "Use of Walkmans i n c l a s s " , and "Eating food i n c l a s s " , seemed e f f e c t i v e . Only a single pair had to be removed from the sample due to "catching on" to the scenario, and t h i s was because one of the students personally knew one of the two actors. Fortunately, t h i s pair was i n the f i n a l class to be analyzed. Teachers involved worked to a s s i s t the covert aspect of t h i s measure, helping to separate the researcher from the a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g program. The researcher had not previously appeared to any group of students involved i n the study. Students were brought into waiting areas i n pairs, to ensure no contact between past and upcoming groups, and teachers were ca r e f u l no students returning to class discussed the interview scenario they had just been through during c l a s s . Anova, Means, and T-test calculations of difference were c a r r i e d out a f t e r the administration of the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale. 61 A post-hoc evaluation of student empathetic l e v e l s toward the victims of racism was accomplished through analysis of f i v e empathetic items from the f i r s t posttest. These were recoded into a new variable and then compared from Control to Experimental groups. Both written and behavioral responses to r a c i s t incidents inherently measured empathetic aspects of student reactions, due to t h e i r scoring c r i t e r i a of whether support or opposition to perpetrators or victims i n the r a c i s t scenarios was offered. However, the combination of these two measures with the f i r s t post-test into a multivariate analysis of empathy required further r e l i a b i l i t y t e s t i n g , possible only through subsequence administrations of each instrument. As a r e s u l t , while a modified multivariate analysis was made through a combination of the f i n a l two instruments, Anova, T-test, and Mean re s u l t s from these calculations are only being presented as an i n i t i a l step toward further v a l i d a t i o n of these instruments. 62 V Results Results w i l l be presented i n three stages. Each of the three Hypotheses considered i n the study w i l l be addressed i n turn. Following t h i s , Gender and Grade analysis w i l l be evaluated i n r e l a t i o n to a l l three hypotheses. (1) - Positive Knowledge of How to Respond to Racism (1) Students participating in the program will demonstrate significant positive knowledge of how to respond to a racist incident, compared with students who did not participate in the program. The second posttest, Written Reactions to Racist Incidents, (Questionnaire III) served as the measurement device with regard to knowledge of how to respond to a r a c i s t incident. Contained i n Appendix A, i t codes written responses of students to described scenarios, c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l i n g those given i n the t r a i n i n g program. As expected, students undergoing t r a i n i n g responded s i g n i f i c a n t l y more p o s i t i v e l y than Control students i n demonstrating a knowledge of the patterns presented i n the t r a i n i n g package for how to react to a r a c i s t incident. S i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t sizes were demonstrated between Experimental and Control group means, (t=3.33) p. <.001). Experimental subjects showed a moderate s h i f t i n Sd (+.47) over Control subjects, whereby an average Experimental subject ranked i n the 63 66th percentile of Control groups. Table 2 and 3 contain Means and T-test r e s u l t s from Posttest I I . Table 2 Means - Written Reaction to Racist Incidents Group 1: EXPERIMENTAL Group 2: CONTROL Number Standard Standard of Cases Mean Deviation Error Group 1 121 16.9504 1.760 .160 Group 2 63 15.8413 2.315 .292 Table 3 T-Tests - Written Reaction to Racist Incidents Pooled Variance Estimate | Separate Variance Estimate F 2-Tail I t Degrees of 2-Tail I t Degrees of 2-Tail Value Prob. | Value Freedom Prob. | Value Freedom Prob. 1.73 .011 | 3.63 182 .000 | 3 . 3 3 1 0 0 . 22 . 0 0 1 These r e s u l t s agree with those from the McGregor meta- analysis, which found an average improvement of (+.41Sd) i n Experimental groups over Control among programs using role-play (McGregor, 1993). The s l i g h t l y higher (+.47Sd) variance between Experimental and Control groups here may be a t t r i b u t a b l e to a more d i r e c t measurement process, i n reviewing the s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e e f f e c t size studies from McGregor, i t was found that most of these used written measures on semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l , or other scales, to evaluate post-treatment l e v e l s of racism. Contrasting t h i s , Postmeasure II i n t h i s study involved a much 64 more d i r e c t measurement of response to a described r a c i s t incident. One would expect a more s i g n i f i c a n t difference on such a measure, due to the proximity Of the items to the actual t r a i n i n g program. Breckheimer & Nelson (1976) did use a si m i l a r measure i n t h e i r study, which was among the McGregor sample, and also found a larger impact on Experimental subjects than the average for the meta-analysis. (2) Lower Levels of Racism, Increased Empathy (2) Students participating in the program will be less racist than those in the control group, as measured by attitude and empathetic scales. Levels of Racism The f i r s t posttest, the Evidence of Racism Scale was used to determine post-treatment lev e l s of racism among Control and Experimental groups. Students undergoing t r a i n i n g were s l i g h t l y less r a c i s t on t h i s measure, than Control subjects, (+.16Sd). Experimental group Means ranked i n the 56th percentile of Control students. Overall scores for Control and Experimental groups were quite consistent, while class to class v a r i a t i o n was wide, as evidenced i n Tables 4 and 5. 65 Table 4 Means - Evidence of Racism Measure Variable Value Label Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 30.8763 6.5224 186 TEACH EXP 1 28.0870 6.2734 23 TEACH 2 30.9333 11.0871 15 TEACH 3 31.9000 6.8202 20 TEACH EXP 4 32.0909 4.6075 22 TEACH EXP 6 29.8333 6.4362 12 TEACH 7 32.5714 4.0935 21 TEACH 8 29.8889 5.7975 9 TEACH EXP 9 31.0000 6.5498 21 TEACH EXP 10 31.2917 6.3553 24 TEACH EXP 11 30.3158 6.5917 19 Total Cases 220 Missing Cases 34 OR 15.5 PCT. Table 5 Overall Means - T-test - Evidence of Racism Number Standard Standard of Cases Mean Deviation Error EXPERIMENTAL 121 30.4793 6. 159 .560 CONTROL 65 31.6154 7. 141 .886 Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Variance Estimate F 2-Tail t Degrees of 2-Tail t Degrees of 2-Tail Value Prob. Value Freedom Prob. Value Freedom Prob. 1.34 .165 -1.13 184 .258 -1.08 115.54 .281 The r e l a t i v e l y short measurement period of the study, over weeks and not months, may be pa r t l y contributing to the s l i g h t nature of t h i s difference between Control and Experimental subjects. Moreover, t h i s instrument i s l i k e l y to be the one most susceptible to what i s termed the Hawthorne Effect. Under the 66 Hawthorne Effect, subjects act d i f f e r e n t l y because they r e a l i z e they are involved i n a research study (Schumacher & McMillan, 1993). Students may fake responses to appear i n a more p o s i t i v e l i g h t , or as a r e s u l t of fore-knowledge of intended outcomes of a p a r t i c u l a r program. While Experimental and Control group students are both susceptible to t h i s type of reaction, the use of three separate postmeasures i n t h i s study serves to l i m i t the impact of t h i s factor on the larger Experimental sample. As the Hawthorne Effect i s much simpler to s i t e than to measure, the use of a behavioral measure was seen as being p a r t i c u l a r e s s e n t i a l to t h i s study. Overt evaluation i s much more susceptible to any t e s t i n g e f f e c t , including Hawthorne, on subject responses, than covert measurement, where students are not aware they are being evaluated. Breckheimer & Nelson, 1976, suggest the use of a hybrid t r a i n i n g program to accomplish wider ranges of a n t i - r a c i s t objectives. They recommend a hybrid approach involving r o l e - play, games, and r a c i a l discussion, because no single strategy seemed to a f f e c t change i n each of the behavioral d i f f e r e n t i a l and sociometric choice scales they used. I t i s l i k e l y the r o l e - play technique u t i l i z e d i n Responding to Racism produces p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s i n the area of r a c i s t attitudes, but over a longer time frame than was allowed f o r . Verma & Bagley (1971, 1973, 1979) found success i n quasi role-play strategies, involving both 67 discussions of r a c i a l difference and modelling (Verma & Bagley, 1971, 1973, 1981). In t h e i r 1979 study, they d i r e c t l y measured the effectiveness of role-play i n comparison to three other designs, f i n d i n g s h i f t s toward tolerant views on a number of measures as a r e s u l t of role-play from pre-to-post tests (Verma & Bagley, 1979). However, they also suggest a multiple approach strategy, which features some components of C u l t u r a l information and Contact streams to produce re s u l t s over a wide range of possible objectives, (Verma & Bagley, 1979, 1981). The modest l e v e l of the attitude s h i f t must, however, be addressed i n the l i g h t of the p o s s i b i l i t y of producing negative r e s u l t s , rather than even s l i g h t l y p o s i t i v e ones. McGregor's 1990 meta-analysis found 12% of the e f f e c t sizes to be negative, among studies using role-play (McGregor, 1993). A much higher 28% of studies involving teachers, and 31% of those with police o f f i c e r s showed negative e f f e c t sizes i n the 1990 meta-analysis (McGregor & Ungerleider, 1990). In the studies with these negative e f f e c t sizes, attempts to s e n s i t i z e groups to issue of r a c i a l prejudice had managed to convince a majority of subjects to be more intolerant than they had been p r i o r to t r a i n i n g . While i t would be f a l l a c i o u s to argue any latent e f f e c t would s h i f t these negative e f f e c t sizes into the p o s i t i v e realm, the latent aspect should not be so rejected i n situations where a modest p o s i t i v e s h i f t has already been shown. This was the case i n the r e s u l t s of the f i r s t post-measure questionnaire. 68 Empathy Analysis of empathetic reactions towards the victims of racism was accomplished through a selection of f i v e items from the f i r s t posttest, a l l of which d i r e c t l y r elated to empathy. Results suggest only a minor s h i f t toward more empathetic positions by Experimental students. Table 6 Means Post-Empathy Control to Experimental Variable Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 12.7419 3.4856 186 Experimental 1 12.6612 3.2623 121 Control 2 12.8923 3.8896 65 Total Cases 211 Missing Cases 25 OR 11.8 PCT. As mentioned, one of the l i m i t i n g factors of t h i s study was a r e l a t i v e l y short baseline for data c o l l e c t i o n . Evaluation of student retention of the given models for dealing with r a c i s t incidents, both on the written and behavioral tests was not effected by t h i s problem. However, r e s u l t s from the measurement of empathy were. Creation of empathy, and reduction of l e v e l s of racism, are the most a f f e c t i v e components of the t r a i n i n g program aims. Taxonomies of a f f e c t i v e l y focused educational objectives have placed these types of reactions far beyond eith e r awareness or a willingness to respond to a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n (Krathwohl, 69 1965; Hopkins,1990). Such a f f e c t i v e objectives generally involve latent r e s u l t s , which cannot be measured i n the time-frame of t h i s study. A n t i - r a c i s t role-play seeks the transmission of patterns of expected behaviour. The other two postmeasures focus on these types of responses, and have accordingly shown more tangible, as well as p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s . As value adjustment i s generally considered to be a longer-term e f f e c t of any t r a i n i n g program, the researcher may re-test Experimental students a f t e r a greater period, to t e s t for a latent response on empathetic and a t t i t u d i n a l components, to confirm these expectations. Although empathetic responses were an i n t e g r a l component of the marking c r i t e r i a for the measures of written and behavioral, responses to r a c i s t incidents, a multivariate analysis involving these two new instruments could riot be immediately validated. An attempt w i l l be made then, as a r e s u l t of these factors, to present multivariate data which must s t i l l be considered as only a suggestive i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The analysis provided by a combination of the f i n a l two postmeasures found s i g n i f i c a n t difference between Control and Experimental samples, (t=3.61) p. <.001). Lower scores were taken as evidence of a more empathetic response toward the victims of racism. Percentile rankings have Experimental group students, on average, i n the 79th percentile of Control subjects. Again, these data can only be considered speculative, without a more thorough s t a t i s t i c a l v a l i d a t i o n of 70 each of these instruments, requiring further administrations and v a l i d i t y t e s t s . However, the empathetic components of the f i n a l two measures are v a l i d , so the sign i f i c a n c e of these findings might also suggest the appropriateness of written and behavioral evaluation o r i g i n a t i n g from a much more proximitous t h e o r e t i c a l grounds, than either attitude or semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l scales. Table 7 presents the means achieved from t h i s combination of Instruments three and four. Tables 7 & 8 Means & T-Test Written and Behavioral Measures Number Standard Standard of Cases Mean Deviation , Error For Entire Population 68 13.1324 3.8861 Experimental 40 11.0500 2.754 .436 Control 28 16.1071 3.304 .624 Total Cases 211 Missing Cases = 143 OR 67.8 PCT. Pooled Variance Estimate | Separate Variance Estimate 1 F 2-Tail t Degrees of 2-Tail 1 | t Degrees of 2-Tail Value Prob. Value Freedom Prob. j Value Freedom Prob. 1.44 .294 -6.86 66 ,000 | -6.64 51.27 .000 When adjusted to a possible scale of 30, six items with maximum scores of f i v e , Experimental subject mean scores translate into a p a r t i a l addressal response (2.21), according to the scale l i s t e d above for scoring these instruments. Whereas Control subjects, measuring (3.22), rank one f u l l category higher, i n the non addressal response area. Trained students chose to respond 71 i n a s l i g h t l y p o s i t i v e manner, on average, while Control subjects chose, on average, to do nothing. (3) - Positive Response to a Racially-based incident (3) Students participating in the program will respond significantly more positively to a described, and an actual racist incident, than those not undergoing treatment. Results from analysis of the behavioral measure provided the cle a r e s t evidence of the success of both the program and the tr a i n i n g package. S i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t sizes were demonstrated between control and experimental groups i n both Richmond and Vancouver (t=(5.44) p.< .001). Experimental students measured i n the 92nd percentile of Control subjects, c o r r e l a t i n g to a remarkable (+1.23Sd) s h i f t . Tables 9 and 10 outline the Means and Frequencies of reactions among both groups (class by class analysis i s i n Appendix E). 72 Table 9 Means - T-Test Racist Incident Behavioral Scale Number of Cases Mean Standard Standard Deviation Error EXPERIMENTAL 40 CONTROL 28 7.4750 5.1071 1.536 .243 1.912 .361 Pooled Variance Estimate | Separate Variance Estimate F 2-Tail Value Prob. t Degrees Value Freedom of 2-TaiI Prob. j t Degrees of 2-Tail j Value Freedom Prob. 1.55 .207 5.65 66 .001 | 5.44 49.86 .001 The magnitude of t h i s difference appears s t a r t l i n g , but i t should be moderated by a frequency analysis. In general, students from Control groups tended to either not react to the staged r a c i s t incident, or to react i n a p a r t i a l l y r a c i s t manner. Whereas, students who had completed the t r a i n i n g program tended to either give a neutral reaction/ or react i n a moderately p o s i t i v e manner. These tendencies are magnified i n the T-test r e s u l t s , but can be demonstrated c l e a r l y i n Table 10, a frequency d i s t r i b u t i o n histogram. 73 Table 10 Frequencies - Racist Incident Behavioral Scale Count Midpoint 4 2.24 I 0 2.71 I 0 3.18 I 0 3.65 I 8 4.12 f 0 4.59 I 2 5.06 f 0 5.53 I 30 6.00 0 6.47 I 1 6.94 0 7.41 I 14 7.88 0 8.35 I 2 8.82 0 9.29 8 9.76 Experimental 4 .+ I. 8 .1 + . 12 Control 16 20 Notice the two r e l a t i v e clusters at 6.00, representing Neutral Scores of "3" from both Actor/Scorers. Control students c l u s t e r from scores of "4" to "6", i n evidence of P a r t i a l l y Negative responses to the r a c i s t incidents. C o n t r a r i l y , Experimental subjects, tend to be di s t r i b u t e d from "6" to "8", r e f l e c t i n g P a r t i a l l y P ositive assessments on the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale. These differences are exaggerated i n the T- tes t r e s u l t s somewhat, but are never-the-less s i g n i f i c a n t . 74 Precise frequencies on the behavioral measure are as follows: Table 11 Group Frequencies - Behavioral Measure Control Experimental V a l i d Cum Vali d Cum Value Frequency Percent Percent Percent Value Frequency Percent Percent Percent 2.00 4 5.2 14.3 14.3 4.00 8 10.4 28.6 42.9 6.00 18 12.7 45.0 45.0 5.00 1 1.3 3.6 46.4 7.00 1 .7 2.5 47.5 6.00 12 15.6 42.9 89.3 8.00 12 8.5 30.0 77.5 8.00 2 2.6 7.1 96.4 9.00 2 1.4 5.0 82.5 10.00 1 1.3 3.6 100.0 10.00 7 4.9 17.5 100.0 Total 28 100.0 Total 40 100.00 Results from the Written Response to Racist Incidents p a r a l l e l these, as presented under the " P o s i t i v e Response to a Racist Incident" section above. Students undergoing the Responding to Racism role-play t r a i n i n g showed a (+.47Sd) s h i f t , measuring i n the 66th percentile of Control subjects, demonstrating a s i g n i f i c a n t difference (t=(3.33) p. <.001). 75 Class by class Means on the Behavioral Measure were nat u r a l l y more disparate, although they also r e f l e c t e d the same frequency pattern, as presented i n Table 12. Table 12 Group Means - Behavioral Measure (a) Class by Class Variable Label Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 6.5000 2.0552 68 TEACH EXP 1 8.3750 1.6850 8 TEACH 2 4.8750 1.8077 8 TEACH 3 5.2500 1.0351 8 TEACH EXP 4 8.3750 1.3025 8 TEACH EXP 6 8.1667 1.6021 6 TEACH 7 4.7500 2.1213 8 TEACH 8 6.0000 3.2660 4 TEACH EXP 9 6.5000 .9258 8 TEACH EXP 10 6.4000 .8433 10 (b) Control to Experimental Variable Label Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 6.5000 2.0552 68 Experimental 1 7.4750 1.5357 40 Control 2 5.1071 1.9117 28 (4) Grade Level Analysis McGregor suggests more favourable e f f e c t s i n some of the studies included i n her meta-analysis may have been due to an "increased m a l l e a b i l i t y i n children," over older subject groups such as teachers or police o f f i c e r s (McGregor, 1993). 76 T a b l e 13 Grade Variance - Evidence of Racism Scale Variable Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 30.8763 6.5224 186 GRADE 09 29.8605 6.7351 43 GRADE 11 31.1818 6.4498 143 Total Cases 211 Missing Cases 25 OR 11.8 PCT. Similar considerations have been raised i n many other studies. However, the present data, displayed i n Table 13 above, did not f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t difference between Grade 9 and Grade 11 students on the measurement devices used. Data from the f i r s t post- measure found some v a r i a t i o n between Grade 9 and 11 students, however when analysis was drawn into a three-way Anova c a l c u l a t i o n , the l e v e l of t h i s difference was not s i g n i f i c a n t . Grade l e v e l analysis of the second post-measure, Written Response to Racist Incidents, also did not suggest any s i g n i f i c a n t difference between grades. T a b l e 14 Grade Variance - Written Response to Racist Incidents Variable Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 7.4317 2.0339 183 GRADE 09 7.1429 2.1135 42 GRADE 11 7.5177 2.0093 141 Total Cases = 211 Missing Cases 28 OR 13.3 PCT. 77 Anova tests were also performed to ascertain a l i n k between variables, grade l e v e l and Experimental or Control group status i n regards to l e v e l s of empathy toward the victims of racism. Again, analysis did not f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t difference between grades. Table 15 Post-Empathy by Grade - Experimental to Control Sum of Mean Si g n i f Source of Variation Squares DF Square F of F Main E f f e c t s 5.371 2 2.686 .218 .804 TEACH 2.974 1 2.974 .242 .624 GRADE 3.112 i 3.112 .253 .616 2-way Interactions 2.482 l 2.482 .202 .654 TEACH GRADE 2.482 l 2.482 .202 .654 Explained 7.853 3 2.618 .213 .887 Residual 2239.760 182 12 .306 Total 2247.613 185 12 .149 78 Grade by grade analysis of the behavioral measure found the largest difference between grade samples. This may, however, be due to a much larger s e l e c t i o n of Grade 11 students, due to the nature of the f i n a l behavioral t e s t i n g process. Refer to the Significance of F category of Table 17. Table 16 Means - Behavioral Measure by Grade. Variable Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 5.5000 2.0552 68 GRADE GRADE 09 5.1875 11 5.5962 2.1046 2.0509 16 52 Total Cases = Missing Cases = 211 143 OR 67.8 PCT. Table 17 Anova - Behavioral Results Sum of Mean Si g n i f Source of Va r i a t i o n Squares DF Square F of F Main E f f e c t s 445.814 2 222.907 25.801 . 000 TEACH 437.447 1 437.447 50.634 .000 GRADE 24.583 1 24.583 2.846 .096 2-way Interactions 13.077 1 13.077 1.514 .223 TEACH GRADE 13.077 1 13.077 1.514 .223 Explained 458.890 3 152.963 17.705 .000 Residual 552 .919 64 8. 639 Total 1011 .809 67 15.102 79 While the e f f e c t s of the Teach variable, ostensibly Experimental or Control group membership, are s i g n i f i c a n t to the p. <.001 l e v e l , Grade membership shows a low p r o b a b i l i t y estimation as w e l l . This means the impact of grade membership can only narrowly be rejected as having no e f f e c t , mathematically speaking. The combination of a two way i n t e r a c t i o n between these variables, i n Table 17, raises the mathematical l i k e l i h o o d that t h i s variance i s due to chance, rather than tangible difference between the four student groups: Experimental and Control for each of two grades. (5) Gender Difference Analysis While not a major focus of t h i s study, Gender difference on post-treatment scores warrants consideration. Taken c o l l e c t i v e l y , Female Mean scores> regardless of group selection, are strongly more po s i t i v e than Male scores. Gender analysis found s i g n i f i c a n t difference between students undergoing t r a i n i n g and those i n the Control group, notably with the knowledge of how to respond to racism measure. 80 Table 18 Gender Means - Postmeasure II POPULATION (Both Genders) Mean 16.57 (183) Total Sample Means: Male 15.89 (75) Female 17 .04 (108) Control Group: Experimental Group: Male 15.08 (26) Male 16 .33 (49) Female 16.19 (36) Female 17 .46 (72) Table 19 Means by Gender - Post-Empathy MEANS TOTAL POPULATION 12.74 (186) GENDER Male Female EXPERIMENTAL 13.74 11.90 (50) (71) CONTROL 14.07 12.05 (27) • (38) When Experimental to Control comparison i s made within each gender, however, impact of the treatment remains consistent with non-gender-based analysis. Variance from Female to Male ratings are v i r t u a l l y equivalent from pre to post measures. Post-empathy analysis also furnished s i g n i f i c a n t gender variance. 81 T a b l e 20 Gender Anova - Post-Empathy * * * A N A L Y S T S O F V A R I A N C E * * * GENDER BY GROUP Sum of Mean Signif Source of Variation Squares DF Square F of F Main Effects 165.593 2 82.797 7.239 .001 TEACH 2.180 1 2.180 .191 .663 SEX 163.334 1 163.334 14.280 .000 2-way Interactions .343 1 .343 .030 .863 TEACH SEX .343 i .343 .030 .863 Explained 165.936 3 55.312 4.836 .003 Residual 2081.676 182 11.438 Total 2247.613 185 12.149 While analysis of female subjects alone demonstrates what appears to be a s i g n i f i c a n t difference, once again, t h i s i s more f u l l y explained through the Anova r e s u l t s . When Gender difference i s compared to the much greater e f f e c t of being i n or out of the treatment group, the r e s u l t i n g 2-way Interaction f a i l s to produce a s i g n i f i c a n t difference between Gender groups, see Significance of F i n Table 20. Therefore, although female respondents did measure mathematically lower on the post-empathy items, t h e i r o v e r a l l scores were not s i g n i f i c a n t i n comparison to those generated between Control and Experimental groups. Analysis of the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale followed t h i s pattern, as presented on Tables 21 and 22. 82 Table 21 Means by Gender- Racist incident Behavioral Scale TOTAL POPULATION 5. 50 (68) GENDER Male Female EXPERIMENTAL 4.82 4.30 4. 53 (40) (17) (23) CONTROL 6.80 7.00 6. 89 (28) (15) (13) * * * A N A L Y S I S 0 F V A R I A N C E * * * Sum of Mean Signif Source of Variation Squares DF Square F of F Main Effects 93.156 2 46.578 15.878 .000 TEACH 89.379 1 89.379 30.469 .000 SEX .810 1 .810 .276 .601 2-way Interactions 2.103 1 2.103 .717 .400 TEACH SEX 2.103 1 2.103 .717 .400 Explained 95.260 3 31.753 10.825 .000 Residual 187.740 64 2.933 Total 283.000 67 4.224 Table 22 Anova - Gender Difference Racist Incident Behavioral Scale As explained above for the previous measure, the 2-way Interaction of t h i s Anova c a l c u l a t i o n found no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between females and males within the same treatment groups, Control or Experimental. 83 VI Summary and Conclusion This thesis reported on the effectiveness of an a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g program implemented at secondary schools i n Vancouver and Richmond i n February and March of 1995. The program, using Responding to Racism; a guide for High School Students, demonstrated s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e change between Experimental and Control samples i n two of three postmeasures, and s l i g h t change (+.16Sd) i n a t h i r d . Following only three hours of a n t i - r a c i s t role-play exercises from Responding to Racism, students trained were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more l i k e l y to respond i n a staged-racist incident with either a p a r t i a l l y p o s i t i v e or f u l l y p o s i t i v e addressal, when compared to t h e i r Control group counterparts. The Racist Incident Behavioral Scale (Culhane, 1995), found s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e e f f e c t among t h i s sample of 68 students (40- Exp. / 28-Cntl.), (t=(3.33) p.<.001). These students were i n the 92nd percentile (+1.23Sd) of Control subjects. Moreover, none of the 40 Experimental students who underwent the covert behavioral measure, acted i n a manner that aggravated the r a c i a l aspect of the scenario further. This markedly d i f f e r e d with the Control sample, among whom 16 of 28 students furthered the r a c i s t comments and actions i n the staged scenario. A posttest questionnaire on Written Reaction to Racist Incidents also found s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e difference between Experimental groups to 84 Control, (t=(3.83) p.<.001), with students undergoing treatment measuring i n the 68th percentile of Control students (+.47Sd). Students undergoing t r a i n i n g demonstrated s l i g h t change toward more empathetic feelings toward the victims of racism. Likert-type empathetic r a t i n g items alone did not d i s t i n g u i s h t h i s as a s i g n i f i c a n t difference between groups, and a multivariate analysis involving written and behavioral reactions to given r a c i s t situations was presented only as an i l l u s t r a t i v e example. Further administrations of the f i n a l two instruments used i n t h i s study must be accomplished p r i o r to multivariate use. Responding t o Racism provided students with methods for responding to r a c i s t incidents which were c l e a r l y i n evidence on written and behavioral measures. Provision of support for the victims i n the r a c i s t incidents, opposition to the perpetrators, and p o s i t i v e attempts to l i m i t the r a c i s t elements of each incident were a l l s i g n i f i c a n t l y more apparent i n responses of Experimental students over those from the Control group. The r e s u l t s r e a f f i r m the u t i l i t y of role-play a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g , and validate the use of Responding t o Racism as an e f f e c t i v e package for use i n secondary school settings capable of s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e e f f e c t on student behaviour i n r a c i a l l y - motivated s i t u a t i o n s . 85 Results from the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale demonstrated the effectiveness of the Responding to Racism t r a i n i n g package i n a manner which could not be accomplished without the use of a covert measurement of student behaviour. While a number of important concerns should be raised over the use of any type of covert evaluation i n an educational setting, the r e s u l t s of t h i s study confirm the u t i l i t y of covert measurement of a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g programs. Without the use of the Racist Incident Behavioral Scale, t h i s study would only be able to point to the s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e difference demonstrated on the second written post-test, the Written Reaction to Racist Incidents, for an o v e r a l l impact of the intervention on l i k e l y student actions. With i t s i n c l u s i o n , a powerful analysis of the program's e f f e c t was able to be c a r r i e d out. As a r e s u l t , Responding to Racism can be c l e a r l y demonstrated as being extremely e f f e c t i v e i n changing student behaviour i n r a c i a l l y - motivated s i t u a t i o n s . 86 VII Directions for Further Research A wide range of possible areas for further research have been opened up as a r e s u l t of the findings of t h i s study. The f i r s t for these involves further administration and refinement of the new instruments created for use i n the study. The Racist Incident Behavioral Scale affords a r e l a t i v e l y simple, unobtrusive, and yet e t h i c a l l y f e a s i b l e method for measuring accurate behavioral reactions of students i n r a c i s t s i t u a t i o n s . Researchers concerned with the impact of a n t i - r a c i s t interventions could accomplish a great deal by building on the external v a l i d i t y of t h i s instrument through re-administrations i n other contexts and settings. Likewise, the Written Reaction to Racist Incidents instrument could serve researchers i n a s i m i l a r manner, without the use of covert deception. Results of t h i s study reaffirm Bandura's S o c i a l Learning Theory, most notably i n i t s underpinning of the foundation f o r role-play t r a i n i n g . The strategies l a i d out by Bandura were followed i n the methodology of the design for Responding to Racism. Student reactions on both written and behavioral measures p a r a l l e l e d those presented by Bandura i n his e a r l i e r work, as well as those of numerous other researchers who adapted these strategies for use i n a n t i - r a c i s t role-play. Further adaptation and refinement of Social Learning Theory emerges as a second area for suggestion, i n l i g h t of the s i g n i f i c a n t l y 87 p o s i t i v e e f f e c t sizes produced on two of the three r e s u l t components used i n t h i s study. The e f f e c t of a n t i - r a c i s t role-play t r a i n i n g programs l i k e Responding to Racism on d i f f e r i n g groups, such as those involving various e t h n i c i t i e s , age, and gender compositions also emerges as a possible area for further research. Cross-cultural studies involving such role-play t r a i n i n g appear to be an area where the suggestions of t h i s study could be e s p e c i a l l y relevant. Although no s p e c i a l attempt to carry out t r a i n i n g with students of p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c i t i e s was made i n t h i s study, research into variations i n reaction among subjects from i n d i v i d u a l i s t versus c o l l e c t i v i s t cultures, as well as between more s p e c i f i c b i - c u l t u r a l comparisons are suggested by the r e s u l t s presented here. Tri a n d i s ' Cross-Cultural Assimilation Training already works within a t h e o r e t i c a l strategy that i s s i m i l a r to Responding to Racism, a l b e i t with somewhat d i f f e r e n t t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions than those made by Bandura. C u l t u r a l components of a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g should also be a growing f i e i d for future study, given the i n a p p l i c a b i l i t y of many majority-group focused t r a i n i n g programs to the s i t u a t i o n of an increasingly m u l t i c u l t u r a l region such as Southwestern B r i t i s h Columbia. The r e s u l t s of t h i s study further suggest comparison and reanalysis of role-play a n t i - r a c i s t t r a i n i n g with these concerns more d i r e c t l y i n mind. 88 F i n a l l y , given the recommendations of Responding to Racism for student reactions to r a c i s t incidents, questions of i n d i v i d u a l difference also ar i s e as an area for future study. A few of these would be whether individuals with d i f f e r i n g s e l f - concepts react i n manners which serve to maintain these conceptions; whether cert a i n groups of students are more un l i k e l y to respond, due to the confrontational nature of the suggestions i n Responding to Racism; and whether students who measure high on various personal attributes which suggest a more assertive or confrontational personality are more l i k e l y to respond favourably to t h i s type of t r a i n i n g program. 89 VIII References Ashworth, M., Cummins, J. , & Handscombe, J. (1989). 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(1971) "Teaching Race i n Schools: Some Effe c t s on the A t t i t u d i n a l and Sociometric Pattern of 94 (1973) "Changing Racial Attitudes i n Adolescents: An Experimental English Study," international Journal of Psychology, 8(1) Pp.55-58. (1979) "Measured Change i n Racial Attitudes Following the Use of Three Different Teaching Methods," i n Verma & Bagley (Eds.), Race, Education and Identity. London: MacMillan. Pp.133-143. (1981) "Self Concept and Long Term Eff e c t s of Teaching About Race Relations i n B r i t i s h Schools," Webb, E.J., Campbell, D.T., Schwartz, R.D., Sechrest, L., & Grove, J.B. (1981) Nonreactive Measures i n S o c i a l Sciences ( 2 n d Edition) Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Co. 95 IX Appendixes Appendix A - Measures L i s t of Appendixes 96 Questionnaire I 97 Questionnaire II 98 Questionnaire III 99-100 Answer sheets 101-102 Appendix B - Equivalency Group Equivalency Anova 103 T-Tests 104 Appendix C - Forms UBC E t h i c a l Review Acceptance 106 Richmond Acceptance Letter 107 Vancouver Acceptance Letter 108 Parental Permission Letters 109 Information Sheets - Student 110 - Teacher 112 Apppendix D - Training Package Excerpts C r i t i c a l Incidents One and Two 114 Appendix E - Scores Scores - Group Means Premeasure 118 Postmeasure I 118 Postmeasure II 119 Postmeasure III 120 96 Opinion Questionnaire I Directions: For each statement, put a check mark on the answer sheet best describing your opinion. 1 . When there are a l o t of people around who are d i f f e r e n t from me, I'm not very comfortable. 2 . Foreign languages often sound pleasing to the ear. 3 . People with d i f f e r e n t backgrounds don't usually have a great deal i n common. 4 . The opportunity to know people who are d i f f e r e n t from you i s a r e a l advantage of l i v i n g i n a c i t y l i k e t h i s one. 5 . People whose way of l i f e i s d i f f e r e n t from my family's make me f e e l out of place. 6. Going to a d i f f e r e n t place every year i s the best way to take vacations. • 7. Differences among people do riot stand i n the way of friendship and understanding. 8. Because differences among people mainly divide them, people should t r y to be more a l i k e . 9. You can learn a l o t from people whose backgrounds are d i f f e r e n t from yours. 1 0 . It's usually best to shop i n the same stores so that you can known what to expect. 1 1 . I enjoy being around people who are d i f f e r e n t from me. 1 2 . A country where people have a wide var i e t y of backgrounds i s l i k e l y to be an in t e r e s t i n g place to l i v e . 1 3 . People whose way of l i f e i s d i f f e r e n t from my family's are in t e r e s t i n g to me. . 1 4 . It's hard to know how to get along well with people from d i f f e r e n t backgrounds. 1 5 . A country where everyone has the same background i s a l o t better o f f than a very mixed one. 97 Opinion Questionnaire II Directions; For each of the following statements, place a check mark on the answer sheet i n the spot which best describes your opinion. 1. I would try. to stop someone who made fun of someone else because of t h e i r race. 2. I f e e l sorry for people who are c a l l e d r a c i a l s l u r s . 3. I would j o i n a support group to help people who are c a l l e d r a c i a l s l u r s . 4. I f e e l angry when I see someone being picked on because of t h e i r culture. 5. People who are recent immigrants wouldn't get into trouble i f they didn't behave d i f f e r e n t l y . 6. Most r a c i s t incidents are not the f a u l t of the victims. 7. I would do as much as possible to stop discrimination against someone on the basis of his or her skin colour. 8. I don't care what experts say, people with d i f f e r e n t skin colour don't share the basic Canadian values that I hold. 9. Although I can't help f e e l i n g sorry for them, I must admit that some people of colour simply bring the discrimination on themselves. 10. With a l l of the government's programs, people can't complain about discrimination i n Canada anymore. 11. Discrimination against non-whites i s a problem i n Canada. 12. People who meet with misfortune have often brought i t on themselves. 13. I f e e l badly when I see someone being "put down". 14. I often have concerned feelings for people who are victims. 98 Questionnaire III Block Male Female Date of B i r t h : day_ month year Di r e c t i o n s t After reading each of the following short passages, answer the question i n the space provided i n as much d e t a i l as possible. (1) In a Grade 10 class B i l l Chan i s being picked on by Joe Wilton for having a Cantonese accent when speaking English. B i l l t e l l s Joe to mind his own business, but Joe doesn't stop. B i l l gets more and more mad at Joe, and eventually they s t a r t pushing and shoving each other around. Joe makes B i l l r e a l l y mad when he starts to pretend to speak Chinese. Question: I f you were s i t t i n g across the table from Joe and B i l l , what would you do i n t h i s situation? (2) E l v i r and Ademir are recent newcomers to Canada. They are working on some English homework i n the c a f e t e r i a at t h e i r school. Two tables over, Geoff and Paulo are eating t h e i r lunch while E l v i r translates some d i f f i c u l t words into Croatian for Ademir. Paulo gets angry when he hears them using Croatian. He shouts out a r a c i s t name at them, and t e l l s them to shut up, learn English, or go back to where they came from. Question: Imagine you are Geoff, s i t t i n g beside Paulo. What would you do i n t h i s situation? Give d e t a i l s . 99 (3) The Chou family i s having a get-together over Spring Break i n Penticton. Louise and Shin Yee are cousins. They are t a l k i n g about t h e i r plans for the week i n the Okanagan, when Shin Yee shocks Louise by t e l l i n g her she hopes no white people come on the t r i p . Shin Yee's family i s quite new to Canada, having come from Hong Kong only two years ago. Louise doesn't want to make a scene, but s t i l l thinks Shin Yee i s being r a c i s t . Shin Yee says her mother doesn't want her to have any "white boys," as boyfriends, because then she w i l l lose her Chinese roots. Question; Imagine you are Louise. What would you do i n t h i s situation? Please give d e t a i l s . (4) In order to get School Service Points, you regul a r l y help out in an ESL class during lunchtime. One day, two students i n the class get into an argument over how to pronounce the word "encyclopedia." Although the two students involved, Gerome and Inder are younger than you, you s t i l l don't r e a l l y want to get involved i n t h e i r l i t t l e argument. They s t a r t to get i n t o a pushing match. You are i n charge, so you have to do something to keep things under contr o l . Gerome sta r t s to y e l l at Inder i n French and Inder y e l l s back i n Punjabi. Your French i s good enough to understand the type of swear words and r a c i s t terms Gerome i s c a l l i n g Inder, and you guess inder's words probably mean the same thing. Question: How would you respond to t h i s situation? Please explain a l l of the actions you would take. 100 QUEST Car.' c Scrcngly Mccaracal7 Decide Hocieracal7 Scrraglj 4 5 6 7 3 10 \ T 12 13 U . i * Grade/Block Male Female (Ci r c l e ) B irthdate Day Month Year QUESTIONNAIRE II AHSUER S n c T i 1- 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 3. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Car . ' c Strongly Mcderaceiy Decide Moderately Strongly Grade/Block Male Female (Circle) Birthdate Day Month Year Appendix B Group 7arianca Comparison A n a l y s i s of Varianca Grouo 01-03 Ratio 3erween .7147 Within Groups .4934 Sourcs Prob. Groups Total 0- .f . 2 61 63 Grouo 02-04 Ratio F Sourcs Groups Prob. 3etueen .2220 Within Groups .3016 Total Grouo 06-07 F Ratio F Sourca Grates Prob. Setueen .0431 Within Groups .3277 Total Group 06-08 F Ratio Between .0633 Within .9340 F Sourcs Groups Groups Prob. O.F. 2 61 63 O.F. 1 35 36 Total O.F. 2 46 43 Sun of Squares 80.1239 3419.6211 3499.7S00 Sum of Squares 30.3564 4170.S311 4200.9375 Sum o f Squares 3.0300 2205.7267 2203.7563 Sura of Squares 3.1576 2745.3934 2753.5510 Mean Squares 40.0645 56.0594 Mean Squares 15.1732 63.3702 Mean Squares 3.0300 63.0208 Mean Squares 4.0788 59.6325 / O S \ Grouo 09- 11 Ratio Sourca Prob. 3etween Grouos .3316 Within Groups .7189 Total D.F. 2 70 72 Sua of Squares 31.4367 3322.9517 335A. 4334 Group 10-11 F F Ratio Sourca Prob. 3 a t Veen Cronos .4402 Within Grouos .5103 Total D.r. 1 47 43 S U B of Squares 19.6980 2103.1183 2122.3163 Group Equivalency T - t e s t 3 (a) Vancouver Groups a.-ouo Grouo 01 03 Number of Cases 25 20 Pooled Variance Value 1.54 2-Tail Prob. .315 t Value -1.23 Mean 23.5000 321.2000 Estimate Degrees of Freedom 43 Standard Deviation 6.333 7.551 Mean Squares 15.7433 47.4707 Mean Squares 19.5930 44.7472 2-Tail Proo. .207 Separate t Value -1.25 Standard Error 1.217 1.538 Variance Degrees Freedom 36.14 e s t i m a t e or 2-Tail Prob. .220 F Value 1.18 Group 02 Group 04 2-Tail Prob. .696 Number of Cases 19 25 Pooled Variance t Value -.64 Mean 30.3634 32.0400 Estimate Degrees of Freedom 42 Standard Deviation 3.970 3.264 2-Tail Prob. .525 Separate t Value -.63 Standard Error 2.053 1.653 Variance Degrees Freedom 37.12 Estimate of 2-Tail Prob. .530 /of (i) Richmond Groups Number of Cases Mean Standard Oeviation Standard Error Grouo 06 Grouo 07 14 23 32.7143 33.2043 9.110 7.157 2.435 1.492 Pooled Varianca estimate Separate Variance Estimate F Value 2-Tail Prob. t Value Degrees of Freedom 2-Tail t Prob. Value Degrees Freedom of 2-Tail Prob. 1.62 .208 -.22 35 .323 -.21 22.71 .333 Numoer of Cases Mean Standard Deviation Standard Error Group 06 Group 08 14 12 32.7143 33.3333 9.110 7.004 2.435 2.022 Pooled Van'ance Estimate Separate Van'ance Estimate F Value 2-Tail Prob. t Value Oegrees of Freedom 2-Tail t Prob. Value Degrees Freedom of 2-Tail Prob. 1.49 .389 -.35 24 .732 -.35 23.76 .727 Numoer of Cases Mean Standard Deviation Standard Error Group 10 Group 11 24 25 31.2917 32.5600 6.727 6.653 1.373 1.331 Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Variance Estimate F Value 2-Tail Prob. t Value Degrees of Freedom 2-Tail t Prob. Value Degrees Freedom of 2-Tail Prob. 1.02 .955 -.66 47 .510 -.66 46.37 .510 Number of Cases Mean Standard Deviation Standard Error Group 09 Group 11 24 25 31.0833 32.5600 7.283 6.653 1.437 1.331 Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Varianca Estimate F Value 2-Tail Prob. t Degrees of Value Freedom 2-Tail t Prob. Value Degrees Freedom of 2-Tail Prob. 1.20 .662 -.74 47 .462 -.74 46.20 .463 / o S ~ T H E I N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A Faculty of Education Department of Curriculum Studies 2125 Main Mall Vancouver, B.C. Canada V6T 1Z4 Tel: (.604) 322-5422 Fax:(604) 822-4714 Thank you very much for participating in an Anti-Racism Program for Secondary Schools. This letter will explain your part in our program. Should you not wish to be involved in these Questionnaires, please inform your teacher. The program involves the writing of three brief Questionnaires which are included in this package. (1) Before the Anti-Racism program which will take place in your class. Questionnaire One will take about fifteen or twenty minutes to complete. (2) & (3) One week after the program, two further Questionnaires are to be filled out. Questionnaires Two and Three take about thirry-Sve minutes in total to complete. Answers on these Questionnaires are to be kept entirely confidential. However, we must make certain that the same students are involved in writing each Questionnaire. For this reason, you will find a number at the top of each page in your package. Please remember this number, and make certain you use the same Questionnaire package for each of the three writings. Again, thank you for completing these Questionnaires, your assistance is greatly appreciated. Regards, Stephen Culhane & John Kehoe //O T O T H E S T U D E N T S These q u e s t i o n n a i r e s a r e b e i n g d e v e l o p e d i n o r d e r t o a s s e s s s t u d e n t a t t i t u d e t o w a r d p e o p l e o f c u l t u r e s d i f f e r e n t f rom t h e i r own. T e a c h i n g m a t e r i a l s a r e b e i n g d e v e l o p e d w h i c h may be u s e d t o h e l p s t u d e n t s . b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d t h e i r a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d o t h e r p e o p l e . By c o m p l e t i n g t h e s e q u e s t i o n n a i r e s you a r e h e l p i n g w i t h a r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t t o d e v e l o p the t e a c h i n g m a t e r i a l s . /// T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A Faculty of Education Department of Curriculum Studies 2125 Main Mall Vancouver. B.C. Canada V6T 1Z4 Tel: (60-t) 322-5^22 Fax: (6041 322-4714 victim of the racial slurs?; 3) do they appear to support the victim or the perpetrator?; and finally, 4) what is their reaction once the researcher returns? Results from the Questionnaires and Observational measures are to be compared, essentially between students in, and out of the training program. It is hoped the findings of this study will support previous research in demonstrating the effectiveness of this type of anti-racism program. Moreover, the use of a behavioral test will extend understanding of how such programs impact on student actions in situations beyond the classroom. Data from individuals, particular classes, and each individual schools involved are to be kept entirely confidential. A numbering system will be necessary, however, to ensure results reported reflect changes of the same group of students from the beginning to the end of the test. Once this has been accomplished, all traces of names and Questionnaire answers or. Observational records are to be destroyed. A final report on the study's findings will be made available for interested teachers and their classes. Again, thank you for participating in this study, your assistance is greatly appreciated, and integral to its success. Regards, Stephen Culhane //3 Appendix D Tra i n i n g Package Excerpts From: Responding to Racist Incidents (Kehoe, Culhane, & Lee, 1995). Preface The purpose of t h i s t r a i n i n g package i s to teach high school students how to respond to r a c i s t incidents. I t i s our expectation that high school students w i l l be able to recognize a r a c i s t i ncident and describe an appropriate response. I t i s also our expectation that the students w i l l respond appropriately when faced with an actual r a c i s t incident. F i n a l l y , i t i s our expectation that high school students p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the program w i l l become le s s r a c i s t . The materials should be used i n classrooms where there can be a purposeful discussion of the incidents and appropriate responses. I t i s most important that students be given an opportunity to p r a c t i c e responding to an incident. I t i s imperative that the pr a c t i c e be taken s e r i o u s l y . I t needs to be emphasized that the behaviour and language of the perpetrators i s used to i l l u s t r a t e the c r i t i c a l i ncident. Neither the behaviour nor the language i s acceptable under any other circumstances. Ungerleider and Douglas (1989) have suggested four p o s s i b l e types of responses that students might use when confronting a r a c i s t i ncident. They are: no response, neutral response, p a r t i a l addressal and f u l l addressal. A person who gives no response t y p i c a l l y ignores a s i t u a t i o n and pretends they did not see or hear anything. A neutral response does not confront the issue, but recognizes that something has happened by t e l l i n g the students to stop or to get back to work. A p a r t i a l addressal takes place when the perpetrator i s t o l d the comments are unacceptable but the v i c t i m i s not reassured and no punishment i s given. Another kind of p a r t i a l addressal i s when the perpetrator i s ignored but the v i c t i m i s given assurance, support and comfort. A t h i r d p a r t i a l addressal i s when the perpetrator i s confronted and the v i c t i m i s reassured but no punishment i s given to the perpetrator. Most high school students w i l l not be i n a p o s i t i o n to administer punishment. A f u l l addressal i s when the incident i s discussed, the perpetrator i s punished, and the v i c t i m i s reassured p u b l i c l y and p r i v a t e l y . C r i t i c a l Incident i f ™ h « * y Q u a S i t u a t i o n : Three Grade Ten boys are walking into an English c l a s s immediately a f t e r a heated f l o o r hockey game i n P.E. c l a s s . P a r t i c i p a n t s : Masaki i s of Japanese descent; Joey, of Ukrainian descent, and Paul of Greek descent. Scenario: Masaki pushes Joey. Joey t r i p s over a garbage can at the entrance to Mr. Stewart's English c l a s s , and f a l l s over. Paul i s friends with both boys. JOEY: (Standing up, angrily) Hey! What's your problem Masaki?! MASAKI: What do you mean...? Eh... look i t was an accident. (Mr. Stewart i s gathering books from a supply room at the back of the c l a s s . He can hear what i s going on, but cannot see.) JOEY: (Seeing other students are watching; becoming angry and embarrassed) Ya, r i g h t . . . l i k e the way you play hockey man... you NIPS j u s t can't play! MASAKI: (Flustered and angry) I've t o l d you not to c a l l me that... JOEY: Hey, i t ' s no big deal... (Masaki moves d i r e c t l y i n front of Joey, to confront him.) MASAKI: Don't do i t ! (pushes on JOEY'S shoulders). (A t h i r d student, Paul, steps between the two.) PAUL: Come on you guys, j u s t relax, eh... Discussion 1. Here are four possible responses by Paul. A f t e r reading them, decide which one you f e e l to be most appropriate to t h i s s i t u a t i o n . Choice A Separate the two boys and decide to t r e a t them equally, with the objective of showing they are both wrong. Choice B Separate the two boys, and then go and s i t down. Choice C A f t e r separating the boys, explain to Joey that h i s comment was unacceptable, and simply w i l l not be tol e r a t e d . Make a point of speaking to Joey and Masaki i n an equal way f o r the physi c a l a l t e r c a t i o n . T e l l Joey he should not use the term even i n fun. Provide comfort to Masaki, by t e l l i n g him that Joey should not have said what he s a i d . Choice D Once the two boys have been pulled apart, take the time to t e l l Joey that his comment was inappropriate. Explain to him that t h i s type of r a c i a l s l u r i s not acceptable. 2. Each of the choices on the previous page r e f l e c t one of four basic responses that could be given i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n : No- Response, Neutral Response, P a r t i a l Addressal, and F u l l Addressal. The l e a s t e f f e c t i v e response i s Choice B. This i s considered to be No-Response. I t ignores both the r a c i a l s l u r and the a l t e r c a t i o n i t s e l f . Choice A i s a Neutral Response. While the ph y s i c a l actions are addressed, nothing i s done to address the r a c i a l s l u r , which might o f f e r reassurance to the v i c t i m . A more e f f e c t i v e response would be Choice D. As a P a r t i a l Response, Paul has dealt with the unacceptable nature of Joey's comment. However, l i t t l e has been done to reassure the v i c t i m . Choice C i s the most e f f e c t i v e response. This i s a F u l l Addressal. Paul d i r e c t l y addresses the r a c i a l s l u r , and deals with the e n t i r e s i t u a t i o n r e s u l t i n g from i t . This response allows f o r a much f u l l e r r e a f f i r m a t i o n of the victim's s e l f - worth. 3. Role play the s i t u a t i o n using the four d i f f e r e n t responses. //6 C r i t i c a l Incident 1ftruber Tvo S i t u a t i o n : Assume you are a f r i e n d of MasaJci. He comes to you a f t e r the incident. P a r t i c i p a n t s : The same as i n Incident Number One. Scenario: YOU: What's wrong? You seem upset about something. (Masaki says nothing.) Hey, Masaki, are you f e e l i n g a l l right? MASAKI: I'm OK. I guess. YOU: You guess? What does that mean? MASAKI: Do you ever have any trouble with people p u t t i n g you down? YOU: Oh... . . I see. What happened? (Masaki r e l a t e s the incident.) Choices; a) 1. You t e l l Masaki to forget i t . 2. You t a l k to Joey and to Paul. You t e l l Joey he shouldn't use the word because i t r e a l l y hurt Masaki. You t e l l Paul he should t a l k to Masaki. 3. You do everything described i n Choice 2 but, i n addi t i o n , you t e l l Masaki that you support him and Joey i s not t y p i c a l of people i n the school. 4 . As soon as you r e a l i z e the problem, you are uncomfortable and change the subject. b. Discuss the choices and study which are the two most appropriate. c. Which kind of response, n e u t r a l , etc., does each response represent? d. Role play each response. //7 Appendix B - Scores Group Means - Preneasure Variable Value Label Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 31.5545 7.4201 211 GROUP 01 28.6000 6.0828 25 GROUP 02 30.3684 8.9704 19 GROUP 03 31.2000 7.5505 20 GROUP 04 32.0400 8.2638 25 GROUP 06 32.7143 9.1098 14 GROUP 07 33.3043 7.1569 23 GROUP 08 33.8333 7.0043 12 GROUP 09 31.0833 7.2826 24 GROUP 10 31.2917 6.7275 24 GROUP 11 32.5600 6.6526 25 Total Cases = 220 Hissing Case = 9 or 4.1 PCT. Group Means - Post-measure I Variable Value Label Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 30.8763 6.5224 186 GROUP 1 28.0870 6.2734 23 GROUP 2 30.9333 11.0871 15 GROUP 3 31.9000 6.8202 20 GROUP 4 32.0909 4.6075 22 GROUP 6 29.8333 6.4362 12 GROUP 7 32.5714 4.0935 21 GROUP 8 29.8889 5.7975 9 GROUP 9 31.0000 6.5498 21 GROUP 10 31.2917 6.3553 24 GROUP 11 30.3158 6.5917 19 Total Cases = 220 Hissing Cases = 34 OR 15.5 PCT. Group Means - Post-measure II Written Reaction to Racist Incidents Variable Value Label Hean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 16.5683 2.0339 183 TEACH EXP 1 17.0417 2.0319 24 TEACH 2 15.2857 3.2208 14 TEACH 3 16.6111 2.2528 18 TEACH EXP 4 17.4545 2.0172 22 TEACH EXP 6 16.8333 1.5859 12 TEACH 7 15.2857 1.8478 21 TEACH 8 15.6667 1.3229 9 TEACH EXP 9 16.6667 1.5599 21 TEACH EXP 10 17.0417 1.3345 24 TEACH EXP 11 16.8333 1.8231 18 Total Cases = 220 Missing Cases = 37 OR 16.8 PCT. Group Means - Behavioral Measure Variable Label Mean Std Dev Cases For Entire Population 6.5000 2.0552 68 TEACH EXP 1 8.3750 1.6850 8 TEACH 2 4.8750 1.3077 8 TEACH 3 5.2500 1.0351 8 TEACH EXP 4 8.3750 1.3025 8 TEACH EXP 6 8.1667 1.6021 6 TEACH 7 4.7500 2.1213 8 TEACH S 6.0000 3.2660 4 TEACH EXP 9 6.5000 .9258 8 TEACH EXP 10 6.4000 .8433 10 (b) Control to Experimental Means Variable Value Label For Entire Population GROUP GROUP EXPERIMENTAL CONTROL Mean 6.5000 7.4750 5.1071 Std Dev 2.0552 1.5357 1.9117 Cases 68 40 28 n o Post-measure I I I - Behavioural Measure Results (a) Control Classes Count POSTB Col Pet Tot Pet 2 3 7 8 Row Tot a l 2.00 1 12 .5 3.6 2 25. 0 7.1 1 25. 0 3.6 4 14.3 4.00 3 37.5 10.7 3 37.5 10.7 2 25. 0 7.1 8 28.6 5. 00 1 12 .5 3 . 6 1 3.6 6 . 00 2 25. 0 7.1 5 62.5 17.9 3 37.5 10.7 2 50.0 7.1 12 42.9 8 . 00 1 12.5 3 . 6 1 12.5 3 . 6 2 7.1 10.00 1 25.0 3 . 6 1 3 . 6 Column Tota l 8 28.6 8 28. 6 8 28.6 4 14.3 28 100. 0 (b) Experimental Classes Count Col Pet Tot Pet 1 4 6 9 10 Row T o t a l 6. 00 2 25. 0 5.0 1 12.5 2.5 1 16.7 2.5 6 75.0 15. 0 8 80. 0 20.0 18 45. 0 7. 00 1 16.7 2.5 1 2.5 8.00 2 25.0 5.0 4 50. 0 10. 0 2 33.3 5.0 2 25. 0 5.0 2 20.0 5.0 12 30.0 9 . 00 1 12.5 2.5 1 12.5 2.5 2 5.0 10. 00 3 37.5 7.5 2 25. 0 5.0 2 33.3 5.0 7 17.5 Column 8 8 6 8 10 40 T o t a l 20.0 20.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 100.0

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