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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Times are changing, but some people don’t know that Maurice, Jacqueline Cheryl 1995

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T I M E S A R E C H A N G I N G , B U T S O M E P E O P L E D O N ' T K N O W T H A T by JACQUELINE CHERYL MAURICE B. A., The University of British Columbia, 1986 B. Ed., The University of British Columbia, 1989 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Centre for the Study of Curriculum and Instruction) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 1995 © Jacqueline Cheryl Maurice, 1995 In p resen t ing this thesis in partial f u l f i lmen t of t h e requ i remen ts f o r an advanced d e g r e e at t h e Univers i ty o f Brit ish C o l u m b i a , I agree tha t t h e Library shall make i t f reely available f o r re ference and s tudy. I fu r ther agree that pe rmiss ion f o r ex tens ive c o p y i n g of this thesis f o r scholar ly pu rposes may be g ran ted by t h e head o f m y d e p a r t m e n t o r by his o r her representat ives. It is u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r pub l i ca t i on o f this thesis fo r f inancial ga in shall n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t m y w r i t t e n pe rmiss ion . The Univers i ty o f Brit ish C o l u m b i a O^cL dL*M*M^lfrhv Vancouver , Canada DE-6 (2/88) Abs t rac t : This study examined the (1) interaction patterns of three student teachers (2) illustrations in a social studies, mathematics and French textbook (3) characters in prescribed intermediate novels and (4) written responses of students in grades four to seven to questions about their socialization. Data on student teachers were collected through an observation scheme where each interaction with a student was recorded and categorized into acceptance, remediation, criticism, and praise. Data on textbook illustrations were collected by keeping a count of male and female figures from the beginning to the end of textbooks and then sorting them into categories. Data on prescribed novels were collected by categorizing them into those with sole female leading characters, male and female characters, and one sole or more than one leading male character. Character roles were then detailed to ascertain if the sexes are depicted differently. Data on student socialization were collected through journal writing, a questionnaire, and student drawings. Student teachers were found to interact differently with students according to their sex. Both textbooks and prescribed novels were found to be biased towards males. The students were found to hold stereotyped views of male and female roles in society. Implications for teacher training and future research are discussed. - i i -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii LIST OF TABLES v LIST OF FIGURES vi DEDICATION^ . vii 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background 1 1.2 Need for this Thesis 2 1.3 Purpose of this Thesis 3 2. POSSIBLE CAUSES FOR SEX-RELATED DIFFERENCES 2.1 Sex-related Differences 7 2.1.1 Science and Math Achievement 7 2.1.2 Computer Usage 8 2.1.3 Science, Math and Computer Enrollment 9 2.2 Possible Causes for Sex-related Differences 12 2.2.1 Teacher Variables 12 2.2.2 Curriculum Content 22 2.2.3 Reading, History, Mathematics, and Science Textbooks 24 2.2.4 Childrens' Literature 33 2.2.5 School Norms 34 3. APPROACH TO INQUniY 3.1 Teacher/Student Interactions 39 3.2 Textbooks 40 3.2.1 Social Studies 40 3.2.2 Mathematics 41 3.2.3 French 42 3.3 Prescribed Novels 42 3.4 Student Socialization 43 3.4.1 Journal Writing 43 3.4.2 Exploratory Measures and Drawings 44 4. OBSERVATIONS OF SEX-RELATED DIFFERENCES 4.1 Teacher/Student Interactions 46 4.1.1 MissX 46 4.1.2 Mr. H 47 4.1.3 Miss C 47 4.2 Textbooks 49 4.2.1 Social Studies 49 4.2.2 Mathematics 52 -iii-4.2.3 French 55 4.3 Prescribed Novels 57 4.4 Student Socialization 60 4.4.1 Journal Writing Results 60 4.4.2 Questionnaire Results 64 4.4.3 Draw a Scientist Results 65 5. DISCUSSION 5.1 Teacher/Student Interactions 71 5.2 Textbooks 71 5.3 Prescribed Novels 72 5.4 Student Socialization 72 5.4.1 Journal Writing 72 5.4.2 Questionnaire 73 5.4.3 Draw a Scientist 74 5.5 Overall Conclusion 74 EPILOGUE 76 REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY 84 APPENDIX A 95 APPENDIX B 96 -iv-T J S T O F T A R T . E S Tables £!t£ 1. Assessment of illustrations in Canada: Building Our Nation 49 2. Assessment of people illustrations in Houghton Mifflin Mathematics 53 Four 3. Categorization of illustrations in Houghton Mifflin Mathematics 53 Four 4. Assessment of sports illustrations in Houghton Mifflin 54 Mathematics Four 5. Assessment of people illustrations in Bienvenue A 55 6. Evaluation of characters in prescribed novel studies 59 -v-TJST OF FIGURES Figures Page 1. Childrens' diagrams of female scientists 66-67 2. Examples of childrens' diagrams of male scientists 68 3. Examples of childrens' diagrams of mad scientists 69 -vi-for my dear father who is appreciated, admired, toved, and missed. -v i i -CHAPTER ONE Introduction 1.1 Background When girls enter school, their achievement surpasses boys in some areas; when children leave, boys are higher achievers than the girls. According to the National Assessment of Educational Progress (1975): at age nine, female and male performances on achievement tests in mathematics, science, social studies, and citizenship are nearly equal, while females outperform males in reading, literature, writing, and music. However, by the age of thirteen, females begin to decline in achievement, which continues through age 17 and into adulthood. By adulthood, males outperform females in everything but writing and music, (cited in Stitt, 1988, p. 41) Dowling (1981) states that baby girls at four to six weeks of age are developmentally ahead of boys. When entering grade one, girls are generally a year ahead verbally, perceptually, and cognitively. In the early grades, girls' scores on standardized tests are generally equal to or better than boys' scores. However, by the end of high school, boys are scoring higher on various assessment measures. These measures include standardized tests. Dauber's (1983) study found that "males score well ahead of girls on all subsections of the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) and the American College Testing Program Examination (ACT)" (cited in Sadker & Sadker, 1990, p. 180). Brody (1987) found that on tests for admission to professional and graduate schools, males outperform females on the Medical College Admissions Test (MCAT), the Graduate Management Admissions Test (GMAT), and the Graduate Record Exam (GRE). More specifically, Stanley (1987) concluded that males outperform females in European history, American history, biology levels one and two, and mathematics on the College Board Achievement Tests, which are required for admission to more selective colleges and -1-universities. Therefore, girls seem not to progress from the head start that they have at the beginning of their schooling, and instead, the initial edge which girls have is soon lost. The role that society plays in the socialization of boys and girls must first be acknowledged as overwhelmingly important. The school's role in stereotyping children, however, is part of this larger socialization process and can not be overlooked. Educators tend to sort children into sex roles, determined by cultural expectations of appropriate behavior, which are traditional and limiting in nature. Children are inundated with a huge onset of information, such as curriculum, textbooks, and novels, during their school years from which they are to make decisions concerning their role in society. Most of this information is biased in favor of males. This thesis presents evidence that the discrimination children experience in school is often subtle. On the one hand, they are told that they can be anything they want to be and that all opportunities, careers, and lifestyles will be available to them as adults. In practice, however, subtle factors work to result in the "sorting, grouping, and tracking of female students in stereotyped patterns that prepare them to accept traditional roles and jobs in adult life, rather than to explore all opportunities according to their individual talents and interests" (Bornstein, 1982, p. 10). Girls learn in school that males are looked upon more favourably than females. Thus, shamefully, we limit half the population, half the brightest minds, because of such cultural stereotypes. 1.2 Need for this Thesis In literature on educational reform, inequitable teaching practices receive the silent treatment. Sadker, Sadker, and Steindam (1989) conducted a study of the professional response to educational equity in reform movements. Investigators conducted a content analysis of each article on reform appearing between January 1983 and January 1987 in nine -2-prominent, professional journals. Out of the 138 reform articles read, approximately 10 percent addressed the topic of equity and only one percent pertained to gender equity. Except in one article, "no author noted the achievement gender gap...(and) only one author out of 183 discussed sex differential treatment in classroom interaction..." (Sadker et al., 1989, p. 44). In turn, teachers also seem generally unaware of the presence and the impact of classroom bias as well as the achievement gap between boys and girls. Teachers need to be better informed about current research on sex-related differences in educational achievement. Do teachers realize they have a subtle, unconscious influence on children which may effect their achievement? Is the decline of academic achievement experienced by half our population an invisible issue for classroom practitioners? It is time we pay greater recognition to the problems girls face in schools. The author believes that the unequal opportunity for education in schools for boys and girls should be a priority area for research and reform. By studying what happens to girls in school, "we can gain valuable insights about what has to change in order for each student - every girl and every boy - to do as well as she or he can" (AAUW Educational Foundation, 1992, p. 3). It is important to determine if, in 1994, some 20-30 years after initial recognition of problems girls face in schools, the circumstances for young girls have altered. 1.3 Purpose of this Thesis In this study, the author looks closely at particular aspects of classroom experiences. The author, a young female teacher concerned about the possible presence of stereotyping in her own classroom and school in 1994, investigated the following general research question: *Are the experiences of girls in one urban elementary school in the lower mainland of British Columbia in 1994 consistent with the experiences of girls in other country's public schools -3-which are described in the literature from the 1960's to 1980's. The specific research questions are: 1. How do textbooks and childrens' literature recommended by the British Columbia Ministry of Education portray boys and girls? 2. Do classroom interactions in isolated lessons in one public school in the lower mainland favor boys or girls? 3. What are the views of British Columbian boys and girls with respect to sex roles and career opportunities? This paper is, therefore, organized in the following format. Chapter Two reviews research findings on sex-related differences and their possible causes. Students' achievement and enrollment specifically in math and science, as well as computer usage, is discussed. The foci, in particular, are on teacher variables, curriculum content, textbooks, children's literature, and students' perceptions. Chapter Three presents the methodology that was used in doing the classroom component of this study. Chapter Four consists of the findings of the study with respect to the analysis of interactions between student teachers and students in isolated lessons, three textbooks, and a list of prescribed novels as well as the examination of young students' comments about their experiences in one elementary school. Chapter Five is a summary of the research findings and an overall conclusion based on these findings. The Epilogue suggests implications for practice to promote a more equitable education for both boys and girls and implications for future research. CHAPTER TWO Possible Causes for Sex-related Differences In the past, only men attended school. Schools began in response to what males needed to know; therefore, the very nature of schooling is shaped in a male image. Martin (1985) wrote that: the educated person...coincides with our cultural stereotype of a male human being. According to that stereotype men are objective, analytic, rational... (and) are neither nurturant nor supportive. To apply this view of an educated person to females is to impose on them a masculine mold. (p. 102) Kramarae (1991) supports this view also when she points out her belief that schooling in western society has as its foundation a northern white European male knowledge base. It is only in the last century that women have entered schools. In 1849, Martha Hamm Lewis became the first woman to go to a Normal School in Fredericton, New Brunswick and attend class with her male counterparts. However, Lewis was not treated like her male classmates. She had to "enter the classroom 10 minutes before the others, sit at the back, and leave before the end of lectures" without speaking to male students (Abbot, 1990, p. 249). She was also required to wear a veil at all times. In 1858 in Sackville, New Brunswick, Mount Allison University allowed women to attend classes. Grace Lockhart received a Bachelor of Science degree from this university on May 25, 1875, becoming the first woman in Canada to get a university degree. In 1871 "post secondary education for women was only available at private colleges that trained women in the arts and graces of life" (Abbot, 1990, p. 358). With respect to children, the Act to Improve Common and Grammar Schools of 1871 entrenched the principle of free public education for every child. In spite of such acts, schooling for girls varied across Canada in the nineteenth century. Thus we see that schools have made slow progress in welcoming women into the education system. In addition to access, academic differences with respect to boys and girls are also apparent. Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) note that: girls start out ahead of boys in speaking, reading, and counting. In the early grades, their academic performance is equal to boys in math and science. However, as they progress through school, their achievement test scores show significant decline. The scores of boys, on the other hand, continue to rise and eventually reach and surpass those of their female counterparts, particularly In the areas of math and science, (p. 36) Academic achievement and enrollment statistics raise questions concerning the current educational experience of females and the causes of their achievement and enrollment declines. In this chapter, the author will first review research findings of sex-related differences. Throughout this chapter, the author will follow the style adopted by Erickson and Erickson (1984) and refer to the differences between boys' scores and girls' scores as "sex-related" differences. "Sex-differences" may imply that the differences are attributable to biological sex and "gender differences" may suggest that all differences are due to social causes. Therefore, "sex-related" differences avoids both these difficulties. The author has chosen to narrow the scope of this review of sex-related differences to math and science achievement, computer usage, and math, science, and computer enrollment. The author will examine three areas which may possibly cause these differences: the way teachers interact with their students; the content of the curriculum, textbooks, and children's literature; and students' experiences and viewpoints. 2.1 Sex-related Differences 2.1.1 Science and Math Achievement The issue of female underachievement in areas of science and math has been well researched and documented. As indicated earlier, evidence suggests that minimal differences exist between the sexes in science and math achievement in the elementary years, but these differences increase in the middle and secondary grades. Research (Erickson & Erickson, 1984; Erickson, Erickson & Haggerty, 1980; Mullis & Jenkins, 1988; Zerega, Haertel, Tsai, & Walberg, 1986) tends to show that boys have an advantage over girls in science content areas and this advantage increases from grades four to twelve. A pattern of increasing differences between boys and girls in test scores is particularly evidenced in the physical sciences. Overall, studies (Dossey, Mullis, Lindquist & Chambers, 1988; Hall & Hoff, 1988; Lockheed, Thorpe, Brooks-Gunn, Casserly, and McAloon, 1985; Mullis, Dossey, Owen, & Phillips, 1991) have concluded that in the elementary years, similarities between the sexes in math achievement are found more frequently than differences. When sex-related differences are found, they tend to favor girls. In the junior high school years, approximately half of the few sex-related differences found in mathematics favor girls. In high school and beyond, the many sex-related differences found in mathematics achievement favor boys. For example, according to Mullis et al., (1991), the 1990 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) reported few sex differences in math ability in grades four and eight;however, by grade 12 boys showed an advantage in every content area except algebra. 2.1.2 Computer Usage Research suggests that girls are being left out of the computer revolution. There is growing recognition that computer learning may not be available equally to all students. Numerous researchers (Anderson, Welch, & Harris, 1984; Campbell, 1984; Lockheed & Frakt, 1984; Sanders, 1984, Underwood, 1984) have reported greater male microcomputer use in elementary and secondary schools. The disparity between male and female computer use increases with age, is greater in advanced than in beginning classes, and is larger for expensive programs. In preschool and the primary grades, research shows little sex-related differences in computer use and attitudes (Becker & Sterling, 1987; Campbell, Fein, Scholnick, Schwartz, & Frank, 1986; Lipinski, Nida, Shade & Watson, 1986; Schaefer & Sprigle, 1988). Alvarado (1984) corroborates that "boys and girls use computers equally in the early grades" (p. 14). However, she recognizes that" 'something' seems to happen at the outset of puberty. At this age, female students show less interest in computing and tend to avoid elective classes in computing" (Alvarado, 1984, p. 14). This decrease in interest that Alvarado speaks of was examined by Collis (1985). She conducted a study in two British Columbia school districts between October 1983 and February 1984 in order to better understand students' attitudes towards computers as well as any participation, sex and age differences. A total of 1,293 17-year-old students and 1,606 13-year-old students participated in the survey. It was concluded that males are "more interested in computers than are females,...males indicate much more self-confidence about their potential with computers than do females,...(and) females are more likely than males to transfer negative feelings about mathematics to negative assumptions about computer use" (Collis, 1985, p. 7-8). Sutton's (1991) review of studies carried out from 1985 to 1990 agrees with Collis in that no study reported more positive attitudes for girls. -8-Research tends to show that girls tend not to attend summer computer camp (Campbell, 1984; Campbell, 1985; Miura & Hess, 1984), to use a computer at home (Sanders, 1985) or take advantage of computer lab time before and after school (Campbell, 1984; Underwood, 1984). Although girls are as interested in and as knowledgeable about computers in the preschool level, there are very few female computer experts in the work force. "Only 17% of the high technology professionals in Silicon Valley are women" (Gilliland, 1984, p. 42). 2.1.3 Science. Math, and Computer Enrollment Girls' science and math achievement may be correlated with the fact that they seem to be avoiding math and science courses in the high school system. In addition, their participation in computer programs and courses is less than boys. In the 1986/87 school year only 4.07% of all females in grade 12 were enrolled in Physics 12, according to the 1990 British Columbia Mathematics Assessment. In the 1988/89 school year, this figure climbed only minutely to 4.20%. More recently, Balcom (1993) pointed out that a British Columbia study of secondary school enrollment data found only 4% of grade 12 girls studied physics as opposed to 14% of grade 12 boys. In B. C. at least, the percentage of girls taking Physics 12 seems to have decreased 1.6% from 1978 to 1993, as only "5.6% of students who were taking or had completed Physics 12" were girls in 1978 (cited in Erickson & Erickson, 1984, p. 71). With regard to post secondary education, Powell and Garcia (1990) report that in 1980, the National Science Foundation stated that 87% of the professionals in science and engineering were men. Later, in 1985, only "12% of all engineering undergraduates in Ontario were women" (University Affairs, 1989, p. 75). This enrollment rate did not improve to show any perceptible increase with time. "In 1989, of all the women obtaining bachelor's...degrees in Canada, only 3.3% obtained them in mathematics and the physical sciences" (B.C. Ministry of -9-Education, 1993c, p. 19). The corresponding statistic for men was 10.24%. Of fourth year students in the faculty of science at the University of B.C., "507 were male while only 284 were female" in the 1990/91 school year (B.C. Ministry of Education, 1993c, p. 19). In the 1993/94 school year "644 male and 447 female students" were enrolled as fourth year University of B.C. science students (University of British Columbia, 1994, p. 55). Only 41% of all fourth year science students were female in the 1993/94 academic year. The Canadian National Advisory Board on Science and Technology (1993) found that in 1991 women made up only "16% of the enrolments in college and university programs leading to careers in applied science and engineering. (They) received 14.8% of the bachelor's degrees, 14.1% of the master's degrees and 9% of the doctoral degrees in engineering and applied sciences" in 1991 (cited in Coulter, 1993, p. 5). The University of British Columbia (1994) also reveals that in the faculty of applied science, department of engineering, there were 489 male and 73 female fourth year students in the 1993/94 school year. In this case, 13% of students are female while 87% are male. The percentage of male engineering professionals in 1980 in the United States and the percentage of male fourth year students in 1993 at U.B.C. is exactly the same. Thus, over the past decade enrollment, as well as achievement, of girls in science tends to be lower than that of boys. Research indicates that enrollment patterns similar to those involving science courses may be found in mathematical courses. Girls take fewer math courses than boys and are more apt to be found in introductory and lower-level courses than in advanced courses (Fennema & Sherman, 1977a & 1977b). As the B.C. Ministry of Education (1991b) documented, only 18% of students in trade math 12 and 46% of students in algebra 12 were female in B.C. high schools in 1990. Canadian girls drop mathematics "four times as often as boys" (University Affairs, 1989, p. 75). Willers (1984) states that when a girl drops math, she automatically loses 82 career options. Math, then, seems to act as a filter to determine whether girls go on to scientific careers. -10-As with mathematical and scientific classes, girls choose not to enroll in higher level computer classes. EQUALS in Computer Technology is an inservice program developed at the University of California, Berkeley, to increase educators' awareness of the importance to females of acquiring technical competence. High school teachers in EQUALS surveyed enrollment in computer science classes. In "1982, classes averaged 65%male, 35% female. Their figures were confirmed by the California State school enrollment figures which show a five to three ratio-11,441 males to 6,843 females" (Gilliland, 1984, p. 42). According to the National Assessment in Science (1981-82), there was a substantial gap in signing up for high school computer programming classes. Females were less likely to take these courses than males, and "8% of the females and 14% of the males (were) enrolled in a programming course for at least one semester" (cited in Anderson, Welch, & Harris, 1984, p. 12). Although these percentages are low, they are significant as they show that there were almost twice as many enrolled males as females. A smaller study showed that these patterns also exist in Canada. Underwood (1984) investigated the enrollment of girls in his grade nine and ten computer studies class. The study was completed at Campbell River Junior Secondary School from 1979 to 1984. In 1979, 26% of the class was female. Female enrollment showed a continuous decline to reach a low point of 10% in 1984. In 1990, the B.C. Ministry of Education (1991b) points out that only 17% of students in B.C. high school Computer Studies 12 were female. In 1988, "84% of students enrolled in UBC's computer science program were male" (Hakansson, 1989, p. A7). According to the Computer Research Board, the number of PhDs awarded to women in computer sciences has stayed relatively constant, at about 10% of all graduates between 1979 and 1988 . In contrast, the "percentage of PhDs awarded to women in all academic fields rose from 22% of the total to 35% between 1975 and 1986" (Hakansson, 1989, p. A7). -11-It is true that in the 1989 to 1990 school year, "with the exception of consumer math and biology, less than 50% of grade 12 students enrolled in (B.C. high school science, math, and computer studies) courses (were) females" (B.C. Ministry of Education, 1991b, p. 1). The University of B.C. (1994) reveals that, during the 1993/94 school year, the areas where the number of enrolled women exceeded those of men are agricultural sciences, nursing, family and nutritional sciences, arts, fine arts, music, social work, education, and pharmaceutical sciences. Men outnumbered women in engineering, architecture, commerce and business administration, dentistry, human kinetics, forestry, graduate studies, law, medicine, and science. These enrollment figures outline the careers which men and women choose. More women tend to choose to be nurses and teachers while more men tend to choose to be doctors and lawyers. In 1994, it seems that many students apparently continue to choose sex-stereotyped, traditional careers for themselves. 2.2 Possible Causes For Sex-Related Differences 2.2.1 Teacher Variables We can assume most teachers try to treat all their students fairly. However, a new and important area of research suggests that the teaching act itself can be the source of significant sex bias. The differential treatment instructors give to male and female students has been documented. Jackson (1968) noted that teachers typically engage in over 1000 verbal exchanges in their classrooms every day. Substantial evidence indicates that most of these exchanges involve male students. Boys talk more, interact more, receive more teacher time, and thus it would seem, have more opportunities to learn. Sadker and Sadker (1990) point out that elementary teachers give far more active teaching attention to boys than girls. They talk to boys more, ask them more lower- and higher-order questions, listen to them more, counsel them more, give them more extended -12-directions, and criticize and reward them more frequently. In a large study involving 21 fourth and sixth-grade classes, Spaulding (1963) found that teachers interacted "more with boys in four major categories of teaching behavior: approval, instruction, listening to the child, and disapproval" (cited in Sadker & Frazier, 1973, p. 90). Girls tend to get less attention and wait longer for it. Fennema and Sherman (1977b) found that at both the elementary and secondary levels, when teaching math, teachers initiate more academic contact with boys. In addition, high school math teachers give boys more attention and provide students with different feedback for wrong answers. Male students are told to try harder, while female students are praised simply for trying. In 1979, West found that women are rarely called on; when female students do participate, "their comments are more likely to be interrupted and less likely to be accepted or rewarded" (cited in Sadker & Sadker, 1990, p. 177). In 1980, the Sadkers conducted systematic observations in more than 100 fourth-, sixth-, and eighth-grade classrooms in four states and the District of Columbia. Their findings supported West's. Their study was a longitudinal one which lasted three years. They were investigating how teachers called on students and how they responded to student comments with special interest in sex differences in classroom interaction. Teachers' evaluative responses were sorted into four categories: praise, criticism, acceptance, and remediation. The researchers learned that "female students received less teacher attention than male students" in all four of the response categories (Sadker & Sadker, 1985, p. 361). Boys were almost eight times as likely as girls to call out in class. "When boys call out, teachers tend to accept their answers. When girls call out, teachers remediate their behavior and advise them to raise their hands" (Sadker & Sadker, 1986, p. 513). This pattern of sex difference in teacher/student interaction occurred with black, white, male, and female teachers throughout all subjects and grade levels observed. -13-In a study of a grade nine general science class studying heat and temperature in British Columbia, Haggerty (1991) observed that male students who made up: 39% of the class, were called upon by the teacher to answer 58% of the questions. They gave correct answers 64% of the time. Female students who made up 61% of the class responded to 42% of the questions but were correct 75% of the time, (p. 204) In addition to calling on boys more, teachers are also more likely to give detailed instructions to boys on how to do things for themselves. In contrast, they often do the task or solve the problem for female students. In this way, girls can learn to be helpless. Learned helplessness is a quality that more girls display than boys. They attribute failure to internal factors, such as ability, rather than to external factors, such as luck or effort. Dweck and Reppucci (1973) indicated that "teacher interaction patterns may contribute to the learned helplessness exhibited by female students" (cited in Sadker &Sadker, 1982, p. 2). Girls who do not exhibit learned helplessness and have, in fact, been labeled as gifted also have trouble receiving teacher attention. In his doctoral dissertation, Cosper (1970) found that when working with gifted students, teachers favor boys, and are more restrictive with girls. Researchers (Block, 1982; Coulter, 1993; Shakeshaft, 1986) state that high achieving females receive the least attention and lowest levels of supportive, ego-enhancing feedback of all students. Whether the attention is positive, negative, or neutral, the rule of thumb in the Canadian classroom is that boys get more. Boys get more constructive help and are asked more probing questions to help them get an answer. Praise for appearance is the only area where the Sadkers found that American girls got more attention. When researchers asked why boys received more constructive criticism, "teachers said they were afraid girls would cry" (cited in Cadoff, 1992, p. C7). -14-Males capture more and better teacher attention due to varied reasons. Two possible reasons are that boys demand more attention and the teacher may gravitate to boys in sex segregated classrooms. In elementary school, children tend to segregate themselves into same-sex peer groups. Unless the teacher intervenes, students will create all-female and all-male groups in the classroom. The male section of the classroom tends to become an action zone where most of the discussion takes place and teachers move there to spend their time and attention. Researchers found that "half of the typical...classrooms were marked by significant sex segregation in seating arrangements and group work" (Sadker & Sadker, 1986, p. 361). The elementary school classroom may be viewed as a microcosm of wider society where research purports male dominance of verbal interaction. Zimmerman and West (1975) found that in mixed-sex groupings men talk more than women; men talk for longer periods of time and take more turns at speaking; men exert more control over the conversation; men interrupt women more than women interrupt men; and men's interruptions of women more often introduce trivial or inappropriate personal comments that bring women's discussion to an end or change its focus. These investigators found that when men and women talk with one another, almost all interruptions are by male speakers. Males interrupt females more frequently than they interrupt other males. Houston (1985) speculates that girls are, in general, likely to be less verbally assertive and those who do participate may find their comments disproportionately interrupted by teachers and male classmates. The message conveyed to women is that their ideas are less important and less worthy of respect. In addition, men spend more time talking in general. Lockheed and Hall (1976) also found that in mixed groups, "sex is a status characteristic, and men talk more that women. (Men) emerge as group leaders" (p. 117). Eakins and Eakins (1978) found that "men talk more than their fair share of the time" (cited in Sadker & Sadker, 1986, p. 515). In addition, Haggerty -15-(1991) found that "boys In the class began 67% of all the student-initiated talk with the teacher" (p. 204). Perhaps this is because it is not thought proper or polite for girls to be argumentative and to question information. However, this behavior, when found in boys, is deemed a positive quality. Patterns of sex bias in teacher/student interaction may result in lower levels of achievement and self-esteem for women. Myra Sadker states that "studies show that children who talk in class about academic issues are more likely to also have high self-esteem and be high achievers" (cited in Cadoff, 1992, p. C7). According to a 1992 study by the American Association of University Women, the "positive self-image of girls will desert them as they hit the terrible 12s" (cited in Cadoff, 1992, p. C7). The executive director of the study states that girls at this age start seeing that the women around them are not as respected or powerful as men and they don't feel so great about what they are becoming. Carol Gilligan, a Harvard University professor of education, also studied girls' self-esteem; specifically, she charted its decline after the age of 11. She showed that "women often begin to suffer self-esteem problems by early adolescence, and their experiences in school were found to be a major factor in the decline of their confidence" (cited in Taylor, 1991). This pattern of more active teacher attention directed at male students and lowered self-esteem of female students continues at the postsecondary level. Astin (1977) found that college women experience a decline in self-esteem as they progress through college. It is "likely that a key factor in this decline is the inequitable communication women experience inside and outside the college classroom" (cited in Sadker & Sadker, 1986, p. 514). The interaction patterns found in elementary school classrooms are, hence, not an anomoly. A child's early experiences of unequal interaction patterns seem to contribute to their future interaction patterns. Female students often find it difficult to interact with their professors as Kramarae and -16-Treichler (1990) observed. These researchers studied 19 students and three professors from a graduate humanities course called Basic Issues in Interpretation at the University of Illinois. They believed that these students would be more articulate than undergraduate students when studying the structure of classroom interaction. Despite the fact that this class was a seminar constructed for guided discussion and the students would be well versed in collegiality at the graduate level, "classroom observation suggested that...classroom interaction, for the most part, was hierarchical" (Kramarae & Treichler, 1990, p. 43). Investigators noted that, in one male student's words, classroom discussion tended to be dominated by "four or five classic, aggressive males" (p. 44). Generally female students thought that male students had more freedom to talk in classrooms. Comments from female students clarify their point: Men seem to talk for a long time and say a lot, and women say shorter things and get to the point. I'm not sure how much women talk in classes in general; I don't think they talk too much. (Kramarae & Treichler, 1990, p. 49) I've noticed again and again in most classes the students, the male students, seem, perhaps it's a fallacy on my part, seem to speak up more easily while women hesitate. (Kramarae & Treichler, 1990, p. 49) Before I can speak I have to be doubly sure of what I'm saying. And my heart races and my stomach ties in knots. But at least I spoke....I wish more women would speak up in class, and I wish I could. (Kramarae & Treichler, 1990, p. 50) Some female students talked about the relationship they perceived between male university teachers and their male students. One female student asserts that the men are: affirmed, given credence and credibility in a way I never (am)...Part of the dilemma I have with this is that it (is seldom talked about)...I'm not saying that male instructors don't also sometimes dismiss the males...but it is not as consistent, it is not as profound. (Kramarae & Treichler, 1990, p. 51) Investigators conclude that the openness and supportiveness of the instructor is the salient factor in determining whether women feel comfortable about talking in class. Hence, at the -17-postsecondary level, in addition to the elementary level, women are less likely to be verbally assertive and "often the brightest women in the class remain silent" (Houston, 1985, p. 361). Of all the resources in the elementary classroom which benefit children, it may be argued that the most valuable is the teacher's attention. Therefore, females and males should receive their fair share of this valuable resource. If the teacher is giving more attention to one group, it should come as no surprise that that group shows greater educational gains. Over twenty years ago, Maccoby (1963) was able to select children at age six whose IQs would be likely to increase by the time they reached age ten. He determined that these children are competitive, self-assertive, independent, and dominant in interaction with other children. The children who show declining IQs during the next four years are children who are passive, shy, and dependent. Praising passivity therefore may limit student potential. This is significant when one realizes that, generally, girls are praised for passivity and boys are praised for assertiveness in elementary school. Silberman (1971) studied fifth grade children and found that when students are anxious to receive good grades and teacher praise, they hide their academic weaknesses from the teacher and avoid situations of intellectual challenge. So the girl who is programmed to please and seek praise "will be more likely to avoid the academically challenging problem wherein lies the possibility of failure and loss of teacher approval but also the potential for greater academic growth and stimulation" (cited in Sadker & Frazier, 1973, p. 95). Girls receive praise for qualities that have nothing to do with active intellectual curiosity or the ability to cope with challenging material. For good grades and teacher's praise, girls relinquish their courage to attempt difficult material. The exchange will cost them dearly. In 1975, Dweck found that "girls are more likely to be criticized for their academic performance, and praised for...qualities such as appearance, neatness, and politeness" (cited in -18-Bornstein, 1982, p. 28). Three years later, Dweck, Davidson, Nelson, and Enna (1978) noted similar sex differences in the evaluative feedback of teachers. It was purported that boys are "more likely to be praised for the intellectual quality of their ideas, while girls are more likely to receive praise for attractiveness of their work and general appearance" (cited in Sadker & Sadker, 1990, p. 179). Dweck et al. (1978) conducted a study of fourth- and fifth-grade classrooms over a period of five weeks. They found that approximately 90% of the praise boys received for their academic work was directly concerned with intellectual quality, in contrast, almost 90% of the criticism girls received for academic work was specifically directed at intellectual inadequacy. Therefore, almost all criticism girls get is related directly and specifically to their lack of knowledge and skill. Twelve years later, Sadker and Sadker made the identical conclusions. They state that when "teachers criticize boys, they tend to attribute their academic inadequacies to lack of effort. However, when teachers criticize girls, they seldom attribute intellectual inadequacy to lack of eifort" (Sadker & Sadker, 1990, p. 179). While girls are praised for behavior and criticized for academic performance, boys are, in contrast, reprimanded for their behavior and praised for academic performance. Jackson and Lahaderne (1971) found that boys receive eight to ten times as many prohibitory control messages (warnings like 'that's enough talking Bill') as their female classmates. Moreover, they also found that when teachers criticize boys, they are more likely to use angry tones than when talking with girls about an equivalent misdemeanor. Sadker and Sadker (1986) noted that teacher interaction involving precise feedback was more likely to be directed to male students. These students "received significantly more precise feedback: remediation, criticism, and praise, than female students" (Sadker & Sadker, 1986, p. 513). There was more equity in the distribution of acceptance responses such as right, O.K. and yes. When girls do get attention, it is more likely that the teacher will respond to them -19-neutrally or negatively. Teachers' expectations can have marked effects on the behavior of others. Studies show that when teachers hold certain expectations about their pupils, students actually mould their own behavior to conform to the expectations of their teachers. This can be the self-fulfilling prophecy. Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968) gave a test to lower-class children which was designed to identify what they called "intellectual bloomers". Twenty percent of the children were identified as such and their teachers were informed of the results. Eight months later these children had raised their IQ. The original test was merely a standard intelligence test, and the students were not identified in any way through their test scores. Yet, their IQ scores did increase while the scores of the rest of the students remained stable. The important aspect here is that the teachers behaved in various subtle ways to promote and encourage academic performance. Teachers' expectations of girls in science were examined by Bridgham (1973) who studied grading and enrollment patterns in 27 suburban high schools in California. He found that when students' grades in the sciences were compared to the same students' grades in other academic courses, the science grades were usually lower, with greater differences for girls than for boys. In chemistry "girls were marked half a grade lower than their average grade in other courses" (Bridgham, 1973, p. 41). Bridgham related the lower expectations of girls in science to lower science grades. By having the attitude that girls cannot be expected to do as well as boys in science, the end result is that girls do not do as well because of expectations. Fennema and Sherman (1977b) agree that different expectations about science achievement can and do have an impact on achievement. Other studies document teachers' expectations of students in reading. Pennock (1975) -20-studied teachers who reported that they believed first-grade boys are generally less successful in learning to read than first-grade girls. It was concluded that the boys in these teachers' classes did achieve less well than a comparable group of boys whose teachers reported believing that boys are as successful as girls in learning to read. One year later, Johnson (1976) investigated sex differences in reading among second, fourth, and sixth grade students in four English-speaking countries-Canada, England, Nigeria, and the United States. In England and Nigeria, boys scored better than girls on the majority of tests, while in Canada and the United States the reverse was true. Johnson recalled that in Canada and the United States most of the teachers involved in the study said that they expected their girl students to be better readers, while in Nigeria, all teachers thought their boys would be the better performers. In his 1990 research on reading at the University of Toronto, Biemiller pointed out that "some teachers tended to overestimate how bad boys were and underestimate how bad girls were in terms of reading ability" (cited in Habib, 1990). These studies illustrate the effect of teachers' expectations on a student's ability to read. Pederson, Faucher, and Eaton (1978) focussed on the relationship between school experiences and success in adult life. The "findings display a positive correlation between one first-grade teacher (Miss A) and the adult success of (her students)" who were from a disadvantaged urban neighborhood in Northeastern America (Pederson et al., 1978, p. 29). Her high expectations for all her students developed their positive self images. Teachers tend to have different expectations of the sexes. Boys are expected to be lively and boisterous while girls are expected to be quiet and well-mannered. These expectations may limit the potential of students and can be to the students' detriment. Instead, teachers should expect that boys and girls will do equally well whatever the subject matter and pursue activities regardless of sex-role barriers. -21-2.2.2 Curriculum Content Research shows that the curriculum, what educators teach, is significantly biased in favor of males. Spender (1982) argues that the curriculum is made up of knowledge generated by white men about white men. This curriculum is so universal that we have come to perceive white male knowledge as normal and appropriate in an unquestionned way. It has been suggested that the school system is based on what Acker (1990) calls patriarchal ('man-made') knowledge. One researcher, Shakeshaft (1986), asserts that the curriculum is not only about males, it has been purposefully constructed to mirror the development of males. That is, "decisions about the grade in which students should learn long division, read Huckleberry Finn, or begin to write essays are based on the developmental patterns of boys...not on (those) of girls" (Shakeshaft, 1986, p. 500). The inequities found in teacher/student interactions can be reinforced in the official curriculum. "Females are less likely to be studied in history and read about in literature; and math and science problems are more likely to be framed in male stereotypic terms" (Sadker et al., 1989, p. 47). This curriculum is found in curriculum guides, lesson plans, and daybooks. There is another type of curriculum. It is the unplanned and unofficial learning or the hidden curriculum. It includes "messages children receive about themselves and others of their sex through the illustrations, language, and content of textbooks, films, and visual displays; the ways in which teachers interact with them and the part they play in important school rituals" (Bornstein, 1982, p. 10). This hidden curriculum teaches students lessons that "different kinds of behaviors^ are expected from girls than are expected from boys, that each sex is entitled to a different set of rewards, privileges, and punishments" (Sadker & Frazier, 1973, p. 82). Researchers affirm that there is no course in the official curriculum called "Male Role Development" or "Learning How to be a Girl" but such learning takes place incidentally. As children move through school, the hidden curriculum indoctrinates children as they absorb its subtle messages. -22-Curriculum is sometimes woven into themes into which all subjects are integrated. Alton-Lee, Densem, and Nuthall (1990) tested the curriculum actually experienced by children, the actual minute by minute verbal and visual content experienced in classrooms. They tested a theme on the Middle Ages and one on New York in a classroom of nine-year-olds and 11-year-olds. The strongest pattern they found was the invisibility of women. On average, every minute of class time during the Middle Ages theme, the children were exposed to three to four mentions of males. One mention of a female was made every six minutes. During the New York theme there were, on average, two mentions of males every minute and one mention of a female every seven to eight minutes. Of the number of mentions of humans in the New York unit, 50 of 2,083 were about women. These 50 citations were all in relation to men, pejorative, or subordinate. Women were mentioned 507 out of 13,027 times in the Middle Ages theme. The historical theme had 1.5% more mentions of women than the non-historical theme. The fact that women were mentioned even less frequently in the study of modern-day New York is interesting. Sexism in class teaching can, therefore, not be dismissed as only caused by biased historical records. Children absorb this male dominated curriculum. One child's diagram of the feudal system depicted only men. To this child women did not exist in the Middle Ages. These two curriculums are, indeed, about white men from the perspective of white men. In the primary grades sex-typed activity areas such as the doll and art area and the block area seem to be precursors of single-sex courses such as home economics for girls and industrial education for boys in high school. Displaying the products of these courses, clothing made by girls and woodwork made by boys, in hall displays further emphasizes the sex-role expectations of the school. The high school curriculum offers other single-sex courses such as typing for girls and trade courses for boys which highlight sex differences. There is often also girls' physical education and boys' physical education with different curriculums. "Imagine girls' social studies and boys' social studies" (Stitt, 1988, p. 34). -23-Eileen Byrne (1975) researched sex inequalities in the provision of resources: financial, material and in staffing. In a survey of 133 schools, some mixed and some single-sex, she found inequalities in all these spheres. In the "mixed schools, when there was a shortage of laboratory space, in all but four, the girls were taught biology in ordinary classrooms while boys did physics and chemistry in labs" (cited in Delamont, 1980, p. 95). A Department of Education and Science Survey (1979) of 365 schools in England "found schools where physical science was timetabled against a 'girl's' subject such as cookery, to discourage girls from taking science" (Delamont, 1980, p. 49). Single-sex courses used in this way do not insure that students will be equipped to function successfully in the modern day work force. The courses students take in secondary school influence and limit subsequent college and career choices. Verheyden-Hilliard (1977) found that the "courses of study that do train for employment, and in which girls predominate, offer training in only 33 different occupations. In contrast, courses of study in which boys predominate offer training for paid employment in 95 different occupations" (cited in Bornstein, 1982, p. 9). Academic aspirations are then limited and stereotyped by the courses available to students. The content of curriculum focuses on the differences between boys and girls and does not allow each child to develop his or her uniqueness. The official and hidden curriculums both demonstrate a partiality to males. 2.2.3 Reading. History. Mathematics, and Science Textbooks Textbooks have remained a constant feature of the schooling system for decades. Luke, De Castell and Luke (1983) assert that textbooks preserve in written form what society takes to be 'true' and 'valid' knowledge. This valid knowledge is what the student must master. "Texts appear 'above criticism' because of the separation of the speaker from the speech, and the corresponding dissociation of the speaker from the reader, so providing an impression of -24-textual objectivity and neutral validity" (Luke et al., 1983, p. 113). The permanence of written language seems beyond reproach. Textbooks appear to be authoritative and are treated with respect by many students and teachers. At the beginning of the year, teachers tell students that the textbooks they are receiving must be ritually cared for and respected. A warning is sent out that if the textbook is defaced or damaged in any way, parents will be charged and the student will be reprimanded. Teachers often refer to the "math book" or the "socials book" instead of their authors causing the textbook to be "more closely associated with a corpus of 'indisputable' disciplinary or lesson content, than with a potentially fallible author" (Luke et al., 1983, p. 124). Stitt (1988) states that textbooks, novels, and curriculum communicate subtle but powerful messages about appropriate female and male roles, jobs, and behaviors. Studies have shown that school textbooks from preschool to university tend to ignore and stereotype women. In a study of illustrations in science, math, reading, and social studies textbooks published between 1967 and 1972, Weitzman and Rizzo (1974) found that "females comprised only 31% of the total illustrations...and as the grade level increased, the number of pictures of females decreased" (cited in Bornstein, 1982, p. 16). Monroe (1976) states that "studies of the images of females and males in textbooks... document both the relative omission of girls and women and the assignment of both sexes to stereotyped or limited life-roles" (cited in Clark, 1989, p. 63). Moreover, "college texts still largely ignore the role of women and are characterized by significant bias and stereotyping" (Sadker, Sadker, & Klein, 1986, p. 222). Content analysis studies of these higher level textbooks document the "omission and stereotyping of women and their contributions" (Sadker & Sadker, 1990, p. 177). Klein (1985) observed that the illustrations in most textbooks depict a world populated and shaped mostly by males. By law, every child must go to school; therefore, textbooks have a captive audience. In 1972, Frasher and Walker analyzed the sex roles in 734 stories from readiness -25-readers and first and second grade readers from four major basal reading series used in the public school system of Atlanta, Georgia. They found that 46% of the stories had male main characters while 15% had female main characters. Male mam characters were in over three times as many stories as female main characters. This finding coincides with that of Vukelich, McCarty, and Nanis (1976). Males were depicted in four times as many occupations as women. Women worked in 11 different occupations, all of which were traditional in nature. Out of 46 stories which had work related themes, 45 had a male and one had a female breadwinner. Fathers decided, drove, repaired, worked, and cooked outdoors while mothers turned "to father(s) or the oldest son(s) when confronted with the overwhelming task of carrying the picnic basket" (Frasher & Walker, 1972, p. 746). Girls were shown as timid, docile, and dependent while boys were independent, curious, assertive, brave, and problem-solvers. One interesting finding was that the "boy was shown as the oldest child in almost every family throughout all of the series" (Frasher & Walker, 1972, p. 745). The results of the previous analysis are consistent with a study by Women on Words and Images in 1972 which also focussed on sex stereotyping in children's readers. They analyzed 2,760 stories in 134 elementary-school readers published by 14 U.S. publishing companies. They reported that "the ratio of boy-centered to girl-centered stories was seven to two. The ratio of adult male to adult female mam characters was three to one" (cited in Sadker, Sadker & Gollnick. 1982, p. 64). Clever girls appeared 33 times; clever boys appeared 131 times. Girls solved problems 47 times, while boys did so 169 times. This study found that the males portrayed in these stories demonstrated the traits of ingenuity, bravery, achievement, curiosity and autonomy while girls demonstrated the traits of dependency, passivity, incompetence, fearfulness, and obedience. Children in readers are assigned rigid roles based on their sex. Weitzman and Rizzo (1974) found that: -26-textbook girls play with dolls, give tea parties, work in the kitchen,...and are frightened of animals and loud noises. (They) ask advice of others and seek assistance in solving problems. Textbook boys, on the other hand, generally participate in important activities that prepare them for the careers to be pursued as adults. They save girls and women from danger, (cited in Sadker et al., 1982, p. 64) Fifteen years later, Gerstel (1989) noted the same problem in one reader used in Ontario. It has two sections for creative writing. The one for boys is entitled 'Tools for the Trades" while the section for girls is entitled "Foods, Fashions, Fabrics and Furniture". Adults in readers also fill stereotyped roles. Mothers are, for the most part, cooking and cleaning and fathers work outside the home and buy their children presents. Occupations for women are very limited. Men are found working in approximately six times as many different occupations as are women. A major study by Women on Words and Images (1975) found that "males were found in 147 different occupations while women were found in only 26" (cited in Sadker et al., 1982, p. 66). Weitzman (1975) found that females are usually seen "at home, functioning in nurturant or supportive roles; when shown outside the home, they consistently assume traditional female roles of nurse, teacher, sales clerk, or secretary" (cited in McCune & Matthews, 1976, p. 182). These findings are supported by Vukelich et al. (1976) who state that males are shown in the highly paid and prestigious occupations, while females are shown in the service occupations. Marten and Matlin (1976) studied sex inequities in 16 readers, half of which were published before 1971 and half of which were published after 1971. They found that women were seriously underrepresented and were depicted in stereotyped roles in all readers regardless of copyright date. Four years later, in two different countries, a similar study occurred. Knopp (1980) -27-studied school readers from East and West Germany for stereotyped sex-role bias. She analyzed pictures of 22% of West German readers and all four of the universally used East German readers from grades one to four. In West Germany boys were twice as likely to be pictured alone as a female is in East Germany. The percentage of girls wearing trousers in East Germany was found to be four times as great as the percentage in West Germany. The researcher deems this finding as significant because girls who wear trousers are more active and, therefore, more liberated. West German girls wore the stereotypical pretty dress. West German boys were portrayed as more active than their female counterparts. The statistics for the East German sample showed no significant differences between the sexes. In West Germany, men have four times as many options as women for careers. In East Germany, women are seen as truck drivers, machine operators, masons, and construction workers. West German readers, in effect, were found to be much like our own, traditionally stereotyped, while East German readers depicted the sexes more equitably. Knopp believes the differences found are caused by the fact that one country is capitalist and one is socialist. Readers as well as textbooks also exhibit linguistic bias when using terms such as fireman, salesman, and manmade instead of fire fighter, salesperson, and artificial. Children may take these terms literally, learning that women can not be firemen or salesmen. Sheldon (1990) agrees that this perpetuation of female invisibility that is communicated through language is already at work on the next generation. When 'he' is used to include everyone it renders women invisible. Women are portrayed as the special cases in occupational terms such as female lawyer or lady doctor. It is, thus, viewed as abnormal to be a woman in these occupations. Studies of language demonstrate that the generic "he" and other kinds of male-exclusive language are coded by both males and females to mean males only. When Sadker and Sadker (1982) asked young children to draw a caveman, they drew a man. When children were asked to draw cave people, they included women and children. Language can, therefore, discriminate -28-against and exclude women. Study after study report sex ratios in categories of main character, occupational roles, and activity are disproportionate in favor of males. Readers too often depict both males and females as sex-role stereotypes. They do not accurately reflect the multidimensional lives of men and women today. What these books subtley teach is that women are less significant and less important than men. "The lives and experiences of women have been excluded from the subject matter of history" (Martin, 1985, p. 99). Light, Staton, and Bourne (1989) found that none of the school readers and history textbooks in Ontario provided adequate coverage of women or issues of concern to women. In the summer of 1987 the investigators began a survey of 66 texts, published 1980 or after, that were available in the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education Curriculum Resources library. They read each text noting references to women. Even passing references such as those relating to the immigration of men and women and illustrations which included women were accounted for. Each reference, even those of a single word was equivalent to one page of sex equitable content. 'Three books did achieve a 50% content level...all the other books taken together devote an average of 12.8 % of their pages to women or girls" (Light et al., 1989, p. 19). Textbook companies often add photographs that include women and the phrase "men and women" in order to meet sex equity requirements of publishers. These companies also add biographies of women in boxed off areas outside the main prose, reinforcing their consideration as asides. These efforts make their textbook appear more sex equitable and are easier and cheaper than rewriting their textbook to fairly represent women. Attempts such as these fall short of any substantial discussions of women in history. Women tend to be relatively invisible in history textbooks. Textbook companies have -29-acknowledged this in their attempt to increase their represention of women. However, the equitable portrayal of men and women in these textbooks is still a goal to be achieved. Mathematics and science textbooks are the primary source of information in math and science classrooms. They are integral to instruction. Illustrations in them should encourage learners to envision themselves in these occupations. Therefore, young impressionable minds need to see boys and girls participating in mathematical and scientific activities. Ideally the ratio of male and female illustrations in textbooks should reflect the ratio of males and females in society. The research tells us that these textbooks are far from this ideal. In the mid 1970's, the influence of sex-biased mathematics texts was questioned. West (1971) found sex stereotyping in Math Book 5 (Heath). This text is presently used by many teachers in the author's school district, Richmond. The investigator found girls sewing, being sick, jumping rope, babysitting, and shopping. Boys completed various tasks such as working at physical activities and playing marbles. For example, out of 12 problems on p. 166, West found "eleven dealing with boys earning money, building things and going places, while one deals with a girl buying a ribbon for a sewing project" (cited in Sadker & Frazier, 1973, p. 103). In 1977, Kepner and Koehn found that boy's names were used in most of the story problems and when some texts showed applications of mathematics in certain careers "most often white males were portrayed as the engineers or scientists using mathematics" (cited in Koehler, 1990, p. 130). One common teaching practice in mathematics textbooks is to use male sports analogies, such as rugby or football, to teach concepts, For instance: If cleats cost $29.95, how much would you spend to outfit your football team? Nearly all female students have never played these sports and, therefore, it would be difficult for them to appreciate such an analogy. In addition, instances such as these aid the portrayal of mathematics as a male domain. -30-In 1973, 18 high school chemistry texts were examined to assess their portrayal of men and women by looking at their frequency in illustrations. The study showed that "the 1970/1973 textbooks were pervasively gender-biased, favoring men" (Bazler & Simonis, 1990, p. 24).The investigators decided to compare seven 1980's high school chemistry textbooks to seven 1970 editions in the previous study. They found that among "seven current best-sellers, one chemistry text has changed dramatically since its 1970 edition to become gender fair (however,) the other six texts analyzed are still biased, and in two cases had increased the proportion of illustrations favoring men" (Bazler & Simonis, 1990, p. 26). Arnold (1977) found the same lack of female representation in chemistry textbooks. Females were totally absent from illustrations in Chemistry: Experiments and Principles. Chemistry textbooks seem to deny women their deserved credit and recognition for scientific contributions. For example, "there are 23 male scientists (and one female scientist) listed in the index of Chemistry: Experiments and Principles" (Arnold, 1977 p. 182). The token female is Marie Curie. Science curriculum materials were found to consistently reveal a predominance of males and reinforcement of stereotypes of women. In the textbook Form and Function, "only two photographs show a woman or girl, one of a woman putting on her make-up and one of a group of people being dispersed with tear gas in which there is at least one female" (Arnold, 1977, p. 181). Thirteen years later, researchers are making the same conclusions. Powell and Garcia (1990) evaluated approximately 6,000 illustrations in 42 elementary science textbooks. They found that men appear twice as much as women and they appear in significant science roles more often. Men were the astronauts and lab technicians while women were the clerks and housekeepers. Seeing science performed only by white males helps to assure that it will continue to be the province of white males. It seems that no progress has been made in allowing girls to have greater visibility and -31-more positive role models in science as well as mathematics textbooks. Publishers have acknowledged that there certainly is a problem concerning sex bias in their textbooks. They have consequently presented guidelines to reassure educators that they are working towards the alleviation of the problem. Ginn and Company expressed their views in 1973 by saying that they were "seeking to insure that all (their) programs be promoted and presented in an open, sensitive manner with no recourse to exploitation of...sexist themes" (Britton & Lumpkin, 1977, p. 41). The McGraw-Hill Book Company in 1974 stated their guidelines were to "indicate positive approaches toward providing fair, accurate, and balanced treatment of both sexes in our publication" (Britton & Lumpkin, 1977, p. 41). Lastly, the Macmillan guide (1975) stated that their policy was to "publish educational materials that give children an unbiased view of the full range of human potential" (Britton & Lumpkin, 1977, p. 41) . Guidelines such as these lent hope that equitable portrayal of women in textbooks was forthcoming. Analyses were performed by Britton and Lumpkin (1977) in 16,176 stories/chapters from 49 reading, literature, and social studies series for grades one to twelve published during the years 1958-1976. Nineteen texts published between 1958 and 1970 were designated as those published prior to publishers' guidelines. "Males were assigned 60% of the major character roles, in contrast to 14% assigned to females" (Britton & Lumpkin, 1977, p. 42) . Eleven textbooks published during 1974-1976 appeared for the most part after the guidelines had been printed and should have reflected changes in terms of bias as outlined by publishers. Yet "sixty-one percent of the stories (had) males as major characters with 16% females" (Britton & Lumpkin, 1977, p. 42). There is an increase in both male and female representation In textbooks. Three years after Ginn and Company put forward their guidelines, career role assignments were analyzed in the 1976 edition of their Reading 720 Series (Grades 1-6). Of 298 -32-different career roles assigned to adults, "males...were shown in 249...and females were depicted in 49" (Britton & Lumpkin, 1977, p. 42). Changes in textbooks are minimal despite stated guidelines. It would seem that the guidelines are intended solely to placate the public. They did not mention timetables, specific actions, nor enforcement procedures. Lack of these critical features make guidelines ineffective. The publication of guidelines is certainly less expensive than major revisions of textbooks which are already very profitable. It is true that "textbook companies which have published guidelines for reducing sexism and racism are to be congratulated for publishing excellent guidelines, yet criticized for failure to follow them" (Sadker, Sadker, & Gollnick, 1982, p. 87). Therefore, it seems that textbooks, as part of the curriculum, largely reflect the concerns of men. Guidelines have not ensured that textbooks provide girls with the same education that they provide for boys. There is certainly little to inspire girls. 2.2.4 Childrens' Literature Sex role stereotyping recurs throughout childrens' literature. Vukelich et al. (1976) compared the activities, roles and relative importance assigned to males and females in 22 picture books deemed by twenty-one teachers to be their favorite. By analyzing the pictures, investigators found that 68.2% of the books had male main characters and only 22.7% had female main characters. The ratio of female children illustrations to male children illustrations was 158/331, approximately half. Researchers sorted these illustrations into various categories. In the category of active play, 15% of illustrations were of girls and 85% were of boys. Ten percent of female and 90% of male illustrations involved inventiveness. No illustrations of girls depicted them using initiative while 100% of the boys used initiative. With respect to adults, the investigators found that 100% of the illustrations of women portrayed them as a homemaker while no men were shown in this role. Twelve percent of women were the breadwinners of the family and 88% of men were breadwinners. Women were -33-shown in three occupations: homemaker, saleswoman, and nun. Men held 18 different and more prestigious positions. These findings are consistent with other research (Frasher & Walker, 1972; Weitzman, 1975). An enlightening cross-cultural survey by McClelland (1961) showed that "periods of increased economic development are preceded by a high incidence of achievement motivation in children's books" (cited in Knopp, 1980, p. 190). In another study, Knopp (1980), preschoolers were presented with a story that depicted achievement behavior by a boy or a girl or neither, and then measured their persistence on an achievement task. "Children who heard a story about same-sex achievement persisted longer than those who heard about opposite-sex achievement" (cited in Knopp, 1980, p. 190). Both these studies reveal the importance of carefully monitoring the reading material for our children. Children's literature is replete with male and female stereotypes. This aspect can not be overlooked as children's literature can be used to change as well as preserve society. 2.2.5 School Norms The pattern of stereotyping children into sex roles is perpetuated by schools since they reflect the society they serve. Traditional sex roles have, therefore, become school norms. Sex-differentiated socialization patterns do a disservice to both girls and boys by predisposing them to a more limited repertoire of behaviors than they might otherwise be capable of performing. Children's aspirations are restricted to these traditional sex roles and, subsequently, their potentials become limited. The "pupil role" which requires that children be conforming, docile, passive, and manageable has a striking similarity to the female sex role. Sex role behaviors are reinforced in schools. Girls in schools are being reinforced for "typically feminine behaviors, being -34-attractive, sweet, quiet, attentive, and neat" (Stitt, 1988, p. 23). Characteristics cultivated in women are "dependency, passivity, deference, sweetness, helplessness, agreeableness, (and) weakness" (Bornstein, 1982, p. 24). A two-year project (1981-1983) called Beginning Equal found that "girls were protected while boys were expected to be 'little men'" by parents and care givers (Sprung, 1983, p. 8). In contrast, boys who conform to the male stereotype pay a penalty. Active, independent, and aggressive behavior conflicts with typical school norms. Boys are disciplined more frequently and more harshly than girls even when both misbehave in identical ways. Research (Good & Brophy, 1971; Thompson, 1985) indicates that "boys are more likely than girls to be referred to school authorities for disciplinary action" (cited in Sadker, Sadker & Klein, 1986, p. 221). While the aggressive behavior of young boys is frequently treated as a counselling concern, we find relatively little attention is paid to excessive passivity in young girls. Successful adults in our society exhibit "the 'masculine' characteristics of independence, assertiveness, ability to lead, self-reliance, and emotional stability" (Stitt, 1988, p. 23). Maccoby (1963) found that "females who display high IQ, creativity and originality are usually those who internalize cross-sex behavior; often they have exhibited tomboy behavior at some point in their lives" (cited in McCune & Matthews, 1976, 181). Girls often achieve much better grades than boys. Certainly, a "contradiction exists between national standardized test scores, where boys outperform girls by the secondary school level, and report card grades, where girls outperform boys" (Sadker et al., 1989, p. 47). Higher report card grades for girls may be due to the subjective nature of assigning letter grades by teachers. Research indicates that girls seem to be rewarded for being quiet, attentive, docile and self-disciplined in the classroom (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974; Sadker et al., 1989). They follow the rules, are better behaved, and neater, and teachers appreciate this. -35-Although healthy minds are inextricably linked to healthy bodies, it seems that educators only apply this statement to males. "Although we should be encouraging all children to develop healthy bodies..., our physical education and athletic programs (from preschool through college) minimize the importance of physical activities for girls and for coeducational activities" (cited in Clark, 1989, p. 64). Athletic programs at high school are traditionally male-dominated. Coaches are men, even for female teams. Extra-curricular activities also socialize. Schools have the boys' football team and the girls' cheerleading squad. This is not to a girl's benefit as physical activity has many rewards such as increasing self-esteem and decreasing depression. Opportunities for females in competitive athletics become more and more restricted as they grow older. In addition, the money allocated to female athletic programs is much less than that provided for male programs. Another school norm in Canada is that reading is perceived as a "feminine activity". This is supported by Downing and Thomson's (1977) study in which picture tests were given to Canadian adults, university students, and children in grades one, four, eight, and twelve. A series of pictures of stick children, each performing a different activity were shown. "Subjects in all groups - with the exception of first grade children - identified a figure reading a book as a girl" (cited in Lehr, 1982, p. 745). This may be an explanation as to why girls' reading ability is higher than boys' during their early schooling. A study conducted in 1980 with over 480 elementary age boys and girls links reading achievement with degrees of sex-role stereotyping among boys. According to this study, "as boys' degrees of sex-role stereotyping rise, their reading achievement scores decrease" (Whitfield & Whitfield, 1982, p. 298). Instructional techniques which have become standardized in elementary schools seem to be geared towards how boys learn. There is a school of thought (Gilligan, 1982) which suggests that teaching techniques such as large group lectures and solitary work on assignments may not be compatible with the way girls and women learn. Competition is also often used as a teaching style. It is reinforced in classrooms and on playing fields. For games -36-in mathematics. Physical Education, and French, it is often easiest to play boys against girls. It is certainly a quick way to group students. However, this is the learning style of boys. Girls tend to learn more cooperatively. Lever (1976) found support of this when he studied how children play. He found that girls "tended to end a game when a dispute arose...but not once was a (boys') game terminated because of a quarrel" (cited in Shakeshaft, 1986, p. 501). Thus boys seem to benefit from instructional techniques in schools. Our socialization practices maximize sex differences. Girls and boys are channeled into "sex-typed behaviors and sex-differentiated roles that do not reflect the diversity of their individual abilities" (McCune & Matthews, 1976, p. 181). Our education systems are at best indifferent and at worst hostile to girls. Considering the odds against them, it is surprising that girls succeed in educational settings at all. -37-CHAPTER THREE Approach To Inqui ry In light of the research findings discussed in the previous chapter, the author desired to see if similar stereotyping existed in her own classroom and school in 1994 and, therefore, designed a series of activities to achieve this goal. The author is a female intermediate teacher who graduated from the University of B.C. in 1989 with a B. Ed. She has five years of teaching experience and considers herself to be a liberal thinker who does not hold stereotyped views of the sexes. She assumed that present day teacher/student interactions, textbooks, and students in B.C. would be less stereotyped than those studied in prior years. To this end, the author (a) assessed the interaction patterns of three student teachers; (b) evaluated the illustrations in a social studies, mathematics and French textbook; (c) analyzed the characters in prescribed intermediate novels; and (d) studied the written responses of students in grades four to seven to questions about their socialization. All research took place at an elementary school in Richmond, B.C. during the months of April, May, and June. This school was completely renovated in 1991 and eight new classrooms were added. The most modern facilities were provided including a state of the art computer room and a new library. With respect to students, a dichotomy exists between those from very high socioeconomic backgrounds and those from low socioeconomic backgrounds. For example, some students are dropped off at school in Mercedes cars while others have no lunch and can not afford to go on a field trip. This elementary school is considered unique for two reasons. It is the largest school in the school district and it has a high population of Asian students whose first language is not English. If students are categorized by locale of birth, we note that 278 students were bom in Canada, 138 were born in Hong Kong, 42 were born in Taiwan, and 30 were born in the Philippine Islands. The remaining 87 students come from 34 different countries. When -38-language is used as a means of categorizing students, it appears that two dominate. Forty-three percent of students speak Chinese, which includes Mandarin and Cantonese, at home and 46% of students have English as their home language. The remaining 11% have 18 different home languages including, in order of decreasing quantity, Spanish, Philipino, Persian, Polish, Punjabi, French, Vietnamese, and Japanese. Exactly two hundred and ninety-nine out of 575 students, or 52%, attend ESL classes. Of the remaining 276 students, many are Asian with English as their second language but they do not receive any assistance from the ESL teacher. Two classrooms were used in this study. However, most of the study was completed in the author's grade four and five classroom due to good rapport and easy accessibility. The grade six and seven students were chosen because the author wanted to compare the grade four and five students with the oldest students in the school. By using grade four, five, six, and seven students, a wide range of ages was obtained. The purpose of using this range of ages was to ascertain if student viewpoints about sex roles are different at different ages. Younger students were not used in the study as the author wanted to ensure the students had the vocabulary and writing skills to express themselves on paper. When all students were present there was a total of 25 grade four and five students, 10 boys and 15 girls, 10 of which are ESL. In the grade six and seven classroom, there were 27 students, 15 girls and 12 boys, of which seven were ESL. Therefore, 52 students composed the sample. 3.1 Teacher/Student Interactions Three student teachers were completing their extended practicua during the months of April, May, and June at the school. The author chose to study these three student teachers because they were easily accessible, very used to being observed, educated in the most current techniques, and represented the future generation of teachers. The author chose to observe all - 3 9 -three student teachers instead of focussing on one student teacher in order to determine if the student teachers interacted similarly. The author observed their interaction patterns over a one week period. Each student teacher was observed for one 40 minute period. Miss X taught the grade four and five class a 40 minute science lesson. Mr. H taught another grade four and five class a different 40 minute science lesson. Miss C taught a 40 minute French lesson to a grade six and seven class. An observation scheme was developed using a seating plan with student names. Each time the student teacher interacted with a student by speaking to, gesturing to, or acknowledging him or her, a tally mark was placed on the sheet next to the student's name. Each time a student teacher spoke with a student, the response was sorted into the categories of acceptance, remediation, criticism, and praise, a technique similar to that used by Sadker and Sadker (1985). 3.2 Textbooks Four textbooks were evaluated, two in social studies and one each in mathematics and French. The only criterion which the author used to select textbooks was their current use in the classroom. For consistency, the textbooks which were assessed are all at the grade four and five level with the minor exception of one grade seven social studies textbook. The grade seven social studies textbook was partially assessed since it contained obvious linguistic bias. 3.2.1 Social Studies Canada: Building Our Nation(1985) is the textbook that most Richmond, B.C. educators use to teach the grade five social studies curriculum. It is an essential source of knowledge and -40-activities for that subject. Because pictures have a powerful impact as the proverb "a picture is worth a thousand words" tells us, the author wanted to find out the relative frequency of male and female figures portrayed in illustrations. A count was kept of the number of male and female figures (photographs and drawings) from the beginning to the end of the textbook. Illustrations were placed in the following categories: single adult male, single adult female, single boy, single girl, two or more males, two or more females, males and females (even if there is only one woman), and unrecognizable people (these illustrations were usually drawings or photographs taken from a great distance). One chapter of the grade seven textbook Other Places: Other Times was analyzed specifically for language. The content of this chapter concerns the earth's inhabitants during prehistory. The chapter was first read in its entirety and then the titles, subtitles and text were analyzed for linguistic bias. 3.2.2 Mathematics The illustrations in Houghton Mifflin Mathematics Four (1988) were assessed by sorting all the illustrations of people into categories similar to those used for the social studies textbook analysis. A count was kept of the number of male and female figures from the beginning to the end of the textbook. Illustrations were placed in the following categories: single girl, single boy, two or more girls, two or more boys, males and females, and unrecognizable people. The last category was created because it was difficult to determine the character's sex in some illustrations. The illustrations were sorted into the categories of sports, food, construction, money, technology, stamps, and cars. "Sports" illustrations were of people enjoying sports activities and the objects related to sports such as scoreboards, hockey sticks, and footballs. "Construction" involved building things and the tools required to build. The "technology" -41-category included calculators, computers and robots. An "Other" category was created to include those illustrations which did not fall into those categories previously described. Illustrations in this category were too diverse to warrant the creation of additional categories. Since sports-related illustrations occurred quite frequently, the number of boys and girls in these illustrations were tallied in order to determine who was involved. Illustrations were sorted into the categories of girls, boys, males and females, unrecognizable people, and objects only. An illustration was included in the males and females category if even one girl was participating with a group of boys. The "objects only" category refers to those illustrations which were sports related but included no people. 3.2.3 French Illustrations in Bienvenue A (1989), a textbook used to teach beginning French at the intermediate grade levels, were assessed once again to determine the relative frequency of male and female figures. Male and female figures were counted and sorted into the categories of males and females, two or more females, two or more males, single girl, single boy, single adult female and single adult male. The category of unrecognizable people was not required as all illustrations were definable. The number of men in illustrations was counted and then the roles of these men were evaluated. This process was also completed for women. 3.3 Prescribed Novels The B.C. Ministry of Education (1983) prescribes novels for intermediate teachers to use. Their Literature Resource Book was designed as an extension and expansion to what is contained in the Elementary Language Arts Curriculum Guide. The resource book provides suggested methodology, specific teaching strategies and detailed lesson plans. The units "provide a variety of suggested activities and approaches from which teachers can select" (B.C. -42-Ministry of Education, 1983, p. 1). In addition, they provide large quantities of class sets of these prescribed novels in school district resource centers and the teaching units to use with them. The ratio of female to male authors of the prescribed novels was compared. The names of the male and female characters in each of the 23 novels were then deterrnined. The novels were categorized into those with sole female leading characters, male and female characters, and one sole or more than one leading male character. The roles in which the boys and girls are portrayed are then detailed to ascertain if the sexes are depicted differently in these novels. 3.4 Student SoHnHggrt^m 3.4.1 Journal Wri t ing In addition to investigating interaction patterns, textbooks, and novels, the author was curious to know how present day students in the immediate locale perceived sex roles. Due to absenteeism, only nine boys and 13 girls in her own grade four and five classroom answered the first two journal questions and only 10 boys and 15 girls in Miss C's grade six and seven classroom answered all three questions. The third question was answered by all students in the grade four and five class. Thus, there were 30 girls and 20 boys, 50 in total, who responded to the three journal questions. Every few days the grade four and five class wrote in their journals on various teacher and student selected topics. On April 26, the author asked students in her class to answer the following two questions in written form in their journals: "If you could choose, would you like to be a boy or girl and why?" and 'What three things do you want to do when you grow up?" Because these students only write in their journals for twenty minutes, only two questions were administered on that day. On May 3, the class was asked, "Do you think it's easier being a -43-boy or girl and why?" The author wrote these three questions on paper and gave them to the grade six and seven teacher to administer to her own class. The teacher was informed as to administration procedures which were to be similar to the author's. This class was able to respond to all three questions in one session on May 5. All journals were collected and read. Boys' and girls'journals at grade 4/5 and 6/7 were separated. A count was kept of the number of boys who wanted to remain boys and boys who would rather be girls in each class. A record of the reasons for the responses was maintained. The same process was completed for the girls' responses to this question in each class. Every response to the question "What three things do you want to do when you grow up?" was listed for boys and then for girls in each class. Lastly, a count was kept of the number of boys who thought it was easier being a boy and boys who thought it was easier being a girl in each class. Reasons for each response were recorded. Girls' responses were likewise tallied and reasons were also noted. 3.4.2 Exploratory Measures and Drawings The author designed a questionnaire after completing many readings on sex-related issues. The questionnaire was administered only to the grade four and five class as the teacher of the grade six and seven class could not fit the questionnaire into her class' timetable due to the student teacher's required work load and field trips. The questionnaire was composed of twenty questions. Students were to express their agreement or disagreement with each question by circling either "yes" or "no". Thirteen girls and 11 boys completed the questionnaire in the afternoon of May 9. Questionnaires were collected and separated into male and female categories. Next, boys positive and negative responses to each question were counted. The same process was completed for the girls' questionnaires. In this way, the number of male and female positive and negative responses to each question was tabulated. The author could then ascertain if most boys agreed or disagreed with each question on the list. -44-Girls agreement or disagreement with each question was similarly revealed. The author also wanted to explore children's perceptions of scientists. She wanted to know if children really saw science as a field for men only, as the research would have us believe. To this end, the author asked her class which contained 10 boys and 13 girls at the time to "draw a scientist" on May 12 at 8:45 AM. Children were provided with a piece of blank paper and told they could spend approximately 15 minutes completing their drawing. The only other instruction given to the group was to "describe your scientist in writing". Desks were separated from each other so that one child's drawing would not influence anothers'. Childrens' drawings were collected and sorted into the categories of female scientists and male scientists. A record was kept of the illustrator's sex to see how boys' and girls' perceptions of scientists compared. -45-CHAPTER FOUR Observations of Sex-Related Differences 4.1 Teacher/Student Interactions 4.1.1 Miss X After recess on May 9, the student teacher, Miss X, was observed in her grade 4/5 class during a science lesson on microscopes. Students were viewing salt crystals and then drawing their observations on paper. There were 10 boys and 14 girls in the grade four and five classroom at that time. While Miss X circulated around the room, boys were remediated (helped to correct or improve statements or work) 20 times, almost twice as much as girls, who were remediated only 11 times. She used remediation responses more than acceptance, criticism or praise responses. Miss X tended not to approach the girls. Instead, Miss X showed the boys how to focus their microscopes, how to fold their worksheets to fit into their exercise books, and how to view a small number of salt crystals. Boys were criticized for their behavior three times. One boy was firmly instructed not to shine a flashlight against the mirror of a microscope and two were told to pay attention and not fool around. The girls worked quietly and industriously towards the completion of their assignment. They were not criticized. Instead, three girls were praised for having neatly coloured borders in their microscope theme books. The 10 boys were called on 48 times and the 14 girls were called on 50 times. These figures seem to suggest that girls were called on slightly more. However, when the data are analyzed more specifically, it is noted that of the 10 boys present, four were called on 37 times. The student teacher spent most of her energy on these four male students. The girls were called on more equally, two or three times each, except for one girl who was called on 13 times. Interestingly, this girl displays the qualities of assertiveness, confidence, and aggressiveness, for which, according to the literature, boys are often praised. -46-4.1.2 Mr. H The second observation took place in another grade four and five classroom on May 13 at 8:50 AM. The male student teacher was teaching a science lesson on water to 13 girls and 12 boys. Five of these children attended ESL classes. The purpose of the lesson was for students to learn that air takes up space. Mr. H first demonstrated placing a tissue in a plastic cup, turning it upside down, and holding it under water. Then he allowed the students to do the experiment in their seating groups of five. Mr. H interacted with boys 67 times and with girls 35 times. As with Miss X, Mr. H should have called on each student approximately four times if interaction were equitable. Instead, Mr. H interacted with three particular boys 35 times, the same number of interactions which occurred with all 13 girls. Two girls and one boy were not spoken to at all. Generally, this student teacher spoke to a group of boys who called out constantly and took over the conversation. When girls were called on, boys stepped in and spoke for them so that the selected girl never had a chance to speak publicly. The student teacher then responded to the boy and did not get back to the girl. Thus, boys interrupted girls and spoke for them before they could speak for themselves. Very few girls tended to raise their hands or approach Mr. H. Boys tended to call out as well as approach Mr. H. As in Miss X's class, the boys here were remediated more than the girls. Similarly, girls were not criticized. Mr. H used acceptance responses more than criticism, praise, or remediation responses. The interaction patterns which developed in this lesson are consistent with those reported in other studies (Haggerty, 1991; Houston, 1985; Kelly, 1988; Kramarae & Treichler, 1990; Lockheed & Hall, 1976; Sadker & Sadker, 1986). 4.1.3 Miss C The third observation involved a student teacher who was teaching a French lesson to 27 grade six and seven students on May 13 at 9:30 AM. Each pair of students would go to the -47-front of the class and complete a charade on a given sport. The rest of the class would guess, in French, what sport was mimed. The second part of the lesson concerned the months of the year. This lesson was very structured as opposed to the two previous lessons which involved science experimentation. A different context for assessing the types of interaction is, then, provided for by this lesson. The class was well-mannered and attentive. The student teacher called on and attended to 15 girls 60 times and 12 boys 53 times. In contrast to Mr. H, who generally spoke with a small number of boys, Miss C seemed to speak to a small number of girls. Over half, 33, of the 60 interactions with girls were directed at four girls in particular. The student who was called on the most in the class, 13 times, was a girl. This girl, like the one in Miss X's class, had a dominating, assertive participation style. Interactions with boys were more diverse. Miss C interacted once, three times, and six times with three different sets of two boys. Four boys were interacted with five times each. One boy had four interactions with Miss C. The remaining boy was interacted with nine times. The student teacher did not interact with one student in the class, a girl. Miss C overwhelmingly used acceptance responses such as "bon", "bien", and O.K. They were the most common type of teacher response in this classroom. There were no responses in the category of praise or criticism. Remediation statements occurred six times. These included helping children to come to the correct answer and saying "en francais?" and "what's another way of saying that?". The observations of Miss C and Mr H highlighted instructors' dependence on and overuse of acceptance responses as was similarly observed by Sadker and Sadker (1985) in their longitudinal study. These researchers found that "teachers gave acceptance responses in all classrooms at an average rate of one per minute. Acceptance accounted for more than half of all classroom interactions - more than praise, criticism, and remediation combined" (Sadker & Sadker, 1985, p. 360). Although each student teacher was observed only once and we cannot assume nor infer -48-that they necessarily represented overall teaching behavior, it seems that these student teachers in these three particular lessons displayed interactions similar to those observed by other researchers recorded in the literature. 4.2 Textbooks 4.2.1 Social Studies Canada: Building Our Nation(1985) can be interpreted as claiming that women were not important in shaping the history of B.C. and Canada. As Table 1 points out, illustrations of two or more females, single adult females, and single girls appear in 8.5% of the total illustrations in this textbook. In contrast, illustrations of males in groups, alone, or as single boys appear in 54.39% of the total illustrations. Illustrations of males and females occur in 29.48% of total illustrations. Unrecognizable people occur in 7.9% of the illustrations. Table 1 i Assessment of Illustrations in Canada: Building Our Nation Number of Illustrations Unit Unit One Unit Two Unit Three Unit Four Unit Five Total Unrecognizable People 2 12 6 6 0 26 Males and Females 4 11 10 27 45 97 Two or More Males 16 36 49 12 2 115 Two or More Females 1 0 0 9 0 10 A Single Girl 1 1 0 3 0 5 A Single Boy 1 0 0 1 0 2 A Single Adult Female 1 2 3 3 4 13 A Single Adult Male 8 22 19 7 6 62 Total number of Illustrations 34 84 87 67 57 329 Women are, then, a minority in this textbook, a finding supported by past research (Acker, 1990; Light et al., 1989; Martin, 1985) which also indicated that females are represented as a minority in textbooks. Female students may be deprived of a: -49-sense of their own past or even that they, as girls, have a past. They are deprived not only of knowledge about the achievements of notable women, but they are also deprived of knowledge about the collective history of their sex. (Light et al., 1989, p. 20) Young girls who look at the illustrations in this textbook may learn to believe that the way in which women have lived and the things that women have done throughout history have no value. One would assume that the reason why women are illustrated in this textbook of Canadian history would be due to their contribution to society; however, upon analysis the reason is noted to be quite different. Of the 13 illustrations of individual adult women, two are royal: Queen Elizabeth II and Queen Victoria. There is one unidentified woman voting. The remaining women are pictured in this textbook solely because they are the wives of men. The wife of the first prime minister of Canada, Agnes, is depicted twice riding on the cowcatcher of the first train to cross Canada. The wife of an Ukrainian immigrant, Mr. Oliynyk, is illustrated winnowing gram with a seive and weaving cloth on a loom. Chi Tac, a Vietnemese immigrant, has a wife who is shown in a close-up head and shoulders illustration and also working in a dry cleaner's shop. James Douglas' wife is also pictured in a close-up head and shoulders illustration. The caption beside the picture of the wife of the first man to arrive in the Cariboo, John Cameron, states that she became ill and died shortly after moving. The wife of Ivan Pylypiw, the first Ukrainian to come to Canada in reply to the government's offer of free land, was photographed holding two horses. Dr. Will Howey's wife travelled with him along the route of the railway in Ontario. These women are important only because of their relationship to a man. They made clothes and food, worked to support their family, and one died. Their roles were to stand by their men as well as take care of their family. Certainly these are valuable roles, however, to think that these were the only roles held by women may be an incorrect conclusion. -50-The five girls portrayed individually in this textbook are also important due to their family, not to any success of their own. The girls are daughters of the chief trader at Fort Alexandria, Alexander Anderson; an English immigrant, Mr. Moir; an Ukrainian immigrant, Mr. Oliynyk; and another Ukrainian immigrant. The remaining girl is the great-granddaughter of Prokop Ewankiw, a third Ukrainian immigrant. When the ten illustrations of two or more women are examined for their roles, the results are not surprising. The first group of women are the three daughters of James Douglas. There are nine illustrations of a group of women in Unit Four "Coming to Canada - The Ukrainians". Women are depicted with a child making plaster to use for their house. Another illustration shows women cooking, farming, and taking care of children. They are also shown clearing the land with pick axes, baking in outside ovens with a child, planting potatoes, and doing traditional Ukrainian dances. Three illustrations show them wearing traditional clothes. The roles of women seem to be to work hard on the homestead, take care of the children, and look pretty in traditional clothes. Adult females are depicted 83 times in Canada: Building Our Nation, either alone or with another person. Most pictures (31) show women with a man and children. They are pictured with a man 17 times. They are shown doing housework, farming, and wearing traditional dress six times each. Six women are named in a head and shoulders illustration, four are wives and two are royal, while 32 men are named in head and shoulders illustrations. Women are shown twice solely with children. They are illustrated once with two horses, working at a dry cleaners, giving out flags at Canada Day, teaching a citizenship class, and voting. They are also shown once as a police officer, poll clerk, MLA, and a clerk. Adult males appear well over 200 times and in many varied roles. They construct buildings, travel by boat, press furs, and tote guns. Men are blacksmiths, settlers, barbers, fur -51-traders, fur brigade members, merchants, gold miners, survey crew members, royal engineers, Indian chiefs, fathers, police officers, fire fighters, city council members, artists, enumerators, poll clerks, MLAs, MPs, Senators, and judges. According to this textbook it would seem that men took part in the fur trade, gold rush and building the Canadian Pacific Railway while women were either their wives, daughters or nonexistant. This textbook has not allowed for the possibility that women may have had the opportunity to trap a beaver, find gold or contribute to building the railway in some way. To believe that no such possibility existed is naive. Yet, women in this history textbook are only there because important male figures had female relatives. A second social studies textbook, the grade seven social studies textbook Other Places: Other Times (1986), was examined with respect to its male-exclusive language. Its first chapter "Early People" is about those humans that lived during prehistory or the Pleistocene era, about 1.75 million years ago to about 10,000 years ago. Although the title of the chapter is gender inclusive, subtitles such as "Cro-Magnon man" and "Neanderthal man" remain biased. This chapter is rife with other sexist language such as "Java man", "Peking man", "upright man", "handy man", and "reasoning man". Children are led to imagine that men, not women, lived during this time. They could also infer that women were not able to walk upright, be handy, or reason. Sheldon (1990) and Sadker and Sadker (1982) have documented the effects of such linguistic bias on children. This use of masculine terms and pronouns minimize the participation and importance of women in prehistory. 4.2.2 Mathematics An evaluation of the illustrations in the 1988 textbook Houghton Mifflin Mathematics Four, revealed that boys were represented more, boys were shown to be more active, and illustrations more often included things to which boys are traditionally related. As shown in Table 2, boys are considerably more visible than girls. Forty-five percent of the illustrations -52-of people in this textbook were of single boys or two or more boys. Only 20.9% of the illustrations were of girls alone or in a group. Illustrations of people who were unidentifiable depicted a large clown, two silhouettes of figures at a campfire, and a race car driver with a helmet. Because there was no determining factor signifying sex, the category of unidentifiable people was created. The one illustration of two or more girls portrayed two girls behind a lemonade stand. Table 2 Assessment cfPecpfe Illustrations in Houghton Mifflin Mathematics Four niushations Number Percent 6 5.5 31 28.0 10 9.0 1 0.9 22 20.0 39 36.0 109 100.0 Category Unrecognizable People Males and Females Two or More Boys Two or More Girls A Single Girl A Single Boy Total When types of illustrations were assessed, it was found that sports illustrations outnumbered every other category, as seen in Table 3. Food illustrations were an extremely close second and the third most numerous category was technology. Table 3 CatpffTrirarinn nf IThisfratJons in Houghton Mifflin Mathematics Four Category Number Percent Construction 11 3.7 Technology 22 7.4 Food 42 14.2 Money 15 5.0 Sports 43 14.5 Stamps 19 6.4 Cars 10 3.3 Other 134 45.3 Total 296 100.0 -53-When examining which sports were depicted, it was found that sports with which boys traditionally identify were more often illustrated than those with which girls traditionally identify. Of the 43 illustrations, eight are baseball related, six are football related, and five are basketball related. There are professional teams for men in these sports but not for women; therefore, boys could more easily envision themselves as professional athletes in these sports. Hockey and skiing related illustrations occur four times each. Pictures involving bowling, ice skating, tennis, canoeing and acrobatics appeared twice each. Archery, running, race car driving, bicycling, weightlifting, and boxing illustrations appeared once each. Of these sixteen sports, baseball, football, basketball, hockey, race car driving, weight lifting, and boxing have been historically professionally dominated by men. Girls who read this textbook, then, may not have as many professional role models to identify with when confronted with these illustrations as boys. When isolating the sports illustrations, it was found that boys participated the most, as shown in Table 4. Table 4 Assessment of Sports Illustrations in Houghton Mifflin Mathematics Four Illustrations Category Nucrtar Beroert Unrecognizable People 2 4.6 Males and Females 7 16.3 Boys 11 25.6 Girls 4 9.3 Objects Only 19 44.2 Total 43 100.0 Boys were shown doing a much greater variety of things, sports activities or otherwise, than girls. There were 11 illustrations of girls portrayed in an identifiable role, either alone or with another person. Girls were portrayed twice each as bakery workers, supermarket clerks, and acrobats. They were illustrated once each sleeping, making tissue paper flowers, mailing -64-letters, canoeing, and skiing. Boys were shown bicycle racing, using calculators, laying bricks, driving cars, playing baseball, playing basketball, playing hockey, cross country skiing, and reading the newspaper. They were also football coaches, computer scientists, principals, painters, veterinarians, construction workers, delivery men, and supermarket shelvers. 4.2.3 French The French textbook, Bienvenue A (1989), makes a greater attempt to portray males and females equitably than the other textbooks which were evaluated (see Table 5). In Chapter 10, "Le Cirque Arrive" there are male and female magicians, clowns, acrobats, and jugglers. On page 25, there is an illustration of a male hockey player as well as a female hockey player, Nathalie Gagnon. There is an equal number of adult males and females illustrated alone. Although there are more groups of males and single boys depicted, they are not in numbers much greater than their female counterparts. Table 5 Assessment of People IlhjsriariominBienveriueA Illustrations Category Number Percent Males and Females 135 60.3 Two or More Females 13 5.8 Two or More Males 17 7.6 A Single Girl 20 8.9 A Single Boy 25 11.2 A Single Adult Female 7 3.1 A Single Adult Male 7 3.1 Total 224 100.0 Although numbers of illustrations of males and females depicted individually are approaching equity, when roles of people were inspected more closely another trend emerges. Adult women were depicted 52 times in this textbook, either alone or with another person. -55-Upon analyzing the roles in which these 52 women are illustrated, we see some stereotypes.Illustrations of women in the role of a mother occurred 17 times, outnumbering all other roles. Women were portrayed as wives seven times, magicians three times, and teachers and acrobats twice each. They are also shown once each in the role of nurse, librarian, police officer, radio announcer, actor, singer, clown, lion tamer, and juggler. Two black and white illustrations of significant women in history are included. Gabrielle Roy, a French-Canadian novelist, is depicted in a photograph. Marie-Antoinette, a frivolous and extravagent French queen is pictured in a painting. Ten illustrations of women do not lend any clues as to their role. Seven of these 52 illustrations show women with very small children, while only four illustrations of men show them with small children. It is also interesting to note that of all the full length illustrations of adult women, only two are attired in pants, the juggler and the lion tamer. The remainder wear either "une jupe", a skirt, or "une robe", a dress. Whether the purpose of this is simply to develop and reinforce French vocabulary is questionable. Adult men are shown 58 times, either alone or with another person. They are shown as fathers 11 times, husbands five times, game show hosts four times, SPA (Societe Protectrice Des Animaux) animal officers three times, and acrobats, lion tamers, cameramen, and magicians twice each. Men, like women, are shown once each in the role of police officer, actor, clown, singer and juggler. However they are also shown as a doctor, film maker, referee, barbequer, and Zamboni driver. Sixteen illustrations show men without any apparent role. Two black and white illustrations of significant men in history are included. Photographs of Napoleon Bonaparte and French Canadian hockey idol, Guy Lafleur are included to address the French culture. Men are shown in 20 different roles while women are shown in 16. Stereotyped roles are not completely eliminated in the textbook. Men carry tools while women carry babies. Men are doctors and women are nurses. On page 34 we see an illustration -56-of a family. The father wears a suit, the mother wears an apron, the daughter wears a frilly dress and ballet shoes while the son plays baseball. The corresponding illustration for "un reverence" shows two girls in pretty dresses curtseying and two boys in shirts and polished shoes bowing. Clothing which is traditionally appropriate for the sexes is evident in this illustration. Men have slightly more illustrations and roles in Bienvenue A. Although attempts were made toward equity, stereotyped roles are still evident. 4.3 Prescribed Novels Upon close examination of the Ministry's list of 23 elementary language arts novels, the author found that nine were written by women and fourteen were written by men. These novels, mostly authored by men, are also dominated by male leading characters, as seen in Table 6. Only three novels have a sole leading female character. From Anna concerns a very shy and lonely girl who is nicknamed "awkward Anna" because she can't do anything right. Within her family, her Papa is the undisputed head of the household and her eldest sibling, Rudolf, runs all the children. Little House in the Big Woods tells of the simple pleasures of a girl in a large family living in the Big Woods of Wisconsin in the 1860's. In Harriet the Spy. Harriet spies on her friends and invades their privacy. There are no strong, independent, female role models found here. Five of the prescribed novels, Charlotte's Web. The Lion. The Witch and The Wardrobe. Secret World of Og. Me and the Terrible Two, and Wrinkle in Time have male and female characters. In these five novels the boys seem to have the more active roles. Wilbur seems to be the star in Charlotte's Web, while Charlotte and Fern play supporting roles. In The Lion. The Witch and The Wardrobe, the brave, good lion Asian struggles against the evil White Witch. Of the four characters, Peter, Susan, Edmund and Lucy, it is Peter who is the eldest, bravest, and most courageous. He leads the children, saves his sister Susan's life, and fights in the war. There are five characters in The Secret World of Og. They are Paul, Peter, Penny,Pam, and -57-Patsy. This novel is different from the others in that the eldest and leader of the five children is a girl, Penny who owned the playhouse, reads Lucy Lawless adventure books, and breaks out of jail at gunpoint. Two boys, Conrad and Haskell Conger, described as homicidal maniacs continually bother their chosen victim, Dorrie in Me and the Terrible Two. Mr. Murray, a scientist, disappears and his son and daughter, along with a boy friend search for him in Wrinkle in Time. Meg Murray hates being an oddball and feels like an outcast. The remaining fourteen novels have either one or more than one leading male character. These novels tend to portray boys in adventurous, courageous, and resourceful parts. Gentle Ben is about a boy, Mark, and his love for his brown bear, Ben. Billy, Bruce, and Murray have many adventures with the Mowat family owls in Owls in the Family. The owls, Wol and Weeps are also male. Chester, a cricket, Harry, a cat, and Tucker, a mouse are the male animals who befriend Mario, the boy in a Cricket in Times Square. In grade five, we study Agba and Sham, his stallion, as they travel from Morocco, to France, and then England in King of the Wind. The Grizzly is about a father and son who survive a Grizzly attack during their fishing trip. Mafatu lives alone for many months on an island in cannibal territory in Call it Courage. He goes through many adventures and proves to be a brave and courageous boy. In grade six, we follow The Incredible Journey of a Bull Terrier, a Labrador, and a cat over 400 km of treacherous wilderness in Ontario. This trek is a constant struggle for survival for these animals, who are all male. The adventures of Professor Sherman, a member of the Western American Explorers Club, are documented in Twenty-One Balloons. Sam chooses to test his survival skills when he seeks a new life for himself on a mountainside in the Catskills in My Side of The Mountain. Timothy and Phillip's survival skills are also tested when they are marooned on their deserted island, The Cay. Grade seven students analyze the characters of Travis and Arliss in Old Yeller. Travis, who helps his mother tend their frontier Texas farm when his father leaves for a cattle drive, has the great responsibility of shooting Arliss' rabid dog. Jamie and Awasin show skill and determination in facing the challenges of being alone in the wilderness when they are Lost in the Barrens. It's Like This Cat is a story about a boy, -58-I Table6 j EVALUATION OF CHARACTERS IN PRESCRIBED NOVEL STUDIES i Male Characters ; Female Characters GRADE FOUR Harriet the Spy i Harriet Gentle Ben iMark, Ben Owls in the Family 1 Biiiy, Bruce, Murray, Wol, Weeps: The Cricket in Times Square : Chester, Mario, Harry, Tucker X lit. V^ l lt-IV»_. l. Ill 1 IIUVO V^UOIV ; VllV/t3ll^l| If ((U 1W| *. lUi 1 J , A ^ Charlottes Web [ W i l b u r ; C h a r l o t t ^ ^ i r n GRADE FIVE Secret World Of Og i Peter, Paul j Penny, Pam, Patsy King of the Wind jAgbai Sham The Grizzly IMark, David The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe;Asian, Peter, Edmund 1 White Witch, Susan , Lucy From Anna jArina Call it Courage jMafatu Little House in the Big Woods Laura GRADE SIX Incredible Journey 1 Bull Terrier. Labrador. Cat Me and the Terrible Two 1 Conrad, Haskell iDorrie The Twenty-one Balloons 1 Professor Sherman My Side of the Mountain ;Sam The Cay i Timothy. Phillip GRADE SEVEN Old Yeller : Travis, Ariiss Wrinkle in Time ; Dr. Murray, Charles, Wallace ;Meg Lost in the Barrens ; Jamie, Awasin Its Like This Cat IDave Rascal I Sterling Banner in the Sky iRudi -.~59 . -Dave, and his cat who live in New York city. Sterling is a boy who loves the outdoors and his pet raccoon in Rascal. Rudi's ambition is to climb the only unconquered mountain in Switzerland in Banner in the Sky. The boys in these novels survive against great odds, travel great distances, and dream of adventure. They are ingenious, resourceful, determined, and responsible heroes. The novels the ministry has chosen for educators to teach tend to maintain traditional stereotypes. These novels do nothing to break traditional female stereotypes for the girls of today. They also reflect the fact that "eighty-five percent of the main characters in stories for children are male" (Fox, 1993, p. 84). Childrens' literature is replete with gender stereotypes which "prevent the fullness of female human potential from being realized by depriving girls of a range of strong alternative role models" (Fox, 1993, p. 84). The author's findings correspond to Wall (1992) in her similar study in Ontario. She examined 21 novels which were identified as those most commonly used from the Quebec Ministry of Education's Selected Bibliography of 1987. Data revealed that 85.7% of the novels were written by men as opposed to 14.2% by women. Eighty-two percent of the main characters were male, while 18% were female. Amongst secondary characters, 66.6% were male, and 33.3% were female. 4.4 Student S / M » < n « » m o n 4.4.1 Journal Writ ing Results When the first two questions were administered to the grade four and five class there were nine boys and 13 girls in attendance. The results in the grade four and five class to the first question, "if you could choose, would you like to be a boy or girl, and why?", were that all the boys wanted to remain boys and all the girls wanted to remain girls except for one. This -60-girl stated that she would rather be a boy because "they don't have to stay at home to take care of babies or change their names when they get married". Some of the reasons that boys wanted to remain boys were that boys "take less time to get ready, can drive, can have lots of money, can run faster than girls, are stronger than girls, and don't have to clean the toilet, kitchen, and bed". Seven of 13 girls said they wanted to remain girls because they could wear dresses, four said that it was because they could have their own children, three said it was due to the fact that they could have long hair. Other reasons were "boys can't hit girls, girls have nicer voices, girls don't have to carry heavy things, girls don't have to do dangerous things, boys have to buy girls flowers, if you have a baby then a boy will take care of you, and girls don't get accused of anything". Only one girl said that she'd like to be a girl because "girls can do anything boys can do and more". In the grade six and seven class, nine out of 10 boys wanted to remain boys because boys "can run fast, are stronger, and can do sports". One boy said that "more jobs require boys". The boy that wanted to be a girl said it was because "girls can have babies". Thirteen girls out of 15 wanted to remain girls. Eight girls said it was because girls could "wear dresses" and be "pretty". The other reasons were that girls "have closer relationships with their families, don't get in as much trouble, and are nicer than boys". Boys also "have to do hard work". Both girls who wanted to be boys said that it was because boys "don't have to clean, cook or do dishes". In response to the second question, "What three things do you want to do when you grow up?", the boys in the author's grade four and five class could list twice as many things that they want to do when they grow up as the girls. Answers were found to be stereotyped. When they grow up, boys stated that they wanted to be "professional athletes, race car drivers, computer programmers, sky divers, policemen, firemen, doctors, judges, helicopter drivers, and Tae-Kwon-Do masters". Seven girls wanted to be teachers, five wanted to be mothers, and four wanted to be salespeople. The remaining responses included being a "home decorator, model, dental hygenist, and babysitter". The girl cited earlier who seemed to see girls and boys equally -61-wants to paint masterpieces and have lots of money. Another girl wanted to invent things. The things that the older grade six and seven boys wanted to do when they grow up are "use a credit card, go to work, type long paragraphs, take out the garbage, be in charge, go on vacation, play soccer and play hockey". Five boys stated they look forward to driving a car and two said they wanted to have "their own" family. Nine girls wanted to have a family when they become adults, two wanted to be teachers, and two wanted to have cars. The other answers were "shopping, talking on the phone, going on vacation, and living in a house". Only one girl said she wanted to "be independent and buy a house". One week after the first two questions were administered, the author asked her class the remaining question, "do you think it's easier being a boy or girl, and why?". No one was absent that day so all 15 girls and 10 boys participated. Six boys said it was not difficult being a boy, in fact, it was easy. Four boys said that it was difficult being a boy because "people think generally that boys are worse than girls, boys die faster, boys must learn to do all the work instead of playing, boys must carry heavy things and girls don't have to, and boys have to go to work and girls don't". The girls in the author's class were almost unanimous in their decision and could articulate many more reasons for their choice than the boys. Of the 15 girls, one said it was easy being a girl but did not cite any reason. The remaining 14 girls said it was difficult being a girl. The reason given most often, seven times, was that girls have to go through labour, have babies and take care of them. "Women are expected to clean the house" was mentioned seven times. Cooking was mentioned five times, while washing dishes was noted four times. Other reasons were that girls "never get picked for playing games in P.E., always have to be nice and quiet, are sup'posed to be proper all day, must have good manners, have to get married, have to stay at home when their husbands are not home, have to do more chores, can't work because they have to take care of their children, (and) are nothing in the world". -62-One girl noticed that "sometimes sports go on in the gym but only for boys". Another said that "when you get older the men say 'I'm going out, you stay home with the kids' or something like that and I don't think that's fair". Hair seemed a priority issue to one girl who stated "a girl's hair is longer than a boy's, so girls have all the tangles in their hair, so it takes a long time to get them out". A very bright, studious grade four girl said she thought it was difficult being a girl because: you have to do lots and lots of housework like washing the dishes, folding the bed, and a lot of other things. My brother does not have to do these things. I have to do it for him. My mom says, 'how will you ever turn out into a woman and do stuff like a woman if you didn't even practice as a girl?. One girl summed up what most girls seemed to be thinking in her shocking statement that "girls are for doing housework". Some girls said it was difficult being a girl for different reasons. One said that "it's not fair that boys play hockey and hardball while girls play ringette and softball". Another stated that males "think they are more superior than women so they sometimes exclude (women) from really fun things". Lastly, a little female philosopher pondered on paper that "since the dawn of time, women had no rights. Ladies are supposed to stay home and clean and wash all day. But times are changing, but some people don't know that". The grade six and seven responses to this question were very revealing. Four boys out of ten thought it was easier to be a girl, one boy thought it was easier to be a boy, and five didn't answer or couldn't come to a decision. The boys who thought it was easier to be a girl stated that girls "get things their way, receive praise no matter what they do, don't get yelled at, and never get into trouble". The boy who thought it was easier being a boy said that it was because boys "get to try harder things". The girls didn't see it that way at all. Nine girls out of 15 thought it -63-was easier being a boy, three thought it was easier being a girl, and three did not answer. The reasons girls thought it was easier to be boys were shocking to the author. Girls stated that "parents let boys do anything and don't worry about them, boys get to work and get paid, and boys don't have babies". Two girls stated that "in Chinese families, fathers like sons more than daughters". One girl said "my mom and dad like my brother more cause he's a boy". Another girl said "ever since the beginning of time people thought boys were stronger, smarter, and better at sports. I have no idea why." The three girls who thought it was easier to be girls said that girls "can be quieter, don't get moustaches, and don't have their voices change". 4.4.2 Questionnaire Results The results of the questionnaire (see Appendix) administered to the author's grade four and five class tended to show that girls were less self-confident and more domestically oriented. In response to the question, "I have to be really sure of what I'm going to say when I speak in class because I'm so nervous", 54% of girls agreed while only 36% of boys agreed. Only 54 % of girls said they liked telling a group of people what they're thinking while 64% of boys said they liked speaking to a group. Boys and girls generally agreed that women make better kindergarten teachers than men. Only one girl and two boys said men would be better. Boys and girls unanimously agreed that a nurse is a good job for a woman. All but one boy disagreed with the statement, "I think a nurse is a good job for a man". Of the girls, 61% stated that they thought men would make good nurses. When asked if they cooked dinner, 85% of girls and only 36% of boys responded positively. Seventy-seven percent of the girls said they had changed a baby's diaper while 45% of boys had completed that task. Sixty-four percent of boys said they think it is not O.K. that a wife work outside the home if she has a baby. The same percentage agreed that a father should -64-be the "boss" of the household. A little more than half, 55%, agreed that father should have the final word when the family argues. Although girls answered along traditional lines in their journal writing, their responses here were more open-minded and liberated. Seven out of 13 girls thought it would be O.K. for a wife to work outside the home if she had a baby. However, two girls asked the age of the baby, adding that they would only go to work if the child was entering school. Eleven out of 13 said a father should not be the "boss" of the household, 10 said a father should not have the final word when the family argues, and 12 said that it is O.K. for a father to stay home and take care of the house and babies. The author's study coincides with the results of Minuchin's (1966) study which found that "grade school boys were more certain that it's great to be male...in contrast, girls were not particularly enthusiastic about having been born female" (cited in Sadker & Frazier, 1973, p. 109). Findings are also supported by O'Hara (1962) who asked 700 fourth-, fifth- and sixth-grade girls what they would like to be when they grow up. "Almost all selections made...fell into one of four categories:...teacher, nurse, secretary, or mother" (cited in Sadker & Frazier, 1973, p. 109). These researchers found that boys had wider range of future occupational choices. 4.4.3 Draw a Scientist Results Finally, the perceptions of scientists held by 10 boys and 13 girls in the author's grade four and five class were investigated. Following the instruction, "Draw a scientist", two students needed to know what a scientist was so the author explained privately that scientists did experiments and discovered things. One girl put up her hand and asked the author in a whisper if a woman could be a scientist. When the author nodded positively, the student began to draw a woman. Of the 23 students, 19 students drew male scientists, two girls drew females, one boy drew a female, and one girl drew a male and a female. -65-The female drawing by the first girl suggests a very conservative scientist with her hair in a bun and heavy rimmed glasses (see Figure 1A). The only thing which seems to be feminine about this woman is that she wears a dress. The illustrator states "she's a girl, but she's tough". The girl who drew the second female scientist recently emigrated from Hong Kong and is presently developing her English vocabulary (see Figure IB). She affirms that the girl in her picture "has been a scientist for five years". However, her drawing depicts a young girl holding a lollipop with a pink shirt, a yellow skirt, a hat with flowers, a bow in her hair, and earrings. It would seem that the illustrator does not yet fully comprehend the role of a scientist. Perhaps this person just enjoys drawing pretty girls. The boy who drew a female scientist describes his scientist as someone who "has long hair, wears glasses, has a grey coat, and has a pencil in her pocket" (see Figure 1C). His scientist wears pants, a hat, and glasses. The girl who drew a man and a woman points out that they have "lab coats, pens in their pockets and (have) special glasses to protect their eyes if they are experimenting with dangerous things" (see Figure ID). They are wearing identical outfits. Figure 1. Childrens' Diagrams of Female Scientists -66-Figure 1. Chlldrens' Diagrams of Female Scientists 1C ^ Ti1 f \ l l S C \ e < ^ h** UV) coo.H,pens i n p o ^ The remaining 10 girls and 9 boys all drew male scientists (see Figure 2). All these illustrations included a beaker or a test tube. The tools of the trade seem to be microscopes, magnifying glasses, tubes, needles, gloves, pencils, notebooks, and boiling water. Six girls and seven boys portrayed their scientist wearing glasses. Seven girls and eight boys drew lab coats on their scientists. -67-Figure 2. Examples of Childrens' Diagrams of Male Scientists /1y Scientist has a wusta^e he'si My ScieKfcsh js vJearing t 100* cotter* white. Coat. He has btacK ojasses He. ,< YMSOTIVV* Q back bow +«, w.fh red rxjlkado-rs. he « vote a whfHs dCes dyrt inc| Mack shoes an*--tiraluj' anc blue •th^r wears qtieadl.<)lit. white c lot i ies.s i rs in 4 (obortery the t<*\>\(- qtp micitoyxwrS U S S A \ I J wVuVt ceaH. "In V»* rw$fc Vor& N* » tV^awr^ v(\ftytA>etTO--68-Of all the illustrations of male scientists, five boys drew a mad scientist while only three girls did (see Figure 3). Figure 3. Examples of Childrens' Diagrams of Mad Scientists can Durn s O t o e J ^ e x e l * S" 0 5 5 M y Scientist is a person who KfieA -69-All scientists are doing experiments by themselves except the girl in the yellow skirt holding a lollipop. Girls perceive scientists as people "that (wear) a headlight, white clothes, (and sit) in a laboratory with a table", who "just (do) some experiments", who have "a machine (that) can clean dirty water", "who take notes, study things like slides and sometimes the human body", and have "short hair". Boys perceive scientists as either having "short hair" or being "half-bald". They have "bow ties" and "are smart". Girls' and boys' images of scientists seem to be very similar. They see scientists as men with short hair and glasses using beakers to complete experiments in a solitary manner. Only four children out of 23 had a first impression of a scientist as a woman. One of these four had to confirm the possibility and another's understanding of the word scientist seems to be questionnable. -70-CHAPTER FIVE Discussion 5.1 Teacher/Student Interactions The student teachers did not realize their bias towards boys as they were surprised when their biased interaction patterns were called to their attention. All three student teachers treated the boys and girls in their classes differently. Miss X and Mr. H remediated boys more. Boys were criticized while girls were praised in Miss X's classroom. Mr. H did not criticize girls. Miss X, as well as Mr. H, interacted primarily with a small group of boys. In contrast, Miss C interacted primarily with a small group of girls. Acceptance type responses occurred much more than remediation, praise, or criticism in two of three classrooms. It is, thus, concluded that these beginning teachers exhibited sex biased interactions similar to those reported in educational literature reviewed here. 5.2 Textbooks The textbooks studied were found to be biased towards males. The inadequate representation of women in the illustrations of Canada: Building Our Nation cause them to be a minority in this textbook. The rationale of the B.C. social studies curriculum states that students "need an opportunity to learn their roles, rights and responsibilities in society today and in the future" (B.C. Ministry of Education, 1983, p. 3). The roles which young girls have an opportunity to learn in this textbook tend to be limited, traditional and stereotyped. The first chapter of Other Places: Other Times renders women nearly invisible through male-exclusive language. Moreover, the mathematics textbook Houghton Mifflin Mathematics Four also has more illustrations of boys, either alone or in a group, than girls. Sports illustrations were found to be the most numerous type of illustration in this textbook. These specific -71-illustrations had more boys than girls as participants. Again, boys were depicted in a greater and more varied number of roles than girls. The roles for adult women in Bienvenue A were found to be less stereotyped. Yet, girls are still exposed to a limited range of roles when compared to those from which boys may choose. Males appear in slightly more illustrations and are depicted in more roles. Hence, even in 1994, many years since guidelines were issued, publishers continue to provide textbooks which do not treat males and females equally. 5.3 Prescribed Novels The novels prescribed by the Ministry were written primarily by male authors and dominated by male leading characters. Boys, not girls, were portrayed as adventurous heroes. It is true that children's literature presents children with the options they may aspire to. It is unfortunate, then, that the roles that girls identify with are limited by these novels. Boys and girls are taught that girls have limited roles and are not as significant as boys. The overall depiction of males and females in children's literature is a microcosm of our culture's stereotypes. Therefore, these books may possibly effect the development of young childrens' identities, attitudes, and values in a way which does not serve them best. It is concluded that these examples of children's literature are equally biased towards males as the textbooks which were studied and do not offer a viable alternative in "rounding" out the experiences of females offered by the textbooks. 5.4 Student S^^Wg^t 1* 1" 5.4.1 Journal Writing All the boys in the study wanted to remain boys. All the girls, except three, wanted to remain girls. The reasons for their choices illuminated the students' stereotyped views of the -72-sexes. For instance, boys stated that they enjoyed being stronger than girls and girls stated that they enjoyed being able to dress in a pretty manner. Boys could list numerous and varied activities that they want to do in the future. Girls listed fewer activities and want to enter traditionally female roles. The boys and girls in the grade four and five class and the girls in the grade six and seven class thought it was easier being a boy than a girl. The grade four and five boys thought it was just plain easy being a boy but couldn't articulate any specific reasons for their answer. The grade four and five girls thought it was easier being a boy because of the expectations on girls regarding housework, childrearing, and good behavior. These girls seem to see their role in society as burdensome; however, only a few express knowledge of an alternative. The grade six and seven girls thought it was easier being a boy because they have more privileges and are seen by some as the preferable sex. The boys in the grade six and seven class said it was easier being a girl because girls seem to be beyond reproach. Twenty years ago children viewed themselves stereotypically. It may be generally concluded that, in 1994, these girls and boys, still view themselves in this way. The difference may be that present day children have an increased understanding of stereotypes and are therefore able to more openly express their views on the subject. 5.4.2 Questionnaire Girls were found to be less confident and more domestic than boys. More girls than boys had changed a diaper and cooked dinner. More boys expressed confidence when speaking to a group than girls. Boys tended to think that men should be the boss of the family, have the final word when the family argues and not be kindergarten teachers. Girls' responses opposed boys in these areas. According to the questionnaire, it would seem that these girls have liberated views when it applies to women in general but when speaking of themselves in their journal writing, they shift and cite the more traditional roles such as teacher, mother, and -73-salesgirl for themselves. This "we can, but I can't" paradox is described by Collis (1985) in her research with children and computers. She theorized that the "typical girl feels that women in general are capable, but that she as an individual is not competent or likely to be a computer user" (Collis, 1985, p. 7). This "we can, but I can't" paradox for adolescent females may describe a pervasive dilemma facing contemporary young women in many areas beside computer work. Therefore, it is concluded that little has changed regarding the viewpoints and aspirations of these girls in 1994. 5.4.3 Draw a Scientist The majority of students drew a man when asked to draw a scientist. Only four of 23 students drew female scientists. Students were found to have comparable perceptions of a scientist's appearance and role. They drew scientists who were attired similarly and used similar materials to perform experiments. Thus, these female students did not see a scientific career as a possibility for their own sex. 5.5 Overall Conclusion Equity between boys and girls in school is certainly a complex issue since even in a large city with well meaning teachers in 1994, not much change is evident. The call for sex equity in the 1970's has not eliminated gender issues for these present day classrooms and students. Textbooks remain biased, student teachers continue to interact differently with boys and girls, and students themselves use stereotypes when talking of their situations and aspirations. The literature on gender issues seems to not have had any impact perhaps due to lack of awareness of its existence and lack of consistent measures to reduce gender inequities in schools. One move forward which is evident is the more general sense among girls that opportunities, at least, do exist and girls as well as boys may choose alternative paths. Yet -74-when charting their own courses they picture themselves within traditional roles. -75-EPILOGUE The intent of the following chapter is to begin to address issues in the teacher's own classroom. In spite of government recognition and funding, sex-related differences in educational achievement remains a vast problem, yet it is naive to think that this dilemma can be changed in any short time. Educators, however, must be aware that they can contribute, in at least a small way, to its alleviation. It may be important to note that any teacher with initiative and curiosity can assess his or her own classroom using techniques similar to those used by the author. Such teachers may then choose to take steps toward educational equity in their own classrooms. To aid in that process, the author offers here some additional insights gained from readings and classroom experiences over the past year. Lockheed and Klein (1985) conclude that "sex inequities...are found in abundance in coeducational classrooms; the most common of these...are sex segregation and sex-stereotyped teacher-student interaction" (cited in Riordan, 1990, p. 9). Teachers clearly need to know more about research on classroom interactions as well as the achievement gap between male and female students. The student teachers in this study were surprised to learn that male students received more attention than female students. When alerted to this disparity, teachers "want to change their teaching so that it becomes more equitable" (Sadker & Sadker, 1985, p. 361). Certainly, most teachers would not want to be guilty of any sort of discrimination. All the student teachers professed their desire to change their interaction patterns. The author noted that her own student teacher made efforts to exhibit greater equity in her classroom interaction following this sole data collection. Research suggests that "teachers often hold stereotyped -beliefs about capacities and characteristics of the sexes" (Acker, 1990, p. 96). Most teachers expect boys to be noisy, aggressive, poor at reading, and good at mathematics. Teachers also tend to expect girls to be quiet, well-mannered, neat, good at reading, and poor at mathematics. Kemer (1969) found that -76-junior high school teachers select "different adjectives to describe good male and good female students" (Bornstein, 1982, p. 20). The first step in developing sex equity in the classroom is to develop awareness that being biased, stereotypic or sexist in any way does not satisfy the needs of the student. What is even more alarming than lack of awareness is lack of concern. The B.C. Ministry of Education (1993c), in their study of 86 teachers, has shown that "few...were concerned about the problems girls faced, particularly in physics, in being a minority, being taught almost exclusively by men, being taught a 'male-oriented' curriculum, and being prepared for 'male-oriented careers" (p. 73). It is not surprising that more female than male teachers were generally concerned about the problems girls faced in mathematics and physical science courses. Most teachers interviewed did not consider this an important issue in their school. A shocking finding was that "some teachers thought that gender was an important societal issue or needed to be dealt with in other schools, but not theirs" (B.C. Ministry of Education, 1993c, p. 73) Awareness of one's own behavior, beliefs, expectations, and the effects of sex differentiated treatment in the classroom is a priority. The attitude of the teacher plays an important role in perpetuating sex-related differences. Educators must examine their own attitudes and behavior continuously for sex bias and stereotyping. They must attempt to not have different sets of expectations, behavior standards, rewards, and punishments for female and male students. Since students tend to behave in accordance with their teacher's expectations, high academic and behavioral expectations for all students is a necessity. Both boys and girls can, then, look forward to selecting any career, having advanced academic achievement, and becoming equally nurturing parents. Educators "have the opportunity to break the vicious circle of sexism that may otherwise imprison students for the rest of their lives" (Stitt, 1988, p. 20). However, in 1994, the educators studied here have not yet taken this opportunity. -77-Educators need to be aware of the issue as well as sensitive to it. Educational experiences should not "confirm girls in subordinate positions" (Houston, 1985, p. 363), but instead lead to the development of positive self-esteem enabling them to make choices from within, from ability and desire, rather than external pressures and stereotypes. Keeping atune to how we interact with students, tailoring the types of activities to fairly represent our student population, and being careful of stereotypes are steps toward providing a more fair and sensitive education. Attitudes and expectations about children may be developed by university students during their teacher education program through interaction with university textbooks, sponsor teachers, and practicum classrooms. Therefore, teacher education offices at universities "should be encouraged to revise curricula to include a study of gender equality" (Coulter, 1993, p. 8). A recent study analyzed 24 of the most widely used teacher education texts. Researchers found that "twenty-three give less that one percent of their space to...sexism (and) not a single text provide(d) future teachers with curricular resources and instructional strategies to counteract sexism in the classroom" (Stitt, 1988, p. 27-8). Perhaps a course on sex fairness and schooling could be a prerequisite for graduation. Practicing teachers, and sponsor teachers in particular, need professional education opportunities so they can also better understand the issues. It seems reasonable that teachers and student teachers be provided with opportunities to meet together to learn about anti-sexist teaching practices. Workshops, speakers, summer schools, and inservice training to identify and develop skills for alleviating sex-role stereotyping are suggested. Teacher training has been proven to work to help solve this problem. In their 1980 study of over 100 classrooms, the Sadkers provided elementary teachers in 67 classrooms four days of training focused on equity in classroom interactions. Their data analysis indicates that "training can eliminate inequitable interactions" and enable female students to -78-participate at the same rate as their male peers (Sadker & Sadker, 1985, p. 361). Moreover, when teachers were "trained for equity they became more alert and intentional in their teaching" (Sadker, Sadker, & Klein, 1986, p. 220). Indeed, the trained teachers were found to have more academic and intellectual interactions and offered students more frequent and precise feedback in monitoring student progress than non-trained teachers. "Acceptance interactions (uh-huh, O.K.) decreased while the frequency of praise, remediations, and constructive criticism increased" (p. 220). In 1986, the Sadkers completed an intervention program involving 46 professors in an urban university. It determined that faculty development in sex equitable and effective interaction can have a significant impact. Teacher training can, indeed, make a difference in more equitable participation of the sexes. After student teachers and teachers become aware of biased teaching, they may be taught strategies for the elimination of these patterns. Training to develop skills and the opportunity to try out these new teaching skills in clinical settings is required. A program of systematic observation and feedback of student, as well as practicing, teachers seems to be necessary. A very good way to enlighten student teachers and teachers to their possible biased teaching is to videotape them and then let them watch themselves. Teachers can do many things in their classrooms to provide for the equitable treatment of children. Suggestions such as eliminating sex segregation and sexist language while allowing boys and girls to explore nontraditional roles and participate equally seem to be common sense. However, a conscious effort is required to ensure that they are carried through. Developing children's potential without role-stereotyping by encouraging the unique development of each child is important. With the constraints of preconceived sex role expectations lifted, children can be appreciated more as individuals and less as representatives of one sex or the other. With respect to textbooks, it is dangerous for teachers not to question the information -79-that is omitted, included, and how that information is arranged. In order to implement a nonsexist curriculum, educators must first be able to recognize the biases that often exist in textbooks and other instructional materials. Teachers ought to ensure that the experiences, contributions and viewpoints of women, as well as men, are accurately represented in the curriculum that they teach. The textbook Canada: Building Our Nation certainly had an absence of women's achievements in Canadian history. Women's achievements in every field can, instead, be woven into the curriculum. Textbooks approved for use in school should, ideally, reflect scholarship which integrates knowledge about women. Women should also be encouraged to develop curriculum, especially math and science, as well as textbooks. Young people who are "making decisions that shape their futures should have the opportunity to learn from resources that incorporate the experiences of both females and males" (B.C. Ministry of Education, 1992, p. 73). Consequently, the government has committed funds to "revising school textbooks to remove sex role stereotyping and demeaning images and descriptions of girls and women" (Coulter, 1993, p. 2). These revisions will take time, meanwhile, it is up to teachers to include positive portrayals of women in the curriculum. Certainly, it is in the best interest of children to use materials that are free from sex-differentiation. However, publishers are slow to alter texts and replacing textbooks in schools takes time and money. Moreover, the total elimination of bias in learning resources is unrealistic. Therefore, it would perhaps be useful to discuss textbook stereotyping with students. Encouraging students to develop critical evaluation skills that can help them to identify stereotypes or bias in materials will enable them to become more aware of sex stereotyping of roles and behaviours. Increasing students' awareness of the problem is a step in the right direction. With respect to children's literature, it seems important that boys and girls read about characters with whom they can identify. Reading novels with male and female lead characters -80-has proven useful. Scott and Feldman-Surnmers (1979) assessed the effects of portraying a female main character in a traditionally male role on boys' and girls' sex role perceptions. The results of the study showed that exposure to female main characters in non-traditional role activities increased children's perceptions of the number of girls who could engage in these same activities. This study suggests the importance of studying novels which portray females in nontraditional roles. Since no policy, guideline, or even intent has been brought forward by school districts to ensure our students are reading sex-equitable literature it may be useful for teachers and librarians to work together to order non-sexist reading materials. It is very hard to dismiss books which have stood the test of time. Such books "represent historical times when stereotyping both men and women was acceptable and commonplace" (Wall, 1992, p. 28). Yet, it seems easier to change the novels we study with our students than to change society's views. We acknowledge that literature reflects life, therefore, it is essential to choose material that allows each student to identify with characters. Newer material, that written in the past decade, more often has female lead characters and more accurately mirrors the changing roles of women in society than books written in the past. Both boys and girls will have a greater chance to understand the outlooks represented in these novels and thus communication and inclusiveness will be increased in the classroom. It is also necessary to note that a child's decision to hold traditional or nontraditional views will not be based solely on literature, society also plays a major role. The aforementioned implications for practice have been stated by others in the literature. Perhaps they have not yet been implemented due to teachers' lack of exposure to the literature. The author, a practicing teacher, assumes that change has been slow in this area because teachers have enough issues which concern them on a daily basis such as special needs students, English as a Second Language, curriculum integration, cooperative learning and behavior management to apply themselves to yet another issue. Local districts have provided strategies to deal with these issues through workshops and planning time; however, no -81-attention has been given to gender issues through workshops. Without district support of this issue, change will be very slow in the classroom. Although research has been completed in many areas of sex-related issues, it is still a greatly unexplored area. There are many possibilities for future research. A natural extension of this study would be to look at a wide variety of practicing teachers since only student teachers were observed for this study. A larger number of student teachers from various schools may also be observed on an interval schedule since this sample was composed of only three student teachers and, thus, the results can not be generalized to other student teachers due to the small sample size. Another extension of this study would be to look at a greater number of textbooks in one specific subject area. For instance, all high school science textbooks or all elementary mathematics textbooks currently used in one school district could be evaluated. Although the Ministry of Education has twenty-three prescribed novels, each school district has its own lengthy list of novels which includes the Ministry's list. School district novel lists may by evaluated similar to this study's evaluation of the Ministry's list. In addition, each school district has a media catalogue from which teachers may order films and video tapes. Since the literature suggests that science textbooks are dominated by males, perhaps one could examine science videotapes to ascertain whether or not they are also dominated by males. Other school media, such as computer programs, could also be examined. To gauge teachers' awareness of sex-related issues, a survey could be designed similar to the questionnaire in this study. The survey could be sent to all public school teachers in one district to determine how aware they are of sex-related issues, if they feel these issues are important, and what beliefs they hold about the characteristics and capacities of the sexes. Another interesting study would be to assess student behavior and viewpoints before and after -82-a discussion on sex-stereotyping in educational materials. The effectiveness of intervening to raise student awareness may, thus, be determined. 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Sex roles, interruptions, and silences in conversations. In B. Thorne & N. Henley (Eds.), Language and Sex: Difference and Dominance. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House. -94-Appendix A TWENTY QUESTIONS Circle YES or NO for each statement. 1. I think it is O.K. for boys to play with dolls. YES NO 2. I think it is O.K. that a wife should work outside the home if she has a baby. YES NO 3. I think a father should be the "boss" of the household. YES NO 4. I think a father should have the final word when the family argues. YES NO 5. I think that it's O.K. for a father to stay home and take care of the house YES NO and babies. 6. I have changed a baby's diaper. YES NO 7. I think a nurse is a good job for a man. YES NO 8. I think a nurse is a good job for a woman. YES NO 9. I think men make better kindergarten teachers than women. YES NO 10. I think men make better university teachers than women. YES NO 11. I have cooked dinner. YES NO 12. I help clean around the house. YES NO 13. I think that a boy who is not good at sports is a nerd. YES NO 14. I like math. YES NO 15. I like science. ---- YES NO 16. I like computers. YES NO 17. I think that boys get more attention than girls in school. YES NO 18. I like telling a group of people what I'm thinking. YES NO 19. I have to be really sure of what I'm going to say when I speak in class YES NO because Im so nervous. 20. I think that when I get A's and B's on my report card it's because I'm lucky YES NO not because I'm smart -95-

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