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Issues for literacy materials development in a monolingual Amazonian culture : the Waodani of Ecuador Kelley, Patricia M. 1988

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ISSUES FOR LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT IN A MONOLINGUAL AMAZONIAN CULTURE: THE WAODANI OF ECUADOR by PATRICIA M . K E L L E Y A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S FOR T H E D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF ARTS in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES Centre for the Study of Curriculum and Instruction We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A 23 March 1988 © Patricia M . Kelley, 1988 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) A B S T R A C T The purpose of this study was to describe and analyze literacy materials development in the recently written language of the monolingual Waodani in Ecuador's Amazonia. This group of approximately 750 members was characterized by physical and linguistic isolation until the late 1950's. Since that time, many of them have become literate in their own language and are also learning Spanish. (One hundred percent of the people speak Waodani.) The researcher was the developer of the materials used by Waodani instructors and students. This endeavour was not a part of a national mass literacy program. The description and analysis were guided by three questions: 1. What' was the context of the materials development? 2. What changes were made in the materials during their development? 3. What questions and issues concerning literacy materials development emerge from an examination of the changes and reasons for changes? The study sketched briefly the cultural context and then examined in detail the various drafts of materials developed from 1972 - 1982. Content, sequence and format changes that occurred in the materials from their early drafts to their present form were examined in terms of the linguistic, pedagogical, cultural and other reasons for those changes. The analysis identified various issues for literacy materials development among small and isolated groups. These issues in the Waodani case concerned the interaction among materials development participants within a cultural context ii using a particular literacy model. The questions that were raised about the context, model and participants go beyond this case and its language specific materials to literacy development among other small and monolingual groups. Although the study was not intended as perscriptive, its findings and issues may be used by developers of materials in similiar settings in order to clarify what is meant by literacj' materials development in their particular context. iii T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Acknowledgements vii I. A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT 1 A. INTRODUCTION 1 B. RESEARCH STUDY 3 1. Purpose 3 2. Guiding Questions 3 3. Method 3 a. Data Sources 3 b. Researcher 4 c. Assumptions 5 d. Limitations 5 4. Reporting Format 6 C. RELATED LITERATURE 7 1. Literacy Materials Development 7 2. Ethnic-language Literacy Materials 9 II. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT 16 A. HISTORICAL CONTEXT 18 1. Pre-Contact 19 2. Contact 20 3. Extended Contact 22 B. ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT 24 1. Climate 25 2. Geographic Location 25 C. CULTURAL CONTEXT 27 1. Technology and Resources 27 2. Socio-Political Structure 30 3. Life-style 35 4. Art Forms 37 D. LINGUISTIC CONTEXT .". 39 1. Language Status and Classification 39 2. Language Awareness 41 3. Language Structure 43 4. Orthography 46 E. EDUCATIONAL CONTEXT 51 1. Education 51 2. Literacy Program 54 3. Literacy Materials Model 58 4. Literacy Materials 59 III. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS 64 A. FORMAT CHANGES 65 1. For Linguistic Reasons 66 2. For Cultural Reasons 67 3. For Pedagogical Reasons 71 iv 4. For Other Reasons 73 B. S E Q U E N C E C H A N G E S 75 1. For Linguistic Reasons 75 2. For Cultural Reasons 85 3. For Pedagogical Reasons 87 C. C O N T E N T C H A N G E S 88 1. For Linguistic Reasons 88 2. For Cultural Reasons 93 3. For Pedagogical Reasons 97 4. For Other Reasons 101 IV. ISSUES I N L I T E R A C Y M A T E R I A L S D E V E L O P M E N T 103 A. C O N T E X T 104 B. M O D E L I l l C. PARTICIPANTS 114 D. S U M M A R Y A N D POSTSCRIPT 119 Bibliography 122 Appendices 131 Appendix A : S U M M A R Y OF L I T E R A C Y M A T E R I A L S 132 Appendix B: PRIMER INTRODUCTION S E Q U E N C E 136 Appendix C: S E L E C T E D L I T E R A C Y M A T E R I A L S C H A N G E S 138 Appendix D: R E A D I N E S S OR PRE-PRIMER 139 Appendix E: W A O D A N I PRIMERS 149 Appendix F: ARITHMETIC 160 Appendix G: FIRST-AID & H Y G I E N E H E A L T H B O O K L E T 161 Appendix H : N A T I V E A U T H O R E D L I T E R A T U R E 162 Appendix I: TRANSITION TO S P A N I S H PRIMER 168 Appendix J : H A N D W R I T I N G 169 v LIST OF FIGURES figure 1: W A O D A N I P R O N U C I A T I O N OF S P A N I S H 43 figure 2: W A O D A N I P H O N E M I C I N V E N T O R Y 45 figure 3: O R T H O G R A P H Y REVISIONS 49 figure 4: P R O N U N C I A T I O N OF W A O D A N I C O N S O N A N T S 50 figure 5: C H A N G E S A N D R E A S O N S FOR C H A N G E S I N M A T E R I A L S 65 figure 6: L I T E R A C Y M A T E R I A L S D E V E L O P M E N T 104 figure 7: R E L A T I O N S H I P OF PARTICIPANTS TO C O N T E X T 117 figure 8: ISSUES IN L I T E R A C Y M A T E R I A L S D E V E L O P M E N T 120 VI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS With more gratitude than I have expressed throughout this endeavor, I owe thanks to many. Thanks to my thesis advisor, Walter Werner, who knows how far this has come. Also to committee members Arthur J. More and Geraldine V. Synder. Thanks to my family, who have shared in the cost of it all, especially my mother, Laura G. Kelley and my brothers, Leroy T., Melvin F., Donald C , Dennis S., and A. Russel Kelley. Thanks to other family, and friends, who kept me going and were so supportive along the way. Naming some of them is a risk: Gayle, Hazel, Glen and Lois, Nancy, Harold and Darlene, Evan and Helen, Natalie, Miriam, John and Jo, Sue, Ben and Dorie, Bob and Alice, Johnny and Nita, Clarence and Maxine, Lori and Kevin, folks at Newport, Lila and Dale, Virginia, Gwen, Harold and Janie, Vickie, Carolyn, Lois and Verla. Thanks to colleagues and special scholars who provided insights and inspiration: Dr. Glen Turner, David Underwood, Dr. and Mrs. David Bendor-Samuel, Dr. Tom Crowell, Dr. Henry Runkel, Dr. J. V. Powell and Dr. and Mrs. David Dye. Thanks to the fnanani - to name them would be to name most of the Waodani - to Wangui, Omade, Wedae and Wadeca and especially to the Waodani literacy students and their instructors. D E D I C A T I O N To Frank L. Kelley and E. Russel Pattison, with fond memory and for the gift of confidence to begin. viil I. A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT A. INTRODUCTION People's capacity to create symbols and assign meaning to them is at the core of reading and writing and thus is central to literacy.! Pre-requisite to any development of materials for literacy instruction is a written form of the language. Whereas most dominant languages have a written tradition, and therefore access to materials, most ethnic-languages do not and Amazonian languages are no exception. One such language group with no previously known tradition of any written language is Waodani. The Waodani are an unclassified linguistic isolate (Peeke, 1973:3-4; McQuown, 1955 in Saint and Pike, 1962:2). Monolingual, they all speak Wao Tededo or Waodani Tededo - 'the people's language' - or simply Waodani, rather than Spanish, the official national language, or Jungle Quichua Runa Shimi, the dominant surrounding indigenous language. $ As a preliterate culture, at some unrecorded time, the Waodani located in the "Oriente", the Amazonian region of Ecuador, South America. Numbering approximately 500 at the beginning of extended contact in 1958, they are t A definition of one who is literate includes reading in a language understood, and writing in a language spoken (See Gudschinsky, 1976:3; Lee, 1982:4; Stubbs, 1980:13). t Waodani Tededo pronounce approximately: wow-dah-nee ti-di-doo. Nasalization, a prominant phonemic feature of Waodani vowels which affects the pronunciation of consonants, is standardized here to accommodate the reader. (See also Chapter 2 - Linguistic Context.) Otherwise, pronunciation is similiar to Spanish with some exceptions: _e_ = J_ as in pit, as = _a_ as in pat (e.g., paste -pronounce pa-ti). Note that there are no "silent" letters in the Waodani orthography. Each one is pronounced. 1 A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 2 currently a population of approximately 750. Their ethno-history has been characterized by extreme physical, geographic, genetic, linguistic and cultural isolation (Peeke, 1973:3-4; Yost, 1978:2; Larrick, et al., 1979, 1985). They rely upon hunting-gathering activities along with swidden horticulture for subsistence in their semi-nomadic life-style (Yost and Kelley, 1983; Man, 1982). More recently, through extended contact with other cultures, many changes have occurred in the Waodani culture (Yost, 1981). These changes have included motivation for literacy and participation in literacy related activities. Over the past couple of decades, Waodani Tededo has become a "lettered" or written" language as extensive linguistic analysis by Pike and Saint (1962) and by Peeke (1973) produced an alphabet. Orthographic revisions (See Chapter 2 -Orthography, esp. figure 3) have been made based upon evidence from Waodani oral and written responses. From 1972 through to 1982, literacy materials reflecting the linguistic analysis were developed and used for a literacy program among the Waodani. To date, however, there has been no published research that systematically describes those Waodani literacy materials or the program and cultural context in which the materials were developed and implemented. A study of this literacy materials development would provide information concerning modifications that may be appropriate in further development of materials and for comparison with other cases. A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 3 B . R E S E A R C H S T U D Y 1. Purpose The purpose of this study is to describe and to analyze the materials development in the literacy program of the Waodani. More specifically it identifies changes in the materials and examines the reasons for these changes that were made during the development process. The purpose for identifying and examining these changes and reasons for them is to identify issues and to raise questions for consideration by developers of literacy materials for indigenous cultures. 2. Guiding Questions The following questions guided the description and analysis: 1. What was the context of the materials development? 2. What changes in the materials occurred during the development process, and why? 3. What questions and issues concerning literacy materials development arise from this examination of changes and reasons for the changes? 3. Method a. Data Sources The Waodani literacy materials analyzed in this study were developed from 1972 to 1982 by this researcher. A summary of the items and their contents is provided in Appendix A. A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 4 Two sources of information were used concerning the changes and the reasons for the changes in the materials. First, copies of the materials were available in their various draft forms, revisions and editions, representing various stages of development. Second, documentation regarding the changes was available in the form of developer field notes; these notes provided some of the context of the changes and why they were attempted. b. Researcher Development of these literacy materials was the result of the researcher's field assignment as a literacj' worker with the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) from 1972 through 1982. During that assignment, extensive periods of time were spent among the Waodani. When as developer I arrived among the Waodani in 1972, they already had an interest in literacy and several efforts previously had been made to have literacy classes. Among the people, some were demanding that classes begin immediately. My responsibilities began with teaching four daily literacy classes for children and adults. The responsibilities grew to include: teaching literacy and typing at several community clearings, developing literacy materials, training and supervising Waodani literacy instructors and in general overseeing the literacy program. That also included being responsible for the majority of decisions concerning changes in the materials throughout the development process. Waodani, of necessity, was the language for instruction, for development and for implementation activities in these responsibilities. A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 5 The researcher, therefore, was a prominant participant in both the literacy program and the materials development. In this study the developer is the researcher. c. Assumptions Changes which occurred in the materials indicated points of tension between the materials development and the cultural context. An understanding of these tension points between development and context can be gained, not so much through a detailed description of the materials, as through an examination of changes and reasons for the changes. Assumptions and procedures which were problematic are revealed through a study of the changes which occurred in the materials during their development. (See Appendix C for examples of changes.) d. Limitations This study is limited to the materials development rather than the broader literacy program. Any materials developed prior to or other than those by this researcher from 1972 - 1982 are not the object of this study. The study takes the viewpoint of the developer rather than provincial education personnel, literacy teachers, medical or community development personnel or others who may have worked with the Waodani. Therefore, the study did not survey, interview or solicit evaluations from other individuals who might have been involved either directly or indirectly with literacy efforts or in community development. A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 6 No indepth description or analysis of the linguistic or cultural reality of the Waodani is provided. Those kinds of studies are available elsewhere or are in progress, (e.g., Elliot, 1961: Peeke, 1973; Yost, 1981; Man, 1982; Yost and Man, forthcoming.) The study does, however, portray those cultural features which may be relevant to the literacy materials. No extensive English or Spanish gloss is provided for the Waodani text in the materials examined. Spanish translations are available elsewhere (Peeke, 1987). The study does not propose to address the effects or impact of literacy upon language or culture. Neither does the study argue for any one approach to literacy materials development. 4. Reporting Format The final report contains a cultural overview, a description and analysis of the literacy materials and a proposed set of questions and issues. The format consists of four chapters: Chapter 1 introduces and provides background for the study. Chapter 2 describes the context for the Waodani literacy materials development. Chapter 3 identifies and describes changes in the literacy materials and the reasons for those changes. Chapter 4 raises issues and questions from the developer's perspective.! t The reader may find that selected reading in Chapter 2 will provide a minimal background for looking at the questions and issues in Chapter 4. A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 7 C. R E L A T E D LITERATURE This review of literature focuses on literacy materials development particularly in ethnic-languages of pre-literate cultures. It does not review materials development within mass literacy campaigns, for functional literacy or for dominant language users. The available literature is limited. 1. Literacy Materials Development There is a body of literature which draws attention to literacy materials development from the point of view of the rationale behind a particular approach. Prominant in this literature is Freire's socio-political rationale for literacy materials development (1973). In his approach, the participants' consciousness of political "oppression" is central to facilitating literacy. Although in modified form his model has been used in some ethnic-languages, it was originally developed in Brazil for dominant language speakers and used with semi-literates. Mackie (1981) is among the many who support Freire's framework while Walker (1980) is critical and Bowers (1981) claims the method has potential for the reverse of what is intended. Even so, the Freire model has occasioned considerable dialogue concerning literacy. However, his focal point has not been materials development among ethnic-languages in pre-literate cultures. Also prominant in this literature is the work of Gudschinsky (1974, 1976) originating in ethnic-language literacy efforts for pre-literates in Mexico and Brazil. (The model is further discussed in Chapter 2 - Literacy Materials Development Model.) She provides a linguistic rationale for her "whole language" A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 8 approach to literacy lesson development along with an outline of pedagogical details for implementing the procedure and an extensive literature review (more than 300 items). Although Stringer (1985) and Brown (1985) question the appropriateness of this method (especially for children), Bendor-Samuel (1985) suggests some of its strengths are that it is based upon linguistic analysis, is systematic and economical and is relatively easy to teach, but that it ought to be modified and adapted to fit contextual constraints. Gernat (1976:46 in Stringer, 1985:4) suggests that the method is "probably the most suitable for pre-literate languages" if used with flexibility. Another body of literature draws attention to pragmatic concerns and procedures for materials development. Laubach (1960) appears early in this prescriptive literature with his discussions on teacher-student relationships, the importance of literature production and his outlines for lesson development and teaching strategies. This method, known for its introduction of letters superimposed upon pictures and its "each-one-teach-one" pedagogy, has been used in mass campaign efforts for a variety of languages, although it originated in an ethnic-language of the Philippines. The Gudschinsky model also appears in the pragmatic literature; in a large work, Lee (1982) provides a comprehensive step-by-step use of the model with detailed explanation and examples for preparation of ethnic-language data, lesson design and primer construction. Gudschinsky, in smaller works (1973, 1974), provides a practical handbook and guidelines for practioners which focus on instructional materials development. Other literature directed towards the practitioner is often problem oriented. The A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 9 articles centre around topics familiar to materials developers, for example: pre-reading (Trick, 1980; Pappenhagen, 1980), orthography (Weaver, 1980; Baurschidt 1980), materials use by naive instructors (McCarty, 1976), loan words (Sandefur, 1983) and alternative materials (Walter, 1986). Many of these articles are antecdotal. 2. Ethnic-language Literacy Materials Literature in which the vernacular or ethnic-language is of central concern is diverse but is limited with respect to Amazonia. A portion of this literature is dominated by the long term debate regarding the appropriate language of instruction in curriculum development (e.g., Hymes, 1964; Engle, 1975; Shuy and Fasold, 1976; Ferguson, 1978; Larsen and Davis, 1981; Hartford, et al., 1982; Downing, 1983; Coulmas, 1984; Grimes, 1985; Matthias and Quisenberry, 1986). Another portion of this literature is dominated by a focus upon ethnic-language teaching and culture instruction. Liebe-Harkort (1980) briefly describes ethnic-language reading materials for students who have already learned to read in English although Apache was their first language; some details and reasons are included about changes in the materials. McCarty (1980) outlines a model for curriculum design in which Yavapai, although previously unwritten, is the focal point. The materials were designed for use b}' Yavapai students whose first language was English, as well as by non-Yavapai students, as one means for "education and rejuvenation of the native language and culture" rather than primarily for literacy instruction. Changes that occurred during materials development were not discussed. Gardner (1986) and Archibald (1984) are A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 10 examples of works which understandably focus on ethnic-language and culture instruction and on program development and implementation concerns rather than upon literacy because there was limited ethnic-language use in the communities. In contrast, Burnaby (1984) is an example of materials development not in an ethnic-language, but for ethnic-first-language speakers (Cree and Ojibwe), i.e., literacy instruction but not ethnic-language literacj' first. The focus is on oral ESL teaching and English reading materials that have "culturally relevant content for Native children". References made to field testing of materials give no details about consequent changes. In the four diverse North American examples cited above, the purpose of the materials was language learning and culture instruction. A compilation by More (1985) of Indian education projects and programs further illustrates this; although some intend to teach literacy, such as the Chiicoltin materials, cultural awareness and orientation for language heritage dominate the concerns; examples are the materials developed for Gitksan and Kwakwala (Jensen and Powell, 1979; More 1985:128). In contrast, . the primary purpose of the Waodani materials was literacy instruction; the language and culture are active. That the Waodani have not set out to regain a lost tradition is an important distinction to keep in mind when reading the literature. (See also St. Clair and Leap, 1982; Wyatt-Benyon, 1986; Otto, 1982.) A further portion of this ethnic-language literature encompasses comparative and descriptive works. Studies by Scribner and Cole (1981) in the Vai language and Clammer (1976) in Fiji are frequently cited; although literacy materials A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 11 development was not their primary focus, they provide developers with useful insights, for example, concerning alternative methods and the potential influence of literacy materials development upon a group's culture. Bhola mentions the need for "more effective instructional materials" (1983:216) and acknowledges the importance of ethnic-language literacy first (pp. 121, 129, 192, 201), but provides little direction about how the insights gained from the case studies may be translated into improvement of materials development. Miller (1985) gives descriptive details about materials development (however, within a major literacy campaign) with useful information about some changes made in materials, the reasons for them and some of the consequences; these materials were also produced in two ethnic-languages (in Bhola, 1983:198), but she concedes that because of time constraints the latter were translations of the former. No details are given about development or use of those ethnic-language materials. Santiago (1982) convincingly cites evidence that curriculum cannot be simply translated and transferred from one context to the next (cf. Miller, 1982). He argues for "the need for more textbooks, materials, technology and methodologies" in vernacular languages (1982:126), and concludes that: ...the literature suggests that there is much attention being given to the development of nationally relevant curricula; however, there is very little to indicate that there is a need to develop curriculum that is specific to the cultures and needs of vernacular language groups (1982:130-131). Similarly, Bogaert, s.j. (N.D.) in an argument for a balance between "cultural rooting" in tradition and participation in the dominant society, proposes a conceptual framework for materials design that he believes will meet such needs A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 12 for ethnic-language audiences. A dissertation by Morren (1977) is specific to one pre-literate ethnic-language group in the Philippines and the development of "learning-to-read" materials for them. He outlines a proposal for linguistic analysis and sequence planning in primer construction and then details its application. Evaluative teacher responses in the study recommended the omission of what they considered to be unnecessary lessons for diagraphs of previously taught letters and suggested some changes relative to the use of the materials. They made no comments on what appeared to be a heavy reliance upon pictures, board drills and detailed teacher instructions. A limited portion of this literature concerning ethnic-language literacy materials development is Amazonian. Some appear as occassional papers or bulletins, in-house reports or unpublished papers. Most are not readily accessible. An early study by Gudschinsky (1959) compared literacy efforts in 30 ethnic-languges", including several Amazonian cultures such as Cashibo, Cocama and Piro. Changes made in materials during their development were not detailed. She found literacy primer development to be "uniformly eclectic in nature" and proposed a technique for "gradual controlled introduction of new elements". This study appears to have contributed to some of the groundwork for the development of her later literacy materials development method. A short article reports that Kerr (1969), from a developer perspective, examined A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 13 a readiness booklet used in several Columbia Amazonian languages. Based on evaluative data, she made recommendations for changes. Her findings indicated that: size differentiation exercises were unnecessary; "same and different" were difficult concepts to express in some languages; diagraphs were confusing in most exercises; geometric shapes were not a difficulty; the usefulness of some exercises and the identification of some drawings, particularly partial representations, were questionable; and page clutter was a problem. These findings have relevance for developers of materials. A volume edited by Larsen and Davis (1981) documents an Amazonian bilingual education program involving 24 different ethnic-languages in Peru. One brief theoretical discussion by Loos (1981:257-264) provides some linguistic and pedagogical rationale for materials preparation. In this same volume other areas of interest to developers of materials are descriptions of program development and implementation; for example, Davis (1981:265-282) describes some changes that had to be made in Machiguenga reading materials because of the following complexities: very long words (commonly 25-35 letters), verb versus noun dominance in the language, infrequent repetition of words, difficult closed syllables, and an "infinitely varied" distribution of syllables. Solutions to these problems and the changes in the materials are described in detail. Both minor and major changes were made in other materials in this bilingual program as well. For example, teaching guides were developed but found to be not used; consequently, arithmetic textbooks, primers and the Spanish reader were changed to serve as "teacher" guides as well as student textbooks to accommodate "newly literate" and inexperienced instructors with limited training, time and facilities. Adverse A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 14 jungle conditions affected tape players used in oral Spanish and also resulted in the use of fewer teaching aids. In another article from a developer's perspective, Popovich and Popovich (1984) briefly describe the literacy component of a community development program among monolingual Maxakali in Brazil. Materials and some of the changes are described; for example, old primers were replaced by a "new set" which added syllable and word drills and primer size was reduced from poster to legal size. Reasons for these changes are not explained. No math materials were developed. The program included Portuguese but Maxakali instructors found teaching literacy in two languages "difficult and confusing". Maxakali speakers collaborated in the materials development and then were self-appointed users of the materials in classes at some locations and in their homes at other locations. A more systematic examination of these materials would be useful. Again from a developer's perspective, Alford (1985) describes a reading program for the Karaja of Brazil. Limited information is provided about changes in the materials, such as an increase in primer size to accommodate writing lesson examples and not only two dialects, but also both men's speech and women's speech. Karaja teachers were involved in writing and illustrating the materials. These materials are not translations. Of further interest would be more documentation on: 1. the social studies book which presents the "Karaja world view and cultural norms" linking the family, the environment and the knowledge system; 2. the ethno-historical literature; and 3. the cultural reading material, such as the fish family (e.g., piranha) correlation to kinship classification. A STUDY OF LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 15 Otherwise, Alford's paper primarily describes the program context rather than the ethnic-language materials themselves. The literature related to literacy materials development in ethnic-languages of Amazonian pre-literate cultures is very limited. Although in practice much fieldwork may have been done, little seems to get published.! This literature review suggests that a study of the Waodani literacy materials development could contribute to an area where currently little documentation is found. t In defense of the practitioner, there may be a dilemma between time and effort put towards publication for dominant language audiences and that put towards production for the ethnic-language audience. In part, scarcity in the literature may be a reflection of such choices. II. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT We had been walking along, talking together, the Waodani woman and I. We both had straight dark hair and wore simple homesewn cotton dresses. She had largely pierced, but empty, earlobes. Her small boy followed alongside clad only in his white cotten g-string contrasted against dark copper skin. The woman was one of the first Waodani group to come out of their territory to audit one of the Bilingual Teacher Training Courses for jungle indigenous people. (Word had spread quickly that "Aucas" were attending.) Now, she watched quietly as a visiting educator asked numerous questions about the Waodani culture. Pressumably the monolingual Waodani woman didn't understand the Spanish conversation, but she had clearly heard at least one word, because suddenly, in her own language, she broke into the conversation. "Auca! Auca! Auca!" he says! Why does he say "Auca"?! I don't like it! Wii Aoca imoni! - We're not "Auca". Waomoni imoni! - We're people!! Who are the Waodani? is a central question in describing and understanding the context in which the Waodani literacy materials development took place. An identification of the people is necessary. One difficulty in any identification of the people is reflected in the incident with the woman above - the name. 'The people' are the Waodani - their name for themselves. (Wao is 'person' and waodani is third person plural. Sometimes these are written as "Huao" and "Huaorani" in Spanish (e.g., Peeke, 1979) or "Waorani" in English, but they are not to be confused with the term wadani (and huarani or warani) which means 'others' in the language. Waomoni is 'we-the-people'.)t Waodani is the more commonly used and their preferred name. ! Pronounce the au in "Auca" as the ou in "ouch": approximately au-cah, which orthographically in Waodani is aoca. t Nor should they be confused with the Guarani in other parts of South America. 16 CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 17 Waodani prefer not to be identified as "Aucas" (although they have been observed to exploit that term as well to their advantage). Yet for decades, primarily because of their reputation for spearing activities and their lack of clothing, "the people" have been known as "Auca" - 'savage' (Tessman, 1930:298 in Peeke, 1973:3). The term is used by the dominant surrounding Quichua speakers for several smaller or hostile groups (Peeke, 1973:4; Simpson, 1886:188). This predominant name has been adopted b)' the Spanish as well specifically to identify the Waodani. The incident cited above was one of those that influenced name changes during the Waodani literacy materials development. Consequently, particularly in print, there is now widespread and accepted use of their own name "Waodani" over "Auca" which is not a word from the Waodani language. Identification of the people is further complicated by different perceived images of them. A change of garb or situation may lead to inaccurate identification of Waodani by naive outsiders. One example demonstrates the dilemma of image and identity as the Waodani see it. Some of them expressed it this way in talking about the possibility of an encounter with a more primitive Waodani group. If we go into the forest so that we'll be seen as Waodani by the others (i.e., other Waodani), then the cowode (i.e., 'non-Waodani, non-persons'), if they see us, will be afraid and will shoot at us as "aucas". But if we go so the cowode won't think us "aucas", then the other Waodani will spear us, thinking we're cowodeA (personal conversation, 1977). t Pronounce approximately: coo-woo-dee CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 18 An identification of the people is provided by published information in English and Spanish. Publications range from general and early adventure accounts (Simson, 1886; Blomberg, 1956), through current journalistic portraits (e.g., Elliot, 1961; Man, 1982) and popular periodical articles, to more recent systematic investigations (e.g., Yost and Kelley, 1983; Yost and Davis, 1983) and items for policy making bodies. Life histories, personal accounts and the language have been examined for linguistic and cultural identification of who the Waodani are. (Peeke, 1973; Saint and Pike, 1962; Yost, 1981) and biological clues have been pursued (e.g., Larrick et al., 1985:445-446) in an attempt to establish their relationship to other Amazonian groups. For the purposes of this study, the following overview serves to identify the Waodani and to give some background needed for understanding changes made in the literacy materials during their development. The reasons for the changes and the issues that emerge depend upon an understanding of this context of literacy materials development, t A. HISTORICAL CONTEXT The Waodani man carried some gifts he was going out to give to the cowode - the 'non-Waodani, foreigners' camped there on the beach for a couple of days. On his way along the jungle trail towards the Curaray River, he met other Waodani coming back from that direction. They told him, "we've already speared those cowode." (ref. 1956 incident, personal conversation with Waodani, 1980) Cowode reports of such incidents have brought international attention to the t This is a brief cultural sketch rather than an analysis. In addition to works cited herein, other research on the culture is currently in progress by anthropologists and linguists. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 19 Waodani as "Savage Aucas" but their history is much more complex. Time and historical events for the Waodani (similiar to those of other Amazonian groups) may be discussed in terms of pre-contact, contact and extended contact. For instance, the spearing incident mentioned above falls into contact time. The literacy materials development of this study occurred during extended contact time. These three terms frame the following historical sketch. 1. Pre-Contact "Pre-contact" is that time, for the most part unrecorded, in which there appeared to be no interaction between the Waodani and the non-Waodani world. Where did the Waodani come from? This question of origin remains difficult to answer. The extreme isolation and hostility during pre-contact have made Waodani ethno-history virtually inaccessible for recording and therefore difficult to trace or confirm. The use of different names by the cowode has further complicated the question. For example, incidents along the Napo River attributed to the "Auhishiris" such as reported in Simson (1886) may be suspect rather as Waodani. Peeke concludes that Auca (Waodani) is the Ssabela referred to by Tessman and by McQuown (1930; 1955; in Peeke 1973:3) but she argues that they are not to be confused as by some authors with Awishiri, Zaparoan and other "Auca" groups. In response to the question, the Waodani answer that they came "from downriver, a long time ago." The Waodani may not have moved into some of their present territory so very long ago. Simpson's account (1886) named several indigenous communities located CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 20 in territory currently occupied by Waodani; however, he was interacting with Zaparoans from those locations, rather than with Waodani (my deduction supported by word lists he supplies). If, as Peeke claims, Waodani is not a Zaparoan language; and yet as Yost claims, that the Waodani utilized ecological niches contiguous to other groups (1981:1-7), this could imply that the Waodani occupied some of their present territory fewer than 100 years ago, although probably not as recent as McDonald's approximation of a "migration" only 40 years ago (in Stark, 1985:172). Some older Waodani further claim that at one time the various Waodani groups all lived peacefully together but some incident caused them to split and disperse with hostility into three groups going "downriver", "upriver" and "overland". (This, of course, was much more complex than this brief statement may imply.) Periods of vendetta warfare defined the relationship between the groups and the dispersion moved some of them closer to contact with the cowode. 2. Contact "Contact" is the transition period when interaction of Waodani with other cultures began. Although there had been an initial peaceful contact in the late 1600's, several years later that apparently ended in violence (Blomberg, 1956:60 in Yost, 1980:1). Since then, not unlike the experience of other Amazonian groups, early contact included sporadic and often traumatic encounters with a variety of adventurers, rubber gatherers, natural resource exploration workers, various interest groups and Quichua Indians. These groups have their own versions of the encounters, as do the Waodani who display scars and give accounts of CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 21 having been taken captive and escaping back to their territory; one Waodani man claims that four of his uncles were shot by the cowode. Some incidents were interpeted by the Waodani as hostile, though they were not intended to be so (Yost, 1980:1) and many contact encounters provoked retaliation spearings on the part of the Waodani. (Similiar incidents have occurred even into extended contact time as recently as 1987 when two outsiders were speared; "El Comercio newspaper, July 24.) Previously such incidents were reported in the media as acts of violence, whereas now they are often reported as "an act of legitimate defense" for an ethnic-group whose socio-cultural existence is threatened. One group of Waodani involved in such incidents has chosen not to extend or sustain contact, rather they continue their resistance not only towards the cowode, but towards other Waodani as well. Certain recent contact events have promoted sustained interaction for some Waodani. Prominent among them were: the exit of four Waodani women who after leaving their kin groups and living for a time in non-Waodani culture, returned to their territory; the spearing of five North Americans representing several different mission organizations in 1956; later, the entrance into Waodani territory of two women related to the speared missionaries; and the entrance into the territory, intermarriage and ensuing reciprocal relationships of some non-Waodani who had had contact with the Waodani women when they lived on the "outside". Particularly since the 1950's, much about the Waodani has been documented and reported extensively as contacts have increased. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 22 3. Extended Contact "Extended contact" has been the sustained interaction since 1958 with non-Waodani cultures through Quichua Indians, medical teams, traders, tourists, petroleum exploration personnel, journalists, educators, missionaries and members of the military, government agencies and the scientific community. Extended contact has been facilitated by those women who had left Waodani territory and became immersed in the lowland jungle Quichua language and hacienda culture. Some of that contact was maintained even though three of the woman married Waodani after their return. Thus their exit from and re-entry into the territory became a means for "outsiders" to enter into the Waodani culture. In 1958, three Americans, Elizabeth Elliot, her young daughter and Rachel Saint, joined one young Waodani woman who had been living and working with Quichuas on an hacienda and returned with her to Waodani territory where they lived for a time (Elliot, 1961:6). After Elliot left in 1961, Saint remained and with the Waodani woman produced several publications in Waodani: in 1963, a short (12 page) introductory primer based on the psychophonemic method; in 1965, a translated book of Mark and in 1967 and 1968, several reading booklets of indigenous stories. Also, a set of large experience reading charts of Waodani stories along with syllable drills and flashcards were developed. These items, and the influence of the Waodani women from their observations of a school on the hacienda, contributed to motivating an interest among many Waodani in literacy and in formal schooling. Extended contact b}' the early 1970's included an SIL team, backed by medical CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 23 and technical personnel, who rotated among the Waodani clearings to do linguistics, anthropology, translation and give medical and educational services. Attention was focused on such needs as: land claims (particularly with regard to supplying data for decision makers), outlets for artifact disposition, citizenship documentation required by the government, an extensive vaccination program, training of Waodani to meet their first-aid needs (health promoters), development of instructional materials and so forth. Each of these demonstrated a need for literacy. Extended contact expanded noticeably to the national level after the mid 1970's. Increased national priority for literacy among indigenous groups within the country resulted in attention given to orthography design' and materials development in some ethnic languages. A popular young Ecuadorian President, Jaime Roldos, gave his political support nationwide to promote literacy. Such activities as the increased interest in literacy and exploration of regional resources promoted extended contact as visitors increased from the National Department of Education (including the Minister of Education), the Department of Colonization, the Department of Health, and the Provincial Offices of Education (including Supervisers of Education and the Director of the Department of Adult Education), and so on. Further, many of the Waodani themselves were making extensive trips to the "outside" in response to these visits and in efforts to establish and sustain extended contact with the cowode. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 24 ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT The young Waodani literacy instructor had relocated the literacy classes to his own clearing after several families had moved following a death at the other clearing. He had then gone away to get married and hadn't taught any classes for a time. Now he and his new wife, both in good spirits, led me into the new "school" to locate my belongings in one corner for a one week visit. The small plywood chalkboard at the other end of the school was separated from the back all along one edge where the rain had been coming through the cane walls. Writing on the surface was streaked, evidence of a roof leak. A section of the chalkboard erasure was missing, its glue affected by humidity. To an inquiry about supplies, the instructor reported that while he was away Quichuas had come to a community fiesta and apparently had stayed in the school. They had gotten into his supplies, tearing up and tossing out most of the reading booklets, scattering papers, throwing away chalk and taking notebooks, pencils, erasures, etc. He explained that it had happened before he'd been able to put a door on the school or get a lock. Why had he not put the school storage can in his own house? They had gotten into his personal things there as well, he reported. We took inventory of what was left in the bottom of the storage can and scattered about in the open book case. Remains of a termite trail made it's way up the side of the book case and onto one of the shelves. Some booklets had dark trail markings across them and chewed edges. Staples were rusty. As he pulled out a few notebooks and primers off one shelf, wood ants scattered quickly. "Ants! making their house again, just like before!" he laughed. He and his wife, now his new teaching assistant, quickly swatted and slapped, sweeping the ants and the remains of their nestings to the floor. The damp dirt floor showed muddy evidence of a heavy rain several days before. Onty a couple of days later during the visit, a severe storm blew and peeled back the thatch peak off the school roof. While small students watched, the instructor climbed up and out through the gap in the downpour to retrieve and repair the thatch. On the weekend, government malaria sprayers arrived making their rounds to each dwelling in the clearing. We stacked removable items outside away from the school while they sprayed. Later the instructor stepped just inside the school door and looked about him at the white film of DDT spray on the walls, on the thatch, even obscuring the termite trails. His wife came in toting water to clean the white film off the benches. Hooooom - waah! - 'it stinks!', he declared. That it did - for days later. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 25 This sketch is typical. A literacy instructor at yet another clearing reported that upon his return from a fishing expedition, termites had built a nest in one of his school storage boxes and a jungle rat had gotten into some arithmetic excercise pads, primers and notebooks as a source for nesting materials. Obviously the environment imposed upon literacy materials development. 1. Climate The jungle of the Waodani is tropical wet forest (Canadas, 1977; and Sanchez, 1976:25 in Yost, 1983:192). Rivers rise and run full, intimidating travel during the "wet" season from March through June and a similiar but shorter time during October and November. Severe wind and rain storms are common. The total annual rainfall is approximately 120 inches (Man, 1982:14; personal conversation with Blakesly, SIL agriculturalist) and tropical temperatures and high humidity are maintained throughout the year. In this climate and tropical forest, the traditional problems of insects, decay, moisture and mold become more complicated with the use of such materials as paper and cloth. Metal soon rusts and even plastic shatters as it is affected by the environment. These climatic conditions affect the fate of literacy materials. 2. Geographic Location "Isolated" best describes the geographic location. From "downriver" the Waodani had moved into Ecuador's Amazonia, known as the Oriente, within the first parallel south of the equator and between approximately 76 and 77 degrees west longitude (Peeke, 1973; Yost, 1983:192). The Napo River on the north and the CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 26 Curaray and Villano Rivers on the south provided natural boundaries between their territory and the cowode. Waodani travel within their territory by foot over trails that climb tortuous ridges separating river systems and streams. More recently they also travel by canoe and even more recently by air (e.g, medical flights in small aircraft, jaunts in exploration helicopters and so on). In the past, territorial borders were maintained by the Waodani reputation gained through vendetta warfare between groups, open aggressive hostility towards "outsiders" and the fact that dispersed groups made the population appear larger than it actually was. Waodani geographic terms, "upriver", "downriver" and "overland", are used by them even today, and have been adopted by "outsiders", to designate the particular dispersed or sub-group populations. The "upriver" groups represent the largest population with the longest time of extended contact. Upriver people live in scattered clearings anywhere from several hours to one day's journey by trail to the next clearing. Some "downriver" people moved to "upriver" locations but later returned downriver again. The third and smallest group are those Waodani who, except for occasional and usually hostile contacts, have continued to maintain separation from even their own kin living in the other groups. (The literacy program did not extend to the latter two groups, although "dowriver" Waodani did attend literac}' classes during the time they lived "upriver".) Specific demographic data for any one geographic location change as the Waodani continually move around within the territory. (See Yost 1980:2 for a population distribution discussion.) Whereas at contact in the late 1950's there was a CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 27 diminishing population of 500 due to the tribal vendetta warfare, a 1980 census by Yost indicated the total population as 658 for all the groups (Yost and Kelley, 1983:192). My own field records indicate an average of 25 births and 5 deaths annually from 1977 through 1980; this would suggest a current population of 725 to 750 for all groups. Among all the Waodani geographic populations there exist common biological, linguistic and cultural ties. C. CULTURAL CONTEXT Two related young Waodani men in a literacy class are writing side by side. One, bare chested, is clad in his g-string and "soccer" shorts. He has large balsa labrets in pierced earlobes and long hair with heavy cut bangs. The other has a short hair cut. He is wearing a bright shirt and sunglasses obtained in one of his trading trips to the "outside". (Kelley photo, January 1978) "Traditional" and "contemporary" are useful terms in discussing Waodani culture. However, these two catagories are not so clear-cut as they may appear in the snapshot above because the traditional continues on into the contemporary, and the contemporary builds upon the traditional. This relationship becomes evident in their technology and resources, socio-political structure, life-style and art forms. (Education and language will be discussed separately). 1. Technology and Resources The old Waodani man carefully laid back the palm leaf wrapping from around the bundle of short spears he wanted to sell in order to purchase outside goods. There were about a dozen, each one decorated the same with his individual trademark: certain brightly coloured feathers bound tightty near the barbs of the sharp point at one end, others toward the tapered point of the opposite end, with homespun CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 28 cotton string crossed and wound around the handgrip in the middle. To a comment on how short and slender these were compared to "real" spears, he responded that they were just like those made before the Waodani started making long spears. He demonstrated in mid-air how they were used and explained that the Waodani had not always had spears. Some technology are recent additions to traditional culture, such as spears and canoes. "(Reportedly they learned to make canoes b}' secretively watching Quichuas construct one in the jungle, then spearing them and taking their implements.) In contrast, the Wadoani claim to have "always" had blowguns. Both spears and blowguns continue to be used but are now supplemented with shotguns (Yost and Kelley, 1983). A demand for them by the artifact market has also encouraged their continuence in modified form. Facilitating interaction with cowode in order to market such artifacts was one of the reasons for an expressed interest in literacy. Other traditional technology is being modified. The Waodani woman worked on the neck and lip of a medium sized clay pot as she completed its constrution. Unlike Waodani ceramics, thumbprint sized indentions covered the section from above the bulge of the belly up to the neck base in the style of the jungle Quichua culture in which the woman had lived for a time. Some Waodani woman who still work with clay construct the items in the plain undecorated traditional Waodani style, whereas others who have lived "outside" show the influence of that experience, t Most Waodani, young women in particular, are replacing their ceramic technology with purchased items from the cowode. t See Orr and Kelley, 1976; and Litto, 1976, for Lowland Quichua pottery styles. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 29 Other traditional technology probably has a shortlived future in the contemporary culture, such as the spinning of cotton string used for g-strings, armbands, spear decorations and so forth. Some technology and resources for tools continue to be known and are readily available, but are no longer utilized. The Waodani man displayed a large rock in his hand which he'd picked up near the river. He pointed to where it had been chipped away as the Waodani used to do. He explained that the chipped off piece was used as a "knife", was used as a "knife". Still other technology was not previously known but the item it produced was utilized although that use is now discontinued. The young Waodani man held out a stone axe head for observation. He explained that it had been used by the Waodani doodani - 'the ancient ones'. In answer to the question, "That's how your doodani made them?" he explained that the doodani did not make them. "We just find them like this in the forest". Traditionally the forest supplied all raw materials used for Waodani technology when needed. Accumulation was short ranged, primarily determined by one's current need for food and water, warmth and shelter and the limited tools and utensils related to them. A limited array of artifacts was manufactured and specialization was limited. Means for the acquisition of resources depended upon one's own initiative, resourcefulness, physical ability and by knowledge of their seasonal and geographic availability (i.e., when and where the forest made materials available), or upon that of one's extended kin (Yost, 1981a; Yost and Kelley, 1983). In addition to traditional jungle materials upon which Waodani continue to CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 30 depend, contemporary Waodani have also found the "forest" of manufactured cowode goods. These new materials involve a monetary system. Money is acquired through the manufacture of artifacts and sale of jungle birds, animals and skins, the resale of items brought back from trading trips or by working for jungle tourist guides and exploration companies for periods of time. With the contemporary technology have come new problems. There is little accumulation of traditional items because they are readily replaceable; cowode items are not, nor are the parts or tools for their repair or maintenance. And unlike what the forest offers, the new materials are not always bio-degradable, whether plastic, glass, metal, and toxic items such as DDT. Accumulation presents problems of storage. Shelves, wooden boxes and metal containers have been added to traditional hanging baskets. Limited knowledge about access, use and control of the new resources and technology has had varied consequences. (This has included literacy materials.) Traditionally such knowledge was passed on and controlled through the socio-political structure. 2. Socio-Political Structure In contrast to the changes in technology, Yost argues that as of 1980 the "social structure has remained essentially intact" (1980:9). Among the complexities of Waodani socio-political structure, discussed here are kinship, roles, leadership and status. Kinship is one key to understanding the socio-political structure, t The primary t Initial analysis indicates that the system is Dravidian (conversation with Peeke who has extensive fieldnotes on all Waodani kinship lines). CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 31 distinction is between "us" and "them" as in Waomoni (or Waodani) - 'people' -and wadani - 'others'. Being one of "them" means unequal treatment. A person's position as either within (one of "us") or without a kin group and the extended kinship system defines a person's position within any activity, relationship or for resource distribution. When two groups first contact one another, the first thing they do is begin to discuss genealogies in order to find the common point that they might share and from that to be able to define in very specific terms how each one relates to another. (Yost, 1981:19) The following incident well illustrates this point about kinship: On the second day after my arrival among the Waodani, a young woman came to the house. She asked what are considered normal questions about me, "Is her mother living? Her mother's name? And her father? His name? Brothers and sisters? ..." and so on. At one point she offered, "I will call her..." and gave me a name. In this incident (not to be interpreted necessarily as a compliment), the woman was simply establishing my identity and our relationship. Providing the Waodani female name put me into the kinship system and gave her a framework for interaction, especially back then in 1972 when the Waodani still had limited interaction with cowode. Because names are passed along certain kinship lines, the name given me provided other Waodani with a socio-political reference point: The old woman sat in the classroom and chatted about various family topics. During the conversation, she reminded me that I was to call her "mother" and mentioned the names of two women as my "sisters" and two men as my "brothers" (one of whom later became a literacy instructor). Linked to positions within kinship, roles are determined by sex and by age and CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 32 are controlled to some extent by what appears to be mutual consent.! A person chooses to respond to another on the basis of kin. Although divisions of labor do exist between men and women, the roles are not exclusive. A man may carry water or a baby, or a woman chop down a tree. Because neither female nor male role is devalued, a "put-down" does not accompany such role switching. $ In most activities roles are distinctive yet flexible. However, sex role differences were evident in the extent of participation in materials development and in literacy instruction. Within Waodani daily activities, young unmarried males seemed to carry lighter responsibilities, as noted by Yost (1981:32), compared to their female peers; consequently, they seem to have more time at their disposal. The primary responsibilities of adults include food provision for family needs and for community reciprocity (Yost and Kelley, 1983:213-214). However, if choice or circumstance puts limits on meeting those responsibilities (e.g., by time spent as a literacy instructor), a male seemed to have the option of relying upon female kin with their long term plantfood resources and somewhat upon male kin for meat. Females appeared to have the same option, but for seemingly a shorter time and in a more limited and less reliable form than males. This is open to different interpretations. For example, females may not have the choice or flexibility in roles that males do; or, they may consider maintaining control of food sources to have priority over any benefits gained as a literacy instructor. (Consider also that both male and female instructors have t See Yost (1981:15-20) for a discussion of social relationships, their classifications and related terminology. $ Yost (1981:31-35) discusses this within the context of roles and social control. He argues that value or worth assigned to one sex or the other "is not a concept relevant to the consideration of roles" among the Waodani (1980:33). CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT 7 33 been observed to dismiss a class to join a hunt.) Whatever the reason, such differences in roles seemed to contribute to a difference of involvement in materials development and to less long term or sustained female participation in formal literacy instruction.! On the other hand, women (and some men as well) were more involved in casual literacy instruction activities within the household setting; that allowed them to manipulate constraints of time and place moreso than in a classroom context. (The opportunity for further research and analysis in gender roles may have been lost because of more recent cultural changes.) Status is related to both roles and kinship. Within kinship, although a man or an older person may have somewhat more status at certain times, the tendency is towards similiar status in most activities, including children who participate to the extent of their abilities. In literacy classes, small children often accompanied parents (or kin). Frequently they took over pencils and notebooks or insisted upon "reading" the materials. Likewise, parents were not to be excluded; family members, particularly mothers, often accompanied their children to classes. Kin were quite likely to enter the classroom and comment to students on their participation. For example, The woman, carrying her child, peered in the door before climbing the notched log and stepping inside the literacy classroom. At the back of the class sat a son, one of her three children in the class. She asked him, "Are you reading?" Momentarily she watched, then sat down on the floor and joined along with some other students in their responses to the instructor's chalkboard lesson. She included her child in the carrying sling with comments such as, "See the....? Say... Do you hear/understand? Say yes." The toddler was taken out of the sling t Recognized literacy instructors were required to make trips out of the territory to the Provincial Office of Education (more easily done by males than by females); they reported to and interacted primarity with male district supervisors, which may also have affected female involvement. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 34 and placed on the floor. Then the mother began making comments to her daughter sitting up towards the front and to other students. One of her sons told her, "Mother, hush." She was quiet awhile before she continued on with other comments. Eventually she picked up her toddler and went out. As she pulled the door shut and secured it, she gave final instructions that all the children should stay and learn to read - to "look well". Later, as class members finished their work and began to leave, they discovered that the woman had put the padlock on the door. Because most of the villagers were off to the forest or to garden plots at that time of the morning, the instructors and the children had to call for some time before someone came to remove the padlock. Leadership is often situational. This presents problems for outsiders who anticipate interaction with a representative or a specific leader of the group. Anyone who is adept at communicating or has some facility in the second language tends to become the spokesperson either by default or through designation by the outsider. Often these are young men or others who have married into the group and who might not necessarily represent the rest of the individualistic Waodani. Status, particularly for women and children, is now being affected through increased Waodani contact and intermarriage with outsiders who make more discriminatory distinctions. Pressure by some individuals for a more "ranked" socio-political system has increased with intensity of contact (Yost, 1980; 1981).t Currently the Waodani are experiencing the differences between the multiple hierarchy of the cowode and that of their own socio-political structure. t Perhaps some of the motivation for learning Spanish and for literacy acquisition may be understood in the light of pressures for more differential power hierarchy. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 35 According to Yost, ... there is high motivation on the part of many of the younger men to learn Quichua and/or Spanish. They recognize its potential for them within the Wao system as well as within the cowode systems. If they can accomplish their goals, gaining independence in their relationships with the outside, there is a chance the Wao system will reverse its trend, returning toward a more egalitarian base, but, of course, the system will never return to the level at which it began. (1980:13; spelling of italicized words is" standardized.) Participation in literacy activities may even be seen as identification with not being "Auca" (see Yost, 1980:9) as cultural changes push Waodani into the broader socio-political context. 3. Life-style The 10 to 15 boys were well into their early morning literacy activities. Someone yelled, "toquel" - 'rabbit' (they are not so common). The entire class rushed out and I was left alone watching from the split cane and palm thatched classroom. After a yelling hot pursuit produced a carcass for someone's cooking pot, the boys spilled back in and noisily resumed their activities. Morning lessons were changed to include an account of the chase. In Waodani life-style, the food quest is priority. Settlement for any one household consists of moving between three or four locations because of harvesting cycles and gathering of various seasonal fruits and foods. Alternate locations and staggered harvest times for planted plots guarantee food availability. Men build houses, hunt and fish. They also chop and clear. Women assist them, and plant, weed and harvest the plots and are involved with food preparation and child care. Children participate along with their families in these activities. Life-style patterns centre around survival needs. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 36 A family (which included several literacy students) with baskets on their backs crossed the clearing towards a trail into the jungle. When asked where they were going, they answered back, "over to Fish River." As to when they might return, "Wa! perhaps after eating the ripened chonta fruit, then we shall return." Mobility is important. Previously, except for large cooking pots, spears and blowguns, most belongings (hammocks, adornment, tools, drinking gords, etc.) could be transported in a large basket or two. Life-style was characteristically semi-nomadic. These life-style patterns are now affected by the schools and literacy classes and related activities as families plant and locate at certain clearings where they can have access to classes during certain times of the year. The result is that some communities are becoming more established than they ever were in the past. Even so, the community life-style understandably affects planned timelines for materials development and scheduled literacy activities. After the men's class and before the women's class, the literacy instructor sat in the school checking a page of text he had written. It was to go out with me the next day to meet a printing deadline. An old woman came running from the forest into the village shouting, "Odae! - peccary!" Men began gathering spears. "Where are they?" the instructor called out. "Iyique! - right here!" "Right here?" he called back. "Odemoponi! - at the very door!" He turned, "She says right here!" They were gone the rest of the day to bring back the hunt - from "right here". An early departure for me on the following morning meant no further work on the text until weeks later. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 37 4. Art Forms The artforms reflect a mobile life-style. Music is used extensively in both structured and impromptu situations in daily life activities and at fiestas. For example, women may chant during food preparation, young people may sing and yodel into the evening hours and men may begin and end their days with chanting. Waodani music has few notes and is very repetative. The only instrument observed is the men's single note flute used at fiestas. Singing at fiestas may be accompanied by various forms of dancing. To date no exhaustive ethno-musicological study has been done. Representation as an art form seems to have been virtually absent, i.e., there are no carvings on dart holders, no painted designs on pottery, no body tattoos and no woven mat designs as in neighboring tribes. The Waodani do, however, have patterns of body painting, displayed mainly at fiestas. These traditional body paint designs are limited, temporary and seem more common at some clearings than at others. Made from vegetable dyes combined with ashes, they have a dabbed on appearance. They are a multiple forked Y or a broad swatch of black painted down a person's back, a continuous connected broad zigzag W W (sometimes two running parallel to each other) on the outside arm and dabbed dots or circles on the calves, over the body or alternately in the V sections of the zigzag arm pattern. (See also Man, 1983:33, 114, 156, 159; Larrick, 1979:152.) Sometimes a white chalk-like substance is used for these designs. On some occasions, red achiote colour is dabbed on the checks and forehead. The people have difficulty transferring these designs from CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 38 their 3-dimensional body surfaces to the 2-dimensional surface of literacy items: For awhile the man held the big black felt pen. Then he slowly mimicked a painting motion near his arm and similiarly above the paper before he actually began drawing. He repeated the motions again various times alternately as he drew on paper the zigzag pattern he had painted many times before on his own arms and on others. (See Appendix J . 1 for this example.) Contemporary Waodani have not confined their experimental representation activities to paper, notebooks and chalkboards. With the availability of pens, pencils, felt pens, crayons and cowode chalk, the surfaces upon which they experiment include house posts, cane walls, sandy beaches, arms, chests, faces, balsa slabs, clothing, canoes, gun stocks and machete handles. Students and non-students frequently used materials in the literacy classroom during non-class time. Among items left behind on one occassion was a sheet of paper upon which lines had been drawn. Each line was filled with "handwriting" (crossed t's, p's, dotted i's), but it "said" nothing. It was "written" by one of the pre-literate young men who had spent considerable time around exploration crew camps where he had observed the motions of writing. (See Appendix J.2 for this example of "psuedo" handwriting.) They demonstrate curiosity not only about the techniques for producing graphic symbols but also about their meaning. Sometimes there are differences between cowode and Waodani interpretations of the intended meaning. A Spanish speaking Ecuadorian teacher in a Bilingual Teacher's Training Course was illustrating a science lesson on the chalkboard. As he drew a representation of the water cycle, Waodani literacy instructors auditing the course sat watching. One of them turned and in his own language inquired, "Why is he marking hair on the sun?" CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 39 D. LINGUISTIC CONTEXT Language status, linguistic awareness, language structure and the orthography were primary considerations in literacy materials development. 1. Language Status and Classification The language is Wab Tededo or Waodani Tededo. Extensive fieldwork by Saint and Peeke resulted in the first systematic linguistic analysis of the language structure. In particular, a study by Saint and Pike (1962) analyzed the phonology and a dissertation (1968) and a pedagogical grammar (1979) by Peeke handled an extensive amount of complex grammar analysis. One hundred percent of the population and more recently, to some degree, a few Quichua now in the territory speak Wao Tededo. t Although some dialectical differences exist according to geographic distribution or kinship lines, or between certain age groups, all dialects are mutually intelligible. The dialect differences, what they are, who uses them and what they mean, are at times a topic of discussion among Waodani Tededo speakers. (More socio-linguistic analysis is needed in this area.) Waodani Tededo, as an unclassified linguistic isolate to date, is unrelated to any other indigenous language (Peeke, 1973:4; Yost, 1978:2; Stark, 1985:171). It is not a dialect of, but rather is a language quite different from Spanish and either Quichua or Shuar (Jivaro), two dominant Amazonian languages spoken t Wao Tededo - 'a person's speech' - pronounced approximately wow ti-di-doo. Waodani Tededo - 'the people's speech'. Some sources may use "Waorani", "Huaorani", "Auca" or even just "Wao" or "Huao" to refer to the language. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 40 adjacent to Waodani territory. Linguistic isolation of Waodani Tededo is demonstrated in that at the time of contact in 1958, there were only two possible Spanish loan words in the language according to Peeke (1973:4). In 1972 this researcher could name individuals representing less than 2% of the population who knew any Spanish. That figure included those who had married into the group or who were of "mixed blood". Later, Yost (in Grimes, 1985:180) estimated that 94% of the population had a zero level of second language proficiency.! During the time period of the literacy materials development then, the Waodani were definitely a monolingual group. That is changing. Currently there is high motivation and increased involvement in activities to learn Spanish. Nevertheless, even though they are attempting to learn cowode tededo - 'non-Waodani language' - all the Waodani still speak Waodani Tededo. Several characteristics of Waodani Tededo are worth mentioning. Syllables, even single vowels, are meaningful units. Syllable patterns are V, CV (consonant-vowel) and combinations thereof so there are no consonant clusters nor closed syllables (i.e., no consonants syllable final position). Major stress at the word level is predictably on the penultimate syllable. There is no gender (although Waodani does have a closed system of honorific referents evident in the pronoun system, referred to by Peeke (1973) as gender-number markers). Basic sentence construction is Subject-Object-Verb. $ t The estimate was made in comparison with the five levels of second language proficiency on the U.S. Foreign Service Institute scale (Grimes, 1985:167). t Unlike Waodani, Spanish has such features as closed syllables (e.g., CVC), articles, gender, consonant clusters (e.g., CCV), fricatives, trills, etc. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 41 2. Language Awareness Yesterday as I wrote caya - 'termite' - on the board, the women corrected me. I thought they had said cayas. Later when I used what I thought was the corrected word in a lesson with some of the men's class, a "kin brother", hardly looking up from his writing lesson said, "Do you say cayae? Why do you say cayae? You're talking like a cowode. Why are you speaking like a cowode? It's cayae." (They had pointed out that it was _a, not ae^  and nasal, not oral.) Such incidents and their references to dialect differences demonstrated that the Waodani had a certain awareness about their language. They often "play" with their language in different ways particularly at fiestas and other group gatherings. For example, to make puns they have been observed to put syllables or parts of words together in combinations different from those normally used. They have also been observed to do something similiar when attempting to talk to someone who speaks another language. One young man, upon our first encounter with him, didn't realize that he could speak Wao Tededo to us as non-Waodani and be understood. Having been impressed by the frequent occurrence of -s- sounds in cowode language, he tacked them on to Waodani words in his initial attempt to communicate. Some differences between Waodani and Spanish become quite evident when Spanish is spoken or written by naive Waodani speakers as was demonstrated in the following incident. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 42 The Waodani literacy instructor was intent upon teaching an oral Spanish lesson in which he asked, "How do the Spanish say ononguenewa - 'tongue'?" Some students answered quietty. "Nengua," the instructor spoke out. "Nengua," the students echoed. "Nengua," he said again, a bit louder. "Nengua," they responded a bit louder. Shaking his head, "nengua," he repeated, adding more emphesis to the first syllable. "Nengua," responded the students in like kind. "It's not nengua. The cowode don't say nengua, they say nengua," he attempted to explain. "Nengua," responded the students once more. Major differences between the two languages caused difficulties for this instructor. He could hear his students say "nengua" instead of the "lengua" he intended. What he could not hear was that, consistent with the phonemic system of his own language, he himself was saying "nengua", not "lengua".! Most of the pupils were simply and easily repeating what they were hearing. Those who were saying it more closely to the Spanish pronunciation already knew it from some other model and were not copying this older instructor's frustrated example. (For other examples representing structural differences, see figure 1.) t Note that the _n_ sound in lengua was being interpreted as indicating vowel nasalization which in turn meant that the consonant within that initial syllable had to be pronounced as it's nasal allophone (which also happens to be _n). (A similiar word, legal, which has no nasalization, would have been pronounced degado.) CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 43 figure 1: WAODANI PRONUCIATION OF SPANISH SPANISH* WAODANI (will write as) gloss motor sucre luego lengua Luisa Juan Daniel casa escuela lapiz alfabetizador senor profesor cata ecoeda (also etocoeda) dapito adopabetitadodo teyodo (tenodo) podopetodo bootodo (mootodo) tocode doego degoa (nengoa or nerjoa) Doguita Wab Daayedo (Daanedo) 'house' 'school' 'pencil' 'literacy instructor 'mister' 'professor' 'motor' 'coin' 'later' 'tongue' f. proper name m. proper name m. proper name *There are, of course, Waodani vocabulary words to describe these concepts in their own language, e.g., d'e odd bog a (approx. ne odomongd) - 'one who instructs or shows' for 'teacher'. Nevertheless, note what happens to word endings, consonant clusters, consonant fricatives (e.g., f, s, t) and interpretation of nasal sounds (m, n, n) when Spanish is attempted. 3. Language Structure When my little girls hear "Aucas" talking, they say, "That's the enee-meenee-mainee-mo language!" (Comment by a cowode woman, 1978.) Perhaps most conspicuous to the cowode ear, analytical or otherwise, is the nasal quality of the language. This prominant feature functions at the phoneme and syllable level, as opposed to the word or sentence level, as a quality of some vowels. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 44 The phonemic nasalization of vowels influences the phonetic nasalization of certain consonants in their immediate environment. This influence may cross syllable boundaries and basically flows from left to right (e.g., following a nasal vowel, consonant stops are prenasalized such as /itapa/ = [intapa].)t Nasalization of vowels (or the lack of it) changes meaning as well as pronunciation. For example, note the difference between the oral (non-nasal) and nasal forms in: a - 'to see' versus a - 'to say', ess - 'to do' versus cse - 'to eat'. The phonemic inventory includes five oral and five nasal vowels and only eight consonants (figure 2). Nasalization is a contributing factor in that the heaviest phonological load is carried by the vowels which are more stable in contrast to the consonants with their phonetic variations. Consonants then carry a different and lesser load than do the vowels in the phonemic system.! Analysis of the phonological system, along with field testing of the analysis, underlies the consequent phonemic inventory and was the basis of the practical Waodani orthography. t Note: 11 = phonemic rendering. [ ] = phonetic rendering. t This is in contrast to English where consonants are more important than vowels. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 45 figure 2: WAODANI PHONEMIC INVENTORY CONSONANTS - voiceless stops - voiced stops - semivowels labial P b[~m] w alveolar t d[~n] y [ ~ H ] velar c A / g [ ~ D ] front VOWELS - high - lax - low oral i e A / as nasal l e A / ae central oral nasal o A / 6 A / NOTE: Letters outside brackets = practical orthography. /letter! — phonemic rendition [letter] — nasal allophones A dieresis ( " ) marks nasalization: /a/ becomes a orthographically. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 46 4. Orthography One young man had not attended literacy classes for quite some time. When he did come to the clearing, on occasion he would bring something he'd written. As one of the first literates who had learned to write using the initial orthography, he had a tendency to inconsistantly write nasal graphemes. On one occasion he brought a lengthy account of an encounter with a puma (later printed in Primer #6:32-34). When asked if he would check it after it was typed, he smiled and gave a soft gasp sound signaling consent. A couple of days later when his composition was given to him, he was not told that in that typed copy nasal consonant graphemes had been substituted by their oral grapheme counterparts. Everything else was as he had written. One example was an introductory word he had overused and written nowo but which had been typed as yowo. As he proofread, each time it occurred he stopped, reread and then corrected it to yowo (note: not to the original "nowo). Throughout, he did not change any consonants back to a nasal grapheme, e.g., _y_ to _n_ or _d_ to _n_. Rather, as he read, several times he chuckled and commented "I forgot" or "I didn't dot it" (referring to the dieresis nasal marking). In the original, he apparently had used the nasal consonant graphemes to indicate nasalization of the vowel or the . syllable, but not as nasalization of the consonants. Such incidents contributed to the orthography design. The five oral vowels, five nasal vowels (with a dieresis (") to indicate their nasalization) and eight consonants of the phonemic inventory make up the present practical alphabet. Waodani respond to what appear to be lengthened vowels as two syllables, therefore they are written simply as double vowels. (See Appendix E.7.) The orthographic symbols with the exception of ffi, are taken from the Spanish alphabet and therefore found on Spanish typewriter keyboards. Initially the orthography over-differentiated by including graphemes for both the oral consonant phonemes and their nasal allophones. That orthography was used in the beginning of the literacy program and in the early drafts of literacy CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 47 materials. The current orthography does not include nasal graphemes for consonant allophones. (See figure 3.) The present practical orthography in part came about because pedagogical problems which arose supported the need for a review of the nasal representation. During the early literacy classes, there were indications that students who had made previous attempts to learn to read were experiencing serious difficulties because there appeared to be contradictions in the written form of the language. The problem turned out to be an inconsistency in the form for indicating nasalization. As the alphabet had evolved, there were four ways in which nasalization was cued. Those multiple cues for nasalization were perplexing to the learner during both reading and writing. Consequently orthographic changes were considered in order that the alphabet more closely reflect the linguistic reality of the language. Further testing done with naive speakers, semi-literates and literates confirmed that the inconsistency was misleading, causing reversals in reading and forcing the learner to look at the language in a way that seemed counter intuitive. For one, it made the influence of nasalization appear to flow in the opposite direction than it did. Also, as Waodani began to write their own compositions, they indicated a tendency and preference for writing phonemically rather than phonetically (i.e., for indicating the independent basic sounds not sound variations dependent upon or resulting from their context). CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 48 figure 3: WAODANI ORTHOGRAPHY REVISIONS INITIAL: -1972- as a b c d e g i m n n n o p q u t w y ( l ) as a e I 6 asn an en in on REVISIONS: July 1973- as a b c d e g i m n n n o p q u t w y ( 2 ) as a e l 6 Feb. 1978- a s a b c d e g i o p q u t w y ( 3 ) as a e l 6 N.D. 1978- x a b c d e g i o p q u t w y ( 4 ) x a e i 6 Oct . 1978- e a b c d i g/gu i o p qu t w y (5) e a £ I 6 Nov. 1978- as(e') a b c d e g/gu i o p qu t w y (6) as(#) a e I 6 SPANISH: a b c ch d e f g/gu h i j k l l l m n n o p q u r r r s t u v w x ' y z (1) Nasalization indicated in several ways, ambiguous vowels, overdifferentiated consonants. (2) Nasalization standardized as dieresis (") only. Completely unambiguous vowels; but redundantly indicated consonants. (3) Nasal consonant allophone graphemes omitted; unambiguous, non-redundant. (4) Trial use of x_ for /as/ (look alikes in Spanish cursive). (5) Conformity to Spanish diagraph gu (before i, T, e, e) and trial use of _e_ and _e_ for /ae/ and /as/, and _i_ and _i_ for I il and /$/. (6) Alternate &_ introduced as an option when a; is mechanically unavailable; all items unambiguous; non-redundant. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 49 Data supportive to orthographic changes, such as in the yowo ~ nowo example given above, indicated that consonant phonemes which are pronounced differently in certain environments i.e., the allophones, are not considered as different by the Waodani, even though they may be heard as different by non-Waodani. That is, the Waodani see phonetically nasal allophones [m, n, rj, n] as being akin to or variations of their phonemic oral counterparts lb, d, g, y/, to the extent that only one group or the other need be graphical!)' represented. Put another way, each of these consonants has a predictable alternate variation: {b — m, d~n, g~rj, y~n}. For example, when the allophone [n] occurs in a word, it may be written as a _d, but the reader will intuitively and automatically pronounce it appropriately as an _n in certain environments. Or conversely, it could be written as an _n_ and would be pronounced as a _d_ when appropriate. Either way, both forms of the consonants do not need to be written. Therefore, the linguistic reality of the language supports a phonemic rather than a phonetic practical orthography. That is, in the case of the consonants, it allows for writing only one of the two forms of consonants, either the nasal or the oral set rather than differentiate between basic and alternate forms, t To use both forms is overdifferentiating and confusing for the Waodani and causes inconsistent spelling. Yet for non-Waodani, using only one set is confusing - for them it is underdifferentiation and requires giving attention to pronunciation rules until the phonological system is internalized (figure 4, Peeke 1979:11). t For example, the English letter _t_ is written one way but is pronounced differently depending upon its initial, medial or final position in a word; tap, patio, pat. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 50 figure 4: PRONUNCIATION OF WAODANI CONSONANTS (for non-Waodani) t c/qu b d y g/gu w Word initial followed by an oral vowel: p t k b d y g w Between oral vowels: p t k b r y g w Between oral vowel and nasals a, ae: p t k b r y g w Between oral vowel and nasals 1 , e , 6: p t k m r y g w Word initial followed by a nasal vowel: p t k m n r f g w Between nasal vowel and an oral or nasal vowel: mp/mb nt/nd nk/ng m n n ng w t The chart of rules (initially by Peeke) is not necessary for Waodani speakers since they automatically make the changes, much as English speakers automatically make such changes as the s^ to a sound following a voiced consonant, e.g., pats [pasts] ~ pads [pasdz]. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 51 A complication then in choosing a phonemic over a phonetic option for writing the orthography was the reaction of naive non-native speakers who have little or no orientation to the linguistic reality of the Waodani language. However, a decision was made for a phonemic alphabet (See Figure 3, 1978 revision) on the basis of the gathered data and after testing alternative orthographic revisions with various Waodani in different ways. Continued acceptance of such an alphabet which closely reflects the Waodani phonological system, may come through the support of national educators and others who choose to respect the uniqueness of "the people" and the complexity of the language they all speak. E . EDUCATIONAL CONTEXT Traditional and formal education, the literacy program, the materials development model used in the program and the literacy materials themselves are now discussed as part of the educational context. 1. Education Shortly after literacy class, two small boys returned running up the stairs onto my porch. They called out for attention to a wasp's nest held up by the older boy and then sat down with it in the doorway. For the next 20 minutes or so they examined it's innermost parts, probing eggs, pricking at the young, flicking out adults and picking off layers of nest, all with a running commentary to draw my attention to movements, taxonomy and other observations. To a seemingly reasonable question, "Won't they sting?" the boy responded, "How can they sting?!" Obviously a person was to have known something that I did not know. They took it apart, bit by bit, until there was nothing left but scattered tattered remains. A ragged piece still attached to the branch was tossed out over the porch as the boys stood up, inquired whether there would be class the next morning, then ran back down the stairs and off down the trail. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 52 Traditional education is acquired experientially. Because children are not excluded from most activities, they are able to participate to the extent of their abilities. Even in activities in which their participation is limited, they are observers, e.g., childbirth, blowgun construction, handling large hot cooking pots. Through modeling, mimicry and observation they learn in what seems to be unstructured and spontaneous ways. Other knowledge is acquired incidentally through observation and by hearing the endless accounts of others, stories from oral tradition and songs. A variety of pressures towards formal education, both from outside and from among the Waodani, have existed since contact. (This is an area of potential further research.) During the !960's, intermittent literacy efforts occurred at one clearing in particular, until the death of a young Waodani person who had been learning and teaching literacy there. My involvement began in 1972 at that same clearing with a literacy program for adults and children. (The program is discussed in the following section.) Towards the mid 1970's, some children were further introduced to more formal education through a provincial primary school begun at a major Waodani community on the edge of the territory, some of those students had occasionally attended the literacy classes. In the late 1970's, another provincial primary school was set up at a second major community; most of those students also at one time or another had attended the literacy classes. A third school at a very CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 53 small community was discontinued after several attempts around 1980 because of community conflicts; some of those students on occasion had previously attended literacy classes at a nearby clearing and with the disbanding of the school, returned to them sporatically. The teachers in these schools were Quichuas, not Waodani speakers. Spanish was considered the primary medium of instruction. However, at the first provincial school, a Waodani who was bilingual in Quichua, has assisted the Quichua teacher in the teaching responsibilities and there has been some use of the Waodani literacy materials, such as charts, primers, arithmetic materials and so on. At the second school, a Quichua who was married to a Waodani and who spoke Waodani, assisted the Quichua teacher for a time. At this same community, literacy classes were also taught by Waodani who had previously attended classes at the first two clearings where the literacy program had begun. They eventually discontinued their literacy classes because of competition from the school and because of group conflicts in which certain individuals were competing for alliances. Their attempts for control had entailed education, according to Yost: Another measure used to attract a following is to get Quichua school teachers to come live and teach in a village. The two Huao women who have succeeded in getting them, use strong pressures to convince other Huaorani that they should move to their villages to attend school to learn Spanish. But the implications of this for the Huaorani go beyond just learning to read or write. In both instances, the school teachers have not been enthusiastic, to say the least, about encouraging traditional Huao ways. In the two villages where they teach, people are beginning to take a derogatory stance toward their own language and customs, led by the female brokers who now openly demonstrate their orientation to Quichua culture and their disdain for Huao culture. On one occasion they burned reading materials written by Huao authors from another village because the Huao language is not "good". (1980:19) CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 54 In contrast, a different response to some native authored materials was made by one of the literacy instructors at that same clearing. As the instructor picked up the newly printed native authored items he responded, "Cowode dibodo bail Waa-pod'i! - '(They're) just like cowode books! Nice!'" 2. Literacy Program The rugged older man did not attend literacy classes but he frequently joined other Waodani, usually during non-class time, around a heavy wooden table off to one side in the literacy classroom. I had left briefly and returned to discover gouged lines on the table top much like spokes of an umbrella. To an inquiry about who had done it, the old man sat up straight, smiled and proudly exclaimed, "Look, ... _I_ have written!" The verb stem yewsb - 'to write', literally means 'to carve'. That he had done. Whether in jest or seriously, he identified his grooving on the top of our only table with the 'carving' on 'wasps nest, paper' done by students in the literacy program. The purpose of the literacy program was to extend the opportunity the Waodani had for acquisition of literacy. This called for full-time attention by a person with a background in education and literacy. I accepted the assignment in 1972. My notion of a literacy program included linguistically and culturally based materials development, literacy classes and instructor training. I envisioned developing a core of literates (with a goal of one literate per household) by teaching classes and concurrently developing materials through insights gained in those classes and by involving the participants in the process. I expected to pattern primers and reading lesson format and content after what was then an earl}' stage of the Gudschinsky model for materials development. (The model is discussed later.) CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 55 The initial curriculum included Waodani reading and writing instruction, oral Spanish lessons and some arithmetic. (See Appendices A, B, D, E, F, I.) The program begun in 1972 consisted of four daily classes taught by the developer at one clearing for men, women, boys and girls. Some Waodani came from other clearings, mostly as families, to periodically attend the classes. The relationships between kin groups, food accessibility through game and garden cycles, and the semi-nomadic life-style influenced the extent of their stay and contributed to a large turnover in daily and weekly attendance. Approximately 50 - 60 students attended daily (with the highest being 90) although the actual "enrollment" was more than double that figure. Attendance in the literacy classes, of course, was not cumpulsory. The man stood just outside my window. Quietly he reported that his family group was leaving not to return again to the clearing. He asked, "How can my children learn to read?" After a dispute in 1975 between two family groups, some Waodani inquired about the possibility of classes at a second clearing two days journey from the first clearing. Although I consented and this became an opportunity to decentralize the literacy classes (see also Yost, 1978:8), I was absent from Ecuador during 1976 and therefore not able to respond to the request until 1977. When I returned, the community had already built a classroom. After classes began at this second clearing, most of the students from there, with the exception of a few teenagers, no longer attended the classes at the first clearing. Although interest was expressed to have classes at a third large clearing, I could not do so because logistical demands would have excluded provision for literacy at any other clearings. Even so Waodani began teaching there and I CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 56 made periodic visits, but as already mentioned, the location of the second provincial school at this same clearing came into conflict with the literacy classes. Teaching responsibilities at the first two clearings were taken on by members of those respective communities as students became the instructors and assistants. Other students eventually began classes at their own clearings. These instructors and assistants were usually in a kin relationship to each other and to a significant portion of the community.! As teaching responsibilities were taken on by the Waodani, both male and female, my role changed more to training, supervising and assisting instructors and their assistants at various communities. Blocks of time were spent alternately at all the clearings; travel was by air, trail and river. Each clearing had specific needs and characteristics and was at a different level in literacy and in their use of the materials. Classes, up to a couple of hours in length, were loosely structured with location and time generally determined by the community. For example, at one clearing the men chose to have their class before they went to the forest for the day. At another clearing they chose to have their class at the end of the day after they returned from the forest. Class sizes ranged from approximately 10 - 35 students. For a clearing to begin with separate classes for men and women, or separate for adults and children, and then later to combine them was not t Reports indicate that the instructors in the various communities are currently being replaced by non-Waodani "outsiders" under the Ministry of Education. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 57 uncommon. Parents helped children and children helped parents. Those who knew, or thought they knew, taught. Neither was it uncommon to return to a clearing and find that the literacy classroom structure had been relocated or rebuilt by community members. Organization, participation and physical facilities of the program changed frequently. From the beginning of the program, in any of the literacy classes, participants were engaged in both student and teaching roles, although I had initially filled the role of teacher at the first two clearings. From among these participants, instructors and assistants emerged who were community and/or self-chosen. As they established classes at their respective clearings, they received mostly individual, on location training. Also, on occasion, several gathered at a clearing for a few days of inservice activities. Most of them also had opportunity to audit portions of the Bilingual Teachers Training Course offered by SIL under the auspices of the Ecuadorian Ministry of Education. In addition, the literacy instructors participated in, and received some supplies from, several seminars conducted under the sponsorship of the Provincial Department of Adult Education. By 1982, seven communities were recognized as "Literacy Centers" (Centros de Alfabetizacion) with their Waodani instructors receiving official and monetary recognition and supervision through the Pastaza Provincial Office of Education under the Department of Adult Education. Those literacy classes, conducted by the Waodani instructors and their assistants, used the materials which are the topic of this study. CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 58 3. Literacy Materials Model In the development of the materials, the use of the Gudschinsky model was evident. She proposed that a linguistic method is both essential and adequate as an approach to literacy. The theory for her method is "based on the tagmemic model of linguist K. L. Pike" which in turn had roots in the work of Bloomfield, Sapir and Fries (Gudschinsky, 1976:4). Gudschinsky's theory of pedagogy was developed out of her broad experience as an elementary teacher, a linguistic and literacy fieldworker in ethnic languages, an international literacy coordinator and consultant and through conducting literacy seminars and workshops. The model was designed for development of literacy materials in ethnic languages and cultures (Gudschinsky, 1976:3-5). The model suggests a strategy which includes: language data gathering and analysis, a practical orthography design, development of a program plan and instructional materials (including trial items, testing and revision), and implementation through materials publication, teacher training and literacy instruction. Materials and instruction are described in terms of pre-reading, basic vernacular reading and writing, and transition and independant reading. Gudschinsky points out that, All of this must be done within the constraints both of the local language and culture, and of the national language and culture within which it is embedded (1973:46). The model is specific about the design of instructional materials and primer lessons in particular. Briefly each lesson includes: CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 59 an appropriate picturable keyword to introduce a new letter in a pronounceable syllable context, letter and syllable drills for decoding (analysis, synthesis, identification, constrast exercises, and e.g., Appendices E.2, 3, 10), functor drills with a pronouncable and meaningful word that introduces needed grammatical elements (Appendices E.2, 10), built words and story for encoding (reading practice in context), and handwriting (Appendices D.8; E.3, 6, 8, 9) (letter formation, spelling, dictation, composition). Lesson content is based on language and cultural data, e.g., frequency counts of phonemes in language, singing and dancing events at fiestas. In the Waodani case, the Gudschinkey model (an early version) was used because it was one model presented in SIL training and used by some literacy fieldwork colleagues. (Gudschinsky was the main instructor in a "Principles of Literacy" course taken by the developer.) Given the monolingual nature of the Waodani context, the model seemed to be a workable and reasonable choice. However, a number of changes occurred with the use of the model during the materials development. (Some specific details of some of the changes are discussed in Chapter 3; see also Appendices C and E. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10.) 4. Literacy Materials On one occasion, as a number of students returned from spear fishing, one woman held up what appeared to be a type of armored catfish. When questioned, she identified it as an "oba" and consented to a photo being taken of it. Oba was one of the primer keywords CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 60 so the photo was to be used as reference. On a later occasion, I was drawing the oba from the slides. A young woman who was checking some primer text watched from time to time. "It's good," she replied when asked for an opinion. To other inquiries such as, "Is the tail long enough?" she responded, "Ao," - 'Yes'. "The head? the eyes?" "Ao, that's how they are, like that." She continued to look at it and again commented that it was done well but questioned, "Why do you write oba?" "It's an oba, ... isn't it?" I returned. "It's a cadabo, not an oba." When shown the slides she consented, "It's like an oba," but insisted, "It's not a true oba." On another day, someone from her family brought a true oba to be photographed and drawn. (See Appendix D.9.) Instructional materials were developed (see Appendix A) with various types of input from the Waodani. For example, Primer #4 stories are all Waodani compositions. Literacy class participants were the source for much of the text in materials and most of the editing and checking of content. Earlier materials had to rely on oral items as a source, that is expressions and dictated or transcribed oral text. As literateness began to develop, writers contributed short descriptive and narrative items and eventually longer stories. In the process, Waodani became more critical and also provided valuable input for orthographic decisions; teacher trainees especially contributed to this process with Peeke providing linguistic consultation throughout the development. In the native authored booklets, text and drawings were done by both teachers and students. At all stages Waodani pointed out needed changes. After a number of weeks away, I returned to the clearing and brought in a box of newfy printed primers. The box was opened even before other supplies were unloaded. As several Waodani glanced through a few copies, the literacy instructor brought one copy over and pointed to a newly printed page, "Bado! this says ... it should be written ..." CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 61 They also confirmed the validity of changes made: The young man opened the newly revised primer. He began reading in one lesson, pointing to each item on the page. A couple of young boys, watching intently, followed along and echoed each item he read aloud. At one word the young man paused, then looking at the boys intently, he said, "Look! What does that say? Read it..." He flashed quick glances around him, began smiling and with intermittant pauses continued to press for a response, " "Well?... Whose name is it? ... Bado... Read it." (The word he was pointing to was his own name.) In the development of materials, the indigenous language was used on the assumption that its use would not exclude but rather enhance the acquisition of literacy in the official national language. Ethnic-language content in the materials was to teach literacy rather than to teach culture and language. Acquistion of literacy would allow the people a means for expressing their own cultural knowledge in a written form. The Spanish content, on the other hand, taught language, culture and literacy. The materials went through various development stages. Some began as class lessons or as charts. Some were typed with a few carbon copies, then later produced in limited mimeograph form and finally printed on offset. Others were temporary, particulary in early trial stages, and not printed in any permanent form. Some native authored materials were printed on location with silk screen or portable mimeo. Some materials were handwritten, demonstrating to the Waodani that materials may be produced without the sophistication of a typewriter. Other materials were typewritten, demonstrating that Waodani materials could be produced in a manner similiar to dominant language materials. Because there were already basic arithmetic materials developed for the Bilingual CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 62 Teacher Training Course, some of them were adapted for Waodani use.t (See Appendicies D - I for examples of the materials.) When materials were used in the classes by the developer or by the literacy instructors and their assistants, there was a fairly standard format for their use. Following an oral Spanish lesson, a Waodani reading lesson was presented along with a chalkboard demonstration of the accompanying handwriting lesson. Handwriting could include practice exercises, dictation, questions and compositions, for example, about current happenings in the community. Students were assigned independent work to do in their own individual notebooks. As the instructor taught the next level, the assistant helped students with their independent work and later each student read to either the instructor or the assistant. Arithmetic exercises followed which, when completed, were also checked by the instructor or assistant and corrected by the student. No formal tests or grades were given. When students were absent for a period of time, they usually reviewed several lessons before continuing on. Primers were taken home after their completion in class. Materials were not only accessible to instructors and students. Upon request, members of the community at large could acquire any of the printed items. The materials were accessible also to others such as the teachers in the two Provincial Schools, Catholic mission personnel who had contact with one group of Waodani and a small emergency clinic/hospital that frequently had Waodani in-patients. Most upriver Waodani families had personal copies of some of the t In the Karaja case, teachers did a similiar adaptation (Alford, 1985:5). CONTEXT OF WAODANI LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 63 materials. (More details concerning the materials are included in Chapter 3.)t The literacy materials were developed within this historical, environmental, cultural, linguistic and educational context. Because this context was both changing and complex, changes in the materials occurred during their development. Some of these changes and the reasons for them are discussed in the following chapter. t Production of the literacy materials was made possible by funding from a variety of sources: Summer Institute of Linguistics, Canadian International Development Agency and private funding. III. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN T H E MATERIALS The Waodani literacy materials underwent changes during their development. Some of those changes and why they were necessary are evident from an examination of the materials from their early drafts to their present forms. (See Appendix A for Summary of Materials.) Such an examination gives insight into the nature of materials development within the Waodani context. Four types of changes appeared in the materials: format changes, sequence changes, content changes and "other" changes. In addition, there were four catagories of reasons for these changes, namely linguistic, cultural, pedagogical and a miscellaneous "other" (figure 5). Particularly in the primers, linguistic reasons for changes were dominant in early stages,! whereas cultural and pedagogical reasons contributed more consistently throughout the development. These four types of changes and four catagories of reasons are neither in practice nor in analysis as clear-cut or mutually exclusive as the labels would imply. Nevertheless, they provide a useful framework for organizing the following discussion of the changes and the reasons behind them. The examples provided here are not meant to be exhaustive of all the changes that occurred from 1972 to 1982. t Lado (1978:486) also suggests that this happens in materials development. Alatis (1978:486) makes a similiar claim. 64 CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 65 figure 5: CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN MATERIALS REASONS LINGUISTIC CULTURAL PEDAGOGICAL OTHER Format Sequence CHANGES  Content Other A. FORMAT CHANGES Format changes were intended to make the materials and their contents more manipulative given the limitations imposed by the context in which they would be used. Such changes altered the physical characteristics or the form that the materials took, such as their appearance, size, shape, number, packaging (e.g., cover, binding), printing style, margins, spacing, illustrations and general layout. These changes were designed to accommodate both learner and novice instructor, for linguistic, cultural, pedagogical and "other" reasons. (See Appendix C for some examples of format changes.) CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 66 1. For Linguistic Reasons Format changes for linguistic reasons were limited. A specific example was the addition of cassette tapes and players to the oral Spanish teaching materials. Initially, the materials consisted of such items as: classroom, household and cultural objects, flashcards of those and other objects, e.g., birds, notebook "flipcharts" to be used like flashcards, picture books, Spanish magazines (e.g., wildlife) and several charts to guide dialogue. A tape (made previous to this developer's involvement) of miscellaneous Spanish items such as the Ecuadorian national anthem, greetings, colors, numbers, etc., was available and popular particularly for independent listening. These items constituted the initial oral Spanish materials. This format for oral Spanish materials was continued during the training of the first literacy instructors and seemed to work as the developer monitored and coached for pronunciation, organization of lessons and handling and storage of materials. However, as Waodani instructors from additional communities were trained, this format presented problems because lesson planning was difficult for the instructors and it lacked an adequate oral linguistic model. (See LINGUISTIC CONTEXT: Language Structure.) The problem with this oral Spanish instructional model centred around sound and syntax differences between Spanish and Waodani. These differences made it difficult, if not in some cases virtually impossible, for Waodani instructors, with CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 67 their limited Spanish facility, to adequately teach Spanish. (See LINGUISTIC CONTEXT, figure l.)t Also, some concepts which could be expressed orally were not so readily picturable on flashcards, much less within the teaching range of limited language proficiency instructors. Such content items were put on cassette tapes in the form of response drills and oral text. Clear enunciation and pronunciation by a Spanish Ecuadorian teacher provided the essential language model. The Waodani instructors thereby became both monitors and learners as well, supplementing the tapes to the extent of their own abilities and their students' interests. The tradeoff in such a format change was pedagogical spontaneity for greater linguistic adequacj'. (Even so, because of the complexities of materials maintenance and use and limited access to reproduction facilities, this format change does not appear to be an adequate long term solution. 2. For Cultural Reasons Format changes made for cultural reasons were related to the nature of the Waodani life-style and environment. (See CULTURAL CONTEXT.) Examples of such changes are found in the instructional charts and in smaller items such as exercise sheets, flashcards and readiness exercise folders. Some format changes occurred in the classroom charts. For example, large charts were in general more effective instructional aids because they captured student interest and helped instructors to explicitly focus attention. When an orthography revision affected the alphabet that had been used on the early charts for teaching reading, they were abandoned for lessons written by the developer on t Similiar problems were reported among the Maxakal i , further complicated by simultaneously teaching literacy in both languages (Popovich, 1984:17, 21). CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 68 the chalkboard. As Waodani became more directly involved in teaching, charts again were made (using the revised orthography) so that instructors, as new literates, did not have to put all the lesson content on the chalkboard. However, the charts proved unsatisfactory because they were: easy to get out of order difficult to manipulate (not as versatile as booklets), hard to hang, store, transport and replace, readily ruined by rain, mold, moisture and were blown and ripped during storms, vulnerable to insects, DDT sprayers, etc. (See ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT.) These reasons influenced format changes in chart materials. Consequently, to accommodate Waodani instructors, the content of the reading charts was put into large spiral bound notebooks, one to accompany each of the Primers One through Five. This change resulted in items which were more easily stored and manipulated for either a class or a one-to-one teaching situation.! Similar changes occurred in the health lessons which initially were taught from charts. There was a plan to put their contents into two separate teaching manuals for the health promoters and literacy instructors. However, this plan was changed for cultural reasons. First, the information would have had restricted distribution to the broader population, if the promoters chose not to use the manuals which they considered their private possessions. Something more accessible to the larger population (at least for those who could read) seemed t "Poster sized reading lessons" were changed to legal size among the Maxali (Popovich, 1984:17). CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 69 appropriate. (See CULTURAL CONTEXT: Socio-political.) Because purchasing and caring for reference booklets was a new notion to the Waodani, it was anticipated that perhaps they would buy one book on health but not two (and most likely only a first aid booklet since it contained information on snakebite and sting-ray treatment).! Also, two small booklets could be easily misplaced or damaged. Therefore, both the hygiene and the first aid lessons from the charts were placed under one cover to be more book-like in appearance and hopefully to survive longer than two booklets. The notebook size (approximately 6 x 8 inches) was small enough to store and transport in a plastic bag, yet large enough for teaching purposes. (Appendix G; see also CULTURAL CONTEXT: Life-style.) Still other format changes within the health booklet took into consideration the marginal or semi-literateness of the potential users. For example, illustrations and text were made to conform to a standardized page format.! Illustrations were put on the same page as the Waodani text, rather than on the page with the Spanish text; this gave priority to Waodani culture and language, and drew attention to the text which they were most able to read, given their monolingualism. (See LINGUISTIC CONTEXT: Language Status.) Information was made more accessible to the population at large through these changes in format. Further changes for cultural reasons resulted in size reductions and bound formats for the arithmetic exercises and flashcards, the typing lessons and the ! Their common occurrence makes them of high interest. The Waodani have one of the highest reported records of snakebite incidence. (Larrick, Yost and Kaplan 1978; Theakston, et al., 1981). ! McCarthy (1976) found that consistent format was important to the use of materials by naive instructors. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 70 readiness exercise folders. These changes took into account: limitations of desk top space, limited weather proof storage facilities, difficulties in reproduction, restrictions to access by confinement to classroom use, and ease with which loose items were mislaid, gotten out of order, etc. (See CULTURAL CONTEXT: Climate, Technology.) The arithmetic exercises initially were produced as carbon copies on approximately 8 x 11 sheets as needed; but as the Waodani became primary instructors, this format proved unrealistic and inconvenient. The format was changed to one half the size and to pre-printed pads, i.e., 40 different pads each with 20-25 sheets of the same exercise (depending on class size), to be kept by the instructor and given to students as needed. This format also allowed the instructors to reassign pages, e.g., as review for students returning from extended fishing trips. However, the pads were cumbersome to store, became a temptation for termites, and in daily use were easily disorganized and crumpled. Consequently, the format changed from tear-off to bound pads, but at the cost of pedagogical versatility. The typing lessons, printed on approximately 8 x 11 loose sheets, were easily disorganized and difficult to manipulate on limited desk space and the small type size was difficult to see under varied lighting. A format change included a darker and larger sized print on small pads (approximately 3 x 8 ) . This change was an improvement but still unsatisfactory because the pads came apart too easily and were susceptible to wind gusts when students had both hands on the CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 71 typewriter. These lessons are in need of further format and content revisions. To the sets of arithmetic flashcards provided for each literacy instructor were added small (approximately 3 x 5 ) spiral notebooks into which advanced students could copy addition facts (one per page). More manageable and easily transportable, the notebooks were used by students for practice, to teach others in class and at home, or to "show off" at fiestas. Discrimination and matching exercises were a popular reading readiness activity used by the developer early in the literacy program. They were designed on the inside of manila file folders with an envelope glued in each one to contain the matching parts. Although they were effective and enjoyed by the students, the format again presented both a storage problem and among other things required considerable desk top area when used. Matching parts were easily lost and not readily replaced, nor were the exercises easily reproduced. When discrimination exercises were included in the Pre-Primer, the folders were discontinued. In each of the above examples, the format changes were required for reasons related to the instructional setting within the cultural context. 3. For Pedagogical Reasons Format changes for pedagogical reasons were more difficult to sort out separately. In some way such reasons were behind most changes. So, for example, although format changes for cultural reasons reduced charts to smaller sized items, pedagogical criteria influenced the final decision, e.g., the item had to CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 72 be useable for both class and individual instruction. Readiness exercises from Primer #1 and from the manila folders, along with other activities, were placed into a Pre-Primer. It was more managable and also gave the learner the opportunity to complete and to take home a single primer rather quickly; this encouraged a sense of accomplishment, made the readiness exercises accessible to people in the home who did not attend classes (i.e., they were taught by the student who had just completed the Pre-Primer), and proved to be an effective review for students. This format also provided the literacy instructor with an an established sequence for instruction and for pacing students. Pacing the oral Spanish lessons was a difficult task for the literacy instructors. A format change identified more specifically the lesson boundaries on the tapes (although the instructor could modify or ignore them); reasonably sized lessons became more clearly defined with this change. The Spanish speaker on the first tapes overemphasized some items compared to natural speech, e.g., articles el - 'the', un - 'a'. Waodani instructors copied this format and learners mimicked the heavy intonation. For example: casa - la casa (the house) nino - el nino (the boy) agua - el agua (the water)! Speakers on subsequent tapes were given orientation to use a more natural intonation. t Underline = unnecessary voice emphesis. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 73 The original arithmetic exercise sheets contained too much information from a visual standpoint and in terms of the learner's work load. A change in page layout reduced the number of practice lines and boxes to be filled. An example of each new item taught on the page was boxed in a predictable pattern so that the learner knew what to expect and what was to be done. This uncluttered and standardized format meant that less teaching time was required and allowed the learner to work more independently without teacher instruction. (Appendix F) 4. For Other Reasons Format changes were also made for promotional, editorial, technical and logistical reasons. For example, the native authored literature ranged from small 3 x 5 mimeographed leaflets or folders and those with handwritten text and pasted on photos, to larger items produced by offset including reproduced photos and color; these format differences reflected available technology and various purposes. (Appendix H) When the purpose for producing an item was to demonstrate to the Waodani that they too could author and illustrate a "real" book in their own language, then offset press was the means of production chosen because it allowed for: the use of color and double runs, the use of different bindings, reduction or enlargement of drawings and photos, variation of print size and style, variation of paper size and quality for cover or content, and CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 74 printing on one or both sides. For example, the addition of color added to the popularity of two native authored items. More options existed in using offset. (Appendicies H. 1-3) On the other hand, when the purpose of the item was to involve the Waodani themselves in the actual production from "start to finish", formats were restricted to: handwitten, typed, carbon copied, dittoed, silk screened or mimeographed quality, no reduction or enlargement of originals, usually onesided printing, newsprint or mimeograph paper, and limited stapling, folding and collating. Depending upon purpose, format changed from one item to the next. (Appendix H.4) When the purpose was to elevate the status of ethnic-language materials, some of the format and content changes included introductory pages in Spanish (similiar to the Primers), diglot tables of content, and acknowledgements of Waodani editorial and consultive participation. Such changes were attempts to promote understanding on the part of non-Waodani as to the purpose, content and source of these items and to conform to an acceptable format for printed materials. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 75 B. SEQUENCE CHANGES Sequence changes focused on when particular content was introduced and how it was ordered, both within and across materials. These changes were made for linguistic, cultural and pedagogical reasons. (See Appendix C for samples of Sequence Changes.) 1. For Linguistic Reasons Sequence changes for linguistic reasons primarily centred around the question of when to introduce specific phoneme (sound) symbols and functors (grammatical as opposed to lexical elements) in the Pre-Primer, Primers #1 - 3 and the Transition Primer. These changes reflected a priority given to three things: to phonological structure and productivity as the basis for literacy lesson development; to productive grammatical elements for naturalness in lesson content and stories; and to phonological and grammatical distinctions (between the ethnic language and the dominant language) to encourage linguistic awareness.! Reordering the introduction of letter shapes (in readiness exercises), of some vowels, and functors, and of consonant stops are some examples of sequence changes for linguistic reasons that are discussed here. (See Appendix B for the introduction sequence in current Primers.) The sequence for introducing letter shapes changed. (This is an exception to the teaching method which taught the sounds before the names for symbols.) In early literacy classes, as students helped each other, particularly in handwriting, t Miller (1985:82) found changes in sequence of phoneme symbol introduction to be "problematic" and to have serious unanticipated consequences. Freire (1973) also places importance on phoneme sequence and productivity. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 76 they provided their own names for certain letter shapes (e.g., It, o, c/). Because these shapes had names which- were commonly used by the students, they were therefore more readily identifiable and were included in discrimination exercises, but only as shapes, not as sounds. (Appendix D.6) Another sequence change occurred in the introduction of functors (grammatical elements).! Enhancing natural speech likeness in the text was the linguistic reason behind the change. Some Primer content became awkward without certain functors or grammatical items. They were essential for making the text linguistically closer to natural speech and for providing a meaningful context to introduce further grammatical items. However, many of these essential functors contained phonemes of otherwise low productivity apart from their use in those specific functors. Letters of low frequency occurrence in content words were often those of high frequency occurrence in functors. In other words, highly productive grammatical items could be composed of otherwise low productive phonemes. This created a dilemma. Some functors were needed long before the letters in them were taught. Therefore, exceptions were made to a sequence of introduction based on phonemic productivity in order to introduce appropriate functors (usually one every other lesson) before the lessons which specifically introduced their phoneme symbols. Thus they were treated as sight words as opposed to built words. $ For example, sb&te - 'bringing' - a highly productive gerund, was learned as a whole sight word in Primer #1 even though vowels ae and _e_ were not specifically taught until later in Primers #2 and #3 respectively. (See Appendix E.2 and t Gudschinsky (1973) and Lee (1979) provide in-depth discussions on the importance of teaching functors/grammatical elements and phonemes differently. $ Sight words are taught as whole words and may contain new letters. Built words contain only letters that have already been taught. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 77 E.10 for functor lesson samples.) Yet another sequence changed was the order of introduction of consonants. It resulted in the most significant, and at the time what appeared to be the most complex, of any of the sequence changes. This change placed consonant voiceless stops It, c, p/ (sounds, not shapes) first in the order of introduction contrary to low frequency counts on Id and /p/. This disregarded the standard criterion of phoneme productivity since the voiced stops lb/ and Id/ were found to be highest in the frequency counts. Why introduce low frequency consonants before high frequency consonants? In this case, a sequence of introduction based on productivity became problematic within the broader complexities of prior and pending orthographic decisions concerning how to write nasal consonants, certain vowel graphemes and the symbolization for nasalization. The major reason for this sequence change concerning the introduction of consonants emerged from orthographic revisions (figure 3). Prior orthographic decisions had placed graphemes for oral consonant phonemes lb, d, g, yl and for nasals [m, n, rj, n] in the early alphabet design. Initially it seemed an appropriate decision to include both oral and nasal graphemes. Beginning literacy efforts used that orthography. Further orthographic analysis revealed that the nasal consonants represent allophones (variations of phonemes) and therefore are quite predictable, i.e., they are pronounced in the presence of nasal vowels. So the nasal consonants as variations (pronunciation dependent upon context) are not phonemic (independent CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 78 sounds) and the graphemes representing them in the alphabet were questioned. Early with in the development and use of the literacy materials, data began to accumulate indicating that some consonant graphemes were redundant for the Waodani. Revising that feature in the alphabet became a prolonged orthographic problem. (See LINGUISTIC CONTEXT: Orthography.)! In the ensuing orthographic decision making, several considerations came into play: the phonological reality of the language, responses of students and "outsiders", considerations from the cultural context, community pressures to proceed with classes, as well as the potential pedagogical and monetary costs. Each one of these was an influence on changes in the orthography. Student response to the reading and writing of their language contributed evidence in favor of orthographic revision. For example, when students attempted to read, they appeared to depend upon vowel (not consonant) features for cues to nasal pronunciation. If the vowel quality was nasal, they pronounced the following consonant as nasal, "whereas if the vowel quality was oral, they pronounced the consonant as oral. Students were observed to read phonemically when breaking words into syllables, for example, they read 'come-I' [porno] separately as lp'6-bol but when they put the syllables back together, pronounced it as [porno]. Likewise, they read 'say-they-two' [ana] separately as /a-da/, but together pronounced it appropriately as [ana] and 'sees-she (mother)' la-nql as t (See also the phonemic inventory in figure 2 and the pronunciation charts in figure 4.) The explanation here is very brief. Linguistic rationale upon which the present orthography is formulated, the implications and extensive supportive data are supplied in unpublished analyses by Peeke. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 79 [adq]. When the vowel was nasal they automatically pronounced the consonant as nasal. Most students interpreted nasal consonant graphemes as equivalent to or another form of the oral consonant graphemes, without attributing any fixed quality of nasalization to them. When students did focus on a nasal consonant grapheme as having some nasal quality, they interpreted it as representing nasalization for the vowel or for the whole syllable. As a result, they nasalized both the consonant and the vowel even though the vowel might not have been intended as nasal. In reading, therefore, only context clues allowed them to correct for that error. In writing, students needed to hear the item read out loud as they had written it in order to see inconsistencies. The Waodani were responding at a syllable level and treating nasal consonant graphemes in one of two ways: either as an indication for nasalization of the vowel or as a consonant phoneme affected by the nasal quality of the preceeding vowel. They were not responding to the consonant as having any innate nasal quality of its own. A voiced consonant was pronounced as nasal if it was adjoined to a nasal vowel, and conversely, was pronounced as oral (not nasal, even if written nasal) if adjoined to an oral vowel; in other words, voiced consonants were pronounced as their nasal allophones when in the presence of a nasal vowel. These kinds of data, prevalent from student responses, implied that for the Waodani there was no need specifically to write the nasal allophones; they were not necessary in the alphabet. (See LINGUISTIC CONTEXT: CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 80 Orthography.)! There were other complications, however, in not writing the allophones in the alphabet. Non-Waodani usually insisted that they ought to be written, and in a form which reflected their own (not Waodani) language. Orthographic decisions, however, were based on the belief that the alphabet ought to represent the phonological reality of the spoken Waodani language. (See HISTORICAL CONTEXT: Extended Contact.) Meanwhile, there was the more immediate problem of the literacy classes: what to do about teaching reading, particularly the consonants, in the interim while orthographic decisions were being made. To delay classes was not an option because of community pressure. Furthermore, to delay would have been counter productive since potential orthographic changes were tested in those classes; students contributed to the direction of the orthographic decisions. However, continuing classes meant that teaching reading lessons was problematic. One option was to continue to use the initial alphabet (which included the nasal graphemes) and the previously planned sequence of introduction. The other option was to put off teaching nasal consonants until an alphabet was finalized. Each option had certain constraints and consequences. The first option meant that the phonemes were taught as represented in the t Gudschinsky (1973:119) gives another reason for not writing allophones if possible: "...symbolizing allophones in the vernacular makes the transition to, or correct pronunciation of, the second language harder." CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 81 existing alphabet, i.e., graphemes both for oral consonants and for their nasal allophones - lb, d, g, yl and [m, n, n, n]. Time and effort had already been given (with only a limited degree of success) to developing and teaching lessons in order to accommodate what for the Waodani was over-differentiation of voiced consonant phonemes in that alphabet. Specific lessons had been developed to compensate for the consequent spelling difficulties related to the use of nasal consonants (Appendix E.4). However, student confusion in the writing of the voiced stops and their preference for phonemic versus phonetic writing continued.! The consequences of using this first option had to be considered. If the materials continued to present the written nasal allophones, considerable "reteaching" would be required. Furthermore, teaching with this alphabet and publishing with it would have reinforced a precedent and lent legitimacy to its continued use. The second option for a sequence of introduction was to teach the voiceless stops first (since they were not a primary concern) and to delay teaching voiced consonant stops, in particular the graphemes which represented nasal allophones, until orthography decisions were finalized. The nasals could be taught later if the decision was made to use them; if not, reteaching would not be required. This option allowed for the accumulation of more data and provided time for pursuing a consensus. More important, it allowed the Waodani to continue in their efforts to learn to read without the confusion of allophones. t phonemic - one symbol corresponding to one independent sound/phoneme, phonetic - symbolization of phoneme variations dependent upon context e.g., allophones. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 82 Selection of the second option - an altered sequence teaching voiceless consonant stops first and voiced consonant stops later, especially nasals - also had consequences. One consequence was the restriction of a limited vocabulary in beginning lessons; the potential vocabulary available with teaching the voiceless consonants first was not as great as with teaching the high frequency voiced consonants. Another consequence concerned grammatical elements or functors. Some of the most common and prominant functor affixes began with voiced consonants. Consequently, roots ending in nasal vowels, to which those functors would be affixed, could not be used. To do so would have automatically meant pulling in the nasal consonant allophones and having to decide whether or not to write them phonetically (including both nasal and oral graphemes) or phonemically (as either oral or nasal graphemes); for example should 'you say' be written as [ami] or /'abillt Until this dilemma was settled the use of functors was restricted. A restricted use of functors was only possible for awhile by introducing some which began with voiceless stops. That had to change, however; for naturalness, some of the high frequency functors beginning with voiced consonants had to be introduced. In order to continue to avoid the nasal consonant graphemes and yet t a - 'to say' -bi ~ -mi - 'you' Note that the change in how the consonants are written, i.e., the actual symbol/grapheme, does not change the phonetics nor the meaning. It only affects the spelling. In this case, the -bi means 2nd person whether spelled -bi or -mi. And spelled either way in that nasal vowel context, phonemic Pol will be pronounced as [m] when put together in normal speech or as [b] in slow speech or when separated. Written either ami or 'dbi - it still means 'say-you'. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 83 use those functors, verb roots ending in nasal vowels were avoided (see the c'd 'third person' functor lesson in Appendix E.2); that resulted in an unfortunate limited array of potential verbs. Further consequences of both options were the cost and difficulty of getting materials into print. There was reluctance for anything significant to be published before the orthography was settled. If materials were printed using graphemes which a revision might later delete, those materials would have had to be reprinted (which was the case with several items). Yet until lessons were printed, they had limited use. The issue was forced as self-selected Waodani started to teach literacy and needed to have materials before the orthography was resolved. The first Primer was printed (with the voiceless consonants taught first and with the consequences of limited vocabulary and restricted affixes) which in turn set the sequence for subsequent Primers. Now in reflection, a third option would have ordered the sequence of introduction according to frequency and not put off the voiced consonants. Besides allowing for an extensive amount of potential content material, such an option could have only delayed teaching the nasal allophone graphemes (not their oral counterparts) until the orthography was resolved. The difference between the third and second options is that some of the frequent oral voiced consonants could have been available sooner for teaching. Vocabulary limitations would not have been as severe because of the extensive amount of potential vocabulary made available to begin with by the high frequency phonemes. The restriction of affixes, and the adjoining of functors to roots ending in a nasal vowel, would have continued to CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 84 be a problem, but initially there would have been more verb roots available from which to chose. The printing of materials would have been a concern only if a decision was made to retain the nasal consonant graphemes. (They were not retained in the final decision.) To retain them would have meant inserting occurrances of nasal graphemes throughout the content and making sure there was adequate help for the Waodani to handle the spelling difficulties, which of course would have meant reprinting materials. In retrospect, reprinting was given much more weight than perhaps it deserved. This is an example of how a developer's decisions can be made without a clear sense of the extent of consequences. That the issue of orthographic revision was such a prolonged problem was not anticipated by this relatively novice developer of materials. Clearly a quick decision would have been ideal because it would have allowed for productivity as the primary criterion for ordering sequence. The sequence for introducing consonant phonemes in the Primers is an artifact of this complex orthographic problem. It is uncertain what the consequences were for increased difficulty in literacy teaching and learning but it certainly made Primer development more difficult. Any further reprinting of the materials ought to reconsider the introduction sequence to bring it more in line with the linguistic reality of the language. In reflection, the third option would have required fewer sequence changes for linguistics reasons.! t Miller (1985:78, 82) also found that sequence of syllable introduction changed significantly during development whereas lesson topics, sentences and keywords remained almost unchanged. Sequence changes that seemed "minor turned out to be major" and "provoked animated debate among (the) team". CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 85 2. For Cultural Reasons Several sequence changes were made for cultural reasons in the Pre-Primer, Primers and the First-Aid ~ Hygiene booklet. Cultural reasons had to do with Waodani perceptions, kinship constraints and the social status of the group. The following are some examples of such changes. "What comes first" in a sequence has within it an implication of ranking and importance. Spanish could be placed first by virtue of its role as the dominant language and culture or Waodani could come first in order to reinforce its worth. There were several examples of sequence changes in the Health Booklet based on this notion of "whose culture" ought to come first: Spanish text accompanied by illustrations on one page and Waodani text with no illustrations on the facing page, was changed to Waodani text accompanied by illustrations and only Spanish text on the facing page. Spanish title and index first, was changed to Waodani first. Waodani native food sources and examples were either placed first or else replaced "outside" sources and examples, rather than placing Spanish items first or even in random mixed order. (Appendix G) A value judgement was made here regarding the validity of Waodani life-style and traditional culture. Such sequence changes were made to promote their language and culture and to avoid an implication that the "outside" world always ranked first and was superior. Another sequence change was related to the lack of graphic representation in the CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 86 culture (see CULTURAL CONTEXT: Art Forms). Shapes of cultural artifacts from daily life within the Pre-Primer were put first in the visual discrimination exercises before geometric or letter shapes, t The exercises involved identification and discrimination of these shapes as a means for relating 2-dimensional graphic representations to actual referents in the 3-dimensional "real" world. In other words, it was to initiate the concept of symbolization or graphic representation by first using culturally familiar objects which could be readily talked about and would be of more interest and more identifiable than geometric shapes. (Appendix BA)t Another form of sequence change was necessitated by kinship constraints. Some proper names used together had to be changed when it was discovered that they belonged to Waodani who were not considered in acceptable kin-relationship. Pairing two names together, one male and one female, denoted culturally derogatory implications. Names in lists or in drill content were reordered, listed separately or substituted by different names. The use of names provided high interest in the reading lessons because of their cultural importance.* t This is not consistant with Gudschinsky's reference to research which suggests that visual discrimination exercises in readiness materials ought to first utilize geometric shapes (1973:61). The traditional use of geometric shapes was not found to be a problem by Kerr (1969) but Trick (1980:25) questions both the use of pictures and geometric shapes which he considers as "foreign" as orthographic symbols. t The purpose of the exercises was not to draw specific attention to details within the drawings, limited as that was. The developer considered the contribution this kind of recognition makes to reading development as minimal because that extent of internal detail is not essential to distinquishing letter configuration. * Trick (1980:23) and Gudschinsky (1973:113) advocate use of names in pre-reading but with caution. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 87 Discrimination of size differences in graphic representation was not considered important, and therefore not included in the Pre-Primer exercises; an A_ was an A, large or small.t However, ocata - 'tayra' - and coba - 'coati mundi' - are animals and oba - an 'armoured catfish', while Ocata, Coba and Oba are Waodani names for people. In written form, the differences in meaning are cued only by context or by initial letter size. Size discrimination is therefore of obvious importance. 3. For Pedagogical Reasons For pedagogical reasons items were reordered to enhance teaching and learning. Some of these changes were at the lesson level while others were across the materials. Within lessons there were many small changes. In the Pre-Primer, for example, the introduction of vowels was reordered to place the letter _i_ first. It was more easily produced than _a_ for new learners unaccustomed to pencil manipulation. This change meant that they could quickly read and produce a letter to some satisfaction, and it provided a good letter contrast for later drills. In another example, exercises for writing numbers were made to precede arithmetic exercises when it was found that students needed more practice in forming the numbers they were to use. There were also changes within the overall materials development. For example, development of literature and a readiness Pre-Primer might be first in a t Both Gudschinsky (1973:64) and Kerr (1969) support such a position. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 88 sequence for developing materials. This did not occur in the Waodani case because of their high degree of motivation for literacy. Also, there was an immediate need for Primer #1 to allow for different levels of instruction by instructors with limited experience. Time was also a reason for the delayed development of literature and a Pre-Primer. There was little time to develop literature before Primer #1 because of the pressure to have reading classes. (More effort ought to have been put into literature production throughout development especially since my departure in 1982 left literature production incomplete as the last phase of the development plan.) As for the Pre-Primer, I had to spend a certain amount of time in the culture in order to understand what ought to go into readiness materials. C. CONTENT CHANGES Content changes affected the substance of the literacy materials. Introductions, text, exercises, lessons, etc., and the details within each of those, were subject to a number of changes. (See Appendix C for samples of Content Changes.) 1. For Linguistic Reasons Content changes for linguistic reasons occurred predominantly in the vernacular Primers, transition Primer and native authored literature. Many of the changes centred around language structure, the orthography issue, phonological differences between the vernacular and the dominant language and the socio-linguistic context. Content changes were made in order to bring materials in line with orthography CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 89 revisions. (See LINGUISTIC CONTEXT and Figure 3.) Following the 1973 orthography revision which standardized one way to indicate nasalization, each nasal vowel was thereafter marked only by a dieresis above that vowel, t Previous materials then became unusable because they were inconsistent with the orthography. Content changes also followed the 1978 orthography revision from a phonetic to phonemic system which omitted representation of nasal consonant allophones. Throughout the materials the nasal consonant graphemes were changed to their oral forms, thereby lightening the load for new learners (supported by Gudschinsky, personal consultation, 1973). They no longer had to consider contextual clues in order to decide which letter to write for any given consonant phoneme. Readers had no problem with the phonetic articulation of phonemically written letters because their language facility allowed no other pronounciation. The change made lesson content more consistent with the language and the way the people had a tendency to write. With these changes for orthographic and phonological consistency, certain exercises in the materials became unnecessary especially those designed to help students cope with spelling complications resulting from the use of both nasal and oral graphemes, i.e., to help them know when to write one or the other. With the omission of nasal graphemes, the over-differentiation no longer existed. However, with modification, these exercises could help those who might need to learn not to write unnecessary nasals, especially for anyone who first learned with a t Major contributions to that decision were made Peeke and Gudschinsky. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 90 Spanish orthography and was thereby inclined to write nasal consonants. Also, the exercises demonstrated the adequacy of using only oral graphemes whenever this might be brought under question. For these reasons, the exercises were retained after they were made consistant with the orthography revision.! (Appendices E.4 and E.5) Previous to the 1978 orthography revision, nasal consonants had been considered as phonemes and graphemes common to both Waodani and Spanish. They had been included in the vernacular Primers and again as review in the first few pages of the transition Primer. After the nasal graphemes were omitted from the vernacular Primer, specific lessons were added to the transition Primer to teach m, _n_ and xL These nasals are now taught as part of the Spanish orthographic inventory.! Other content changes were made in the transition Primer because of differences between the Spanish and Waodani phonological systems. Vowels _e_ and _o_ had been considered as part of the grapheme inventory common to both languages. However, significant pronunciation differences between Spanish and Waodani in phonemes e_ and _o_ became apparent, when Waodani Tededo was attempted by Spanish and Quichua speakers, and when Waodani attempted to correct them or visa-versa. As a consequence, vowels _e_ and _p_ were first learned in the vernacular Primers; then they were taught in the transition Primer as graphemes ! Guanano writers in Columbia also had spelling difficulties with allophones included in their orthograplvy (Waltz, 1986:11-12). % Since Q does not occur in Spanish, that grapheme was simply dropped. In Waodani, the use of g was sufficient to represent all occurrances of rj because it is an allophone of g. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 91 common to both languages but with different pronunciation. Other content changes were made in vernacular Primer lessons for similiar phonological reasons. For example, the Waodani contrast and therefore readily distinguish between: /i/ (written J) and III (written _e_), as in ibo - 'I go downstream' and ebo I ibol - 'wood bee'.t III (written _e) and /as/, as in pete - 'calling' and paste - 'growing'. regular and lengthened or double vowels, as and asas, _o_ and oo, etc., as in oto - 'crab' and ooto - a type of 'basket', psbdss - 'paca rodent' and paeasdas - 'plantain'. In spite of Waodani differentiation, outsiders did not easily distinguish between these. They commonly pronounced and wrote the /as/ as e, both III (written e) and I'll as i_ and double vowels as single vowels.X Even though the differences, of course, presented no problem for the Waodani, specific drill exercises were added to some Primer lessons to demonstrate the contrasts. (Appendix E.6) The purpose of these contrastive drills was not just to remind the Waodani of the differences, but to counteract pressure from dominant language speakers, Spanish t The phoneme / il could not be written as an J_ because that letter is used for the phoneme III. Phonemic Id does not occur in Waodani. Therefore, the grapheme _e_ is used for Waodani III since there is no other letter available from a Spanish based orthography or keyboard. t The lei phonemically and orthographically occurs in Spanish, /as/ does not. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 92 and Quichua, to collapse these differences.! Also added were drill exercises for a command affix, which again involved an /1 / (written _e). Not surprisingly, because it is difficult to distinguish this letter in its word final position, this affix initially had been analyzed and written as i_. However, early literates frequently wrote it as e. Drill exercises were added to correct for the frequency with which some learners had been exposed to it mis-written as Again, such an addition may not have been important were it not for potential pressure from dominant language speakers to write it as i_. The drills, perhaps otherwise unnecessary, reinforced Waodani intuitive phonological awareness. Another content change - involved Spanish loan words in the native authored items, Primers #4-6 and the Health booklet. Initially loan words in the materials were written according to Spanish spelling. Early in the literacy program, Waodani writers partially memorized Spanish spellings or used Waodani spelling that conformed to the phonemic restrictions of their own language, e.g., Patata for Pastaza, dotodo for doctor, ecoeda for escuela (see also figure #1), or mixed up the two phonological systems. (See Appendix E.4.) Although loan words were few at first (see LINGUISTIC CONTEXT: Language Status), they increased through interaction with outsiders. The addition of pronunciation helps in an early native authored booklet (Appendix H.5) proved to be more helpful for Spanish speakers than for the Waodani and later was dropped since the materials were not intended for a Spanish audience. Now loan words in the materials are t Winter (1983) in the Walapai case, and Clammer (1976:14) in Fiji, point out similiar pressures affecting representation of the phonological system. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 93 written with Waodani spelling, consistent with their phonemic system. The purpose for this change, using Waodani versus Spanish spelling, was to avoid introducing foreign phonemes into the Waodani inventory. By conforming to Waodani phonemics, loan words used in the materials did not mix the two phonological systems. Content changes related to structural differences between the two languages are illustrated in the transition to Spanish Primer. Exercises were added which centred on grammatical items, such as articles and gender, which occur in Spanish but not in Waodani. Such exercises seemed important for non-Spanish speakers. In summary, content changes were made for several linguistic reasons: to more accurately reflect the Waodani phonemic structure and conform to orthography revisions, to contrast and avoid mixing phonemic systems, to help develop awareness of phonemic differences between Waodani and Spanish in order to maintain their own language under pressure from dominant language speakers, and to incorporate the insights and contributions of new literates. 2. For Cultural Reasons Content changes for cultural reasons occurred to make the materials more consistent with Waodani knowledge and experience. Cultural tradition and transition were reflected in these changes. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 94 Conformity to Waodani perception and description of their world occurred in changes to both text and illustrations. For example, an illustration of a boy from the waist up appeared on one primer cover but was changed to portray the entire person for consistency with the Waodani wholistic view of themselves, t (See Appendix E.l.) Another example was the Primer keyword illustration of the oba - a certain 'armoured" catfish'. (Appendix D.9 illustrates "before" and "after" the change.) The drawing had to be changed because it was "like an oba" rather than a "true oba". (See EDUCATIONAL CONTEXT: Literacy Materials.) Snake bite, stingray wounds and malaria were frequent Waodani topics of conversation. Descriptions in the materials about their treatment, therefore, were of interest, yet had to be consistent with such notions as: snakes "bite", but mosquitos and turantulas do not and stingrays don't "sting". Inaccurate pictures or inappropriate descriptions were found by submitting the items to Waodani criticism, once the people realized that the criterion was consistency with their own cultural perceptions and linguistic patterns. Consideration for social structure and life-style affected other content changes. For example, in the Primers, pictures and text were modified to include adult, juvenile and both male and female characters, roles and themes. (Both male and female Waodani participated in checking materials.) Drawings and oral contributions by non-literates were added some native authored items. Two t This was also a problem encountered by medical personnel and the developer in producing health promoter manuals with the illustrations of partial body parts for first-aid treatment. ("Health promoters" were those Waodani trained to care for first-aid needs.) Similiar responses to partial pictures are reported by Kerr (1969:56) in Columbian languages. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 95 different sets of materials, one for children and another for adults, was unnecessary for the Waodani situation.! (This may have to be reconsidered in further materials development.) In the Health Book, to the topic of latrines was added the Waodani jungle "going place" as a reasonable option more consistent with their life-style. Handwashing was another example. The original drawing illustrated it in a wa)' to which they were unaccustomed, i.e., the cowode way of washing in a basin; the illustration was changed to pouring water from a gord. Even though graphic representation on physical artifacts was culturally uncommon, a body paint design was added to the Pre-Primer in an attempt to relate the 2-dimensional medium of literacy with something familiar from Waodani experience (Appendix D.5). This addition illustrated similarities between reproducing the design and writing and drew attention to the tradition of body painting which is now diminishing because of outside influence. Also, the increased use of names in the materials supported their naming tradition (for Waodani rather than cowode names for people and places). Some content changes reflected the fact of cultural transition. As cultural isolation decreased, for example, there was interest in the materials on the part of non-Waodani speakers. Consequently, added to in the materials were (in Spanish): an outline of teaching instructions (Appendix D.l), an introduction to the orthography and the language (Appendix D.2), and t Keep in mind that the difference between interests of adults and children may not be as great as in North American cultures. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 96 a chart of pronunciation rules for non-Waodani speakers, (figure 4) These items initially had not been included because all users of the materials were speakers of the language (with the exception of the one Quichua provincial teacher who had a Waodani assistant). The purposes of these additions for non-Waodani users were to offer practical help with the language, suggest the rationale for the orthography, introduce the method of instruction, and promote legitimization of the materials. These additions were not particularly useful to the Waodani except for practice in Spanish or for discussing the materials with non-Waodani. Because of the increased interaction between Waodani with Spanish speakers, vocabulary from lessons produced by the Provincial Office of Adult Education was added to the Waodani oral Spanish lessons and to the transition Primer. Should any of the people becoming literate in their own language and in Spanish, eventually attempt to use the provincial materials, this previous exposure to vocabulary presented in a format familiar to them would be helpful. The letter /as/ is essential in Waodani and easily reproduced in handwriting, but is not found on standard Spanish keyboards, t In order to make its reproduction more accessible, lessons were added to the end of the Primers to introduce {€) as a substitute when the symbol /as/ was not available (Appendix E.8). There t The as is an international phonetic alphabet symbol. Because there is an a + e vowel sequence in Waodani, ae could not be used. The /as/ is usually pronounced as [e] by non-Waodani speakers even though they may hear it as somewhat different than the lei of Spanish. The slash alerts the reader that there is in fact a difference. The £ is not otherwise used by the Waodani in handwriting or in the materials because it is cumbersome to reproduce, especially when nasalized, involving a letter, a slash and the dieresis - '&. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 97 was no need for a substitute for the nasalization mark since a dieresis usually accompanies the accent mark and all other Waodani letters are found on Spanish keyboards. Themes written by the Waodani reflected cultural transition as well. Initially authors focused on local themes such as community and jungle life, animals, etc. Later additions included transition themes, e.g., accounts of incidents and encounters with the cowode, Waodani pursuits of access to the outside and related experiences. Several changes reflected in the emerging self-identity of the people as literate. Examples were the increased production of native authored items and the addition of diglot tables of content to materials. Further, because of reactions from the Waodani, the "Auca" label for the language and the ethnic group was changed to Waodani or Huaorani on covers, title pages, etc. (Appendix E.l). The purpose was to educate outsiders by defining the Waodani ("people") as unique from the generic "Auca" ("savage") term.t 3. For Pedagogical Reasons Content changes made for pedagogical reasons enhanced the usability of the materials by accommodating the teacher and/or the learner. It is important to realize, however, that distinctions between a Waodani "teacher" and "learner" in terms of status, role, ability and educational level were minimal. To observe a "student" who was teaching, or a "teacher" whose students could read or write t Note the use of the terms chronologically in the bibliography, i.e. Auca versus Waodani. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 98 better than he, was not uncommon. (Interestingly, the latter was not the case with the female teachers.) Although some changes were to improve the materials for teacher use and others to improve the materials for learner use, most were really for both.t An example of a change to accommodate both teacher and learner was the addition of handwriting lessons in the Primers. Such lessons were not included in early versions of either the vernacular or Spanish transition Primers, but were written on the chalk board as needed. But when novice Waodani began teaching, several complications emerged having to do with: small chalk boards at some clearings, lack of handwriting ability of the teacher, and lack of experience or time for dealing with students at several different achievement levels. The Primers were revised to include a handwriting lesson for each reading lesson. This meant that the teacher could, for each lesson, demonstrate the new items to be taught and then allow the students to work independently at various levels within their individual Primers. Including handwriting lessons also was an improvement from a student perspective. Prior to this change, the learner was dependent upon a teacher, or someone else, to model handwriting. However, when the lessons were put into the Primers, the learner gained a degree of independence previously not available. t "Are materials compatible with what instructors and students require?" This is considered an important question by Cairns (1986) based upon his experience as Director of the Experimental World Literacy Program. CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 99 It gave the learner the options of relying upon teacher instructions, soliciting instructional help from someone else (or often accepting unsolicited help), tackling the lesson independently or a combination of all three. The latter was most often the case.t It was no longer necessary to wait for or to be dependent upon the teacher. If the teacher's demonstration was not well executed, the learner could compare it with the model in the Primer and make his or her own judgement. When the teacher was not available, the student knew what was expected and where to find the assignment - on the page facing the reading lesson. (This was particularly useful when materials were used with no literacy instructor, e.g., in the home or family context. $ There were other advantages as well. It was not always possible to see chalkboard lessons because of the chalk quality and visibility was poor during stormy days in the wet season or with the glare of sunny days. Also, the teacher did not have to return to the chalkboard for reference when helping individuals but could refer to the student's Primer. Another change to help both teacher and learner was the addition of questions at the end of the stories in Primers #4 - 6. This provided an independent student activity useful within the multileveled teaching situation, a check on reading comprehension and a lesson review. Similiarly, the Health Book was changed to include an index as a means for instruction in the use of a reference item. Arithmetic exercise pads were modified to reduce the amount of material on a page and exercises dependent upon fluent reading abilities of either the teacher or the learner; written words for number concepts were dropped as t Goodlad (1983b:558) has commented on the "powerful reinforcing effect of peer teaching". t Popovich (1984:15) found usability in the home context to be an important feature for primers among the Maxakali . CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 100 were written instructions.! (Appendix F) Some content changes considered the learning load for students. For example, in the early editions of the first lesson in Primer #1, two vowels and two consonants were introduced. (Appendix E.2) This proved to be an overload and some students continued to confuse the letters and syllables for quite some time afterwards. Based on that experience, new items were spaced out one per lesson. With this change came the problem of what to use for a contrast when introducing the first letter. The 0 was added - with its already existent name called peibo - 'round shape' - to contrast with I'll, the first letter introduced. (Appendix D.7) Later the letter _o_ was taught specifically in a single lesson as a vowel with its own sound equivalent. To further reduce the content load for learners, the extent of text used for introducing and drilling grammatical elements was shortened.! Other changes were made to enhance interest. The use of proper names was increased in built word drills and in functor drills. One of the exercises in the vernacular Primers with syllables in random order to discourage the memorization of set patterns in drills seemed arbitrary and of little interest and so was deleted. (Appendix E.3)* Text was replaced when it proved to be of low interest, ! "Wordless" materials were found useful in the Karaja case (Alford, 1985:7). t Apart from the basic principle of teaching functors by not isolating those which normally cannot be said in isolation, the content and format of Waodani functor lessons deviated from the Gudschinsky model presented in Lee (1982) for reasons peculiar to the pedagogy and language of the context. (See Appendix E.10 for differences between Waodani materials and Lee's functor lessons.) * The deletion was a deviation from the early Gudschinsky model initially used in primer lesson design. For similiar reasons, the drill has since been deleted in the later revisions of the model (Lee, 1982). CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 101 or was lengthened with descriptive details that would interest advanced learners. In general, content changes were made for such pedagogical considerations as: enhancing student interest and motivation, increasing the naturalness and meaningfulness of the text, supporting novice Waodani teachers with numerous ability levels in their classes considering the extent of reader readiness, and modifying learning load. Such changes resulted in more reasonably sized units of greater interest and meaning for the learner and teacher . 4. For Other Reasons Content changes were also editorial in nature, for public relations, to conform to institutional publication standards and so on. For example, there is now more bibliographic information in the materials, such as dates, numbers of copies printed, editions, Spanish translations of titles and listings of Waodani consultative and editorial participation. In some native authored materials, short biographic statements about the Waodani were deleted because they were misleading, i.e., they did not give sufficient or accurate demographic information (this could have had a negative impact upon Waodani land claim issues.) A change from photos to drawings was made in some native authored items because reproducing quality photos was more difficult than drawings by the Waodani which adequately illustrated their own materials.! As authors progressed in their reading and t In contrast, Millier (1985:81) argues that drawings are inferieor to photographs "in stimulating dialogue". CHANGES AND REASONS FOR CHANGES IN THE MATERIALS / 102 writing, they made different editorial changes and revised their materials. For example, their first editorial preoccupations were with spelling and vocabulary and as their writing styles and abilities progressed, they moved from less descriptive (Primer #4) to more narrative text (Primer #6). In summary, this chapter described and illustrated some of the changes which occurred in the Waodani materials as they were developed from 1972 to 1982. Format, sequence and content changes were made for linguistic, pedagogical, cultural and other reasons. These changes and the reasons behind them in the Waodani case pointed to more general issues about literacy materials development. A few of these issues are amplified in the following chapter. IV. ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT The purpose of this study is to understand a case of literacy materials development, from the perspective of the developer, in order to identify more general questions and issues for materials development. The case was literacy materials development in the indigenous language of the Waodani from 1972 -1982. Identified in the study were some of the changes which occurred in the materials from their first drafts through to their present forms, as well as the reasons for those changes. This examination does point out several issues which go beyond the Waodani case. A major issue to come out of this study can be formulated as a question: What is meant by literacy materials development? In the Waodani case, literacy materials development included participants working in a cultural context to produce materials whose development was guided by a model. The participants, context and model provided constraints for the choices made during development. The development of the literacy materials in turn affected the participants, changed the context and modified how the model was viewed. The outcome of this interaction was a set of context specific literacj' materials (figure 6). The issue of what is meant by literacy materials development centres around this interaction among participants, context and model. Directly related to this issue, then, are questions that developers ought to ask when they produce literacy materials in an isolated ethnic language. The sequence of questions in the following discussion does not imply priority. 103 ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 104 figure 6: LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT (The Waodani Case) CONTEX' OUTCOME Context Specific Literacy Materials A. CONTEXT Literacy materials need to be understood in relation to the context in which they are developed. From the Waodani case, questions about context concerned the people, their language and culture, as well as their literacy motivation and history. A clear sense of who the people are allows the developer to understand them as potential participants in the development effort and as users of the materials. This includes an understanding of an isolated ethnic group not only in terms of their local and national status, but also who they are by their own definition, what they are aspiring to become and how they interpret their changing cultural ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 105 identity. Because of the implications for materials development, answers to inquiry about the people may require extensive cultural description from historical, geographic, socio-political, economic and linguistic perspectives. Obviously during the earfy stages of materials development data has to be systematical^ gathered about the phonological, grammatical and lexical systems of the language, as well as about the broader socio-linguistic setting.! The relationship of the indigenous language to the national language is a particularly important issue because of its implications for the future of a once isolated minority ethnic group. The developer needs to consider carefully whether literacy materials should provide the people with transition from the indigenous to the national language and if so, how. In the Waodani case, transition to the national language was important but any further development ought to emphasize the integrity of the indigenous language in the face of the people's increasing contact with dominant languages. (That may require development of materials which provide transition into Waodani for those learners who began their literacy t For example, in considering a phonemic inventory, lexicon and grammar, the developer needs to ask: What are the phonemes? How often do individual sounds occur in speech? What is the syllable structure and frequency? What do local and national factors favour in an orthography? What grammatical elements exist and what is their frequency? Which are minimally essential for natural speech? How can these elements be taught? In terms of compiling a lexicon, what words show up most frequently in speech? What do people talk about as subjects of interest? What topics are restrictive or important and why? What would be a reasonable order and means of introduction for the phonological symbols, grammatical elements and lexical items? Socio-linguistic considerations are also important: What is the degree of monolingualism and bilingualism among the group? To what extent is there motivation for national language learning and why? What is the indigenous language status within the national context? ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 106 acquisition in Spanish, e.g., Waodani students who have attended a Provincial school.)! To encourage language maintenance, a developer ought to be aware of the specific pressure points that the dominant languages put upon the indigenous language and which of its phonological, grammatical and lexical features are most vulnerable to change.! Also, there need to be questions about whether possible demeaning attitudes toward the language and culture (contributing to language change) are assumed or encouraged in any way by the literacy materials. In addition to tensions between the indigenous and the dominant languages, there may be other conflicts within the community that ought to be examined. Such conflicts in the Waodani case were created or intensified through contacts with outside cultures (e.g., intermarriages), through pressures to use dominant language names rather than indigenous names (for people and locations), through alliances within the community that did not reflect traditional rules (see Extended Contact and Socio-political Structure sections) and through strained kinship relations intergroup conflicts from times past remained unresolved. Such conflicts need to be recognized because they may promote unrealistic expectations for literacy, may create particular demands on the usability or the content of the materials, or may restrict the involvement of people who have the ability and are willing to contribute to materials development.* ! Walter (1986) makes recommendations for transition materials from the dominant to the indigenous language. ! Some of these questions may include: What are the phonological, grammatical and orthographic (if an ethnic-language alphabet exists) commonalities and differences between the indigenous and the national languages? How extensively are loan words used? How have the phonemic systems been mixed? What difficulties may be faced by indigenous instructors in any attempt to teach the national language? How can literacy materials support the ethnic-language? * What are both the internal and external causes of conflict between the traditional culture and whatever the contemporary entails? Who represents that ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 107 Nevertheless, as the Waodani case suggests, related to literacy, there may be both anticipated and unanticipated conflict. Literacy materials development may promote at the same time both cultural continuance and change. The developer may be faced with choices that seem to fall along a continuum from those which enhance traditional identity and cultural continuance, to those which enhance integration into an outside culture. Such choices may contribute to a loss of the people's identification and social cohesion at one extreme or to a loss of their access to a broader cultural context at the other extreme. The first choice with such a continuum would be: literacy or no literacy. (Once the decision has been made for literacy, the question is not likely asked again; even if it is raised, the options available are never the same as when first asked.) If the decision is for literacy, then other choices arise which have an impact upon cultural continuance or change: language and culture indigenous and/or dominant informal literacy program • and/or •formal local in-group materials development and/or •outsiders context specific content of materials and/or general/generic local novice implementation and/or professional unrestricted materials access/use and/or •restricted * (cont'd) conflict? How is it expressed and in what form? What may materials development and the materials themselves mean for conflict in the context? What do the conflicts mean for literacy materials development? ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 108 These and the many other choices that exist are much more complex than "either-or" decisions and any one decision may affect or limit the range of options in other choices. The developer ought to take account of the alternatives in making decisions and have some notion about the nature of the consequences for the groups culture.! The Waodani case further suggests that to understand the culture context, a developer ought to ask questions about the people's life-style and socio-political system. (It needs to be understood even if the developer prefers to hold some form of apolitical stance.) There likely will be close ties between a socio-political system and education.! This information is valuable not only for decisions about the material's content, use and development, but also to understand how literacy would fit into daily life.* ! For example, how do literacy materials contribute to cultural continuance and discontinuance? What are the implications for integration of indigenous culture into literacy materials and development, and of materials development and the materials themselves into the indigenous culture? Beyond the local level, are there potential users of the literacy materials among non-group members? What may facilitate or be an obstacle to interest in and acceptance of indigenous materials? What are the implications of either encouraging or discouraging outside use of the materials? ! What status, if any, is assigned to kinship, roles, sex and age? Whose word is listened to? Who leads, how and when? How is political control maintained and by whom? What are the channels for information and for material resource access, distribution and ownership? Who owns or has access to knowledge? What is the difference between one who teaches and one who learns in terms of abilities, role and status? Who is responsible for education? When and where do learning events and activities take place? * What are male and female roles? What are the settlement patterns? What kinds of storage, care and maintenance options are available to users of literacy materials? What resource limitations (chalkboard, supplementary materials or equipment, reproduction or replacement facilities) might the people be restricted to and that are not shared the developer? How vulnerable might materials be to physical and environmental conditions? ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 109 Several forms of cultural media could be considered in materials development. Traditional symbols (2-D graphic representation) may be of potential interest to developers, for example, for reading readiness activities; note that this goes beyond the use of symbols or designs only as page borders or for booklet covers, rather to their use as intitial literacy.t Another cultural media to be examined is names. In the Waodani case, considerable time and research went into assisting them to be able to use their traditional names in a way that was compatible with the system of the national context. t Further, in the Waodani case, the classroom use of indigenous music appeared only in temporary or handwritten materials. Thej' had difficulty putting it in written form and there was hesitancy on my part because so little was known about the music* Legends, jokes and poems offered similiar complexities. For each of these cultural media - legends, symbols, names, music and so forth - there are many questions in common, t t Understanding the context will also require an examination of the group's literacy motivation. The developer ought not to assume that literacy is a cultural value t Some questions in the area of representation may include: What graphic symbols or designs exist? What geometric shapes are recognized and named? How are pictures perceived, and what implications does this have for their use in materials? t What names occur in story telling and legends and who do they characterize? What is the importance of names? In what situations and under what circumstances may the people be called upon to write their names or write letters? What complications may be anticipated? What are the acceptable national standards e.g., for signatures, official records? * The developer did not understand, for example: What was the structure of the music? How would written lyrics differ from written speech? What would happen if a chant, customarily sung repeatedly, was limited to the parameters of a page or a paragraph? t t Are the cultural media items owned and by whom? Are they restricted or only used in certain circumstances? Could they be used in literacy and in what ways? More importantly, how would the media be affected by its use in literacy? How would using them either elevate or erode their role and status in the culture? (See Posey (1983) and Alford (1985) for other media.) ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 110 without first determining what motivation exists and by what means or through whom it was introduced. Motivation can be introduced by group members, non-group members or both. There may be significant differences between them and even within the group the motivations may vary. Different expectations may affect people's contribution, participation and degree of supportiveness for literacy materials development. For example, some Waodani expressed a preference for Spanish schooling; for them the indigenous materials had limited use because they did not see how learning first in Waodani could facilitate their expectations for learning Spanish. Questions about motivation ought to be asked both prior to and after getting to know the people, t Questions concerning a group's literacy history inquire about previous literacy efforts and their results in order to know whether or not, and to what extent, any of the people may be able to read. Important also are questions about the status of any previous materials, including indigenous literature.! This history may raise issues that need to be resolved before producing further materials or literature; for example, there may be outstanding issues in the development of an orthography that may have an impact upon materials and their use by semi-literates and native authors.* t What motivation for literacy exists and why? What do the people want? In what ways does their motivation differ from the developer's? t What literacy materials exist? Who was the source of the content? What orthography was used? Are there materials intended for other groups or another audience which, after modification, might be usable? * What orthography exists? Is it phonetic or phonemic? Is its status tentative or established? Is a revision pending? Weaver (1980) points to linguistic and political conflict in orthography design, but stresses the importance of sound phonological analysis; see also Bauschmidt (1980) and Winter (1983). Was a pedagogical perspective represented in the orthography design or in any revision? Do spelling difficulties occur and are there inconsistencies that may need reconsideration? Do symbols require special typewriter keys? ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 111 In summary, developers ought to ask questions concerning the context for materials development. This context includes: the people, their language, culture, motivation and previous literacy attempts. Such questions may seem obvious, but under on-location pressures that the developer faces, some may not be asked. Knowing about the contextual contraints does not necessarily make the choices in materials development easier, but allows for making more informed and defensible decisions. B. MODEL Literacy materials presuppose a model which guides and validates their development. The model commits the developer to a certain viewpoint and sets priorities for resolving some of the choices about the content, sequence and format of the materials. Therefore, it is important to make informed judgements prior to chosing a model by critically understanding its source, assumptions and limitations and the structure and flexibility it offers. A developer ought to be clear about the source of the materials development model. (In practice the developer may use a combination of a formal model and his or her own informal notions about literacy development.)t A model may be produced by the developer, acquired through his or her professional training, field experience and knowledge of a variety of models; it expresses its author's literacy experiences, expectations and intentions. In the Waodani case, for example, the model used reflected Gudschinsky's extensive experience with t What constitutes the model in use? What questions does the model explicitly raise and answer? How similiar is the materials development situation at hand to that in which the model was developed? ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 112 ethnic-languages, and so was sensitive particularly to issues about language and culture. Any model is based on assumptions that ought to be questioned. For example, what does the model assume about education, literacy, motivation, reading, or about the place of language and culture in the development and implementation of materials? Assumptions are also made about the people, developers, instructors, learners, the relationship among them during development and the language facility of each. Difficulties and frustrations can arise when trying to follow a model if one is not aware of assumptions that may not fit with the developer's own beliefs or with the context. Any model can be expected to have limitations within a given setting. It may be specific to a language or culture, be relevant for a particular age or interest group, rely heavily upon certain media (e.g., pictures, charts, music), require specialized expertise or equipment, or appeal primarily to developers with a narrow set of educational expectations or a particular literacy perspective. Such limitations are made evident in part by comparing models for materials development before a decision is made about which one or combination is to be used in the given context. For example, Freire's model (1973) with its origin in Portuguese would fit within a Spanish context because of similarities between the two languages. Gudschinsky's model likewise would fit either of those languages. Because Waodani phonemes and syllables may be isolated and have meaning in isolation, with regard to the syllable related exercises, both models are appropriate in this case. ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 113 When a model does not seem to "fit", either it may be inappropriate in some way or it may be alerting the developer to a problem with the materials development that needs attention. As an example of the latter from the Waodani case, the use of Gudschinsky's model helped the developer recognize an inaccurate assumption that nasalization was a syllable feature when it was actually a phoneme feature. The apparent lack of fit between the model and the context alerted the developer to a problem that had to be rectified in materials development. Where, in fact, the model does not fit context specifics, flexibility is important and liberties may have to be taken with the model on pedagogical and cultural grounds, t Sometimes the use of a single model may not be sufficient for the eclectic nature of the ethnic-language materials development task. So a developer ought to ask: How does a model deal with or allow for cultural complexities related to materials development? What other models may also be appropriate? In summary, a developer may critically examine any literacy materials development model in terms of its source, assumptions, limitations and flexibility. Is it appropriate and adequate for the context? However, neither context nor model are sufficient to consider in materials development apart from participants. t What is the model's prescribed format for materials? For example, does it propose a format bound to either superimposed illustrations or to flashcards and charts? Given this prescribed format, what would be the life-expectancy of the materials in a particular context? How much visual load is there considering that students have had little previous exposure to printed materials? How does the format enhance or hinder the acceptability and use of materials by teachers or learners? Does lesson content match the naturalness of spoken language, as well as the cultural knowledge and interests of the people? What is the prescribed difficulty and amount of new material in lessons? Does the content in various materials match the people's reading abilities? ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 114 C. PARTICIPANTS Participants are the people involved in materials development and who help to make the choices and judgements about the outcomes. A developer constantly considers who could and should fill particular needs. In the Waodani case, the participants included a literacy teacher as coordinator of development activities; Waodani literacy instructors, students and selected community members; and several non-Waodani specialists and consultants. These represented both particular and overlapping areas of participation and perspective.! To resolve the issue of who should be involved, a number of questions could be reflected upon. The first has to do with the kinds of knowledge and expertise that are likely to be needed and what is available. Each potential participant does have attitudes, perspectives, abilities, training and experience which could positively or negatively affect the development process. In the Waodani case, the developer's expertise and perspective were pedagogical, and to a lesser extent, artistic, anthropological and linguistic. The perspectives of Waodani participants were primarily cultural, contributing their common knowledge about their lives, language and an appropriate pedagogy. Perspectives brought by specialists and resource participants were discipline or technology based: anthropological, medical, linguistic, educational, agricultural and editorial (e.g., publications production). Identification of perspectives may reveal a notion of hierarchy. Whose or what ! There were also those who were not directly involved in the materials development, both from within and without the Waodani community, whose statements or actions influenced development in various ways, e.g., relatives of Quichua who had married into the group. Their potential influence ought to be anticipated and considered for the effect it may have. ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 115 perspective is given preference and how is this determined? There may be an imbalance among the perspectives represented or a dominance of particular ones. This may be justifiable under certain conditions, but the developer ought to recognize which perspectives dominate, understand why and how this happens and determine what other perspectives need to be represented and solicited. For example, the absence of a linguistic perspective may result in a heavy learning load because of the use of unnatural or inappropriate language in the materials.! Absence of a socio-political perspective could mean that participants do not consider the dynamics of how materials are accessed and used within a group. The consequence of overlooking a particular perspective may mean that materials have to be reworked later on. Because the early identification of the range of needed perspectives may minimize later problems, there are important questions to ask: What perspectives do participants bring to development? How do their perspectives affect the nature of their participation and the quality of the materials? The issue of who should be involved in literacy materials development also raises the question of what task-specific roles are necessary and how these roles may change. (An illustration of the difference between perspective and role is that an "insider" or "outsider" participant, with an educational or linguistic perspective, may fill the role of editor or instructor.) How do role changes affect the nature of participation? With the Waodani, the developer's role was changed from t Miller (1982) laments the lack of a linguistic perspective in their Nicaraguan literacy materials project. The Waodani study suggests the need for a more clearly defined cultural perspective. Gudschinsky (1974), Winter (1983) and Coulmas (1984:73) express concerns about having pedagogical and linguistic perspectives adequately represented, and of course Freire (1973) clearly points out the importance for a socio-political perspective. ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 116 planner to instructor and then to advisor as the Waodani became instructors and authors. Over time the role changed from that of naive cultural observer to a more informed participant as materials were produced; the developer began as an observer and increasingly became an observer who participated in the culture (or a "participant-observer") as she internalized it. Waodani participants, on the other hand, began as full cultural members who, through their involvement in the literacy development activities, began to observe their own culture (observer-participants) in different ways. In relation to the cultural context, the developer began as an "outside" observer and the people as "insider" participants (figure 7).t Certain roles had to be filled initially by the developer, but as the involvement of the people increased, the roles of everyone were affected. The Waodani began in cultural consultative roles, became learners and instructors and quickly took on author and editorial roles. Roles were not static and this required a sensitivity to how, when and why they were changing. The changing roles in turn effected improvements in the materials. Role changes raise the issue of control over development. Which roles or perspectives do or should have control, why and how much? These are questions to ask periodically because answers may say something about the continued acceptance of the materials. Gudschinsky provides one answer which may not be accepted by all developers: t What changes in the relationship to context may be anticipated during development and how may they affect the participants and their contributions? How may the changes in turn affect the materials development? How can the people become more focused observer-participants? How can the developer become more a participant in the culture? ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 117 figure 7: RELATIONSHIP OF PARTICIPANTS TO CONTEXT OUTSIDER Observer [1] INSIDER Participant [3], [a] Observer who Participant who Observes [b] Participates (Participant-[1] Relationship of developer to culture early in field assignment. [2] Relationship of developer to culture later in field assignment. [3] Relationship of developer to materials development. [a] Relationship of Waodani to culture. [b] Relationship of Waodani literacy participants to culture. How do we make people want to learn to read? Or should we try? And what about the people who do not want to learn? Shall we try to teach them in spite of it? Probably not. Prepare the literature if you can, have the primers ready for the future, but relax about teaching the people until they begin to want it. (1973:9) Perhaps final control rests with the people - their acceptance or rejection of the materials. The Waodani were not adverse to expressing an emphatic Ba! to something they did not accept, or with even more finality, responding with ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 118 silence, avoidance and non-use. In the end, the people appeared to have the "final say". A final issue relates to the meaning that involvement in literacy materials development has for the various participants. Participation may have considerable costs and certain benefits that may affect the nature, extent and meaning of involvement. What difference does it make for those who take part? This issue needs to be considered from both the viewpoint of the developer and of the other participants. Only the Waodani can speak to the meaning from their point of view, and even among the people themselves, there will be different meanings expressed. The young boys were looking through the new booklet, ' Things That  Live In Water. One of them turned and asked a young Waodani man nearby if he had seen it. "I wrote it," he quietly responded. What participation meant for the developer is difficult to examine because of physical, mental and emotional energy invested in the effort to create something "worthwhile". Meaning did come from knowing the participants, from the experience itself and from understanding something of the outcomes and assigning values to each: I turned and looked back. The two little girls had fallen way far behind. They were slowly walking along, reading out loud from two Waodani native authored booklets they'd just come to get. Whatever the meaning for the developer, once the role is taken, there are assumptions that may seldom be questioned, resulting in "blind spots" that the ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 119 developer cannot see. One needs to acknowledge that they do exist and then ask: How can these be exposed? By Whom? What issues may be obscured because of them? Such reflection can be painful after the fact because it requires that one remember the good and poor decisions that were made or those choices that should have been made. Furthermore, such reflection raises a question: What are the potential destructive elements in materials development among the Waodani, even though the literacy efforts were intended for their cultural survival? The issue of accountability is thus raised: For what is the developer accountable and to whom? At least, the developer ought to take responsibility for making defensible judgements about the nature of his or her involvement; for this the developer is accountable to the people themselves. D. SUMMARY AND POSTSCRIPT The Waodani have a unique story because of their linguistic and cultural background and their previous isolation from and recent interaction with non-Waodani cultures. In the course of events, literacy entered into that story. This has been a study of literacy materials development peculiar to the context of the Waodani in which this researcher was developer. During the development, changes in format, sequence and content were made in the materials for linguistic, pedagogical, cultural and other reasons. These changes were the focus of the analysis in Chapter Four (figure 5). Literacy materials development was understood in terms of the interaction among ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT / 120 the context, participants and the model used. Each of these raised issues about which a developer ought to ask questions. The context included: Who are the people? What is their language and culture? What is the literacy history? Questions about the model were: What is its source? What are its limitations and assumptions? What structure and flexibility are offered? Finally, who are the participants? What are their perspectives and their- roles in development? What does it mean for them to participate? figure 8: ISSUES IN LITERACY MATERIALS DEVELOPMENT What is MEANT by Literacy Materials Development? ISSUES: CONTEXT The People Language Culture Literacy History MODEL Source Assumptions Limitations Flexibility PARTICIPANTS Perspectives Roles Meaning Accountability OUTCOME: Development of materials specific to the context The question, "How should literacy materials be developed?" is a reasonable one to ask from a developer's perspective. 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New York: Academic Press. 131 APPENDIX A: SUMMARY OF LITERACY MATERIALS WAODANI (VERNACULAR) READING INSTRUCTION** PRE-PRIMER - Editions: 1975 (14 pp.), 1977 (33 pp.), 1980 (55 pp.) -introduced concept of 2-D representation -included readiness exercises such as: visual ~ oral referents, shape identification, same ~ different discrimination -introduced: 3 vowels, 2 consonants (lower case), and 2 functors -writing lessons included: basic manuscript strokes, letter, syllable and word formation (Appendix D.7, 8) PRIMER #1 - Editions: 1974 (20 pp.), 1977 (38 pp.), 1980 (44 pp.), 1982 (reprint 44 pp.) -reviewed Pre-Primer content -introduced: 2 vowels, 2 consonants, 7 sight functors (usually one new item per lesson), -included short stories, e.g., fishing, gathering kapok -writing included: double spaced manuscript introduced by demonstrations and independent practice PRIMER #2 - Editions: 1974 (23 pp.), 1979 (38 pp.), 1980 (39 pp.) -reviewed briefly items taught in previous Primers -introduced: 3 vowels, 2 consonants, 7 sight functors -included short stories, e.g., harvesting jicama, canoe trip -writing included: review of previous items (cf. Pr. #1), new items as introduced in reading PRIMER #3 - Editions: 1975 (10 pp.), 1979 (42 pp.), 1981 (44 pp.) -reviewed items taught in previous Primers -introduced: 2 vowels, 3 consonants, built functors -included longer stories, e.g., tapir bite, fiesta drink -writing: single spaced manuscript (cf. Pr. #1-2), reviewed previous items and introduced new items as taught in reading (Appendix E. 3 - 6) (all letters and combinations now have been taught) FLIPCHARTS - (to teach Reading and Writing): 1976 (50 pp.) -accompanied Primers #1-3 as instructional aids -followed same sequence for sound/symbols as Pr. #1-3 with similiar content but different built words, contrast drills, practice sentences and paragraphs -writing included additional demonstration and practice items INSTRUCTIONAL GUIDES - 1979, 1982 -accompanied Pr. #1-5, one guide for every two Primers, with a guide page for each Primer page -contained revised content from flipcharts (see above) and suggestions for writing assignments 132 / 133 ADVANCED (VERNACULAR) READING Temporary Items - consisted of student compositions and other stories given out as typed and/or carbon copied leaflets PRIMER #4 - Edition 1980 (44 pp.) -included short and long descriptive and narrative student compositions, some with comprehension questions, e.g., deer in village, snakebite, gathering leafcutter ants -writing included double spaced lower case cursive; content was from the stories PRIMER #5 - Edition 1981 (52 pp.) -includes similiar but longer compositions than Pr. #4 e.g., all night fiesta dancing, alligator night hunt -writing introduces upper case and single space cursive, content from the stories for practice, 1-4 questions with each story PRIMER #6 - Edition 1982 (47 pp.) -included student illustrations and compositions e.g., jaguar attack, nettling (longer stories than Pr. #4-5) -introduced 6 as substitute for when a; is unavailable -writing included all upper and lower case combinations with practice using content from stories, (Appendix E. 9) 1-9 comprehension questions with each story NATIVE AUTHORED LITERATURE Various Items - 1973 - 1982, (4-10 pp. each) -produced on location in handwritten, typed, carbon copied, dittoed or mimeographed form (Appendix H. 4) -included personnal accounts by semi-literates BOOKLETS - 1975 - 1981 (8-22 pp. each) -printed on offset (Appendix H. 1 - 3) -included transcriptions of oral accounts, drawings, descriptions and narratives by new literates, e.g., about hunting, animal life, a national holiday, attending a teacher training course, and some of what the "ancient ones" said. TYPING CHARTS AND PRACTICE LESSONS - 1974, 1977 -included keyboard diagrams, lesson sheets and bound flashcards -introduced all Waodani and Spanish letters with vocabulary from content of reading materials / 134 SPANISH - ORAL LANGUAGE LEARNING VISUAL AIDS - 1973 - 1982 -included classroom and "household" objects to teach names, colors, counting, etc.; flashcards, magazines, books and pictures to practice unfamiliar phonetic elements and to expand vocabulary; charts to guide dialogue and to practice using frequent nouns, verbs and questions -writing: none TAPES and INSTRUCTOR LESSON OUTLINES - 1978, 1980, 1982 -developed oral-aural facility and pronunciation -included short oral paragraph stories and word and phrase drills from the stories to build vocabularj' and grammar; questions and answers; useful phrases -writing: not included TRANSITION PRIMER - Edition 1975 (31 pp.) -introduced Spanish phonemes, graphemes and grammatical items (Appendix I) -writing: (lessons accompanied, not printed in, the Primer) all Spanish letters in same sequence as in reading; manuscript and cursive; formation and practice of letters, syllables, words, phrases, sentences etc. -(In addition, 4 Spanish reading booklets from the Bilingual and Bicultural Education materials, 3 from the Provincial Office of Adult Education, and primers and childrens books from the open market were used) HEALTH CLASSROOM CHARTS* - 1978 (40 pp.) -provided instruction for: first-aid treatments (e.g., burns, snakebite, dehydration) and hygiene (e.g., cleaning teeth), with illustrations and limited text MEDICATION LESSONS - 1978 (20 pp) -demonstrated dosages, times, etc. for basic medications, used limited keywords, symbols and illustrations -designed temporarily for semi-literates until literacy acquired and health promoter manuals were produced FIRST-AID and HYGIENE BOOKLET! - 1982 (101 pp.) -contained the combined contents of health charts (above) -included illustrations and Waodani text with only Spanish text on facing page (Appendix G) / 135 ARITHMETIC EXERCISES - (prior to 1979) single sheets, produced as needed -introduced recognition of sets, quantity and written numbers 1 - 10 in Waodani -provided number writing practice and use EXERCISE PADS - 1979 (41 pp.) -introduced recognition of sets, quantity and written numbers 1 - 10 in Waodani and Spanish (no written text included), (Appendix F) INDIVIDUAL NOTEBOOKS - 1978 (3 x 5) -used as reference "flashcards" for subtraction, addition, multiplication; no written text ARITHMETIC BOOKS - (1967, BILINGUAL and BICULTURAL MATERIALS) developed under auspices of Ecuador Ministry of Education for other ethnic languages); adapted for Waodani use -included: Calculo Books #1-3, taught number recognition, subtraction and addition, no language text Calculo Books #4-7, taught multiplication, measurement, time, shapes, etc. GRAMMAR LESSONS PLANS - 1974 (15 pp.) -introduced limited concepts of an alphabet, vowels, consonants, syllables, nouns, verbs, etc. -demonstrated a few complexities and differences of Wao grammer against Spanish and Quichua LESSONS OUTLINE - (to accompany grammar book originally intended for Spanish audience by Peeke, El Idioma Huao, 1979) -outlined instructions for adapting lessons by Waodani instructors -suggested writing assignments to accompany each lesson **NOTE** UNDERLINED ITEM = Subject Category NON-UNDERLINED CAPS = Specific item within a catagory - Refers to content of latest edition, unless otherwise stated. * Authored by Pederson, Cooper and Van Dyk (1978). t Translation and adaptation of Pederson & Cooper (1981). APPENDIX B: PRIMER INTRODUCTION SEQUENCE KEYWORD* SYMBOL GRAMMATICAL ITEM lwa oba abadasca tapa ocata toque coba titse howler monkey i armoured catfish o duck a spear t , ta tayra c , ca rabbit t O coati mundi c O tapir t i -pa - t a statement past tense pacas water turtle P cata wooden machete a, A Ocata , Apica Waodani names o, A Tota , Pata Waodani names T, P cowas wild potato 6, 0 wao Waodani person w Wato Waodani name W -ca - te Ayae -bo -ga ascado -de - b i -wo b i t o , Bi to boto, Boto 3rd per. sing, continuative 'yet, still' 1st per. sing. 3rd per. sing. 'who?' 'in/into' 2nd per. sing, interrogative 2nd per. pron. 1st per. pron. *NOTE: This is the order in which items were introduced in the Pre-Primer and Primers #1-3. Each line represents a lesson which taught or contrasted either a new sound/symbol (within a keyword context) or a new grammatical item. For example, lesson #1 teaches the letter J_ from the kej'word iw'd, lesson #2 teaches the grammatical affix -pa (which functions much like a period), lesson #3 teaches the letter _o_, and so on. Only the grammatical items specifically introduced are listed here, not the key phrase/sentence in which they were taught. 136 / 137 awaeca adata Dawa, Daca owasta aboque Bopo, Boca b i t a axe motmot Waodani names drinking gord small parrott Waodani names blue/gold macaw Itasca, Titasda Waodani names as d *d_~d; D as, JE b *b_~b' B 1 I tobega asdodo -da aepodo -dadi 3rd per. pron. 'where?' dual per.marker 'how many?' 3rd per. plural -dabai negative (vowel length) asas/66 dagaeca peach palm g *g_~g l gui ta dog i Gaba Waodani name G tebo rhino, beetle e yawe toucan y *Y_~Y1 Yowe, Yai Waodani names Y ( i , e ) beye ocelot e, E ( e , i ) oque anteater qu Qui pa* Waodani name Qu (e , i ) -que 'just, only' -e command marker pj?^dj?, p£d^ plantain, paca j?, % abade'ca duck ^ , % NOTE: * Lessons for allophone of consonant phoneme taught in preceeding lesson. ( ) Contrastive lessons for reinforcement of certain graphemes. APPENDIX C: SELECTED LITERACY MATERIALS CHANGES EXAMPLES of FORMAT CHANGES in PRE-PRIMER* For Pedagogical Reasons: -Pre-Primer became replacement for readiness folders and exercises from Pr.#l -Lengthened handwriting lesson, added consistently on right hand pages For Cultural Reasons: -Replaced and rearranged keywords and illustrations -Replaced newsprint with bond, and added stiff covers For Other Reasons: -Replaced 2 staples with 3 - 5 rust resistent staples -Standardized title page content and format EXAMPLES of SEQUENCE CHANGES in PRE-PRIMER For Linguistic Reasons: -Moved t, o, c earlier in sequence -Introduced needed sight words before letters were taught For Pedagogical Reasons: -Reordered sequence of first 3 vowels -Added C) shape for contrast with first vowel (also for cultural reasons) For Cultural Reasons: -Artifact shapes preceeded geometric shapes EXAMPLES of CONTENT CHANGES in PRE-PRIMER  For Linguistic Reasons: -Added functor lesson -Substituted "random" drill with words or sentence For Pedagogical Reasons: -Added body paint design to cover and discrimination exercise (also cultural) -Added more shapes to discrimination exercises -Replaced some keywords for more contrast, more productivity for built words and more picturable and easily identifiable referents -Deleted size discrimination exercises For Cultural Reasons: -Added composite life-style picture and artifact shapes -Added teaching instructions, consonant pronunciation chart, and orthography introduction, for non-Waodani -Deleted "Auca" as identification for Waodani *NOTE: These are examples of some changes made in one of the materials, the Pre-Primer. Similiar and other changes were made in the other materials. 138 APPENDIX D: READINESS OR PRE-PRIMER D.l: Teaching instructions (for non-Waodani) D.2: Orthography explanations (for non-Waodani) D.3: Sample dialogue pages D.4: Discrimination exercises using shapes of cultural objects D.5: Discrimination exercises using body paint designs D.6: Discrimination exercises using letter shapes D.7: Symbol _i_ taught using C) shape for contrast D.8: Lesson to teach consonant _c_ D.9: Changes in drawing for keyword oba 139 A p p e n d i x D . 1 : P R E - P R I M E R ( 1 9 8 0 ) - T e a c h i n g I n s t r u c t i o n s ( f o r n o n - W a o d a n i ) ( F i r s t o f t w o p a g e s ) PARA ENSEflAR LAS LECCIONES DEL TEXTQ DE PRELECTURA Primer paso - dibujos—(pSginas 7-10) Discuta con los alumnos el tenia y los detalles de los dibujos generadores en estas pSginas, los cuales repre-sentan un paisaje muy conocido o algGn aconteci-miento comGn. Luego pase a las 2 o 3 pSginas siguientes en las cuSles se encontrarSn dibujos de objetos seleccionados de los dibujos de las primeras pSginas. Converse acerca de los objetos y ayude a los alumnos a distinguir entre los objetos. Ejercicios - para distinguir formas y letras semajantes y en contraste — (pSginas 12-18) Ensene al alumno a fijarse en cuSles formas son iguales y cuSles son distintas. No le ensene ni los nombres ni los sonidos de las letras todavia, sino solamente indique la forma de la letra. Ejercicios - para ensenar las palabras generadoras que se usarSn para ensenar las vocales en las siguientes leccionee — (pSginas 20-24) Es mejor no ensenar las partes de la palabra. Ensefie las palabras enteras como 'palabras de vista' . Ayude al alumno a distinguir, s61o por su formaciCn, las palabras que son iguales y las que son distin-tas . Lecciones - para ensenar algunas vocales — (pSginas 26, 30. 34) Converse con los alumnos acerca del dibujo y luego ensene la palabra generadora entera, como palabra de vista. Luego siga a los ejercicios encajonados para ensenar la vocal que corresponde a aquella lecciOn. Es mejor no hacer enfoque en las demfis sllabas y letras de la palabra generadora. Ensene solamente la vocal in ic ia l de la palabra. Primera ediciGn 1.975 Segunda edici6n 1.977 Tercera ediciCn 300 ejemplares 1.980 Instituto Lingiilstico de Verano Qui to A p p e n d i x D . 2 : P R E - P R I M E R ( 1 9 8 0 ) - O r t h o g r a p h y e x p l a n a t i o n s ( f o r n o n - W a o d a n 1 ) El Alfabeto de los Huaoranl Vocales Orales a equivale a la "a" en "gato". as es intermedia entre la "a" y la "e,f castellana, aproximadamente como la "a" en la palabra quichua, "yaya". e siendo mSs cerrada que la "e" castellana, corresponde mfis a la " i M no acentuada en la palabra quichua, "maqui". i equivale a la " i " en "hilo". o se pronuncia con los lablos abiertos, no muy redondeados, tal como se pronuncia la "u" quichua, en la palabra "tuta". Vocales Nasales Las vocales nasales son: 3, i&, £ , I, 3. (**) La diuresis sobre una vocal signifies que dicha vocal es nasallzada. La vocal nasal es Igual a la oral excepto que, al pronunclarla, se exhala el aire por la narlz y por la boca simultaneamente. Consonantes Las consonantes son b, c (qu), d, g (gu), p, t, v, y. Aunque cada consonante es pronunciada aproxlma-damente como la equivalente castellana, fon&ticamente casi todas las consonantes tambiSn son nasalizadas al encontrarse contiguaa a vocales nasales, segCn la dlstribuclSn indicada en el cuadro de la pronunciaciOn. A p p e n d i x D . 3 : P R E - P R I M E R ( 1 9 8 0 ) - S a m p l e d i a l o g u e A p p e n d i x D . 4 : P R E - P R I M E R ( 1 9 8 0 ) D i s c r i m i n a t i o n e x e r c i s e s u s i n g c u l t u r a l o b j e c t s 1 1 1 1 1 1 o o o o c r c 1 1 o n c l o c \AAAAAAAAA/V H 00 A p p e n d i x D . 5 : P R E - P R I M E R ( 1 9 8 0 ) w o w w w V o o w M W w 72 1 o n e x e r c i s e s u s i n g b o d y p a i n t d e s i g n " VAAAAAAAA/V " V W W A A A A A / ' W w v v "111 II " O Q ' W \ A / W W " M M " O O A p p e n d i x D . 6 : P R E - P R I M E R ( 1 9 8 0 ) - D i s c r i m i n a t i o n e x e r c i s e s u s i n g l e t t e r s h a p e s t 0 t c c T o o o c o i6 W W v A A A A / 1 1 1 1 1 O c r L c if 4^ A p p e n d i x 0 . 7 : P R E - P R I M E R ( 1 9 8 0 ) - S y m b o l ± t a u g h t u s i n g 0 s h a p e f o r c o n t r a s t ( ) o O n • 1 i o i i i wa o i o It, A p p e n d i x D . 8 : P R E - P R I M E R ( 1 9 8 0 ) - L e s s o n t o t e a c h c o n s o n a n t o a C O c a cocata copa c o b a g o p a Co Ca To Ta O O P  C O f O Co Co ^= l o r n A p p e n d i x D . 9 : P R E - P R I M E R - C h a n g e s i n d r a w i n g f o r k e y w o r d oba d r a w i n g ( T h e f i r s t d r a w i n g was c o n s i d e r e d " a c a d a b o b u t i s l i k e a n o b a " , ( b o t h a r e a t y p e o f c a t f i s h ) . T h e s e c o n d w a s a g a i n o n l y " l i k e a n oba". E i t h e r d r a w i n g o n t h e r i g h t w a s a c c e p t a b l e a s a " t r u e oba".) APPENDIX E: WAODANI PRIMERS E. 1: Covers for 1977 and 1982 editions E. 2: First and second lessons in trial edition E. 3: Random drill E. 4: Allophone lesson, before changed E. 5: Allophone lesson, after changed E. 6: Contrast exercise for J_ and _e_ E. 7: Syllable review and vowel length contrast E. 8: Symbol i. as an alternate for X E. 9: Drawing and story by student E.10: Example of functor lesson 149 A p p e n d i x E . 1 : P R I M E R S - C o v e r s f o r 1977 a n d 1982 e d i t i o n s Wao Tededo Pre -1 e cA u i°a E C U A D O R Huaorani Ecuador o A p p e n d i x E . 2 : P R I M E R #1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) - M i m e o g r a p h e d t r i a l e d i t i o n ( F i r s t l e s s o n t e a c h e s s y m b o l s t , c , o , a ; s e c o n d l e s s o n t e a c h e s f u n c t o r - c a ' t h i r d p e r s o n ' 0 CO to C O CO ca | to To £ca Ca a a ca ta ca ta cacata cocata oto ocata ooto Toca Ocata a t oca o c a t a aca,. o c a t a a c a 0 aca,. a aca,. o c a t a aca., o oca xa t a c a to _ tocH OtO t3.C5.ri Oto t a MCA,. Toco, toca.., Oto t a c a T o c a o t o t a a c a , T o c a o r o t a c , - c a 0 CO ' cocH A p p e n d i x E . 3 : P R I M E R # 3 ( 1 9 7 9 ) - R a n d o m d r i l l ( * ) ( N o s e t p a t t e r n f o r s y l l a b l e s a n d u n b o x e d ) y a w e 't y a a o x a yo yx. ya yo y * ya yo y* 9 ° 3 * ca CO cae 3 a O O ae ya ya yo f. 96 CO ca 2 0 yawe yowe ayaQo oyobopa yewacbopa Boya yj2 y ae y i y <° P yae yaw< a y a g o yowo <aw& payebo :>aye,toca y  Cawiya aya bo oocjapa. aba £ awai'dr> owocapa a w e y a p i y x iebo A p p e n d i x E . 4 : P R I M E R #3 ( 1 9 7 4 ) - A l l o p h o n e l e s s o n , b e f o r e c h a n g e d ( c f . A p p e n d i x E . 5 ) ( T e a c h e s a s p e l l i n g r u l e : p h o n e m e g I s w r i t t e n g f o l l o w i n g a n a s a l v o w e l ) carjarjo ga wigata 9 a gbga 3 <5 o 3 ° Aa»j*. oS?^ oocxlt. ale gopa. ^a was pad vOaeaelc iacapa. Ta+c poi^3 pa . a a Qo *Vo j J j J J J & o i g a baqa j qBrjapat j J I orta i !/ J J / A p p e n d i x E . 5 : P R I M E R #3 ( 1 9 7 9 ) - A l l o p h o n e l e s s o n , a f t e r c h a n g e d ( c f . A p p e n d i x E . 4 ) ( S h o w s t h a t p h o n e m e a 1 8 w r i t t e n a s g, a n d n o t a s a n a l l o p h o n e , a f t e r a n y v o w e l ) a fa P ° 3 qa cacjago wicjata 9 a g o q a Iiba a1 3 o <36 as. o g o Da^at 66Tga odcaefe ale qopa. Taccae. qawaapae. wac*.ie +acapa. Ta^c ate. ttocjSpa- €>o\t p o ^ p a . 10 qa qo qat qa qo Qae, j J J J J J 66" i q a J rys rj a p at <Sqa V J Da die, waa tfqoqapa. A p p e n d i x E . 6 : P R I M E R /C3 ( 1 9 7 9 ) - C o n t r a s t e x e r c i s e f o r ± a n d e i e a c a o CO cae. G u i G u e GuV Gue V / ! OjUi' e e ue. i qui e. que V qui' e que Q u i Q u e Q u i Q u e Quiio qoqurbo a p a . 3f* qui O u i CjUi Q u i qui Qui' cjue. Our> que. Que. Qui G>ui qui" GuV J ni|«v Gue ry\P. (-Jiie. (Qqe. ^rSca C^ui'n Jaiquiwi QoquI 3n 3qap<3 1 J i u f 3?-A p p e n d i x E . 7 : P R I M E R #3 ( 1 9 7 9 ) - S y l l a b l e r e v i e w a n d v o w e l l e n g t h c o n t r a s t bo ba bi b* do da di bb ba t >V bac do da c IV die. o 00 6 a 66 aa a aa ooto c a . . l caata oogapa Bi io v*jipode <^ oW obactat "ridobilaWo. 4- 05 A p p e n d i x E . 8 : P R I M E R #6 ( 1 9 8 2 ) - S y m b o l (£ a s a n a l t e r n a t e f o r x P'acaa baqulda Iy8b8 a da 'a ate wadlque, Ibal w i i t i baquldaca yevab8b8pa, wlya lea i p ica l ea t. BHdBbal 3d8poca cBve yevSbSdabal Ib8 Ite baquldaque. peed* p-i i i t i i i i p* bi we ye poweca tepi! tidogapa u'i gat awo v'i toca pi bi we yi pi bi! wit y* pe be « i ye Cowe eebe bee iil cat awo. * t t e de t* e y«* it^ de ulyadi yKdKgadi ob^ de de te y< de tt yi di t i y i de te ye --KcadS odi! tifdBdlpa. —Gul ta Logece ate iv'ibe bo tifdBte viit'e ip'idH guiitaps —Kyed^db. --Y^waldb adadi . 40 A p p e n d i x E . 9 : P R I M E R #6 ( 1 9 8 0 ) - D r a w i n g a n d s t o r y b y s t u d e n t waada doobae waetapa. Waega* Idlque veyae tg'ate Bdlpa yao yao dgote aexce pdgatapa. Pdga ate Day obi aga , Dab at a abogul bacs lpa , 'aga . Pe goca l g £ t e paedae godSbo sste s i c s tapa . £ i c a bad'a godba bete pac'atapa. Ay a bad'a tawa-dlya Squebo bepa ace paedae god'dga cowode* xsgMcapa. OdBque to code ' p'ddbb Mb a I Q'6 ieigatapa, 1. £cad<5 coba Ite obgatawo. 2 . Pegbca quldate sste pogatavo. 3. Cowode sate ate tocade podi5dII. 30 v AJ/- AA- /W AA, AA /VLr AA-7 J- T T T 7 T 9 V 1 U \ X \ AA. 'k AJ, ( J f 1 V V V ' k " J ( t f T -\ A \l 'kAi HAL \ & 'kjA& <{£dcr icrdufr ^J/xkxr /UOAAJUICLO SQC i -t 1 31 Cn / 159 Appendix E.10: PRIMER #1 (1974, 1977) Example of grammatical element lesson, Gudschinsky method (Waodani - Kelley Version) (Lee Version 1982:33) 1. (Analysis & Synthesis) Wato wipode pb. wipode wipo wipode Wato wipode pb. 2. (Synthesis &/or Contrast) wipo oco ooto wipode bcbde ootode 3. (Comparison) wipode ocode ootode 4. (In Context) £cado wipode taca? Acawo wipode ta abo. £cad6 ootode aeaete po? Itaeca ootode seaste pb. £cadb bbaede go? Ocata bbaede go. 1. (Analysis) Wato wipode pb. W.canoe-in comes, wipode wipo 2. (Synthesis) wipo wipode Wato wipode pb. bcb bcbde Toca bcbde go. T.house-in goes. ooto ootode Coba ootode a. C.basket-in looks. 3. (Identification) (Indicated by underline in analysis & synthesis.) 4. (Contrast) Coba ootoca go. C.basket-with goes. Toca bcbque a. T.house-just sees. Wato wipoca pb. W.canoe-with comes. 5.(In Story Context) Note: the drills build from a word root not the functor affix and therefore teach by a negative focus. APPENDIX F: ARITHMETIC (1980) - Page from exercise pad rrn 3 Z 5 9 0 * 0 0 Q & if X3 v9 * 9 yd x ? It 160 APPENDIX G: FIRST-AID & HYGIENE H E A L T H BOOKLET (1982) - Stingray treatment Picaduras de la Haya £Que debe hacer cuando le pica la raya? Ininediatamente pong a la parte picada en agua caliente con una cuchara de sal. Guardela caliente durante una hora o hasta que no le duela cuando la saque del agua. Cada dia, despues de calentar el sit io afectado en agua caliente, coloque sobre la herida una gasa o un trapo lirapio. Es necesario recibir atencion medica para evitar una infeccion. Boyotai Cote , , ™ Boyotai co adlque, qultdo QuIgS c a t i p i ago abS guiidBvate 1 oda gacz ba ate ee Stawaqul. Ilb3 IvB Ilbo I y » cowe ago abi guiidowaqul. GuiidBvate ate waebo weocoo tee bavaqul. Al badabal IgSIpa, ate de ^Bfer| c ic2 veca goqul. 90 9] 161 APPENDIX H: NATIVE AUTHORED LITERATURE H.1: Cover of "Hunting We Go" H.2: Alligator story H.3: Blue and gold macaw story H.4: Stingray and monkey stories H.5: Comparison of Spanish loan words with Waodani spellings 162 A p p e n d i x H . 1 : N A T I V E AUTHORED B O O K L E T ( 1 9 8 0 ) - C o v e r o f " H u n t i n g We G o " ( o f f s e t ) Idaewae yewaebod'f Waodadi fededo © A p p e n d i x H . 2 : N A T I V E AUTHORED B O O K L E T ( 1 9 8 0 ) - F i r s t p a g e o f a n a l l i g a t o r s t o r y ( o f f s e t ) Dob a BbdatS Qulwiya tbdb wipode gote dbba taedbbbda waeae totabbda ybwo, Daybdo. Dbba taedbbbda waeae totabbda wipodeque iybbb podi gobbda byb taedbbo waeae totabbda, Quiwiya t i c a edegate. T ica edeg'a a owo botb taedbbo waeae totabbda, aplede, welyae. Wegbwae Igate doo ecate caetaa, obaa. Cae taedbbo wae«e totabbda. Wati i taedbbo waeyb Quiwiya, Dae caeca gopa, 'ate waeybbbda aepaede a tapa 05 A p p e n d i x H . 3 : N A T I V E AUTHORED B O O K L E T ( 1 9 8 0 ) - B l u e a n d g o l d macaw s t o r y ( o f f s e t ) Bl ta Bl ta awaca bbtabopa. Awebb goce ate Sbbed'aca to bote ate yae waecatapa. Bl ta ayae wode gote aw&ca cbtate bbweyaque goyobo doobae tae waetapa. Ayadas dooyS pbdi Iblyaetapa. Yoblyaete ae&te waa aeaete totabopa. Ayae aeaete pbbo ate wad'adi boto ayadae ate waedaditapa. Tbbebo ayadae, abo waedaditapa. YaepaedM tbdb taecasds adoque godbtabopa. Bea go adoque tbbebo qui aeaetabopa. Badobai atabopa. 05 A p p e n d i x H . 4 : N A T I V E AUTHORED B O O K L E T ( 1 9 8 1 ) - S t i n g r a y a n d m o n k e y s t o r i e s ( M i m e o g r a p h e d I n v i l l a g e ) £pude Wi'dx tiiwsj goyoga Boyo boo co, YKB, wradi'que cpiklc tapa bo t'-odo twi guiicatapa. Guiica ate Tarica todo Cbaca tapaca bo -fc'adote, Aqui', ate bo tiijdo bo twdo cwiatapa, ObCJdcj agatapa. Ate gobobiii wtayb'te, WubHwe, pxir-;"Itapa. A p p e n d i x H . 5 : N A T I V E AUTHORED B O O K L E T ( 1 9 7 9 ) - C o m p a r i s o n o f S p a n i s h l o a n w o r d s w i t h W a o d a n i s p e l l i n g s ( f o r n o n - W a o d a n i s p e a k e r s ) Llsta de nombres proplos Para obtener una pronunciaciSn aproximada a l Castellano, se deletrean los nombres en la manera indlcada, buscando siempre e l fo-nema huao mis parecido. En la ausencla de las consonantes nasales fonemicas (m, n, n) y por consigulente la carencia de tales letras en el alfabeto Huao, se vale de la forma fonStica de las sonoras a l presentarse contiguas a una vocal nasallzada la cual se senala por la dieresis superimpuesta a Ssta. E l resultado es esencialmente e l de pro— ducci&n de las consonantes nasales, siendo [m, n, n] fonSticamente. Castellano PronunciaciSn Escritura Huao Huao Beltfin bere tSn BedetBB CapitSn capitan Capites Co fSn covSn Cowaa Curso corCto Codoto Deji dSgi Degi Gervacio erebStio Edebatio Jlvaro (Shuar) ibSro Ibado Juan wan Wao limoncocha dlbonkOta Marta mSarSta Baadota RamSn or'amon OdabBS Runa (Quichua) orSna Od&da Pastaza patata Patata Runa (Quichua) orSna OdBda 05 APPENDIX I: TRANSITION TO SPANISH PRIMER ( 1 9 7 5 , D i t t o e d e d i t i o n - p . 1 4 t e a c h e s a c c e n t m a r k ; p . 1 5 t e a c h e s f u n c t o r Donde - ' w h e r e ' ) papa' papa papa papa mas r fo dfa aqui' esta esttj * S! Maria iGue es esto? Es una casa. iQue es estc? iDonde esta e l pato? r'Dor.ds esta e l pa>;o?. iSonds esta oDonds esta iDonds esta e l pato? IQua ss esto? /y Es una escoba c iDop.ds esta l a escoba? Aquf esta l a esccba u Mart a es l a mama de l a nsna 0 Pepe es e l pap£„ iDande esta l a rcna? ACJuf esta l a rGpa„ 14 15 00 APPENDIX J : HANDWRITING J. 1: Body paint design J.2: "Psuedo" writing - Writing motions mimicked by preliterate J.3: Creative writing - Draft pages of native authored stories J.4: Correspondence - Personal letters from Waodani 169 / 170 Appendix J . l : BODY PAINT DESIGN (1978) Appendix J.2: "PSUEDO" WRITING (1974) Writing motions as mimicked by a pre-literate / 171 Pages" 5REAt1VE urr. a u ^ o r e d Stor; 'ies 8 ••S/cd iUL.. r\\:;oD nanny** I v ^ ^ ^ ^ A ^ ^ APPENDIX J.4: CORRESPONDENCE Personal letters received from Waodani r "~r | j—X—1 1 1 f r r •J P 1 1 ff\ \ \ 1 * r r 1 i 1 1 c r /• •iTt c art 1 ! 1 1 1 J \ | / 1 | 1 ? > • ] • • ! i lit d|«| 1 ' i 1 1 1 ! \ / 1 1 1 ii 'Jt- AA jji Hi ' 1 1 I | I H 1 I t H I <l ! 1 r 1 1 VI 1 1 I i n 1 i | ' ! "': !• ' l ! I i : W< n A 1 d 1 M 1 1 | 1 I . . J ! 1 l J 1 J 1 t c WL 0 la* •1 WftAl u \ 1 \i 1 1 i ' 1 l r ! ! d 1 1 i T T ! I 1 , "> <\k 1 • T 1 1 1 | 1 (J" i I | I N - J i l l d i n t i / ' ! M i I i ' 1 id i i i i | J i i i 1 ! 1 H 1 1 i . I I I i I I I I I I I I i I I I I I I I | l I I i I I I I .2.-/ ^cLci&^t^ signed: by a student ^CaAiJV __. %OM. ^crlAJZiu/t) *(H£O-_ .^^BM/OAA^^L ^dUurt^a. i2<7.. .yue^i^i^rpA. Su l^ Jhy&---slrox/ito-. 'tLfe^a. ^w^oi&j.' Q&op4~ „:Uj!^*£ul! -l^aZT. » " Jiife- < o ( u } b ~ ' -IU-W^H^JL 6AM>- JAuJo- ^ydCtf- -fUr^tu^cC ctvxrjtcx.. signed: by a literacy instructor 

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