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An investigation of variables influencing the experience of unemployment for blue collar and white collar… Feesey, Terrence James 1987

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AN INVESTIGATION OF VARIABLES INFLUENCING THE EXPERIENCE OF UNEMPLOYMENT FOR BLUE COLLAR AND WHITE COLLAR WORKERS by TERRENCE JAMES FEESEY B.A., UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Counselling Psychology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1987 © Terrence James Feesey In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at The University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Counselling Psychology The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, British Columbia Canada, V6T 1Y3 Date: September 1987 ii Abstract This study was designed to probe the experience of white collar unemployment. Some research results suggest that white collar people have an easier time with unemployment than do blue collar people while other findings suggest the contrary. A questionnaire format instrument was designed to record self-reported changes of an affective and behavioural nature in a sample of 66 white collar and 24 blue collar unemployed adults. It was hypothesized that on the whole, the blue collar sample would report a more difficult response to unemployment than the white collar sample. It was further hypothesized that after an unspecified period of time the unemployed white collar sample would become passive and depressed. Twelve variables focusing on learned helplessness, self-esteem, depression, locus of control, social interaction, time structure, personal meaning and perceived measures of health and finances were recorded and intercorrelated in this relationship study. Correlation matrices were constructed for the general sample, the white collar and the blue collar sub-samples. Reliability and validity coefficients of the instrument were calculated on each variable and were found to be acceptable for the purpose of this study. iii The relationships among the variables supported the notion that generally, the people in the blue collar unemployed sample experienced more difficulty with unemployment than did those people in the white collar sample. The white collar sample subjects did not, however, show a significant disposition toward passivity and depression as a function of time. Instead, the data suggested the presence of a second white collar subgroup who appeared to be experiencing great personal difficulties regardless of the duration of their unemployment. It was suggested that the appearance of a bi-modal white collar sample was the result of the sampling technique, and further that these results may reflect the state of the real world. This position is offered as a possible justification for the contradictory white collar unemployment findings in the past. iv Table of Contents Abstract ii Table of Contents iv List of Tables vi List of Appendices vii Acknowledgement viii Introduction 1 Purpose of the Study 4 Overview of the Study 5 8 8 10 11 12 13 15 16 17 Methodology 24 Research Design 24 Sample 25 Sampling Procedure 26 Pilot Study 27 Instrument 28 Reliability and Validity 28 Results 36 Passivity 36 Locus of Control 36 Self-Esteem 37 Social 37 Financial Stress 38 Structure 39 Meaning 40 Community, Structure, Meaning 41 Literature Review Learned Helplessness Self-Esteem Personal Constructs Community Structure Meaning Associated Correlates Hypotheses V Discussion and Implications 47 Financial 47 Community 48 Structure 50 Meaning 51 White Collar Unemployment 51 Limitations of the Study 54 Counselling Implications 55 Implications for Future Research 57 References 59 Appendices 65 vi List of Tables 1. Summary of Hypothetical Correlations 23 2. Summary of Results 43 3. Correlations among Community, Structure and Meaning (H16) Variables by Personal Variable List 44 4. Pearson Product-Moment Correlational Coefficient Matrix General Sample Population 45 5. Pearson Product-Moment Correlational Coefficients Blue Collar/White Collar Sample Populations 46 Appendices Experience of Unemployment Attitude Survey - 1st Edition Experience of Unemployment Attitude Survey - 2nd Edition Acknowledgement First, I would like to acknowledge Dr. Norman Amundson and Dr. Robert Conry for their direction and criticisms on the countless drafts of this document. Second, I would like to express my appreciation to Dr. William Borgen. His capabilities as critic, instructor and mentor are unparalleled in my experience. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to my wife, Johanna, who, with her characteristic humour, patience and perseverence typed, edited, retyped, offered constructive criticism, retyped, motivated me, retyped and kept the whole thing on the tracks -1 love you. Chapter 1 Introduction When a person's source of livelihood has been removed, many researchers have found that although everyone differs in the specific details of the experience, fairly consistent patterns emerge for groups of people who have generally similar employment histories. One group of people with similar histories to receive little attention of either an academic or practical nature is the professional, managerial and technical group. Within the employment and unemployment literature, this group is often identified as the white collar worker. The unemployed white collar worker begins the experience of unemployment with a host of different circumstances when compared with the blue collar person. The white collar individual is, as a rule, an expert in a rather narrow field. Whether this expertise has been acquired through education or hands on experience and informal training is secondary to the fact that they had an employment focus, a professional self image and a wage which reflected their devotion to a particular field. The position taken in this thesis is that people who have had a career perception of themselves as professional, technical or managerial may differ in their reactions to unemployment when they are compared with the less occupationally specific blue collar people. Need for the Study Past studies often suggest a difference in experience of unemployment between the white collar and the blue collar groups. But an agreement on the differences between these two groups of unemployed 1 2 people is usually lacking. Some research findings suggest that the white collar person experiences unemployment as more difficult than the blue collar person, as in Goodchilds and Smith's (1963) study where it was found "that unemployment is more debilitating the higher the status level" (p.292). Further studies suggest that there are no differences between the two groups. Payne, Warr and Hartley (1984) offer that "there is no evidence for differential psychological morbidity between unemployed members of the two social classes" (p.169), while Dyer (1973) concludes that "the 'older worker problem' may be similar among both white collar and blue collar workers (p.45). Yet further studies on class differences of the unemployed suggest that the blue collar worker experiences the most difficulty with unemployment. For example, Hepworth (1980) states that "semi skilled and unskilled men, for whatever reasons, seem the most likely to have an extremely unpleasant experience of unemployment" (p.145). Little (1976) notes that "an unexpectedly high proportion ,of unemployed technical/professional people, apparently are able to view job loss positively (p.272). The research to date leaves an ambiguous understanding of the experience of unemployment for the white collar worker. These findings, however, may be tied together if a wider spectrum of variables are accounted for. That is, a close focus on any one dimension of unemployment may not be adequate to define a trend in experience within any one group. For example, examining psychological reaction to 3 unemployment without looking at the perceived financial stress dimension (Hepworth, 1980) may not be sensitive enough to differentiate between those white collar workers who have great difficulty with unemployment from those who do not. Indeed, Hartley (1980) investigating managerial self-esteem change with unemployment concludes, "that the concept of unemployment and the presumed responses of those experiencing unemployment are more complex and varied than previously described" (p. 153). Thus, including a greater number of psychological, social and environmental factors in a comprehensive group of measures may clarify some of these ambiguities. There are some commonalities in the literature which shed a modest light on the unemployment experience of the white collar worker and will be used as a jumping off point for this study. First, much of the literature describing the psychological experience of unemployment mentions a period of "hopelessness" (Fortin, 1984) or "helplessness" (Jahoda, 1979; Powell and Driscoll, 1973). Indeed, most researchers of long term unemployment find that an individual usually passes through a period of passivity and loss of personal motivation where it appears he or she no longer perceives personal control over the future (Finley and Lee, 1981; Hepworth, 1980). These characteristics appear to coincide with Seligman's (1975) model of learned helplessness. Briefly, learned helplessness is characterized by a lack of initiation of behaviours which will relieve a noxious stimulant (i.e. 4 passivity). Furthermore, there is a tendency for this passivity to pervade other realms of the individual's life which may have nothing to do with the original negative experience. Thus, with respect to the unemployment experience, he or she may remain unmotivated in not only the job search process, but in many, if not most, of the other realms of his or her life. As noted, some researchers believe white collar people experience job loss as more traumatic than do blue collar workers, while others have found contrary evidence. Also, while unemployment is characteristically a negative experience, a host of researchers have found that many white collar people experience unemployment as positive or at the very least, not negative (Fineman, 1979; Hartley, 1980; Little, 1976; Thomas, McCabe and Berry, 1980). Paradoxically, therefore, the assumption that unemployment is a negative experience must be discarded in the light of the positive reports from these researchers. However, the ambiguity noted above suggests that the experience of unemployment is indeed negative for at least some of the people in this group. Clearly, there is a need to explore the experience of white collar unemployment and present a statement of justification for these seemingly contradictory positions. Purpose of the Study The general purpose of this study was to further knowledge concerning the experience of white collar unemployment as the research to 5 date has left few, if any definitive statements in the literature. The purpose of exploring white collar unemployment was to be accomplished via three objectives. The first objective was to construct an instrument which would measure an individual's personal, social and behavioural responses to the experience of unemployment. The instrument was designed to examine these responses from a broad base, probing as many psychological variables as the literature had linked with unemployment. The second objective was to investigate whether a difference existed between the white collar unemployed sample and the blue collar unemployed sample. As noted above, some past research supported the notion that white collar people experience more hardship during unemployment than the blue collar population while other research supported the contrary. This second objective was to clarify this ambiguity through the application of the above mentioned instrument. Finally, the third objective was to establish a comprehensive description of the experience of unemployment for the white collar sample and, if possible, to present a rationale for the contradictory findings noted above. Overview of the Study The central question which guided this thesis was, why do some white collar people find the experience of unemployment gratifying and very positive while other people of the same social group experience unemployment as so negative that they may take their own lives? 6 To address this question, the review of literature focused mainly on some basic models of human functioning and how they may be related to unemployment. That is, the concepts of helplessness, self-esteem, social interaction, personal structure and current life meaning were discussed as they were affected by unemployment. The contemporary studies of the experience of unemployment for the white collar class were too few to build a comprehensive discussion upon. They were, however, cited as they related with the models of human functioning noted above. The hypotheses statements were developed from the synthesis of the reported studies and the models of human functioning. The review of literature led to the development of a series of variables which were related to the experience of unemployment. A relationship-correlational study was developed which examined the link among these variables. As the set of variables taken as a whole was novel to the research on unemployment, an instrument probing a subject's response to each variable was developed. The instrument involved the subject responding to a questionnaire which contained nine basic constructs, three of which were divided into two parts for greater clarification. Thus, the instrument left the researcher with a set of 12 scores which were indicative of current subject functioning. Each score had the appropriate reliability and validity scores calculated and these proved to be adequate for use in this study. Further, a set of biodemographic scores were included among the correlations. 7 Following a small pilot study, the instrument was administered to 90 people, 66 of whom were classified as white collar while the balance were blue collar. The responses were computer coded and statistical procedures were performed which gave three Pearson product-moment correlational coefficient matrices -one each for the general sample, the white collar sample population and the blue collar sample. The resulting correlations were then described as per each hypothesis. Chapter 2 Review of Literature Learned Helplessness Originally, learned helplessness was a term coined by animal learning researchers (Overmier and Seligman, 1967; Seligman and Maier, 1967) who found that dogs, when exposed to an unavoidable shock, would show three classifications of enduring deficits: Emotional; Cognitive; Motivational. Emotionally, the dogs displayed no overt emotional reaction to the electrical shock they were experiencing, but remained passive throughout the stimulation period. Cognitively, they failed to gain from the times when they successfully responded and terminated the shock as they failed to repeat the same process to terminate the shock a second time. Motivationally, they tried very little to escape from the shock. Seligman, Maier and Soloman (1971) suggest that during the first set of shocks the dogs learned that the electrical shocks they experienced were not related to their responses. That is, after the shock began, the shock continued regardless of what the dog did or did not do. A response-outcome independence relationship was established which would generalize to new situations and produce the described deficits. In humans, the helplessness phenomenon occurs when an individual is presented with a difficult or insurmountable situation, which may occur either through an experimental manipulation (Hirito, 1974) or through a naturalistic field setting such as a school (Dweck, 1975). The learning process takes place as the individual tries to change the difficult situation and discovers that his or her manipulations have no affect on the problem. 8 9 Again, as in the animal studies noted above, a response-outcome independence relationship is established. When this has occurred, the individual may simply stop trying to affect a change and begin to passively tolerate the continuing seemingly uncontrollable aversive stimulation without further attempts at either control or avoidance. Further, and of most significance, when an individual becomes helpless, he or she may carry this passive attitude into situations hitherto unassociated with the particular area of uncontrollability. That is, the individual may become generally passive - cognitively, behaviourally and affectively. Control over either oneself or the environment is no longer in his or her hands. This loss of personal motivation is observed by virtually every researcher who examines the emotional process of unemployment (Forin, 1984; Fineman, 1979; Finley and Lee, 1981; Jones, 1979; Powell, 1973). In the final phase of unemployment, Hill (1978) notes that an "active search for work ceases or takes place at a lower level. The individual adjusts to a domestic or economic routine consistent with chronic unemployment, and develops various psychological defences" (p. 119). Finley and Lee (1981) observe that after a period of time, the individual will "become depressed and withdraw from others" (p.383). While Fortin (1984) concludes that slowly, over time, emotions stabilize.... The job search is virtually abandoned. The jobless person has lost the feeling of having control over his professional life. On top of this, there is the conviction that he can change nothing in his material situation. He has adopted a new way of life (p. 7). 10 These observations seem to have much in common with the state of learned helplessness where Seligman (1975) writes "the individual is slow to initiate responses, believes himself to be powerless and hopeless and sees his future as bleak" (p.81). The similarities between Seligman's (1975) theoretical perspective of learned helplessness and the many observations of passivity and loss of perceived personal control in the contemporary unemployment studies leads to the notion that the long term unemployed person is experiencing learned helplessness. Thus, part of this project was to establish whether or not this presumption is warranted. Self Esteem Closely related to learned helplessness is the construct of self esteem. Self esteem is a term given to the attitude one has of one's self. How content an individual is with his or her self is basically the measure of an individual's self esteem. Bachman and O'Malley (1977) report that by the time a person reaches adulthood, his or her sense of self esteem is very well established and even occupational failures and successes have very little effect over its change. Much more salient in nature to this particular study, however, is the issue of total occupational loss. With occupational severence comes a host of social, financial and personal ramifications. Sagal and DeBlassie comment on the personal importance of work, 11 for most men, professional excellence and earning power are woven into their interactions with people and the way they view themselves. It is our contention that self-concept and self-esteem are very much founded in a man's ability to hold a job and earn a good living for his family (p.37). Complete loss of occupational status according to Cohn (1978), leads to a greater sense of dissatisfaction with self. Further, Cohn suggests that the effect of job loss on the degree of loss of self esteem is further mediated by social, personal importance of the change and the individual's reasons or causes for the job loss. This points directly to the need to examine the mediating variables when job loss occurs. Self esteem may be affected by educational level (Cohn, 1978), perceived financial strain (Payne, Warr, Hartley, 1984), locus of control (Bachman and O'Malley, 1977) or a host of others such as the social community involvement of the person, or the capability of the person to maintain a daily structure of the personal meaning an individual ascribes to their circumstances. These and other dimensions such as sex, time unemployed and marital status were examined for intercorrelations and their effect on the individual's self esteem. Personal Constructs As individuals, we need a purpose and direction through life in general, and during periods of personal crisis in particular. Toffler (1981) 12 proposes that a person needs to fulfill three basic requirements to maintain psychological stability: Community, Structure and Meaning. These dimensions, when their associated needs are fulfilled, allow an individual to progress through life with a minimum of stress and strain and a maximum of social belonging, personal satisfaction and individual growth. The concepts of community, structure and meaning, and how they interface with an individual's experience of unemployment, will be discussed in turn. Community Community is the dimension of social belonging. This belonging may manifest itself in family relationships, community organizations or perhaps recreational activities. The most pervasive community with which virtually everyone who works belongs, is the workplace environment. That one dimension, the workplace, literally defines who a person is in society and offers an individual a social milieu within which he or she may interact. Toffler (1981) states that "community offsets lonliness. It gives people a vitally necessary sense of belonging" (p. 367) while conversely, Hill (1978) finds that, "a major effect of unemployment is that it tends to be socially isolating" (p.19). The importance of the work milieu to an individual's sense of community is particularly evident when it vanishes through unemployment. The individual who turns to his family and receives support from that corner, fares better than those who do not (Payne, Warr and Hartley, 13 1984). That is, when one's sense of community, or belonging to a close group, can be maintained, the process of living may continue relatively unscathed. Both psychologically, and physiologically Kasl, Gore and Cobb (1975) and Kabanoff (1982) suggest that people who believe that their close friends or families are not concerned about them in their experience of unemployment find the most difficulty in day-to-day functioning. Taken further, Fineman (1979) finds that people with a decidedly negative family environment suffer from even greater stress than those who have simply nowhere to turn. If these observations hold true, people with strong family ties or close friendship involvement, and people who interact in community activities, should experience unemployment as less negative when compared with those who have no such involvement. Secondly, those who are experiencing a family or relationship breakdown will be experiencing a marked downturn in their perceived physical and psychological well being. Structure Structure is a central point in this conceptual trilogy. Without it, Toffler (1981) believes that life becomes aimless, goals become muddled and unclear, one's existence becomes meaningless - in short, one's objective experience of reality takes on a drastic, empty perspective. Particular to employment, Toffler (1981) writes, structure provides the relatively fixed points of reference we need. That is why, for many people, a job is crucial psychologically, over and above the pay cheque. By making clear demands on their time and energy, it provides an element of structure around which the rest of their lives can be organized (p.373). 14 As job loss occurs and progresses over the months, it is hardly surprising to see the individual lose his sense of belonging with the work-a-day structure of life, and slide toward a goalless, unstructured, meaningless existence. Indeed, this notion is supported by Jones (1979) who states that following one's job loss, "the need for security, self-direction, purpose and future which were being fulfilled in the former job , may result in considerable turmoil" (p.196). Hill (1978) points to the need for structure, as he notes, "the various ill-effects of job loss are much less severe if a period of unemployment can be used constructively" (p. 19). The constructive use of undirected time is clearly a stepping stone to a less traumatic period of unemployment. However, a social class difference has begun to emerge which suggests that the higher socio-economic level of the individual, the more capable he or she is of filling time with structure. Payne, Warr and Hartley (1984) note that working class men find it more difficult to keep from being bored and, "have higher scores on a number of variables which are directly or indirectly concerned with problems that stem from filling time and organizing their lives" (p. 170). Little (1976) notes that professional and technical people appear to have no problem filling their idle time with personally meaningful activities. Swinburne (1981) who suggests that structure is closely linked with mental alertness, psychological stability and a goal orientation, concludes that the blue collar worker will find unemployment more difficult than the white collar worker because of the latter's ability to structure his or her own time - a skill learned in the previous, white collar job. 15 The ability to maintain a regular structure on one's daily, weekly and monthly activities should manifest itself in the individual's ability to progress successfully through their period of unemployment. Meaning Personal meaning, as Toffler (1981) sees it, is the ability of allowing the commitment to an end goal, which emphasises a sense of community, to force a structure on one's life. Conceptually, he is referring to the organization of one's life by putting a value on a social structure. Frankl (1963) however, tends to view personal meaning from a more individual and intrinsic vantage point. His view of meaning stresses the importance of looking within one's self for strength and purpose, although he does see an external goal as a guiding force around which the structure of existence and the internal meaning of living may be built. The concept of meaning and its importance to the realm of people's vocation has been said to be central to one's existence. Standley (1971), when reviewing Kirekegaard's ideas on the importance of work, writes that Kirekegaard discusses a life without purpose, "here is a life lived at the level of mere indulgence of feelings, a floundering. The first step to remedy this is to set oneself some purpose in life and live by it. A man's choice of vocation is one way of commiting himself..." (p.121). However, while this classic notion of acquiring personal meaning from an emersion in one's work is still a viable argument, some contemporary investigations come to the conclusion that the meaning of work has shifted for many people. 16 In researching the adaptation to unemployment within the technical-professional stratum, Little (1976) notes that "the mere fact of being well educated increases the chances that job loss can be viewed by the unemployed man as an opportunity..." (p.272). Thus, the job itself may be lost, yet the career may be enhanced as a direct result - but this sentiment appears to be particular to the professional technical and managerial person. Hepworth (1980) reinforces these findings and adds, "unemployed men who could fill their time meaningfully enjoyed better mental health" (p.145). It appears that the upper socio-economic status (S.E.S.) unemployed person may stress the meaning of career fulfillment (thus finding meaning in their period of unemployment) while the lower S.E.S. people may find only loss and financial hardship (perceiving no constructive meaning from the experience). Associated Correlates As has been described above, socio-economic status appears to bear upon the individual's perception of unemployment. In addition to this naturally occurring variable are many others which must be considered when examining the individual's experience of unemployment. Parsons, Giffore and LaMore (1983) and Payne, Warr and Hartley (1984) identify a number of factors which appear to mediate the effects of unemployment on psychological ill health. Perceived level of financial strain affected the working class people more so than the middle class group. As this may have a bearing on one's ability to perceive positive opportunity with job loss, perceived financial strain will be examined in this study. Payne et al (1984) found working class people feel 17 more externally controlled. Age and marital status were matched in this study with the suspicion of researchers that the responsibilities of having dependent children may have masked a stronger social class difference. Therefore, the dimension marital status will also be examined with the expectation that people without dependents will show greater social class difference. Warr and Jackson (1984) find a relationship between length of unemployment and one's perceived financial strain. Thus, length of unemployment will be examined as well. Length of time unemployed appears to bear on many variables such as "happiness" (Little, 1980), "anger" (Powell and Driscoll, 1973), and the ability to fill time meaningfully (Hepworth, 1980). The effect on unemployment of the individual's sex will be investigated insofar as it correlates with other variables in general. A full matrix examination of the experience of unemployment by sex was not conducted. Hypotheses This relationship study has been designed to probe a wide base of variables which may have a link with unemployment. Theory and current thinking in the field of unemployment in general and white collar unemployment specifically has led to the following hypotheses. Passivity A positive correlation between Passivity and: (HI) Months Unemployed (H2) Social Class 18 Behaviourally, helplessness (Seligman, 1975) manifests itself primarily in passivity. If helplessness exists in unemployment as a host of researchers suggest (Hill, 1978; Finley and Lee, 1981; Fortin, 1984) then, the longer people are out of work in terms of Months Unemployed the less active they will become as measured on the Passivity score (HI). A class difference may also exist as some research has suggested that white collar people do not have difficulty filling their time when compared to the blue collar class (Little, 1976). Thus, Blue Collar people will show higher Passivity than White Collar people (H2). Locus of Control A positive correlation between Locus of Control and: (H3) Social Class (H4 i) Months Unemployed (H4 ii) Passivity (H4 iii) Blue Collar/Months Unemployed (H4 iv) White Collar/Month Unemployed Passivity and Locus of Control are linked together in that, as discussed above, passive people see a weaker relationship between their actions and the outcomes. People who perceive external locus of control also believe that their actions have less bearing on the outcome than internally oriented people. Thus, Blue Collar people will show a higher external Locus of Control score when compared with the White Collar population (H3). Further, as the number of Months Unemployed increases, a shift will occur from internal to external Locus of Control (H4 i). Generally, as noted above, Locus of Control scores and Passivity scores will covary possitively (H4 ii). Because of a difference in employment histories as noted earlier, the Blue Collar people will 19 demonstrate a shift in their Locus of Control score from internal to external as Months Unemployed increases (H4 iii), while the White Collar people will not show a shift in Locus of Control as Months Unemployed increases. They will maintain an internal Locus of Control (H4 iv). Self Esteem A positive correlation between Self Esteem and: (H5 i) Months Unemployed (H5 ii) Social Class (H5 iii) White Collar/Months Unemployed (H5 iv) Blue Collar/Months Unemployed A host of variables are linked with self esteem according to Cohn (1978), Payne et al. (1984), Bachman and O'Malley (1977) as discussed above. Accordingly, the following relationships will occur. As the number of Months Unemployed increases, the Self-Esteem of the sample will decrease. A positive correlation will be indicative of this shift (H5 i). The White Collar people will demonstrate greater Self-Esteem than Blue Collar people (H5 ii). The White Collar people will show a shift in Self-Esteem from high to low as Months Unemployed increases (H5 iii). The Blue Collar people will have a low Self-Esteem initially and this low Self-Esteem will not change as Months Unemployed increases (H5 iv). Community A positive correlation between Social Support and: (H6 i) Depression (H6 ii) Health A positive correlation between Social Interference and: (H7 i) Depression (H7 ii) Health 20 The variables concerned with the person's sense of community are labeled Social Support and Social Interference. The theory and literature cited above supports both of these concepts. It is hypothesized that scores from the Social Support scale will correlate positively with the Depression scores (H6 i) and with Perceived Health scores (H6 ii). Further, scores from the Social Interference scale will correlate positively with the Depression scores (H7 i) and with the Perceived Health scores (H7 ii). Financial Stress A positive correlation between Financial Stress and: (H8 i) Social Support (H8 ii) Social Interference (H8 iii) Social Class Money issues are central to the problems surrounding the experience of unemployment. However, a lack of money while unemployed has also been related to other realms indirectly linked to unemployment such as Social Support, Social Interference and Class as noted above. Thus, a positive relationship between the Social Support scores and the Perceived Financial Stress scores will emerge (H8 i) while scores from the Social Interference scale will correlate positively with scores on the Financial Stress measure (H8 ii). Also, the Social Class variable will covary with the Financial Stress scale. The direction, however, is unpredictable (H8 iii). Structure A positive correlation between Structure and: (H9 i) Health (H9 ii) Depression (H10 i) Social Class ( H l l i) Locus of Control ( H l l ii) Passivity 21 A positive correlation between Past Structure and: (H10 ii) Social Class Daily and weekly structure has been shown in both the theory (Toffler, 1981) and literature (Jones, 1981; Hill, 1978; Little, 1976) to have a relationship with unemployment. From this material the following correlations are hypothesized. Scores on the Structure Scale will correlate positively with the Perceived Health scores (H9 i). Scores on the Structure scale will correlate negatively with the Depression scores, indicating a lack of Structure being related with Depression (H9 ii). The Social Class variable will correlate negatively with Structure indicating White Collar/high Structure, Blue CollarAow Structure (H10 i). The Social Class variable will correlate negatively with Past Structure indicating an historical White Collar/high Structure, Blue Collar Aow Structure (H10 ii). Meaning A positive correlation between Meaning and: (HI2) Past Meaning (H13) Social Class (H14 i) Depression (H14 ii) Health Some theorists suggest that employment, unemployment and meaning are closely linked as cited above (Kierkegaard (Standley, 1971)). Research also suggests a link (Hepworth, 1980). Thus, it is hypothesized that, the correlation between Meaning and Past Meaning will be positive (HI2). The correlation between Social Class and Meaning will be negative indicating that white collar people acquire greater meaning while blue collar people perceive less meaning from the unemployment experience (H13). The Meaning scores 22 will covary negatively with Depression indicating a perception of low personal meaning while experiencing a high level of depression (H14 i) and the Meaning scores will covary positively with perceived Health (H14 ii). Community, Structure and Meaning (HI5, HI6) A positive correlation between Social Support and: (HI 5 i) Structure (HI5 ii) Meaning A positive correlation between Structure and: (HI5 iii) Meaning A positive correlation between Social Class and: (HI5 iv) Social Support/Social Interference (HI5 v) Structure (HI5 vi) Meaning The three concepts of community structure and meaning are not mutually exclusive according to Toffler (1981). They are in fact interdependent and they each affect the others. It is hypothesized that the Social Support variable will covary positively with the Structure variable (H5 i). The Social Support variable will covary positively with the Meaning variable (HI 5 ii) and the Structure variable will covary positively with the Meaning variable (HI5 iii). The Social Class score will covary negatively with the Social Support score indicating that white collar people have more community available for support relative to blue collar people. Further, the relationship between the Community score (Social Support), the Structure score, and the Meaning score will each covary positively with each of the scores on the personal variables: Depression, Perceived Health, Self-Esteem, Passivity and Locus of Control (HI6). 23 Table 1 Summary of Hypothetical Correlations Variable A Hypothesis Number Variable B Passivity 1 Months Unemployed 2 Social Class Locus of Control 3 Social Class 4 i Months Unemployed 4 ii Passivity 4 iii Blue Collar/Months Unemployed 4 iv White Collar/Months Unemployed Self-Esteem 5 i Months Unemployed 5 ii Social Class 5 iii White Collar/Months Unemployed 5 iv Blue Collar/Months Unemployed Social Support 6 i Depression 6 ii Health Social Interference 7 i Depression 7 ii Health Financial Stress 8 i Social Support 8 ii Social Interference 8 iii Social Class Structure 9 i Health 9 ii Depression 10 i Social Class Past Structure 10 ii Social Class Structure 11 i Locus of Control 11 ii Passivity Meaning 12 Past Meaning 13 Social Class 14 i Depression 14 ii Health Social Support 15 i Structure 15 ii Meaning Structure 15 iii Meaning Social Class 15 iv Social Support Social Interference 15 v Structure 15 vi Meaning Community Depression, Health, Self-Structure 16 Esteem, Passivity, Locus Meaning of Control Chapter 3  Research Methodology Research Design The research design for this relationship study was correlational in that a series of psychometric scales were intercorrelated to determine the presence of learned helplessness, self-esteem loss, locus of control change, and changes in community, structure and personal meaning in a sample of unemployed adults. The basic purpose of this study was to observe relationships which may exist among these scales. To offer a structure to these variables, those which suggest some type of direct controllability by an individual are termed Controllable Variables: Social Activities Perceived Intrinsic Value Financial Stress a) Support b) Interference a) Present Structure b) Past Structure a) Meaning b) Past Meaning 24 25 Those variables which lack the ability to be directly influenced by the individual are termed Personal Variables Passivity Self-Esteem Depression Locus of Control Perceived Health There are also a set of environmental variables which may have an effect on the variability associated with the dependant variables. The Biodemographic Variables are: Sex Months Unemployed Marital Status Number of Dependents Social Class In addition to the general correlational matrix which was performed on the subject population as a whole, the sub groups White collar and Blue Collar were extracted upon which correlational matrices were also performed. Sample Ninety unemployed adults responded by filling out the second edition of the Experience of Unemployment Attitude Survey. Of this total population, 64 were male and 26 were female; 24 were blue collar and 66 26 were white collar; 24 were married, 27 were single and 18 were either separated from their spouse or divorced. All had worked in a chosen line of work for at least two years prior to the onset of unemployment. The range of the duration of unemployment was from one month to 48 months with the average length of unemployment being 8.9 months. An oversight in the data gathering left the age of the subject unrecorded, however, according to the researcher, the approximate age of the respondents was 30-45 years of age with no apparent differences between the two classes. Sampling Procedure The majority of the sample (n = 78) was acquired in Vancouver. Some (n = 59) were gathered from the Professional and Technical Center in the Sinclair Office of the Canada Employment Commission (CEC, Vancouver). The balance of the Vancouver sample came from the Centre for the Non-Traditional Unemployed (n = 12) and the Unemployed Teachers' Action Centre (n = 7). The rest of the sample (n = 12) was acquired at the Peninsula Employment office in Sidney, B.C. and at the Temporary Workers office (a division of the Canada Employment Commission) in Victoria, B.C. Each respondent was approached while attending business of an employment-related nature at one of the CEC offices above. Three potential respondents refused to fill out the questionnaire; two because they hadn't enough time and one because he did not fill out questionnaires as a matter of principle. Upon coding the data into the computer, two questionnaires were found to be incomplete and they were discarded; one 27 contained a note regarding a lack of time the other had at least one unanswered item per scale and was discarded (as per the introduction on the questionnaire itself. See Appendix 2). Procedure The second edition of the Experience of Unemployment Attitude  Survey was administered to each subject individually. The researcher approached a subject and briefly described who he was and that he was "doing a study on how people experience unemployment", he then requested the subject's time in filling out the questionnaire. To avoid possible researcher bias, any questions were answered cordially but succinctly, and all of the completed questionnaires were placed, unscrutinized, in envelopes, for subsequent analysis. Pilot Study One pilot study was conducted. The purpose of this study was to determine any wording ambiguities, any scale item difficulties and to establish a time frame for subject involvement. The first edition of the questionnaire was administered to six respondents. It became apparent that while the questionnaire was understandable and capable of being completed without undo difficulty, it was too long. The original questionnaire included a set of scales designed to probe attirbutional issues. These scales were eliminated during the rewriting of the questionnaire (Scale 3. Control). Their omission did not alter the general thrust of the study as the theoretical base of attribution is 28 separate although somewhat similar to the theory surrounding learned helplessness. This change, and some rewording for clarity, completed the changes for the second edition of the questionnaire. The reliability and validity contained in this report were calculated on the revised (second edition) questionnaire. The Instrument The instrument constructed for this study was the Experience of  Unemployment Attitude Survey. It consists of a series of nine scales which are based on the notion that, after an unspecified period of time, an unemployed person's subjective perspective to being unemployed shifts for the worse. Thus, the design of the questionnaire is to observe and quantify this shift. Reliability and Validity The questionnaire uses a series of nine scales. Three of these scales are standard, documented psychometric measures; these are the Self-Esteem (Bachman and O'Malley, 1977), Locus of Control (Rotter, 1966) and Depression (Beck and Beck, 1972) inventories. The remaining six scales were designed expressly for this study. Of these six scales, three were divided into two parts during the analysis portion of this study. The scale Social measures, Social Support and Social Interference, the scale Activities measures Present Structure and Past Structure, while the scale Perceived Intrinsic Value measures Meaning and Past Meaning. Thus, the total number of psychometric scales used in analysis was 12. 29 Of particular concern was the trustworthiness of the nine scales which were formulated for this study. A discussion of each scale includes indicators of both reliability and construct validity. The scales are discussed as they appear on the questionnaire. 1. Activity Level The need for a Passivity scale was indicated by the results shown in the development of Seligman's (1975) model of Learned Helplessness. As no scale had been developed to probe the relationship between unemployment and the experience of helplessness, the author deemed it necessary to develop this measure. A Cronbach's alpha coefficient for reliability on the seven item scale (items 8 and 9 were filler items) was calculated to be established at .69. Construct validity was checked by examining the Pearson product-moment correlation between Passivity and Locus of Control (r - .41; p.< .001); Passivity and Self-Esteem (r = -.41; p.< .001); Passivity and Depression (r = .23; p.<\05). The Passsivity scale is therefore, a moderately powerful, appropriate measure of an individual's passivity/helplessness level. 2. Self-Satisfaction This scale is a self-esteem measure constructed and tested by Bachman and O'Malley (1977) with employment related issues in mind. 30 Bachman and O'Malley report the test-retest reliability of the measure to be .75. The construct validity, as reported by Bachman and O'Malley, was established by comparing this measure with other correlates such as somatic symptoms (-.34), negative affective states (-.25) and depression (-.54). Further information on these correlates and the methods used to acquire them can be found in Bachman (1970). During the current study, a Cronbach's alpha was calculated to be .91. Validity correlations with the Self-Esteem measure are, Passivity (r = -.41, p.<.001); Perceived Health (r = .36, p.<.001) and Depression (r = -.24, p.<.05). The reported reliability and validity of the Bachman and O'Malley self-esteem inventory has been replicated in the present study with quite acceptable results. 3. Social The Social scale was made up of the two sub scales; Social Suport and Social Interference. These two scores probe the issue of a) social support and its effect on the experience of unemployment and b) social problems and the effect of a poor social relationship on the person's experience of unemployment. Of the social scale, the Social Support subscale was established from items 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8. The Social Interference subscale is established from items 1, 7, 9. 31 The Cronbach alpha reliability coefficient for the Social Support subscale was.53. Validity has been checked by correlating Social Support with the Locus of Control score (r = .35, p.<.001). This correlation indicates that people with high social support were those people who score internal on the Locus of Control dimension. Cronbach's alpha reliability for the Social Interference subscale was .67. This part of the Social dimension was quite acceptable as the validity correlational coefficients between Social Interference and Passivity (r = .33, p.< .001); Health (r = -.32, p.< .01), Depression (r = .41, p.<.001) Locus of Control (r = .26, p.< .05). 4. Activities The construct being measured with this scale is Structure. Two subscales were included in the Activities scale as it appeared on the questionnaire. The Present Structure subscale, made from items 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8 probes the level of daily, weekly and monthly scheduling the individual maintains. Cronbach's alpha reliability for this subscale was .67. Construct validity for the Present Structure subscale was acceptable as correlations with Depression were r = -.45 (p.< .001); Social Support r = .29 (p. <.01); Self-Esteem r = .35 (p.< .01); Locus of Control r = .48 (p.<.001) and Passivity r = -.46 (p.< .001). The Past Structure subscale was designed to probe an individual's pre-32 unemployment activity level. The Cronbach alpha reliability was .87 and the validity checks were moderate. Past Structure correlated with Structure r = .24 (p.< .05) and with Past Meaning (to be discussed below ) r = .41 ( p.<.001). 5. Perceived Intrinsic Value This scale addresses the concept of personal meaning. Two subscales make up this scale as it appears on the questionnaire. The Meaning subscale looks at the issue of the individual finding benefits from the period of unemployment. The second subscale, Past Meaning asks about the person's old job and the personal meaning associated with it. The Cronbach's alpha reliability for the Meaning scale was calculated to be .61. The construct validity proved to be strong through correlations between Meaning and Structure r = .23 (p.< .05), Self-Esteem r = .21 (p.<, .05), Passivity r = -.36 (p.<.001), Health r = .35 (p.<.001) and Financial Stress r = -.52 (p.< .001). The Meaning subscale was an acceptably powerful measure of a persons current perspective on unemployment. The Cronbach's alpha reliability coefficient for Past Meaning was .55. A validity check correlated Past Meaning with Past Structure r = .41 (p. < .001), Self Esteem r = .26 (p.<.05) and Present Structure r = .22 (p.<.05). These results are acceptable for the purpose of this study. 6. General Health This scale is termed Perceived Health in this study and is a subjective 33 measure of the individual's present state of health. The Cronbach's alpha reliability coefficient for this scale was .80. The validity of the Perceived Health measure was checked by examining the correlates Passivity, r = -.43 (p<.001), Financial Stress r = .38 (p.< .001), Depression, r = -.39 (p.<.001), and Locus of Control r = .31 (p.< .01). The Perceived Health scale is acceptable in its present form. 7. Financial Stress This subjective measure records how the individual's finances appear to him or her vis a vis what amount of money is needed to live on. Cronbach's alpha reliability for this scale was .78. The construct validity was checked by comparing the correlational coefficients of Financial Strain with Social Interference, r = .39 (p.<.001), Perceived Health, r = -.38 (p.<.001), Meaning, r = -.52 (p.<.001) and Depression, r = .34 (p.<.001). This scale is appropriate for measuring an individual's perception of his or her financial situation. 8. Depression The items on this scale come directly from the Beck and Beck (1972) Depression Inventory. These authors report that the split half reliability of the original test is .93. The validity of the measure has also been researched and found to be quite strong. Concurrent validity between the Beck and Beck inventory and three other depression inventories is reported 34 by the authors to be .65, .61 and .66 (i.e., Beck et al., 1961; Metcalf and Goldman, 1965; Nussbaum et al., 1963, respectively). Various other measures have resulted with similar or stronger correlations. The present study sets the Cronbach alpha reliability at .87. Construct validity of the Depression Index was measured by comparing correlational coefficients between Passivity, r = .23 (p.<.05), Self Esteem, r = -.24 (p.<.05), Present Structure, r = -.45 (p.<.001), Perceived Health, r = -.39 (p.< .001) and Financial Stress, r = .34 (p.<.001). 9. Events This scale is a measure of Locus of Control. The version used here is a shortened version of what may be the most widely used Locus of Control measure devised. The Rotter (1966) Locus of Control has (according to the original publication) a test-retest reliability of between .49 to .83 depending on a sample population being tested (most were young adults in college). The mean of these test-retest figures is .65. Construct validity for this test comes from a series of studies reported by Rotter (1966) which support the hypothesis that an, ...individual who has a strong belief that he can control his own destiny is likely to (a) be more alert to those aspects of the environment which provide useful information for his future behaviour; (b) take steps to improve his environmental condition; (c) place greater value on skill or achievement reinforcers and be generally more concerned with his ability, particularly his failures; and (d) be resistive to subtle attempts to influence him. 35 In this study, the Cronbach alpha was established at .62. Construct validity for the Locus of Control measure was checked by comparing the correlational coefficients of Present Structure, r = .48 (p.<.001), Meaning, r = .21 (p.<.05), Passivity, r = .41 (p.<.001) and Social Interference, r = .26 (p.< .05). Chapter 4  Results This relationship study employed a Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient matrix to examine the relationship between a host of variables which past research and current thinking have presented as factors involved in the experience of unemployment in the general population and in white collar unemployment in particular. The results of this study will be discussed by addressing the stated hypotheses in chronological order. Passivity (HI, H2) Passivity, seen as a conceptual cornerstone and indicative of helplessness, was found to be non significant when correlated with the number of Months an individual was Unemployed (HI; r = .18, p. = .084). However, when the Class variable was correlated with the Passivity measure (H2) the Blue Collar people were more passive than the White Collar sample (r = .42, p.<.001). Thus, support is offered for H2 but HI, although demonstrating a statistical trend in the appropriate direction, failed to reach a significant value. Locus of Control (H3, H4) It was hypothesized the Blue Collar people in the sample would be more external on the Locus of Control dimension (H3) and this has been supported (r = .38, p.<.001). Further, as the time they were unemployed progressed they would become even more externally oriented on this dimension (H4, iii)). Support for this hypothesis was not offered as the 36 37 change in Locus of Control as the number of Months Unemployed passed by was not significant (r = .11, p. = .582). Indeed, as the Months Unemployed passed by, there was not a change in Locus of Control in the total subject population (H4, i); r = .05, p. = .604) or a change in the White Collar subject population (H4, iv); r = .06, p. = .583). However, while the number of Months a person has been Unemployed did not bear on his or her locus of control, it did covary with the Passivity measure (H4, ii); r = .41, p.< .001). Self-Esteem (H5) As hypothesized, as the number of Months a person is Unemployed went by, the Self-Esteem variable of the sample population lowered (H5, i); r = .22, p.< .05). Furthermore, when the Class variable was examined, it was found that the White Collar person had a higher score or a more positive Self-Esteem than those in the Blue Collar sample. This offered support for H5, ii (r = .34, p.<.001). However, when the White Collar correlational matrix is examined, it was evident that as hypothesized, the White Collar people demonstrated a shift in Self-Esteem from high to low as the number of Months Unemployed increased (H5, ii i ; r = .27, p.< .05) while the Blue Collar sample had no such concomitant change (H5, iv; r = .25, p. = .231) as predicted. Social Support/Social Interference (H6, H7) It was hypothesized that having a good Social Support system (i.e. 38 high Perceived Health score (H6, ii). In fact, neither of these correlations were found to be significant (H6, i ; r = .15, p. = .132: H6, i i ; r = .13, p. = .194). Social Interference (defined as having a decidedly problematic social relationship) was found to be a powerful correlate with Depression (H7, i ; r = .41, p^.001) and with the Perceived Health variable (H7, i i ; r = .32, p.< .01). Financial Stress (H8) The relationship between the general sample population's Financial Stress situation and the Social Support score was very low indeed. This non-relationship occurs whether the unemployed person had a wage earning person at home or not (H8, i ; r = .11, p.<.268, general population). The Social Interference score, however, was a strong correlate. The relationship between a person's Perceived Financial Stress and a poor social relationship was strong (H8, i i ; r = .39, p.<.001). As H8, iii predicted, there was indeed a relationship between a person's Perceived Financial Stress and their Social Class. This hypothesis, however, was unable to forecast a direction for this relationship due to disagreement in the relevant literature. As it turned out, H8, iii was 39 significant (r = .27, p.<.01) with the White Collar sample population having a lower Financial Stress than the Blue Collar sample. Structure/Past Structure (H9, H10, Hll) In general, the Structure scores covaried relatively powerfully with a host of variables. As predicted in H9, i Structure and Perceived Health were related (r = .45, p.^.001) as was the predicted H9, i i , Structure with Depression (r = .45, p.<.001) which indicated an increase in depression with a decrease in one's structured time. Further, the results of the analysis show that the White Collar people had a higher Structure score than the Blue Collar sample. Thus, lending support to H10, i (r = -.33, p.< .001). Examining Class by one's Past Structure, however, shows non-significant results (r = -.13, p. = .204) which left H10, ii unsupported. When the Locus of Control variable was correlated with the Structure variable, as in H l l , i , a powerful relationship emerged (r = .48, p.<.001). Thus lending support to the belief that a structured daily and weekly schedule is related to an internal locus of control. The construct of a daily and weekly Structure was to correlate negatively with the construct of Passivity as predicted in H l l , i i . Indeed, the relationship between these two variables was strong (r = T46, p.<.001). 40 Meaning (H12, H13, H14) Meaning is the concept of discovering personal fulfilment of some undescribed nature during the period of one's unemployment. The associated construct of Past Meaning is the perception of having found a personal meaning, other than financial gain, in one's past employment. On the whole, the Meaning variable was not a powerful covariate. The variable Past Meaning and the Meaning variable did not correlate significantly (H12; r = .05, p. = .635). There was no relationship observed between finding a personal meaning from one's old job and transposing that sense of meaning to one's period of unemployment. When the class difference was examined however, a difference emerged. HI3 was supported in that White Collar people were more likely to find a sense of Meaning or opportunity in the experience of unemployment than were the Blue Collar people (r = .38, p.<.001). However, a low sense of personal Meaning and Depression were not related (H14 i ; r = .15 p. = .147). And while there appeared to be a solid relationship between Meaning and one's Perceived Health (H14 i i ; r = .35, p.<.001) a check of these statistics by Class revealed a strong class difference. In fact, only the white collar people demonstrated both a sense of opportunity and Meaning while being unemployed and a perception of good health ( r = .30, p.<.05). Thus H14 ii must be accepted with some reservation. 41 Community, Structure and Meaning (HI5, H16) As discussed earlier, the proper term for the Social Support/Social Interference construct is community, but for the sake of clarity in the data analysis, the variable name will be used. Social Support may be the influence of either a spouse or a significant intimate person, or the effect of a community of close friends. Previous findings have suggested that social support is a significant contributor to the positive experience of unemployment (Amundson and Borgen, 1987). The Social Support variable covaried positively with Structure as predicted in H15 i (r = .29, p.<.01). The Social Support variable, however, did not covary with the Meaning variable (H15 i i ; r = .-04, p. = .696). The Structure variable covaried with the Meaning variable (HI 5 iii; r = .23, p.<.05). Thus, as only two out of the three possible correlations were significant the basic notion that community, structure and meaning are related in the experience cannot be supported. The three variables Social Support, Structure and Meaning were all positively related to Class. HI 5 iv, the White Collar sample demonstrated a low level of Social Support (r = .22 p.<.05) and also a low level of Social Interference (r = -.38, pX.OOl). Both HI 5 v, the variables Class by Structure and HI 5 vi, the variables Class by Meaning are capable of being supported (HI5 v; r = .33 p.<.001:H15 vi; r = .38, p.<.001). That is, the White Collar sample was 42 more time structured than the Blue Collar sample (HI5 v) and the White Collar sample perceived greater meaning during their unemployment than the Blue Collar sample (HI 5 vi). 43 Table 2 Summary of Results Hypothesis Variables Correlation Probability Significance r P 1 Pass / Mon Un Emp .18 .084 -2 Pass / Class .42 .001 *** 3 Class / LoC .38 .001 *** 4 i Mon Un Emp / LoC .05 .604 -4 ii Pass / LoC .41 .001 *** 4 iii BC; Mon Un Emp / LoC .11 .582 -4 iv WC; Mon Un Emp / LoC .06 .583 _* 5 i Mon Un Emp / SE .22 .033 * 5 ii Class / SE .34 .001 *** 5 iii WC; Mon Un Emp / SE .27 .028 * 5 iv BC; Mon Un Emp / SE Dep / SS .25 .231 _* 6 i .15 .132 -6 ii Health / SS .13 .194 -7 i Dep / SI .41 .001 *** 7 ii Health / SI .32 .002 ** 8i SS / Fin Str .11 .281 -8 ii SI / Fin Str .39 .001 *** 8 iii Class / Fin Str .27 .009 ** 9 i Per Hlth / Struct .45 .001 *** 9 ii Dep / Struct .45 .001 *** 10 i Struct / Class .33 .001 *** 10 ii Class / Past Struct .13 .204 -11 i LoC / Struct .48 .001 *** 11 ii Pass / Struct .46 .001 *** 12 Past Mng / Mng .05 .635 -13 Class / Mng .38 .001 *** 14 i Dep/Mng .15 .147 -14 ii Health / Mng .35 .001 *** 15 i Struct / SS .29 .005 15 ii Mng / SS -.04 .696 -15 iii Struct / Mng .23 .025 * 15 iv Class / SS .22 .032 * Class / SI .38 .001 *** 15 v Class / Struct .33 .001 *** 15 vi Class / Mng .38 .001 *** -* predicted non-significant relationship ** significant at .01 level * significant at .05 level * * * s i g n i f i C a n t at -001 level 44 Table 3 Correlations among Community, Structure and Meaning (HI6)  Variables by Personal Variable List Community Structure Meaning r p r p r p Depression .16 .132 .46 .001 .15 .147 Pers. Health .19 .194 .45 .001 .36 .001 Self Esteem .19 .365 .36 .001 .22 .044 Passivity .07 .484 .46 .001 .36 .001 Locus Control .36 .001 .48 .001 .21 .043 4 5 Table 4 Pearson Product-Moment C o r r e l a t i o n a l C o e f f i c i e n t M a t r i x  General Sample P o p u l a t i o n 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 K • 41 .69) .001 .07 • 4 8 4 • 34 .001 .47 .001 -.04 .696 • 36 .001 .05 .665 .23 .027 .41 .001 .14 .176 • 43 .001 .18 .084 -.42 .001 2 (.92) .10 • 365 .16 .128 .35 .001 .14 .184 .21 .044 .26 .012 .24 .020 .18 .085 .26 .013 .36 .001 .23 .033 -.34 .001 3 ( .53) .03 • 794 • 30 .005 .11 -.307 .42 .696 .09 • 403 .16 .132 • 36 .001 .12 .268 .14 .194 .16 .142 .23 .032 4 (.68) • 32 .002 -.08 .479 .32 .002 .15 .159 • 42 .001 .26 .012 .39 .001 .32 .002 .13 .207 -.38 .001 5 (.68) .24 .022 .24 .025 • 23 .030 .46 .001 • 48 .001 .39 .001 • 4 5 .001 .22 .034 -.34 .001 6 ( . 8 8 ) " .06 .576 • 42 .001 -.07 .540 .01 .996 .05 .667 .05 .634 .03 .305 -.14 .204 7 ( .62) .05 .635 • 15 .147 .21 .043 • 53 .001 .36 .001 -.05 .617 -.38 .001 8 (.55) .06 • 578 .16 .125 .16 .135 .10 .356 .26 .014 -.22 .041 9 (.87) .09 • 39 5 .35 .001 .40 .001 .24 .021 -.04 .766 to (.63) .30 .004 .32 .002 .06 .604 - 3 9 .001 11 (.79) • 39 .001 .12 .278 -.27 .009 12 (.81) .18 .082 -.23 .032 13 - .03 .809 14 n = 9 0 ( ) re p r e s e n t s Cronbach's R e l i a b i l i t y C o e f f i c i e n t Upper number per c e l l i s r value (Pearson product-moment c o r r . c o e f f ) Lower number i s the p r o b a b i l i t y value 1 . P a s s i v i t y 2 . Self-Esteem 3 . S o c i a l Support 4 . S o c i a l I n t e r f e r e n c e 5 . Present S t r u c t u r e V a r i a b l e Names 6 . Past S t r u c t u r e 7 . Meaning 8. Past Meaning 9- Depression 1 0 . Locus of C o n t r o l 1 1 . F i n a n c i a l S t r e s s 1 2 . P e r c e i v e d H e a l t h 1 3 - Months Unemployed 1 4 . C l a s s (1=BC;2=WC) A l l scores are keyed toward a h i g h value as i n d i c a t i v e of P a t h o l o g i c a l , S t r e s s f u l or Gre a t e s t D i f f i c u l t y Table 5 Pearson Product-Moment C o r r e l a t i o n a l C o e f f i c i e n t s 46 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 • 55 .23 .12 .29 -.07 .13 .27 .08 .27 .12 • 43 .21 .005 .275 • 590 .174 .753 • 534 .201 • 734 .205 .588 .037 .316 2 .23 • 41 - .09 .14 -.22 .06 .08 • .18 .21 .27 .27 .25 .064 .044 .680 • 517 .294 .783 .718 .388 .331 .198 .194 .231 3 .IS .12 .25 .37 .20 .21 .23 .23 .55 .37 • 30 -.01 .141 • 334 .231 .073 • 214 .324 .269 .284 .005 .076 .152 • 949 4 .25 .09 .09 .39 .17 .28 .44 • 38 .29 .59 • 58 • 4» .045 .446 .478 .050 • 439 .182 .031 .067 .168 .002 .003 .017 5 • 41 .32 • 41 • 15 .41 • 33 • 52 .65 • 35 • 52 .65 .22 .001 .006 .001 .217 .047 .113 .009 .001 .093 .009 .001 .304 6 -.12 .19 .12 -.22 .17 .24 • 45 .35 .04 .17 .12 -.28 • 337 .126 .325 .070 .172 .249 .027 .091 .863 .423 • 574 .178 7 .28 .11 .01 .17 .06 - .20 .67 .34 .36 .46 .30 .30 .024 .383 .968 .178 .627 .099 .001 .107 .084 .025 .151 .151 g -..16 .26 .12 -.08 .05 .40 - .29 • 42 .31 .64 • 55 .15 .203 .035 .338 • 513 .663 .001 .018 .039 .147 .001 .006 .484 9 .28 .27 .16 • 47 • 44 -.14 .11 -.04 -.03 .60 .53 .44 .022 .027 .196 .001 . .001 .276 .367 .765 .888 .001 .007 .034 10 • 31 -.01 .48 .07 • 42 -.08 -.02 .01 .11 .35 • 50 .12 .012 .987 .001 • 574 .001 .520 .885 • 943 • 365 .094 .012 .5S2 11 .01 .16 .15 .25 .29 -.02 • 49 -.04 • 31 .19 .66 .52 • 915 .189 .214 .044 .020 .883 .001 .764 .012 .132 .001 .009 12 .36 • 33 .17 .15 • 34 .01 .30 -.12 .37 .18 .27 .40 .003 .008 .164 .233 .005 .999 .013 .354 .002 .154 .027 .055 13 .22 .27 .18 .12 .26 .00 -.10 .31 .23 .07 .09 .18 .071 .028 .156 .338 .035 .644 .447 .012 .063 • 583 .466 .150 Upper matri x i s blue c o l l a r Lower m a t r i x i s white c o l l a r ( V a r i a b l e l i s t on Page 45) Chapter 5  Discussion and Implications The purposes of this study were: a) to construct a measure which would probe the experience of unemployment; and b) to observe the relationships between the experiences of the blue collar and the white collar unemployed person and c) to closely examine the experience of white collar unemployment. The results of this study indicate that the experience of unemployment is quantifiable through the application of a questionnaire designed with this population in mind. This study also suggests that there is a subjective difference between the white collar and the blue collar experience of unemployment. In the process of analysing the results of this study, a great many relationships have been observed. Some of the more powerfuland potentially predictive dimensions will be discussed here. Financial Being under rigorous financial limitations has proven to be significantly correlated with depression in the total subject sample and in both the white and blue collar sub samples. Thus, it is hardly surprising to find that those people who are experiencing financial difficulties regardless of class are unable to perceive their period of unemployment as an opportunity for either personal growth or professional career development. However, the results of this study suggest that the blue collar people are more likely to experience financial difficulties than are white collar people. 47 48 Although there are less financial difficulties for the white collar person when compared with the blue collar person, when it does occur the debilitating effects manifest in depression, problematic social relationships, poor physical health and a decided lack of daily and weekly structure. Thus, financial stress on its own has a powerful negative effect on the experience of being unemployed. Community Social relationships alter the experience of unemployment. A host of researchers have commented on either the helpfulness of a healthy relationship (Kabanoff, 1982; Waters and Goodman, 1981) or the observation that relationships often become strained during unemployment (Hill, 1978; Thomas et al., 1980; Powell and Driscoll, 1973). On the other hand, the effect of a decidedly negative home environment or a significant social relationship which is highly problematic is a dimension which researchers have failed to discuss in any detail. The community dimension included in this study has probed both of these concepts. With respect to the social support dimension the most significant finding from this study appears to be the relationship between a high level of social support and a high level of daily and weekly structure. The latter being a powerful indicator of a well functioning person as will be discussed below. This relationship suggests that the significant other person may help the unemployed person stay active with a daily plan. The notion that relationships become strained with prolonged unemployment cannot be directly supported by this study. Indirectly, 49 however, support may be offered in that the effect of a negative relationship does have a dramatic effect on the unemployed person. The findings of this study reveal that a negative social relationship was signficantly correlated with high depression, high passivity and external locus of control, a poor daily structure and a perception of no opportunity or meaning while unemployed. There was a difference on this dimension by social class. As the majority of the white collar sample was less affected by social trouble, they responded to a poor social relationship with only depression, passivity and an external locus of control. Thus while finances were an issue for both classes, many people in the white collar class found themselves less burdened by financial hardship and therefore found unemployment, as it affected their social relationships, slightly less difficult. On the other hand, the blue collar people demonstrated a more severe financial strain and with that poor health and a virtual inability to perceive meaning or opportunity during unemployment. In sum, this study suggests that financial stress and a negative social relationship combine in the general population to produce a difficult experience of unemployment. These effects, however, appear less pronounced in the majority of the white collar sample because, perhaps, the white collar sample contains more people who are financially secure. Further, this study suggests that the people in the white collar sample, which were experiencing negative social relationships and financial difficulties, internalized the negative effects of unemployment more 50 dramatically in terms of depression and perceived health than the blue collar people. Structure Whether or not a person has a structure imposed on their daily lives was the single, most significant variable in this study. For the complete sample population this variable covaried significantly in a positive direction with self-esteem, social support, a past structure in one's previous work life, health, meaning, a sense of meaning in one's past work life and internal locus of control. It correlated negatively with depression, financial stress and social interference. In all, as this test is written, a low score on this variable indicates a generally well-adjusted person, while a high score may be indicative of one or more problems surrounding the experience of unemployment. Thus, as a simple elementary measure of adjustment to unemployment, knowledge of a person's daily structure may be a help to the counsellor. The white collar sample had a greater structure on life than the blue collar respondents in general. When the matrices were examined and compared separately for the blue and white collar samples we saw some clear differences. For the blue collar people, a low daily and weekly structure was significantly correlated on only the three variables of poor health, financial stress and depression. While these are each noteworthy variables for the practitioner's information, the white collar matrix showed that structure was a broader indicator for the professional, technical and managerial person. For the white collar sample, the structure variable correlated with virtually every variable examined in this study. 51 The past structure dimension may be considered something of a predictor variable. This variable, which indicates level of structure in a person's previous job correlated positively with one's past employment meaning and with one's present level of daily structure. These dimensions covaried significantly for both classes. Thus, knowledge of the person's structure level in their past employment may be able to roughly predict an individual's present structure level. Meaning The meaning and past meaning variables probed for benefits in either unemployment or in one's previous job respectively. Meaning turned out to be a weak variable which may have been due to the powerful effect of financial stress. This study suggests that if financial stress is present, the individual perceives virtually no meaning from the experience of unemployment. It would appear, therefore, that people who perceive meaning during unemployment have, in all likelihood, no financial worries and will feel free to pursue personal or professional development at their leisure. White Collar Unemployment On the whole, most white collar people appear to deal with unemployment in a more constructive, personally gratifying and less stressful way than their blue collar unemployed counterparts. Generally, the results of this study suggest that white collar people are under less financial stress and are healthier; they are more internally oriented and more likely to perceive their period of unemployment as an opportunity for 52 personal or professional development. Further, as hypothesized, the number of months a white collar person had been unemployed correlated significantly with high passivity, low self-esteem and a high level of depression. These correlations may be truly indicative of the state of affairs. That is, as the white collar person remains unemployed he or she may have progressed from being active, lucid and in personal control to becoming helpless, depressed and generally at odds with the world. A closer inspection of the data, however, suggests the possibility of another rationalization. Correlating with the higher values of months unemployed (i.e. the long term unemployed) was the construct of past meaning. That is, those people who received few benefits or advantages from their previous employment remained jobless after becoming laid off for a longer period of time than those who enjoyed or perceived benefits from their previous employment. There appear to be two lines of rationalization which this study is capable of supporting. First, this may suggest that the white collar subjects who didn't like their old jobs are reluctant to get back to work in their old professions suggesting further that, while they are unemployed, with no direction, they become helpless, depressed, and hold themselves in low self-esteem. An inspection of the raw data reveals that 21.2% of the white collar sample population responded to the depression inventory item pertaining to suicide (scale 8, item 7) by marking that they "would be better off dead" (18.2%), or that they "have definite plans about committing suicide" (3.0%). To the same items only 12.5% of the blue collar people responded to the former statement while none of that sample 53 responded to the latter. Second, some of the white collar people who found low personal meaning in their previous employment tended to perceive their relatively long terms of unemployment as opportunities to look for new types of work. Indeed, the correlation between a low past meaning and a high present meaning was significant, indicating that some sort of benefit or opportunity was being perceived despite being unemployed. Thus, it appears that these two groups of long term white collar subjects perceived very little meaning from their old jobs and 1) are left without an avenue to pursue, thus becoming helpless and depressed, or, 2) engage a positive period of unemployment, perceiving personal control. The trend of finding these two reactions to long term unemployment has been documented previously. A recent study by Borgen and Amundson (1984) uncovered similar results. However, in their study, a much higher proportion of seriously troubled white collar people was reported than was evident in the current study. Their sample examined mainly long term unemployed, and this may account for a greater number of disturbed subjects. In sum, the results of this study suggest that there exists two mutually exclusive groups of white collar unemployed people - those who have a relatively easy, positive experience and those who have a decidedly negative and difficult time with unemployment. This tentative statement requires further investigation to become definitive and to be indicative of proportions. These findings, however tentative, do offer some support for the original proposition in this study that learned helplessness, as it is 54 demonstrated in passivity and depression, may have a place in the academic understanding of white collar unemployment. Limitations of this Study Technically, this is a relationship-correlational study and as such there are a number of limitations. First, as in any basic correlational study, cause-and-effect cannot be established. Second, while this study employed many variables which past research had suggested may affect the experience of unemployment, additional and unknown variables may have been omitted which may have been of significance to the outcome of the study. Third, the experience of unemployment may be so idiosyncratic in nature that a liability in the experience of one person may not be a liability in most others. Thus, combination-effects may have occurred within the set of variables which may have masked a definitive outcome. Finally, this was a cross-sectional study. The weakness with this type of study is that the data may have reflected an inappropriately extreme subject score as the data were collected at only one moment in time. A longitudinal study, by collecting data over a number of occasions, is one way of avoiding this shortcoming. This study was exploratory in its original concept. It set out to gather information about a subject population, the white collar unemployed, upon which very little research, either observational or experimental has been conducted. The instrument developed and used for this study will have to be further evolved if a predictive model of unemployment is to be tested. Both the reliability (Cronbach alpha and test-retest) and the validity of the measure must be increased through a thorough analysis of these data and 55 another subject sample. Further, a scale for probing a person's self-perception of social standing or comparison should be included in the questionnaire. The instrument as it stands, being primarily a white collar measuring device, does not address this important white collar concept. An additional weakness in this study appears in the blue collar sample. First, the original design called for a sample of at least 30 subjects per category (blue collar and white collar). Logistical difficulties left the blue collar sample number at only 24. Further, part of the blue collar sample was drawn from the Vancouver area and some was drawn from C.E.C.'s in the Victoria and Sidney areas while virtually all of the white collar sample was drawn from Vancouver. As the employment opportunities may differ in some systematic way, this weakness should be born in mind when examining the results of this study and should be avoided when conducting similar research in the future. An omission in the instrument resulted in the age of the respondents not being recorded. While there did not appear to be a systematic difference between the ages of the blue collar respondents and the white collar respondents, there may have been a within-class systematic difference which the experimentor could not and did not detect. Counselling Implications People who had a daily and weekly committment to a scheduled plan fared with unemployment far better than those who did not have such a plan. These results stand true for both the blue collar and the white collar sub samples - although the effect of a structure was slightly more powerful among white collar people. Of particular interest to the counsellor is the fact that a scheduled structure is under the potential control of the client. 56 Community service organizations, church organizations, hospital volunteer centers, professional organizations and even regularly meeting coffee clubs are only a few of the avenues available to the unemployed person for developing this apparent need for structure. Thus, the original proposition that structure may be a positive influence on unemployment (Payne, et al., 1984; Hill, 1978; Jones, 1979; Amundson and Borgen, 1987) has been demonstrated in this study. It appears to be such a generally powerful relationship that it is recommended that counsellors pay particular heed to the issue of a daily and weekly structure. The other variable which was found to covary with a formidable host of variables was the social dimension. The affect of a positive social milieu has been well documented (Kasl et al., 1975; Kabanoff, 1982; Amundson and Borgen, 1987) and the results of this study supports these findings. Thus, from the counsellor's perspective, assisting the client establish a positive relationship at home or among close friends will be decidedly helpful. Conversely, the negative influence of a poor social relationship has been less thoroughly documented but this study suggests that this is a very powerful variable. The individual, regardless of social class, who, while unemployed, has a deteriorating social milieu will become passive and depressed as problems mount on problems. The counsellor, who works with these poeple, should be vigilant for this type of relationship and should help the client deal with the problematic situation as it occurs. This study points to the need for involving one's significant other in the counselling which should be included in every unemployed person's job search. For the blue collar people, the focus should be on financial issues -57 planning and budget. The white collar people should receive help in depression control while steps are taken to help the person's significant other understand the dynamics of the social relationship in an effort to lessen their negative social impact. The ramifications for the counsellor are to help the client develop a scheduled daily/weekly time structure and offer the client a primer in communication skills and potentially spend time with their significant other as described above. Implications for Future Research This study points out that the white collar unemployed person is, for the most part, more employment oriented and motivated than his blue collar counterpart. One factor which appears to similarly differentiate the two classes is the financial dimension. The blue collar people report a more difficult financial experience than the white collar worker. As finances have been recorded in the past as a significant barrier to a positive experience of unemployment (Amundson and Borgen, 1987; Warr and Jackson, 1984) an intensive social class difference examination of financial stressors should be conducted. The social dimension also warrants further examination. In general, social interactions have a significant affect on the experience of unemployment. Those interactions which are healthy, supportive and comforting - in general the positive ones - have received most of the attention. Amundson and Borgen (1987) found "support from family" and "support from friends" (p.102) as the two most significant contributors to reversing the negative effects of unemployment. This study supports those findings. 58 Conversely, this study pointed to the dramatic negative affect of a poor or dissolving social relationship on the experience of unemployment. While little research on the affect of this relationship has been conducted in the past, the powerful results found in this study suggest that a more detailed exploration of the affect of a decidedly negative relationship should be pursued. The Amundson and Borgen (1987) study supports the need for further research as they too show that a negative relationship is regarded as a factor in the negative subjective experience of unemployment. The final discovery this relationship study may have revealed is a difference among the white collar respondents. The data suggest that there may exist two sub samples of white collar unemployed, those who have a positive or at least not negative response to unemployment, and those who have a decidedly negative, distressing experience. With the support of the findings from this study it is suggested that an inquiryinto the specific nature of the differences between these two apparent sub samples be explored through the application of a longitudinal analysis of a white collar sample. Research in the field of white collar unemployment and unemployment psychodynamics will continue to grow as these are the people upon whom our industrial and highly technical organizations and nations depend. Thus, research done in this area will be timely and appropriate for the indefinite future. 59 References Amundson, N.E., & Borgen, W.A. (1987). Coping with unemployment: What helps and what hinders. Journal of Employment Counselling, 24, 97-106. Bachman, J.G. (1970). 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Structuring personal integration into career education. Personnel and Guidance Journal, 23, 271-275. Toffler, A. (1981). The Third Wave. New York:Bantam. Warr, P. (1983). Work, jobs and unemployment. Bulletin of the British  Psychological Society, 36, 305-311. Warr, P. (1984). Reported behaviour changes after job loss. British Journal of  Social Psychology, 23, 271-275. Warr, P., & Jackson, P. (1984). Men without jobs: Some correlations of age and unemployment. Journal of Occupational Psychology, 57, 77-85. Appendix 1 65 EXPERIENCE OF UNEMPLOYMENT ATTITUDE SURVEY Scale #1: ACTIVITY LEVEL Introduction For some people, unemployment leaves them feeling like they have no energy. For others, unemployment is the spare time they needed all along. Other people still have been through both extremes while some people experience neither. I would first like to ask you about your reactions to unemployment in general and how active you are at the moment. Here are some statements which people have made about their energy level during unemployment. Would you indicate how strongly you agree with each statement by circling the appropriate number. If you disagree, or the statement does not apply to you, circle #1; if you agree strongly, circle #5; if you feel only a moderate agreement circle 2, 3 or 4 accordingly. These directions will apply throughout the entire questionnaire. 1. These days, it's a lot of work just to start the day off. 1 2 3 4 5 2. It's funny, I suppose, but lately I find that I run out of energy half way through the day. 1 2 3 4 5 3. It's great, I've got the time to do the things that I've wanted to do for years. 4. I find that if I take a nap during the day I feel much better in the afternoon. It sort of gets me going again. 1 2 3 4 5 5. Some days, more often than not actually, I don't even leave the house. 1 2 3 4 5 6. A while ago, I really believed that I would get a job if I looked really hard, now I just go through the motions because Unemployment Insurance forces me to - I don't know if I'll ever work in my profession again. 1 2 3 4 5 7. No problem, I've got lots of energy for job hunting. I have since I was laid off. 1 2 3 4 5 8. It's simple, if you look for work you can get a job, if you don't look for work you won't be hired. I don't see what the problem is. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I've met with some difficult circumstances during my life and I've overcome those quite successfully - 111 probably do the same with unemployment. It's just another problem to deal with. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #2. SELF SATISFACTION Introduction Now we can move a little closer to how you personally feel about yourself right now - how satisfied you are with your life and your present circumstances. Again, I would like you to think about some statements other people have made. Please score these the same way you scored your answers to scale #1. 1. I feel that I am a person of worth, at least on an equal plane with others. 1 2 3 4 5 2. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I am able to do things as well as most other people. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I take a positive attitude toward myself. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Sometimes I think I am no good at all. 1 2 3 4 5 7. I am a very useful person to have around. 1 2 3 4 5 8. I feel that I can't do anything right. 1 2 3 4 5 9. When I do a job, I do it well. 1 2 3 4 5 10. I feel that my life is not very useful. Scale #3. CONTROL Introduction Many people, after being unemployed for some period of time, begin to feel that what they are doing in their job search is fruitless - that it doesn't matter what they do, they won't get work. And, for some reason not altogether clear, others don't. By responding to the following statements as honestly as possible, you will help us figure out the difference. Please respond as before. 1. I want to believe that all this work will land me a job, but I just don't know if it really makes any difference. 1 2 3 4 5 2. The harder I look the sooner I'll get a job. 1 2 3 4 5 3. It's like there is somebody out there trying to keep me from working, like he's going around after I make an application saying to people, "don't hire him, he's no good". 1 2 3 4 5 4. The last few days have not worked out so well, I guess 111 have to change my strategy. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I'm beginning to believe it's hopeless...but I keep looking because I might get lucky -1 just don't believe there is any work out there. 1 2 3 4 5 6. I've tried everything, nothing works - they must know something about me that I don't know. 71 7. There simply aren't any jobs (in my profession) out there, so no matter how hard I look, I won't find work. 1 2 3 4 5 8. It doesn't seem that I'm much good at anything to do with job searching - in fact, sometimes I wonder if Fm good at anything. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I don't know what I'm doing wrong. I know this (joblessness) can't last forever, but it may last quite a while because there is so little work. I don't know what to do next. 1 2 3 4 5 10. Maybe I should go back to school and upgrade to a different specialty. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #4. SOCIAL Introduction As we are all well aware, unemployment means a lot more than just not having a job to go to. Not having a job means that many of the people you knew you no longer see, and your day is spent doing very different things than you did when you were working. Below are some statements about life in general which may be directly associated with your experience of unemployment. Or they may not be related at all. Would you please respond to these statements as you did for the others. (circle #1 if it does not apply or you never think anything like this statement, and circle #5 if you do; 2, 3 and 4 are, as before, to be used if you occasionally have thoughts like these). 1. I hardly see anybody these days. Since I lost my job, I don't see the people I used to work with at all; when I do spot one, hell act like he's never known me. 1 2 3 4 5 72 2. I'm glad I still have some family around to drop in on from time to time. You know, they really are a help, even though they give me a hard time sometimes. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I spend my time alone a lot these days. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I am a member of a couple of groups, through the Church, actually, and I find my time spent working with them really makes me feel better. 1 2 3 4 5 5. My wife does her best to prop up my spirits. 1 2 3 4 5 6. There are a couple of us that live near each other. We've all got job problems. So, every now and then well go for coffee. It's great you know - I seem to get some energy back after we get together. 1 2 3 4 5 7. My wife and I are having a lot of trouble right now. As though it is not hard enough being unemployed and all, I've got problems with her, too. 1 2 3 4 5 8. There is basically nobody that I can go to for support. Vm on my own now. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I suppose it's pretty tough on my husband. As a matter of fact, he's pretty upset about my joblessness. It would be easier if he didn't say anything. 1 2 3 4 5 73 Scale #5. ACTIVITIES Introduction The following statements also deal with daily life. Specifically, they look at how people spend their time. Again, respond to the statements as you have before. 1. Sometimes I look back on a day and discover that I've done absolutely nothing. Time just slips away. 1 2 3 4 5 2. I know I need a daily routine to follow. I just never seem to create one. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I keep busy doing small jobs around the house. Right now I'm rebuilding the fence. There's always lots to do. 1 2 3 4 5 4. In my old job I was pretty much left to plan my own day. Nobody could really check up on me, I had to structure my own time. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I work very hard each day because I have a daily plan. Actually, its more like a weekly or monthly plan. I have these goals I want to reach and to do them I really have to get going. 1 2 3 4 5 6. I'm dissatisfied with everything. It seems like too much work to do anything. 1 2 3 4 5 7. Some people seem to be so busy, even though they are out of work. I don't know what I should be doing. I suppose I have usually had someone else telling me. 1 2 3 4 5 74 8. I try to keep really busy every day, sort of a regular schedule - it keeps me from getting too down on myself. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I suppose I have never had to create my own work or structure my own time. The work just came in and I simply had to do it. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #6. PERCEIVED INTRINSIC VALUE Introduction The following statements are about the personal meaning other people have found in both their old jobs and their period of unemployment. Personal meaning is all the benefits a job can offer, other than the money. Basically, this scale wants to find out if there are any benefits to the experience of unemployment. Respond to the statements as you have before. 1. I guess I may be odd but I used to look forward to a days work. I really enjoyed it, my job meant a lot to me. 1 2 3 4 5 2. What I want is a job. This unemployment isn't good for me - it isn't good for anybody. 1 2 3 4 5 3. In a way, unemployment has been a pretty good thing. It has made me stop and think where I am going with my life. 1 2 3 4 5 4. All unemployment means is getting into debt, losing your old friends and having more trouble at home. I don't know how anybody could find much good from unemployment. 1 2 3 4 5 5. From time to time I say to myself, "there is a reason for all this". 1 2 3 4 5 6. A person has to keep on their toes. You've got to make the best of any situation that comes along whether you're working or not. There are always opportunities, you've just got to watch for them. 1 2 3 4 5 7. In fact, my old job was just a job. I went to work and I came home again - that's about all. 1 2 3 4 5 8. With unemployment, I've got a chance to look around, enjoy life a bit - it is sort of an opportunity to shop around for a different focus in my career. 1 2 3 4 5 9. A while ago, I was seeing unemployment as an opportunity to do the things I hadn't done, but now I just want a job. I have been out of work a long time. 1 2 3 4 5 10. My old job gave me a real sense of being a somebody. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #7. GENERAL HEALTH Introduction So far, we've looked at your job search, your day-to-day activities and how you feel about a few things. Now, we would like to know how you're doing. Whether your health is good or bad makes a big difference on your whole outlook. We have a few statements which we would like you to respond to the same way that you have in the past. 1. Since I've become unemployed my health has definitely dropped. 1 2 3 4 5 2. I feel pretty good these days. You see, I go for long walks with the dog. In fact, Td say I feel better now than I ever did when I was working. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Recently, in the last month or so I've begun to feel much better. I don't know why, maybe I'm more active or perhaps Vm adjusting to being out of work, I really don't know - but I am feeling better. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I don't feel too great these days. Sort of low on energy, I get tired easily. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I've been to see the doctor more in the last year than I normally would have. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Physically, I feel great. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #8. HAPPINESS Introduction Now that you've told us how you feel physicially, we will ask a few questions about how happy or in some cases how unhappy you are. Please respond to the statements as you have for the previous scales. 1. I am so sad that I really don't know what to do. 2. Things are going to get better, I just know everything will work out fine. 1 2 3 4 5 3. You know, I feel like a total failure, not just with my career but with everying. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I can't make any decisions any more. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I eat a lot. My appetite is very good. 1 2 3 4 5 6. I look terrible these days. In fact, I often think I look repulsive. 1 2 3 4 5 7. The thought of suicide has crossed my mind. 1 2 3 4 5 8. I feel worthless. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I don't feel disappointed in myself. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #9. FINANCIAL STRESS Introduction Being unemployed means, among other things, that you don't have an income. For some people, this is a greater hardship than for others. As before, please respond to the statements below. 1. I have enough money to get by, although I have had to change my lifestyle to do it. 2. I don't know what I'm going to do. We simply don't have enough money. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Well, I've got a little money coming in so we're not in any real trouble yet. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I've borrowed about all I can borrow. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I can't seem to stop worrying about money. I don't know what we're going to do. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Money isn't a big problem for me. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #10. EVENTS Introduction The following questions try to find out the way in which certain important events affect different people. This set of questions is answered differently. You must select either Statement A or Statement B, whether or not you fully agree with either. Please answer these items carefully but do not spend too much time on any one item. Be sure to select an answer for each question. 1. a. Children get into trouble because their parents punish them too much. b. The trouble with most children nowadays is that their parents are too easy with them. 79 One of the major reasons why we have wars is because people don't take enough interest in politics. There will always be wars, no matter how hard people try to prevent them. The idea that teachers are unfair to students is nonsence. Most students don't realise the extent to which their grades are influenced by accidental happenings. No matter how hard you try some people just don't like you. People who can't get others to like them don't understand how to get along with others. I have often found that what is going to happen will happen. Trusting to fate has never turned out as well for me as making a decision to take a definite course of action. Becoming a success is a matter of hard work. Luck has little or nothing to do with it. Getting a good job depends mainly on being in the right place at the right time. When I make plans, I am almost certain that I can make them work. It is not always wise to plan too far ahead because many things turn out to be a matter of good or bad fortune anyhow. In my case getting what I want has little or nothing to do with luck. Many times we might just as well decide what to do by flipping a coin. 80 9. a. As far as world affairs are concerned most of us are victims of forces we can neither understand, nor control. b. By taking an active part in political and social affairs the people can control world events. 10. a. One should always be willing to admit mistakes, b. It is usually best to cover up one's mistakes. 11. a. In the long run, the bad things that happen to us are balanced by the good ones. b. Most misfortunes are the result of lack of ability, ignorance, laziness, or all three. 12. a. Sometimes I can't understand how teachers arrive at the grades they give. b. There is a direct connection between how I study and the grades I get. 13. a. Many times I feel that I have little influence over the things that happen to me. b. It is impossible for me to believe that chance or luck plays an important role in my life. 14.a. Most of the time I can't understand why politicians behave the way they do. b. In the long run, the people are responsible for bad government on a national as well as on a local level. Scale #11. ADDITIONAL INFORMATION Introduction Beyond the information you've given us in this questionnaire we also need to know a few things of a more basic nature about you. This will help us greatly in identifying trends within groups of people who have similar environmental circumstances. Kindly respond to the questions below. 1. Sex: M F 2. Number of months unemployed (from career) 3. Marital status: Married Single ; Divorced ; Separated ; Other (Describe "Other") 4. Does your spouse earn a wage greater than $250.00 per month. Y e s _ No _ 5. Number of children or other dependents: Scale #12. EMPLOYMENT TYPE Introduction What a person does for a living obviously has an effect on unemployment. The questions below will help us establish the kind, or level of employment you're looking for. 1. Do you consider yourself a managerial level person? Yes No 2. Education: Completed High School Yes No Some University/CoUege Yes No Completed University/Technical College Yes No 3. Are you or were you a member of a union? Yes__ No Are you or were you a member of a professional association? Yes No 4. Are you looking for unskilled/semi-skilled work? Yes No Thank you for your time and trouble in filling out this questionnaire. Your answers will all be held in the strictest confidence, while your identity remains anonymous. The responses you have given us will greatly assist our research and understanding of the experience people go through when they have lost their jobs. Your cooperation has been appreciated. Appendix 2 83 85 EXPERIENCE OF UNEMPLOYMENT ATTITUDE SURVEY Scale #1: ACTIVITY LEVEL Introduction For some people, unemployment leaves them feeling like they have no energy. For others, unemployment is the spare time they needed all along. Other people still have been through both extremes while some people experience neither. I would first like to ask you about your reactions to unemployment in general and how active you are at the moment. Here are some statements which people have made about their energy level during unemployment. Would you indicate how strongly you agree with each statement by circling the appropriate number. If you disagree, or the statement does not apply to you, circle #1; if you agree strongly, circle #5; if you feel only a moderate agreement circle 2, 3 or 4 accordingly. These directions will apply throughout the entire questionnaire. 1. These days, it's a lot of work just to start the day off. 1 2 3 4 5 2. It's funny, I suppose, but lately I find that I run out of energy half way through the day. 1 2 3 4 5 3. It's great, I've got the time to do the things that I've wanted to do for years. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I find that if I take a nap during the day I feel much better in the afternoon. It sort of gets me going again. 86 5. Some days, more often than not actually, I don't even leave the house. 1 2 3 4 5 6. A while ago, I really believed that I would get a job if I looked really hard, now I just go through the motions because Unemployment Insurance forces me to - I don't know if m ever work in my profession again. 1 2 3 4 5 7. No problem, I've got lots of energy for job hunting. I have since I was laid off. 1 2 3 4 5 8. It's simple, if you look for work you can get a job, if you don't look for work you won't be hired. I don't see what the problem is. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I've met with some difficult circumstances during my life and I've overcome those quite successfully - 111 probably do the same with unemployment. It's just another problem to deal with. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #2. SELF SATISFACTION Introduction Now we can move a little closer to how you personally feel about yourself right now - how satisfied you are with your life and your present circumstances. Again, I would like you to think about some statements other people have made. Please score these the same way you scored your answers to scale #1. Note; The Self Satisfaction scale is from "Self-Esteem in Young Men: A Longitudinal Analysis of the Impact of Educational and Occupational Attainment" by J.G. Bachman and P.M. O'Malley, Journal of Personality  and Social Psychology, 1977, 56, 365-380. Copyright, 1977 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission. 1. I feel that I am a person of worth, at least on an equal plane with others. 1 2 3 4 5 2. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I am able to do things as well as most other people. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I take a positive attitude toward myself. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Sometimes I think I am no good at all. 1 2 3 4 5 7. I am a very useful person to have around. 1 2 3 4 5 8. I feel that I can't do anything right. 1 2 3 4 5 9. When I do a job, I do it well. 1 2 3 4 5 10. I feel that my life is not very useful. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #3. SOCIAL Introduction As we are all well aware, unemployment means a lot more than just not 8 8 having a job to go to. Not having a job means that many of the people you knew you no longer see, and your day is spent doing very different things than you did when you were working. Below are some statements about life in general which may be directly associated with your experience of unemployment. Or they may not be related at all. Would you please respond to these statements as you did for the others, (circle #1 if it does not apply or you never think anything like this statement, and circle #5 if you do; 2, 3 and 4 are, as before, to be used if you occasionally have thoughts like these). 1. I hardly see anybody these days. Since I lost my job, I don't see the people I used to work with at all; when I do spot one, hell act like he's never known me. 1 2 3 4 5 2. r*m glad I still have some family around to drop in on from time to time. You know, they really are a help, even though they give me a hard time sometimes. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I spend my time alone a lot these days. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I am a member of a couple of groups, through the Church, actually, and I find my time spent working with them really makes me feel better. 1 2 3 4 5 5. My wife does her best to prop up my spirits. 1 2 3 4 5 8 9 6. There are a couple of us that live near each other. We've all got job problems. So, every now and then well go for coffee. It's great you know - I seem to get some energy back after we get together. 1 2 3 4 5 7. My wife and I are having a lot of trouble right now. As though it is not hard enough being unemployed and all, I've got problems with her, too. 1 2 3 4 5 8. There is basically nobody that I can go to for support. I'm on my own now. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I suppose it's pretty tough on my husband. As a matter of fact, he's pretty upset about my joblessness. It would be easier if he didn't say anything. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #4. ACTIVITIES Introduction The following statements also deal with daily life. Specifically, they look at how people spend their time. Again, respond to the statements as you have before. 1. Sometimes I look back on a day and discover that I've done absolutely nothing. Time just slips away. 1 2 3 4 5 2. I know I need a daily routine to follow. I just never seem to create one. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I keep busy doing small jobs around the house. Right now I'm rebuilding the fence. There's always lots to do. 1 2 3 4 5 4. In my old job I was pretty much left to plan my own day. Nobody could really check up on me, I had to structure my own time. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I work very hard each day because I have a daily plan. Actually, its more like a weekly or monthly plan. I have these goals I want to reach and to do them I really have to get going. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Vm dissatisfied with everything. It seems like too much work to do anything. 1 2 3 4 5 7. Some people seem to be so busy, even though they are out of work. I don't know what I should be doing. I suppose I have usually had someone else telling me. 1 2 3 4 5 8. I try to keep really busy every day, sort of a regular schedule - it keeps me from getting too down on myself. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I suppose I have never had to create my own work or structure my own time. The work just came in and I simply had to do it. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #5. PERCEIVED INTRINSIC VALUE Introduction The following statements are about the personal meaning other people have found in both their old jobs and their period of unemployment. Personal meaning is all the benefits a job can offer, other than the money. Basically, this scale wants to find out if there are any benefits to the experience of unemployment. Respond to the statements as you have before. 91 1. I guess I may be odd but I used to look forward to a days work. I really enjoyed it, my job meant a lot to me. 1 2 3 4 5 2. What I want is a job. This unemployment isn't good for me - it isn't good for anybody. 1 2 3 4 5 3. In a way, unemployment has been a pretty good thing. It has made me stop and think where I am going with my life. 1 2 3 4 5 4. All unemployment means is getting into debt, losing your old friends and having more trouble at home. I don't know how anybody could find much good from unemployment. 1 2 3 4 5 5. From time to time I say to myself, "there is a reason for all this". 1 2 3 4 5 6. A person has to keep on their toes. You've got to make the best of any situation that comes along whether you're working or not. There are always opportunities, you've just got to watch for them. 1 2 3 4 5 7. In fact, my old job was just a job. I went to work and I came home again - that's about all. 1 2 3 4 5 8. With unemployment, I've got a chance to look around, enjoy life a bit -it is sort of an opportunity to shop around for a different focus in my career. 1 2 3 4 5 9. A while ago, I was seeing unemployment as an opportunity to do the things I hadn't done, but now I just want a job. I have been out of work a long time. 1 2 3 4 5 92 10. My old job gave me a real sense of being a somebody. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #6. GENERAL HEALTH Introduction So far, we've looked at your job search, your day-to-day activities and how you feel about a few things. Now, we would like to know how you're doing. Whether your health is good or bad makes a big difference on your whole outlook. We have a few statements which we would like you to respond to the same way that you have in the past. 1. Since I've become unemployed my health has definitely dropped. 1 2 3 4 5 2. I feel pretty good these days. You see, I go for long walks with the dog. In fact, Fd say I feel better now than I ever did when I was working. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Recently, in the last month or so I've begun to feel much better. I don't know why, maybe Tm more active or perhaps Vm adjusting to being out of work, I really don't know - but I am feeling better. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I don't feel too great these days. Sort of low on energy, I get tired easily. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I've been to see the doctor more in the last year than I normally would have. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Physically, I feel great. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #7. FINANCIAL STRESS Introduction Being unemployed means, among other things, that you don't have an income. For some people, this is a greater hardship than for others. As before, please respond to the statements below. 1. I have enough money to get by, although I have had to change my lifestyle to do it. 1 2 3 4 5 2. I don't know what I'm going to do. We simply don't have enough money. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Well, I've got a little money coming in so we're not in any real trouble yet. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I've borrowed about all I can borrow. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I can't seem to stop worrying about money. I don't know what we're going to do. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Money isn't a big problem for me. 1 2 3 4 5 Scale #8. DEPRESSION Introduction This scale asks you how you feel today. Some people tend to get very NOTE: The Depression scale is from "Screening Depressed Patients in Family Practice. A Rapid Technic" by A.T. Beck and R.W. Beck, Postgraduate  Medicine, 1972, 52, 81-85. Copyright 1972 by D.M. Kelley, (Publisher). Reprinted by permission. 94 differently than the previous scales. Please read the entire group of statements in each category. Then, pick out the one statement in the group which best describes the way you feel today, that is, right now! Circle the number beside the statement you have chosen. Be sure to read all the statements in each group before making your choice. A. (Sadness) 3 I am so sad or unhappy that I can't stand it. 2 I am blue or sad all the time and I can't snap out of it. 1 I feel sad or blue 0 I do not feel sad B. (Pessimism) 3 I feel that the future is hopeless and that things cannot improve 2 I feel I have nothing to look forward to 1 I feel discouraged about the future 0 I am not particularly pessimistic or discouraged about the future C. (Sense of Failure) 3 I feel I am a complete failure as a person (parent, husband, wife) 2 As I look back on my life, all I can see is a lot of failures 1 I feel I have failed more than the average person 0 I do not feel like a failure D. (Dissatisfaction) 3 I am dissatisfied with everything 2 I don't get satisfaction out of anything anymore 1 I don't enjoy things the way I used to 0 I am not particularly dissatisfied E. (Guilt) 3 I feel as though I am very bad or worthless 2 I feel quite guilty 1 I feel bad or unworthy a good part of the time 0 I don't feel particularly guilty F. (Self-Disliked) 95 3 I hate myself 2 I am disgusted with myself 1 I am disappointed in myself 0 I don't feel disappointed in myself G. (Self-Harm) 3 I would kill myself if I had the chance 2 I have definite plans about committing suicide 1 I feel I would be better off dead 0 I don't have any thoughts of harming myself H. (Social Withdrawal) 3 I have lost all of my interest in other people and don't care about them at all 2 I have lost most of my interest in other people and have little feeling for them 1 I am less interested in other people than I used to be 0 I have not lost interest in other people I. (Indecisiveness) 3 I can't make any decisions at all anymore 2 I have great difficulty in making decisions 1 I try to put off making decisions 0 I make decisions about as well as ever J. (Self-image Change) 3 I feel that I am ugly or repulsive-looking 2 I feel that there are permanent changes in my appearance and they make me look unattractive 1 I am worried that I am looking old or unattractive 0 I don't feel that I look any worse than I used to K. (Work Difficulty) 3 I can't do any work at all 2 I have to push myself very hard to do anything 1 It takes extra effort to get started at doing something 0 I can work about as well as before 96 L. (Fatigability) 3 I get too tired to do anything 2 I get tired from doing anything 1 I get tired more easily than I used to 0 I don't get any more tired than usual M. (Anorexia) 3 I have no appetite at all anymore 2 My appetite is much worse now 1 My appetite is not as good as it used to be 0 My appetite is no worse than usual Scale #9. EVENTS Introduction The following questions try to find out the way in which certain important events affect different people. This set of questions is answered differently. You must select either Statement A or Statement B, whether or not you fully agree with either. Please answer these items carefully but do not spend too much time on any one item. Be sure to select an answer for each question. 1. a. Children get into trouble because their parents punish them too much. b. The trouble with most children nowadays is that their parents are too easy with them. 2. a. One of the major reasons why we have wars is because people don't take enough interest in politics. b. There will always be wars, no matter how hard people try to prevent them. 3. a. The idea that teachers are unfair to students is nonsence. b. Most students don't realise the extent to which their grades are influenced by accidental happenings. NOTE:The items on the Events scale come from "Generalized Expectancies for Internal Versus External Control of Reinforcement" by J.B. Rotter, Psychological Monographs, 1966, 80, (whole no. 609) 1-28. Copyright 1966 by the Americal Pscyhological Association. Reprinted by permission. No matter how hard you try some people just don't like you. People who can't get others to like them don't understand how to get along with others. I have often found that what is going to happen will happen. Trusting to fate has never turned out as well for me as making a decision to take a definite course of action. Becoming a success is a matter of hard work. Luck has little or nothing to do with it. Getting a good job depends mainly on being in the right place at the right time. When I make plans, I am almost certain that I can make them work. It is not always wise to plan too far ahead because many things turn out to be a matter of good or bad fortune anyhow. In my case getting what I want has little or nothing to do with luck. Many times we might just as well decide what to do by flipping a coin. As far as world affairs are concerned most of us are victims of forces we can neither understand, nor control. By taking an active part in political and social affairs the people can control world events. One should always be willing to admit mistakes. It is usually best to cover up one's mistakes. 11. a. In the long run, the bad things that happen to us are balanced by the good ones. b. Most misfortunes are the result of lack of ability, ignorance, laziness, or all three. 12. a. Sometimes I can't understand how teachers arrive at the grades they give. b. There is a direct connection between how I study and the grades I get. 13. a. Many times I feel that I have little influence over the things that happen to me. b. It is impossible for me to believe that chance or luck plays an important role in my life. 14. a. There is too much emphasis on athletics in high school, b. Team sports are an excellent way to build character. 15. a. Most of the time I can't understand why politicians behave the way they do. b. In the long run, the people are responsible for bad government on a national as well as on a local level. Scale #10. ADDITIONAL INFORMATION Introduction Beyond the information you've given us in this questionnaire we also need to know a few things of a more basic nature about you. This will help us greatly in identifying trends within groups of people who have similar environmental circumstances. Kindly respond to the questions below. 9 9 1. Sex: M F 2. Number of months unemployed (from career) 3. Marital status: Married ; Single ; Divorced ; Separated ; Other (Describe "Other") 4. Does your spouse earn a wage greater than $250.00 per month. Yes__ No _ 5. Number of children or other dependents: Scale #11. EMPLOYMENT TYPE Introduction What a person does for a living obviously has an effect on unemployment. The questions below will help us establish the kind, or level of employment you're looking for. 1. Do you consider yourself a managerial level person? Yes No 2. Education: Completed High School Yes No Some University/College Yes No Completed University /Technical College Yes No 3. Are you or were you a member of a union? Yes No Are you or were you a member of a professional association? Yes No 4. Are you looking for unskilled/semi-skilled work? Yes No 100 Thank you for your time and trouble in filling out this questionnaire. Your answers will all be held in the strictest confidence, while your identity remains anonymous. The responses you have given us will greatly assist our research and understanding of the experience people go through when they have lost their jobs. Your cooperation has been appreciated. 

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