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A description of teenage mothers in Canada and their child care arrangements Brown, Patricia Anne 1991

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A DESCRIPTION OF TEENAGE MOTHERS IN CANADAAND THEIR CHILD CARE ARRANGEMENTSbyPatricia Anne BrownBachelor of Science, Oregon State University, 1960A THESIS PRESENTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENTOF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESFACULTY OF EDUCATIONWe accept this thesis as conforming tothe required standardUNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIADECEMBER 1991© Patricia Anne Brown, 1991In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department ofThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate DE-6 (2/88)iiABSTRACTUsing data collected by the 1988 Canadian National Child CareStudy, this study set out to describe Canadian teenage mothers,their child care usage patterns and tension issues related to childcare. The study identified a population of approximately 11,800Canadian mothers under 20 years of age. The greatest portion(81.8% or 15,100) of these mothers were between 18 and 20 years,and 51.2% (9,500) were either married or living with a partner.While nearly 80.8% (14,900) had not completed grade twelve, 81.7%(15,100) were not attending school. A majority (69.8% or 12,900)were not in the labour force and another 10.6% (2,000) wereunemployed.Most of their children (16,400 or 90.1%) were under 2 years,and 37.9% of the children (8,000) were cared for exclusively bytheir mothers. When supplementary arrangements were used,relatives were the most frequent sources of child care, and mostchildren were in non-parental care for under ten hours per week.Because of the small sample size, information about workingteenage mothers was limited. Most non-working teenage mothersreported little or no overall tension about child care. When askedabout specific child care issues, most teenage mothers who were notin the labour force reported little or no tension. Three concernswere identified as stressors for significant numbers of thesemothers, however. The issues were social isolation, not being ableto buy things for their children, and finding future employment.Four factors associated with low child care tension were feelingsof being good parents, having the major influence on theirchildren, being available to their children, and being able toavoid unpleasant work situations.The study draws attention to the benefits of licensed infantand toddler care centres, child care subsidies, and specialprograms providing a range of services for teenage parent families.More Canadian research using a variety of methodologies, is alsorecommended. Along with other aspects of the topic, future studiesshould address the issues of younger teenage mothers (under 18years), teenage fathers, stress factors for teenage parents and theroles of extended families.iiiTABLE OF CONTENTSPage ABSTRACT^TABLE OF CONTENTS^LIST OF TABLESACKNOWLEDGEMENTS^ viCHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION^ 11.1 Statement of the Problem 61.2 Research Questions 61.3 Introduction to the Thesis^ 7CHAPTER 2 - REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE^ 92.1 The Mothers^ 112.1.1 Ages 112.1.2 Marital Status^ 122.1.3 Education 132.1.4 Employment and SES 152.2 The Children and Child Care^ 162.2.1 Ages^ 162.2.2 Effects of Teenage Parenting on the Children^ 162.2.3 Primary Child Care 182.3 Tension for Teenage Mothers^ 192.4 Profile of the Teenage Mother 21CHAPTER 3 - PROCEDURE^ 233.1 The 1988 Canadian National Child Care Study^ 233.2 Description and Significance of This Study 243.3 Research Problem 273.4 Research Questions^ 273.5 Statistical Weighting 28CHAPTER 4 - RESULTS^ 294.1 The Mothers 294.1.1 Ages and Population Size^ 294.1.2 Marital Status^ 294.1.3 Education 304.1.4 Employment 304.2 The Children and Child Care^ 314.2.1 Ages^ 314.2.2 Total Number of Child Care Arrangements^ 314.2.3 Total Number of Hours in Care^ 314.2.4 Primary Child Care Arrangements 324.3 Tension for Teenage Mothers^ 324.4 Summary of Findings^ 40ivCHAPTER 5 - DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS^ 435.1 The Mothers: Ages, Marital Status, Education andEmployment^ 435.2 The Children: Ages and Child Care Usage 455.3 Tension for Teenage Mothers^ 475.4 Implications for Practice 505.5 Recommendation for Future Research^ 53REFERENCES^ 59APPENDIX 62A: Glossary of Terms^ 63B: Selected Questions from CNCCS^ 65C:^Research Tables^ 71LIST OF TABLESVLIST OF TABLESTABLE 1:PageAGE OF DA ON LAST BIRTHDAY^ 76TABLE 2: MARITAL STATUS OF DA^ 77TABLE 3: YEARS OF EDUCATION 78TABLE 4: ATTENDING SCHOOL 79TABLE 5: LABOUR FORCE STATUS 80TABLE 6: TOTAL NUMBER OF NON-PARENTAL CHILD CAREARRANGEMENTS^ 81TABLE 7: PRIMARY CHILD CARE ARRANGEMENTS^ 82TABLE 8: CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUE: CHILDREN TOO DEPENDENT^ 83TABLE 9: CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUE: MAJOR RESPONSIBILITY FORFAMILY CARE^ 84TABLE 10: CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUE: SOCIAL ATTITUDES TOWARDFULL-TIME PARENTING^ 85TABLE 11: CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUE: NOT ENOUGH TIME FOR SELF ^ 86TABLE 12: CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUE: FAMILY HAMPERS CAREER^ 87TABLE 13: CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUE: FEELING ISOLATED^ 88TABLE 14: CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUE: LESS ABLE TO PURCHASETHINGS FOR THE CHILD^ 89TABLE 15: CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUE: FUTURE JOB SEARCH^ 90TABLE 16: CHILD CARE TENSION REDUCER: BEING A GOOD PARENT^ 91TABLE 17: CHILD CARE TENSION REDUCER: BEING THE PRIMARYINFLUENCE ON THE CHILD^ 92TABLE 18: CHILD CARE TENSION REDUCER: BEING THERE FOR THECHILD^ 93TABLE 19: CHILD CARE TENSION REDUCER: NO UNPLEASANT WORKSITUATIONS 94TABLE 20: CHILD CARE TENSION REDUCER: PARENT/NEIGHBOURHOODGROUPS^ 95viACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI would like to express my sincere appreciation to my advisorDr. Hillel Goelman for his support and guidance of my effortsduring the development of my research, and to my committee membersDr. Jane Gaskell and Dr. Allison Tom for their interest in thetopic of teenage mothers and for their constructive advice. Iwould also like to thank Dr. Glen Dixon for his participation andcounsel in the planning and completion of my graduate studies.I am grateful to the members of the National Daycare ResearchNetwork Dr. Donna Lero, Dr. Alan Pence, Dr. Lois Brockman and Dr.Goelman for designing and implementing an innovative ecologicalresearch project which provided rich, descriptive data foranalysis. Finally I wish to acknowledge Dr. Jonathan Berkowitz andDr. Ned Glick for their invaluable assistance in accessing andinterpreting the research data.1A Description of Teenage Mothers in Canadaand Their Child Care ArrangementsCHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTIONOver the past three decades changes in attitudes towardsexuality and pregnancy in North America have increased thetendency for adolescent mothers to keep and raise their own babies.Because these mothers are dealing with a complex set ofdevelopmental issues while adjusting to parenthood, they mayexperience a variety of problems unless they have access to astrong network of support systems (Furstenberg, 1976; Helm, 1988;Lamb, 1986; Levine, Coll & Oh, 1985; Mercer, Hackley & Bostrom,1984; Wise & Grossman, 1980;). One such support is child care.Without adequate care for their children, teenage mothers may findit difficult to receive the education required to reach their fullparental, personal and occupational potential.For child care to be effective, the needs of the children andtheir mothers must be understood. This involves research whichencompasses not only the development of children, but the fullrange of environmental influences affecting both the children andtheir mothers.Recognizing the complicated systems of variables affecting thedeveloping child, Bronfenbrenner (1979) conceptualizes developmentas taking place within four concentric ecological systems. He2defines the microsystems as those immediate settings in which thechild participates. The mesosystems are described as therelationships between microsystems. The exosystems are identifiedas those structures influencing the child's microsystems. Thesewould include the child care regulations and neighbourhoodresources. The macrosystem refers to the over-arching influenceson the child, such as the values, attitudes and beliefs which drivepublic policy.Children of teenage mothers are usually under three years old,ages at which children most need responsive parenting to achievetheir optimal social, emotional, and intellectual potential.Phipps-Yonas (1980) suggests that many teenage mothers are neitherintellectually nor emotionally prepared for motherhood andexperience difficulties in their parenting roles. Furstenberg(1976) maintains that the children of these mothers may suffercognitive and emotional deficits unless support systems are inplace.Teenage parent families are likely to be comprised of a singlemother and child, who are living with the mother's family of originor on their own (Furstenberg & Crawford, 1978). Little is knownabout the biological fathers and their relationships with thechildren, as most of the research has centred on the mothers andchildren.As discussed in detail below, many mothers leave high schoolbefore completing grade twelve. They are apt to be unemployed orworking at low paying jobs. Therefore, finances are generally3problematic, especially for those women living on their own(National Research Council, 1987). Non-maternal child care isusually performed by family members, with the most frequent careprovider being the child's maternal grandmother (Miller, 1981).The teenage mother population presents a two-pronged challengefor early childhood education researchers. First, the children arevery young and possibly at risk of not having their developmentalneeds met, because of the overriding needs of their mothers.Studies have shown teenage mothers to be less responsive to theirchildren and to provide less verbal stimulation than their oldercounterparts. These parenting behaviours are believed to restrictnormal development in children (Coll, Hoffman, Van Houten & Oh,1987).The second challenge relates to inadequate support for teenagemothers and their children. The mothers are frequently single andhave little education or money. While grandparents are atraditional source of child rearing advice and care, not allteenage mothers have access to grandparents.These two concerns have implications for E.C.E. professionalswho plan programs to meet the immediate and long-term needs of thechildren, while supporting families in their roles as parents,students and members of the work force. Part of the network ofcommunity resources required to support teenage parent families ishigh quality infant and toddler care. These programs are generallyoperated by knowledgable caregivers, who understand young childrenand are able to provide healthy and stimulating learning and care4environments. Unfortunately, at the present time, licensed carefor children under three years is not readily available. So thepopulation of children most in need of licensed group care is leastserved.A promising new development for these families, however, hasbeen the emergence of day care centres associated with educationalprograms for teenage mothers. Although they are few in number,these day care centres have responded to needs identified withinlocal communities and they are models for future implementation.There is much to recommend an ecological approach to theunderstanding of child development. This begins by investigatingthe settings closest to the children, including families, childcare settings, and parents' work and school environments. Next, itinvolves studying the relationships within those systems, such aswork-school-day care linkages, and work-school-child care tensionissues. The third level includes exploring available communityresources and services for teenage families, and the fourth levelconcerns research of macrosystems factors such as provincial andnational policies and financial supports for programs affectingteenage parent families.Research designed to identify the variables affecting childdevelopment takes many forms. A relatively new approach has beennational child care surveys developed by ecologically orientedresearchers for the purpose of providing descriptive information,particularly for studying microsystems and mesosystems. While thismethodology offers new and broader perspectives for ecological5research, it also presents interesting challenges.^One majordifficulty is that of devising clear and precise, standardizedinterview and data coding procedures, while dealing with the widearray of complex and interrelated variables being investigated(Lero, 1988).The 1988 Canadian National Child Care Study (CNCCS) was thefirst such study in Canada to expand and modify the national surveymodel to fit this concept. When adapting it to an ecologicalmandate, the following three assumptions were identified by theresearch team:1. The choice of a child care arrangement (or acombination of arrangements) is one of severaladaptations that families make in response tochanging work patterns, perceptions of children'sdevelopmental needs, and personal goals withinthe limits of their own and their community'sresources.2. That choice, at any particular point intime, has other effects on children's development,the family, the community and society, itself...3.^Child care use patterns...are affected by therange of alternatives available to families intheir communities and by parents' perceptions ofthose alternatives (Lero, 1988, p. 87)The CNCCS has accumulated a rich body of knowledge pertainingto the microsystems of work, school, family and child care andmesosystems such as work-family-child care tension issues. Thisthesis uses data from the survey to provide a picture of Canadianteenage mothers, their children and their child care use patterns.61.1 Statement of the ProblemThe research problem is to develop a detailed description ofthe teenage mothers under twenty years of age living in Canada andtheir child care arrangements, using data obtained from the 1988Canadian National Child Care Study. This will allow policy makersto better target the support needed to facilitate optimaldevelopment for both teenage mother and child.1.2 Research Questions The research questions involve three general categories ofinvestigation. The first set of research questions focuses uponthe demographics of the teenage mother. The study begins byexploring the size of the population and maternal ages, maritalstatus, education and employment status. Ages and levels ofdevelopment of teenage mothers may affect the type of communityresources developed. Services for sixteen-year-old mothers couldvary significantly from those designed for nineteen-year-olds, whomay have finished high school and either joined the work force orenroled in post-secondary education. Marital status can give anindication of the degree to which mothers have someone to share thechild care responsibilities. This information is also of interestbecause people who marry in their teens are predicted to experiencelife-long educational and vocational disadvantages (Lamb, 1988).Given the benefits of education on future employment and financialstatus, levels of education and incidence of school attendanceamong teenage mothers are also of interest to this study. Finally,7investigating the numbers of employed mothers and their work hours,will help to identify their needs for supplemental child care.The study then describes the children of teenage mothers andthe types of child care arrangements made for them. This sectionincludes the ages of the children, since their ages anddevelopmental needs influence selection of child care. The totalnumbers of child care arrangements, the time spent in care, and thechildren's primary care arrangements are also examined. These dataare pertinent, given earlier findings that relatives were the mostfrequent alternate child care providers (Miller, 1981). As morewomen join the work force, this family resource may not be asavailable as it once was.In acknowledgement of their propensity for heightened stresslevels (Coll, Hoffman, Van Houten & Oh, 1987), the final discussionconsiders issues that produce and reduce tension for both employedteenage mothers and those staying at home. These factors areidentified and discussed.1.3 Introduction to the Thesis Chapter 2 reviews the literature related to teenage parentingand child care. Research exploring the variables believed toaffect teenage parenting such as age of the mother, stage of herego-development, stress levels, extent of social support, level ofeducation (Levine, Coll & Oh, 1985) and socio-economic status(Coll, Hoffman, Van Houten & Oh, 1987) are discussed.Chapter 3 defines the parameters of the research undertaken inthis study and its relevance to the field of early childhood8education. The research problem and research questions are relatedto previous studies, and the CNCCS and its objectives areexplained.Chapter 4 contains the results of the study, describing thedemographics of Canadian teenage mothers, including the size ofthis parent population, their ages, marital status, educationallevels, work and school patterns. Next their children's ages,their child care arrangements, and the extent of day care use areinterpreted. The last segment of the chapter examines the levelsof tension experienced by these mothers, their child care-relatedtension issues and factors which help to alleviate stress.Chapter 5 provides a profile of Canadian teenage mothers basedon the CNCCS results. It is followed by a discussion of theresearch results, implications of the study on practice, andrecommendations for future research.9CHAPTER 2 - REVIEW OF THE LITERATUREThe incidence of teenage pregnancy is a topic of concern forthe E.C.E. community throughout North America. The United StatesDepartment of Health and Human Services reports that in 1985,477,705 babies were born to women under the age of 20. This numberrepresents the first increase (by 1%) in teenage birth rates since1979 (Washington Alliance Concerned with School Age Parents, 1988).Of the infants born to teenage mothers, it is estimated that over90% are kept and raised by their biological mothers (Levine, Coll& Oh, 1985).The first wave of research on this topic took place in the1950's and 1960's and focused on the medical risks of pregnancy tomothers and their babies. Research found a higher than normalincidence of medical complications, and unusually high rates ofinfant and maternal mortality among mothers under 18 years.Initially, these conditions were attributed to the young ages ofthe mothers, but upon closer examination, the medical risks weretraced to poor prenatal health care and nutrition. It is nowwidely believed that with satisfactory prenatal care and propernutrition, most teenage mothers and their babies have no greaterrisk of health problems than other age groups. Some age-relatedmedical risks, however, are associated with pregnancy for girlsunder fifteen (Phipps-Yonas, 1980).Once the biomedical aspects of teenage motherhood wereinvestigated, researchers sought to isolate the psychological10factors associated with early pregnancy. In the 1960's and 1970'sthese young mothers were often found to come from dysfunctionalfamilies. As a result of their childhood experiences, they werelikely to have difficulties trusting and relating to other people.Today, girls who become pregnant are no longer seen to be differentfrom those who do not (Phipps-Yonas, 1980).In the early 1970's increased availability of abortionsresulted from a Supreme Court decision in the U.S., providinganother option to pregnant teenagers. Subsequent research hasnoted significant differences between those who seek abortions andthose who do not. Abortion seekers tend to have higher academicand career goals, to be better students, to be psychologicallyhealthier, and to have more supportive families than those whocarry their babies to full term (Phipps-Yonas, 1980).The most recent wave of research has moved from the topic ofteenage pregnancy to the problems associated with teenageparenthood. In an attempt to isolate those factors which affectparenting quality, researchers have identified six variables.These are age, stage of ego-development, level of education, extentof social support (Levine, Coll & Oh, 1985), socio-economic statusand stress levels (Coll, Hoffman, Van Houten & Oh, 1987). Havingobserved mothers with their children, Levine et al (1985) find thatthe first four factors significantly affect the quality of teenagemother-child interactions. Consequently, they predict a risk ofdevelopmental problems for the children of adolescent mothers. Asa result of their studies, Coll, Hoffman, Van Houten, and Oh (1987)1 1conclude that the combined variables of maternal age, education,family socio-economic status, social support and life stressnegatively affect adolescent mothers' abilities to providedevelopmentally healthy caregiving environments.We now turn to a review of the research discussing the impactof these factors on the parents, the children, and their child careusage.2.1 The Mothers 2.1.1 Ages The age of the mother is of particular relevance toresearchers, because of concerns that conflicts might arise as themother simultaneously attempts to meet the developmental needs ofboth her child and herself. Lamb (1986) suggests that adolescentparents are likely to experience financial problems, difficultiesremaining in school, and unsatisfying jobs. These are additionalcomplications for this group of teenagers already facing theexpected concerns of all adolescents. Helm (1988) identifies peerrelationships as major priorities for teens. He describesteenagers as being at a stage of growing independence, marked by ashift away from home and family. He sees inconsistencies in theirbehaviours as they fluctuate between displaying responsible andmature social behaviours on the one hand and narcissistic, selfindulgent behaviours on the other. He suggests that with cognitivedevelopment, comes increased problem solving abilities.Helm (1988) foresees potential conflict for the teenagemother, who needs to exert independence, yet has found herself more12dependent on the family than before. He suggests that the teenageparent needs to feel a sense of empowerment, which could be bestaccomplished through education.Stage of ego-development is also deemed to be an importantvariable in determining the adolescent's parenting skill. Wise andGrossman (1980) find that the mother's ego strength (asdemonstrated through adaptation to the pregnancy) positivelyaffects her feelings about the baby and leads to a healthyattachment. Levine, Coll & Oh (1985) compare the levels of egodevelopment of adolescent and nonadolescent mothers usingLeovingers Sentence Completion Test (SCT) which measures stages ofmoral and affective development. The younger mothers tend to fallinto the 'conformist' category--seeing relationships in moreconcrete terms, rather than in terms of feelings or motives--andthe older mothers are found to be more 'self-aware.' The authorsbelieve that lower levels of ego development contribute negativelyto the mother-child relationship and the child's subsequentdevelopment.2.1.2 Marital Status According to the research, differences in marital status andliving arrangements affect the amount of support received byteenage mothers and their children. Furstenberg & Crawford (1978)find that the typical living situation for a teenage mother duringher first five years of parenting is remaining unmarried andresiding in the family home. Some move out during that period oftime to create a separate residence with or without the child's13father. Those unmarried mothers living with parents are morelikely than mothers living away from home or married mothers toreceive family support in the form of child-rearing advice,emotional support, financial assistance and child care.Consequently, the group who most frequently complete theireducations are unmarried teenage mothers who remain in theirparents' homes throughout the first three years of their child'slife.By contrast, the unmarried teenage mothers of 3-year-oldsliving on their own are more likely to be unemployed than thoseliving with parents. The major obstacle for the mothers on theirown is the lack of child care. In her study of 353 unmarriedmothers in Nova Scotia, MacDonnell (1981) finds that while mostmothers are able to find extra child care when needed, those wholive alone with their children have greater difficulty arrangingcare. Problems centre around such concerns as finding atrustworthy caregiver, finding care for very young children, andaffordability of care.2.1.3 Education When discussing education, Lamb (1986) describes two verydifferent scenarios associated with pregnant teenagers and theireducational goals. One group leaves school because of thepregnancy, while the other group makes the decision to leave schoolwell before the pregnancy occurs. Earlier school experiencesprobably influence these mothers' decisions about returning to14school. Even the most highly motivated women find it difficult tocomplete their high school educations after the birth of a child.Furstenberg (1976) suggests that the adolescent mothers hestudied have every intention of completing their educations (70%return to school after the births of their babies), but only a fewsucceed. Five years after the birth of their children, adolescentmothers averaged two fewer years of schooling than classmates whobecame parents in their twenties and thirties.As mentioned earlier, Furstenberg & Crawford (1978) find thatthe teenage mothers who remain single and live with their parentsare the most likely to complete their educations. It is not clearfrom their data, however, if these mothers complete theireducations because they were living at home or they remain at homebecause they are highly motivated to complete their schooling andrealize they need family support to do so. The authors note threefactors about the participants in this study. First, relationshipsbetween the young mothers and their families are generallypositive. Second, in the majority of cases both the parents andthe young mothers are committed to keeping and raising theirbabies. Finally, most of the mothers and their families considerthe completion of their educations to be important.Sauber and Rubinstein (1965) report that only about one-sixthof the young women who leave school because of a pregnancy returnand graduate. Three factors influence non-completion (1) a lack ofearlier school successes; (2) inability to meet the demands of both15school and parenthood; and (3) difficulty getting back intoacademic life after the long absence.MacDonnell (1981) reports that of the 50% of students whoreturn to school after the pregnancy only 1 in 3 either improvesher educational level or remains in school for 18 months or more.She identifies the youngest mothers and those with the least amountof education as the groups least likely to finish school.Unavailability of child care is again identified as the majorreason for not completing school. The stress of balancing parentand student roles, insufficient financial resources, course workdifficulty, waning interest in school, and unsupportive classmatesare other contributing factors.2.1.4 Employment and Socio-Economic Status The socio-economic status of these young people and theirfuture prospects are also topics of interest for researchers. Moststudies find that teenage mothers have been recipients ofgovernment financial assistance during some part of their lives(Clapp & Raab, 1978; Pozsonyi, 1973; Reed, 1965; Sauber andRubinstein, 1965). However there is less agreement as to whetherwelfare dependency increases or decreases over time.Studies showed that many teenage mothers and their childrenlive below the poverty line (Pozsonyi, 1973; Sauber and Corrigan,1970; Wright, 1965). MacDonnell (1981) finds lack of financialresources to be the problem most commonly faced by teenage mothers.Those who are living away from their families seem to suffer themost. Securing jobs which pay adequate wages is difficult because16of limited education, experience, and day care. (Crumidy &Jacobziner, 1966; MacDonald, 1981; Reed, 1965). The evidenceindicates that escaping a life of poverty and dependence isdifficult for these young mothers.2.2 The Children and Child care 2.2.1 Ages Some of the current research on very young childrenhighlights the importance of the parent in child development.Recent infant research reports that infants are born with a richrepertoire of native endowments, which permits them to act uponabstract representations of objects or people and to recognizesimilarities between themselves and other human beings (Meltzoff,1985). Trevarthen (1980) and Stern, Hofer, Haft and Dore (1985)use the term 'primary intersubjectivity' to identify the specialinterpersonal activity, with its many adaptations, which occursbetween infant and mother. Snow (1977) considers this process tobe a crucial step in the acquisition of language and in cognitiveand emotional development. The research shows that this competentnewborn requires a very special context in which to express andexpand upon her native endowments. The mechanism for thisdevelopmental process is believed to lie in the mother-childrelationship.2.2.2 Effects of Teenage Parenting on the Children Considering the importance of the mother's role in her child'sdevelopment, the research pertaining to teenage parenting isenlightening. Wise and Grossman (1980) find that teenage mothers17appear to be more reciprocal with infants who are mature in theirmotor development and infants who are irritable, than with infantsdisplaying other behaviours or temperaments. Infant alertness doesnot seem to promote maternal responses. These mothers are alsoquite limited in their modes of reciprocity, with physical andmotor behaviours being more likely to receive attention than visualand auditory cues.Levine, Coll, and Oh (1985) find that during face-to-faceinteractions the only marked difference between teenage parents andolder parents is that adolescent mothers show less positive affecttoward their infants than older mothers. In a teaching situationolder mothers demonstrate tasks more frequently to their infants,talk more to their babies, and (again) show more positive affectthan do the teenage mothers. The major difference between theinfant groups is that babies of non-adolescent mothers vocalizealmost twice as much as the babies of adolescent mothers.Mercer, Hackley and Bostrom (1984) find that babies ofadolescent mothers tend to be fatter than other babies and thattheir mothers offer new foods to them at younger ages than normallywould be recommended. Mercer et al also suggest that after fourmonths the infants of adolescent mothers receive less stimulationthan do the infants of older mothers. The authors' explanation forthis is that the grandmothers of the former group provide much ofthe stimulation during the first trimester. After that period oftime, the teenage mothers' needs to separate from their familiesand assert independence tend to distance the children from the18grandmothers' influence.^The authors therefore recommend thatsocial services and nutritional guidance be made available to thesemothers by the time the infants reach six months.2.2.3 Primary Child Care For the teenage mother living with her family, the role of thealternate caregiver and her relationship to the child has far morecomplexities than the typical child-caregiver relationship.Grandparents are the most frequent providers of supplementary childcare to teenage mothers. They are also likely to share theparenting role with the child's mother or to assume the primaryresponsibility for parenting the child. Grandparents often provideparenting information, supply financial and material help, andoffer emotional support. In one study (Furstenberg & Crawford,1978) over 40% of teenage mothers report that another woman eithershares equally in their child's care or takes primaryresponsibility for meeting their child's needs.Miller, (1981) reports that maternal grandmothers perform 60%of the alternate child care. Only 4% is carried out in day-carecentres. This study also confirms that mothers and other familymembers are the most influential in providing information andadvice both before and after the baby's birth. This practice istempered somewhat by the gender of the infant, however. Apparentlythe babies' fathers are more likely to be consulted when theinfants are boys.Wise and Grossman (1980) find that adolescents showing greaterlevels of independence from their parents during the pregnancy19accept more responsibility for the care of their infants than dothe more dependent teens. However, it is noted that the majorityof subjects in their study had supportive relationships with theirfamilies. It appears that a delicate balance between support fromthe family and personal autonomy have to be maintained for optimalgrowth (of both mother and child) to take place.Furstenberg and Crawford (1978) recommend the implementationof social services which acknowledge and support the role of thefamily in providing for the needs of the adolescent mother and herchild. They also recommend the offering of parent educationprograms which recognize the complex parenting structure utilizedin these families.2.3 Tension for Teenage Mothers According to Lamb (1988), when new mothers experience tension,they are less sensitive to their infants and this negativelyaffects infant-mother attachment. Tension is a factor in a study byColl, Hoffman, Van Houten & Oh (1987), which reports that teenagemothers rate their overall stress at a higher level than do adultmothers. Teenage mothers' stress is more likely to be caused byarguments with family members and partners, while older mothers'stress tends to centre around child care issues. Lamb (1986)suggests that individuals are bound to feel stress when embarkingupon activities which are considered developmentally'inappropriate' in terms of accepted social practice (such asmarrying at an early age or becoming a parent prematurely).Although social attitudes are more accepting of teenage pregnancy20than in the past, it continues to be seen as 'a problem' foradolescents--and that reality contributes to the stress levels ofyoung mothers.Lamb believes, however, that these teenage parents are able tocope with stress when they face their problems directly, when theypossess a positive self concept and when they have access to goodsocial supports.In conclusion, there are certain limitations to the researchon teenage parenting. First, many of the studies were conducted inthe United States. Very little Canadian research was found.Second, many of the U.S. studies centred around urban, lower socio-economic status, primarily Black populations. The likelihood ofcultural differences between this specific U.S. population and ageneral population of Canadian teenage mothers can't be overlookedwhen analyzing data. Third, much of the research was completed adecade, or more, ago. Some important social and medical changeshave occurred since then. For instance, greater numbers of womenhave joined the work force in the past decade. Grandmothers may nolonger be able to regularly care for their grand children. Also,the reality of AIDS in our society and advances in obstetric andpaediatric medicine might influence the picture in some way.Fourth, Canada's child care system is unique. Therefore, day careaccess may be different for Canadian teenage mothers than for theircounterparts living in the United States.212.4 Profile of the Teenage Mother In summary, the available literature provides the followingdescription of a 'typical' teenage mother. She is at a stage inwhich socializing with her peers and spending time alone are majorpriorities. At times she is responsible and an effective problemsolver, but she does not consistently demonstrate these behaviours.The teenage mother is usually single and living at home withher parents. Her mother, or another family member, shares thechild care responsibilities with her. She has not graduated fromhigh school, and although she may return to school, she is unlikelyto finish. She is apt to be unemployed or working at a lowpaying, unsatisfying job and because of her uncompleted education,she is likely to remain in poorly paid jobs for much of her life.With satisfactory prenatal care and proper nutrition, she andher baby will experience a healthy pregnancy and delivery. She mayhave difficulty providing a stimulating learning environment forher infant, however. She is likely to talk less to her child, tobe less involved in teaching things to her baby, and to be lesspositive in her interactions, than an older mother. Because ofthese tendencies, her child may suffer long-term cognitive, socialand emotional deficits, if the family does not receive adequatesupport.She is likely to have more children in her lifetime thanmothers who began childbearing in their twenties or thirties.22Finally, she experiences more stress than older mothers do.Her tension is likely to be caused by a broad range of issues, andnot specifically related to child care concerns. Because of hervery specific set of needs, she is likely to require support fromboth her family and the community to guarantee her own healthydevelopment, and that of her child.23CHAPTER 3 - PROCEDURE3.1 The 1988 Canadian National Child Care Study The objectives of the Canadian National Child Care Study were:1. to accurately describe the nature ofCanadians' child care needs;2. to accurately depict current childcare use patterns;3. to determine parents' preferences amongchild care options;4. to investigate factors affecting childcare needs, use patterns, and preferencesfrom an ecological perspective;5. to examine the effects of different childcare use patterns on children, mothers,and fathers individually, and in relationto each other;6. to examine the effects of provincialdifferences on parents' perceptions ofservices available to them and their childcare use patterns (1988 CNCCS Information Manual).During the fall of 1988 the Canadian National Child Care Study(CNCCS) accompanied the monthly Labour Force Survey (LFS). The LFSuses a stratified design to select its sample population. Theprimary stratification identifies economic regions withinprovinces. These regions are further stratified into one of threeclassifications: 'self-representing areas' (SRU's), 'non-self-representing areas' (NSRU's), and 'special areas.' SRU's are urbanareas usually containing populations greater than 15,000, NSRU'sare the areas outside of SRU's and special areas are militaryinstallations, institutions and remote areas. Clusters are next24identified within each secondary strata. From selected clusters,approximately six private dwellings are sampled.As a matter of policy LFS regularly rotates its monthly samplegroups. The CNCCS sample contains the five rotation groups of theSeptember 1988 LFS and eight previous rotation groups. Numbershave been weighted from the stratified sample, creating reliableestimates for 2,724,300 families and 4,658,500 children under 13years of age. The reference week for the survey was one of theweeks between September 8 and October 23, 1988. In each case thereference week was the Sunday to Saturday period directly precedingthe interview. (Complete details of the research design andresearch questions can be found in the 1988 CNCCS InformationManual.)3.2 Description and Significance of This Study This study attempts to provide some descriptive informationabout a parent/child population which is presently considered bymany educational, social service and health professionals to be 'atrisk'--teenage mothers.The field of early childhood education has evolved as acomposite which encompasses the disciplines of education,psychology and sociology as they relate to young children at homeand in child care settings. As previously mentioned, earlychildhood educators take the philosophical and theoreticalperspective that child care can only be effective when it works inclose association with all individuals and circumstances affectingthe child's world. This ecological view of the child requires the25use of information about the family and other influences on thechild, and frequently leads child care professionals into positionsof advocacy for children (i.e. articulating the need for moreresources for the families of at-risk children). For these reasonsa description of Canadian teenage mothers and their child care useis a worthwhile investigation. This research is also significantbecause:1. It is the first Canada-wide survey that includes teenagemothers and their child care arrangements. To advise policymakers, it will first be necessary for researchers to identify thescope of the problem, by providing the full Canadian perspective.Because parent and child concerns are generally handled atprovincial or even municipal levels, descriptive information acrossCanada has been spotty and incomplete to this point.Before this survey, the only nation-wide day care statisticswere available through the annual Status of Day Care in Canada Reports (Health and Welfare Canada). These reports providedstatistical information supplied by each province about existinglicensed day care programs, but little was known about thefrequency of use of other (unmonitored) types of care. The CNCCSsurvey provides a more complete picture of Canadian child carearrangements. Taking the perspectives of parents and children, itlooks beyond licensed child care by investigating the full range ofchild care usage. Because of regional and individual distinctions,research of local and personal perspectives must continue to takeplace.262. The 1988 CNCCS provides a rich data base, which can beaccessed in a variety of ways. Information can be selected by: ageand gender of parent, age of child, type of child care method used,or province of residence. The survey focuses upon parents, theirwork and study patterns, child care preferences, tension issuesrelated to work and family and child care, while simultaneouslyproviding data about children (i.e. numbers of children in variouschild care arrangements, numbers of children whose parents areemployed or attend school or are not in the labour force.)3. More information about teenage mothers'^schoolparticipation is needed. Research indicates that along with otherdemographic variables, parents' education level is a stronginfluence on their children's cognitive performance (MacPhee, RameyYeates, 1984), and teenage mothers have been described as fallingbehind their childless counterparts academically. It seemsimportant then, to determine the drop-out rate of this populationin order to provide the services (i.e. subsidized child care)necessary to keep them in school.4. Providing information to policy makers can lead to betterchild care services for teenage mothers. Once in place, child carefor teenage mothers can provide more than just a safe environmentfor the children of students and working women. It can function asa 'clearing house' for information and services. It can provideparenting information and education to help young mothers makeappropriate decisions for their children. Child care settings can27also serve as comfortable places for mothers to meet and talk withother parents.The quantitative data acquired from this research will givepolicy makers access to the first nation-wide description of thispopulation. With this information at their disposal, policy makerscan establish child care services which facilitate the developmentof teenage mothers.3.3 Research ProblemThis study describes teenage mothers in Canada and their childcare arrangements, using data made available by the 1988 CNCCS.3.4 Research Questions The following research questions were included in the study,thereby setting the parameters for this descriptive investigationof teenage parent families.3.4.1 The Mothers For the purpose of this study, teenage mothers are under theage of 20 years. The questions for investigation were:A. How many Canadian mothers are teenagers and whatare their ages?B. What is the marital status of teenagemothers?C. What is their level of education?D. How many teenage mothers are attending school?E. How many teenage mothers are in the labourforce?283.4.2 The Children and Child Care The questions for investigation were:A. What are the ages of teenage mothers'children?B. What is the number of child care arrangementsused by teenage mothers?C. What is the number of hours spent in alternatechild care arrangements?D. What is the primary child care arrangement?3.4.3 Tension Issues A. What are the child care tension issues for employedteenage mothers?B. What are the child care tension issues for teenagemothers who are not in the labour force?3.5 Statistical Weighting The numbers quoted in this report are derived from theStatistics Canada statistical weights and represent populations of2,724,300 economic families and 4,658,500 children under 13 yearsof age.29CHAPTER 4 - RESULTS4.1 The Mothers 4.1.1 Ages and Population Size The sample in the 1988 CNCCS is based on an estimated2,724,300 Designated Adults' with children under 13 years of agein Canada. Approximately 18,500 (or 0.7%) designated adults weremothers under the age of twenty. The majority of those mothersunder twenty (55.8 % or 10,300) had reached their nineteenthbirthdays. In fact, 81.8% of them were between eighteen and twentyyears of age (see Table 1). Although many of these individuals hadonly recently become mothers, some had been mothers for more thanone year and there were mothers with more than one child.*** Table 1 here * * *4.1.2 Marital Status The designated adults selected for this study were women. Theywere closely split between those who were married or living commonlaw (51.2%), and those who were single (48.8%) most of whom hadnever been married (see Table 2).*** Table 2 here * * *'The designated adult is the person who is considered by thefamily to be the member most responsible for making the child carearrangements (See Glossary of Terms in Appendix A).304.1.3 Education The majority of teenage mothers (80.8%) had not completed highschool (see Table 3). Only a small percentage (1.1%) continued onto post secondary institutions. Most of the mothers (81.7%) werenot attending school (see Table 4). Although the sample size wassmall, it was noted that full-time attendance (18.3%) was morefrequent than part-time (14.1%).*** Table 3 and Table 4 here * * *4.1.4 Employment This survey discovered that 69.8% of this population were notin the labour force. Another 10.6% were in the labour force, butunemployed at the time of the survey (see Table 5). Of theremaining respondents (19.6%), there was an almost even splitbetween full-time (9.6%) and part-time (10.0%) employment. Themodal number of work hours for employed teenage mothers was 20 to29 hours during the reference week. When asked about their usual work schedules, most of the employed respondents identified 40 to49 hours per week as the amount of time normally worked, with 20 to29 hours as the second most frequent number of hours per weekworked.*** Table 5 here * * *314.2 The Children and Child Care 4.2.1 Ages There were 21,100 children in the families of the 18,500teenage mothers. While most of these mothers (86.5%) had only onechild, 12.9% had two children and only .6% had three. The majorityof their children ( 51.4% or 10,800) were under one year of age and90.1% (16,400) were two years of age or less. Although infrequent,there were children older than two years and families with morethan one child in the survey.4.2.2 Total Number of Child Care Arrangements According to the 1988 CNCCS, most children of teenage motherswere not enroled in a wide variety of child care arrangements. Thegreatest numbers of children were cared for exclusively by one orboth parents, or in one supplementary arrangement (85.6%) (seeTable 6). The majority of children (81.4% or 17,100) spent no timein paid arrangements.*** Table 6 here * * *4.2.3 Total Number of Hours in Care 43% of the children were cared for exclusively by one or bothparents, and another 25% spent fewer than ten hours each week insupplementary care. Consequently, the mean number of hours spentin non-parental care by the total population of children, was lessthan three hours per week.324.2.4 Primary Child Care Arrangements An identifiable number of mothers^(37.9%) used 'nosupplementary care arrangements,' meaning, they were theirchildren's only source of child care. However, the majority ofteenage mothers (62.1%) used some kind of supplementary child careduring the week, even though relatively few of them were employedand relatively few were attending school.While exclusive maternal care was identified for 37.9% of thechildren, care by relatives (excluding spouses) in or out of thechild's home accounted for another 30% of the primary carearrangements (see Table 7). Care by the spouse in the homeaccounted for the next most frequent kind of care (9.1%), withunlicensed non-relative care following close behind (7.9%). Daycare centres accounted for only 5.6% of the care arrangementsselected by teenage mothers.*** Table 7 here * * *4.3 Tension for Teenage Mothers Respondents to the survey were asked questions about childcare tension issues. Two separate sets of questions were devised,one for employed mothers who were using supplemental child carearrangements, and the other for mothers who were not in the labourforce and remaining at home with their children. (See Appendix Bfor specific questions.) Both groups were asked to score a seriesof issues for their stress potential, on a scale of 10, where 133meant 'no tension' and 10 signified 'a great deal of tension.'Participants were also asked to rate their overall child caretension levels. Then they were asked what factors helped toalleviate child care induced tension. In some cases mothers foundthe situations not applicable, or they did not answer questions.These 'responses' were also included in the data.There were more mothers who were not in the labour force thanemployed mothers. Responses from both groups, to the question ofoverall tension were widely distributed. Little tension (levels 1-3) was most frequently reported (by 44.8% not mothers who were notin the labour force and 48.3% employed mothers), with moderatetension (levels 4-7) being the second most frequent response fromboth groups (31.1% and 23.8% of mothers not in the labour force andemployed mothers, respectively). A great deal of tension (levels8-10) was experienced by 13.4% of employed mothers and 13.1%mothers of not in the labour force. What one might conclude fromthese results is that teenage mothers acknowledged some degree ofchild care related tension, but most of them considered theirstress to be light.When asked which of a list of factors caused child carerelated tension, significant numbers of mothers not in the labourforce maintained that the issues caused little tension, ratingtheir tension levels between 1 and 3 on a 10-point scale. (SeeAppendix B for the complete list of issues.)The issue which was most commonly found to provide little orno tension for mothers not in the labour force was "feeling that34your child is too dependent on you" (see Table 8). It was thoughtto cause little tension by 71% of the teenage mothers. Those whofound it to cause moderate tension comprised 10.5% of the group and6.4% identified it as a major cause of stress.*** Table 8 here * * *"Having the major responsibility for child rearing and care inyour family," received the next highest level of consensus (seeTable 9). Of the respondents, 61.5% (representing 7,300 teenagemothers) identified little or no stress. However, a slightlylarger percentage (14.1%) thought that it caused a great deal oftension, than viewed it as only moderately stressful (13.8%).*** Table 9 here * * *"Dealing with social attitudes that seem to value income overfull-time parenting," was also considered to cause little tensionby a significantly large number of respondents (see Table 10). Atotal of 57.7% (representing 6,800 teenage mothers) rated itbetween 1 and 3 on a scale of 10, while 18.5% found it to causemoderate tension.*** Table 10 here * * *35"Not having enough time for yourself," received the fourthhighest consensus from respondents. A total of 55% (or 6,500)teenage mothers who were not in the labour force considered thisproblem to cause little tension. Another 20.8% believed it tocause moderate tension, while for 14.6% the issue caused a greatdeal of tension (see Table 11).*** Table 11 ***Next came the issue of "feeling that your job or career isbeing hampered by family responsibilities" (see Table 12). Thereplies indicated that 53.6% (or 6,300) women said that the issuecaused little tension, while another 15.5% felt that it causedmoderate stress.*** Table 12 here * * *The issue of "feeling isolated from other adults during theday," was reported to cause little tension for 52% of therespondents, with 28.4% rating stress as moderate (see Table 10).The smallest number of respondents (9.3%) found the issue to causea great deal of tension. A significant number of teenage motherswho were not in the labour force (37.7% or 4,500) found thatisolation caused moderate to heavy stress.*** Table 13 here * * *36"Having to do without things for your children that you couldafford if you were employed," was thought to cause little tensionfor 47% (or 5,600) of teenage mothers who were not in the labourforce. The next largest group (21.8%) reported it to cause a greatdeal of stress, with 20.7% considering it to cause moderate stress.For 41.8% (or 5,000) of these mothers this problem caused moderateto heavy tension (see Table 14).*** Table 14 here * * *"Feeling concerned about finding a job at a future time,"caused little stress for 40.9% (or 4,800) of mothers not in thelabour force (see Table 15). However, 48.8% (or 5,800) found it tocause moderate to heavy stress. For 27% of the respondentsmoderate stress resulted from the issue, while another 21.8%experienced a great deal of tension.*** Table 15 here * * *Tension reduction factors for teenage mothers were alsoinvestigated in the study. Using a ten-point scale, teenagemothers not in the labour force were asked to rate five factors fortheir tension reducing qualities. The scale extended from 1,meaning no tension reduction, to 10, indicating a great deal oftension reduction.37The stress reducing factors included in the questionnairewere:1. "knowing on a first hand basis how your child spendshis/her day and being there if he/she needs or wantsyou,"2. "feeling that you are being a good parent,"3. "being able to be involved in parent groups orneighbourhood activities,"4. "not having to deal with unpleasant work situations,"and5.^"being the primary influence in your child'sdevelopment."Four of the five factors were seen to greatly reduce tensionfor significant numbers of teenage mothers who were not in thelabour force. The factor which received the highest consensus was"feeling that you are being a good parent" (see Table 16). A totalof 8,400 teenage mothers who were not in the labour force (71.2%)considered this factor to greatly reduce tension.*** Table 16 here ***"Being the primary influence in your child's development,"was the second most frequent stress reducer identified (see Table17). Of those who responded, 70.8% (or 8,400) scored this factoras greatly reducing tension. "Being there for your child," was38also considered by the majority of teenage mothers who were not inthe labour force (67.5%) to greatly reduce tension.*** Tables 17 and 18 here ***"Not having to deal with unpleasant work situations," wasconsidered to greatly reduce tension for 47.5% (or 5,600) of therespondents, while 23.2% found it to have little effect on tensionreduction and another 13.3% found it to only moderately reducechild care related tensions (see Table 19).*** Table 19 ***For 4,500 or 38.2% of teenage mothers who were not in thelabour force, "being involved in parent groups or neighbourhoodactivities" was seen to have little value as a tension reducer (seeTable 20). Another 21%, however, considered it to greatly reducetension, while 15.1% rated it as a moderately successful tensionreducer.*** Table 20 here * * *There were very few employed teenage mothers^(12.7% or2,300). Because of the small sample size, it was not possible toaccurately analyze the available data for that group. Thefollowing discussion does, however, indicate some of the tendencies39which were observed.^(See Appendix B for the complete list oftension issues surveyed.)Issues about working hours and schedules, the children's well-being while in care, feelings that the job was hampered by familyresponsibilities, employers' flexibility, inability to talk withchild or caregiver while working, concerns of care break-down, andcost of quality care did not seem to generate tension for most ofthese mothers.However, two issues received a wider range of reactions.While 43.5% of the mothers indicated that "feeling tired oroverloaded because of the job" caused little tension, 20.7% foundit to cause moderate tension and 19.5% experienced a great deal oftension. "Maintaining a balance between work demands and familyresponsibilities" caused little stress for 37.1% of the women,moderate stress for 24.7%, and heavy stress for 23.8%.The part of the survey assessing tension reducing factors foremployed mothers, called for "yes or no" answers instead of ten-point ratings. (See appendix C for the complete list of tensionreduction factors.)In order of preference, the four major stress reducers foremployed teenage mothers appeared to be: 1) "a flexible child careprovider," as identified by 80% of respondents; 2) "stable carearrangements," as reported by 78.4% of the employed teenage mothersquestioned; 3) "having someone to care for children when sick,"was important to 75.6% of the sample; and 4) "having back-up40arrangements, when regular arrangements break down," was considereda tension reducer by 69.7% of these mothers.4.4 Summary of Findings The 1988 Canadian National Child Care Study revealed thatfamilies headed by teenage mothers made up 0.7% of the totalpopulation of Canadian families with children under the age ofthirteen years, and the children of teenage mothers accounted for0.5% of the total child (under 13 years) population. Mothersbetween eighteen and twenty years of age comprised 81.8% of theteenage mother population.The marital status of teenage mothers was almost evenlydivided between married and single, with a slightly largerpercentage of the population (51.2%) married or living common law.80.8% of teenage mothers had not completed grade 12, and81.7% were not attending school. The majority of the teenagemother population (69.8%) was not in the labour force during thesurvey reference week.Most teenage mothers had one child (86.5%) and 90.1% of theirchildren were under two years of age. The children were in eitherone or no supplemental care arrangements.The largest percentage of their children (62.1%) receivedsupplementary child care. Relatives provided 30% of the care.Only 6.4% were in group day care or licensed family day care.Regarding overall tension levels, most employed Canadianteenage mothers and those who were not in the labour force reported41little or no tension, but their responses ranged from no tension toa great deal of tension.When asked about specific child care related issues, most ofthe teenage mothers who were not in the labour force found theseissues to cause little or no tension. There were three factors,which caused little tension for some, but moderate to heavy tensionfor others. These issues were feeling isolated, not having themoney to buy things for their children, and concerns about findingfuture jobs.Mothers not in the labour force identified four variableswhich were seen to greatly reduce child care related tension.These were feelings of being a good parent, having a majorinfluence on the child's development, being available to the child,and avoiding unpleasant work situations.There were relatively few employed teenage mothers in thesample surveyed, but their responses were interesting. When askedabout issues related to child care, most felt little or no tension.Two issues did receive a wider distribution of responses, however.These were balancing work and family, and feeling overloaded.Apparently part of the employed teenage mothers considered theseissues to cause moderate to heavy stress. This group alsoidentified flexible caregivers, stable care arrangements, care fortheir children when sick, and back-up child care arrangements, asvariables which greatly reduced their tension.The study revealed some important findings. For example, themajority of teenage mothers were married or living with a partner42(51.2%). A second factor identified by the study, was the largepercentage of teenage mothers who were not attending school (81.7%)in spite of the fact that only 19.1% had completed grade twelve.A third interesting factor was the large segment of this populationwho were not in the labour force (69.8%). This seems unusuallyhigh, even for mothers of young children.Although this study supports earlier research on the topic,the small number of mothers using licensed group child care (5.6%)is of interest. It would be important to know if availability andaffordability restrict the use of group care by this parent groupor if their usage patterns reflect a preference for other types ofcare. Lastly, the study found comparatively low levels of childcare tension among both employed teenage mothers and teenagemothers who were not in the work force. This did not support theU.S. research which found teenage mothers to experience high stresslevels. These and other issues related to the study will bediscussed fully in Chapter 5.43CHAPTER 5 - DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONSAccording to the CNCCS the average Canadian teenage mother isover eighteen years of age and she is likely to be married orliving with a partner. She has not completed grade twelve and sheis not presently enroled in school.She is also not in the labour force and she remains at home,looking after her child, who is under two years of age. If sheuses supplementary child care, it is only for a few hours a weekand it is likely to be provided by a relative.She claims to feel little or no tension over most child careissues, but she may experience some amount of stress over feelingsof isolation, insufficient finances to buy things for her child, orfinding future work. Factors which greatly reduce her tension are,feeling that she's a good parent, being her child's primaryinfluence, being accessible to her child, and not having to faceunpleasant work situations.This study identified a number of variables affecting theecology of the children of Canadian teenage mothers. In thefollowing sections these factors will be discussed within thecontext of the literature.5.1 The Mothers: Ages, Marital Status, Education and Employment The period of adolescence has been characterized as a timewhen the ability to think abstractly develops, and when anindividual seeks to define her own identity. With growingcognition comes increasing competence in problem solving. The44behaviour of teenagers tends to fluctuate between responsibilityand self-absorption. Developmentally, the older teens may haveacquired more of the cognitive and affective skills required ofparents than the younger ones, but even 18 and 19 year olds arelikely to feel challenged by parenthood. The CNCCS found that mostCanadian teenage mothers (81.8%) were between 18 and 20 years ofage. However, the study also identified a smaller population ofyounger teenage parents (under 18 years) worthy of further study.The majority of teenage mothers living in Canada (51.2%) werereported to be either married or living common law. This was incontrast to much of the U.S. literature, which depicted teenagemothers as single and living with their parents (Furstenberg andCrawford, 1986). It could be that the Canadian sample was olderthan many of the U.S. samples. The (U.S.) National ResearchCouncil (1987) reports that 18 and 19 year-olds are four times morelikely to marry than younger teens.The level of education of the parent is seen by manyresearchers to have significant influence on the child's cognitivedevelopment. Education also affects life-long job satisfaction andearning potential (National Research Council, 1987). Yet the CNCCSrevealed that only a minority of teenage mothers were high schoolgraduates and 81.7% were not attending school at the time of theinterview. This relatively low incidence of high school attendanceand completion supports earlier studies which found teenage mothersto have difficulties remaining in high school until graduation(Furstenberg, 1976; Furstenberg & Crawford, 1978; MacDonnell, 1981;45and Sauber & Rubinstein, 1965). Having come from a wide range ofeducational backgrounds, teenage mothers provide an interestingchallenge to schools attempting to meet the special needs andinterests of teenage mothers. More information about theirhistories, both in and out of school could help educational systemsto develop programs to encourage their continuation in school.The CNCCS found that 69.8% of Canadian teenage mothers werenot in the labour force and 10.6% were unemployed. The NationalResearch Council (1987) also reports limited work forceparticipation among this population. When comparing theirfrequency of employment with other mothers, this group is unique.One explanation for their low labour force participation is thatthese parents find coping with family life and child rearing enoughof a challenge at this point. Expanding their responsibilities toinclude outside employment while adjusting to parenthood mightoverwhelm them, and cause stress to negatively affect theirrelationships with their children.The young ages of their children might be another reason forchoosing not to be in the labour force. The mothers may plan tostay at home with their children for the first few years and thenenter the work force. Given their probable earning potential, thisdecision may not be seen as a financial sacrifice, when consideringthe costs associated with working outside the home.5.2 The Children: Ages And Child Care Usage Most of the children in the survey had no siblings and 90.1%were under two years of age. The vulnerability of children at46these young ages, suggests the need for stable and consistentparenting. The literature suggests a possibility that low levelsof cognitive and social/emotional development may occur in thechildren of teenage mothers (Phipps-Yonas, 1980). The maternalbehaviours thought to cause these outcomes are, limited interactionwith their infants, low positive affect toward their children, andlimitations in teaching abilities (Levine, Coll & Oh, 1985).Because so much of the U.S. research focuses on a low income,Black, urban population, some of the findings may not begeneralizable to Canada. Therefore, more research is needed todetermine the effects of the parenting behaviours of Canadianteenage mothers on their children's development.The majority of the children in the study were exposed to oneor no alternate child care arrangement. Furstenberg (1976)suggests that the children of teenage mothers who receivesupplementary child care perform better on the Preschool Inventorythan those children cared for exclusively by their teenage mothers.More Canadian studies are needed to compare the effects to thechild of care performed exclusively by teenage mothers withcombined maternal and supplemental child care.U.S. research identifies the limited access to child care asa major barrier for teenage mothers wishing to attend school orwork outside the home. The CNCCS found that over 43% of thechildren received no supplemental care. (Their care was providedexclusively by one or both parents.) Another 25% received non-parental care for fewer than ten hours per week. Research on the47topic of time spent in supplemental child care by the children ofteenage mothers, is presently not available for comparison.When alternate forms of child care were used, family memberswere the most frequent primary care providers. It is interestingto note that few teenage mothers used licensed child care.Licensed home and group care arrangements constituted only 6.4% oftheir total child care arrangements. Paid child care arrangementswere not used by 81.4% of this population. Miller reports similarfindings in the U.S. (1981).It is puzzling that so few teenage mothers utilize group childcare centres, since these settings can provide effectiveenvironments for their children and serve as resources for parents.Well educated caregivers working in licensed programs are equippedto provide parent education, to model appropriate child guidancebehaviours, to recognize and respond to signs of stress, and tooffer stable, age-appropriate environments to children. Furtherresearch may help to determine if their reasons for not using groupcare reflect a preference for home-settings (including caring fortheir own children at home) or if group care is too expensive orunavailable.5.3. Tension for Teenage Mothers Child care related issues which caused tension for significantnumbers of teenage mothers who were not in the labour forceincluded (1) having to do without things for children that youcould afford if you were employed, (2) feeling isolated from otheradults during the day, and (3) feeling concerned about finding a48job at a future time. Employed teenage mothers identified (1)feeling tired and overloaded because of the job, and (2)maintaining a balance between work demands and familyresponsibilities. Many of the questions asked of the employedgroup were related to their employment and the supplementary childcare used while on the job. Some questions asked only of motherswho were not in the labour force, however, might have had relevancefor employed mothers. For example, it would have been interestingto know the degree of tension felt by both sets of mothersregarding (1) not having enough time for themselves, (2) having themajor responsibility for child rearing and care of their families,and (3) feeling that their children are too dependent on them.Conversely, two of the issues asked of employed mothers couldhave been adjusted slightly and asked of both groups. Two suchissues are (1) maintaining a balance between family and other responsibilities and (2) feeling tired and overloaded. Using acommon set of tension issue questions would allow for a wider rangeof experiences to be conveyed by the mothers responding.Similarly, a common set of tension reduction factors couldinclude (1) having a spouse or partner who shares child careresponsibilities, (2) feeling that you are being a good parent, (3)being able to be involved in parent groups or neighbourhoodactivities, and (4) being the primary influence in your child'sdevelopment.The results describing tension issues in this study were quiteinteresting.^Although the literature finds teenage mothers to49experience high levels of tension (Schinke, Barth, Gilchrist &Maxwell, 1986), respondents to the CNCCS reported relatively littletension. This discrepancy might be explained in a number of ways.First, the Canadian population of teenage mothers is made upprimarily of older teens. Due to their ages and increaseddevelopmental levels, they may have had better developed copingskills than the younger teenage mothers in earlier studies.Second, the literature reports that stress revolves aroundrelationship issues, more than child care issues for teenagemothers. The CNCCS questions on this topic included primarilychild care and family issues. A future investigation of stress forthe age group could include the broader range of tension issuesidentified in the literature.Third, as discussed by Goelman and Pence (1987), gettinginformation about an individual's tension issues requires carefulprobing. It seems likely that a teenage mother's first inclinationwould be to represent herself as a mature and responsible parent,coping well with her life and feeling little tension. It mighttake additional questioning to reach a point where the respondentcould comfortably identify and share her feelings.As mentioned before, significant numbers of teenage mothersexperienced some level of stress pertaining to isolation, inabilityto buy things for their children, and finding future jobs.Similarly, Schinke, Barth, Gilchrist and Maxwell (1986) identifiedsocial isolation and lack of resources (including financialsupport) as major causes of tension for teenage mothers.505.4 Implications for Practice Addressing the issues identified in this and other studies ofteenage mothers and their children is a major priority for earlychildhood educators concerned with the care and development ofyoung children. The following discussion explains some of the waysin which the E.C.E. community, working at various ecological levelscan facilitate the growth and development of all the members ofteenage parent families. While each of the recommendationspresented in this chapter affects the child's ecological system,some suggestions have a direct influence on the parents, whileothers are specific to the child. This discussion begins with theimplications for practice of parent concerns and ends withsuggestions for children's programs.Because of concerns expressed in the literature that teenagemothers may lack the emotional and intellectual maturity to becomeeffective parents, it would seem beneficial to make parenteducation programs widely accessible throughout Canada. Theseservices could be housed in a variety of settings, including localhigh schools, public health units, day care centres, and recreationfacilities. Informal teenage parent groups offering peer supportcould also be created in association with parent educationprograms.The majority of teenage mothers in this study were married orliving with a partner, yet there are few services available forteenage fathers. It would seem appropriate to recognize their51relationships with their children and support them with communityresources.Training programs for early childhood educators could be moreresponsive to the needs of these families by including the topic ofadolescent development in the curriculum. This could be added tothe introductory course, 'Child Growth and Development,' whichfrequently includes only the preschool years, or it could beinserted into the parenting section of the infant and toddlercurriculum. Another recommendation is the inclusion of morestrategies specific to the issues of teen age parents, such ashelping the parents develop skills for coping with stress.Since relatively few teenage mothers attend school orparticipate in the labour force, it would seem useful to providefunded child care, as one means of facilitating their access toschools, job preparation programs and the labour force.The establishment of new infant and toddler programs haslagged behind the general development of day care in Canada. Thishas created problems for mothers of all ages who require childcare. The restriction in the growth of under-3 centres has beendue primarily to the higher costs associated with this type ofcare. Higher operational costs are the result of the lower adultto child ratios, smaller group sizes, and greater staff trainingdemands required to meet the developmental needs of this age group.It is difficult for most families to pay the full costs of infantand toddler care, which can range as high as $1,000 per child permonth. The gap between supply and demand for licensed under-3 care52continues to widen, as more mothers (of all ages) enter the workforce. The dilemma of too little care for all Canadian parentspoints to a need for government grants to facilitate the creationand on-going operations of under-3 centres.In addition to licensed infant and toddler care, morecomprehensive child care programs designed to meet the specificneeds of teenage parent families, are required. Goals for suchprograms include the continuation of education, delay of furtherpregnancies, promotion of employment skills, maternal and infanthealth, and life skills training (National Research Council, 1987).These programs are most effective when located on or near seniorsecondary school grounds. According to the B.C. Alliance Concernedwith Early Pregnancy and Parenthood, sixteen education basedprograms for teenage mothers have now been established in BritishColumbia and the Yukon (Kerr, 1991). These programs bring togethermany aspects of the child's ecology. For example the high schoolteacher and principal, health professionals, social workers andearly childhood educators work together with the parent to ensurethat each parent and child receives the support they need to meettheir developmental and educational goals.Since stability of care arrangements was reported by the CNCCSto reduce the tension of employed teenage mothers, it isrecommended that the issue of staff turn-over in day care centresbe addressed. Child care workers receive extremely poor salaries.If we are to keep well-educated and dedicated professionals in daycare centres, salaries must improve. Accomplishing this will53require support from both the public and private sectors, becausethe young families receiving care are not in positions to carry thefull financial burden of such costs.It is also recommended that the role of the teenage mother'sparents be acknowledged when developing support programs forteenage mothers. With families in mind, flexible communityresources could be devised to augment the services already beingprovided by the teenagers' parents. Also, the emotional andphysical stress experienced by the extended family members, as theyaccept increased child care responsibilities, should be recognizedand supported by services within the community.5.5 Recommendations for Future Research As was discussed earlier, very little research on the ecologyof teenage parenting has taken place in Canada. Merrill (1989)suggests that much of the difficulty experienced in doing this typeof research stems from the fact that the variables are difficult toclarify and isolate from other situational factors. She recommendscarefully defining the variables which include environmentalfactors, as well as those restrictions and incentives present in aperson's life, which serve to influence her behaviour. Caldwellsuggests that the research take a "continuous adjustmentperspective" to more effectively depict the adolescent as sheadjusts to parenthood and accommodates to environmental factors inher own unique and developmentally determined manner. Without adoubt, the subject is complex and future research will require manymethodologies and perspectives on the subject.54When observing the large proportions of teenage mothers whowere neither in the labour force nor in school, and the numbers ofteenage parents who used little or no alternative care, questionsarise about the availability of regular full- and part-time childcare. Interviews of teenage mothers who use no supplemental formof child care might shed more light on the factors influencingtheir decisions. Since this study found that relatives mostfrequently provided alternate child care, it would be interestingto investigate in greater detail, the relationships of teenagemothers and their mothers and the children.^It would beinteresting to determine the extent of the^grandmothers'involvement in those child rearing responsibilities which areusually associated with parenting.While little or no tension was most frequently reported byteenage mothers, overall stress levels varied enough among thispopulation to warrant further investigations of their tensionlevels and sources. U.S. research finds that stress is more likelyto be caused by relationship issues, (i.e. disagreements withparents or spouses) than child care issues for teenage mothers(Coll, Hoffman, Van Houten & Oh, 1987). Schinke, Barth, Gilchrist,and Maxwell (1986) find that the major causes of tension forteenage mothers are criticism and unsolicited advice, negativeemotions, excessive demands from others, isolation, insufficientresources (such as money), conflicts with family and friends, lackof personal control, and child care demands. It would be useful tosurvey Canadian teenage mothers or perform ethnographic research to55determine a fuller range of tension issues. Tom (in press)recommends using such methodologies as thorough interviewtechniques, life history, and diary collection and analysis todiscover each woman's experience.Further research could more closely examine the tension issueswhich received varied responses from the CNCCS respondents. Issuesrequiring further study would include feelings of isolation,inability to buy as many things for the child, future employment,balancing work and family, and fatigue and overload. Reasons forthe varying affects of these issues on mothers would also be ofinterest.Since the family is considered to be the teenage mothers'primary source of support, studies of the services provided byfamilies would help community programs to work in partnership withexisting family resources.Since over half of Canadian teenage mothers are married orliving common law, longitudinal studies to determine the longevityof these relationships and future marital patterns would be ofvalue in identifying the stability of the child's familyenvironment. Short term studies of the parenting and child careusage of both single and two parent families would also add to abetter understanding of this population. Because of the smallsample size of employed mothers, such a comparison was not possiblein this study.The research of Weizmann, Friendly, and Gonda (1983) findsthat many fathers are in contact with their children, provide child56care and financial and material support. With the number ofteenage marriages identified by the CNCCS, studies of teenagefathers' relationships with their children, child careresponsibilities, school and work patterns, and tension issues,would provide some useful information.More research is needed to determine teenage mothers'educational needs, including why they left school in the firstplace. Ethnographic studies could provide insights into theproblems they face when trying to balance parenthood and school.This in turn might lead to increased accessibility for students.Since many who had not completed grade 12 were beyond eighteenyears of age, studies could survey the educational needs of olderteens, who might feel awkward and out of place in classes withyounger students.Canada's cultural diversity should also be acknowledged.Examining cultural differences in the treatment and expectations ofteenage mothers, their parenting styles and child carearrangements, would help to identify both similarities anddifferences among Canadians.Longitudinal studies, comparing mothers who became parentsbefore twenty years of age with peers who became parents in theirtwenties and thirties, would help to determine the long-termeffects of early parenting on both parents and children. Questionssuch as the following could be asked. What are the long-termeffects of early parenting on children's cognitive development and57social adjustment?...on the educational levels completed byparents?...and on the parents' employment and financial outcomes?To better understand the diversities within the teenage parentpopulation, researchers could consider studies of the exosystems,such as local and provincial standards, policies and services andtheir influence on the lives of teenage parents.Ethnographic studies of the needs, realities and expectationsof adolescent mothers would also help researchers to betterdetermine local differences. Numerous inquiries, of tension levelsand causes, child care preferences, educational backgrounds andpresent academic needs, work patterns, future plans, parentingstyles, and marital status , throughout the country would providesome insights into the depth and breadth of this population'sheterogeneity.Lastly, while this study found that a large proportion ofthese mothers were eighteen years or more, there is a population ofyounger teenage mothers deserving detailed investigation. Thispopulation is likely to be particularly vulnerable, given itspropensity for repeat pregnancies and early school departures.As mentioned before, the CNCCS provided an interesting nation-wide descriptive survey of teenage mothers and their child carearrangements. It identified a large proportion of the populationwho had not achieved high school graduation and yet were notattending school. It found that much of their alternate child carearrangements were provided by family members, with little use beingmade of paid child care. Much more Canadian research is needed to58fully understand the ecology of the teenage parent family. Futureresearch will take a variety of perspectives and utilize a widearray of research paradigms.59REFERENCESBronfenbrenner, U. The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and design. Cambridge: Harvard University Press,1979.Cahill, M., White, J. L., Lowe, D. , & Jacobs, L. In school together. New York: Academy for Educational DevelopmentSchool and Community Services, 1987.Clapp, D. F., & Raab, R. S. Follow-up of unmarried adolescentmothers. Social Work, 1978, 23, 149-153.Coll, C. T. G., Hoffman, J., Van Houten, L. J. & Oh, W.^Thesocial ecology and early parenting of Caucasian adolescentmothers. Child Development, 1987, 58, 955-963.Crumidy, P. M., & Jacobziner, H.^A study of young unmarriedmothers who kept their babies. American Journal of Public Health, 1966, 56, 1242-1251.Furstenberg, F. F. Jr.^The social consequences of teenageparenthood. Family Planning Perspectives, 1976, 8, 148-164.Furstenberg, F. F. Jr., & Crawford, A. G.^Family support:Helping teenage mothers cope. Family Planning Perspectives,10, 322-333.Goelman, H. & Pence, A.R. Effects of child care, family, andindividual^characteristics^on^children's^languagedevelopment: The Victoria day care research project.In D. A. Phillips (Ed.), Quality in child care: What does the research tell us? Washington, D.C.: NationalAssociation for the Education of Young Children, 1987.Helm, J. M. Adolescent mothers of handicapped children: Achallenge for interventionists. Journal of the Division for Early Childhood, 1988, 12, 311-319.Kerr, M. Education based programs. Vancouver: B.C. AllianceConcerned with Early Pregnancy and Parenthood, 1991.Lamb, M. E. The ecology of adolescent pregnancy and parenthood.In A. R. Pence (Ed.), Ecological research with children and families. New York: Teachers College Press, 1988.Lero, D. S. The potential role of national surveys as a tool inunderstanding the ecology of child care.^In A. R. Pence(Ed.), Ecological research with children and families. NewYork: Teachers College Press, 1988.60Levine, L., Coll, C. T. G., & Oh, W.^Determinants of mother-infant interaction in adolescent mothers. Pediatrics, 1985,75, 23-29.MacDonnell, S.^Vulnerable mothers, vulnerable children.Halifax: Nova Scotia Department of Social Services, 1981.MacPhee, D., Ramey, C. T., & Yeates, K. 0. Home environment andearly cognitive development: Implications for intervention.In A. W. Gottfried (Ed.) Home environment and early cognitive development. New York: Academic Press, 1984.Meltzoff, A. N. The roots of social and cognitive development:Models of man's original nature. In T. Field & N. Fox(Eds.), Social perception in infants. New Jersey: Ablex,1985.Mercer, R. T., Hackley, K. C., & Bostrom, A.^Adolescentmotherhood. Journal of Adolescent Health Care, 1984, 5, 7-13.Merrill, M. A. Teenage pregnancy and parenthood education. TheSecond Handbook on Parent Education. New York: AcademicPress, 1989.Miller, S. H.^Young adolescent mothers - how they and theirchildren fare. Early Child Development, 1981, 7, 265-278.National Research Council. Risking the future: Adolescent sexuality, pregnancy, and childbearing. Washington, DC:Author, 1988.Pozsonyi, J. A longitudinal study of the unmarried mother andher child:^How they fare in the community.^London,Ontario: Family and Children's Services of London andMiddlesex, 1973.Reed, E. F. Unmarried mothers who kept their babies. Children,1965, 12, 118-119.Sachs, J.^The adaptive significance of linguistic input toprelinguistic infants.^In C. E. Snow & C. A. Ferguson(Eds.), Talking to children. London: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1977.Sauber, M. & Corrigan, E. M. The six-year experience of unwedmothers as parents. New York: Community Council of GreaterNew York, 1970.Sauber, M. & Rubinstein, E. Experiences of the unwed mother as a parent. New York: Community Council of Greater New York,1965.61Schinke, S. P., Barth, R. P., Gilchrist, L. D. & Maxwell, J. S.Adolescent mothers, stress, and prevention. Journal of Human Stress, 1986, 12, 162-167.Snow, C. E. Mothers' speech research from input to interaction.In C. E. Snow & C. A. Ferguson (Eds.), Talking to children.London: Cambridge University Press, 1977.Statistics Canada. The 1988 national child care survey information manual. Ottawa: Author, 1988.Stern, D. N., Hofer, L., Haft, W., & Dore, J. Affect attunement:The sharing of feeling states between mother and infant bymeans of intermodel fluency. In T. Field & N. Fox (Eds.),Social perception in infants. New Jersey: Ablex, 1985.Tom, A. R.(in press), Women's lives complete: Methodologicalconcerns in the study of women's work. In B. Long & S.Kahn^(Eds.),^Coping working women: An integration.Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.Trevarthen, C.^Foundations of intersubjectivity.^In D. Olson(Ed.), The social foundation of language and thought. NewYork: Norton, 1980.Washington Alliance Concerned with School Age Parents. Network news. Seattle, Washington: Author, 1988.Weizmann, F., Friendly, M., & Gonda, G. The montrose project: A comparative evaluation of a day-care centre for the children of adolescent mothers.^Toronto: The Centre forUrban and Community Studies, 1983.Wise, S., & Grossman, F. K.^Adolescent mothers and theirinfants:^Psychological factors in early attachment andinteraction. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 1980, 50,454-468.Wright, H. R. 80 Unmarried mothers who kept their babies. Stateof California Department of Social Welfare, and Children'sHome Society of California, Los Angeles County Bureau ofAdoptions, 1965.62APPENDIXESA. GLOSSARY OF TERMSB. SELECTED QUESTIONS FROM THE 1988 NATIONAL CHILD CARE SURVEY 1. Questions About Child Care Usage2. Child Care Tension Issues for Non-Working DesignatedAdults3. Child Care Tension Issues for Working Designated Adults4. Tension Reducing Factors for Working Designated AdultsC. RESEARCH TABLES63APPENDIX AGLOSSARY OF TERMS1. Designated Adults (DA) This is the person who is the most responsible for making thechild care arrangements for the children in the economic family.In most cases this will be the female parent of the children. Ifthere are two parents and they make the child care arrangementsjointly and equally, the female parent would be selected as the DA.In single-parent families, the DA will be the parent or guardian(CNCCS Information Manual,1988, p. 12)2. Employed An employed person is one who, during the reference week, didany work at all, or who had a job but was not at work due to ownillness or disability, personal or family responsibilities, badweather, labour dispute, vacation, or other reason (excluding lay-off or hired but waiting to commence a job). A women (sic) onmaternity leave who did not work in the reference week isconsidered employed (CNCCS Introductory Report).3. Not in the Labour Force Those persons in the civilian non-institutional population 15years of age and over who, during the reference week, were neitheremployed nor unemployed (CNCCS Introductory Report).4. Unemployed An unemployed person is one who, during the reference week:(a) was without work, had actively looked for work in the64past four weeks (ending with the reference week), andwas available for work.(b) had not actively looked for work in the past four weeksbut had been on lay-off and was available for work.Persons are classified as being on lay-off only whenthey expect to return to the job from which they werelaid off.(c) had not actively looked for work in the past four weeksbut had a new job to start in four weeks or less fromthe reference week, and was available for work (CNCCSIntroductory Report).65APPENDIX B1. QUESTIONS ABOUT CHILD CARE USAGE1. During the week of ^did any of your children attendkindergarten, nursery school, play group or part-day earlychildhood program other than a day care centre? (F1)...spend any time in a day care centre? (H1)...spend any time in the care of a relative, a neighbour, ababysitter, or a nanny? Please do not include care given by yourspouse or an older brother or sister of the child who lives in yourhome. (I1)...spend any time with you while you were working at a job orbusiness? (J1)...spend any time with your spouse/partner while he/she was workingat a job or business while you were working or studying? (K2)...spend any time at home in the care of your spouse or partnerwhile you were working at a job or while you were studying...? (L2)2. In total for how many hours was^there during the week of^?- kindergarten, nursery school (F13)- day care centre (H13)- care by relative/non-relative (I14)- designated adult while working (J12)- care by spouse while working (K12)- care in own home by spouse (L12)3.^Which of the methods of child care you told me about for doyou consider to be the main method of care you used for him/her theweek of^ to allow you to work or study?66- Care in a pre/junior kindergarten program or nurseryschool program...- Care in a day care centre...- Care in a before or after school program...- Care in someone else's home by a non-relative...- Care in someone else's home by a relative...- Care in own home by a non-relative...- Care in own home by spouse...- Care by spouse while working...- Care by designated adult while working...- Care in own home by brother or sister...- Care in own home by other relative...- Child in his/her own care...- Did not use care arrangement during reference... (Q2)(CNCCS, 1988, pp. 14, 22, 26, 44, 46, 48 & 58)67APPENDIX B2. CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUES FOR NON-WORKING DESIGNATED ADULTSR2. Juggling homemaking responsibilities and your own needs withchildren's schedules and other aspects of family life can be adifficult task. Current social attitudes towards employment canalso be a source of tension for parents who are not working at ajob for pay. Given your current at home responsibilities, pleaseindicate how much tension or discomfort you feel about each of thefollowing. Please use a scale of 1 to 10 where 1 means no tensionand 10 means a great deal of tension.A. Not having enough time for yourself...B. Having to do without things for your children that youcould afford if you were employed...C. Having the major responsibility for child rearing andcare in your family...D. Feeling isolated from other adults during the day...E. Dealing with social attitudes that seem to value incomeover full-time parenting...F. Feeling concerned about finding a job at a future time.G. Feeling that your job or career is being hampered byfamily responsibilities...H. Feeling that your child(ren) is(are) too dependent onyou...(CNCCS,1988, p. 79)68APPENDIX B3. CHILD CARE TENSION ISSUES FOR WORKING DESIGNATED ADULTSP2. Juggling work, family and child care responsibilities cansometimes be a difficult task. Some factors can create tension forparents, while others can reduce tension. Given your current workand child care arrangements, I would like to know how much tensionor discomfort you generally feel about each of the followingissues. Please tell me on a scale of 1 to 10 how much tension eachfactor causes you, as you juggle work, family and child care with1 meaning no tension and a 10 a great deal of tension.A. The total number of hours you are working each week...B. Your work schedule...C. The total number of hours your spouse or partner isworking...D. Your spouse's/partner's work schedule...E. Concerns about your child's safety and well-being whileyou are at work...F. Maintaining a balance between work demands and familyresponsibilities...G. Getting to work on time when dropping off your child athis/her daycare setting or picking him/her up on time..H. Feeling that your job or career is being hampered byfamily responsibilities...I.^The extent to which you feel your employer/worksituation is inflexible or uncaring about your role asa parent...69J. Working out arrangements with your spouse or partnerover who will pick up and drop off your child...K. Not being able to talk to your child or caregiver whileyou are at work...L. Worrying that your caregiver or care arrangement maybreak down or not be available for much longer...M. Scheduling child care with your spouse or partner sothat one of you is generally available to be with yourchild...N.^Managing the costs of high quality care...0.^Feeling tired or overloaded because of your job...(CNCCS, 1988, p. 56)70APPENDIX B4. TENSION REDUCING FACTORS FOR WORKING DESIGNATED ADULTSP5. In your current situation, do any of the following factorshelp the tension or discomfort you might otherwise feel?A. Having a child care provider or arrangement that isflexible and can accommodate your needs...B. Feeling fulfilled because you are working...C. Having a child care provider or arrangement that offersyou support or advice...D. Having a backup arrangement you can use if your regularchild care arrangement breaks down...E. Having a spouse or partner who shares child careresponsibilities...F. Having older children help out with family and childcare responsibilities...G. Having a stable arrangement for your child(ren) thatyou feel good about...H. Having a child care provider who does lighthousekeeping and other chores for you...I. Having a child care provider/arrangement who can carefor your child(ren) when your child(ren) is/are sick...J. Having an employer or supervisor who is supportive ofyou in your role as a parent...(CNCCS, 1988, p. 57)71APPENDIX CRESEARCH TABLES72TABLE 1AGE OF DA ON LAST BIRTHDAYAge^ Frequency^Percent 15-16 q^800 4.417 q 2,600^13.818^ 4,800 26.019 10,300 55.8Total^ 18,500^100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.73TABLE 2Marital Status of DAMarital Status Frequency PercentNow Married/Common Law 9,500 51.2Single/NeverMarried 8,900 48.1Separated/Divorced q^100 .7Total 18,500 100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.74TABLE 3Years of EducationYears of Education^ Frequency^Percent 1 to 8 Yrs q 2,300 12.59 to 11 Yrs 12,600^68.312 to 13 Yrs^q 3,500 19.1Total 18,500 *^100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.*^Numbers may not add, due to rounding.75TABLE 4Attending SchoolAttending School^Frequency^Percent Yes^ q 3,400 18.3No 15,100^81.7Total^18,500^100.0q=^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.76TABLE 5Labour Force StatusLabour Force Status^ Frequency^Percent Employed q 3,600 19.6Unemployed q 2,000^10.6Not in Labour Force^12,900 69.8Total^ 18,500^100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.77TABLE 6Total Numbers of Non-Parental Child Care ArrangementsNumbers of Arrangements^Frequency^Percent 0^ 9,100 43.41 8,900 42.22 or more^ q 3,000^14.4Total 21,100 *^100.0q:^Frequencies under 6,000 have high sampling variability.Numbers may not add, due to rounding.78TABLE 7Primary Child Care ArrangementsCare Arrangement Frequency PercentNo Arrangement 8,000 37.9Daycare Centre q^1,200 5.6Non-Relative in Home q^1,100 5.2Relative not in Home q^3,200 15.1Relative in Home q^3,100 14.9Non-Relative not inHome/Not Licensed q^1,500 7.1Spouse in Home q^1,900 9.1Other ** q^1,100 5.2Total 21,100 100.0q:^Frequencies under 6,000 have high sampling variability.* *^Forms of child care included in 'other' are kindergarten/nursery, non-relatives in licensed settings and child inschool.79TABLE 8Child Care Tension Issues forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Children too Dependent Level of Tension^Frequency^Percent 0^Not Applicable^q^200 1.51-3 Little 8,400^71.04-7 Moderate^q 1,300 10.58-10 A Great Deal^q^800 6.4No Answer Given q 1,200^10.5Total^ 11,800 *^100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.*^Numbers may not add, due to rounding.80TABLE 9Child Care Tension Issues forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Major Responsibility for Family Care Tension Level^Frequency^Percent 0^Not Applicable^q^100 .81-3 Little 7,300^61.54-7 Moderate^q 1,600 13.88-10 A Great Deal^q 1,700 14.1No Answer Given q 1,200 9.7Total^11,800 *^100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.*^Numbers may not add, due to rounding.81TABLE 10Child Care Tension Issues forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Social Attitudes Toward Full-Time ParentingTension Level 1-3 Little4-7 Moderate8-10 A Great DealNo Answer GivenFrequency^Percent 6,800 57.7q 2,200^18.5q 1,600 13.6q 1,200 10.2q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sample variability.82TABLE 11Child Care Tension Issues forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Not Enough Time For Self Tension Level ^Frequency^ Percent 1-3 Little4-7 Moderate8-10 A Great DealNo Answer GivenTotal6,500 55.0q 2,500 20.8q 1,700^ 14.6q 1,200 9.711,800 *^ 100.00q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.*^Numbers may not add, due to sampling.83TABLE 12Child Care Tension Issues forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Family Hampers Career Tension Level Frequency Percent0^Not Applicable q^1,500 12.81-3^Little 6,300 53.64-7^Moderate q^1,800 15.58-10 A Great Deal q^900 7.9No Answer Given q^1,200 10.2Total 11,800 100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.*^Numbers may not add, due to rounding.84TABLE 13Child Care Tension Issue forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Feeling Isolated Tension Level 1-3 Little4-7 Moderate8-10 A Great DealNo Answer GivenTotalFrequency^Percent 6,200 52.0q 3,400^28.4q 1,100 9.3q 1,200 10.211,800 *^100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.*^Numbers may not add, due to rounding.85TABLE 14Child Care Tension Issue forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Less Able To Purchase Things for the ChildTension Level^Frecfuencv^Percent 0^Not Applicable^q^100 .81-3 Little 5,600^47.04-7 Moderate^q 2,400 20.78-10 A Great Deal^q 2,600 21.8No Answer Given q 1,200 9.7Total^11,800 *^100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,00 have high sampling variability.*^Numbers may not add, due to rounding.86TABLE 15Child Care Tension Issue forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Future Job Search Tension Level Frequency Percent1-3^Little 4,800 40.94-7^Moderate q^3,200 27.08-10 A Great Deal q^2,600 21.8No Answer Given q^1,200 10.2Total 11,800 100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.87TABLE 16Tension Reducing Factor forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Being a Good Parent TensionFrequency PercentReduction Levels1-3^Little q^1,000 8.44-7^Moderate q^1,200 10.28-10 A Great Deal 8,400 71.2No Answer Given 1,200 10.2Total 11,800 100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.88TABLE 17Tension Reducing Factor forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Being the Primary Influence on the ChildTension Reduction Level Frequency^Percent 1-3 Little4-7 Moderate8-10 A Great DealNo Answer Givenq 1,000 8.1q 1,300^10.88,400 70.8q 1,200 10.2Total 11,800 *^100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.Numbers may not add, due to rounding.89TABLE 18Tension Reducing Factor forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Being There for the Child TensionFrequency PercentReduction Levels1-3^Little q^1,200 10.24-7^Moderate q^1,400 12.18-10 A Great Deal 8,000 67.5No Answer Given 1,200 10.2Total 11,800 100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.90TABLE 19Tension Reducing Factor forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:No Unpleasant Work Situations TensionFrequency PercentReduction Levels0^Not Applicable q^700 5.61-3^Little q^2,700 23.24-7^Moderate q^1,600 13.38-10 A Great Deal 5,600 47.5No Answer Given q^1,200 10.2Total 11,800 100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.91TABLE 20Tension Reducing Factor forTeenage Mothers Not in the Labour Force:Parent/Neighbourhood Groups TensionFrequency PercentReduction Level0^Not Applicable q^1,800 15.41-3^Little 4,500 38.24-7^Moderate q^1,800 15.18-10 A Great Deal q^2,500 21.0No Answer Given q^1,200 10.2Total 11,800 100.0q:^Frequencies under 4,000 have high sampling variability.


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