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Lived experience in the initial period of adaptation: a longitudinal multi-case study of the experience… Mansfield, Earl Alfred 1995

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LIVED EXPERIENCE IN THE INITIAL PERIOD OF ADAPTATION: A LONGITUDINAL MULTI-CASE STUDY OF THE EXPERIENCE OF RECENT IMMIGRANT STUDENTS AT A CANADIAN SECONDARY SCHOOL by EARL ALFRED MANSFIELD B.F.A., The University of Victoria, 1972 M.A., The University of British Columbia, 1984 M.Ed., The University of Oregon, 1993 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Centre for the Study of Curriculum and Instruction) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard-  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1995 © Earl Alfred Mansfield, 1995  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment  of the requirements  for an advanced  degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department  or by his or her representatives.  It is understood  that  copying or  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  (Signature)  Department of  C ^ n ^ r ^  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  6 (2/88)  /99^-JO-/3  PoC -JksL  $tud*  *F  CcfrKutun  a  ii ABSTRACT While educators have recognized that students from other countries often face traumatic experiences in their initial period of adaptation to the receiving country's schools and society, little attention has been devoted to understanding the nature or educational significance of these experiences. Traditionally, educators have equated adaptation difficulties with host language deficits, while other, possibly more consequential dimensions of the adaptation experience have gone unrecognized, and have not been represented in educational policy and funding decisions. Accordingly, this study is directed toward providing a more comprehensive understanding of the adaptation experiences of adolescent students who have recently arrived in Canada from other countries, and addresses a critical need for understanding these experiences from the perspectives of the students themselves. Inquiry is advanced within a descriptive, exploratory, and explanatory study which predominantly utilizes a phenomenological, qualitative methodology.  The study's principal methodology builds upon Edmund Husserl's  philosophical foundation by incorporating the existential perspectives of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, the life-world social dimensions of Alfred Schutz, and the historical-contextual and interpretive elements of Max van Manen's hermeneutic phenomenology.  Fieldwork occurred over a six month period in a  suburban Canadian secondary school.  Study findings and recommendations derive  from analysis of interviews, observations, and self-reports of three male and three female grade 10 students who arrived in Canada not more than 20 months prior to the outset of the study. Initial adaptation experiences of study participants point to three principal findings. The study's finding that despite adaptation challenges, students from abroad often achieve at or above receiving society norms within a short period after arrival, suggests that educators should consider how successful academic patterns of newcomers might be adopted by receiving society members.  Participant experience indicates that host language  acquisition is but one dimension of a multidimensional adaptation experience, and that it is seldom the student's most critical adaptation concern, even in terms of host communication skills. Participants experienced establishing  iii friendships as their most critical and difficult adaptation concern, and looked to friendship to provide uncertainty reduction, access to and inclusion in the receiving society.  i  IV  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  ii  Table of Contents  iv  Acknowledgement  ix  Dedication Chapter I  Chapter II  x Rationale  1  Introduction 1.01 Background 1.02 Demographic Changes 1.03 Current Responses 1.04 The Need for Research 1.05 Purpose and Audience  1 1 2 3 5 7  Study Question 1.06 Statement of the Question 1.07 Premises or Assumptions Underlying the Question 1.08 Subsidiary Questions Derived from the Study Question 1.09 Research Methodology 1.10 Interview Questions  9 9 9 10 10 10  Personal Biography and Assumptions 1.11 Personal Biography 1.12 Personal Assumptions 1.13 Terminology  11 12 13 14  Summary  15  Review of the Literature Introduction  Nature of Adaptation  17 17 17  Premigration 2.01 Premigration Contexts 2.02 Migration Contexts 2.03 Voluntary and Involuntary Groups  17 17 18 19  Post Migration 2.04 Adaptation Processes 2.05 Ethnic Retention or Assimilation 2.06 Adaptation as Response or as Self-determination 2.07 'Successful' Adaptation 2.08 Stage Conceptions of Adaptation 2.09 Immigrants and Sojourners  20 20 20 21 21 22 22  Experience of Adaptation 2.10 Pressure to Conform to the Receiving Society 2.11 Replacement and Additive Views of Adaptation 2.12 Selective Adaptation 2.13 Cultural Insight/Cultural Marginality  23 23 23 24 24  Psychological Emphases Mental Health 2.14 Stress/Anxiety 2.15 Uncertainty Reduction Theory 2.16 Adaptation and Mental Illness 2.17 Culture Shock  24 24 24 25 26 27  V  2.18 Identity 2.19 2.20 2.21 2.22 2.23 2.24 2.25  The U-curve Hypothesis  28  Field Dependency and Locus of Control Expectations Personality Characteristics Age and Maturation Gender Identity and Self Self as a Product of Social Interaction  28 28 29 30 30 31 32 32  Social Emphases Communication 2.26 Communication Competence/High and Low Context Cultures 2.27 Communication Competencies 2.28 Facial Recognition 2.29 Significance of Host Language Acquisition  33 34 35 35  Socialization 2.30 Social Skills 2.31 Friendship 2.32 Socio-economic Class 2.33 Inter- and Intra-group Social Relations  36 36 36 38 38  Anthropological Emphases Community, Family, and Culture 2.34 Ethnic Communities 2.35 Adaptation and Family 2.36 Cultural Difference 2.37 Individualist and Collectivist Cultures 2.38 Marriage Educational Emphases  33  39 39 39 39 40 40 41 42  Immigrant Education: Parents and Students 2.39 Valuing Education 2.40 Scholastic Achievement of Immigrant Students 2.41 Immigrant Student and Parent Educational Problems  42 42 42 43  Receiving Country Schools and the Immigrant 2.42 Meeting Immigrant Students' Needs 2.43 School Priorities 2.44 Multicultural Reality of Schools  44 44 44 45  Summary of Research Chapter III  33  Theoretical Framework and Methodology  45 49  Introduction  49  Methodological Rationale 3.01 Pilot Study 3.02 Choice of Methodology Hermeneutic Phenomenology 3.03 Edmund Husserl's Phenomenological Foundation 3.04 Existential Phenomenology 3.05 Social Phenomenology 3.06 Hermeneutic Influence  49 49 50 52 52 54 55 56  Hermeneutic Phenomenological Methodology 3.07 Consciousness 3.08 Epoche  57 57 57  vi 3.09 3.10 3.11 3.12 Theoretical 3.13 3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17 3.18  Practical Application of the Methodology Context: Habitus and Horizon Analysis of Interview Information Essences  61 61 64 64  Issues Concerning Phenomenology Universal or Individual Essences Experience: Preverbal or Verbal? Can Experience be Communicated? Can Experience be Communicated Accurately? Is it Possible to Render the Experience of Another? Colonizing the Other  65 65 65 66 67 68 69  Additional Inquiry Methods 3.19 Ethnographic Methods 3.20 Self-report Narratives  70 71 72  Validity Issues  73  Internal Validity 3.21 Prolonged Engagement 3.22 Respondent Distortions 3.23 Peer Debriefing 3.24 Negative and Alternate Case Analysis 3.25 Free Imaginative Variation 3.26 Construct Validity 3.27 Triangulation 3.28 Face Validity  73 73 74 75 75 75 76 77 78  External Validity 3.29 Generalizability 3.30 Transferability 3.31 Reliability, Dependability, or Replicability  78 78 78 79  Other Validity Issues 3.32 Objectivity 3.33 Reflexivity 3.34 Reactivity 3.35 Catalytic Validity 3.3 6 Pragmatic Validity  79 79 80 81 81 82  Study Focus 3.37 3.38 3.3 9 3.40 3.41  82 83 84 84 86 87  Geographic Location Initial Access Research Participants Sampling Process Results of the Sampling Process  Relationships With Participants 3.42 Developing and Maintaining Role 3.43 Revealedness 3.44 Protecting Sources 3.45 Informed Consent 3.46 Negotiating Participants' Rights 3.47 Reciprocity  88 88 89 89 90 90 90  Interviewing, Observing, 3.48 Foreshadowed Descriptions 3.49 Interviewing 3.50 Observations  91  and Narratives Themes for Guiding Preliminary and Questions and Self-report Narratives  Presentation and Analysis 3.51 Presentation and Analysis: Theory 3.52 Presentation and Analysis: Application  91 93 95 95 95 96  VI1  Chapter IV  Chapter V  Individual Adaptation Experiences  98  Introduction 4.01 Richmond Community 4.02 The School Setting  98 98 100  Individual Experiences 4.03 Aqtara Hassan 4.04 Jason Gomez 4.05 Jared Wing 4.06 Rashid Khan 4.07 Paula Lin 4.08 Vana Lee  103 103 122 144 165 186 205  Cumulative Analysis  229  Introduction  229  Pre and Post Migration 5.01 Successful Adaptation 5.02 Premigration 5.03 Migration 5.04 Ethnic Retention or Assimilation 5.05 Adaptation as Response or as Self-determination 5.06 Immigrants and Sojourners  229 229 230 231 231 232 233  Experiences of Adaptation 5.07 Pressures to Conform/Inclusion With the Receiving Society 5.08 Replacement and Additive Views of Adaptation 5.09 Selective Adaptation 5.10 Cultural Insight/Cultural Marginality  234 234 235 236 236  Psychological Emphases 5.11 Stress and Anxiety 5.12 Uncertainty Reduction 5.13 Culture Shock 5.14 U-curve Hypothesis 5.15 Field Dependency and Locus of Control 5.16 Expectations 5.17 Personality Characteristics 5.18 Gender 5.19 Identity and Self  23 7 23 7 239 240 240 241 242 243 243 244  Communication and Socialization 5.20 Significance of Host Language Acquisition 5.21 Communication Competence 5.22 Facial Recognition 5.23 Friendship 5.24 Inter- and Intra-group Social Relations  245 245 246 247 24 7 251  Anthropological Emphases 5.25 Ethnic Communities 5.26 Adaptation and Family 5.27 Marriage/Boy-girl Relations  253 253 254 254  Educational 5.28 5.29 5.30  Emphases Valuing Education Scholastic Achievement Student and Parent Educational Concerns  255 255 25 7 258  Participant Emphasis in 5.31 5.32 5.33  Experience Which has Received Little Corresponding Adaptation Literature 259 Athletic Activities 259 Religious Experience 261 Childhood 261  Vlll  Discussion of Key Aspects of Participant Experience in Relation to Current Educational Practice 5.34 Host Language Acquisition 5.35 Academic Success 5.36 Friendship and Inclusion  263 263 264 265  A Return to the Major Question of the Study  269  A Personal Reflection  272  Bibliography  2 75  Appendix I  3 08  ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The realization of this dissertation has been made possible with the guidance, assistance, and inspiration of numerous friends and colleagues.  I  wish to acknowledge Dr. F. Graeme Chalmers for his assistance in developing my writing skills, Dr. M. D. (Mark) Gall for encouraging my interest in ethnicity and education, and Dr. C. A. (Chet) Bowers for introducing me to cultural and ethnic issues. Dr. Walter Werner's encouragements in the area of qualitative research, and Dr. John Willinsky's philosophical critiques and the use of his personal library were of immense value. I wish to thank the members of my dissertation committee for their commitment to this project: Dr. Rita Irwin for initial proof readings and methodological insights, Dr. Carl Leggo for his vision and sense of human value, and in particular, dissertation chairperson, Dr. J. W. (Jack) Kehoe, for his encouragement and efficient guidance through the dissertation process. I am indebted to Christine Mansfield, Debbie Campbell, Dierdre Johnston, Jesse Mansfield, and Elisabeth Bear for assistance with word processing, and to Trudy O'Neal for library research at the University of Victoria. Appreciation is extended to the six research participants and their families whose participation and enthusiasm made the research both possible and enjoyable. I am grateful to my parents, Alice and Ray Mansfield, for believing in me and providing me with a foundation for achievement. A special thank you is reserved for my wife Christine and sons Jesse and Joshua, who postponed their dreams so that I might realize one of mine. Dissertation research funding was provided in part through a University of British Columbia Graduate Fellowship (UGF), and SSHRC grant, Canada and Pacific:  A Study  in  four  phases  the  (John Willinsky, U.B.C.).  i i  X  DEDICATION One thing  have I desired of the Lord,  that will I seek after; that I may dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my life, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to enquire in his temple. Psalm 27, verse 4  1 CHAPTER I RATIONALE Introduction 1.01  Background In the past decade schools in many parts of Canada have experienced a  substantial and increasing influx of immigrant and refugee students, such that in some urban centers they constitute a majority of the school population. Upon arrival these students experience a period of adaptation which has been estimated to extend from three to five years and perhaps longer.  Educators in  Canada and other Western nations have traditionally equated the immigrant student's often traumatic period of adaptation with language deficits. Consequently, educational funding has been provided almost exclusively in the area of compensatory language programs, while other, possibly more important elements of the experience of adaptation have gone unrecognized and have been underrepresented in educational policy and funding decisions. While it has been argued that the initial period of adaptation is often the most significant factor in the immigrant student's subsequent academic achievement and establishment within society, educators have remained essentially unaware of the student's experience of this critical period. Accordingly, this dissertation study is directed toward providing a more comprehensive understanding of the initial period of adaptation of recent immigrant students within their new educational and social environments.  This  inquiry is advanced within the framework of a descriptive, exploratory, and to a more limited degree, explanatory study, which predominantly utilizes a phenomenological, qualitative methodology.  As the purpose of this study is to  heighten consciousness of recent immigrants' experience in the adaptive period and of the factors that stand in significant relation to that experience, in order to draw attention to processes that are likely to be operable in Canadian schools and society, the study is primarily of interest to teachers, ethnic organizations, curriculum developers, and educational policy makers. The study's findings and recommendations derive from an analysis of interviews, observations, and self-reports of three male and three female grade 10 level recent immigrant students, over a six month period in a  I  2 suburban Canadian secondary school.  The study also provides an analysis of  academic and policy literature concerning immigration, adaptation and education in Canada and other Western nations, and of the theoretical literature of phenomenology, and other qualitative research methodologies. 1.02 Demographic  Changes  Recently, urban school districts across Canada have experienced a substantial influx of students from foreign countries and from indigenous cultures within the country.  This increasingly larger percentage of our  student population consists of immigrants and refugees, foreign and domestic exchange students, children of temporarily stationed foreign personnel, foreign students whose education abroad is paid for by parents, and a variety of Aboriginal peoples (Inuit, Status and Non Status First Nations, and M£tis) who have moved from reserves or aboriginal communities to urban areas. By far the largest of these groups in most Canadian cities is that of immigrants. While substantial numbers of immigrants have come to Canada in irregular waves throughout its history, the current immigration situation is considerably different from that of the past. Unlike previous periods of immigration, where policy favored immigrants from racial and religious backgrounds that were not markedly different from those of English and French Canadian residents (McLean, 1990; Murphy & France, 1989; Thomas, 1992), and at a time when the fertility rate of native born Canadians was relatively high, an increasing majority of current immigrants and refugees now come from third world countries (Document, Statistics Canada, 1986) and are described in government documents (Fleras & Elliott, 1992) and occasionally self-described (Equality NowJ, 1984) as "visible minorities" in relation to the existing ethno-racial character of the majority society.  These "visible minorities"  arrive at a time when the fertility rate of native born Canadians is at its lowest historical level (Employment and Immigration Canada, 1988), with that of Quebec lowest in the Western world. The importance to educators of these recent demographic shifts is threefold.  The first is that as Canada's rate of natural increase since 1972  has not been sufficient to maintain population levels (Beaujot, 1992), and has been steadily declining for over a decade (Kurian, 1991), the current influx  3 of immigrants can not be construed as a temporary phenomenon, another of the immigrant waves of the past, but rather, should realistically be viewed as a permanent aspect of Canadian demographics for the foreseeable future (Passaris, 1989).  Secondly, these demographic changes suggest that the  immigrant population in our schools will increase rapidly ( Beardsley & Faichney, 1992; CSTA, 1989), and even now in some Canadian Schools the immigrant population exceeds that of native born students. Consequently it is no longer possible to consider immigrant students as a peripheral element of the general school population, but rather they should now be seen as representing a substantial proportion of the present student population, and in the future, perhaps a majority.  As Canadian economist Kunin (1994)  comments, "the problem of taking in large numbers of immigrants into our school system is one that is going to continue and is not going to disappear" (p. 8). Finally, the more recent "visible minority" immigrant students may experience a different and possibly more consequential period of adaptation than did previous immigrants, who were in many ways more closely aligned with the host society (Gill, 1993; Nann & To, 1982). 1.03 Current  Responses  Although educators have recognized that new immigrants often face a traumatic experience in their initial period of adaptation (CSTA, 1989; Trueba, 1989), little attention has been directed toward understanding the nature of this experience or what teachers and schools can do about it. Samuda and Crawford's (1980) survey of 245 Ontario schools, for example, found that the two most serious problems facing immigrant students were problems arising from the experience of cultural discontinuities, and problems stemming from the schools' unpreparedness for these types of students. As Christensen, (1990) comments, "the special educational needs of immigrant and minority school children are generally unrecognized and poorly met" (p. 113). While some teachers are aware of the "cultural shock" and learning anomalies initially experienced by many immigrant students, they also feel that their prior training has not equipped them for responding adequately to the needs of these students ( Faichney & Beardsley, 1992).  This situation is  unlikely to be remedied in the near future as few, if any, Canadian university  4 teacher education programs require  courses in race relations or cultural  competencies (Beynon, Kisher, & Toohey, 1990) . And, though a majority of new immigrants are from visible minority groups, very few visible minority university students choose to enter university teacher education programs (Beynon, Kisher, et al., 1990; Beynon, Toohey, & Kisher, 1992; Cetron & Gayle, 1990).  Thus, while Churchill (1987) indicates that a major goal of  educational policies in Western democracies has been that of "sensitizing educational staff to minority cultural characteristics and needs" (p. 80), there has in fact been little progress made toward achieving this goal in Canada. Education policy in Canada and other Western nations has traditionally equated difficulties experienced by immigrant students in the period of adaptation and the attendant drop out rate of some immigrant groups, with lack of facility in the language of the receiving country (Churchill, 1987) . For example, Mappa (1987) notes that the view commonly expressed in Western education policies is that "frequent school failure of immigrant children is the result of linguistic deficiencies" (p. 244). Correspondingly, educational policy has tended to provide extra funding for immigrant students almost exclusively in the area of programs that address second language deficits, or less often, heritage language programs (CSTA, 1989) . A study by Ashworth (1975), however, found that problems of "cultural adjustment" were cited by immigrant families twice as often as those concerned with language and four times as often as those concerned with academic progress, as the most serious problems facing their children in the schools. The implication is that an overemphasis on language deficits may have functioned to obscure the significance of other, equally or more important dimensions of the adaptive experience, in the subsequent achievement and adjustment of immigrant students. Some authors (Ashworth, 1975; Bordeau-Guindon, 1988) have recognized that experiences of the immigrant student in the initial period of adaptation have the most critical bearing on the student's future academic success and establishment in society.  This is the period when the student's attitudes  toward Canadian schools and society are formed (Ashworth, 1975) and when the  5 attitudes of teaching staff toward immigrant students have their greatest effect on the student (CSTA, 1989).  If the experiences of the immigrant  student are so critical to their future success, how is it that we know so little about the nature of this experience (Gibson, 1988)? To summarize, then, it should be recognized that; (a)  Recent immigrants can no longer be considered a minor or peripheral factor in educational formulations in that they have rapidly become and will remain a significant component of urban student populations in Canada and other receiving nations.  (b)  The geographical origins, religion, language and ethnicity of a majority of recent immigrants and refugees have been identified by government and immigrants themselves as being significantly different from that of immigrants who have traditionally come to Canada in the past.  (c)  New immigrants undergo an often difficult period of adaptation which educators and policy makers understand indirectly, primarily in terms of effects.  (d)  Educational policy has traditionally equated adaptation difficulties and immigrant drop out rates with second language deficits, which may have served to obscure other, perhaps equally important adaptation dimensions.  (e)  Although some authors have recognized that immigrant students' experiences in the period of adaptation constitute the most critical factor in their subsequent academic achievement and establishment in society, little research has been directed toward acquiring an adequate understanding of this experience.  1.04 The Need  for  Research  At least since the beginning of John Dewey's influence on education in the early 1900s, educators in North America have professed an overriding concern with 'educational experiences' and the 'child's experience' in the classroom.  Experience remained an essential focus throughout the behaviourism  era as may be seen in Ralph w. Tyler's contention that "essentially, learning takes place through the experiences which the learner has, that is, through the reactions he makes to the environment in which he is placed" (1966, p.  6 41).  The continuing influence of Dewey and Tyler can be found in van Manen's  (1989) view that understanding the student's experience provides a way in which to approach the student that accords with the student's view of the world, and provides a teacher-student relationship more likely to be attuned to what is pedagogically in the student's best interest. However, van Manen (1990) also observes, Yet in the field of curriculum we confidently talk about "selecting, planning or organizing learning experiences." This confidence begs a question - the question whether we know what it is like when a child "has an experience" or when the child "comes to understand something." (p. 45) The response by many educators to van Manen's question has been that very little is known of the students' actual experience of the classroom and of learning (Early, Mohan, & Roper, 1989).  This should not be surprising in  that, as Aoki (1992) reflects, educational research has traditionally been primarily concerned with the outcomes of education, "thereby wilfully ignoring the lived world of teachers and students" (p. 18). If Seamon's (1988) assessment that education will continue to have minimal practical application without an accurate understanding of the student's experience of learning is correct, as I believe it is, there is clearly an urgent need for research into student experience. Although it is evident that there has been a paucity of research on student experience in the past, it is also clear that such research may be foundational to all educational enquiry.  As such, the position advanced in this study accords  with Clandinin and Connelly's (1994) view that "in its most general sense, when one asks what it means to study education, the answer is to study experience" (p. 414). If research into student experience in general has been sparse, research into the experience of recent immigrant students has been virtually nonexistent.  Gibson (1988), for example, whose recent study of adaptation  experience represents a rare exception, decries the "dearth of material on the experiences of immigrant youth" (p. ix), maintaining that although the schools are filling once more with immigrants, "yet we know comparatively little of their experiences in school" (p. 1). Similarly, Schneider and Lee (1990) comment that "the in-school experiences of East Asian students, beyond their  7 test score performance, remain uncharted" (p. 339). Compounding this problem is the fact that it is the experience of immigrant rather than majority students which is much less accessible to today's teachers, most of whom have not undergone the experience of immigration themselves. Educators have asked, how do immigrant students integrate into society, and what special attention do they require in the school system (Samuel & Verma, 1992)?  Others maintain that research is needed  to identify the strategies commonly used by immigrants to cope with new "social and academic environments" (G.V.Coelho, 1982, p. 106), and how best to organize educational environments and curricula for these "culturally different" students (August & Garcia, 1988). Giroux (1992) has stated: I am suggesting that the debate over the politics of cultural difference and the curriculum might be reconstructed to engage the broader issue of how the learning that goes on in public and higher education is truly attentive to the problems and histories that construct the actual experiences students face in their everyday lives, (pp. 16-17) Perhaps now more than ever before, research is needed to provide insight into the experience and perspectives of immigrant students such that the 'debate over the politics of cultural difference and the curriculum' might become more truly representative of, and beneficial to, those most likely to be affected by it. 1.05 Purpose  and  Audience  Four purposes and attendant audiences may be identified with this study. The first purpose is that of enabling teachers to better understand the experience of an increasing proportion of their students, the knowledge of which might provide better direction for their pedagogic relationship with students and thereby lead to improvements in instruction.  Eisner (1979)  states that "tacit beliefs about the nature of human intelligence, about the factors that motivate children, and about the conditions that foster learning influence the teacher's actions in the classroom" (p. 156). Accordingly, an important purpose for this study will be to provide teachers with insight into the initial experience of their immigrant students, which may act to inform their motivating beliefs and understandings concerning the nature of these students, and thus affect instruction.  It is important to undertake research  to "extend a teacher's understanding" because as Bissex (1988) reflects, "once  8 we see differently, we act differently" (p. xi). In van Manen's (1989) view, an understanding of the student's experience provides the teacher with an approach to the student more in tune with the student's life-world and learning needs, and one that is more conducive to productive learning.  Thus  he considers that the experience of the student ought to direct the pedagogic relationship (van Manen, 1986).  By giving teachers an insight into the  experiences of their immigrant students, this study will provide a means for teachers to reassess their beliefs and more adequately address the needs of students from abroad. The second purpose of this study is to provide educational policy makers with insights into factors in the adaptive experience of immigrant students, which may have positive or negative implications for these students' future academic achievement or establishment within society.  This purpose is  suggested in Mappa's (1987) call for multicultural policy making to begin with the experience of the student if educators are to develop initiatives "based on an honest analysis that would identify the real needs of young people of foreign origin" (p. 257). Similarly, Bradley and Bradley (1987) , when speaking of immigrants, maintain that "effective interventions for improving the academic achievement of various cultural groups may be derived if more is known about the situational factors that positively or negatively affect classroom motivation of these cultural groups" (p. 445). Insights into the experiences of immigrant students, then, may provide policy makers with a more adequate foundation upon which to base policy initiatives. A third purpose is to provide ethnic organizations and advocacy groups with a clearer articulation of the experience, needs, and concerns of recent immigrants in the educational setting, such that they are assisted in engaging in political advocacy on behalf of these students.  This purpose reflects R.K.  Brown's (1992) contention that "a deeper understanding of the lifeworld of the student through phenomenological research precipitates a greater likelihood of one actually articulating questions and dissent concerning ideas and programs that violate the good of the student" (p. 58). Finally, an important purpose for this study is to extend our present knowledge in the fields of immigration/multiculturalism and education, by  9 providing a base-line description  of immigrant experience upon which future  research could build; by exploring  themes, relationships, and problems in  order to identify important questions for future research;  and by seeking  explanations  for factors which stand in significant relation to the student's  experience.  Regarding the first point, Peshkin (1993) acknowledges the  "foundational character of good description for all research" and contends that "clearly, the soundness of the nondescriptive and the prescriptive aspects of research rests essentially on what has been provided by the accuracy, sensitivity, and comprehensiveness of its descriptive foundation" (p. 24). In relation to the second point, Lightfoot (1983) calls for research that seeks "compelling organizational themes worthy of further disciplined study" (p. 25), while Peshkin (1993) maintains that "this class of insights problem  finding  - is among the richest of all types of outcomes" (p. 26). The  third point finds support in Kaplan's (1964) statement that "predictions about precise individual behavior are one facet of education, but pattern explanations are equally legitimate and useful and may be a better scientific goal approximation for many purposes" (p. 688). Study Question 1.06 Statement of the Question  This study is based on the following question: What is the nature and significance of lived experience in the initial period of adaptation for recent immigrant students in a Canadian secondary school? 1.07 Premises or Assumptions Underlying the Question  Churchill (1987) has shown that ethnic minorities in the schools have traditionally been viewed by Western governments as a social problem that "must have an institutional response" (p. 57). The major question of this study assumes that 'problems' concerning the education of recent immigrants do not necessarily lie with students or with teaching staff, or that potential 'solutions' need necessarily be political.  The major question assumes that  recently arrived immigrant students from any nation will undergo an experience of adaptation which may vary in character, intensity, and duration.  The major  question is also premised on a view that children have become decentered in much recent educational policy and curriculum discourse.  What is needed is a  10 recentering of the child, and in particular, the child's experience, as central to our pedagogical contemplation of how and what to teach children, and where and when we might build educative relationships with them. 1.08 Subsidiary Questions Derived from the Study Question (a)  What are the salient "themes, patterns, categories" (Marshall & Rossman, 1989, p. 78) in the students' experiences of the initial period of adaptation?  (b)  How does the experience of immigrant students change during the initial period of adaptation?  (c)  What place, if any, does ethnicity, socio-economic background, gender or prejudice have in the sample group's adaptive experience?  (d)  What relationship, if any, do the sample group's experiences in the adaptive period have to achievement levels?  (e)  To what do the sample group of immigrant students attribute their experiences within the initial period of adaptation?  (f)  How do existing educational practices affect the adaptation experience of the sample group of immigrant students?  1.09 Research Methodology Results of a quantitative, survey based pilot study indicated that a qualitative, longitudinal, multi-case study would provide better access to the adaptation experiences of participants with limited English language capabilities than had been possible with the pilot study.  The present study  predominantly utilizes a hermeneutic phenomenological methodology inspired by the work of Edmund Husserl, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Alfred Schutz, and Max van Manen, which it is argued is most appropriate for understanding complex processes of human experience.  The study also incorporates inquiry techniques  derived from ethnographic and narrative analysis methodologies and an ethnographic presentation style. 1.10 Interview  Questions  Qualitative research in general, and phenomenological inquiry in particular, require that the researcher not import preconceptions into the phenomenon or ask preformulated substantive questions (questions which are built upon a presumption of the nature of the object of inquiry) of study  11 participants. Rather, the researcher develops tentative concepts and substantive questions over time only as they derive from the phenomenon, or as they are expressed or implied by study participants themselves.  Initial  interview questions, then, are not substantive, but are designed to elicit autonomous or unprescribed reflection and information from study participants. The most important requirement of initial 'eliciting' questions is that they evoke reflection and dialogue on all  facets of the study participants'  life worlds. With this comprehensiveness in mind, initial eliciting questions utilized in this study were developed from each of van Manen's (1990) "fundamental existential themes which probably pervade the life worlds of all human beings regardless of their historical, cultural or social situatedness" (p. 101). These are spaciality, corporeality, temporality, and relationality or communality, to which I have added spirituality. It is important to emphasize at the outset, however, that all  projected  inquiry categories are tentative, and exist simply to provide initial directional access to an uncharted territory, the more accurate mapping of which must unfold as the researcher becomes more intimately familiar with the terrain of the phenomenon.  This view reflects Marshall and Rossman's (1989)  contention that qualitative social science research should retain "the flexibility needed to allow the precise focus of the research to evolve during the research process itself" (p. 44) .  Perhaps an even more important  recognition is that the major research question (and particularly the premises underlying it) must remain open to change over the course of the research, such that it may evolve or be refined in relation with emergent characteristics of the phenomenon.  The essential quality of the question, as  Gadamer (1975) admonishes, must be that of opening up possibilities and keeping them open (p. 266). Personal  Biography  and  Assumptions  Dudley (1992) recommends that "it is important for a study to begin with a personal reflection to identify presuppositions" (p. 318). This is considered important because researchers' backgrounds not only guide them to the phenomena they investigate, but may also determine what they will and will not direct their attention to when investigating and interpreting the i i  12 phenomena.  It may be seen to be particularly significant in the case of  qualitative social research where the researcher is often considered to be the primary research instrument (Dobbert, 1982).  A personal biography is included  because, as Hitchcock and Hughes (1989) observe, "the presence of the researcher will have some kind of influence on the finds or data" (p. 88). Additionally, some of the following personal biography (but not personal assumptions) was communicated to research participants involved in the present study, in order to achieve a more equitable sharing or reciprocal relationship (reciprocity) . "It is the sharing of information about self, as much as possible, " suggests Silvera (1993), "that breaks the dominant/ dominated dynamic" (pp. 217-218). 1.11 Personal  Biography  I was born in Vancouver, Canada, in 1950, and grew up in Nanaimo, British Columbia, the oldest of five boys in a lower middle class family. After several years as a letter carrier and construction worker, my father was involved in a near fatal car accident resulting in extensive brain surgery. After a period of convalescence and a protracted, costly, and ultimately unsuccessful legal case related to the accident, he took a position as a maintenance worker at a local pulp mill, a position he held until retirement. My mother was born in a sod hut on the Canadian prairies a few weeks after her parents emigrated to Canada and began clearing land for a homestead.  After my  father's accident she became legally blind due to complications from surgery after a home sewing accident. During the time in which my parents were convalescing I was cared for by grandparents who were immigrants from England and Norway.  Their influence undoubtedly helped develop my initial interest in  my own ethnic background and in the perspectives and needs of immigrants in general. Lather (1991) posits that "ways of knowing are culture-bound and perspectival" (p. 2), while Haig-Brown (1991), speaking of the researcher states, "her culture shapes the way she views the world and leads to abandonment of claims to absolute objectivity" (p. 18). It may be seen to be especially important to disclose the ethnic or cultural background of the researcher when ethnicity and culture constitute key aspects of the phenomena i i  13 to be investigated, as is the case in this study. My ethnic background is principally English, Norwegian, Danish and German, though the strongest connections have been with my English and Norwegian families. My wife is Metis, an aboriginal person of English/Scottish and Cree descent. Our four children who range in age from 10 to 24 years enjoy a multiplicity of ethnic influences. Throughout my years as a student in public schools I pursued a decision made in grade three to become an art teacher. After completing a Bachelor of Fine Arts degree and Teaching Diploma at the University of Victoria, I taught public school visual arts and social studies courses for 19 years. During that time I completed a Master of Arts degree in art education and curriculum at the University of British Columbia.  Subsequently my academic interests  shifted, and I recently completed a Master of Education degree in multiculturalism and teacher supervision at the University of Oregon. During my last eight years of school teaching I specialized in instructing international exchange and immigrant students at the senior secondary level. I have been continuously involved in schooling, either as a student or teacher for the past 40 years. Ultimately, however, the strongest influence in my life has been spiritual.  Christian values and perspectives permeate all  aspects of my life, my academic work, and my relations with others, including research participants. 1.12 Personal  Assumptions  House (1991) has remarked that "humans themselves are complex causal agents with varied interests in changing the world, and this intentionality guides their investigations" (p. 6). Along with the stated purposes which guide a study, it should be recognized that researchers often hold assumptions which may affect the direction and findings of their studies.  The following  viewpoints are indicative of personal assumptions that I was able to identify at the outset of the dissertation study. Although I am supportive of multicultural policies that encourage maintenance of cultural heritage, developing inter-cultural understandings, and anti-racist education, it is my perception that Canada's immigration/economic policies have resulted in a multiculturalism that is  14 neither "multi" nor "cultural". More than two thirds of Canada's current immigrants come from only three national localities: Hong Kong/Taiwan, the Indian subcontinent, and The Philippines; while immigrants from Africa, South America, and much of Southeast Asia are underrepresented (Montigny & Jones, 1990).  And while official policy speaks glowingly of cultural  Canadian immigration continues to be driven by economic  diversity,  considerations. As  Yee (1993), for example, has observed, the recent investment category for immigrants could also be viewed as a far more exorbitant version of the restrictive Chinese head tax of the early 1900s.  I am concerned that  "multicultural education may have served as a vector for the majority culture under the guise of safeguarding minority cultures" (Verne, 1987), and that multicultural policy may function in Western nations as a form of control over ethnic and minority groups (Mullard, 1987).  It has also been my observation  over years of teaching that although many immigrant students do well academically after their initial years in our schools, they have not been well served by our educational system.  The wealth of human potential represented  by immigrant students, both to be developed and to be shared with majority culture students, remains essentially unrealized.  Despite these concerns, and  perhaps because of them, I continue in my efforts to support multicultural initiatives and ethnic diversity in our schools and society. 1.13  Terminology Several terms have come to have commonly accepted meanings within  adaptation literature.  'Sojourner' refers to a person who leaves one country  with the intention of residing temporarily in another.  The term 'emigration'  refers to the process of leaving one country for another.  'Immigrant' refers  to a person who has left one country and now resides and intends to stay permanently in another.  'Migrant' is a general term which can refer to  sojourners, immigrants, or both.  The term 'co-national' refers to migrants in  the receiving country who share the same nationality of origin. 'Sending country,' a term used in adaptation literature to refer to the country from which the migrant came, and 'host country,' which is used to refer to the country the migrant has moved to, are terms which I have found over the course of the present study, do not accurately represent the  15 phenomena which they are typically used in reference to.  'Sending country'  suggests that a migrant has been sent, and while this is occasionally the case when, for example, students are sent abroad to study, the vast majority of migrants depart without being sent. Accordingly the term 'sending country' has been included in the present study only when present in quoted material. The term 'country of departure' which does not imply circumstances of departure, has been used in the present study in preference to 'sending country.'  'Home country,' a term often used in adaptation literature in place  of 'sending country' is most appropriately used in reference to the country where the migrant received primary socialization or enculturation.  The terms  'host country' and 'host society' imply that the migrant is hosted in some way, as in the case of an international exchange student, or could suggest to some a host-parasite relationship, where the migrant is viewed as taking the material wealth of the new country and sending it out of the country in the form of remittances. While some migrants are, in fact, hosted in the new country, the great majority are not. Accordingly the terms 'host country' and 'host society' have been included in the present study only when present in quoted material or in relation to migrants who are actually hosted.  The terms  'receiving country' and 'receiving society' which do not specify the conditions of the migrant's stay, are used instead.  Unfortunately, I have not  as yet found a more appropriate term to replace 'host language,' which means the prevailing language of the receiving country, and have continued to use the term in the present study. Summary  Recent demographic shifts have resulted in increasing numbers of immigrant students in Canada's urban areas, who differ in many respects from those who arrived in our schools in the past.  These students' often difficult  experiences of adaptation are recognized, but little understood by educators, a problem compounded by a scarcity of research on the adaptation experiences of immigrant students. Education policy, which has traditionally associated adaptation difficulties with second language deficits, may have functioned to obscure other important dimensions of the adaptation experience.  A  qualitative, longitudinal, multi-case study is proposed, which will provide a  16 better understanding of the adaptation experience of recent immigrant students.  This understanding is directed toward improving instruction,  informing advocacy groups and educational policy, and providing a descriptive and explanatory foundation for further research. A personal biography and assumptions have been included to help identify perspectives and presuppositions associated with the researcher, the principle research instrument in a qualitative study. In the following chapter a review of literature concerning immigrant adaptation and education is presented, with special attention directed to the nature and extent of previous studies.  17 CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to provide a 'substantive,' 'methodological,' and 'theoretical' review (Le Compte & Preissle, 1993) of developments and issues in the academic and policy literature of immigrant adaptation and education.  Particular attention is given to historical and  current research trends in order to help locate, and emphasize the need for the present study's research focus. Although there is a substantial volume of research literature concerning immigrant and sojourner (temporary migrant) adaptation, most researchers concede that the processes of adaptation are still only partially understood (Cui & Awa, 1992; Hannigan, 1990; Samuel & Verma, 1992; Taft, 1988).  And,  while research findings concerning adaptation have been numerous, they have also been characterized as highly fragmented (Morawska, 1990) , lacking coherence (Cui & Awa, 1992), or complex and disjointed (Kim, 1988).  The  present review provides a distillation of the literature into several general dimensions of adaptation, to better illustrate their interrelatedness and the multifaceted nature of adaptation and education.  This is done in accordance  with Kim's (1989) view that "the adaptation process, as such, is multidimensional and interactive, and, by implication, cannot be fully understood when one focuses on only one of the adaptation dimensions without understanding the other interrelated dimensions as well" (p. 103). General dimensions presented are the nature of adaptation, and psychological, social, anthropological, and educational dimensions.  The chapter concludes with a  summary of research trends in adaptation and education. Nature of Adaptation Premi gra. tion 2.01 Premigration  Contexts  There is general agreement in adaptation literature that prior knowledge of the host country, prior experience of other cultures, or preparation for the new environment are important contributory factors in successful adaptation.  Those migrants who have acquired informational familiarity with  18 the host society (Imahori & Lanigan, 1989; Kim, 1988; Ward & Searle, 1991), or who have achieved at least basic host language competencies prior to migration (Gao & Gudykunst, 1990; Lonner, 1986; Oberg, 1960), are considered to have an enhanced adaptation potential.  Previous travel outside of one's home country  (Furnham, 1984; Gao & Gudykunst, 1990; Lonner, 1986), internal migration within the home country (Babaoglu, 1982; Rohrlich & Martin, 1991), or prior exposure to cultures which are similar (Scott & Scott, 1989) or dissimilar (Furnham & Bochner, 1986; Stephan & Stephan, 1985) to the migrant's culture have also been found to improve chances of successful migration.  Klineberg  and Hull's (1979) extensive study of adaptation in 11 countries (n = 2,536), for example, found that previous travel was associated with better coping skills, more contact and fewer difficulties with 'host nationals.' Additionally, researchers such as Klineberg (1981) and Kim (1988) have found that preparedness for change in anticipation of entering the new society is often predictive of positive adaptation outcomes. 2.02 Migration  Contexts  Observers in receiving nations tend to agree that the most common type of immigrant (as opposed to sojourner) migration is chain migration (Furnham & Bochner, 1986; McPhee, 1993; Morawska, 1990). "chain  According to Tilly (1990),  migration involves sets of related individuals or households who move  from one place to another through a set of social arrangements in which people at the destination provide aid, information, and encouragement to new comers" (p. 88). Presence of relatives or friends in receiving countries has been found to influence the decision to migrate (Pohjola, 1991; Winchie & Carment, 1989) or not migrate (Tilly, 1990), and the choice of destination (Morawska, 1990).  It is evident that chain migration is regenerative in that as Garcia  and Jutila (1988) comment, "once the social process of migration has begun, it tends to acquire a self-feeding character" (p. 65). It has been recognized recently that contrary to the popular image of 'huddled masses,' most immigrants do not come from the poorest economic strata of countries of departure (Morawska, 1990), but rather from the lower to middle economic classes (Burns, 1990; Moodie, 1993). have the means to migrate.  The very poor do not  It is apparent that "relative, not absolute  19 deprivation" provides the impetus for much contemporary immigration (Portes & Rumbaut, 1990, p. 275), in that while potential immigrants may be able to meet basic  needs  in the home country, they believe themselves more likely to attain  their aspirations  in a receiving country.  It has also been observed that the  earliest wave of migration from a specific area usually represents the highest economic (Krau, 1991) or educational strata (Stewart, 1993) of the ethnic group, while subsequent chain migration often brings those of lower economic or educational attainments. 2.03 Voluntary  and Involuntary  Groups  Over the past decade a debate has arisen over the differing conditions under which specific ethnic groups have been incorporated into receiving nations.  It has been recognized that while certain groups have come  voluntarily, and have had no prior colonial experience of the receiving nation, other groups have been forcibly incorporated through slavery, conquest or annexation, or have come from nations that were formerly colonial possessions of the receiving nation.  These latter groups have been referred  to as "subordinate", "castelike", or "involuntary" minorities by Ogbu (1985), "indigenous or involuntary minorities" by Gibson (1988), "dominated groups" by Cummins (1986), "colonized minorities" by Hirsch (1987), and "pariah groups" by De Vos (1990). The labor market explanation advanced by Ogbu (1991) is that involuntary minorities do not achieve well academically in some receiving countries because of their devalued status in the receiving society, and because their own assessment of their potential for occupational attainment within the society leads them to the conclusion that no amount of education will be sufficient to surmount the discriminatory barriers placed before them. Consequently it is thought that the adaptation patterns of involuntary immigrant groups will differ essentially from those of voluntary groups, particularly in the area of education (De Vos & Suarez-Orozco, 1990) . In contrast to this position is that developed by authors such as Macias (1993) who maintain that the academic success of immigrants from Hong Kong and Southeast Asia, for example, is directly attributable to educational foundations established under previous or current colonial rule.  It should be  20 noted however, that this view does not directly contradict that of Ogbu in that, with the exception of immigrants from the Philippines and perhaps Viet Nam, Southeast Asian migrants to the United States come from countries not colonized by the United States. The perspective taken in this study recognizes the salience of Ogbu's position, particularly for the United States context in which it was developed and for the United Kingdom where most immigrants come from former colonies (Rich, 1990), as well as for Canadian aboriginal peoples and perhaps AfroCanadians who trace their heritage to a United States slave society (Moodley, 1984).  However, it is also recognized that unlike the United States and  United Kingdom, Canada has not historically held a position of dominance over immigrant source nations, and thus does not have large populations of involuntary minorities in the sense that Ogbu uses. Post Migration 2.04 Adaptation  Processes  It is generally agreed that the adaptation process permeates all aspects of the immigrant's life (Blalock, 1982; Hammer, 1989; Kim, 1989).  As Allmen  (1990) observes, "there are few areas in immigrants' lives which are not changed by immigration" (p. 203). Similarly, there is considerable agreement that while some adaptation experiences are common to all immigrants (B.S.M. Nann, 1986; Kim, 1988), many aspects of the adaptation process are unique or differ in degree for each individual (Berry, 1992; Kim, 1988; R.C. Nann, 1982).  Regarding the latter point, there is consistent agreement that the  rate and duration of adaptation processes tends to vary between and within ethnic groups (Alberta Department of Education, 1982; Mclean, 1990; Trueba, Jacobs, & Kirton, 1990). 2.05 Ethnic Retention or  Assimilation  A difference of opinion persists as to whether the adaptation process represents an ethnicity retention - assimilation continuum (Kim, 1988; Trueba et al., 1990; van Oudenhoven & Willemsen, 1989), or if ethnic identification should be recognized as a permanent though gradually changing aspect of the adaptation process (Divoky, 1988; Gibson, 1988).  Much of the literature and  research on adaptation has emanated from the United States, where assimilation i  21 of immigrants has in the past and continues to be the prevailing perspective of United States society (Fleras & Elliott, 1992; Peshkin, 1991).  The present  study, however, is set in the context of a Canadian environment where assimilation is not generally assumed to be inevitable or even a desirable outcome of immigration (E.N. Herberg, 1989).  The position taken in this study  has been not to assume either perspective in advance, but rather to discover the nature of each study participant's adaptation experience as it becomes evident through interaction or observation. 2.06 Adaptation as Response or as  Self-determination  There is also a continuing polarity in the literature between those who view adaptation primarily in terms of response to the new environment (Berry, 1992; George, 1985; Kim, 1988; Shade, 1989a) and those who view adaptation primarily in terms of self-determination and choice (Hoffman, 1988, 1990; Marsella, De Vos, & Hsu, 1985; Raveau, 1987).  The first view has been linked  to psychological and anthropological notions of adaptation built on the concept of adaptation of species or biological stimulus and response (Pitman, Eiskovits, & Dobbert, 1989).  The second view derives from research which  indicates that individual motivation greatly affects the outcomes of adaptation processes (de Certeau, 1987; Hoffman, 1988; Sharma, 1991) . Again, the position taken in this study has been not to assume either position prior to or during research activities in the field. 2.07 'Successful'  Adaptation  Given disagreement regarding the nature of immigrant adaptation, it is not surprising there is little consensus concerning which outcomes might be regarded as indicators of successful adaptation.  These range from a sense of  efficacy (Kim, 1988), satisfaction or happiness within the host society (Berry, Kim, & Boski, 1988) and ability to establish and maintain relationships with host society members (Abe & Wiseman, 1987), to acculturation without assimilation (Gibson, 1988) and learning to live simultaneously in two worlds (Portes & Rumbaut, 1990).  Though there are a  multiplicity of 'successful' outcomes, none would appear to be contradictory. Additionally, there is some consensus among those who consider adaptation primarily in terms of response to view adaptation as ranging from maladapted i i i  I  22 to well adapted (Berry, 1992, Kim, 1988). 2.08 Stage Conceptions of Adaptation  Several stage conceptions of adaptation have been advanced since the late 1930s. The two stage formulations of Driedger (1977), Breton (1978), and Kallen (1982) differentiate between a period of ethnic group adhesion through enclosure (enclave) and the subsequent post immigration phase.  Kim's (1988)  two stage conception differs in that it divides adaptation into an initial period of reaction to stressful changes followed by a period in which developing coping skills permit incremental progress toward successful adaptation outcomes. Berry's (1987) two stage conception divides adaptation processes into an ethnic group adhesion stage and a subsequent stage which allows for four possible outcomes: integration (coping without assimilation), assimilation, separation (seeks no integration), or marginalization (group rejects 'host society').  The three stage conception originally proposed by  Hansen (1938) and favored by Isajiw (1975) views adaptation in terms of generational responses.  The first or immigration stage involves the  transplantation of the original ethnic culture to the receiving country. In the second stage, the second generation tends to reject or dissociate itself from its cultural heritage, while the third stage involves a rediscovery of ethnic heritage by a new generation. All of the foregoing stage conceptions assume an ethnic group rather than individual adaptation perspective. 2.09 Immigrants and Sojourners  There is a clear distinction made in adaptation literature between immigrants and sojourners.  Furnham (1988) has described a sojourner as a  person from another country who intends to stay only a short time, usually from six months to five years.  The purpose of the stay is often for temporary  educational or labor activities, but in any case there is a "maintenance of an ideal of return" (Hoffman, 1990, p. 289). The adaptation of sojourners appears to differ from that of immigrants in that sojourners more often live in isolation from the host society (Furnham & Bochner, 1986) and retain higher levels of contact with their home countries (Greenfield, 1985).  A prominent  characteristic primarily connected with sojourners, though also associated with immigrants to a lesser degree, is that of remittances (Morawska, 1990;  23 Russell, 1992).  Remittances are gifts or obligations sent back to the home  country in the form of cash or material goods (Rubenstein, 1983).  Perhaps the  most important distinguishing feature has been recognized by Gudykunst and Kim (1984) and by Kim (1988) who have found that migrants' motivations to adapt are directly connected to their perceptions of the temporariness or permanence of their stay in the receiving country. Experience of Adaptation 2.10 Pressure to Conform to the Receiving  Society  It is generally recognized in adaptation literature that the immigrant's experience of adaptation often includes pressures to conform to or assimilate with the receiving society (Barber, 1988; Kim, 1988; Murphy & France, 1989; Nieto, 1992).  However, Kim (1988) has observed that while pressures to  conform may be intense, receiving societies often differ in the degree to which they will allow immigrants to conform to or deviate from their norms. 2.11 Replacement and Additive  Views of Adaptation  A major divide in adaptation literature concerns whether adaptation requires the loss or rejection of the natal culture as elements of the new culture are incorporated, that is, a 'replacement' view, (Eva & Suen, 1990; Gudykunst & Kim, 1984; Ngo, 1993), or if the experience of adaption is essentially additive without requiring loss ( E. N. Herberg, 1989; Hoffman, 1988; Manaster, Chan, & Safady, 1992).  In many respects this division  parallels that of the 'ethnicity retention - assimilation continuum' versus 'permanent ethnicity' perspectives, and the 'response only' versus 'selfdetermination' perspectives, with most authors favoring one set of perspectives or the other. Best expressing the 'replacement' position is Kim's (1988) adage "'No learning without unlearning,' and 'No acculturation without deculturation'" (p. 124), and D. C. Herberg's (1989) view that there is a "death" of the old culture even as "rebirth" in terms of a new culture occurs.  Perhaps best characterizing the 'additive without loss' position is  Jean Paul Sartre's (1968) expression, "to understand is to change, to go beyond oneself" (p. 13). One is not seen as losing the original self but as adding to that self. As Boelhower (1983) expresses it, "it is a doubling, not an erasing process" (p. 114) . In adaptation literature this position is often  24 signalled by researchers who speak of "acculturation without assimilation" (Gibson, 1988; Rosenthal, 1980), where assimilation is given to mean loss of natal culture. 2 . 1 2 Selective Adaptation  Clearly associated with the latter position is the concept of selective adaption, what Adler (1975) originally termed "ethnorelativism" and what Hoffman (1990) describes as "eclectic adaptation."  In this view it is thought  that at some point in a successful adaptation process the immigrant will become able to choose which aspects of the new culture are desirable for incorporation and which are to be avoided or rejected (Hoffman, 1990; Shamai, 1992; Trueba et al., 1990).  Studies of Bengali Sikh immigrants in California  (Gibson, 1988), Hmong refugees in the United States (Trueba et al., 1990), and of Iranian immigrants in the United States (Hoffman, 1988), have consistently shown that both immigrant parents and their school age children pursue an ideal of selective adaptation. 2.13 Cultural Insight/Cultural Marginality  It is also thought that some immigrants achieve a level of adaptation which allows them to assume a perspective from which new insights into their natal culture are possible (Furnham & Bochner, 1986; Hammer, Gudykunst, & Wiseman, 1978; Richie, 1981).  These immigrants are then enabled to see and  critically assess the claims and assumptions of both their natal and new cultures (Profriedt, 1989-1990).  Alternately, there are numerous authors who  warn that acquiring part of the host culture while neglecting or not having fully acquired the natal culture can result in what Park (1928) and Stonequist (1937) originally described as "marginality".  Marginality is a distressing  sense of not actually belonging in either culture (Furnham & Bochner, 1986) or of not knowing where one belongs (Bagnell, 1993). Psychological Emphases Mental 2.14  Health  Stress/Anxiefcy  Perhaps the largest volume of literature in the adaptation field has been devoted to the connection between sojourner, immigrant, or refugee adaptation and stress or anxiety; or what Berry (1976) and Taft (1988) have  25 called "acculturative stress." While numerous researchers have recognized that psychological stress can often  be a feature of the adaptation experience  (Berry, 1992; Hoffman, 1990; Portes & Rumbaut, 1990), there is an equally numerous faction which conclude that stress and anxiety are unavoidable, integral  components of the adaptation experience (Blue & Blue, 1984; Samuel &  Verma, 1992; Searle & Ward, 1992; Uehara & Hicks, 1989).  As Kim (1988)  expresses the latter position, "stress, indeed, is considered to be inherent in intercultural encounters" (p. 267). 2.15 Uncertainty  Reduction  Theory-  One of several prominent concepts associated with the psychological stress of adaptation is 'uncertainty reduction theory.'  Although the origin  of the theory is generally attributed to Berger and Calabrese (1975), evidence points to the earlier work of Selye (1956) in the area of psychosomatic stress as foundational.  Selye suggested that a 'general adaptation syndrome' was a  characteristic reaction of all organisms to stressors in their environments. The syndrome involves initial alarm reaction and shock, activation of defence mechanisms, and subsequent resistance resulting in adaption to the stressor or in exhaustion.  Herman & Schield (1961) built upon this view by suggesting  that the psychological result of entering any new situation is a lack of security.  Ignorance of the possible outcomes of being in the new situation  cause anxiety.  Berger and Calabrese's (1975) contribution was to hypothesize  that when people first meet they are motivated to reduce uncertainty and increase their ability to predict or comprehend how the other will behave in interaction.  Gudykunst and Hammer (1988) extended Berger and Calabrese's  concept to explain anxiety and uncertainty in cross-cultural encounters. In its current stage of evolution, uncertainty reduction theory posits that adaptation necessitates encounters with strangers, inevitably causing uncertainty which results in stress (Gudykunst & Hammer, 1988) . Uncertainty and stress result because the means to contextualize or predict the behavior of others, which is learned through primary socialization in the natal culture, is no longer applicable in the new culture (Disman, 1990; Gudykunst & Hammer, 1988).  Uncertainty must be reduced in order to alleviate stress and  permit positive adaptation to occur (Gudykunst & Kim, 1992; Witte, 1992), and  26 this is best achieved by developing an ability to predict or attribute the behavior of strangers, that is, to develop 'attributional confidence' (Disman, 1990; Gudykunst & Hammer, 1988).  There has also been speculation recently  that uncertainty reduction processes may vary across cultures (Berger, 1987; Gudykunst & Ting-Toomey, 1988). 2.16 Adaptation and Mental  Illness  Since Odegaard's (1932) pioneering study of Norwegian immigrants in United States, adaptive stress and anxiety have been connected with high rates of psychiatric illness.  In spite of Furnham and Bochner's (1986) suggestion  that anywhere studies have been conducted "it appears that frequently, but not always, migrants experience more mental illness than host nationals" (p. 110), evidence connecting higher rates of psychiatric illness with migrant adaptation has been far from consistent. Although Aviram and Levav's (1975) study of immigrants in Israel reaffirmed Odegaard's  findings, and Berry, Kim,  and Boski (1988) have found that lowered mental health status is often characteristic of immigrant adaptation, other researchers (Krupinski & Staller, 1965; Murphy, 1978) have found that while incidence of mental illness has been higher for some immigrant groups compared with the receiving society, it has been lower for others.  Similarly, though numerous studies have found  higher rates of metal illness for refugees (R. C. Nann, 1982; Nicassio & Pate, 1984; Weinberg, 1961; Westermeyer, Neider, & Vang, 1984), R. C. Nann (1982) points out that refugees themselves have attributed the higher rates to the rigors of migration rather than to the stresses of adaptation.  Furnham and  Bochner (1986) have also noted that most migrant mental health research "relies on mental hospital admission statistics, which are notably weak" (p. 51).  Finally, Kantor (1969) and Murphy (1978) maintain that the results of  previous studies, when controlled for age and gender, show little evidence of higher levels of mental illness for migrants. In contrast with those who see stress and anxiety as inevitable byproducts of adaptation are several researchers who have found that some immigrant groups experience no apparent stress during adaptation (Hoffman, 1990; Zautra & Reich, 1983).  In fact, Dyal (1980) suggests that for some,  emigration may have the effect of reducing stress, especially when compared  27 with what was experienced previously in the homeland.  It is also noted that  the general trend to view adaptation stress as solely negative has been questioned by Gudykunst and Kim (1984) and by Kim (1988) who have suggested that stress, though an integral part of adaptation, is also a necessary element of subsequent successful adaptation. As Kim (1988) remarks, "without experiencing stress, no adaptation is believed to occur" (p. 73). 2.17 Culture Shock A second important theory associated with adaptation stress is the concept of 'culture shock' originally developed by Kalvero Oberg in 1954. Although Kim (1988) observes that culture shock theory was developed in terms of sojourner adaptation, numerous authors have also recognized culture shock as an aspect of immigrant and refugee adaptation (H. D. Brown, 1987; Dodd, 1991; Fleras & Elliott, 1992; Furnham & Bochner, 1986).  In her study of  immigrants in the United Kingdom, for example, Tomlinson (1980) ranked culture shock amongst the most critical factors in the adaptation of children in the school system.  According to Oberg (1960) culture shock can involve  psychological strain; a sense of loss or deprivation; rejection; role, value, or identity confusion; anxiety; and feelings of impotence. (1975) has added disorientation and hostility.  To this Adler  It is thought that a  combination of several of these adaptation stresses can produce a state of shock so traumatizing as to temporarily incapacitate the migrant both psychologically and physically (Furnham & Bochner, 1986). Scott and Scott (1987) note that culture shock theory has long held that migrants from urban backgrounds will have a less traumatic experience of adaptation to urban environs in receiving countries than will rural migrants. However, studies by Kleiner and Parker (1970) in the United States, Cochrane and Stopes-Roe (1980) in the United Kingdom, and by Scott and Scott (1989) in Australia have found the opposite to be the case; that is, that urban immigrants who have migrated from urban settings to urban settings have showed more neurotic symptoms than those from rural settings who have settled in urban settings. Furnham (1988) comments that "very few writers have stressed the positive or beneficial side of culture shock" (p. 47), most commentators  28 having associated culture shock exclusively with negative adaptation outcomes. There are several exceptions, however, including Adler (1975), Kim (1988), and Furnham and Bochner (1986) who maintain that culture shock can be an important contributor to cultural learning and self-development. 2.18 The U-curve  Hypothesis  A third important theory associated with adaptation stress is the 'Ucurve hypothesis' originally developed by Lysgaard (1955) from his study of 200 Norwegian Fulbright scholars in the United States. The U-curve hypothesis suggests that after an initial period of euphoria related to the newness of the experience, migrants plunge into depression when loneliness, loss or stress begin to take effect, subsequently recovering to higher levels of satisfaction after beginning to successfully utilize coping strategies. Support for the U-curve hypothesis has been inconsistent. Although Richardson's (1974) study of British immigrants in Australia suggested a Ucurve tendency, studies by Easton and Lasry (1978) in Canada, Bardo and Bardo (1980) in Australia, Nicassio and Pate (1984) in the United States, and by Scott and Scott (1989) in Australia indicate instead, a steady, if slow, positive escalation in sense of well-being.  It has also been noted that  earlier studies (G. V. Coelho, 1958; Jacobsen, 1963; Lysgaard, 1955) have focused exclusively on post secondary student sojourners and have been crosssectional rather then longitudinal (Scott & Scott, 1989).  Similar concerns  have led several authors (Altbach, 1989; Portes & Rumbaut, 1990) to question whether the U-curve hypothesis is valid in terms of immigrant adaptation. Similarly, the commonly held view that the migrant's multiple losses (homeland, support network, social status) inevitably result in feelings of grief and bereavement (e.g., D. C. Herberg, 1989; Munoz, 1980; Zwingman & Gunn, 1983), which is often associated with the bottom or depression stage of the U-curve, has been questioned by Furnham and Bochner (1986) who suggest that for some migrants, gains far outweigh the effect of losses. Identity 2.19 Field Dependency and Locus of Control  An important psychological construct related to adaptation is that of field dependency and locus of control. Because of primary socialization and  29 enculteration, individuals and ethnic groups are thought to differ cognitively and perceptually in differentiating between what belongs to the self and what is external to the self.  Those with high levels of differentiation are  thought to have greater self-determination of functioning, or 'field independence', while those in relatively undifferentiated states are thought to rely on external nurturance and support, and to be 'field dependent' or 'field sensitive' (Darder, 1991; Witkin, 1976; Witkin, Dyk, Faterson, Goodenough, & Karip, 1962).  Field independent people are generally thought to  adapt more easily then field dependent people because they can more readily make sense of new environments (Berry, 1976; Moghaddam, Ditto, & Taylor, 1990), experience less stress in contacts with strangers (Witkin & Berry, 1975), are less reliant on social networks (D. C. Herberg, 1989), and are more autonomous (Shweder & Bourne, 1984). Closely related is the concept of locus of control.  People with an  external locus of control are considered to ascribe their life circumstances to fate, chance, or powerful others, and to locate responsibility for events outside of themselves.  Those with an internal locus of control are considered  to adapt better when migrating because they perceive life circumstances as primarily contingent on their own behavior, and locate responsibility for what transpires within themselves (Furnham & Bochner, 1986; Rotter, 1966; Yum, 1987).  Because various East Asian groups, considered to be field dependent  and to exhibit an external locus of control, have generally adapted well in North America (Gibson, 1988; G. E. Johnson, 1992), it is possible that these psychological constructs may present a somewhat Eurocentric, overly pessimistic view of field dependency and external locus of control. 2.20  Expectations Rogers and Ward (1993) state that "expectations have long been regarded  as a crucial factor in determining adjustment during cross-cultural transitions" (p. 185). A body of research has developed concerning migrants' prior expectations of the host country, and has resulted in 'expectancy value theory', which Furnham and Bochner (1986) explain "suggests that the accuracy of a migrant's expectations of life in the new country are directly related to his/her adjustment" (p. 176). In this view, unmet positive expectations are  i  30 regarded as resulting in psychological stress and maladjustment, while low expectations which are exceeded are generally thought to contribute to good adjustment (Furnham, 1988; Rogers & Ward, 1993; Searle & Ward, 1990; Weissman & Furnham, 1987).  Scott and Scott's (1989) research has pointed to the  tendency of intending migrants to develop a positive image of the host country, disregarding "unattractive features" even if they have been made aware of them.  Perhaps these selective expectations result from the fact  that, as Furnham and Bochner (1986) have observed, "apart from refugees, few people would voluntarily migrate if their expectations were too low" (p. 175). 2.21 Personality  Characteristics  While there is general agreement in adaptation literature that some personality traits are more conducive to facilitating migrant adaptation than others, there is little consensus as to which of a host of characteristics identified are most beneficial. Nonetheless, there is some agreement that resilience or stoicism (Furnham, 1988; Kim, 1988; Lonner, 1986); empathy toward the host society (Hawes & Kealey, 1981; Kim, 1988; Ruben, 1976); selfconfidence or self-esteem (Chen,1990; Samuel & Verma, 1992; Ward & Searle, 1991) ; flexibility (Hannigan, 1990; Torbiorn, 1982) or superior coping abilities (De Vos, 1990; R. C. Nann, 1982; Shade, 1989a) contribute to successful adaptation.  Very little discussion is evident regarding which  personality characteristics may not be conducive to migrant adaptation. Searle and Ward (1990) add that there is currently "a movement away from the simplistic view that certain personality traits are universally adaptive during cross-cultural transitions" (p. 458). 2.22 Age and Maturation  Gudykunst and Kim (1984) state that "in studies of immigrants, age is considered society.  to be a crucial  element in subsequent adaptation  The older strangers  in adapting to the new cultural  are,  the greater  the difficulty  system" (p. 218) .  in the host they  experience  Studies by Cochrane and  Stopes-Roe (1977) in the United Kingdom, Scott and Scott (1989) in Australia, and L. L. Chang (1980) and Gibson (1988) in the United States have consistently shown that children adapt more easily and quickly than adults and that young children adapt more readily than adolescents.  Canadian researchers  31 in particular have ranked age upon arrival as one of the most critical determinants of subsequent adaptation (Michalowski, 1987; Montgomery, 1991; Samuel & Verma, 1992).  The relationship of age to adaptation is complicated  in the case of children and adolescents by the problem of distinguishing between the normal maturational changes and difficulties experienced by all developing children, and those that may be attributed primarily to the adaptation experience itself (Furnham & Bochner, 1986). also suggested that normal maturational  Some authors have  problems of identity and conflict  with parents may be exacerbated by the adaptation process (Aronowitz, 1984; Disman, 1990). 2.23  Gender  Studies of migrants by Weissman and Klerman (1977) in various industrial nations, Berry and Kostovcik (1983) in Canada, Simoes and Binder (1980) in Switzerland, Saltoun (1984) in the United States, and Scott and Scott (1989) in Australia have consistently pointed to the salience of gender as a differential factor in adaptation. Most authors and researchers, whether male or female, indicate that females experience a more difficult process of adaptation than males. Research suggests that females experience more adaptive stress (Berry, 1990; Scott & Scott, 1989) and are more vulnerable to illness due to loss of home country social networks then male migrants (Furnham & Bochner, 1986).  Other research has pointed to lower self-esteem of  female migrants (Pak, Dion, & Dion, 1991; Scott & Scott, 1989) while several authors, primarily female, have suggested a 'double jeopardy hypothesis' that migrants are doubly disadvantaged in sexist and racist receiving societies, if they happen to be female and visible minority (Grant, 1984; Homma-True, 1990; Pak et al., 1991; Yee, 1987).  Several authors indicate that  female migrants are generally less competent than males in the language of the receiving country after the same length of residence (Baldassini & Flaherty, 1982; Furnham, 1984), although Rohrlich and Martin's (1991) study of American student sojourners in Europe found that "women reported significantly more difficulties in all areas except language" (p. 175). Several explanations for the gender differential in adaptation have been advanced.  Some researchers have pointed out that females from cultures where  32 females are ascribed a low level of personal autonomy coupled with a high level of role rigidity, often question or become dissatisfied with their previous roles when adapting to a more egalitarian host society (Disman, 1990; D. C. Herberg, 1989; Scott & Scott, 1989) . Kim (1988) suggests that lower levels of education provided for females by some sending countries may be responsible for lower levels of self-confidence and host language competency. Taylor and Altman (1987) and Aries and Johnson (1983) have found that female migrants generally use self-disclosure more than males in order to reduce uncertainty in social interaction.  This suggests that the higher levels of  stress experienced by female migrants may be due to greater vulnerability during social interaction.  It may also be the case that female migrants who  do not share their spouse's motivation to migrate may be less motivated to adapt, and that those who remain isolated in the home caring for children may find themselves in situations not conducive to adaptation. 2 . 2 4 Identity  and Self  It is commonly thought that identity changes with migration (Elliott & Fleras, 1992; Eva & Suen, 1990; Hecht, Ribeau, & Sedano, 1990; Kim, 1988) and that adaptation changes may result in an unstable self-concept (De Vos & Suarez-Orozco, 1990; Gudykunst & Kim, 1984; Stockfelt-Hoatson, 1982) or in an identity crisis (Aronowitz, 1984; H. D. Brown, 1987; Verdonk, 1982). Considerable attention has been directed toward the 'dual self.' A common explanation for the dual self is that when a new self forms in response to the new environment, it is incompatible and competes with the former self (Boelhower, 1983; Lim, 1993; Wu, 1991).  Another explanation is that the  migrant's image of self is often in competition with the image imposed on the migrant by the receiving society (Brody, 1970; Yee, 1993).  There are also  some who suggest that a doubling process can occur, wherein a new self is added, without conflict, to the premigration self (Dolphin, 1994; Olsen, 1988). 2.25 Self as a Product of Social  Interaction  Bawm's (1971) comment that " we come to be who we are through conversation with others" (p. 41) is a view shared by a majority of authors in the adaptation field (H. D. Brown, 1987; Harre, 1987; F. Johnson, 1985; Turner  33 & Billings, 1984).  That the self is a product of social interaction, and that  one sees oneself in the reactions of others to oneself, has been a key concept in the American tradition of scholarship on the self (McCall, 1987), dating at least from Cooley's (1902) 'reflected' or 'looking glass' self. Although this view is pervasive in the literature, there is cause to question whether the 'social interaction' vision of self is overly simplistic and perhaps ethnocentric as well.  Some authors (Baumeister, 1986; Marcus & Wurf, 1987;  Triandis, 1990; Wu, 1991) have suggested that the self is not entirely constituted through communicative interaction, but that we have multiple selves, including private (self-formed), collective (self in relation to group membership), and public (socially reflected) selves. Additionally, Pratt's (1991) recognition that "the ways in which people come to know themselves and define their identity vary across cultures" (p. 286), suggests that the 'social interaction' view of self may represent only one of an ethnic diversity of views of self (Chang & Holt, 1991; Hoffman, 1990; Sampson, 1985; Schweder & Bourne, 1984). Social Emphases Communication 2.26 Communication  Competence/High  and Low Context  Cultures  In adaptation literature it is generally recognized that communication patterns and interpretive schemes differ between cultures (Argyle, 1982; E. T. Hall, 1959; Hernandez, 1989; Leff, 1977), and that understanding and utilizing host society communication norms and processes (communicative competence) is essential for successful adaptation (Gudykunst & Hammer, 1988; Kim, 1988; Sillars & Weisberg, 1987; Uehara & Hicks, 1989).  The concept of low and high  context cultures, which parallels the internal/external locus of control and field independent/field dependent concepts, is usually used to explain how ethnic groups differ in their communicative processes.  Low context groups  (i.e., United States, Northern Europeans) are considered to rely primarily on explicit messages to reduce uncertainty, and to privilege individuated meanings; whereas high context groups (i.e., Chinese and Indian) depend primarily on non-verbal contextual cues and collective and interdependent meanings (E. T. Hall, 1977; Lee & Boster, 1991; Sanders, Wiseman, & Matz,  34 1991; Ting-Toomey, 1991; Yum, 1987).  Cross cultural communication is  considered problematic because the contextual cues of the natal culture are inapplicable to the receiving culture (Disman, 1990), because individuals conform to communicative patterns and norms of their own culture without being conscious of them (Berscheid, 1987; Furnham & Bochner, 1986) and because they tend to be unaware of the negotiated and relational nature of communicative interaction (Bowers & Flinders, 1990).  Those migrants without receiving  society communicative competence have been found to suffer negative adaptive consequences such as being misunderstood (Bowers & Flinders, 1990), unintentional miscommunication (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984), or developing a mistrust of host society members (Eva & Suen, 1990).  Conversely, in Kim's  (1988) words, "the greater their host communication competence... the better adapted they are likely to be in the host environment" (p. 103). Host communication competence is considered to enable the migrant to understand host society social roles (Kim, 1988), explain host member behavior (Matejko & Williams, 1993; Sanders et al., 1991), read the contextual ground of communications (Berscheid, 1987; Chen, 1990; Kim, 1988), initiate and maintain relationships with host society members (Hammer et al., 1978; Kim, 1988) , express personal experience in a manner receivable by host members (Kim, 1988; Miller, Boster, Roloff, & Seibold, 1987), and ultimately, to 'code switch' (Delgado-Gaitan & Trueba, 1991; Trueba et al., 1990), that is, to be able to utilize either natal or host culture communicative processes as the situation requires. 2.27 Communication  Competencees  H. D. Brown (1987) states that "the expression of culture is so bound up in non-verbal communication that the barriers to culture learning are more non-verbal than verbal" (p. 209). Though sometimes connected with the speech act, the communication competencies most often identified in adaptation literature are non-verbal and include turn taking and yielding (H. D. Brown, 1987; Kim, 1988), voice pitch (Bowers & Flinders, 1990), proxemics (Bowers & Flinders, 1990; H. D. Brown, 1987), body posture, and gaze (Eva & Suen, 1990; Taylor & Altman, 198 7).  35 2.28 Facial  Recognition  Recently, facial recognition and facial communicative expression have become communicative competency concerns. Several studies (Bothwell, Brigham, & Malpass, 1989; Ng & Lindsay, 1994; Shapiro & Penrod, 1986) have pointed to the inability of people of one ethno-racial group to differentiate between or recognize again the faces of people from another ethno-racial group ('they all look alike' problem).  This presents a communicative competency dilemma  because it has been recognized that understanding facial communicative expression is critical for reading the intent or context of the speaker's verbal message (Bowers & Flinders, 1990; Tannen, 1986; Wolfgang & Wolofsky, 1991). 2.29 Significance  of Host Language Acquisition  Stewart (1983) states that "knowledge of English has been shown by nearly every study to be the most important factor leading to successful adaptation to life in the United States" (p. 175). A number of authors, primarily advocates of the communication competency position, agree with Stewart that host language proficiency is the most critical factor in migrant adaptation (Chen, 1990; Fradd & Weismantel, 1989; Kim, 1988) . Some holding this view express concern that immigrants who converse primarily with members of their own language group after arrival, will not develop host language proficiency (Biggs, 1987; Gudykunst & Kim, 1984; Kim, 1988).  However, a  growing contingent of authors argue that while host language acquisition is an important requirement for successful adaptation, it has been consistently ranked as less critical than other adaptation factors by migrants themselves (Hanscombe, 1989; Schiitze, 1989; Uehara & Hicks, 1989; Woodhall, 1989). Although it is difficult to define 'functional literacy' (McLeod, 1994), Canadian statistics reveal that while 18% of children of immigrants are considered functionally illiterate, more than 22% of the children of nonimmigrant parents are considered so, lending credence to the view that host language acquisition may not be the most critical factor in adaptation (Montigny & Jones, 1990). Some authors have questioned why North American educational institutions have viewed host language acquisition as the be-all and end-all of student i i i  36 adaptation (Hanscombe, 1989; Yu, 1991); others have suggested that there may be a political motivation that sees host language acquisition as the sine qua non of economic adaptation (Delgato-Gaitan & Trueba, 1991; Minceberg, Cahn, Isaacson, & Lyons, 1989; Richmond, 1982), perhaps the most politically sensitive of adaptation outcomes. There also appear to be a growing number of authors who question whether academic success or failure of language minorities is, as has been generally accepted, directly related to host language proficiency (Delgato-Gaitan & Trueba, 1991; Ogbu, 1993).  In Trueba's  (1988) words, The neglect of cultural issues affecting our understanding of other important organizational aspects of the instructional process as well as the significance of home and community learning environments, are an example of misplaced and almost exclusive emphasis on language issues. (p. 202) Socialization 2.30 Social Skills  Closely related to communication competencies is literature concerned with social skills.  It is also thought that social skills differ between  cultures (Disman, 1990; Segawa, 1994; Sillars & Weisberg, 1987), and that a "social skills deficit" (Furnham, 1988) or a lack of "social literacy" (Faichney & Beardsley, 1992) is detrimental to immigrant adaptation (Dail, 1988; Ruben, 1976; Scott & Scott, 1989).  The social skills thought to be most  needed by migrants to North America concern self-disclosure and proxemics (Furnham & Bochner, 1986; Trower, Bryant, & Argyle, 1978) and defining, interpreting or negotiating social situations (Anisef, 1986; Disman, 1990; Lonner, 1986). 2.31 Friendahip  A number of theorists have suggested that close friendships with host society members may be the best way for migrants to learn social skills (Klineberg & Hull, 1979; Pruitt, 1978; Searle & Ward, 1990).  Furnham and  Bochner (1986), for example, posit that host culture social skills are best learned through "close, perhaps even intimate links with members of the host society" (p. 15). Friendship, in turn, is viewed by some authors (Befu, 1980; Diggs & Murphy, 1991; Roloff, 198 7) as requiring proficiency in another social skill, that of reciprocity - the mutual exchange of disclosures, benefits, and  37 obligations. In numerous studies (Furnham & Bochner, 1986; Kobayashi, 1981; Rohrlich & Martin, 1991; Uehara & Hicks, 1989) student migrants have ranked making friends with receiving country peers as their most critical adaptation concern.  Correspondingly, there is a clear indication in adaptation  literature that friendships with receiving members facilitate the adaptation process (Gudykunst & Hammer, 1988; Kim, 1988; Taft, 1988).  However, despite  the desire and need for cross-cultural friendships, there is consistent evidence that school age migrants initially become friends with co-nationals or other immigrants to the virtual exclusion of receiving society members (Y. Chang, 1991; Dorais, 1991; Smith & Tomlinson, 1989).  Olsen (1988), for  example, states that "while they may long for American friends, immigrants tend to cluster with other immigrants" (p. 217). One explanation for this tendency is that with few exceptions (e.g. Gudykunst, 1985), most studies have indicated that the higher the perceived similarity between people, the higher the attraction to one another (Byrne, 1971; Lee & Boster, 1991; Ting-Toomey, 1981).  In Kehoe's (1984) words, there  is a "tendency of people to prefer their own kind" (p. 23). A second explanation is that despite attempts to make cross-cultural friends (EarthLinks, 1992; B. S. M. Nann, 1982), because of widely differing cultural perspectives (Matejko & Williams, 1993; Simard, 1981) or dissimilar conversational repertoires (Y. Chang, 1991; Wu, 1991), most migrants encounter great difficulty in establishing cross-cultural friendships. A third explanation is that recently arrived migrants most need the social and emotional support of co-nationals who already have some experience of adaptation, to help them negotiate the stress and confusion of adaptation (Berry, Kim, Minder, & Mok, 1987; E. Coelho, 1988; Searle & Ward, 1990; Sykes & Eden, 1987).  However, while some authors view a co-national support network  as critical for successful adaptation (Adelman, 1980; Berry, 1990; Fontaine, 1986), others contend that it functions to reduce social interaction with host society members, thereby slowing adaptation (OECD/CERI Secretariate, 1989; Olsen, 1988; Pohjola, 1991).  Whether with co-nationals or host members, the  migrant's need for some type of friendship is emphasized by an extensive  38 literature which recognizes loneliness and social isolation as among the most common and painful of adaptation experiences (Ashworth, 1982; Dei, 1992; Finsterbusch, 1992; Lin, Masuda, & Tazuma, 1982). 2.32 Socio-economic Class  Although considerably smaller in number than those who view adaptation primarily in terms of ethnicity, there is a group of authors who view socioeconomic class as an equally, or perhaps more important determinant of adaptation (Johnstone, 1990a; Morawska, 1990; Portes & Rumbaut, 1990; Rex, 1986).  Whether favoring an 'ethnic' or 'class' perspective, there is general  agreement among authors that the higher the socio-economic class of the migrant, the easier and more successful the adaptation is likely to be (Halpern, 1989; Ling, 1989; OECD, 1987; Portes & Rumbaut, 1990), and the higher the subsequent level of academic achievement (Delgado-Gaitan & Trueba, 1991; Jones, 1987; Smith & Tomlinson, 1989; Swann, 1993).  Notable exceptions  to this view have been expressed by Gibson (1987; 1993) and by the Economic Council of Canada (1992) who state, "education-conscious parents can have a major positive effect on the achievement of their children, irrespective of their socio-economic status" (p. 11) . 2.33 Inter-  and Intra-group Social  Relations  Adaptation is often viewed as a two-way street, requiring changes to the migrant and the receiving society alike ( Ebuchi, 1989; B. S. M. Nann, 1982) . As Purnham and Bochner (1986) remark, "all contact has two way reciprocal consequences" (p. 11). The willingness of the receiving society to change or be receptive to the newcomers is regarded as an important factor in adaptation (E. Coelho, 1988; Kim, 1988; Subba, 1990).  One of the most devastating host  society responses to newcomers is prejudice or racism, which has usually been found to negatively affect adaptation (Abbott, 1990; E. Coelho, 1988; Moghaddam et al., 1990).  There is some evidence that immigrants often view  prejudice as a necessary 'cost' of adaptation (Gibson, 1988; Jaffer, 1993; Ogbu, 1991).  Other authors have pointed to evidence of racism or prejudice by  some immigrant groups toward the majority group or toward other minority groups (Gill, 1993; Honeyford, 1986; Stewart, 1993).  Similarly, endogamous  hiring practices (Portes & Rumbaut, 1990), and exploitation of group members  39 by their own ethnic group (Gibson, 1988; Sharma, 1991; Tilly, 1989) have caused some groups to be viewed disfavorably by receiving societies. Though not apparent to the same extent as in many receiving nations, Canadian authors have recognized the prevalence of racism by majority culture Canadians toward immigrants, especially those who are visible minorities (Breton, Isajiw, Kalback, & Reitz, 1990; Mehat, 1990).  It has also been  recognized that Hong Kong Chinese have experienced particularly high levels of prejudice in British Columbia, due to an immigration policy which has encouraged a rapid influx of wealthy entrepreneurs, generally perceived to have negatively affected the real estate market (G. E. Johnson, 1992; Wong & Netting, 1992). Anthropological Emphases Community, Family, and Culture 2.34 Ethnic Communitiea  At least since Margaret Mead's (1970) assertion that dependency on the knowledge and beliefs of the natal culture - which are designed to reify that culture - functions to limit one's ability to adapt, there has been a faction within the adaptation field who maintain that the immigrant's participation within enclosed or inwardly directed ethnic communities limits the adaptation process (De Vos, 1990; Dunning, 1989; Kim, 1988; Vallee & Shulman, 1969). Conversely, a second group of authors considers that the ethnic community or enclave benefits adaptation by helping buffer the trauma and stress of adaptation (Morawska, 1990; Portes & Rumbaut, 1990; Thomas, 1992).  Recently,  a number of authors have recognized that in Canada at least, ethnic communities are generally no longer inwardly focused, but function instead to actively assist immigrants to integrate with the larger society (D. C. Herberg, 1989; E. N. Herberg, 1989; Matejko & Williams, 1993). 2.35 Adaptation  and Family  Immigrant parents' attitudes toward (Aronowitz, 1992; Trueba, 1983) and experience of adaptation (Ashworth, 1982; Krimer, 1986), and their expectations of their children (Bellamy, 1993; Divoky, 1988), have been found to be major factors in the adaptation and academic performance of immigrant children.  Successful adaptation of immigrant children has often been  40 connected to a proactive stance of parents toward the adaptation of their children (Cui & Awa, 1992; Gibson, 1988; Hoffman, 1988).  Family problems have  been identified in three areas. Numerous authors (Barman, Hebert, & McCaskill, 1987; Gay, 1991; Krau, 1991) have pointed out that the values of the immigrant student's home and school environments often differ substantially, resulting in divided, and usually incompatible worlds. Intergenerational conflict, thought to be a byproduct of family adaptations, has often been recognized as problematic (E. Coelho, 1988; Eva & Suen, 1990; Lemoine, 1989), and has been attributed by some authors (Disman, 1990; Verdonk, 1982) to differential rates of adaptation within the family.  Studies  by Rosenthal (1984) and Taft (1985), however, suggest that intergenerational conflict may be no greater in immigrant families than in receiving culture families, but rather, that it differs in nature. Recently, attention has been directed toward the adverse effect on immigrant children of over-employed parents (Scott & Scott, 1989) and of what are unpopularly known (in Canada) as 'astronauts' or 'spacemen' - parents who continue to work in the home country after migration, constantly flying back and forth between countries (Eva & Suen, 1990; Li, 1992). 2.36 Cultural Difference  At least since David (1970) there has been considerable support for the view that the greater the difference between the natal culture and the receiving culture, the more difficulty migrants will experience in adaptation (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984; Searle & Ward, 1990; Torbiorn, 1982; Ward & Kennedy, 1993).  This view has recently been extended to include education, in that  some authors suggest "cultural incompatibility is one creditable explanation for school failure" (Vogt, Jordan, & Tharp, 1993; p. 63). However, studies by Sue and Sue (1971) and Gibson (1988) have shown that immigrant students, whose cultures differ markedly from that of the host society, have achieved at levels exceeding the norm for host society students. 2.37 Individualist  and Collectivist  Cultures  Hofstede's (198 0) distinction between individualist and collectivist cultures has become a guiding concept in adaptation literature. As TingToomey (1991) explains,  41 While members of individualist cultures (such as the United States) emphasize the acceptance of individual rights, individual wants, and individual goals, members of collectivist cultures (such as Japan) treasure the importance of mutual obligations, mutual needs, and interdependent goals. (p. 31) As most receiving countries are individualist, while a majority of immigrants in the past two decades have come from collectivist cultures, cultural difference explanations which utilize the individualist/collectivist distinction have become prominent (Furnham & Bochner, 1986; Guillaume, 1987). Concern has been expressed (Diggs & Murphy, 1991; Furnham & Bochner, 1986) that immigrants from collectivist cultures who relied on mutually supporting social networks in the country of departure, and who find no replacement network in the receiving country, will experience difficult adaptations.  The  problem is compounded by the fact that most Western social work agencies function on an individualist or immediate family basis (Hein, 1993) . 2.38  Marriage  The individualist/collectivist distinction has also been used to explain major ethno-cultural differences concerning marriage (Gibson, 1988; D. C. Herberg, 1989), with individualist cultures favoring romantic love and personal choice, and collectivist cultures favoring extended family obligations, endogamous, and for some groups, arranged marriages. Although Thomas (1992) notes that ethnic endogamy rates have generally declined in Canada since 1931, E. N. Herberg (1989) identifies ethnic endogamy as the strongest indicator of ethnic cohesion in Canada since 1951, and notes that even as late as 1981, Chinese, Jewish, French, Italian, and British ethnic groups reported over 75 percent endogamous marriages.  It is interesting to  note here, that British and French ethnic groups are generally considered to be individualist.  Since the early 1900s when Bogardus (1925) developed the  descriptor, 'would admit to close kinship through marriage' as the highest indicator of social proximity for his 'Social  Distance  Scale,'  intermarriage  between ethnic or racial groups has been viewed as a key indicator of adaptation or assimilation (Ghuman, 1991; Greenfield, 1985; Shah, 1991).  42 Educational Emphases Immigrant Education:  Parents and Students  2.39 Valuing Education  Current adaptation literature points to the high value placed on education by many of the more recent immigrant groups (Economic Council of Canada, 1992; Gibson, 1988) with numerous authors attributing the trend to the high cultural value given to education and discipline by Asian (Hoffman, 1990; Ogbu & Matute-Bianchi, 1986) or Southeast Asian (Dail, 1988; Eva & Suen, 1990; Schneider & Lee, 1990) ethnic groups. As Asian migration to B.C. is currently three times that from the rest of the world combined (Kunin, 1994), this trend is clearly important to the present study which is located geographically in Richmond, B.C.  Education of their children is often viewed by the newer  immigrant groups as a means to improve social and economic standing (Glazer, 1987; Moodley, 1992; Stewart, 1993; Suarez-Orozco, 1993), with some immigrants indicating that a better education for their children was a prime motive for migration (Early et al., 1989; Stewart, 1993).  Authors have also pointed to  the prevalence of personal sacrifice by immigrant parents in order that their children might have better educational opportunities in the receiving country (B.S.M. Nann, 1982; Kagawa, 1990). 2.40 Scholastic  Achievement of Immigrant Students  By far the greatest attention directed toward immigrant scholastic achievement has been, and continues to be concerned with drop out, failure, and low achievement levels of certain immigrant groups (Council of Chief State School Officers, 1990; Stewart, 1993).  However, since Sandiford and Kerr's  (1926) study which found that the academic performance of Chinese and Japanese immigrants to British Columbia was higher than that of native born students (which they concluded represented a threat to Canada), there has been overwhelming evidence that children of voluntary  immigrants consistently  attain higher academic levels than children of non-immigrant or involuntary minority families.  Studies by Taft and Cahill (1981) of immigrants in  Australia, Foner (1983) of Jamaican immigrants in the United States, Cummins (1984) of immigrants in Canada, Ballard and Vellins (1985) of South Asian immigrants in the United Kingdom, Valverde (1987) of Hispanic immigrants in  43 the United States, and by Gibson (1988) of Bengali Sikh immigrants in the United States have all come to similar conclusions: despite handicaps related to migration, after a few years immigrant students achieve at or above the norm for the receiving society. A major study by the United States Social Security Administration in 1988 (cited in Divoky, 1988) came to the following conclusion:  "immigrants and refugees to the U.S.A. outperform native-born  American students regardless of language handicaps" (p. 220). This conclusion is borne out in a study by Beynon, Toohey, et al. (1992) which reports that in comparison with other students, visible minority students (children of the more recent immigrant groups) are equally, or over represented in Canadian and United States university programs. The academic success of these students, in turn, has been commonly attributed to high levels of academic attainment in the country of departure prior to migration (Kurian, 1991; Macias, 1993; Sue & Okazaki, 1990), apparently contradicting the reason given by many immigrants for migrating. 2.41 Immigrant  Student  and Parent  Educational  Problems  Adaptation literature has generally presented as problematic several aspects of education which concern immigrant students and parents. Authors have noted the tendency of many immigrant students, particularly those from Asian ethnic groups, to rely upon rote memory learning techniques (Ballard, 1989; Eva & Suen, 1990), which some maintain are not conducive to critical analysis of knowledge (Grichting, 1989) or suitable for conducting 'independent' research (Woodhall, 1989). Several authors (Tosi, 1984; Yu, 1991) have pointed to the difficulties experienced by immigrant students in Canada who, while learning English as their second language, must at the same time learn French (often in a very compressed period of time) in order to be eligible for university admission upon graduating from high school. Others (Beynon, Toohey, et al., 1992; Eva & Suen, 1990) view as problematic the narrow career choices of many immigrant students - often confined to business, engineering, or sciences - which they attribute to parental pressure. Many have noted that East and South Asian immigrant parents do not value sports and extra-curricular school activities, viewing them as extraneous to  44 academic achievement (Divoky, 1988; Eva & Suen, 1990), while at the same time requiring their children to devote more time at home to academics than is the norm for majority culture students (Gibson, 1988; Schneider & Lee, 1990). Although it is generally accepted in North America that parental involvement with the school is desirable (De Vos & Suarez-Orozco, 1991; Kehoe, 1984) , it is recognized that parents from many ethnic groups view school and home as separate realms (Gay, 1989; B. S. M. Nann, 1982) and parental contact with teachers as unwarranted interference (Eva & Suen, 1990; Gibson, 1988). Receiving Country Schools and the Immigrant 2.42 Meeting Immigrant Students' Needs  According to many observers, schools in receiving countries have not adequately met the needs of immigrants (Churchill, 1987; Coombs, 1986), and school organization has not often reflected or acknowledged the cultural diversity of its constituents (Fisher & Echols, 1989; Olsen, 1988).  The most  commonly cited reason for this situation in both Canada (Beardsley, 1992; CSTA, 1989; Samuel & Verma, 1992) and in the United States (Darder, 1991; Vago, 1988) has been underfunding.  Others have pointed to inadequate or  nonexistent multicultural components of teacher education programs (Banks, 1989; BCTF, 1991; McGregor & Ungerleider, 1994), and the fact that immigrant minorities are often under or not represented in terms of teaching staff from immigrant ethnic groups (Beardsley, 1992; Chan, Krawczyk, & Kaplan, 1990; Gay, 1989; Wright, 1992). 2.43 School  Priorities  Maruyama and Deno's (1992) contention that schools are more concerned with practical rather than theoretical problems is indicative of a more basic reason for the inadequacy of receiving country schools with respect to immigrant students. Authors have observed that the school's primary concerns are systems oriented, and directed toward social control and program delivery (Bowers & Flinders, 1990; Dail, 1988; Fleras & Elliott, 1992), rather than toward theoretical concerns such as divergent ethnic perspectives.  Werner  (1992), for example, contends that "orderliness and the achievement of 'basics'" is placed before the "multiple points of view and competing values" (p. 83) representative of an ethnically diverse school population. Teachers,  45 too, are viewed as perpetuating "business-as-usual...even when constraints on their doing otherwise are weak" (Grant, Sleeter, & Anderson, 1986, p. 63). In the words of Trueba et al., (1990), "indeed, teachers feel a great deal of pressure not to abandon traditional curriculum structure, even in the face of failure with minority students" (p. 134). 2.44 Multicultural  Reality  of  Schools  Since the term was introduced at the First Conference of Canadian Slavs at Banff in 1965 as an alternative to 'biculturalism' as proposed in Lester Pearson's Bilingual and Bicultural Commission (Achison, 1988), 'multiculturalism' has been the popular symbol of tolerance, equality of education, and celebration of ethnic diversity in Canadian schools. But despite the popular rhetoric of multiculturalism among educators, evidence suggests that actual changes made to curriculum, instruction, and educational delivery in response to the multicultural reality of Canadian Schools have been minimal (Beardsley, 1992; Fleras & Elliott, 1992; Tator & Henry, 1991). In Allmen's (1990) view, "we have accepted cultural diversity but we have not dealt with its implementation" (p. 218). The situation is not much different in the United States where numerous authors have observed that school instruction does not accord with the multiethnic experience of the student body (Darder, 1991; Jordan, 1985; Tharp, 1989; Trueba, 1988). Multiculturalism, then, as it applies to immigrant education in receiving countries, has had more to do with wishful thinking than with actual practice. Summary of Research Most research in the field of migrant adaptation has tended to view the adaptation process as problematic either for the immigrant or for the receiving society, and to stress negative instead of positive adaptation outcomes (Furnham, 1988).  Yelaya and O'Neill (1990), for example, observe  that "researchers and educators have tended to focus on the problems experienced by the minority of immigrants and refugees, rather than exploring the adaptive skills employed by the majority who successfully adapt without the need for special services" (p. 19). Hoffman (1990), however, whose own research stresses both positive and negative aspects of adaptation, points to a new direction which is favored in the present study:  "Rather than view the  46 process of cross-cultural adaptation as replete with negatives, we ought to consider how it has the potential to lead to greater understanding both interpersonal and intercultural" (p. 296). Both negative and positive elements of adaptation, and those which do not conform to a negative/positive continuum, then, are recognized in the present study as potential elements of the adaptation experience. Most previous adaptation research has focused on the adaptation of adults rather than adolescents or children (Krau, 1991).  While studies by  Gillborn (1990) and Mac an Ghaill (1988) have dealt with school age children, their foci have been minority rather than immigrant students per se. The present study's sample of six adolescent immigrants, then, may be seen to differ from most previous studies. Both research and scholarly publications in the immigrant adaptation field have traditionally viewed the adaptation process primarily in terms of ethnic groups rather than individuals (Kim, 1988; Subba, 1990).  Nonetheless,  as Scott and Scott (1989) have observed, "whenever measured carefully, 'adaptation of a collectivity' turns out to hide individual differences in the adaptation of its members" (p. 18). This view reflects a recent trend toward approaching adaptation as both a group-level and an individual-level phenomenon (Berry, 1992; De Vos, 1990; Freire & Macedo, 1987).  While this  view may have gained general acceptance, it is also apparent that the overwhelming majority of research continues the traditional emphasis on grouplevel adaptation.  Surprisingly, even those who have been most vocal in  recognizing the legitimacy of individual-level adaptation studies (Gibson, 1988; Kim, 1988; Scott & Scott, 1989), have continued to focus their research on ethnic groups rather than individuals.  Perhaps, as Gibson (1988) has  speculated, research grant funding may be more readily available for research into group processes.  The present, more individually focused dissertation  study, then, may be seen as an exception to the general trend and as helping to redress a current imbalance in immigrant adaptation research. Previous studies by Ogbu (1983), Ogbu and Matute-Bianchi (1986), and by Gibson (1988) of school achievement in relation to adaptation, which have focused on ethnic groups that have achieved well, are exceptions to a general  47 research trend which numerous commentators have remarked has focused almost exclusively on groups with high drop out rates and low achievement levels (Gibson, 1988; Hoffman, 1988).  As the sampling strategy utilized in the  present study represents an attempt to enlist a single school's entire grade 10 cohort of recent immigrant students as study participants, without regard to their achievement levels, the present study clearly differs from past trends. Gillborn (1990) states, "much social science research has concentrated upon the experience of male pupils only.  For the most part, this pattern has  been reproduced in qualitative studies of pupil experiences and adaptations" (p. 66). The present study's sample of three female and three male students counters this trend. Authors have characterized research in the field of adaptation as primarily positivist (McCarthy, 1990), utilizing an etic approach (De Vos, 1990), and emulating the natural sciences (Berry, 1990).  As such, adaptation  research has relied heavily on attitudinal scales and on admissions, test, or survey data.  The present study offers a phenomenological, primarily emic,  human science approach to researching the experience of adaptation.  Furnham  and Bochner (1986) state, "the view that cross-cultural interaction is stressful and requires a clinical approach was established by the pioneers in the area and this pseudo-medical model has persisted to the present day" (p. 12).  The present study does not maintain the traditional clinical  perspective. Finally, Disman (1990) recognizes that "most of the research tends to address immigrant  migration  from the perspective  of the host  society"  (p. 49) ,  while at the same time many have expressed concern that research into the experience of adaptation - from the perspective of those that experience it has been lacking (Christensen, 1987; Dei, 1992; Early et al., 1989; Gibson, 1988).  The present study's phenomenological methodology, with its focus on  understanding experience from the perspective of those who are experiencing adaptation, was chosen specifically to help address this unfortunate gap in adaptation research literature. Roman and Apple (1990) state that "tacit theoretical and political  48  assumptions underlie all research methods regarding the role of research to affirm or challenge and transform the inequity of the society researchers and research subjects inhabit" (p. 64). The chapter following provides an explication of the study's conceptual framework and methodology as well as the premises and presuppositions which attend them.  49 CHAPTER III THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY Introduction This chapter presents the study's theoretical framework and explain's the several methodologies utilized, with major emphasis given to the study's primary methodology, hermeneutic phenomenology.  The chapter begins by  presenting a case for the exclusive use of qualitative methodologies in connection with the study's goal of understanding lived experience. A look at the philosophical foundations and methodology of hermeneutic phenomenology is followed by a discussion of theoretical issues connected with phenomenology. Several validity issues are considered before turning to the study's foci concerning location, participants, and sampling processes. After a discussion of the development of relationships with participants and of the interviewing processes, the chapter concludes with an explanation of the data presentation and analysis format used in Chapter IV and Chapter V. Methodological 3.01 Pilot  Rationale  Study  Janesick (1994) suggests that a pilot study can provide a means to more adequately formulate the research question for a proposed study.  It is also  useful for helping to determine the most appropriate methodology.  With the  assistance of immigrant and exchange students at the secondary school where I formerly taught, a 16 page, 40 question quantitative survey was developed, which, it was hoped, would provide insights into the initial experiences of these students in our schools and society.  The survey was administered, in  some cases with the assistance of ESL teachers, to 38 respondents over a two year period.  Although particular care was taken to make the survey language  clear and simple as possible for students with limited English language proficiencies, understanding the survey questions proved to be problematic for a majority of respondents. questions asked.)  (Some answers bore no relationship to the  This result of the survey suggested that it would be more  beneficial to utilize a different research approach, one which would permit extended face-to-face contact with participants, such that the researcher and participants could develop an understanding of one another's contexts and  I f !  50 meanings.  Additionally, in debriefing after the survey was completed, it  became apparent that many of the respondents were better able to express themselves orally than in written form.  Another benefit of the debriefing was  the identification by respondents of several factors important to their initial experiences which had not been included within the scope of the survey's questions. Some of these factors, such as the importance of establishing friendships with majority culture peers, have been incorporated in the present study to provide foreshadowed themes for interview questions. 3.02 Choice of  Methodology  Patton (1990) has recognized that there are ...two fundamentally different and competing inquiry paradigms: (1) logical positivism, which uses quantitative and experimental methods to test hypothetical-deductive generalizations, versus (2) phenomenological inquiry, using qualitative and naturalistic approaches to inductively and holistically understand human experience in context-specific settings. (p. 3 7) Although adaptation research has predominantly utilized positivist quantitative methods (Berry, 1990; McCarthy, 1990), it is argued here that these methods are inappropriate for the study of human experience, and lack the explanatory capacity to disclose the contextual, constructed, and meaningful qualities of human experience. Positivist thought does not make an essential distinction between the physical-biological world and the human-social world (Hitchcock & Hughes, 1989), rather considering humans to be subject to the same cause and effect relationships as 'other' physical or biological objects.  From a  phenomenological perspective, however, positivist science has misconstrued human consciousness and experience as a object among other objects (Stewart & Mikunas, 1990), not recognizing the unique character of human 'being-in-theworld' (Heidegger, 1962).  With a view of the human experience as unique,  phenomenologically oriented researchers consider the human social world not solely in terms of "cause and effect," but more commonly as "meanings and actions" (Hitchcock & Hughes, 1989), terms almost exclusively linked with human consciousness.  Thus in this view, "human behavior, unlike that of  physical objects, cannot be understood without reference to the meanings and purposes attached by human actors to their activities" (Guba & Lincoln, 1994, p. 106). But when human consciousness is considered just a thing among other  51 things, human meaningfulness is inconsequential to knowledge of the world and thus remains outside the purview of positivist science. Consequently, quantitative natural science based methodologies have been unable to account for "the meaningfulness of human experience" (von Eckartsberg, 1986, p. 2) . The positivist position also stresses the notion of one objective reality, external  to various human experiences of that reality, a conception  that does not accord with humans as reality constituting agents, or recognize realities as humanly or socially constructed phenomena. As Fowler (1984) remarks, "traditional science focuses on some reality outside  of the  individual and his/her experience" (p. 12). The positivist position views the world as "external to individuals, existing independently of actors' construction of it" (Hitchcock & Hughes, 1989, p. 17). A focus on 'objective' reality outside of individuals results in a methodology which, when applied to human contexts such as adaptation or education, attempts to hold constant or eliminate human value (Ben-Peretz, 1990) or human context factors (Le Compte & Preissle, 1993), relying instead "on more remote, inferential materials" (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994, P. 5). Thus Fliesser (1991) concludes, "the rational/scientific school for the most part failed to advance the study of schooling because it focused exclusively on identifying objective facts about a complex, subjectively experienced social world" (p. 209). The positivist notion of human consciousness as just another object among objects has lent itself to the presumption that there is no fundamental distinction between the 'natural' and the 'human or social' sciences, and that inquiry methods suitable for investigating natural objects and biological functions are equally appropriate for the study of human interaction and experience.  This view has been questioned by researchers such as Goetz and Le  Compte (1984) who speak of a "misapplication of the natural science model to social science research" (p. 57), and by Giorgi (1985a) who observes that "the methods of the natural sciences were invented primarily to deal with phenomena of nature and not experienced phenomena" (p. 1). The position taken in this study, then, accords with that of von Eckartsberg (1986) who states, "the model of the natural sciences, appropriate as it is for such fields as physics or chemistry, is nevertheless of limited usefulness when it comes to the study  52 of the meaningful character of lived experience" (p. 2) . As the present study is concerned with complex processes of human experience, which imply the necessity of understanding human values, contexts, and constructions of reality, phenomenological, qualitatively oriented methodologies have been used exclusively.  These include hermeneutic  phenomenological, ethnographic, and narrative methodologies. Hermeneutic 3.03 Edmund Husserl's  Phenomenological  Phenomenology Foundation  Although according to Lyotard (1991/1954) , Hegel gave the term phenomenology its present meaning in 1807 with the publication of "Die Phanomenologie des Geistes," Edmund Husserl is generally recognized as "the acknowledged founder of modern phenomenology" (Leiter, 1980, p. 39), and remains its central figure today (Spiegelberg, 1982).  Continuously developing  a philosophy of phenomenology from the time he first used the term in 1900 (Spiegelberg, 1982), Husserl, a German Jew, acquired a following of mostly continental European students and philosophers.  Even before his death in 1938  in enforced obscurity in Nazi Germany, and the smuggling of his papers out of the country by Catholic nuns to Louvain in Belgium, these scholars, who included Sartre, Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty, Schutz and others, had begun to expand upon Husserl's phenomenological foundations. The etymology of phenomenology is 'pheinomai' (to appear) and 'togos' (reason): through reason (or intention) the object appears to us.  Central to  Husserl's conception of phenomenology is human intentionality, a concept adopted from Franz Brentano, one of Husserl's early mentors (Bell, 1990) . In this view consciousness is always consciousness of something.  As Aanstoos  (1985) explains, Phenomenological methods recognize and seek to describe the intrinsically intentive relation of the person to some subject matter. Indeed, that is the meaning of its most important discovery: intentionality - that consciousness is consciousness of something, (p. 90) Intentionality describes an aspect of emotional or intellectual experience where we stand intentionally in relation to objects or events.  For Husserl,  "an object is an object for consciousness only in as much as consciousness has been motivated to constitute it as such" (Caputo, 1987, pp. 43-44) . All  53 cognitive experiences, then, are "'object constituting' events" (Pivcevic, 1970, p. 19). Giorgi (1985a) observes that "phenomenology is precisely the discipline that tries to discover and account for the presence of meanings in the stream of consciousness" (p. 6) . Husserl maintained that unless people could order, stabilize, and find regularities in the continuous flow of sense data that are always present to them, the world could not be 'constituted' and all would be chaotic (Caputo, 1987).  As Stewart and Mikunas (1990) explain "basic to  phenomenology is the contention that the world has no meaning apart from consciousness" (p. 43). Husserl considered the mind to be essentially passive to much of the sese data ('hyletic' data) in the flow, but that it also has a 'noetic' capacity which makes sense of, or bestows meaning upon some hyletic data.  Bell (1990) explains that The function of the noetic aspect of consciousness is to create unity in diversity, identity in difference, form in what is intrinsically formless, and, ultimately, to deliver stable, coherent, and intelligible experience on the basis of sensory data that are themselves nonintentional and without meaning. (p. 172) Intentionality, our "doubting, denying, supposing, imagining,  suspecting, and assuming" (Bell, 1990, p. 116), which characterize the noetic, is differentiated by Husserl into four basic intentional structures which are outlined by Barber (1988): We apprehend the experience of this stream through four intentional structures that Husserl had explained: retention, reproduction, protention, and projection. Retention (primary remembrance), the after consciousness of the primal impression, is distinguished from reproduction (secondary remembrance), which, as reflective activity, introduces distinctions into experiences, differentiating them from one another and bringing concrete experiences into relief, thereby establishing meaning. Pretentions consist of presentative orientations toward the future and differ from projection, the future-directed counterpart of reproduction, which represents, reflects in anticipation, and projects discrete events that will or might take place. (p. 35) 'Reproduction', the aspect of the noetic that involves synthesis, is considered "the most important function performed by the non-hyletic moments in an intentional act" (Bell, 1990, p. 176). Synthesis often culminates in the mind's conversion of phenomena into 'examples,' or what Husserl called 'noema' (Pivcevic, 1970).  Noema are foundational to the protentional and  projectional aspects of the noetic.  The noema examples are always 'until  further notice,' that is, changeable if perceived to be incorrect in light of  54 new understanding, and are the slowly changing background referent upon which new objects of experience are foregrounded.  In Husserl's view, noema function  as 'typifications' that individuals routinely rely upon to make sense of the world. The intentionality of human consciousness toward the world experienced is considered by Husserl to be foundational to all subsequent acts of consciousness, including higher suppositional acts such as judging, inferring, or valuing (Bell, 1990).  Thus in this view "lived experience is the primary  locus for generation of meaning" (Burch, 1991, p. 38). Husserl's unidirectional concept of a subjective intentionality projected into the world as constituting the world is known as 'transcendental' phenomenology.  While  recognizing Husserl's contribution as foundational, the methodology of the present study departs somewhat from the transcendental perspective, drawing upon elements of the existential and social pragmatic formulations of Husserl's successors, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Alfred Schutz. 3.04 Existential  Phenomenology  Most clearly differentiating Merleau-Ponty's phenomenological perspective from that of Husserl is his reconceptualization of the subject/object dualism.  Husserl's unidirectional constitution of object by  subject is replaced by a semiotic or reciprocally constitutive interrelationship of subject and object.  Consciousness is not seen as a self-  sufficient absolute but as existing only through a relationship with what is outside of self.  Subject and object exist only in terms of one another and  cannot, in this view, exist apart from one another.  Thus Merleau-Ponty moves  dramatically away from 'consciousness o f to 'consciousness in dialectic relation with.'  This existential treatment of subject and object, in which  subject is constituted in relation to object (and vice versa) implies that self is constituted also, in part, through a relationship with others (Lanigan, 1992). In terms of the present study, the most important implication of Merleau-Ponty's reconception of subject/object is a parallel treatment of perspective and context.  In this view, "the relation between perspective and  context is reciprocal or dialectically circular.  We have no perspective which  55 is not constrained by a context; we have no context which is not defined by past and projected perspectives" (Gallagher, 1992a, p. 4). And, if contexts are not viewed as independent absolutes, but rather as constituted in relationship with variable perspectives, the constitution of meaning, and hence, truth, is to be seen as situational and temporal, not universal and eternal as with Husserl.  In Merleau-Ponty's view, there are multiple truths,  not just one "monadic truth" (Finn, 1992). 3.05 Social  Phenomenology  According to Hitchcock and Hughes (1989) , "Alfred Schutz (1899-1959) is usually regarded as being the key figure in unravelling the social implications of phenomenology" (p. 100). Where Husserl presented intentionality solely in terms of the primordial self's 'consciousness of,' Schutz located the primary motive or reason for the individual's 'consciousness o f in the social-familial world. Schutz (1970) built upon Husserl's ideal that meaning is given after the actual moment of experience, maintaining that "only from the point of view of the retrospective glance do there exist discrete experiences" (p. 63). In this view our retrospective glance at the stream of consciousness both selects elements from the stream and endows them with meaning (Barber, 1988) . Meaning making in Schutz's formulation derives from a residual 'stock of knowledge,' constituted through an accumulation of past experiences and relevances acquired through social interrelation, and "ordered by a process which Schutz, following Husserl, calls typification" (Webb, 1976, p. 62). Typifications, the result of our retention of elements of prior experience as exemplars (or typical), predetermine to a large extent what we can subsequently experience or notice, with present experience acquiring direction and meaning only through typified experience from the past (Schutz, 1970). Schutz maintained that our experiential typifications become habitual possessions, and that habit, following Dewey, is constitutive of preference. John Dewey (1966) maintained that, "any habit marks an inclination  - an active  preference and choice for the conditions involved in its exercise" (p. 204). Thus in Schutz's view "a set of typifications itself carries with it certain proclivities to notice, certain interests,  if you will" (Barber, 1988, p. 37).  56 These 'interests' are what Schutz preferred to call 'relevances.' For Schutz, the relevances that emerge from the medium of typifications have an intentionality that is essentially pragmatic, in that "the working self traces out that segment of the world which is pragmatically relevant and these relevances determine the form and content of our stream of thought" (Schutz, 1970, p. 69).  Because human involvement in the world is primarily  social, Schutz considers that our primary source of pragmatic relevance is our social world.  According to Schutz, our systems of relevance are socially  conditioned in that: Only a very small part of my knowledge of the world originates within my personal experience. The greater part is handed down to me by my friends, my parents, my teachers and the teachers of my teachers. I am not only taught how to define the environment... but also how typical constructs have to be formed in accordance with the system of relevances accepted from the anonymous unified point of view of the group. (p. 96) For some, this position has appeared contradictory.  Hekman (1986), for  example, argues "he cannot have it both ways - social (intersubjective) meaning construction and individual intentionality" (p. 30). But Schutz does seem to 'have it both ways' in that his 'subjective self retains a Husserlian ability to constitute the world, even as the world provides, in terms of typifications received from others and the common language, much of the direction for that intentionality.  As Stone (1979) puts it, "while aspects of  it derive from one's culture and society, yet the dynamics of each person's consciousness are original with them" (pp. 5-6). In this view, while individuals constitute the world, their intentionality or relevances are informed  by the common stock of typifications which adhere to the social or  cultural group of which they were or are a part (Webb, 1976). The phenomenological position developed in this study, then, while founded upon Husserl's subjective intentionality, also recognizes intentionality as existentially and socially informed,  and in so doing highlights the  perception-context correlation and socially informed typifications as key aspects of human experience and meaning-making. 3.06 Hermeneutic  Influence  Spiegelberg (1982) states that "even Husserl's phenomenology implied hermeneutic interpretations" (p. 599), concurring with Ricoeur's (1981) remark  57 that "there exists between phenomenology and hermeneutics a mutual belonging" (p. 104). Husserl's phenomenological perspective was largely ahistorical (Spiegelberg, 1982), focusing on the present life-world with little regard to the nature of past experiences which inform the subjects' immediate relationship to the life world.  If phenomenological methodology is to acquire  an explanatory capacity which can account  for the subject's present  understandings and interpretations, the incorporation of hermeneutic interpretation, which sees understanding as historically conditioned (Gadamer, 1989), and focuses on how "the past operates in the present" (Gallagher, 1992b, p. 90), is implied.  Patton (1990) states, "hermeneutics asks, 'what  are the conditions under which a human act took place or a product was produced that makes it possible to interpret its meanings?'" (p. 84). The present study, then, incorporates a hermeneutic phenomenological methodology, and relies upon an unfolding of historical backgrounds upon which subsequent experiences are configured and interpreted (Ormiston & Schrift, 1990b) by study participants. Hermeneutic Phenomenological Methodology 3.07  Consciousness  Stone (1979) states that "the aim of phenomenological research is the exploration of the fundamental consciousness of the person or people being studied so that their perceptions can be identified and interpreted" (p. 2). However, although humans consciously act upon the world, their actions and the motives (Schutz, 1970), rules (Wiggins & Schwartz, 1988) and guiding patterns (Bowers & Flinders, 1990) that direct them are most often taken for granted (Goffman, 1959), and remain at a tacit, unreflected level of consciousness. The problem to which a phenomenological method is addressed, then, is to bring pre-reflective experience to "our reflective awareness" (van Manen, 1990, p. 18).  The method employed by phenomenologists to bring experience to our  reflective awareness and to discover its essential (or irreducible) meaning is by means of an epoche which consists of phenomenological 'reduction' and 'bracketing.' 3.08 Epoche  The phenomenological epoche operates to access the prereflective,  58 presuppositional intentionality of human experience.  It is designed to (a),  bring the research participant's prereflective experience to reflective awareness and (b), to reconstitute the experience in its presuppositional integrity, such that the irreducible essence (the necessary and sufficient constituents) of the experience reveals itself.  In order to bring the essence  of experience to awareness the researcher and participant reflect together to uncover successively deeper layers of the experience to reveal its essential constituents (phenomenological reduction).  In order that the experience may  be revealed in its integrity, presuppositional elements imported into the experience post hoc by both the researcher and research participant must be temporarily factored out (phenomenological bracketing).  As Bogdan and Taylor  (1975) explain, "while in the situation, the researcher suspends his or her own beliefs and presuppositions, as well as those of his or her subjects" (p. 9) . Husserl's phenomenological reduction is not reductivist in the sense of statistical reduction where generalizable representativeness is desired (reduction 'to stand for'), but rather it is a reduction to what constitutes the irreducible essence of the experience investigated.  As Pivcevic (1970)  explains, "generally speaking the method of phenomenological reduction is a means of detecting what is constitutive and essential in our relationship with the world" (p. 65). The reduction is accomplished through a dialogic, reflective interview process that seeks to go 'back to the things themselves,' that is, to the intentionality which constituted what was experienced as a meaningful experience (or phenomenon). Phenomenological bracketing functions to set suppositions and theory 'out of play' (Lyotard, 1991/1954) while one inquires into the essence of experience.  Phenomenological inquiry is not inferential in that there are no  hypotheses to be tested (Aanstoos, 1985); there are no a priori outside of the immediate field of inquiry (Pivcevic, 1970) .  assumptions "There is an  attempt to investigate the immediate data given to the mind and not a theoretical construction or interpretation of these data" (Brody & Oppenheim, 1966, p. 296) . Husserl's bracketing derives from his background as a mathematician, and  59 the bracketing process should be viewed in the sense of an algebraic equation. It is not intended that we get rid of or make subsidiary what is bracketed in the equation, but to temporarily set it apart, such that it will not in any way determine the initial (or presuppositional) stage of the equation, which must be calculated before inclusion of the bracketed portion in order for the equation to be completed correctly. As Stewart and Mikunas (1990) explain, "by bracketing the equation, the mathematical does not eliminate it, but merely places it out of question for the present, while the larger context of the equation is investigated" (p. 26) . In the epoche, which is derived from the Greek and means 'abstention of belief (Stewart & Mikunas, 1990), we bracket out our judgemental standing in relation to the world, such that it is temporarily neutralized in order that we may invest ourselves in the research participant's experience of constituting meaning.  With worldly perspectives  bracketed, 'reflective consciousness' can be brought to bear on the intentional structures embedded in the experience studied (Caputo, 1987), such that the essence of the experience may emerge.  Only then is the essence  connected with what was originally bracketed out. Spiegelberg (1982) states that "the most controversial aspect of phenomenological method has come to be Husserl's reduction" (p. 678). The issue is that of whether it is possible, or even desirable, for researchers to consciously 'bracket out' their preconceptions prior to entering the field to begin inquiry.  Husserl (1970), as we have seen, considered bracketing  necessary to obtain an unobscured (presuppositionless) view of the phenomenon. While not going so far as Nietzsche (1968) who maintained that one finds in things nothing but what one has imported into them, theorists such as Bubner (1983) stress the hermeneutic view that understanding is impossible without presuppositions, and is dependent on what we already know.  Gadamer (1975),  for example, expresses this position in his contention that "our historical and socially conditioned presuppositions are indispensable for our coming to knowledge of" (p. 245), as does Burch (1991) in his view that "my perspective with all of its prejudices is the very condition of my understanding, its locus and medium" (p. 42). Phenomenologists have also followed this course, in that, as Benson and  60 Hughes (1983) observe, "far from wanting to bracket away the life world, as Husserl wished to do, Schutz regards this as the natural locus of understanding" (p. 51). The point made is that much of the direction for our recognizing and understanding experienced phenomena is dependent on culturally and historically conditioned presuppositions (Gadamer, 1989), and that without these presuppositions the researcher, no less than other people, has little basis for making sense of the world.  Presuppositionlessness, then, is not  attainable, in that it is impossible to stand outside the world of which one is a part (Heidegger, 1962). The position taken in this study accords with that of Heidegger and Gadamer, in that the impossibility of completely bracketing presuppositions is recognized.  out  But at the same time, it is also recognized  that suppositions left at the unreflected level may seriously impair the vision of the researcher, thus there remains a need to identify upon presuppositions.  and  reflect  Van Manen (1990) proposes that "it is better to make  explicit our understandings, beliefs, biases, assumptions, predispositions, and theories" in an effort to hold this knowledge to the test of the phenomenon as it were, "thereby exposing its shallow or concealing character" (p. 47). However, the best rationale for exposing our presuppositions may not be to push them out of our vision or to hold them up for comparison with the truth of the phenomenon, but rather to clearly recognize and make explicit their unavoidable coloring of our vision.  This perspective recognizes a  looking through, rather than a setting out of play or holding up for comparison.  It is a recognition that "as we apprehend any thing else not  properly ours...we do so not by looking behind the intervening glosses which connect us to it but through them" (Bredella, 1993, p. 799). It is a recognition that "we must necessarily look through our own pre-judgments - our pre-judices - at what happens" (Barrit, Beekman, Bleeker, & Mulderij, 1985, p. 2 9) , and that "any gaze is always filtered through the lenses of language, gender, social class, race, and ethnicity" (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994. p. 12). Making explicit presuppositions that unavoidably color our understanding as we gaze at the phenomenon through them, also has the advantage of permitting the research audience to more adequately assess the significance or relevance of  51 presuppositions in terms of the observations and conclusions presented in the study. 3.09 Practical  Application  of the  Methodology  Van Manen (1990) provides a practical application of a hermeneutic phenomenological reduction process, a dialogic, reflective interview technique which has been adopted in the present study. Van Manen explains that "phenomenology describes how one orients to lived experience, hermeneutics describes how one interprets the 'texts' of life" (p. 4). Data collection, interpretation, and writing are virtually inseparable aspects of van Manen's hermeneutic phenomenological technique, and are based upon an extended, cumulative series of dialogic interviews which begin phenomenologically, then progressively become more hermeneutically oriented.  With such a technique "we  start with the emic position, the view and knowledge of the native, and work our way to the etic, interpretive position" (Spindler & Spindler, 1992, p. 70).  Initial interviews are directed toward establishing a "collaborative  relationship" and "gathering experiences."  In the second stage of interviews,  the researcher engages the participants in reflections on experiences in relation to objects or events in the participants' worlds which may have been identified in previous interviews. Each of these interview stages requires the researcher to transcribe dialogue in written form, gradually revealing and rebuilding the experiences of participants, such that in the third stage of interviews, the researcher may bring elements of the developing written text back to the participant to engage in a joint "reflection on the text (transcripts) of previous interviews" (van Manen, 1990, p. 99).  In this more  hermeneutically oriented stage, researcher and participant together probe deeper into the nature of the experiences previously identified.  A new set of  transcripts is drafted and analyzed by the researcher for emergent experiential "themes."  In the fourth stage of the interview process, "once  transcript themes have been identified by the researcher then these themes become objects of reflection in follow-up hermeneutic conversations in which both the researcher and interviewee collaborate" (p. 99). 3.10 Context:  Habitus  and  Horizon  Bateson (1978) has suggested that "without context there is no meaning"  62 (p. 13). One of the most important means of rebuilding study participants' experiences within the interview sequence is revealing the contexts within which meanings of experiences have been constituted.  As Barrit et al. (1985)  explain, "the study of experience is also a study of social context and context is always a historical context" (p. 65). This hermeneutic focus recognizes that the cumulative effect of prior experiences (our  habitus)  informs our constitution of the meaning of present experience (Gadamer, 1975) . It also recognizes that past experience establishes our perceptual  horizon  toward which we are able to project the possibility of future experience and meanings, that is, the scope of our future hopes and ambitions (Heidegger, 1962).  These hopes and ambitions in turn can affect our interpretation of  present experience.  The concepts of habitus and horizon are beautifully  expressed in the poetry of Alfred, Lord Tennyson: I am a part of all that I have met; Yet all experience is an arch wherethro' Gleams that untravell'd world, whose margin fades For ever and for ever when I move. Schutz (1962) considers that "all interpretation of this world is based on a stock of previous experiences of it, our own or those handed down to us by parents or teachers," and that "these experiences in the form of 'knowledge at hand' function as a scheme of reference" (p. 7). Schutz's 'knowledge at hand' derives from Husserl's (1972) concept of 'habitus.' Knowledge at hand and habitus both refer to habitual dispositions, the cumulative products of past experience which inform our constitution of meaning within present experience.  Perhaps the best current interpretation of habitus, and the one  utilized in this study, is provided by French sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu maintains that each individual upon entering the world is immediately exposed, and receptive out of necessity, to a conditioning spatial, sensual, linguistic and cognitive environment, initially that of the family, and subsequently of social group and teachers (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1979).  This  initial conditioning, which may be thought of in terms of a primary socialization, is the genesis of the individual's 'habitus,' that is, a residual stock of dispositions or "deeply interiorized master patterns of  63 thought and action" (Bourdieu, 1967, p. 347) . Bourdieu considers that the habitus is continuously modified and cumulatively formed over one's life span through the recursive operation of subsequent experience. However, it is the initial experience and dispositions, the residual foundation of the habitus, that continues to have the most profound effect in mediating future experience (Bourdieu, 1990) . For Bourdieu, inquiry into experience is primarily concerned with identifying the elements which structure the individual's habitus. As Lanigan (1992) explains, Here, according to Bourdieu, the methodological problem of analysis is the theoretical problem of hexis [L. habitus], ie. the problematic of habit in which the choice made (consciousness) demands that its own context (experience) be taken as thematic. This way of formulating the issue of analysis is strictly phenomenological. (p. 14) Thus, if an individual's habitus is an essential determinant of the meanings they attach to experience, understanding experience, in this view, requires a genealogical tracing of the elements which have contributed to structuring the individual's habitus. This genealogical tracing - which is consistent with Husserl's (1973) and Merleau-Ponty's (1962) interpretations of habitus as a history of our constituting meaning, and as a phenomenology of origins or genealogy of meanings - is an important component of the interview process utilized in the present study.  It may be seen to be particularly important in terms of  adaptation experience in that adaptation literature repeatedly points to the salience of previous socialization or experiences in the homeland as influencing perceptions of new experience in the receiving country (Brody, 1970; Cui & Awa, 1992; Delgado-Gaitan & Trueba, 1991; Disman, 1990). Because we not only see present experience in terms of past experience, and within the context of the present situation, but also in relation to our projected possibilities or hopes for the future (Stewart & Mikunas, 1990), our future orientation also influences what and how we experience at any given moment (Clandinin & Connelly, 1994).  Thus the interview sequence used in the  present study, though primarily directed toward retrospective reflection, also seeks an understanding of study participants' horizons.  64 3.11 Analysis  of Interview  Information  According to Bogdan and Taylor (1975) , The phenomenologist views human behavior - what people say and do - as a product of how people interpret their world. The task for the phenomenologist... is to capture this process of interpretation. (p. 13) In order to grasp the meanings of a person's behavior, the phenomenologist attempts to see things from that person's point of view. (p. 14) The dialogic interview process facilitates a reconstruction of both the contextual conditions of study participants' experiences and of their constitution (interpretation) of the meaning of their experiences, from their own point of view.  In the phenomenological interview sequence, interview  transcripts are analyzed by establishing with study participants the genesis of participants' metaphors (Snively, 1986), typifications (Hitchcock & Hughes, 1989), values and assumptions (Stone, 1979), perceptions and interpretations (Patton, 1990), and behaviors (van Manen, 1990).  Phrases that appear to be  central (Barrit et al., 1984) or essential (van Manen, 1984) to the participants' experience are located to help clarify experiential themes structures,  or  that is, the 'necessary and sufficient' (Merleau-Ponty, 1962),  'essential recurring' (Denzin, 1989), or 'invariate' (Giorgi, 1985b) components which together constitute the irreducible 'essence' of the experience. 3.12  Essences Van Manen (1984) has described an 'essence' as that which makes the  experience meaningful to the self.  But, as Stewart and Mikunas (1990)  recognize, The experienced world consists of many levels, structures, and relationships which can be described effectively by the phenomenological method. But the experience of a thing {sache) demands that these levels and relationships be unified. (p. 44) 'Essence,' then, presupposes a synthesis of essential themes which constitute a unified essence of experience.  Thus, the phenomenological analysis  concludes with a description of essential themes and an explication of how they have been synthesized by the study participant to constitute the essence of the experience.  This is done in such a way as "to bring the phenomenon  itself to self-showing" (Aanstoos, 1985, p. 91).  65 Theoretical  Issues Concerning Phenomenology  The purpose of this review is to situate the study in relation to several issues and debates in the literature that are relevant to the phenomenological approach. 3.13 Universal or Individual  Essences  One of the important presuppositions of Husserl's phenomenology was that essences of human experience were viewed as universal, ahistorical, and acultural.  As Benson and Hughes (1983) remark, "Husserl held that whatever is  genuinely true must be so universally and eternally" (p. 49). Merleau-Ponty (1973), however, argued that if contexts are not independent absolutes but rather are constituted in relation with variable human perspectives, then the constitution of meaning, and hence, truth, is to be seen as situational and temporal, not universal and eternal as with Husserl.  Similarly, Schutz (1962)  rejected Husserl's universal essences, arguing that because individuals have, to a certain degree, unique histories of acquired relevances and experiences, essences can be individual. The position taken in this study is consistent with that of Merleau-Ponty and Schutz.  It recognizes that ways of  constituting reality differ between people (Giroux, 1981) , and that ethnicity can have a fundamental and differentiating influence on our interpretations of experience (Stanfield, 1994). 3.14 Experience: Preverbal or Verbal?  The second issue concerns the nature of experience.  Is it pretheoretical  and preverbal, unmediated by language and concepts as Husserl and Schutz suggest; or is all experience an effect of the language and concepts that inform (and form) us, as Gadamer and Derrida claim?  Merleau-Ponty's (1962)  contention that "to return to things in themselves is a return to that world which precedes all knowledge of which knowledge always speaks" (p. ix), and van Manen's (1990) explanation that "phenomenological research is the explication of phenomenon as they present themselves to consciousness" (p. 11) are illustrative of the first position. Reynolds (1992), "is the  What is clear here, explain Pinar and  phenomenological view that we live prior to language  in a perceptual substratum" (pp. 9-10). In direct contrast to this position is Gadamer's (1975) view that "being  66 that can be understood is language" (p. xxii), and Derrida's (1976) assertion that "we think only in signs" (p. 50). As Pols (1992) characterizes this view, "all knowledge, they would say, is a function of the theories we hold and the languages we use" (p. 5). The position taken in this study recognizes that experience and meaning can occur preverbally, and thus does not accept the view that they occur only & Mangan, 1991).  through the social process of language (Goodson  At the same time, however, it is recognized that much of our  experience and understanding is second order, distanciated from direct experience and occurring in and through language.  Both preverbal and verbal  elements, then, must be incorporated into any consideration or reconstruction of lived experience. 3.15 Can Experience  be  Communicated?  A problematic assumption of qualitative research is that "researchers can capture lived experience" (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994, p. 11). People differ in their abilities to communicate their experience (Pelto & Pelto, 1978), and it would seem, additionally, that there are aspects of experience that none of us are able to communicate.  For example, some researchers have found that  people are often unable to report on their social motivations even when they wish to (Furnham & Bochner, 1986), and that because much of our cultural heritage is implicit, people seldom can articulate their cultural assumptions (Jacob & Jordan, 1993).  Indeed, automaticity research is strongly suggestive  that humans lack linguistic access to many aspects of their social and psychological experience (Gamradt, 1989).  It is apparent that "the lived  world can never be fully articulated" (Scudder & Mikunas, 1985, p. 10) and that we live far more than we can speak of (van Eckartsberg, 1986) . With regard to the problem of communicating experience, it is recognized in the present study that a portion of human experience is not communicable or is at best, imperfectly communicable (Stone, 1979).  Nonetheless, experience  cannot be dismissed as an object of inquiry simply because it is not available in its entirety.  There are few phenomena that can ever be studied in their  entirety, regardless of research method or sample size. As human experience is indispensable for understanding human problems, it is incumbent upon researchers to utilize those aspects of experience which are communicable,  67 such that we might achieve a better approximation of understanding than has been made available to us by research methods which disregard experience.  In  De Vos's (1990) words, "we cannot forgo in despair endeavors to approximate some communication of the experiences of others, even though the approximations we can make are less subject to control than are structural analyses that bypass any concern for human consciousness" (p. 18). 3.16 Can Experience  be Communicated  Accurately?  A problem related to 'capturing experience' is whether experience can be communicated accurately.  The problem stems from the fact that all verbal  reference to experience is retrospective (Scheflen, 1974; Schutz, 1967).  As  Hycner (1985) comments, "one of the first criticisms that is often raised is that interviewing a participant about a phenomenon elicits a retrospective viewpoint" (p. 295). The problem concerns the extent to which retrospective accounts can be accepted as accurate representations (Cole, 1991) . Recall, it will be noted, is prone to problems of forgetting (Burch, 1989; Wagner, 1983), and as such, may result in omission (Cole, 1991; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994) or even unintentional confabulation (Hycner, 1985).  The result, according to  Lyotard (1991/1954), is that "experience reflected on afterwards  may be a new  experience - the link between the one and the other bearing no guarantee of fidelity" (p. 78). While the problems inherent in retrospective viewpoint are recognized in the present study, it is suggested that the nature of the study's methodology and sample population serve to ameliorate problems of recall. With phenomenological reduction, both researcher and participant reflect upon the participant's experience, helping "to overcome the forgetfulness of the natural or naive standpoint" (Sundara, 1991, p. 102). Because the reduction is a narrowing process which occurs over time, the participant has a better opportunity to integrate experience through reflection, and to formulate a more adequate verbal expression for it (Hycner, 1985).  Additionally, a number  of researchers have observed that experience not usually available to consciousness can be brought to consciousness when it contrasts markedly with new experience or norms (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984; Jacob & Jordan, 1993; Wolcott, 1987) . As the sample population of the present study consists of people whose  68 natal cultures contrast markedly with that of the culture in which they now live, this contrastive effect may be seen to be operative in the reflections of study participants. 3.17 Is it  Possible  to Render the Experience  of  Another?  A third debate related to 'capturing experience' concerns the problem of whether the researcher's rendering of the experience of another can ever be accurate.  The problem according to Burch (1991) is that First, my rendering of another's experience, however trusting and faithful I presume to be to what she says and does, is always inevitably my rendering, that is, a story constructed within the stream of my experience and personal history, and hence meaningful to me in a way always different from the meaning of the experience to the participant. (p. 42)  The researcher does not, of course, have direct access to the participant's mind (Chang & Holt, 1991; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994) and this necessitates a rendering of experience which is an interpretation of the participant's interpretation of experience.  Some have considered that the result of such  rendering is, at best, a 'collaboration' between researcher and participant (Yans-McLaughlin, 1990) rather than an actual representation of the participant's experience.  Compounding this problem is the fact that the  researcher is often describing from an individualist perspective those who function within a communal perspective (De Certeau, 1987).  There are also  practical problems of rendering experience such as language itself, which "tends to abstract from the experience we are trying to describe" (van Manen, 1989, p. 240), and transcribing from dialogue, which tends toward decontextualization (Kvale, 1988). Several aspects of the present study address this important concern. First, the study utilizes a non-directive, open ended interview process (Whyte, 1982) within which study participants are explicitly encouraged to introduce their own concepts, terms, and norms, and to express their own relevances (indigenous themes).  These, in turn, provide the researcher with  participant generated questions and descriptions, and permit a researcher interpretation of experience more closely aligned with the participant's. Secondly, the phenomenological method, as has been stated previously, seeks to bring experience to self-showing.  This may be accomplished by letting  participant experience show itself through extensive verbatim transcriptions.  69 Because phenomenological research is conducted personally by the researcher, and, in the case of the present study, transcription was also done personally, decontextualization problems have been countered somewhat by recording context elements both during interview dialogues and during transcription. 3.18 Colonizing  the  Other  Willinsky (1994) raises serious questions about the extent to which our educational concern with culture remains enmeshed in colonial and racist interests, deeply invested in the construction of difference. At the heart of Willinsky's concern is that our use of the term "culture" has, and continues to be, closely aligned with a self-serving, subordinating construction of "otherness."  This is not to suggest that cultural difference doesn't exist in  actuality or as an organizing principle, but that much of the difference has been produced and applied by majority cultures to minority cultures. A power and numerical differential between majority and minorities acts to ensure that minorities (including immigrants) have little autonomy in the construction of their "otherness," no effective means to negotiate or to defend themselves from how they have been defined.  It is, according to Said (1990) a form of  representation which "has been repressive because it doesn't permit room for interventions on the part of those represented" (p. 95). It is also evident that the majority culture's construction of "otherness" is often to some extent incorporated by the "others" in their constructions of selves (Yee, 1993). Parker (1992) states that "from the recognition of difference there flow, inevitably, notions of superiority and inferiority" (p. 2 96).  His views  are shared by Sarup (1991) who asks whether a society based on "difference without hierarchy" (p. 130) is conceivable.  While the position developed in  the present study accepts that the essential problem of intercultural understanding is to be able to understand others as both different and equal (Todorov, 1984), it does not accept the notion that the researcher's representation of the other is always reductive (Said, 1978) or inevitably leads to a colonizing hierarchy.  Rather it is maintained that cross-cultural  research can be conducted such that it emphasizes  "appreciation of diversity  as a strength, not a weakness" (Kehoe, 1984, p. 50).  70 "What would it take," asks Willinsky (1994), "to break this colonizing hold on the study of the other" (p. 617)?  "How can we live in difference,  respecting alterity" (Chambers, 1994, p. 128), and "how do we construct a discourse which displaces the effects of the colonizing gaze" (Hutcheon, 1990, p. 176)?  Certainly qualitative research has been guilty of reproducing a  colonizing discourse of alterity (Fine, 1994).  There has been a tendency,  particularly in ethnographic research, to speak on behalf of the other, depriving the other of voice and self-identity.  As bell hooks (1990)  expresses this trend, there is "no need to hear your voice when I can talk about you better than you can speak about yourself. voice...I am still the colonizer" (p. 151).  No need to hear your  The problem appears to be that  when researchers define 'others' in terms of difference, most often their reference points are themselves or their own cultures. They reconstruct the 'other' in relation to (and differentiating from) their own image. When the 'other' is permitted no voice, the 'other' is 'other' only in relation to those who are not 'other.' The research antidote proposed here, which offers resistance to colonialist hegemony, is to provide research participants a platform wherein they might speak, render, and define themselves - not solely in terms of alterity or similarity in relation to the researcher or majority culture - but in their own terms. The present study's emphasis on participant constructs and participants' articulations of their own experiences in their own terms, then, functions in such a way that "new articulations constructed"  of identity  may be  (McLaren, 1991, p. 148). In Giroux's (1992) view, "this means  giving students the opportunity to speak, to locate themselves in history, and to become subjects in the construction of their identities and the wider society" (p. 26). Additional Inquiry  Methods  Van Manen (1990) explains that "reflection on lived experience is always recollective; it is reflection on experience that has already passed or lived through" (p. 10). Precisely because phenomenology is retrospective, it does not address several important aspects of immigrant adaptation.  Retrospective  methods do not provide access to immediate influences or contexts of physical  71 setting, or to the immediate social interactions or behaviors of study participants.  Clearly the experience of adaptation is also ongoing and occurs  to some degree in relation to specific school and community settings.  For  this reason, and to enhance validity through methodological triangulation, the study incorporates some methods associated with ethnographic and narrative inquiry. 3.19 Ethnographic  Methods  From the outset it should be recognized that this study, while augmented with ethnographic methods, should not be regarded as an "ethnography."  While  ethnographies investigate culture as it derives from its situational context (Wolcott, 1992), much of the "culture" of the recently arrived immigrant student does not derive from the present setting, but has been imported into it, and thus initially has little relational reference to the new school or community environment.  However, as the study seeks to understand experience  over the initial period of adaptation, it must take into account that new social and educational environments will, over time, come to be major factors in the adaptation experience.  It is in relation to this interest, then, that  the study utilizes certain ethnographic methods. Of primary interest to the study are ethnographic observation methods directed toward understanding contexts of immediate setting and immediate social or cultural interactions, as they may be seen to address aspects of the adaptation phenomenon that phenomenological methods do not.  Phenomenology is  not directed toward immediate physical or social interaction, elements which may be seen to be important for understanding the experience of recent immigrant students in relation to their new physical and social environments. Immediate contextual setting ought to be taken into account in that certain understandings of study participants are impossible to comprehend outside of it (Magoon, 1977).  Underlying ethnography's concern for context in terms of  settings and social interactions is the notion of role.  In much ethnographic  writing, humans are viewed as actors, constructing and being constructed by their relational and interactive roles with others (Anderson, 1989; Wax, 1980).  However, once the actor is removed from the stage (context) the role  is no longer engaged and therefore, not immediately present to the actor or to  72 the observer-researcher.  As S. Wilson (1977) explains,  Human behavior is complexly influenced by the context in which it occurs. Any research plan which takes actors out of the naturalistic setting may negate those forces and hence obscure its own understanding. (p. 253) This study, then, conforms to the ethnographic practice of conducting inquiry as much as possible within the naturalistic setting, in this case, within the school and homes of study participants.  The study also utilizes  participant and non-participant ethnographic observation techniques "to acquire firsthand, sensory accounts of phenomena as they  occur in real world  settings" (Goetz & Le Compte, 1984, pp. 3-4, emphasis added).  Ethnographic  observations are also used to discover participant concerns, understandings and reactions which may be explored in more depth in subsequent interviews (Wolcott, 1985). 3.20 Self-report  Narratives  One of the key aspects of immigrant adaptation is change (Gudykunst & Kim, 1984) . According to R.C. Nann (1982) , "the length of time required for successful resettlement means that research in this area must be designed so as to measure change over time" (p. 9). Self-report narratives are incorporated into the study primarily as a means to understand the process of how the immigrant student's experience changes over the initial period of adaptation.  One of the major benefits of self-report narratives is that they  help to 'fix' aspects of experience at about the time when they occur or are recollected, which may otherwise be lost to the participant's subsequent recollections (Grumet, 1992).  An additional benefit of narrative writing is  that it functions to help participants make sense of their experience (Butler & Mansfield, in press; van Manen, 1989b). According to Kinkead (1993), "our best access to teachers' and students' understandings of the meaning of classroom experience may be through life history narratives, rather than through structured classroom observations and interviews" (p. 169). Even prior to the 1920s, qualitative researchers relied upon narrative documents (Yans-McLaughlin, 1990), and the use of journals (Clandinin & Connelly, 1994; Coppola, 1983) or diaries (Hitchcock & Hughes, 1989; Tesch, 1984) is advocated by numerous researchers today.  However, both  Grumet (1992) and Ziegler and Michelson (1981) caution that self-report  73 narratives may not provide accurate descriptions of participants' behavior or actual experience. Van Manen (1990) warns also that self-reporting may be problematic for young people because of linguistic demands and the potential for attributions (p. 66). Clearly the linguistic demands of self-report narratives must be taken into account in a study in which participants have limited English language written competencies. Notwithstanding these potential problems, and with reference to "journal, diary, or log writing," van Manen considers that "it is likely such sources may contain accounts of human experiences that are of phenomenological value" (p. 73). In the present study participants were asked to keep a personal journal of reflections on their adaptation experience during the six month period of their contact with the researcher.  In terms of method, participant self-  report narratives have been submitted to a hermeneutic analysis in much the same manner as the process described previously for analysis of phenomenological interviews. Additionally, selected portions of participant journals have been used during phenomenological interviews as a questiongenerating device (Hitchcock & Hughes, 1989; Zimmerman & Wieder, 1977), and as "hermeneutic prompts" (van Manen, 1990) which function to trigger reflection on hidden or taken for granted aspects of participants' experiences. Validity  Issues  Several important validity issues relevant to the qualitative methodologies utilized in this study are discussed at this time. The discussion is divided into 'internal,' 'external,' and 'other' validity issues. Internal 3.21 Prolonged  Validity  Engagement  Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest several means to help establish internal validity, the truth value or plausibility of the claims or understandings expressed by the researcher.  The first is that of "prolonged engagement."  There are several reasons why the researcher's prolonged engagement in the field or with study participants is seen to contribute to the validity of qualitative research.  Prolonged engagement is considered necessary for  adequately understanding the research participant's environment, language, and  74 social interactions, and to recognize possible changes occurring over time. It is also necessary to ensure "a match between researcher categories and participant realities" (Le Compte & Preissle, 1993, p. 342) . Prolonged time in the field is needed to bring the researcher's preconceptions to the surface, to test and modify tentative hypotheses, and to evaluate the researcher's effect on participants. Without prolonged engagement it would be almost impossible to build and maintain a relationship of trust necessary for eliciting meaningful data. An additional aspect of prolonged engagement is what Lincoln and Guba (1985) describe as "persistent observation."  Persistent  observation is deemed necessary to adequately identify "elements in the situation that are most relevant to the problem or issue being pursued" (p. 3 04), and to sort out irrelevancies.  Persistent observation also refers to  the researcher establishing over time whether occurrences or phenomena are unique or whether they occur repeatedly (Spindler & Spindler, 1992).  Inherent  in the concept of prolonged or persistent engagement is the view that "experience always threatens what we know" (Cherryholmes, 1988, p. 62). In the present study, the period of engagement with research participants occurred over a period of six consecutive months, from March until the end of August, 1994. 3.22 Respondent  Distortions  Prolonged engagement also has the value of providing the researcher with sufficient time to identify possible "distortions introduced by respondents" (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 302), which may pose serious threats to validity. Wilson (1977) lists several common respondent distortions: For instance, the role of being a research subject in social science research often includes the following instances of behaviour: a suspiciousness of the intent of the research, a sense of the behaviour that is either appropriate or expected, a special interpersonal relationship with the experimenter, and a desire to be evaluated positively. All these forces can shape behaviour in a way that is extraneous to the focus of the research. (p. 248) To these may be added "a high potential for false positive responses in a direct questioning situation" (Marshall & Rossman, 1989, p. 63), participants "saying normatively appropriate things" (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 302), and even the possibility of deceptions and fronts (Douglas, 1976).  Due to the  limited English language proficiency of study participants, the most likely  75 respondent distortion to be encountered in the present study is "misconstruction  of investigators'  questions  - and hence of the answers given  to them" (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 3 02), a problem found in the pilot study mentioned previously. 3.23 Peer Debriefing  "Peer debriefing" (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) holds substantial promise for validation in terms of the present study.  Peer debriefing involves explaining  the current status of the inquiry to knowledgeable peers who can help to illuminate the researcher's unrecognized preconceptions, or to recognize some important element in the data that the researcher has overlooked through being too 'close' to the data or phenomena.  In the case of the present study it has  been useful to debrief with non-teaching peers of both genders, who were new immigrants themselves during their teen years. Their reflective insights have also provided foreshadowed themes with which to return to the phenomena. 3.24 Negative and Alternate  Case Analysis  Some form of 'negative case analysis' (Becker, 1961; Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Marshall & Rossman, 1989) is applied in different ways by both ethnographic and phenomenological researchers as a means to establish internal validity.  In ethnographic studies, researchers develop working hypotheses or  assumptions, then go back through their data to check for negative evidence. As negative evidence is found, working hypotheses must either be reformulated to account for negative instances or alternative hypotheses must be generated. A related aspect is 'alternate case analysis' where the researcher seeks out "rival or competing themes" (Patton, 1990, p. 462) or "alternative hypotheses" (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 230). As Marshall and Rossman (1989) explain, "alternative explanations always exist; the researcher must search for, identify, and describe them, and then demonstrate how the explanation offered is the most plausible of all" (p. 119). 3.25 Free Imaginative Variation  For the phenomenologist, alternative case analysis involves "free imaginative variation" (Husserl, 1973), a different way of searching for incongruent cases, by creatively removing themes from experience formulations in an effort to assess whether the theme is necessarily an aspect of the  76 invariant structure of an experience, or if it is in fact an unnecessary (hence, incongruent) aspect (von Eckartsberg, 1986).  As van Manen (1990)  explains: In determining the universal or essential quality of a theme our concern is to discover aspects or qualities that make a phenomenon what it is and without which the phenomenon could not be what it is. To this end the phenomenologist uses the method of free imaginative variation in order to verify whether a theme belongs to a phenomenon essentially (rather than incidentally). In the process of apprehending essential themes or essential relationships one asks the question: Is this phenomenon still the same if we imaginatively change or delete this theme from the phenomenon? Does the phenomenon without this theme lose its fundamental meaning? (p. 107) Whereas positivist methods require verification of an hypothesis imported into the phenomenon to determine truth value, negative and alternative case analyses and free imaginative variation all point to what Popper (1968) describes as a post-positivist method of determining truth: establishing the impossibility of falsifying hypotheses which are derived from the phenomenon. The present study makes use of both negative and alternative case analysis in its initial, more ethnographically oriented observation processes, and free imaginative variation in subsequent, more phenomenologically oriented inquiry processes. 3.26 Construct  Validity  The various forms of case analyses can be seen to be of critical importance in establishing what Cherryholmes (1988) describes as construct validity, an aspect of internal validity.  Construct validity is concerned  with the truth value of constructs (findings, patterns, themes, or theoretical constructs) that the researcher presents as the results of an inquiry process, in relation to the means by which the researcher has measured, assessed, or established them.  As Goetz and Le Compte (1984) explain, "establishing  validity requires...assessing whether constructs devised by researchers represent or measure categories of human experience that occur" (p. 210). As the constructs which result from much qualitative research derive from a cumulative building process of testing and revising working hypotheses (or tentative constructs) which eventually contribute to grand constructs, negative and alternative case analyses and explicit evidence of these processes (often referred to as a decision or audit trail), are essential for  77 establishing the plausibility of a study's constructs. view, "a systematized  reflexivity,  In Lather's (1986)  which gives some indication how a  priori  theory has been changed by the logic of the data, becomes essential in establishing construct validity" (p. 67). With specific reference to phenomenological research, Cherryholmes (1988) explains that "subjects expose first-order constructs by which they organize and make sense of their daily lives.  From first-order constructs  researchers develop second-order scientific and explanatory constructs which account for first-order constructs" (p. 108). This informs the view that "the phenomenological approach to construct validity assumes that subjects participating in social practices know and understand first-hand what is going on" (p. Ill). Clearly this view is problematic with reference to the present study, as it may be seen that the recent immigrant participants might not know "what is going on" and may not at first be able to "make sense of their daily lives."  This suggests that negative case, and especially alternative case  analyses are critically important elements for establishing construct validity within the present study. 3.27  Triangulation  Internal validity is often established by way of 'triangulation' (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983) . Triangulation requires the use of multiple sources, methods, investigators, or theories (Denzin, 1978), to minimize the effect of potential limitations of any one research factor (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994), to permit a comparative analysis for consistency (Patton, 1990), and for confirmation or disconfirmation of findings (Lather, 1986).  Because the  present study emphasizes phenomenological methods where highly interpersonal collaborative processes mitigate against multiple investigators, and because it, like most qualitative studies, is not theory driven, multiple investigators or theories are not appropriate for triangulation in this case. However, the present study makes use of multiple sources (interviews, observations, and written journals) and multiple methods (phenomenology, ethnography, narrative analysis), which have been incorporated into a triangulation process.  This has been done because, in Ziegler and Michelson's  (1981) words, "differing methods can be combined to increase validity and  78 yield richer information from the same respondents and situations" (p. 322) . 3.28 Face Validity  Another aspect of internal validity is what is variously described as "face validity" (Lather, 1986), "member checking" (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Reason & Rowan, 1981), "respondent validation" (Bloor, 1978), or what Schutz (1962) originally referred to as a "postulate of adequacy."  Reason and Rowan  (1981) characterize such checks as a recycling of analysis back through a sample of study participants to verify adequacy and accuracy.  "Good  research," they suggest, "goes back to the subject with the tentative results, and refines them in the light of the subjects' reactions" (p. 248). In the present study, the collaborative nature of the phenomenological interview sequence lends itself particu