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The effects of unemployment on the spousal relationship Johnson, Murray Stuart 1987

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THE EFFECTS OF UNEMPLOYMENT ON THE SPOUSAL RELATIONSHIP by MURRAY STUART JOHNSON A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS MASTER PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1987 © MURRAY STUART JOHNSON, 1987 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date: October 1987 ABSTRACT A study was conducted to examine the e f f e c t s of unemployment on the couple r e l a t i o n s h i p , i n c l u d i n g each spouse's p e r c e p t i o n of s e l f , other and the f a m i l y environment d u r i n g the p e r i o d of unemployment. Fourteen couples were i n t e r v i e w e d . F o l l o w i n g the i n t e r v i e w , the Dyadic Adjustment Scale(DAS), (Spanier, 1976) and the Family Environment Scale  FES, (Moos & Moos, 1976) were a d m i n i s t e r e d . DAS r e s u l t s f o r the couples i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study suggest very l i t t l e p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e i n the m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p pre and post unemployment. As a group, the sample s t u d i e d f e l l w i t h i n the normal range of adjustment suggested by Spanier. Only two couples f e l l below one standard d e v i a t i o n of Spanier's mean f o r married c o u p l e s . FES r e s u l t s f o r the couples i n t e r v i e w e d were, on the whole, hig h i n the areas of e x p r e s s i v e n e s s , independence, achievement o r i e n t a t i o n , a c t i v e - r e c r e a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n , m o r a l - r e l i g i o u s emphasis and c o n f l i c t . These r e s u l t s suggest t h a t , as a group, the couples i n t e r v i e w e d were able to cope with higher than normal l e v e l s of c o n f l i c t through a h i g h l e v e l of cohesion and e x p r e s s i v e n e s s along with an emphasis on p e r s o n a l growth. During the p e r i o d of unemployment, changes i n events or behavior that were s e l f generated tended to have a p o s i t i v e i i e f f e c t on i n d i v i d u a l s . Changes which o c c u r r e d o u t s i d e of t h e i r c o n t r o l tended to have a negative e f f e c t on i n d i v i d u a l s and c o u p l e s . E f f e c t i v e coping s t r a t e g i e s c l u s t e r e d around i n c r e a s e d involvement i n p a r e n t i n g , a t t e n d i n g support groups and p e r s o n a l growth workshops, r e l y i n g on f r i e n d s and e x p l o r i n g a l t e r n a t i v e , self-employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s . The wives of the unemployed tended to cope with unemployment of t h e i r spouse by being s u p p o r t i v e and encouraging. These r e s u l t s may h e l p other i n d i v i d u a l s and couples f i n d e f f e c t i v e ways of coping with unemployment. These r e s u l t s may a l s o a i d c o u n s e l l o r s i n understanding how couples cope with unemployment and l e a d to more e f f e c t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n s f o r t h i s p o p u l a t i o n . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v LIST OF TABLES v i LIST OF APPENDICES v i i CHAPTER I 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n CHAPTER II 8 L i t e r a t u r e Review 1. P s y c h o l o g i c a l E f f e c t s of Unemployment 2. Unemployment and the Family 3. Couples and F a m i l i e s CHAPTER I I I 23 Research Methodology 1. Sample 2. Research Procedures 3. Data C o l l e c t i o n 4. Demographic Q u e s t i o n n a i r e 5. Data A n a l y s i s i v CHAPTER IV 36 Research R e s u l t s 1 . D e s c r i p t i v e Data 2. Q u a n t i t a t i v e Data CHAPTER V 84 D i s c u s s i o n and Co n c l u s i o n s 1. D i s c u s s i o n of R e s u l t s 2. L i m i t a t i o n s of the Study 3. I m p l i c a t i o n s of Research R e s u l t s 4. C o u n s e l l i n g I m p l i c a t i o n s 5. Suggestions f o r F u r t h e r Research REFERENCES 96 APPENDICES 1 02 1. Appendix A Interview Questons 2. Appendix B Subject Consent Form 3. Appendix C Demographic Q u e s t i o n n a i r e 6. Appendix D D e s c r i p t i v e Data - Quotes 7. Appendix E Unemployed Persons Support Group Q u e s t i o n n a i r e LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1 Coping S t r a t e g i e s 43 2 Group T o t a l Pre-Unemployment and Post-Unemployment Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s on the DAS 55 3 Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s Reported by Spanier (1 976) 56 4 FES Subscale Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s f o r Couples Interviewed 57 5 FES Form R Subscale Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s f o r Normal and D i s t r e s s e d F a m i l i e s 58 v i LIST OF APPENDICES APPENDIX PAGE A Interview Questions 105 B Subject Consent Form 107 C Demographic Q u e s t i o n n a i r e 109 D D e s c r i p t i v e Data - Quotes 111 E Unemployed Persons Support Group Q u e s t i o n n a i r e 159 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Background Of The Problem Employment has become, over the years, a c u l t u r a l l y accepted a c t i v i t y i n which p r o d u c t i v e members of our s o c i e t y engage. I n d i v i d u a l s who are g a i n f u l l y employed a c q u i r e s t a t u s and a sense of p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y a long with f i n a n c i a l rewards. Hayes and Nutman (1981) d e s c r i b e work as s e r v i n g many f u n c t i o n s and a f f o r d i n g i n d i v i d u a l s the o p p o r t u n i t y to s a t i s f y a number of t h e i r p e r s o n a l needs. These i n c l u d e income, a c t i v i t y , s t r u c t u r e d time, o p p o r t u n i t y f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , a source of i d e n t i t y , a sense of purpose and a source of c r e a t i v i t y and mastery. Unemployment c o u l d t h e r e f o r e appear as a f r i g h t e n i n g , d e b i l i t a t i n g experience to those workers who are having many of t h e i r needs met i n the work p l a c e . And i t would not be co n s i d e r e d an o p t i o n to most workers, even i f they were f i n a n c i a l l y secure. Yet, unemployment has become a r e a l i t y i n our s o c i e t y , and i n d i v i d u a l s are being l a i d o f f or made redundant at t h e i r p l a c e of work. They are o f t e n t o l d 2 by t h e i r employers that i t i s no r e f l e c t i o n on t h e i r performance or c a p a b i l i t i e s . Rather, i t i s a poor economy or t e c h n i c a l upgrading of f a c i l i t i e s or a co r p o r a t e r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n . I n d i v i d u a l s are l e t go while they hear how v a l u a b l e they have been and how they w i l l be s o r e l y missed. Loss of job produces s e v e r a l changes i n a man's l i f e space. C l e a r l y assumptions about the sources of money and s e c u r i t y w i l l change and the i n d i v i d u a l ' s f a i t h i n h i s own c a p a c i t y to work e f f e c t i v e l y and to earn are a l s o l i k e l y to change. H i s view of the world as a safe secure place w i l l change, h i s e x p e c t a t i o n s of h i s fu t u r e and th a t of h i s f a m i l y w i l l change and he i s l i k e l y t o have to r e p l a n h i s mode of l i f e . Thus, h i s a l t e r e d assumptive world w i l l cause him t o int r o d u c e f u r t h e r changes i n h i s l i f e space, to set up a c y c l e of i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l changes aimed at improving the f i t between h i m s e l f and h i s environment. (Parke, 1977 p.76) The change process which these i n d i v i d u a l s undergo, w i l l vary i n i n t e n s i t y , d u r a t i o n and end r e s u l t s . Some r e s e a r c h e r s (Eisenberg and L a z a r s f e l d 1938, Hopson and Adams 1976, H i l l 1977, Borgen and Amundson 1984) suggest that the unemployed go through i d e n t i f i a b l e phases of p s y c h o l o g i c a l adjustments: from shock and d e n i a l at l a y - o f f , to anger, d e p r e s s i o n and acceptance; t h i s i s fo l l o w e d by a short p e r i o d of optimism and enthusiasm which may l e a d e i t h e r to 3 employment or s t a g n a t i o n , f r u s t r a t i o n and apathy. These are s i m i l a r to the stages of g r i e v i n g suggested by Kubler-Ross (1969). Those who have l o s t t h e i r jobs g r i e v e not only the l o s s of employment, but the l o s s of f r i e n d s and acquaintances, as w e l l as l o s s of s e l f worth, d i r e c t i o n and meaning in l i f e . There i s evidence to suggest t h a t unemployment has a negative impact on c l o s e r e l a t i o n s . As f a r back as the Great Depression of the 1930's, r e s e a r c h e r s found t h a t unemployment can l e a d to lowered s e l f esteem, impaired i n d i v i d u a l f u n c t i o n i n g , s t r a i n e d m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and u n s a t i s f a c t o r y f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s ( A n g e l l 1936, Bakke 1940, Cavan and Ranck 1938). R i g i d r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n s w i t h i n the f a m i l y , l a c k of support and poor communication between spouses a l l seem to be r e l a t e d to poor i n d i v i d u a l , m a r i t a l and f a m i l y adjustment to unemployment (Aldous 1969, Larson 1984, Furstenberg 1974). However, Fagin and L i t t l e (1984) found that f a m i l i e s which remained i n t a c t d u r i n g unemployment maintained e x i s t i n g r o l e s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n the f a m i l y . M e d i a t i n g f a c t o r s seem to be i n d i v i d u a l a d a p t a b i l i t y and f l e x i b i l i t y w i t h i n the f a m i l y , which maintains m a r i t a l communication and an a p p r o p r i a t e h i e r a r c h y w i t h i n the f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e . The p a r e n t s 4 must r e t a i n t h e i r e x e c u t i v e f u n c t i o n s w i t h i n the f a m i l y while they make the necessary adjustments, such as the non-working spouse t a k i n g on i n c r e a s e d household and c h i l d r e a r i n g d u t i e s . Statement of the Problem The aim of t h i s study i s to examine the e f f e c t s of unemployment on the couple r e l a t i o n s h i p . A secondary purpose i s to explore each spouse's p e r c e p t i o n of s e l f , other and the f a m i l y environment d u r i n g the p e r i o d of unemployment. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s study i s designed to p r o v i d e data i n the r e l e v a n t areas o f : unemployed and spouse's response to job l o s s , the emotional changes which each e x p e r i e n c e s , accompanying changes i n events or b e h a v i o r s which produced change f o r the i n d i v i d u a l or couple, coping s t r a t e g i e s of the spouses, p e r s o n a l i n s i g h t s and p e r c e i v e d changes i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p and w i t h i n the f a m i l y . 5 D e f i n i t i o n of Terms The f o l l o w i n g o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s were adopted f o r use i n t h i s study: E f f e c t s of Unemployment r e f e r s to the p s y c h o s o c i a l impact and p s y c h o p h y s i o l o g i c a l i s s u e s r e l a t e d to unemployment. T h i s term i n c l u d e s change i n one's p e r c e p t i o n of s e l f and others and one's world view as a consequence of job l o s s . Couple c o n s i s t s of man and woman c o h a b i t a t i n g f o r a minimum of two y e a r s . Borrowing from the works of Haley (1973) and Minuchin (1978), f a m i l y t h e r a p i s t s with a s y s t e m a t i c p e r s p e c t i v e of f a m i l i e s , the couple over the p e r i o d of two years, w i l l have e s t a b l i s h e d a r e l a t i o n s h i p separate from t h e i r f a m i l i e s of o r i g i n and w i l l have adapted to a g r e a t e r or l e s s e r degree to one another. They w i l l have c e r t a i n r o l e s and e x p e c t a t i o n s of each other and developed t r a n s a c t i o n a l p a t t e r n s which are mutually s a t i s f y i n g . Family Environment r e f e r s to the f a m i l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which r e g u l a t e and d i r e c t the behavior of f a m i l y members. Moos and Moos (1976) have i s o l a t e d ten such f a m i l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which together make up the Family Environment Scale  (FES), a measurement t o o l used in t h i s study. 6 These characteristics include cohesion, expressiveness, conflict, independence, achievement orientation, intellectual-cultural orientation, active recreational orientation, moral-religious emphasis, organization and control. Perception of Self refers to expressed views of one's wishes and desires, needs met and unmet and awareness of reality Perception of Other includes the quality of interpersonal communication and closeness to another and one's reaction to these perceptions. Overview of the Study The balance of this thesis is organized into four chapters. Chapter 2 reviews the literature relevant to a) the area of unemployment and its effects on individuals and families and b) couples and family systems. The research methodology is described in Chapter 3. This includes a description of the client population, research procedures and instruments used, the goals of the study and a description of the data analysis procedures. The results presented in Chapter 4 are organized into a) descriptive data, and b) data generated by 7 measurement t o o l s . C o n c l u s i o n s , i m p l i c a t i o n s and suggestions f o r f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h are d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter 5. 8 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW P s y c h o l o g i c a l E f f e c t s Of Unemployment In the l a s t ten y e a r s , the r a t e of growth of re s e a r c h i n t o unemployment and i t s e f f e c t s on i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s has been s t e a d i l y i n c r e a s i n g . H i l l (1977) ran a p i l o t study of the s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l impact of unemployment, i n t e r v i e w i n g a sample of 150 unemployed men and women and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . He found t h a t the unemployed s u f f e r e d shock, shame and l o s s of c o n f i d e n c e and o c c u p a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y r e s u l t i n g i n withdrawal from o t h e r s and f e e l i n g s of i s o l a t i o n . Thus, he s a i d , the f a m i l y becomes the main source of s o c i a l c o n t a c t and the major s o c i a l s e t t i n g w i t h i n which the s t r e s s e s of unemployment are experienced and d e a l t . Hayes and Nutman (1981) examined unemployment from the p e r s p e c t i v e of p s y c h o s o c i a l t r a n s i t i o n over time. L i k e H i l l (1977), they p o s t u l a t e d that the unemployed go through three d i s c e r n i b l e phases or stages from job l o s s t o long term unemployment. They found a tendency fo r the unemployed to p e r c e i v e t h e i r s i t u a t i o n as a 9 r e f l e c t i o n on themselves, with concomitant f e e l i n g s of w o r t h l e s s n e s s . These f e e l i n g s c o n t i n u e , the authors s a i d , even a f t e r the unemployed person has a d j u s t e d to changes i n h i s l i f e space, a c c e p t i n g the s i t u a t i o n and moving away from f e e l i n g s of dispondency and a n x i e t y . Amundson and Borgen (1982) developed a model to d e s c r i b e some of the emotional r e a c t i o n s to unemployment. Beginning with job l o s s , they h y p o t h e s i z e d a g r i e v i n g process l e a d i n g from d e n i a l , anger and b a r g a i n i n g to d e p r e s s i o n . With acceptance of job l o s s came a turn toward a more p o s i t i v e , expansive emotional s t a t e whereby job search c o u l d be undertaken with enthusiasm. I f t h i s d i d not l e a d to re-employment, the unemployed i n d i v i d u a l was l i k e l y t o burn out, s i n k i n g i n t o s t a g n a t i o n , f r u s t r a t i o n and apathy. At t h i s p o i n t , he has moved i n t o a phase of extended unemployment accompanied by f u r t h e r emotional s h i f t s and subsequent c y c l e s s i m i l a r to the one j u s t d e s c r i b e d . In 1984, Borgen and Amundson found t h a t , as a group, unemployed i n d i v i d u a l s experienced dramatic s h i f t s i n economic power, p e r s o n a l support and s e l f - e s t e e m . Many of the unemployed p e r c e i v e d s o c i a l and economic b a r r i e r s to re-employment. Most f e l t t h e i r c o n f i d e n c e had been shaken by e r r a t i c and r a p i d 10 s h i f t s i n emotions. Jones (1979) s t a t e d that everybody g r i e v e s the l o s s of a c a r e e r , but that they respond d i f f e r e n t l y and to d i f f e r e n t degrees. Thus, i f c a r e e r l o s s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y c r i t i c a l to an i n d i v i d u a l , the g r i e f r e a c t i o n may l e a d to d i s o r i e n t a t i o n , lowered s e l f - e s t e e m and a r e s u l t i n g negating behavior. A year l a t e r , H a r t l e y (1980) found that those managers with higher work involvement would be much more n e g a t i v e l y a f f e c t e d by unemployment than those who f i n d t h e i r work s t r e s s f u l and u n s a t i s f y i n g . Jackson et a l . (1983) found, i n t h e i r study of unemployed young people, that the higher the commitment to employment, the hi g h e r the r a t e s of p s y c h i a t r i c symptoms. T h i s l i n k between employment s t a t u s and w e l l being was e s p e c i a l l y c l e a r with those unemployed people who were p r i n c i p a l wage earners f o r themselves or t h e i r f a m i l i e s . A more recent study by Shamir (1985) found t h a t the higher one's work involvement, the lower the morale and the higher the l e v e l s of d e p r e s s i o n and a n x i e t y f o l l o w i n g job l o s s . Work involvement seemed to be a v a r i a b l e u n r e l a t e d to the f i n a n c i a l s t a t e of the unemployed person. 11 K i r c h l e r ' s (1984) study on the e f f e c t of job l o s s on mood tr a c k e d an emotional c y c l e of immediate mood d e t e r i o r a t i o n a f t e r l a y o f f , improved w e l l being a f t e r two or three months and a s i g n i f i c a n t d e c l i n e between the f o u r t h and s i x t h months. An important m e d i a t i n g f a c t o r f o r the unemployed i n h i s study was whether the i n d i v i d u a l a t t r i b u t e d job l o s s and bad f e e l i n g s i n t e r n a l l y or e x t e r n a l l y . I f i n t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n s were made, dep r e s s i o n was l i k e l y . I f bad moods were e x t e r n a l l y a t t r i b u t e d , while the unemployed i n d i v i d u a l may f e e l a lack of c o n t r o l and sense of f a t a l i s m , he a l s o tends t o focus on those persons or events that c o u l d p r o v i d e him with emotional support. Length of unemployment seems to be n e g a t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d with p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p h y s i c a l h e a l t h Hepworth (1980), Brenner and B a r t e l l (1983), Warr and Jackson (1984). However, Hepworth (1980) found t h a t i f the i n d i v i d u a l thought h i s time was occupied m e a n i n g f u l l y , he was more l i k e l y t o f e e l b e t t e r about h i m s e l f . Brenner and B a r t e l l (1983) found that the a b i l i t y to organize one's l i f e f o l l o w i n g job l o s s , so that much of the time i s experi e n c e d as occupied, can serve as a safeguard f o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l w e l l being and funct i o n i n g . 12 The p i c t u r e i s d i f f e r e n t , a c c o r d i n g to Warr, Jackson and Banks (1982), f o r young unemployed people. In t h e i r study of younger u n s k i l l e d men and women, they found there was no c o r r e l a t i o n between the l e n g t h of unemployment and measures of both p s y c h o l o g i a l d i s t r e s s and s e l f - e s t e e m . In the r e s e a r c h i n t o the p s y c h o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of unemployment, many authors d i s c u s s mediating f a c t o r s i n an i n d i v i d u a l ' s v u l n e r a b i l i t y to g r i e f , d e p r e s s i o n and lowered s e l f - e s t e e m . Jones (1979) concluded that being a b l e t o cope e f f e c t i v e l y with s t r e s s and having both formal and i n f o r m a l support systems a v a i l a b l e t o the j o b l e s s w i l l l e s s e n the extent or depth of the r e a c t i o n t o job l o s s . Feather (1982) found that while unemployed s u b j e c t s i n h i s study tended to r e p o r t more d e p r e s s i v e symptoms and be lower i n s e l f - e s t e e m than the employed s u b j e c t s , such v a r i a b l e s as o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s , type of work, amount of s o c i a l support and i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n t e r v e n e i n the experience of unemployment. Rainwater (1978) s t r e s s e d the importance of v a l i d a t i o n to the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s access to v a l i d a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s . For many people, being employed p r o v i d e s v a l i d a t i o n of s e l f worth. Once they become unemployed, that important source of v a l i d a t i o n d i s a p p e a r s . I t would seem important that other 13 v a l i d a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s be pursued, to p r o v i d e a sense of p e r s o n a l e f f e c t i v e n e s s and w e l l being. Payne and H a r t l y (1987) found that those unemployed men r e p o r t i n g g r e a t e r problems i n t h e i r environment a l s o r e p o r t e d more neg a t i v e a f f e c t . Environmental v a r i a b l e s i n c l u d e d p e r c e i v e d p e r s o n a l problems, support and p e r c e i v e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s from unemployment. U n l i k e many other recent s t u d i e s , these authors s t r e s s e d the importance of t a k i n g f i n a n c e s and h e a l t h i n t o account when s t u d y i n g a f f e c t i v e r e a c t i o n s to unemployment. In t h i s study, the authors found these " c o n d i t i o n i n g v a r i a b l e s " ( f i n a n c i a l w o r r i e s , f i n a n c i a l b e h a v i o r , h e a l t h and h e a l t h change) to be s i g n i f i c a n t p r e d i c t o r s of a f f e c t i v e s t a t e s . In the e xhaustive Canadian study on unemployment, prepared by K i r s h (1983), f o u r t e e n f a c t o r s were l i s t e d which c o u l d moderate the e f f e c t s of unemployment on people. These i n c l u d e formal and i n f o r m a l support a v a i l a b i l i t y , a t t r i b u t i o n of blame f o r being unemployed, economic c l a s s , l e n g t h of unemployment, s t a t e of h e a l t h , sense of s e l f worth, a b i l i t y to handle l o s s and the a b i l i t y to occupy f r e e time m e a n i n g f u l l y . 1 4 Unemployment and the Family There appear to be s e v e r a l mediating f a c t o r s which determine the kind of impact unemployment has on the f a m i l y and on the male and h i s r o l e as p r o v i d e r . Aldous (1969) found t h a t lower c l a s s white and black f a m i l i e s with r i g i d r o l e s e p e r a t i o n and d i v i s i o n of labour s u f f e r e d some d i s r u p t i o n i n f a m i l y l i f e when the husband l o s t h i s job. The rewards normally a s s o c i a t e d with h i s r o l e as p r o v i d e r d i m i n i s h e d as d i d h i s power and i n f l u e n c e w i t h i n the f a m i l y . T h i s , i n t u r n , l e s s e n e d h i s involvement i n the f a m i l y which f u r t h e r d i m i n i s h e d h i s i n f l u e n c e . Furstenburg (1974) reviewed e a r l i e r s t u d i e s and concluded t h a t the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the f a m i l y p r i o r to job l o s s w i l l e i t h e r promote or prevent d e t e r i o r a t i o n i n f a m i l y l i f e . The s u p p o r t i v e f a m i l y w i l l be much l e s s l i k e l y to blame unemployment on the man and w i l l c ontinue to show him r e s p e c t . The f a m i l y with r i g i d r o l e assignment were the husband has a p r i m a r i l y u t i l i t a r i a n r o l e w i l l e xperience g r e a t e r d i s r u p t i o n through unemployment. The man's p o s i t i o n may be undercut and h i s a u t h o r i t y q u e s t i o n e d . He may be blamed as the one r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s own unemployment. 15 Larson (1984) found that the unemployed experienced d i s r u p t i o n i n m a r i t a l and f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y i n s i t u a t i o n s where t r a d i t i o n a l m a r i t a l r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n s e x i s t e d . The mediating f a c t o r s f o r couples i n t h i s study seemed to be the q u a l i t y of communication between spouses. Liem and Liem (1979) concluded, i n t h e i r e x t e n s i v e study i n t o the e f f e c t of unemployment on the f a m i l y , that unemployment impacts upon the f a m i l y system, r e s u l t i n g i n a changed f a m i l y environment and i n d i v i d u a l changes i n mood and behavior. They found that f o r the husbands, being unemployed was s t r o n g l y a s s o c i a t e d with higher l e v e l s of p s y c h i a t r i c symptoms r e l a t i v e to the employed husbands in the study. T h i s d i f f e r e n c e was s i g n i f i c a n t l y g r e a t e r at the f o u r t h month than at the f i r s t month a f t e r job l o s s . The wives i n unemployed f a m i l i e s were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more depressed, anxious and s e n s i t i v e about t h e i r m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p f o l l o w i n g a four month p e r i o d of unemployment. Fagin and L i t t l e (1984) r e p o r t e d that the f a m i l i e s they i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h e i r study on the impact of unemployment had mixed responses to unemployment. D r a s t i c changes i n r o l e s w i t h i n the f a m i l y were more l i k e l y to occur i n f a m i l i e s with h e a l t h problems p r i o r 16 to and f o l l o w i n g job l o s s . F a m i l i e s with h e a l t h problems only f o l l o w i n g job l o s s were l i k e l y to have an acute or delayed r e a c t i o n s i m i l a r to the g r i e v i n g process which f o l l o w s any major l o s s . T h i s r e a c t i o n , the authors claimed, begins with shock, then d e n i a l , optimism, a n x i e t y and hopelessness l e a d i n g to c h r o n i c unemployment. Some f a m i l i e s had no h e a l t h problems. Most of these f a m i l i e s remained i n t a c t d u r i n g the p e r i o d of unemployment, m a i n t a i n i n g e x i s t i n g r o l e s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n the f a m i l y and through support, t o l e r a n c e and understanding by the wife or, to a l e s s e r e x t e n t , people o u t s i d e the f a m i l y . Stokes and Cochrane's study (1984) concluded that l e v e l s of m a r i t a l and f a m i l y s a t i s f a c t i o n and l e v e l s of s o c i a l c o n t a c t were not i n f l u e n c e d by the experience of unemployment. However, they d i d f i n d t h a t unemployment through redundancy was a s s o c i a t e d with i n c r e a s e d p s y c h o - p h y s i o l o g i c a l symptomatology, higher l e v e l s of h o s t i l i t y and decreased l e v e l s of s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n . 17 Couples and F a m i l i e s I n d i v i d u a l s enter i n t o i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s to f u l f i l l a v a r i e t y of needs. Maslow (1970) emphasized the importance of belonging and g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g of l o v e . While these needs can be met w i t h i n one's f a m i l y of o r i g i n , one's community and with f r i e n d s , i n d i v i d u a l s u s u a l l y look to a mate or l o v e r f o r f u l f i l l m e n t of these needs. In Maslow's h i e r a r c h i c a l view of needs, one's p h y s i o l o g i c a l and s a f e t y needs must be met to be able to develop the needs f o r b e longing and l o v e . Once people f e e l l o v e d and have a sense of belonging, they can develop the need f o r esteem and s e l f a c t u a l i z a t i o n . When the r e l a t i o n s h i p has been e s t a b l i s h e d , the couple must l e a r n to adapt to one another and to develop new p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n which s a t i s f y both and meet t h e i r needs. Each p a r t n e r b r i n g s with them a set of assumptions and e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r m a r i t a l i n t e r a c t i o n . These must be r e c o n c i l e d to e s t a b l i s h a f oundation upon which to b u i l d the r e l a t i o n s h i p . In the p r o c e s s , new t r a n s a c t i o n a l p a t t e r n s are e s t a b l i s h e d as each d i s c o v e r s a p r e f e r r e d way of d e a l i n g with the o t h e r . 18 Jackson (1965) and Haley (1963) d e s c r i b e the e a r l y stages of a couple r e l a t i o n s h i p as devoted to the i s s u e s of power and c o n t r o l . E x p l i c i t and i m p l i c i t r u l e s govern behavior, who i s i n c o n t r o l i n which s i t u a t i o n and what each spouse g i v e s and r e c e i v e s . T h i s they term the " m a r i t a l q u i d pro quo". M a r r i e d l i f e p r e s e n t s a s e r i e s of problems which the couple must address and r e s o l v e . I n i t i a l l y , r o l e s can be f l e x i b l e and i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e . Over time, with added r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and the e v o l u t i o n from couple to f a m i l y , t h i s f l e x i b i l i t y can be l o s t . Roles may become too f i x e d and r i g i d . With the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t born, b i g adjustments are necessary. Finances may become s t r a i n e d with a d d i t i o n a l expenses and p o s s i b l e l o s s of a second income. The two-member f a m i l y system becomes a three-member system. D i s t r i b u t i o n of d u t i e s become more c l e a r c u t . The couple must not only be mutually s u p p o r t i v e but a l s o o f f e r l o v i n g , c o n s i s t e n t and c o n s t r u c t i v e care f o r the c h i l d . P a r e n t a l r o l e s must change as the f a m i l y grows, as the c h i l d r e n mature and become able to do more and make more d e c i s i o n s f o r themselves. I f the parents are w e l l f u n c t i o n i n g , u n i t e d and c a r i n g , the t r a n s i t i o n s can occur with a minimum of s t r e s s . I f the parents are not 19 u n i t e d and do not f e e l mutually supported, the t r a n s i t i o n p o i n t s can be d i f f i c u l t . A h e a l t h y f a m i l y (Stanton, 1981) i s ab l e to go through t r a n s i t i o n steps or stages, such as the b i r t h of the f i r s t c h i l d , c h i l d r e n beginning s c h o o l , death of a parent or s i m i l a r l i f e c r i s i s , without undo d i f f i c u l t y . From a communication t h e o r i s t ' s p o i n t of view ( S a t i r , 1967), a f u n c t i o n a l f a m i l y i s able to gi v e c l e a r , congruent messages and ask d i r e c t q u e s t i o n s to understand another's behavior or f e e l i n g s . Family members are per m i t t e d to d i s a g r e e and make choices? they have some degree of self-awareness as w e l l as awareness of how ot h e r s see them. D y s f u n c t i o n a l f a m i l i e s can be i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to weather the d i f f i c u l t i e s a s s o c i a t e d with normal t r a n s i t i o n a l stages. F r e q u e n t l y one member of the f a m i l y system develops some kind of symptomatic behavior around which the f a m i l y o r g a n i z e s (Haley, 1973). The symptom u s u a l l y appears when the f a m i l y member i s i n an impossible s i t u a t i o n and i s t r y i n g u n s u c c e s s f u l l y to break out of i t . S l u z k i and Beavin (1965) d i v i s e d a typology of dyads based on complimentarity and symmetry. Complimentary r e l a t i o n s h i p s are based on i n e q u a l i t i y and maximization of d i f f e r e n c e s . Symmetrical 20 r e l a t i o n s h i p s are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by e q u a l i t y and m i n i m i z a t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e s between the couple. The extent to which dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p s are s t a b l e depends i n p a r t upon the spouse's s t y l e of i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p . Lederer and Jackson (1968) e v a l u a t e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l i t y ( s u i t a b i l i t y of behavior f o r a c h i e v i n g common goals with a minimum of impasses and back l o g s ) , temporal c o m p a t i b i l i t y (being on a c c e p t a b l y s i m i l a r wavelengths r e g a r d i n g short and long term go a l s ) and v e c t o r r e l a t i o n s ( a b i l i t y to handle m a r i t a l changes by c o l l a b o r a t i o n ) . They c a t e g o r i z e d m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r d e s i r a b i l i t y and f u n c t i o n a l i t y . S t a b i l i t y of r e l a t i o n s h i p r a t e d high f o r both S l u z k i and Beavin, and Lederer and Jackson. The former r e s e a r c h team focused on com p e t i t i o n toward one up or one down p o s i t i o n s i n d y s f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The l a t e r looked at the i n t e r p l a y between s t a b i l i t y and s a t i s f a c t i o n i n marriage, r a t i n g the S t a b l e - S a t i s f a c t o r y Marriage h i g h l y and the S t a b l e - U n s a t i s f a c t o r y Marriage as most d y s f u n c t i o n a l . A l i f e c r i s i s , such as the unemployment of the main wage earner i n the f a m i l y may w e l l heighten the d i f f e r e n c e s and a m p l i f y t e n s i o n s w i t h i n the couple's ,21 r e l a t i o n s h i p . One would expect that f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , where both spouses p e r c e i v e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as d e s i r a b l e , would be b e t t e r equipped to cope than r e l a t i o n s h i p s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i n s t a b i l i t y , assymmetry and f e e l i n g s of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . S l u z k i (1981) notes that f a m i l i e s e x i s t i n r e g u l a r i t y and s t a b i l i t y and with p r e d i c t a b l e p a t t e r n s of b ehavior. There i s pressure from w i t h i n the f a m i l y system to maintain an e q u i l i b r i u m and prevent any imbalances from o c c u r r i n g . When e x t e r n a l v a r i a b l e s , such as unemployment, impinges upon the system, i t s e q u i l i b r i u m i s threatened. The system may seek to defend i t s e l f by denying the e x i s t e n c e of the e x t e r n a l v a r i a b l e or attempting to r e o r g a n i z e and c o n s o l i d a t e a new p o s i t i o n of e q u i l i b r i u m . Old p a t t e r n s of behavior and r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n s are p l a c e d i n jeopardy. I t would seem that the f u n c t i o n a l , a d j u s t e d f a m i l y would be equipped to cope with the c r i s i s and adopt new p a t t e r n s of behavior and a l t e r n a t e r o l e s w i t h i n the f a m i l y . The d y s f u n c t i o n a l , p o o r l y a d j u s t e d f a m i l y c o u l d be i l l prepared and underequipped to d e a l e f f e c t i v e l y with a l i f e c r i s i s . They may choose to r e t a i n o l d p a t t e r n s of behavior and i n t e r a c t i o n s which are i n a p p r o p r i a t e to the changing p e r s o n a l and 22 i n t e r p e r s o n a l s i t u a t i o n s . I t i s t h i s process of d i s r u p t i o n and r e o r g a n i z a t i o n around the i s s u e of unemployment that t h i s study w i l l e x p l o r e . How people r e o r g a n i z e t h e i r p e r s o n a l and f a m i l y l i v e s and how they experience t h i s f o r c e d change to the s t a b i l i t y of the f a m i l y system i n general and the spousal subsystem i n p a r t i c u l a r w i l l be the t h r u s t of my r e s e a r c h . Using the Dyadic Adjustment S c a l e (Spanier, 1976) and the Family Environment S c a l e (Moos & Moos, 1976), coupl e s ' p e r c e p t i o n s of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p and t h e i r f a m i l y w i l l be measured and c a t e g o r i z e d . I w i l l be l o o k i n g at the s i m i l a r i t i e s and the d i f f e r e n c e s among couples who r a t e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as w e l l a d j u s t e d , a d j u s t e d or p o o r l y a d j u s t e d , from a time p r i o r t o unemployment to the time of the i n t e r v i e w . 23 CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Th i s chapter begins with a d e s c r i p t i o n of the sample p o p u l a t i o n , i t s a c c e s s a b i l i t y f o r t h i s study and other s t u d i e s on unemployment. Research procedures and instruments used are d e l i n e a t e d , i n c l u d i n g a d e s c r i p t i o n of the data c o l l e c t i o n and data a n a l y s i s procedures. Sample The f o u r t e e n couples i n v o l v e d . i n t h i s study were r e c r u i t e d over an eighteen month p e r i o d . They were accessed by newspaper ads, p o s t e r s at community c e n t r e s , churches and food banks, r e c r u i t i n g at Canada Employment C e n t r e s , p e r s o n a l r e f e r r a l s and r e f e r r a l s from unemployed people's support groups and unemployment c e n t r e s . The response r a t e s f o r the rec r u i t m e n t of the unemployed s u b j e c t s and t h e i r spouses were very poor. In the face of growing unemployment, I was g e t t i n g no response from the v a r i o u s and e x t e n s i v e appeals f o r v o l u n t e e r s . Other r e s e a r c h e r s i n t o the impact of unemployment (Warr 1977, H i l l 1977, Stokes & Cochrane 24 1984) have commented on the i n a c c e s s a b i l i t y of t h i s p o p u l a t i o n . Consequently, much of the r e s e a r c h has been predominantly small s c a l e , anecdotal or a case study approach to s t u d i e s of the unemployed. T h i s study s u f f e r s from the same l i m i t a t i o n s while s t r i v i n g to e x t r a c t d e t a i l e d and thorough data from the sample. Couples were screened on i n i t i a l c o n t a c t a c c o r d i n g to the f o l l o w i n g c r i t e r i a : 1) The couple had been c o h a b i t a t i n g or married f o r a minimum of two y e a r s . 2) The primary wage earner had been unemployed f o r a minimum of s i x months. When income from both spouses were r e p o r t e d to be e q u a l l y important to the running of the f a m i l y , unemployment for e i t h e r spouse was w i t h i n the c r i t e r i a of t h i s study. 3) The couple had to be w i l l i n g to meet with me at t h e i r convenience, p a r t i c i p a t e i n an audio taped i n t e r v i e w and respond to the s c a l e s used i n t h i s study. The f o l l o w i n g demographic data was c o l l e c t e d from the couples p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t h i s study. The mean f o r the number of years couples had been l i v i n g together was 11.5 years (Range: 2.5-20). There was an average of 1.6 c h i l d r e n per f a m i l y (Range: 0-4). The mean age of the husbands i n v o l v e d i n t h i s study was 35 (Range: 25 24-50). The average income f o r primary wage earners p r i o r to unemployment was $30,900 (Range: $24,000-$42,000). The average income f o l l o w i n g unemployment dropped to $9,900 (Range: $0-18,000). The mean f o r the number of months of unemployment, at the time of the i n t e r v i e w was 13 (Range: 6-36). Research Procedures T h i s study u t i l i z e d both q u a l i t a t i v e and q u a n t i t a t i v e methods to a c q u i r e a more d e t a i l e d understanding of the experiences of unemployment and i t ' s p e r c e i v e d impact on the couple's r e l a t i o n s h i p . G i o r g i (1975), i n h i s arguments supp o r t i n g a phenomenological approach to p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e s e a r c h , underscores the importance of d e s c r i p t i v e , c o n t e n t u a l m a t e r i a l , generated i n an i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n and g e n e r a l i z i n g , r a t h e r than f o r m a l i z i n g , from the d e s c r i p t i v e data. He s t r e s s e s that the r e s e a r c h e r begin with d e s c r i p t i o n s , made by the s u b j e c t s being i n t e r v i e w e d . The i n t e r v i e w e r ' s main task at t h i s stage i s to f a c i l i t a t e the respondents' r e c o l l e c t i o n s of past e x p e r i e n c e s as they r e l a t e to the i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The f i r s t s t e p of the data a n a l y s i s i s to determine the n a t u r a l "meaning u n i t s " as expressed by the s u b j e c t . Once t.he n a t u r a l u n i t s have been d e l i n e a t e d , the 26 researcher looks f o r a theme or themes t h a t dominate the n a t u r a l u n i t . The next step i s to examine these themes i n terms of the i n v e s t i g a t i o n or r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s being asked. The themes are then t i e d together at the " s i t u a t e d l e v e l " , which i n c l u d e s the concreteness and s p e c i f i c s of the a c t u a l r e s e a r c h s i t u a t i o n employed and the "general l e v e l " , which c e n t r e s on those a s p e c t s s p e c i f i c to the i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Patton (1980) regards the q u a l i t a t i v e study as a process of d i s c o v e r y which f a c i l i t a t e s an understanding of the dynamic processes i n v o l v e d i n the phenomenon under i n v e s t i g a t i o n . He s t a t e s that q u a l i t a t i v e designs allow the important dimensions to emerge from d e s c r i p t i v e data without presupposing i n advance what the important dimensions w i l l be. As the i n q u i r y r e v e a l s p a t t e r n s and major dimensions of i n t e r e s t , the i n v e s t i g a t o r begins to focus on v e r i f y i n g and e l u c i d a t i n g what happens to be emerging: a deductive approach to data c o l l e c t i o n and a n a l y s i s . (Patton, 1980) The q u a n t i t a t i v e data, generated using the Dyadic  Adjustment Scale (DAS) (Spanier 1976) and Family  Environment S c a l e (FES) (Moos and Moos 1976), measures the s u b j e c t s ' p e r c e p t i o n s of m a r i t a l adjustment and the f a m i l y environment and compares the r e s u l t s with o t h e r s . 27 Spanier and Cole (1979) d e f i n e m a r i t a l adjustment as a "process, the outcome of which i s determined by the degree of troublesome m a r i t a l d i f f e r e n c e s , i n t e r s p o u s a l t e n s i o n s and pe r s o n a l a n x i e t y , m a r i t a l s a t i s f a c t i o n , dyadic cohesion and consensus on matters of importance t o m a r i t a l f u n c t i o n i n g " . ( p . 127,128) In an e a r l i e r study, Spanier (1976) d e f i n e d dyadic adjustment as a "process of movement along a continuum which can be eva l u a t e d i n terms of p r o x i m i t y to good or poor adjustment".(p 17) Spanier p r e s e n t s the DAS as a v a l i d and r e l i a b l e s c a l e which measures both the process and the q u a l i t y of adjustment. The FES has been used e x t e n s i v e l y to explore the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of f a m i l i e s . Moos and Moos (1979) argue that "a typology of the s o c i a l environments of f a m i l i e s can help to c o n c e p t u a l i z e the major ways i n which f a m i l i e s are or g a n i z e d and to ex p l o r e how v a r i a t i o n s among f a m i l y environments are l i n k e d to i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l y f u n c t i o n i n g " (p. 19) Together, these measurement t o o l s add to the q u a l i t a t i v e data generated i n the i n t e r v i e w . The q u a l i t a t i v e and q u a n t i t a t i v e data are r e c i p r o c a l l y r e l a t e d i n that both address the i s s u e s of m a r i t a l 28 s a t i s f a c t i o n and dyadic adjustment as w e l l as how much the e x p eriences of unemployment impacted on the s u b j e c t s i n t e r v i e w e d . Data C o l l e c t i o n 1) Interview The r e s e a r c h e r met with each couple at a time and p l a c e of t h e i r convenience. A s u b j e c t consent form was presented and signed by each spouse. The i n t e r v i e w was audiotaped, to be l a t e r t r a n s c r i b e d verbatim f o r the purpose of data a n a l y s i s . (Refer to Appendix B f o r a copy of s u b j e c t consent form) The r e s e a r c h e r asked each spouse to r e c a l l h i s / h e r experiences from the time he/she f i r s t thought the job was i n jeopardy through to the p r e s e n t . The r e s e a r c h e r asked the spouse how he/she f i r s t heard that the partner was l o s i n g h i s / h e r job. Each spouse was asked to r e p o r t p e r s o n a l and i n t e r p e r s o n a l experiences from that time to the p r e s e n t . Subsequent q u e s t i o n s were generated i n the course of the i n t e r v i e w , to h e l p the researcher b e t t e r understand the experiences or to probe more f u l l y . 29 2) Dyadic Adjustment S c a l e (DAS) (Spanier 1976) The DAS was presented to each spouse f o l l o w i n g the i n t e r v i e w . They were asked to respond to the DAS f i r s t as they c u r r e n t l y p e r c e i v e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p and secondly as they remember t h i n g s to be p r i o r to unemployment. T h i s instrument c o n s i s t s of t h i r t y s i x items what can be completed i n a few minutes with the r e s u l t i n g score of dyadic adjustment ranging from 0 151 . R e l i a b i l i t y e s t i m a t e s of the DAS and i t s subscales are as f o l l o w s (Spanier 1976): Dyadic Adjustment S c a l e : r - .96 Dyadic Consensus S c a l e : r - .90 Dyadic S a t i s f a c t i o n S c a l e : r - .94 Dyadic Cohesion S c a l e : r - .86 A f f e c t i o n a l Cohesion S c a l e : r - .73 The content v a l i d i t y of the DAS was c o n s i d e r e d by t h r e e judges. Items were i n c l u d e d on the s c a l e only i f they were c o n s i d e r e d : r e l e v a n t measures of dyadic adjustment f o r contempory r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; c o n s i s t e n t with the nominal d e f i n i t i o n s suggested by Spanier and Cole (1976) for adjustment and i t s components ( s a t i s f a c t i o n , cohesion and consensus); c a r e f u l l y worded with a p p r o p r i a t e f i x e d c h o i c e responses. 30 C r i t e r i o n - r e l a t e d v a l i d i t y , which i n d i c a t e s the t e s t ' s e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n p r e d i c t i n g behaviors or a t t i t u d e s and i n a s s e s s i n g c u r r e n t s t a t u s , was determined by a d m i n i s t e r i n g the s c a l e to a l a r g e sample of married and d i v o r c e d persons. For each item, the d i v o r c e d sample d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the married sample (p .001) us i n g a t - t e s t f o r a s s e s s i n g d i f f e r e n c e s between sample means (Spanier 1976). To determine c o n s t r u c t v a l i d i t y , the DAS was compared with the Locke-Wallace M a r i t a l Adjustment  Sc a l e (1959), a f r e q u e n t l y used s c a l e . The c o r r e l a t i o n between the two s c a l e s was .86 among married respondents and .88 among d i v o r c e d respondents (p .001) (Spanier 1976). 3) Family Environment Scale (FES) (Moos & Moos 1976) T h i s instrument was completed by each spouse f o l l o w i n g the i n t e r v i e w and at t h e i r convenievce, and ret u r n e d to me by m a i l . The measure has n i n e t y statements which the respondent r a t e s as true or f a l s e . Nine items r e l a t e to each of the ten s a l i e n t dimensions of f a m i l y environment as d e l i n e a t e d by Moos. The Cohesion, E x p r e s s i v e n e s s and C o n f l i c t s u b s c a l e s assess R e l a t i o n s h i p dimensions. These su b s c a l e s assess the extent to which f a m i l y members 31 f e e l t h a t they belong to and are proud of t h e i r f a m i l y , the extent to which there i s open e x p r e s s i o n w i t h i n the f a m i l y and the degree to which c o n f l i c t u a l i n t e r a c t i o n s are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the f a m i l y . The second group of s u b s c a l e s a s s e s s Personal Development or Personal Growth dimensions. They measure the emphasis w i t h i n the f a m i l y on c e r t a i n developmental processes t h a t may be f o s t e r e d by f a m i l y l i v i n g . Independence measures the emphasis on autonomy and f a m i l y members doing t h i n g s on t h e i r own. Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n measures the amount of emphasis on academic and c o m p e t i t i v e concerns. I n t e l l e c t u a l - C u l t u r a l O r i e n t a t i o n r e f l e c t s the degree to which the f a m i l y i s concerned with a v a r i e t y of i n t e l l e c t u a l and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . The A c t i v e - R e c r e a t i o n a l O r i e n t a t i o n and M o r a l - R e l i g i o u s Emphasis su b s c a l e s measure other important dimensions of p e r s o n a l growth. The l a s t two s ubscales of O r g a n i z a t i o n and C o n t r o l measure System Maintenance dimensions. These dimensions are system-oriented in that they o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n about the s t r u c t u r e or o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h i n the f a m i l y and about the degree of c o n t r o l u s u a l l y e x e r t e d by f a m i l y members v i s - a - v i s each other. (Moos & Moos 1976, p.359) 32 The FES was normed on a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample of 100 f a m i l i e s , from a t o t a l group of 285 d i v e r s e f a m i l i e s , i n c l u d i n g e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s and d i s t u r b e d f a m i l i e s . R e l i a b i l i t y f o r the 10 subscales i s adequate. I n t e r n a l c o n s i s t e n c y ranges from .64 to .79 C o e f f i c i e n t of S t a b i l i t y , over an e i g h t week p e r i o d , ranges from .68 to .86 Subscale i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s are around .20, i n d i c a t i n g that each measures d i s t i n c t though somewhat r e l a t e d aspects of f a m i l y environment. Accor d i n g to i t s authors, the FES s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i s c r i m i n a t e s among f a m i l i e s and between p s y c h i a t r i c a l l y d i s t u r b e d and matched normal f a m i l i e s and i s s e n s i t i v e to p a r e n t - c h i l d p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n the f a m i l y . Six d i s t i n c t c l u s t e r s or types of f a m i l i e s were i d e n t i f i e d which r e p o r t e d l y maximize i n t r a - g r o u p s i m i l a r i t i e s and i n t e r - g r o u p d i f f e r e n c e s . The mean FES standard score p r o f i l e s f o r each c l u s t e r are p r o v i d e d . 4) Demographic Q u e s t i o n n a i r e T h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e addressed the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n s : the number of years spent together as a c o h a b i t a t i n g couple; the age of the spouses; p r e v i o u s occupation and income l e v e l of p r e v i o u s occupation as w e l l as c u r r e n t occupation and c u r r e n t income l e v e l ; 3 3 length of unemployment. (Refer to Appendix E for a copy of the Questionnaire) Data Analysis 1 . Transcription of Taped Interviews 2. Assignment of statements made by each individual to one of eight salient categories. 3 . Analysis of Descriptive Data 4. Reliability Check 5. Analysis of Quantitative Data 1. Transcription of Taped Interviews and 2. Assignment of Statements Steps 1. and 2. dealt with the raw descriptive data generated during the interviews of couples. This data was seperated into one of eight categories: Job Loss/Reaction to Job Loss; Emotional Changes; Accompanying Changes in Events or Behavior that Produced Change; Coping Strategies; Personal Insights; Spouse's Supportive Behavior Individual's Perception of Spousal Support; Response of Family and Extended Family to the Main Wage Earner's Unemployment. 34 3. A n a l y s i s of D e s c r i p t i v e Data Within each category, statements made by i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r v i e w e d (n=28) were c l u s t e r e d i n t o common themes of e x p e r i e n c e s . These themes were d i s c u s s e d and one or two sample statements were i n c l u d e d . 4. R e l i a b i l i t y Check As a way of checking the r e l i a b i l i t y of the statements a s s i g n e d to each of the c a t e g o r i e s , a graduate student i n the Department of C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology was employed. Three couples were randomly drawn from sample (n=14 couples).The graduate student read the flow sheets which were used to a t t r i b u t e statements to the c a t e g o r i e s . She noted the times when she d i s a g r e e d with the assignment of statement to cate g o r y . Out of the 234 statements made by the s i x s u b j e c t s , the graduate student d i s a g r e e d with the placement of 10 statements (4 i n "emotional changes"; 2 in "coping s t r a t e g i e s " ; and 4 i n " p e r c e i v e d changes i n r e l a t i o n s h i p " ) . Thus, a 97.7% accuracy i n c a t e g o r i z i n g statements was ach i e v e d . 35 The graduate student noted that some statements seemed to s t r a d d l e c a t e g o r i e s , i n t h a t they c o u l d have been reasonably p l a c e d i n e i t h e r of two c a t e g o r i e s . In the end, however, she had few s p e c i f i c d i s c r e p e n c i e s from the c a t e g o r i z a t i o n of statements. 5. A n a l y s i s of Q u a n t i t a t i v e Data The Dyadic Adjustment S c a l e (DAS) (Spanier, 1976) was a d m i n i s t e r e d to the s u b j e c t s f o l l o w i n g the i n t e r v i e w . The Family Environment S c a l e (Moos and Moos, 1976) was l e f t with the couple and the completed forms were ret u r n e d by m a i l at a l a t e r date. On the b a s i s of the coupl e s ' responses to the DAS, seven groups were formed. These groups ranged from one, where both spouses p e r c e i v e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as w e l l a d j u s t e d p r i o r to job l o s s and a t the time of the i n t e r v i e w , to seven, where both spouses r a t e d the m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p as underadjusted at the time of the i n t e r v i e w , and one spouse r a t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as underadjusted p r i o r to job l o s s . Accompanying the DAS p r o f i l e s are the a v a i l a b l e FES. Scores f o r each spouse are p r o f i l e d along ten s u b s c a l e s . A corresponding FES c l u s t e r which best f i t s these p r o f i l e s i s added along with d i s c u s s i o n . 36 CHAPTER 4 RESEARCH RESULTS D e s c r i p t i v e Data Statements made by each s u b j e c t were separated i n t o e i g h t c a t e g o r i e s : 1)Job Loss/Reaction to Job Loss; 2)Emotional Changes; 3)Accompanying Changes i n Events or Behavior that Produced Change; 4)Coping S t r a t e g i e s ; 5)Personal I n s i g h t s ; 6)Statements P e r t a i n i n g to Spouse's Behavior During the P e r i o d of Unemployment; 7 ) I n d i v i d u a l ' s P e r c e p t i o n of that Behavior and Subsequent I n t e r a c t i o n s ; 8)Response of Family and Extended Family to the Main Wage Earner's Unemployment. Under each category, the s u b j e c t s i n t e r v i e w e d were a l i g n e d a c c o r d i n g to common e x p e r i e n c e s . An a t t r i b u t e d , i l l u s t r a t i v e quote i s i n c l u d e d . The bulk of a t t r i b u t e d quotes appear i n Appendix D. Job Loss/Reaction to Job Loss Seven of the 14 unemployed males had been working s t e a d i l y , f o r many y e a r s , p r i o r t o being unemployed. Most of them commented on how d i f f i c u l t i t was f o r them 37 to accept l o s i n g t h e i r job. For some, the d i f f i c u l t i e s were f i n a n c i a l ; f o r others i t was a sense of l o s s , a blow to t h e i r s e l f c o n f i d e n c e . A few f e l t r e l i e v e d and "took a h o l i d a y " of some s o r t . Case Study 14 "My a t t i t u d e was ' i t ' s here, I'm going to take a month o f f and enjoy the summer'. Moneywise i t was ok. I got a h a l f decent severence pay. So i t was not l i k e we were suddenly without money. F i n a n c i a l l y we'd be f i n e . " " I t was l i k e I was a company man. I put a l o t i n t o my job. I don't have a u n i v e r s i t y degree or a n y t h i n g . I s t a r t e d from the bottom and worked my way. I was doing q u i t e w e l l . And a l l of a sudden that was taken from me." The other seven unemployed males.had a h i s t o r y of moving from job to job. Some of these men worked i n t r a d e s which were a f f e c t e d by the ebb and flow of the economy. Others had chosen to work or not t o work as i t best s u i t e d them. As a group, they s u f f e r e d v a r y i n g degrees of f i n a n c i a l h a r d s h i p s , p a r t i c u l a r l y with extended unemployment. Case Study 3 "A year ago, the economic c o n d i t i o n s got so bad, I was l a i d o f f . The l a s t o u t f i t I worked f o r went from 50 or 60 peple to 5 people. I was one of those l a i d o f f . " "I f e l t g u i l t y as I saw o t h e r s g e t t i n g l a i d o f f and I s t i l l had work. I was almost glad to be l a i d o f f , but that d i d n ' t l a s t f o r too l o n g . " "Our main source of income d r i e d up when I l o s t my job. We've s i n c e used up a l l out savings and UIC runs out soon.. I t ' s going to be a problem over the w i n t e r . " 38 In t h i s study, three women had experienced job l o s s and unemployment over the l a s t few y e a r s . Each of them c o n s i d e r e d t h e i r wages to be s i g n i f i c a n t to the f i n a n c i a l s e c u r i t y of t h e i r f a m i l y . T h e i r job l o s s had a s i m i l a r impact on them and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as d i d t h e i r husband's job l o s s . Case Study 6 "In 1982, i t was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t and I accepted the f a c t that unemployment was here to s t a y . I had to l e a r n to l i v e with i t and become a c t i v e , to give me some peace of mind. The more you're unemployed, the more you l e a r n to come to g r i p s with i t . But with experience I became c o n f i d e n t and everytime a f t e r t h a t I was l a i d o f f , I knew i t wasn't j u s t me." "Unemployment used to weird me out p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y , at l e a s t i n the b e g i n n i n g . " Emotional Changes Both the unemployed i n d i v i d u a l and h i s / h e r spouse experienced emotional changes due to unemployment. For those d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by job l o s s , there were some f e e l i n g s of l o s s , worthlessness and s e l f - d o u b t . Case Study 14 "At f i r s t i t was kind of d e v a s t a t i n g . I t ' s your p r i d e you know." Case Study 3 "I'm used to working. I t ' s a shock to your system. You f e e l u s e l e s s , c a s t by the wayside." 39 Accompanying Changes i n Events or Behavior That  Produced Change For some i n d i v i d u a l s , s p e c i f i c events helped or hindered t h e i r coping with unemployment. Some of these events were s e n s i b l e d e c i s i o n s made by i n d i v i d u a l s and c o u p l e s . Case Study 14 Case Study 4 "I've a l s o been working on the s i d e , r e n o v a t i o n s , that kind of t h i n g . The e x t r a money i s g r e a t . But I d i d f e e l that I'd put i n a day's work. I f e l t I'm doing something, a sense of s a t i s f a c t i o n . And t h a t ' s one of the reasons I want a job. I t ' s m o t i v a t i o n f o r me." "Moving i n t o the co-op (housing) helped a l o t . Before, we were paying over 50% of our income f o r r e n t . Now rent i s only 25% of income." Some events o c c u r r e d o u t s i d e the c o n t r o l of i n d i v i d u a l s and c o u p l e s . These tended to have a n e g a t i v e e f f e c t on the i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c i n g the change, though not n e c e s s a r i l y on the spouse and on t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p . In some cases, the event appeared to strengthen the r e l a t i o n s h i p . Case Study 3 "Three months a f t e r being l a i d o f f , I was f e e l i n g i l l and moped around the house. Not knowing why (he was l a t e r diagnosed as s u f f e r i n g from h e p e t i t u s ) d i d n ' t h e l p any. I wasn't out of the house the same. When you're together, the l i t t l e t h i n g s s t a r t to bug you. My wife put up with a l o t of crap." "The main t h i n g i s to keep busy. Even then, I was a c t i v e i n union a f f a i r s . " 40 Coping S t r a t e g i e s As a group, the unemployed males i n t h i s study c i t e d ten d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g i e s used i n coping with t h e i r experience of unemployment. Nine of the ten were p o s i t i v e l y o r i e n t e d . Drug and/or a l c o h o l abuse was a shor t term, and r e p o r t e d l y an i n e f f e c t i v e c o p i n g s t r a t e g y f o r three i n d i v i d u a l s . TABLE 1 COPING STRATEGIES, Coping S t r a t e g i e s Number of Cases S e l f Employment 6 P o s s i b i l i t i e s More A c t i v e i n 6 P a r e n t i n g R e l y i n g on F r i e n d s 6 Reducing L i v i n g 4 Standard I d e n t i f y i n g with Others 4 P o l i t i c a l l y A c t i v e 3 Courses and Workshops 3 Support Groups 2 Support from Family of 1 O r i g i n Drug/Alcohol Abuse 3 41 1) S e l f Employment Case Study 12 "In the s p r i n g , I was p r e t t y busy p u t t i n g together a seminar f o r a f r i e n d of mine who was running a ground s c h o o l . I spent a month r e s e a r c h i n g the m a t e r i a l and p u t t i n g i t t o g e t h e r . So, yah, i t worked out r e a l l y w e l l . I t was the f i r s t time I'd ever taught." 2) Taking on a more a c t i v e p a r e n t i n g r o l e Almost a l l the males using t h i s coping s t r a t e g y had young f a m i l i e s . In a l l but one case, these parents found i t rewarding, and t h e i r wives supported and a p p r e c i a t e d t h e i r i n c r e a s e d involvement. Case Study 10 "Kids are very demanding. If you want to know about time management, l i s t e n , managers pay thousands f o r these courses, they should a l l be the housewives f o r awhile and look a f t e r a f a m i l y - t h a t ' s time p l a n n i n g . " "As I've taken over running the house and r a i s i n g the k i d , sure, I've l e a r n e d t h i n g s . I look at what's good about i t . " 3) Support from F r i e n d s A c c e s s i n g support from f r i e n d s was an e f f e c t i v e c oping s t r a t e g y f o r some of the unemployed males i n t h i s study. At a time when one's network was s h r i n k i n g and c o n t a c t with others d e c r e a s i n g , f r i e n d s p l a y e d an important part i n m a i n t a i n i n g l i n k s o u t s i d e the couple r e l a t i o n s h i p and f a m i l y . 42 Case Study 7 "Our f r i e n d s were very s u p p o r t i v e , always checking to see i f we had enough. I t wasn't h u m i l i a t i n g , i t was humbling. A number of f r i e n d s have s a i d : 'Don't allow the urgent to make a d e c i s i o n f o r you. You make the d e c i s i o n when you want i t . . We w i l l support you'." 4) Reducing Family's Standard of L i v i n g With a r e d u c t i o n i n income, four unemployed males i n t h i s study t a l k e d about economizing and a l t e r i n g t h e i r standards of l i v i n g . T h i s s t r a t e g y was a b i t t e r p i l l f o r some to swallow; f o r others i t simply made sense and they le a r n e d about l i v i n g with l e s s . Case Study 2 "We had been l i v i n g q u i t e h i g h on $40,000 a year. And to from that to $200 a week on UIC i s q u i t e a j o l t . I t was tough. We d i d n ' t have a l o t of sav i n g s . " "I suppose i t ' s always the problem. You don't know how long a s i t u a t i o n l i k e that (unemployment) i s going to l a s t . We took i n a border. We knew we had to make some adjustments in our l i f e s t y l e . Taking a border was something I thought I'd never ever do; you know, my house i s my c a s t l e . So, as i t turned out, i t ' s worked out f i n e . " 5) " I d e n t i f y i n g With Other Unemployed People" Four males i n t h i s study s a i d t h e i r own exp e r i e n c e s with unemployment helped them to see unemployment as pa r t of a bigger p i c t u r e . They empathized with others who were out of work and saw 43 unemployment as a problem which needed to be addressed by s o c i e t y . Case Study 11 "As f a r as I'm concerned, the whole i n d u s t r y has been on a d e c l i n e s i n c e 1981. There are t h i n g s that have caused i t , i n every i n d u s t r y , and t h a t ' s t e c h n o l o g i c a l change. I t h i n k the government hasn't addressed i t . They've accepted i t cause i t maximized p r o f i t s f o r the few and to h e l l with the working c l a s s . I t ' s a p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y I've always had by which rang t r u e r as I was unemployed f o r extended p e r i o d s of time." 6) P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t i e s Three unemployed union members became more a c t i v e w i t h i n t h e i r union. T h i s helped them maintain t h e i r network of employed as w e l l as unemployed " b r o t h e r s " and focus t h e i r e n e r g i e s toward change. In a l l three cases, t h e i r wives supported t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s although the wives d i d not become p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e themselves. Case Study 4 "Many people don't know the b a s i c concept of u n i t y . Many people s t i l l are not a b l e to t a l k about i t (unemployment and w e l f a r e ) . I'm t r y i n g t o change t h i n g s . " "My wife supports my p o l i t i c a l p u r s u i t s and lack of a c t i v e job search. She's very understanding." 7) P e r s o n a l Growth Three of the unemployed males i n t h i s study looked inward t o a c q u i r e g r e a t e r understanding of s e l f . Two of the th r e e chose t h i s s t r a t e g y f o r coping with 44 unemployment as an alternative to group involvement. The third individual enrolled in "Contax Training" two years after losing his job and as an adjunct to support groups and counselling. Case Study 12 "What happened was that I guess I thought that this was an opportunity for me to take a look at myself and the direction I was going in. I went to a growth workshop with Jock McKeen at Gabriola Island. I took Contax Training in the summer." "The stuff I learned at Contax helped me through when a job offer f e l l through in Thunder Bay." 8) Support Group Involvement in a support group helped two unemployed males in this study cope with unemployment, re-establish a network of peers and offer ideas and leads for job search. Case Study 1 "I went to the North Shore Family Services looking for support for unemployed management and professional people. And they didn't have anything at that time. But they said: 'Why don't you start one?' And so we did." "I realize now that my pride kept me from getting counselling." "When I look back on i t now, I'd say we accessed quite a few help things. We got to the point where we had to, where I had to, cause we were going in no direction." 9) Family of Origin A f f i l i a t i o n One unemployed male made a decision to get closer to his family. He attributes this to the "stuff I got 45 out of Contax", a p e r s o n a l growth program. His wife remarked that he had always been c l o s e to h i s f a m i l y , but that s i n c e he'd been unemployed, she'd n o t i c e d an i n c r e a s e d c l o s e n e s s . Of the fourt e e n females i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study, only one of them was unemployed. A second had been unemployed f o r a p e r i o d of time, but was working at the time she was in t e r v i e w e d . F i v e of the women were working while t h e i r spouses were unemployed. The unemployed female, who c o n s i d e r e d h e r s e l f the main wage earner i n the f a m i l y , employed coping s t r a t e g i e s s i m i l a r to some of the j o b l e s s males. She became a c t i v e w i t h i n her union and i n c r e a s e d her p o l i t i c a l awareness. She attended a support group ( f o r women with post-partem d e p r e s s i o n ) . 46 Case Study 6 "I accepted the f a c t that unemployment i s here to st a y . I had to l e a r n to l i v e with i t and become a c t i v e to g i v e me some peace of mind." " I f the system was working, everyone would be working, having a decent, w e l l paying job and c o n t r i b u t i n g (to s o c i e t y ) . " "I'm a c t i v e i n the union and w i t h i n the co-op." " W i l l you become depressed or w i l l you accept the f a c t that t here's no jobs out there and go about your l i f e as best you can: go to the l i b r a r y , get out, maintain y o u r s e l f ? I f you do t h a t , y o u ' l l f e e l b e t t e r about y o u r s e l f and unemployment i n s t e a d of t u r n i n g inward and becoming depressed, b i g a n x i e t y . " " A f t e r I had the baby, I l o s t c o n f i d e n c e . I went to a support group ( f o r post partem mothers). The group encourages you to take a break from the c h i l d and your d u t i e s around the house." The most f r e q u e n t l y c i t e d coping s t r a t e g y f o r the remaining t h i r t e e n women in t e r v i e w e d was s u p p o r t i n g t h e i r unemployed spouse and encouraging him to keep h i s hopes up and to remain a c t i v e . G e n e r a l l y , t h i s was seen as both h e l p f u l t o the person w r e s t l i n g with unemployment and h e l p f u l i n m a i n t a i n i n g and b u i l d i n g t h e i r m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . Case Study 1 "I encouraged him to s t a r t doing l i t t l e t h i n g s . I was t r y i n g to get him to be a c t i v e which works f o r me when I am down." "We t a l k about my husband's low f e e l i n g s i f he's w i l l i n g and i f I have the time." 47 Case Study 12 "My husband was looking for support from me, wanting me to listen and not to make i t better." "And there was times when I wondered how long i t would go on (husband away from home on some personal growth workshop). You know, kind of tired of i t . But deep down, I knew i t was the right thing for him to do. He was doing what he needed to do and I knew that there wasn't much I could do." Support from friends and family was the second most frequently used strategy for coping with their spouse's unemployment. Case Study 7 "On the days that I do feel low, my husband and the people I work with sense i t and they are willing to talk or to let me talk." "Our friends really stood by us. When i t came time for mortgage payment, they'd phone, asking if we had enough and if not, then this and that. They did i t not because they felt sorry for us, but because they cared and that fe l t good." A final coping strategy, employed by four of the women interviewed, was to reduce spending and "cut corners". For some, who had always been thrifty, i t was a case of making do with what they had. For one woman, both she and her husband had to make concessions, s e l l off unused possessions and take in a border. Case Study 11 "Even when my husband is working, you notice we don't live in a palace, this type of thing. You just don't go out and buy the f i r s t thing you see." 48 Personal I n s i g h t s G e n e r a l l y , the unemployed s u b j e c t s i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study looked back on unemployment as a time of change, having a major impact on t h e i r l i v e s . Some commented on changes i n a t t i t u d e s toward others and the s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l . Others embarked on a search of s e l f with consequent i n s i g h t s and i n c r e a s e d awareness. Case Study 14 "Going through unemployment does humble you a l o t . I'm s t i l l wound up i n s i d e . I'm out doing a l o t of t h i n g s . I'm not s i t t i n g at home depressed or anything. S t i l l , deep down i n s i d e , what I want i s a job." "I thin k you should get r i g h t i n t o job search ( a f t e r job l o s s ) . At the time, I f e l t I was on a h o l i d a y and I d i d n ' t have to work. And I r e a l i z e now you s t a r t to l o s e a l o t , your knowledge, t h i n k i n g along the l i n e s of work. Case Study 10 "In a sense i t was a navel gazing e x e r c i s e . I t can be q u i t e tough l o o k i n g at y o u r s e l f . " "I thin k i f I l e t the male ego get i n the way, s o r t of c o n s e r v a t i v e , then I c o u l d run i n t o problems and resent her c a r e e r move with me tagging a l o n g . " There were two predominant themes shared by many of the spouses of the unemployed males. The f i r s t was a kind of r e d e f i n i t i o n of p e r s o n a l i n s i g h t s to i n t e r p e r s o n a l i n s i g h t s i n t o t h e i r spouse and m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . The second c o u l d be c a l l e d " h o l d i n g t h e i r f e e l i n g s i n and worrying q u i e t l y " . 49 Case Study 3 "I worry in the kitchen and hold a lot of my feelings in. I feel sort of alone." "It's d i f f i c u l t spending a lot of time together. You find that you're edgy more often and picky and you're both not in the best head space." Case Study 7 "Giving myself that permission to worry was great. It gave me three wonderful weeks. And the fifteenth came and we hadn't heard and for a whole day I'd feel rancid and then i t was wonderful. I'd set myself a new goal: 'Ok Christmas is the next goal'." "It (changes in self and in relationship) has really put the whole thing in perspective and you feel i t doesn't matter so much what people out there are thinking cause we know what's happening to us as people and we're happy with i t . " 50 Spouse's Supportive Behavior Without e x c e p t i o n , the spouses o f f e r e d support to t h e i r unemployed mates. Some of them s t a t e d t h a t t h i s was d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y asked f o r . Others o f f e r e d support as t h e i r way of h e l p i n g , even when they got l i t t l e r e c o g n i t i o n from t h e i r mates. Most c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as s u p p o r t i v e . Case Study 5 Case Study 10 "When my husband's down, he's more emotional. Then we t a l k about i t . Sometimes i t works. When i t doesn't, I j u s t leave him a l o n e . When he i s r e a l l y down, even when I'm down, I f e e l l i k e I have t o cheer him up. One person has to be a b i t s t r o n g e r . " "My husband i s c r e a t i v e and I encourage that even i f i t means no immediate money coming i n . S t r u g g l e s are hard enough without lack of c o o p e r a t i o n . " "I see myself as a support and I ' l l do whatever I can, but I don't see myself having to run i n with a s t r e t c h e r f o r support because he r e a l l y d i d n ' t need i t . " "We had a disagreement over t h i s whole t h i n g about unemployment - get o f f your ass and do something. But I t r y and s t a y away from that because I'm there as f a r as support." "I would l i k e my husband at some p o i n t to commend me on what I've done these past few months." I n d i v i d u a l ' s P e r c e p t i o n of Spousal Support Most of the unemployed i n d i v i d u a l s acknowledged the support they r e c e i v e d from t h e i r spouse. Some saw a change i n the type and amount of support o f f e r e d from 51 before they'd l o s t t h e i r job to the p r e s e n t . Others p e r c e i v e d the experience of unemployment to be j u s t another i s s u e to face i n l i f e and that t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p was s t r o n g , with b u i l t - i n support and mutual c a r i n g . One i n d i v i d u a l , who was c l e a r l y s t r u g g l i n g with long term unemployment, made no mention of h i s wife ' s s u p p o r t i v e behavior, even when prompted by her s u p p o r t i v e statements d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w . Case Study 2 "I t h i n k the unemployment made us c l o s e r . I suppose I became more dependant on her from the p o i n t of view t h a t I needed the support more than b e f o r e . " "There was support at home, s o r t of not coming home and have someone say: 'Did you f i n d a job today?'." Case Study 8 "My wife was r e a l l y s u p p o r t i v e and c o o p e r a t i v e . You've got no money f o r c l o t h e s or a n y t h i n g , yet she never complained." Family Responses Included i n t h i s l a s t c a t e g o r y are c h i l d r e n ' s responses and/or parents' p e r c e p t i o n of t h e i r responses to unemployment i n the f a m i l y , as w e l l as extended f a m i l y responses, as heard and r e p o r t e d by the couples being i n t e r v i e w e d . G e n e r a l l y , the parents of younger c h i l d r e n saw the p e r i o d of unemployment as more time to spend "with t h e i r 52 children. The picture changed with older children. Parents reported that their children felt "poor" and "deprived" and that they were making sacrifices for the sake of the children. Extended family members' responses to unemployment ranged from supportive to antagonistic and accusing. Some individuals experienced extended family one way while the spouse had quite a different impression. Case Study 9 (male) Case Study 9 (female) "I was getting some things from my folks (about being a house husband). My mother would write and you could read between the lines." "If we moved back to Calgary and we could not find work, we could move in with family. In the back of your mind you know you were going back because you couldn't make i t , back to the family with your head down." "During this time, for our youngest who was two at the time, at least there was one constant parent. She wasn't stuck in a day care or with a sitter irregularly. It's hard on them i f they're bounced around a lot." "The kids were very understanding. We were very open with them and I said: 'Look, we don't have the money. We can't buy a lot of things, but we can do a lot of things, like swimming.' We spent a lot of time walking along the dyke, things we could do together as a family." 53 Q u a n t i t a t i v e Data F o l l o w i n g the audiotaped i n t e r v i e w , two measurement t o o l s were i n t r o d u c e d to the s u b j e c t s . The Dyadic Adjustment S c a l e (DAS) (Spanier, 1976) was ad m i n i s t e r e d and completed at that time. The Family  Environment S c a l e (FES) (Moos and Moos, 1976) was l e f t with the couple and the completed forms were r e t u r n e d to me at a l a t e r date. The t o t a l DAS means and standard d e v i a t i o n s f o r the couples i n t e r v i e w e d are presented i n Table 1. The authors of the DAS (Spanier & C o l e , 1974) suggest that the s c a l e measures the adjustment of the dyad r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l ' s adjustment to the dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p . Thus, a mean score f o r each couple was c a l c u l a t e d , then the t o t a l mean score f o r the sample i n t h e i r r a t i n g of the m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p p r i o r to unemployment and f o l l o w i n g a p e r i o d of unemployment. 54 TABLE 2 Group T o t a l Pre-Unemployment and Post-Unemployment Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s on the DAS GROUP PRE POST n=14 M=112.35 M=113.96 SD=11.25 SD=12.24 TABLE 3 Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s Reported by Spanier(1976) GROUP MEAN STANDARD DEVIATION married couples 114.8 17.8 n=2l8 d i v o r c e d c o uples 70.7 23.8 n=94 t o t a l n=3l2 101.5 28.3 The DAS r e s u l t s f o r the couples i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study suggest very l i t t l e p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e i n the c o u p l e s ' m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p pre and post 55 unemployment. As a group, the sample s t u d i e d f e l l w i t h i n the normal range of adjustment suggested by Spanier. Only the couple i n Group 6 (pre-unemployment Mean=9l.5) and the couple i n Group 7 (post-unemployment Mean=88.5) f e l l below one standard d e v i a t i o n of Spanier's mean f o r married c o u p l e s . Accompanying the DAS p r o f i l e s are the a v a i l a b l e Family Environment S c a l e s . Scores f o r each spouse are p r o f i l e d along ten s u b s c a l e s . A corresponding FES c l u s t e r which best f i t s these p r o f i l e s i s added along with d i s c u s s i o n . In some cases, most notabl y those couples with lower DAS s c o r e s , two FES c l u s t e r s accompany the couples' p r o f i l e s . In these cases, each spouse p e r c e i v e d the f a m i l y environment as s u f f i c i e n t l y d i f f e r e n t t h a t the d i f f e r i n g c l u s t e r s are presented. The FES subscale means and standard d e v i a t i o n s f o r the couples i n t e r v i e w e d are presented i n Table 3. T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by the subscale means and standard d e v i a t i o n s f o r both normal and d i s t r e s s e d f a m i l i e s as rep o r t e d the the authors of the FES (Moos &Moos, 1979) TABLE 4 FES Subscale Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s f o r Coupl Interviewed Subscales Mean n=24 S.D. n=24 Cohesion 7.8 1 .59 Ex p r e s s i v e n e s s 12.35 2.52 C o n f l i c t 4.78 0.98 Independence 10.0 2.04 Achievement 8.14 1 .66 O r i e n t a t i o n I n t e l l . - C u l t . 9.28 1 .89 O r i e n t a t i o n A c t i v e - R e c . 9.28 1 .89 O r i e n t a t i o n M o r a l - R e l i g i o u s 6.78 1 .38 Emphasis O r g a n i z a t i o n 5.5 1.12 C o n t r o l 4.28 0.87 57 TABLE 5 FES Form R Subscale Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s f o r Normal and D i s t r e s s e d F a m i l i e s Subscales Normal Cohesion m= 6. 61 Ex p r e s s i v e n e s s m= 5. 45 C o n f l i c t m= 3. 31 Independence m= 6. 61 Achievement m= 5. 47 O r i e n t a t i o n I n t e l l . - C u l t . m= 5. 63 O r i e n t a t i o n A c t i v e - R e c . m= 5. 35 O r i e n t a t i o n M o r a l - R e l i g i o u s m= 4. 72 Emphasis Organizat ion m= 5. 41 C o n t r o l m= 4. 34 n=1125 D i s t r e s s e d n=500 SD= 1 .36 m=5 .03 SD= 1 .98 SD= 1 .55 m=4 .60 SD= 1 .76 SD= 1 .85 m=4 .28 SD= 1 .93 SD= 1 .19 m=5 .89 SD= 1 .24 SD= 1 .61 m=5 .29 SD= 1 .55 SD= 1 .72 m=4 .55 SD= 1 .84 SD= 1 .87 m=4 .29 SD= 1 .82 SD= 1 .98 m=4 .45 SD= 1 .87 SD= 1 .83 m=5 .06 SD= 1 .91 SD= 1 .81 m=4 .84 SD= 1 .87 As a group, the unemployed couples i n t h i s study had s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher means than the normal f a m i l i e s upon which the FES i s normed i n the areas o f : Ex p r e s s i v e n e s s , Independence, Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n , I n t e l l e c t u a l - C u l t u r a l O r i e n t a t i o n , A c t i v e - R e c r e a t i o n a l O r i e n t a t i o n and M o r a l - R e l i g i o u s Emphasis. The c o n f l i c t s u bscale was the only area with a mean much higher than the normal f a m i l i e s and somewhat higher than the d i s t r e s s e d f a m i l i e s upon which the FES i s normed. 58 These r e s u l t s suggest that as a group, the couples i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study were ab l e to cope with higher than normal l e v e l s of c o n f l i c t through a hig h l e v e l of cohesion and an emphasis on e x p r e s s i v e n e s s . These three s u b s c a l e s together make up the r e l a t i o n s h i p dimension of the Family Environment Scale and while the open e x p r e s s i o n of anger, a g g r e s s i o n and c o n f l i c t among fam i l y members was p e r c e i v e d by the s u b j e c t s to be high, t h i s e x p r e s s i v e n e s s seemed to be encouraged by high l e v e l s of commitment, help and support. The p e r s o n a l growth dimensions of indepencence, achievement o r i e n t a t i o n , i n t e l l e c t u a l - c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n , a c t i v e - r e c r e a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n and m o r a l - r e l i g i o u s emphasis were a l l h i g h . T h i s suggests that unemployment may be p e r c e i v e d by some i n d i v i d u a l s as a time of new d i r e c t i o n s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Many s u b j e c t s i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study spoke of the importance of "being busy" and "keeping t h e i r hopes up" w i t h i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p , the f a m i l y and with t h e i r f r i e n d s . On the b a s i s of the couples' responses to the DAS, seven groups were formed. These groups range from one, where both spouses p e r c e i v e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as w e l l a d j u s t e d p r i o r to job l o s s and at the time of the 59 i n t e r v i e w , to seven, where both spouses r a t e d the m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p as underadjusted at the time of the i n t e r v i e w , and one spouse r a t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as underadjusted p r i o r to job l o s s . 60 Group 1 The three couples who make up the f i r s t group r a t e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as w e l l a d j u s t e d , both at the time of the i n t e r v i e w and p r i o r to the main wage earner l o s i n g h i s job. Two of the three couples had young f a m i l i e s ; the wives had been f u l l time homemakers. The t h i r d couple had no c h i l d r e n . Both spouses were working up to the time that the husband l o s t h i s job, and the wife continued to work and advance i n her ca r e e r while her husband looked u n s u c c e s s f u l l y f o r f u l l time work. Two of the three couples i n t h i s group completed and r e t u r n e d the FES. They c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as support o r i e n t e d , h i g h on coh e s i o n , low on c o n f l i c t . Case Study 13 tended to be s e l f s u f f i c i e n t and a s s e r t i v e , f i t t i n g best i n t o FES C l u s t e r Three: Independence O r i e n t e d , Exprssive-Independence s u b c l u s t e r . Case Study 8 p l a c e d s t r o n g emphasis on r e l i g i o u s i s s u e s and v a l u e s , and a str o n g f a m i l y f o c u s . T h e i r below average emphasis on o r g a n i z a t i o n and c o n t r o l presented a p r o f i l e s i m i l a r t o FES C l u s t e r F i v e : M o r a l / R e l i g i o u s O r i e n t e d , U n s t r u c t u r e d Moral R e l i g i o u s . - J - j; i_ i ......{. _...L_.__j [... ;.... kohedioh , . _ _ ! e x p b e s s i i v e r i e s i s _ ! ! i • • i j • . | j j . . . . ! ... j.... j c o n f l i i d t f j i . _ . L , i t i d e l p.en d &nfce . . . . i r |- h r ^ ^ l ^ i n t e i l d c t ^ a l g c ^ l ^ u ^ l - 1 1 - n i o r ^ 1 ^ ^ n i l l k organisation . _. i cbntirjbl. < « — D ?j pre-J pOBt-'9 Job i o S j osb-•I o w .j-™ i fco • .......[...... £ 3 © ! co I ui | • CO ! «! ! u Q c>.. CI ci ui _ i ft i «=: - d r — feT b i •« to tv in c C\J ' i f ' r-in •q o in o p "c*---or> in - a s o t qop a s o T " q o f 12 fl> of*. 3" - • n o T ~TjQjauao uppLjadepLjT i i I o I o CO o o o o o o r r o-rpqoo sspaAjspa^dxp qoTpsqooj . . . I ' ' 64 Group 2 In Group 2, one spouse r a t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as w e l l a d j u s t e d both at the time of the i n t e r v i e w , and p r i o r to job l o s s . Three couples i n t h i s study f i t i n t o t h i s group. Each of the wives i n t h i s group were working at the time t h e i r husbands l o s t t h e i r jobs and they co n t i n u e d working while t h e i r spouses remained out of work. Two of the three couples had young f a m i l i e s . In Case Study 14 and Case Study 7, i t was the wives who r a t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as w e l l a d j u s t e d . However, while the husband i n Case Study 7 p e r c e i v e d an improvement and a growing together i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p ( p r i o r to unemployment DAS: 109; f o l l o w i n g s i x months of unemployment DAS: 127), the husband i n Case Study 14 saw t h i n g s d e t e r i o r a t e s l i g h t l y . For the t h i r d couple i n t h i s group, i t was the husband, unemployed and t a k i n g on the new r o l e of househusband, who r a t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as b e t t e r a d j u s t e d than d i d h i s w i f e , both p r i o r to job l o s s and s i x months l a t e r , at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . A l l of the three couples i n t h i s group completed and r e t u r n e d the FES. They c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s as support o r i e n t e d , high on c o h e s i o n , low on c o n f l i c t . 65 Case Study 10 p l a c e d a high emphasis on cohesion, e x p r e s s i v e n e s s and o r g a n i z a t i o n . The wife r a t e d h e r s e l f higher on achievement o r i e n t a t i o n and a c t i v e - r e c r e a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n than her husband. Both were low on c o n f l i c t and c o n t r o l . T h e i r p r o f i l e s were c l o s e s t t o the S t r u c t u r e O r i e n t e d c l u s t e r , s u b c l u s t e r S t r u c t u r e d Independence on the FES Case Study 14 p l a c e d a high emphasis on cohesion, e x p r e s s i v e n e s s and a c t i v e - r e c r e a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n . The wife was higher than her husband on independence and o r g a n i z a t i o n , lower on c o n t r o l . T h e i r p r o f i l e s c l o s e l y resembled the S t r u c t u r e - O r i e n t e d c l u s t e r , s u b c l u s t e r S t r u c t u r e d Independence. Case Study 7 p l a c e d a high emphasis on cohesion. The wife r a t e d h e r s e l f much higher on e x p r e s s i v e n e s s and independence, i n t e l l e c t u a l - c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n , a c t i v e - r e c r e a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n and m o r a l / r e l i g i o u s emphasis. She was much lower that her husband on achievement o r i e n t a t i o n . The husband r a t e d h i m s e l f much lower on c o n f l i c t and m o r a l / r e l i g i o u s emphasis than d i d h i s w i f e . T h e i r p r o f i l e s best f i t i n t o the FES S t r u c t u r e O r i e n t e d c l u s t e r , s u b c l u s t e r E x p r e s s i v e Independence. : ; : 1 ' > 1 '. *r"' 1 ! i ' ! ' i ! i ; , : • ; i I i i • • i ; I | i - •• 1 I i • ! i i ; i i i i T ; ! ! i ! i i i • •! i- • i i i i — i - i ' • .; • . i . : ' ; • i 1 1 1 , • 1 . 1 '• I i ; i 1 ; ! •• i ; ; i ! 1 1 ! 1 i •• i" . 1 . ! i i i ! 1 i ! 1...! CO pr-edsi l e s i o >h jcoi .verles's... | >hf 1 let ,| .. - I .. 1 L ihddpehdt ncie ._' I i bFtf&iik&4s8k ! i n t e i l d c t ^ J ^ ^ j u ^ l | a c t i v e - ^ c g e ^ j o ^ i nloral-jre ..(3.. o O ...... X-1 po 13 I n i z a t i o h *<t>L pre-cc 3ht r i o L i j-ob J OSS OS o > 00 Co ! 1 o --.Q. '0 ..1 r j CASE o • H TO 0) o o I ,._o . « v —c -n — T O o> _t. . a. x o o • i—< t-l TO ! Q O U ) C O O H O « H : * H O H I-*TO - H -too V oxo r-ws -^ xo - H C at O C O C D C V E H U T-¥» 1.0) U ) M > C J •c — c  TO. o J O _ TO o i t SCORES!: —TO • -J . . . ... ..r_ ; ; . 1 " : i ! ! ! ! i ! i i '. i 01 i . i i i i ! i i < i i 1 - r i ; i i -i i 1 ! -> V; | 1 1 H M i ! 1 M • : ! * • ! I j i o )00 1 I > 69 Group 3 This group, in which one spouse rated the relationship as well adjusted either prior to unemployment or following the period of unemployment, consists of one couple. The wife was unemployed, but not looking for work at the time her husband lost his job. For her, the main focus during the more than two years that he was out of work, was on "getting him to feel better" and strengthening the relationship. There were times when she f e l t overwhelmed and discouraged; at other times she had the energy and determination to help her husband through his periods of discouragement and depression. The husband admitted that he took the relationship for granted and at times contributed l i t t l e to i t s growth or to his wife. At the time of the interview, things were on an "upswing" for the two of them, even though he had s t i l l not found work, and she continued to remain at home and be available to her husband. Both rated the relationship as adjusted. This couple did not return the FES, so no profiles are available. C O h e s i o h s i i i . _ i expredsivenes ..] : j . . . :cohf]iict. independence i n t e l l d c t g a l 5 ^ l ^ g & l a c f c i V e ^ ^ g ^ a ^ o ^ l o r g a n i z a t i o n .... ccbnilribi ..  ••0 -—I-cn -o o w~ w Cn pre-Jjob . I ' O S B poBt-fJ-ob-l 0 OSS 2'... o o o o ! " i' o <b • i | i ' CO vO o o •a • to ! ro i to ui L L o b O Ul O Ul u ro D Ul A n n-o t o Pi CO i -3 ! ..3. . . i Z) ! ' -5 i 7i D O T J - . . . - 4 - . - , 71 Group 4 The three couples in group four rated their relationship as adjusted, both prior to unemployment and up to the time of the interview. For each spouse, there was l i t t l e change in how they viewed the relationship. They were able to cope with unemployment without their relationship significantly suffering. Each of these relationships have remained intact over the years that the spouses have been married. The wives tended to see themselves primarily as homemakers, although each made some efforts to add to the family income when finances were tight. They a l l had families of one or more teenager. A l l three couples characterized their relationship as support orientated. The husbands expressed the need for support, during the interview, and the wives saw their roles as helping support their husbands through what they saw as a d i f f i c u l t period of unemployment and re-evaluation of l i f e . In Case Study 2, both husband and wife rated the relationship high on cohesion and moral-religious emphasis and low on conflict and control. While both profiles were similar, the husband's more closely resembled the FES Moral-Religious cluster, Structured Moral-Religious subcluster. He was somewhat higher on 72 independence, achievement o r i e n t a t i o n and i n t e l l e c t u a l / c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n than h i s w i f e . In Case Study 13, the husband's p r o f i l e resembled the FES S t r u c t u r e O r i e n t e d c l u s t e r , E x p r e s s i v e Independence s u b c l u s t e r , while the wife ' s p r o f i l e was more s i m i l a r to the FES E x p r e s s i o n O r i e n t e d s u b c l u s t e r . The husband p l a c e d l e s s emphasis on c o n f l i c t and c o n t r o l ; the wife p l a c e d higher emphasis on independence and i n t e l l e c t u a l / c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n . In Case Study 3, the husband was much h i g h e r that h i s wife i n c o n f l i c t , achievement o r i e n t a t i o n , independence, i n t e l l e c t u a l / c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o i n and a c t i v e - r e c r e a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n . His wife was s l i g h t l y higher on c o h e s i o n . Together, they more c l o s e l y resembled the FES C o n f l i c t O r i e n t e d c l u s t e r , A p a t h e t i c Independence s u b c l u s t e r . However, the p i c t u r e i s a l t e r e d by t h e i r h i g h cohesion and e x p r e s s i v e n e s s . I. J icoheaioh expressiveness.... .!.. ...| Icon fil l e t ; , . 1 i j | ; • ; . I _....! i L independence . i r i t e i l ^ t 8 a i i ^ M g ^ l l a c t i ^ - g ^ g e g ^ o ^ l o r g a n i z a t i o n ;•; cbn p r e - i j o b l o i po B t -i j o b~4 -Q§»B it*}' • J-» u> -fc- On o> -ij o o o o o o o 4. co vb. i o > P I in ,3-•3 I—.. i "T 4 i. ....I ._....) - i -cohesion e'xpres'siveriess I i i i i I !...! icohf l i c t . ihde'pehde'nce . i r | t e l l e c t ^ i g ^ ^ u g ^ l . " l o r l l l l H i M i S l J 8 orgsinlzatiioh ccohnrib 10 I \n... o • pre-J j.ob . . J L O S B P O B t-I^O b-ll O S B -t> o o o o o I ! ...I ! .. b o vb o to so lo o t? u . i-» . KJ - KJ . u i o o i o t n b o i o o i i i i i , ! 1 3' > w o Ti rJi O > Co a . . . . 0 „ . a T3 i j c o h e J i o n r e s s i v e r i e s s . . . j . . . . Icon f l i c k , .lhddp.ehd jn.cle.. 6 <i> i> vln o o o o o o o o - I i r i t e i l d c t 8 a l 5 c ^ l ^ g 9 l i a c -•O m o r a l J r £ p n g S ? k s m-o o w -1 o r g a a i pre-z a t i o h i s i -b jj OSS o •a 76 Group 5 There were two couples in group five. The wives rated the relationship as adjusted both prior to job loss and at the time of the interview, with no perceived change ove time. The husbands rated the relationship as underadjusted. Both of these couples had been married for more than ten years. The couple in Case Study 9 had three children. Case Study 5 had no children. In both cases, the wives worked. They considered their income as important to family finances. Both women had been through periods of unemployment and they stated in the interview that they could empathize with their husband's unemployment. There were times when the wives were out working while the husbands were at home. In Case Study 9, the husband rated the relationship high on conflict, independence, achievement orientation, intellectual-cultural orientation and active-recreational orientation. He was much lower than his wife on cohesion, moral-religious orientation and organization. His profile best f i t s the FES Achievement-Oriented cluster. The wife's profile was much lower than her husband's on independence, achievement orientation, 77 intellectual-cultural orientation and active-recreational orientation. Her profile was closer to the FES Structured Moral-Religious. The husband and wife in Case Study 5 had similar profiles, high in expressiveness and cohesion and low in conflict, independence, intellectual-cultural orientation and moral-religious orientation. The husband was much higher than his wife in achievement orientation and lower than his wife in control. The husband's profile best f i t the FES Structure Oriented cluster. Both husband and wife were higher than this profile on cohesion and expressiveness; lower on independence and moral-religious emphasis. "I" i -.1.. i ! ...I < " t -i c o h e ^ i o h . . j j : j E x p r e s s i v e n e s s I i ' I i i i i c o h f l i c ' t independence l n t e i l i c t ^ l i ^ a ^ s ^ a c t i V e - g ? c g e | ^ o 8 a l organizat ion J-. c o n t r o l . . . 1 tn • O C O „ I  pre - l J o b — l o s s p o s t J j o b 1 OSB :oiiesioh d x p ressiverless _ Icohf i ic j t . i id^pehdehcie . i r i t e i l e c t ^ i - ^ ^ u g ^ l ! a c b i ^ e - ^ c i g e ^ J ? 8 B l obganizatjioh i .j 80 Group 6 There was one couple i n t h i s group, where both spouses r a t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as underadjusted p r i o r to unemployment and a d j u s t e d f o l l o w i n g a p e r i o d of unemployment. At the time of t h e i r marriage, three years ago, both were out of work and the husband had r e c e n t l y emigrated from the U.S. With p e r s i s t e n c e , he found o c c a s i o n a l , o n - c a l l work, which was spotty at b e s t . The wife was a s k i l l e d t r a d e s p e r s o n who r e c e n t l y went through a p e r i o d of post-partem d e p r e s s i o n f o l l o w i n g the b i r t h of t h e i r f i r s t c h i l d . She plans to seek f u l l time employment; he plans to become a househusband and primary care g i v e r to t h e i r c h i l d . T h e i r FES p r o f i l e s best f i t with the S t r u c t u r e O r i e n t e d c l u s t e r . Both were h i g h on cohesion, e x p r e s s i v e n e s s , i n t e l l e c t u a l - c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n and o r g a n i z a t i o n . Both were very low on c o n f l i c t and c o n t r o l . ( 1 i . . . i . , f , . ..!......!... 'cohesion I I ! - , ; d x p r e d s i veries's i i i I ! j, I I. c o n f l i c t . . L;ihdeipehdin..c.je..._ o ^ l ^ i r a ^ J i r i t e i l d c t ^ l g ^ l j u ^ l a c t l ^ e - ^ j g ^ i ^ l rgianizattoh ._ '.cbntlrDiL... j. i. I J. .L_I.L 1* - li) lb i - <ji ..-L . do o o o o o o o o i i O i n 1 ° I o o » ~ w pr.e.-yob l o s s pos t- j o i h o a c . m 82 Group 7 The one couple in this group rated their relationship as underadjusted at the time of the interview. Looking back over the years to the time when the husband was working steadily, he rated the relationship as underadjusted; she rated the relationship as adjusted. They had been married for twenty years and had two teenage children and one latency age child. The wife had been a mother and homemaker over the years. Even during the last three years that her husband had been unemployed, or underemployed, she had remained at home. The husband's FES, profile was moderately high in cohesion, expressiveness, achievement orientation and intellectualcultural orientation. His profile was closest to the Expressive Conflict Oriented subcluster. The wife's FES profile was lower than her husband's in cohesion, expressiveness, organization and control. She was higher in conflict. Her profile was closest to the Structured Conflict Oriented subcluster. 84 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS This chapter contains a summary of common themes shared by the sample, as well as the differences between individuals and couples. The significance of the findings of this study w i l l be discussed, along with the implications and recommendations for counselling. There are limitations of the study which wil l be addressed, and and suggestions made for further research. Discussion of Results This descriptive study began by asking each couple what effects unemployment had on their relationship. Subsidiary questions included: "How did the unemployed and his/her spouse experience the job loss and adjustment to unemployment?" "Did unemployment alter their perception of each other and their relationship? "How was the family environment affected by job loss from both spouses' point of view?" These questions generated a wealth of data which I attempted to present f i r s t within useful categories and secondarily by ranking couples according to their 85 p e r c e p t i o n s of dyadic adjustment. For those who had been working s t e a d i l y , job l o s s was d i f f i c u l t to accept. The i n d i v i d u a l s who had a h i s t o r y of l a y o f f s and r e c a l l s r e p o r t e d job l o s s only became s i g n i f i c a n t when unemployment extended over a p e r i o d of months. T h i s echoes Borgen and Amundson's (1984) f i n d i n g s that males who were accustomed to seasonal employment or who had q u i t t h e i r jobs were l e s s anxious and apprehensive than those who d i d not a n t i c i p a t e unemployment. They found the emotional s h i f t s were more exaggerated with the l a t t e r group, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the i n i t i a l stages of unemployment. Over an extended p e r i o d of unemployment, however, the unemployed males i n both groups had more s i m i l a r e x p eriences and emotional r e a c t i o n s . Most unemployed i n d i v i d u a l s and t h e i r spouses r e p o r t e d f e e l i n g s of l o s s , worthlessness and s e l f doubt. The d i f f e r e n c e s were more temporal i n that these emotional changes o c c u r r e d at d i f f e r e n t stages of unemployment f o r each. These emotional r e a c t i o n s have been documented i n other s t u d i e s i n t o the e f f e c t s of unemployment (Borgen and Amundson 1984, K i r s h 1983, H i l l 1978, Warr 1982, K i r c h l e r 1985). During the p e r i o d of unemployment, changes i n events or behavior that were s e l f generated tended to 86 have a p o s i t i v e e f f e c t on i n d i v i d u a l s . Changes which o c c u r r e d o u t s i d e of t h e i r c o n t r o l tended to have a n e g ative e f f e c t on i n d i v i d u a l s and c o u p l e s . These f i n d i n g s are supported by Seligman's (1975) r e s e a r c h on h e l p l e s s n e s s , which undermines the m o t i v a t i o n to respond and reduces the a b i l i t y to l e a r n e f f e c t i v e responses and which o f t e n r e s u l t s i n d e p r e s s i o n and a n x i e t y . The p e r c e i v e d i n a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l one's r e a c t i o n s to events can i n v a l i d a t e f e e l i n g s of competency. The environment seems u n p r e d i c t a b l e and t h e r e f o r e one i s h e l p l e s s to respond a p p r o p r i a t e l y and c o n s t r u c t i v e l y to i t . The coping s t r a t e g i e s of the unemployed i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study c l u s t e r e d around i n c r e a s e d involvement i n p a r e n t i n g , a t t e n d i n g support groups and p e r s o n a l growth workshops, r e l y i n g on f r i e n d s and e x p l o r i n g a l t e r n a t i v e , self-employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s . T h e i r wives tended to cope with the unemployment of t h e i r spouse by being s u p p o r t i v e and encouraging, which they saw as h e l p f u l to t h e i r spouses and t h e i r m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . The r e p o r t by the Canadian Mental H e a l t h A s s o c i a t i o n on unemployment ( K i r s h 1983) underscores the importance of support systems i n moderating the impact of unemployment. Emotional support, esteem support and network support a f f i r m the i n d i v i d u a l ' s 87 sense of worth. The p s y c h o l o g i c a l supports of c o u n s e l l i n g or psychotherapy f a c i l i t a t e an acceptance of one's s i t u a t i o n and a move toward change. P h y s i c a l and m a t e r i a l supports maintain an accep t a b l e q u a l i t y of l i f e . Most of the unemployed r e p o r t e d l o o k i n g back on unemployment as a time of change having a major impact on t h e i r l i v e s . They commented on change i n a t t i t u d e s and world views as w e l l as changes i n s e l f . Many of the spouses seemed t o r e d e f i n e p e r s o n a l i n s i g h t s i n t o i n t e r p e r s o n a l i n s i g h t s i n t o the m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . Some r e p o r t e d h o l d i n g t h e i r f e e l i n g s i n and worrying q u i e t l y . A l l spouses of the unemployed o f f e r e d support to them as a way of h e l p i n g t h e i r p a r t n e r s through a d i f f i c u l t p e r i o d . Most of the unemployed i n d i v i d u a l s acknowledged the support they r e c e i v e d from t h e i r spouses but d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y r e c i p r o c a t e . The Dyadic Adjustment S c a l e was administered f o l l o w i n g each i n t e r v i e w . S u b j e c t s responded f i r s t as they p e r c e i v e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p at that time and then as they r e c a l l e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p p r i o r to unemployment. The Family Environment Scale was l e f t with them, to be completed at t h e i r convenience *and 88 r e t u r n e d to me by m a i l . S u b j e c t s who r a t e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p p r i o r to unemployment as a d j u s t e d or w e l l a d j u s t e d tended to r e t a i n that p e r s p e c t i v e over the p e r i o d of unemployment. I t seemed as i f the r e l a t i o n s h i p was on a s o l i d foundation and they were ab l e to weather the storm when one spouse faced job l o s s and f a m i l y income was reduced. Spouses had s i m i l a r views of t h e i r f a m i l y environment. Si x couples c o n s i d e r e d t h e i r f a m i l y to be independence o r i e n t e d ; two r a t e d the f a m i l y m o r a l / r e l i g i o u s o r i e n t e d ; two d i d not r e t u r n the FES forms. Subjec t s who r a t e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as underadjusted (with a score below 100 on the DAS) e i t h e r p r i o r to or f o l l o w i n g unemployment were f a c i n g p e r s o n a l and i n t e r p e r s o n a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . They tended to view the r e l a t i o n s h i p and f a m i l y environment d i f f e r e n t l y than t h e i r spouse. Three wives r a t e d the m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p as s u b s t a n t i a l l y b e t t e r a d j u s t e d than t h e i r husbands, both p r i o r to and f o l l o w i n g t h e i r spouse's unemployment. One couple agreed t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p was underadjusted i n the p a s t . Yet f o l l o w i n g an extended p e r i o d of unemployment f o r the wife and underemployment f o r the husband, both r a t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p as a d j u s t e d and on a strong f o o t i n g . 89 Couples who p e r c e i v e d t h e i r m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p as underadjusted tended to be low i n e x p r e s s i v e n e s s , independence and c o n t r o l and high i n c o n f l i c t on FES s c o r e s . Moos and Moos (1976) i n d i c a t e that these f i n d i n g s are c o n s i s t e n t with p e r c e i v e d f a m i l y environments of d i s t r e s s e d f a m i l i e s . Couples who r a t e d t h e i r m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p as w e l l a d j u s t e d tended t o be high i n cohesion and exp r e s s i v e n e s s and low i n c o n f l i c t (FES r e l a t i o n s h i p dimensions), high i n independence, i n t e l l e c t u a l - c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n , a c t i v e - r e c r e a t i o n a l and m o r a l - r e l i g i o u s emphasis (FES pe r s o n a l growth dimensions). These f i n d i n g s are t y p i c a l of the p e r c e i v e d f a m i l y environments of normal f a m i l i e s . Couples who p e r c e i v e d the m a r i t a l r e l a t o n s h i p to be a d j u s t e d , and p a r t i c u l a r l y when one spouse r a t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p much higher than the other spouse, were l i k e l y to be high i n cohesion and e x p r e s s i o n , moderately c o n f l i c t u a l and q u i t e v a r i e d i n the FES pe r s o n a l growth dimensions. The l a c k of importance p l a c e d on the system maintenance dimensions of o r g a n i z a t i o n and c o n t r o l by these couples may have l e d them toward i n t e r p e r s o n a l d i f f i c u l t i e s and d i s t r e s s w i t h i n the f a m i l y . 90 I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t most couples i n t h i s study r a t e d c o n t r o l i s s u e s at the low end of the s c a l e . For some f a m i l i e s t h i s c o u l d mean f l e x i b i l i t y of r u l e s and procedures with no d e t r i m e n t a l e f f e c t on the f a m i l y h i e r a r c h y . For other f a m i l i e s t h i s c o u l d suggest a degree of chaos and e x c e s s i v e l y permeable boundaries between subsystems w i t h i n the f a m i l y . L i m i t a t i o n s of the Study The most s i g n i f i c a n t l i m i t a t i o n of t h i s study was the d i f f i c u l t y i n a c c u r a t e l y i n t e r p r e t i n g the r e s e a r c h r e s u l t s and t h e i r g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y t o the p o p u l a t i o n of unemployed workers and t h e i r spouses. The s m a l l sample of v o l u n t e e r s u b j e c t s was accessed from d i v e r s e sources but c o u l d not, with any a u t h o r i t y , be c a l l e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the t a r g e t p o p u l a t i o n . The couples who v o l u n t e e r e d were g r e a t l y a p p r e c i a t e d . Only one couple, who was r e s e r v e d d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w and d i d not complete the measurement t o o l s was excluded from the t o t a l n. The v o l u n t e e r s u b j e c t s were r e c r u i t e d over n e a r l y a two year p e r i o d . T h i s made i t d i f f i c u l t f o r the r e s e a r c h e r to c o n t a c t the s u b j e c t s f o r f o l l o w up. Thus, the couple represented as Case Study 1 had moved sometime a f t e r the i n t e r v i e w and c o u l d not be c o n t a c t e d 91 when the FES was not r e t u r n e d . I t a l s o was d i f f i c u l t to do a v a l i d i t y check of the condensed d e s c r i p t i v e data, the c a t e g o r i z a t i o n of statements and the ranking of c o u p les by dyadic adjustment. T h i s study, being d e s c r i p t i v e i n nature, had i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d dissuaded some members of the t a r g e t p o p u l a t i o n from p a r t i c i p a t i n g . T h i s study r e q u i r e d a commitment, on the pa r t of the v o l u n t e e r s , of time and energy and the r i s k of reopening c l o s e d wounds as i s s u e s were addressed and q u e s t i o n s answered. A survey of the e f f e c t s of unemployment done by t h i s r e s e a r c h e r i n a study u n r e l a t e d to t h i s , y e i l d e d a response r a t e of about 95% when handed out at a food bank queue. I t seemed l i k e the anominity and b r e v i t y of the survey may have c o n t r i b u t e d to the high response r a t e . T h i s survey asked i f the respondent b e l i e v e d that unemployment a d v e r s e l y a f f e c t e d t h e i r f i n a n c i a l , s o c i a l and emotional l i v e s (see Appendix) to which many r e p l i e d i n the a f f i r m a t i v e . About 50% of the respondents f e l t they were supported by at l e a s t one person d u r i n g unemployment. What was not s t a t e d was the kinds of e f f e c t s unemployment had on them or the amount of support r e q u i r e d , o f f e r e d , e t c . I t i s then that the in-depth, d e s c r i p t i v e study becomes the method of c h o i c e . 92 I m p l i c a t i o n s of Research R e s u l t s Unemployment can have a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on i n d i v i d u a l s , couples and f a m i l i e s and while i t i s p o s s i b l e to g e n e r a l i z e , there are many i d i o s y n c r a t i c responses which i n d i v i d u a l s and couples can have to the experience. A s u p p o r t i v e f a m i l y environment tended to m i t i g a t e the e f f e c t s of unemployment on the i n d i v i d u a l . For some couples, the onus s h i f t e d onto the spouse to o f f e r support to t h e i r unemployed spouse without r e c i p r o c t i o n . The d i f f i c u l t i e s seemed to come when there was a l a c k of r e c o g n i t i o n of the s u p p o r t i v e behavior. For other c o u p l e s , the support was shared through i n c r e a s e d intimacy and e f f e c t i v e n e g o t i a t i o n and problem s o l v i n g . Roles tended to be f l e x i b l e yet mutually s a t i s f y i n g . Along with the importance of f e e l i n g supported were the needs f o r a f f i r m a t i o n and acceptance, a f f e c t i o n and intimacy, Again, most of the unemployed in t h i s study looked to t h e i r spouse and f a m i l y t o have these needs met. To a l e s s e r extent, they were met w i t h i n the community ( f r i e n d s , support groups, church and v o l u n t e e r work). 93 C o u n s e l l i n g I m p l i c a t i o n s I t seems that i n c o u n s e l l i n g the unemployed, or at l e a s t those unemployed who have been out of work f o r more than s i x months, the c o u n s e l l o r needs to address the e f f e c t s of unemployment both on the i n d i v i d u a l , as w e l l as h i s / h e r dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p and r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the f a m i l y , extended f a m i l y and the community. The extent to which i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s are a f f e c t e d by job l o s s and unemployment needs to be explored with the c l i e n t who i s out of work. The emotional response to unemployment f o r each spouse c o u l d be t r a c k e d over time from when job l o s s became a p o s s i b i l i t y up to the p r e s s e n t . Attendant w o r r i e s , f e a r s , hopes and e x p e c t a t i o n s can be allowed to s u r f a c e to f a c i l i t a t e a deeper understanding of o n e s e l f and one's spouse. The extent to which each spouse's needs are being met, p a r t i c u l a r l y those of intimacy and acceptance, and the importance each spouse p l a c e s on support o f f e r e d by the other can be examined. S t y l e of coping with unemployment and the accompanying decrease i n f a m i l y income and i n c r e a s e i n unscheduled, f r e e time needs to be c o n s i d e r e d . Within the context of an unemployed person's support group, these i s s u e s can be addressed as group members d i s c u s s t h e i r c oping s t r a t e g i e s and how e f f e c t i v e they are i n 94 d e a l i n g w i t h unemployment. In i n d i v i d u a l c o u n s e l l i n g , the unemployed c l i e n t may gain an i n c r e a s e d f e e l i n g of p e r s o n a l s t r e n g t h when d i s c u s s i n g how he/she has been coping with unemployment. T h i s can be enhanced by the c o u n s e l l o r ' s encouragement and i n r e d e f i n i n g f r u s t r a t i o n s and setbacks as a s i g n of movement and a source of important i n f o r m a t i o n upon which f u t u r e c h o i c e s can be made. T r a c k i n g changes i n the dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p and f a m i l y environment can generate i n f o r m a t i o n u s e f u l f o r the c o u n s e l l o r i n hypothesis formation and a p p r o p r i a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n when c o u n s e l l i n g the couple or f a m i l y . Some important i s s u e s to be c o n s i d e r e d are f a m i l y r o l e s and changes which have o c c u r r e d d u r i n g the p e r i o d of unemployment; the extent to which each spouse f e e l s understood and accepted by the other and any changes i n the c o u p l e ' s or f a m i l y ' s a b i l i t y t o r e s o l v e c o n f l i c t . Suggestions f o r F u r t h e r Research One of the o v e r r i d i n g f a c t o r s which l i m i t e d t h i s study was the apparent u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of v o l u n t e e r s w i l l i n g t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the i n t e r v i e w and completion of the measurement t o o l s . F u r t h e r r e s e a r c h might i n v o l v e a r e p l i c a t i o n of t h i s study i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n with an e x i s t i n g support group f o r the unemployed where 95 group members are encouraged to p a r t i c i p a t e and perhaps use the group to d e b r i e f the i n t e r v i e w experience. Another area f o r f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h would be a study of the e f f e c t s of unemployment on dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p s and the f a m i l y u s i n g a w e l l c o n s t r u c t e d q u e s t i o n n a i r e with a l a r g e r sample base. T r a c k i n g changes i n the couple's r e l a t i o n s h i p over time, using a l o n g i t u d i n a l study, c o u l d r e v e a l changes i n emotions, coping s t r a t e g i e s , r o l e s w i t h i n the f a m i l y and dyadic adjustment with a sample from a s p e c i f i c p o p u l a t i o n . 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(1987) A Test of a Model f o r 100 E x p l a i n i n g the A f f e c t i v e Experience of Unemployed Men. J o u r n a l of O c c u p a t i o n a l Psychology, Volume 60, 31-47 Rainwater, L. (1978) Work, w e l l being and f a m i l y l i f e . i n Work and Q u a l i t y of L i f e . O'Toole, J . (ed) Cambridge, Ma.: MIT P r e s s . S a t i r , V. (1967) C o n j o i n t Family Therapy. Paulo A l t o , Ca.: Science and Behavior Books. Seligman, M. (1975) H e l p l e s s n e s s : On Depression, Development and Death. San F r a n c i s c o , Ca.: Freeman Press. Shamir, B. (1986) P r o t e s t a n t work e t h i c , work involvement and the p s y c h o l o g i c a l impact of unemployment. J o u r n a l of O c c u p a t i o n a l Behavior, Volume 7, 25-38 Spanier, G. (1976) Measuring dyadic adjustment: new s c a l e s f o r a s s e s s i n g the q u a l i t y of marriage and s i m i l a r dyads. J o u r n a l of Marriage and the Family, Volume 39, 15-25 Spanier, G. and Cole, C. (1976) Toward c l a r i f i c a t i o n and i n v e s t i g a t i o n of m a r i t a l adjustment. I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y and the Family, Volume 6, 121-146 Spanier, G. and Thompson, L. (1983) A c o n f i r m a t o r y a n a l y s i s of the dyadic adjustment s c a l e . J o u r n a l 101 of Marriage and the Family, Volume 46, 213-221 Stokes, G. and Cochrane, R. (1984) A study of the p s y c h o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of redundancy and unemployment. J o u r n a l of O c c u p a t i o n a l Psychology, Volume 57, 309-322 S l u z k i , C. (1981) Marriage and m a r i t a l therapy: three p e r s p e c t i v e s . J o u r n a l of M a r i t a l and Family Therapy, Volume 22, 273-280 Tiggemann, M. and W i n e f i e l d , A.H. (1984) The e f f e c t s of unemployment on the mood, se l f - e s t e e m , l o c u s of c o n t r o l , and d e p r e s s i v e a f f e c t of school l e a v e r s . J o u r n a l of O c c u p a t i o n a l Psychology, Volume 57, 33-42 Warr, P. (1977) Aided experiments i n s o c i a l psychology. B u l l e t i n of the B r i t i s h P s y c h o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y , Volume 30, 232-236 Warr, P. and Jackson, P. (1984) Men without j o b s : some c o r r e l a t e s of age and l e n g t h of unemployment. J o u r n a l of O c c u p a t i o n a l Psychology, Number 57, 77-85 Warr, P. Jackson, P. and Banks, M. (1982) D u r a t i o n of unemployment and p s y c h o l o g i c a l w e l l being i n young men and women. Current P s y c h o l o g i c a l Research, Volume 2, 201-214 102 APPENDICES APPENDIX A Inter v i e w Questions 1 04 Interview Questions Each subject was asked to r e c a l l h i s / h e r experiences from the time he/she f i r s t thought that unemployment was a r e a l p o s s i b i l i t y f o r him/her or spouse through to the p r e s e n t . Each s u b j e c t was asked to report p e r s o n a l and i n t e r p e r s o n a l experiences d u r i n g the time of unemployment through to the present. A d d i t i o n a l q u e s t i o n s were generated i n the course of the i n t e r v i e w , t o h e l p the r e s e a r c h e r b e t t e r understand the experiences or to probe more f u l l y . 105 APPENDIX B Subject Consent Form 106 SUBJECT CONSENT FORM I agree to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a re s e a r c h p r o j e c t about being unemployed. I a l s o understand that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h i s study i s v o l u n t a r y , that I am f r e e to withdraw at any time or r e f u s e to answer any q u e s t i o n s , and that my involvement i n no way e f f e c t s my r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Canada Employment Commission. I understand that t h i s p r o j e c t w i l l r e q u i r e me to t a l k with an i n t e r v i e w e r f o r about one hour about my being out of work. I a l s o give my permissi o n to have the i n t e r v i e w audio-taped with the understanding that the contents of the in t e r v i e w w i l l be kept c o n f i d e n t i a l and used f o r res e a r c h purposes o n l y . Signature 1 07 APPENDIX C Demographic Q u e s t i o n n a i r e Background Information 108 Thank you for agreeing to participate i n this research project. The information gathered w i l l be kept confidential and used for research purposes only. Ages foale) \ (female) Marital Statusx Length of time together! Previous Occupation* $lale) . ' female) _____________ Income Level of Previous Occupationi (4ale) (Female) _____________________ Current Occupationi $iale) , (Female) Current Income LeTeli $lale) . (Female) Length of Unemploymentt (lale) (Female) 109 APPENDIX D D e s c r i p t i v e Data - Quotes 110 APPENDIX D-1 Job Loss/Reaction to Job Loss •o 111 Seven of the 14 unemployed males had been working s t e a d i l y , f o r many yea r s , p r i o r to being unemployed. Most of them commented on how d i f f i c u l t i t was f o r them to accept l o s i n g t h e i r job. For some, the d i f f i c u l t i e s were f i n a n c i a l ; f o r others i t was a sense of l o s s , a blow to t h e i r s e l f c o n f i d e n c e . A few f e l t r e l i e v e d and "took a h o l i d a y " of some s o r t . Case Study 2 "We had been l i v i n g q u i t e h i g h on $40,000 a year. And to go from t h a t to $200 a week on UIC i s q u i t e a j o l t . " "I thin k t h a t a t f i r s t i t (job l o s s ) was a r e l i e f . I t h i n k t h a t I was happy to be out of that s i t u a t i o n . I suppose i t wasn't u n t i l a couple of weeks l a t e r that I s a i d 'ok, now what am I going to do?' I t s o r t of became a l i t t l e h o l i d a y . " Case Study 1 "I was f i r e d from my p o s i t i o n i n the middle of February. I t was a middle management p o s i t i o n . I t came as a s u r p r i s e to me, although I have known that I wasn't doing a good job and I wasn't happy with the job. My i n i t i a l r e a c t i o n was: 'I can get a job, i t doesn't matter.' My i n i t i a l r e a c t i o n was s o r t of d e f i a n c e . I was c o n f i d e n t that I c o u l d c a r r y on and f i n d another p o s i t i o n . I t took me three months to f i n d out t h a t I wasn't going to get another job. And then I h i t the s o r t of emotional trauma." 112 Case Study 14 "My a t t i t u d e was ' i t ' s here, I'm going to take a month o f f and enjoy the summer.' Moneywise i t was ok. I got a h a l f decent severence pay. So i t was not l i k e we were suddenly without money. F i n a n c i a l l y we'd be f i n e . " " I t was l i k e I was a company man. I put a l o t i n t o my job. I don't have a u n i v e r s i t y degree or a n y t h i n g . I s t a r t e d from the bottom and worked my way. I was doing q u i t e w e l l . And a l l of a sudden that was taken from me." Case Study 10 "What bothered me was at the stage I was a t . I t d i d n ' t bother me why they l e t me go. I wasn't concerned that I was a d e f e c t i v e product. I t ' s the kind of s i t u a t i o n t h at you're 40, you have v a r i o u s o b l i g a t i o n s e t c . e t c . You've got to get on t r a c k and having made t h i s move (to t h i s job) with that i n t e n t i o n and t h i n k i n g t h a t t h i s i s going to be i t f o r a w h ile. That's what got me." Case Study 7 "The r e s i g n a t i o n was f o r a number of reasons. T h i n k i n g about other p o s s i b i l i t i e s came a f t e r the r e s i g n a t i o n . At the time, had I known then what I know now, I would have allowed more time b e f o r e r e s i g n i n g and I would have looked at the o p t i o n s a l i t t l e more c a r e f u l l y before r e s i g n i n g and ask o u r s e l v e s very s e r i o u s l y : 'What do we want to do? Is t h i s the d i r e c t i o n we want to go i n or t h i s one or here?' And then t r y to b r i n g some of them to a c o n c l u s i o n and perhaps b r i n g i t to such a p o i n t that once you've terminated that p l a c e you can say to these other people: 'Look, i n s i x months down the road we're f i n i s h e d here and we can s t a r t then.' But the s i t u a t i o n at the church was very d i f f i c u l t . " "But the t h i n g was we weren't ready f o r another p o s i t i o n when we l e f t the church. A l o t of t h i n g s had to happen with us, some h e a l i n g or working through some c o n f l i c t with us. We went on h o l i d a y s f o r a month." "The main worry of unemployment has been f i n a n c i a l . " 1 13 Case Study 12 Case Study 9 "I guess f o r about four or f i v e months a f t e r the job ended, I took a h o l i d a y f o r awhile, d i d a l o t of s k i i n g and a l o t of other t h i n g s I wanted to do." "What happened was that I guess I thought that t h i s was an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r me to take a look at myself and the d i r e c t i o n I was going i n . I went to a growth workshop with Jock McKeen. I took Contax T r a i n i n g i n the summer." "I was working s t e a d i l y u n t i l September. Then I was l a i d o f f . I stopped answering the phone because people were phoning f o r money and they came knocking on doors." The other seven unemployed males had a h i s t o r y of moving from job to job. Some of these men worked i n t r a d e s which were a f f e c t e d by the ebb and flow of the economy. Others had chosen to work or not to work as i t best s u i t e d them. As a group, they s u f f e r e d v a r y i n g degrees of f i n a n c i a l h a r d s h i p s p a r t i c u l a r l y with extended unemployment. Case Study 3 "A year ago, the economic c o n d i t i o n s got so bad, I was l a i d o f f . The l a s t o u t f i t I worked f o r went from 50 or 60 people to 5 people. I was one of those l a i d o f f . " "I f e l t g u i l t y as I saw o t h e r s g e t t i n g l a i d o f f and I s t i l l had work. I was almost g l a d to be l a i d o f f , but that d i d n ' t l a s t f o r too l o n g . " "Our main source of income d r i e d up when I l o s t my job. We've s i n c e used up a l l our savings and UIC runs out soon. I t ' s going to be a problem over the w i n t e r . " 1 14 "The l a s t time I was working steady, f u l l time was the middle of 1982, but anyway the c o n s t r u c t i o n trade at best i s c y c l i c a l . " "In 1983, a number of us got c a l l e d to work on a job and i t was almost as i f we had l e p r o s y . They wouldn't t a l k to. us a t a l l . They're a l l running around scared about t h e i r j o b s . " "When you've been o f f f o r a month, b i g d e a l , i t ' s l i k e a h o l i d a y and i t c a r r i e s on and on and you d i p i n t o your savings fo r p r o j e c t s you want to do that while I was working I d i d n ' t have the time. And a f t e r t h at you s t a r t s i t t i n g around f e e l i n g s o r r y f o r y o u r s e l f and then you don't even want to get out and a s s o c i a t e with people you used t o . " " I t became more desperate (being out of work) when I had b i l l s to pay. I d i d n ' t want to l i v e o f f anyone e l s e . You spend four years i n the Navy working, when you get out, t h a t ' s what you want to do (work)." "The o l d e r you get, the more you f e e l you should be working and have a steady income." "There's so much unemployment out there that you l e a r n to l i v e with i t . " "I've always been unemployed because I'm not very w e l l educated. Jobs are hard to get i n my l i n e of work. I'm a t r u c k d r i v e r and u s u a l l y you get l a i d o f f , h i r e d and l a i d o f f . You move around a l o t . " "Being unemployed doesn't a f f e c t me a l o t cause I've got used to i t now. I was always short of work, so i t d i d n ' t a f f e c t me at f i r s t . " "In A p r i l 1982, with cutbacks, I was l a i d o f f . P r i o r to that I was working about 30 hours a week, I was on UIC f o r a couple of months, worked a day here and there and ended up g e t t i n g a job through a f r i e n d f o r awhile. At the end of 82, I got h i r e d back on with Woodward's p a r t time. By January 84, I was on UIC again and money was t i g h t . We were down to about $13 i n the bank. I was r e a l l y w o r r i e d . " "The t h i n g i s , you want to work. I t gets d e p r e s s i n g week a f t e r week. You've got to be a c t i v e . " 1 15 Case Study 13 "Work has been o f f and on s t e a d i l y f o r the past ten y e a r s . R e a l l y i t a l l began out of c h o i c e . I couldn't handle i t . Things l i k e that happened." " I t ' s been t e e t e r i n g on the edge of s u r v i v a l f o r the l a s t ten y e a r s . " "One year, 1982, i t was, I d i d n ' t work at a l l and we both wrote books cause there was no work." "Now I'm t r y i n g t o get a mining company o f f the ground. I've been at i t f o r two years now." Case Study 4 "Eighteen months ago was the l a s t steady work I had. Before that work was not a problem. Even i f I was l a i d o f f , I'd take a couple of days o f f , then r i g h t back to work, i f not i n c a r p e n t r y , then in cement f i n i s h i n g . " "(Wife's comments) One year ago I was r e a l l y h i t that t h e r e ' s no work. F i n a n c i a l l y , I was very worried. Every month was t i g h t . " In t h i s study, 3 women had experienced job l o s s and unemployment over the l a s t few years. Each of them c o n s i d e r e d t h e i r wages to be s i g n i f i c a n t to the f i n a n c i a l s e c u r i t y of t h e i r f a m i l y . T h e i r job l o s s had a s i m i l a r impact on them and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as d i d t h e i r husband's job l o s s . Case Study 6 "In 1982, i t was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t and I accepted the f a c t that unemployment was here to s t a y . I had to l e a r n to l i v e with i t and become a c t i v e , to give me some peace of mind. The more you're unemployed, the more you l e a r n to come to g r i p s with i t . But with experience I became c o n f i d e n t and everytime a f t e r t h at I was l a i d o f f , I knew i t wasn't j u s t me." "Unemployment used to weird me out p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y , at l e a s t i n the beginning." 1 16 Case Study 5 "I've had 27 jobs i n twelve years. I've been unemployed but never f o r an extended p e r i o d of time l i k e my husband." " I t was never a problem b e f o r e . When he was unemployed, we l i v e d on savings and my s a l a r y . L a t e l y i t ' s been bad and now almost impossible f o r him to f i n d work." "I've had a l o t of s h i t t y j o b s . They're not great jobs and you get t i r e d of them. A f t e r f i v e or s i x months you know a l l there i s about the jobs . I get bored and I get depressed that t h e r e ' s nowhere l e f t to go." "My husband and I are very s i m i l a r . When I get fed up with work and say I'm q u i t t i n g , he says f i n e . Since he's been t h e r e , he can understand." Case Study 9 "I was l a i d o f f f o r the f i r s t time i n A p r i l . My income was important i n the f a m i l y . I t took two wages." "We were l i v i n g i n a house at that time and there wasn't much of a neighbourhood. When you're out of a job you f i n d y o u r s e l f without knowing anyone around. Most of our f r i e n d s were working so I was very i s o l a t e d . I t was a very l o n e l y time." 1 17 APPENDIX D-2 Emotional Changes 1 18 Both the unemployed i n d i v i d u a l and h i s / h e r spouse experienced emotional changes due to unemployment. For those d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by job l o s s , there were some f e e l i n g s of l o s s , worthlessness and s e l f - d o u b t Case Study 14 "At f i r s t i t was k i n d of d e v a s t a t i n g . I t ' s your p r i d e you know." Case Study 10 "The traumatic p a r t (of job l o s s ) was i n terms of c a r e e r . Were do you go? You're 40 years o l d . There i s a l o t of people out the r e , e x p e r ts that are younger. So what do you do? Case Study 3 "I'm used to working. I t ' s a shock to your system. You f e e l u s e l e s s , c a s t by the wayside." Case Study 11 "You see, what happens i s t h i s . When a person's been o f f t h i s long, he gets t o f e e l i n g he's u s e l e s s . You get depressed. A f t e r t h a t you s t a r t s i t t i n g around f e e l i n g s o r r y f o r y o u r s e l f and then you don't even want to go out and a s s o c i a t e with people you used t o . You f e e l l i k e you're not as good cause they're working and you're not." Case Study 5 "Your l i f e i s r e l a t e d to work. You don't have much say about what's going on. The system says e v e r y t h i n g . Work says e v e r y t h i n g . So b a s i c a l l y you can't be your own person. I'm f i g h t i n g t h a t . I t h i n k t h a t ' s what's screwing me up. I don't know whether t o concede and be l i k e everyone e l s e or to be myself and be c r e a t i v e . " Case Study 6 "At f i r s t I thought I was l a i d o f f because I wasn't competent and th a t f e l t t e r r i b l e . " Case Study 7 "There's been times when I've f e l t low, but not the kind of low where I f a l l i n t o d e p r e s s i o n or despondency." "With unemployment came the kinds of ups and downs th a t most human beings have." 119 Case Study 7 Case Study 4 Case Study 10 Case Study 13 Case Study 9 Case Study 9 Case Study 1 " I f I had known from the beginning that i t would have taken t h i s long (to get another j o b ) , I'd have gone c r a z y . " "There were times of high a n x i e t y . In that time of unemployment you saw so much about y o u r s e l f that you want to change too." "As a human being and as a f a t h e r , I'm a l o t b e t t e r o f f (being out of work). A l l the experience i n the house, you a p p r e c i a t e people a l o t more and the job they're doing." "The f i r s t t h i n g I d i d , when I l o s t my job was to keep i n the work mode. In a sense i t ' s keeping up a facade, a f r o n t for your s a n i t y . I t ' s easy to get depressed and r e a l l y negative about e v e r y t h i n g . " "Unemployment i s l i k e you're a cork bobbing on the water. I wish I had a l i t t l e more c o n t r o l over the s i t u a t i o n , but I don't t h i n k there i s . I haven't found i t anyway." " I t (being on UIC) was nothing I'd dreamed would happen. We had always worked and p a i d t h i n g s o f f and the type of f a m i l y background that I came from, i t was a step down to go to MHR and then have both of us on UIC." "Your ego takes an awful b e a t i n g j u s t to have to walk i n t o a welfare o f f i c e and to be i n that p o s i t i o n . They (welfare) made us f e e l t h a t we were a b s o l u t e l y nothing. I was angry too, but you r a t i o n a l i z e i t j u s t to keep on going." "There was a l o t of ego d e v a s t a t i o n f o r both of us." "I was so down on myself that I went to my doctor and got some a n t i - d e p r e s s a n t s . I was burying i t , h o l d i n g a l o t of i t i n and I wasn't e n j o y i n g l i f e at a l l . I'd have an overwhelming sense of u s e l e s s n e s s , that comes on you j u s t l i k e a wave. That c a r r i e d on through i n t o the f a l l , that general sense of mal a i s e . " APPENDIX D-3 Accompanying Changes i n Events or Behaviors that Produced Change 121 For some i n d i v i d u a l s , s p e c i f i c events helped or hindered t h e i r coping with unemployment. Some of these events were s e n s i b l e d e c i s i o n s made by i n d i v i d u a l s and co u p l e s . Case Study 4 Case Study 9 Case Study Case Study 1 0 Case Study 14 "Moving i n t o the co-op (housing) helped a l o t . B e f o r e , we were paying over 50% of our income f o r r e n t . Now rent i s only 25% of income." "Moving i n t o a co-op has knocked me down a few pegs. I had only wanted to l i v e i n c e r t a i n a r e a s , b i g high c l a s s homes, had to have t h i n g s to show o f f , had to be somebody. Whereas now, i t s j u s t I don't c a r e . I j u s t want to be happy, knowing I've got the b i l l s p a i d and we've got food. Before I'd gone through unemployment I'd never have gone i n t o a co-op." "I took my savings out and f i x e d up the basement of the house so I c o u l d rent i t out." "When we moved here, we moved i n t o the main f l o o r . My husband had b u i l t t h i s whole downstairs s u i t e . We rent the u p s t a i r s out." "In t h i s case, we were f o r c e d down. We d i d n ' t p l a n on moving down. But the f a c t that we had i t was a r e a l godsent. I t wasn't n e a r l y f i n i s h e d when we moved down. I t ' s s t i l l a long ways to go." "I've a l s o been working on the s i d e , r e n o v a t i o n s , that k i n d of t h i n g . The e x t r a money i s g r e a t . But I d i d f e e l that I'd put i n a day's work. I f e l t I'm doing something, a sense of s a t i s f a c t i o n . And t h a t ' s one of the reasons I want a job. I t ' s m o t i v a t i o n for me." 122 Case Study 7 "At f i r s t , I h e l d back from t a k i n g on more work, t h i n k i n g my husband would be working i n a couple of weeks. But e v e n t u a l l y I s a i d : ' t h i s i s c r a z y , book me i n a couple more hours'." "Our f r i e n d s r e a l l y stood by us. When i t came time f o r mortgage payment, they'd phone a s k i n g i f we had enough and i f not, then t h i s and t h a t . " Case Study 13 "That year we both were home w r i t i n g . He was doing h i s and I was doing mine and exchanging i d e a s . I t was a r e a l l y great year. There weren't any jobs so we had a great time." Case Study 8 "We d e c i d e d to l i v e cheap and put e v e r y t h i n g i n t o the house. And i t ' s somewhere to r a i s e the k i d s . " "My mom helped us put a down payment on the house. I t was r e a l l y run down, but I enjoyed i t . I got to be a p a i n t e r , t i l e r and p l a s t e r e r . " Case Study 2 "A f r i e n d of mine, who had gone through unemployment a year and a h a l f ago, recommended "What Colour i s Your Parachute?". And then L l o y d t o l d me about Hal's group ( f o r unemployed). I went to the l a s t day of a s e s s i o n . He had everyone t e l l what they had got out of the program. And I found, you know, t h e i r comments to be very i n t e r e s t i n g and I'd go to the next s e s s i o n . And, i t ' s good. I t ' s a h e l p group. I t gets you t a l k i n g about your s i t u a t i o n and where you want to go. And the other, I guess, r e a l l y important p a r t of the group i s the networking that i s set up. 123 Case Study 1 "I planned i t over Christmas and i n January I opened a c r a f t and g i f t s t o r e . I t had a tremendous e f f e c t on our r e l a t i o n s h i p , f i n d i n g something I c o u l d throw my e n t i r e e x i s t a n c e i n t o . Whereas the e n t i r e p r e v i o u s year my wife and I had spent a l o t of time t o g e t h e r , very c l o s e l y t o g e t h e r . I s o r t of got i n t o t h i s t h i n g and she was l e f t out. I had dropped a l l t h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p . " "(Wife's comments) He d i d n ' t know what i t was l i k e . A l l along I supported him, a year out of my l i f e , and now I f e l t l i k e he d i d n ' t need me at a l l . I was f e e l i n g r e a l l y bad, f e e l i n g r e j e c t e d and t h a t he'd r e p l a c e d me with a s t o r e . " Some events o c c u r r e d o u t s i d e the c o n t r o l of i n d i v i d u a l s and c o u p l e s . These tended to have a negative e f f e c t on the i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c i n g the change, though not n e c e s s a r i l y on the spouse and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p . In some cases, the event appeared to strengthen the r e l a t i o n s h i p . Case Study 6 "I knew a baby would change my l i f e , cause I was so a c t i v e . I t r i e d to prepare myself mentally, but you can only do so much - you have to l i v e through i t . I had post-partem d e p r e s s i o n and I'm s t i l l going through i t . My husband encouraged me to go to a post-partem therapy group. He's helped me get through the worst. The group encourages you to take a break from the c h i l d and your d u t i e s around the house. The only way you c o u l d do t h a t i s i f your mate w i l l take over and you f e e l ok about i t . Without my husband I wouldn't have been a b l e to do t h a t . 124 Case Study 9 "When my wife got work and I was s t i l l at home, there were two f e e l i n g s . I l i k e d the idea of being at home. I'm a great house husband. I enjoyed that f o r awhile and then I got that funny f e e l i n g t h a t : 'Here I am at home and what are the neighbours t h i n k i n g ? ' I'd take the youngest f o r a walk i n the s t r o l l e r . So much f o r being the macho man. I t s t a r t e d to go down h i l l from t h e r e . I was on pain k i l l e r s f o r my back and I'd mix that with s c o t c h , say at 10 o'clock in the morning." "(Wife's comments) We d i d a complete r o l e r e v e r s a l . I was the breadwinner and he stayed at home. A c t u a l l y my husband was much b e t t e r at housework than I am. I enjoyed i t , but i t j u s t wasn't q u i t e r i g h t . " "I was shocked when I found out (about drugs and d r i n k i n g ) , but I guess I should have known. But he h e l d i t together so w e l l . But t h i n g s were coming t o a head. I t was a panic s i t u a t i o n f o r both of us, with h i s UIC running out." Case Study 3 "Three months a f t e r being l a i d o f f , I was f e e l i n g i l l and moped around the house. Not knowing why (he was l a t e r diagnosed as s u f f e r i n g from h e p e t i t u s ) d i d n ' t h e l p any. I wasn't out of the house the same. When you're together, the l i t t l e t h i n g s s t a r t to bug you. My wife put up with a l o t of crap. " "The main t h i n g i s to keep busy. Even then, I was a c t i v e i n union a f f a i r s . " APPENDIX D-4 C o p i n g S t r a t e g i e s 126 As a group, the unemployed males in t h i s study c i t e d ten d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g i e s used i n coping with t h e i r experience of unemployment. Nine of the ten were p o s i t i v e l y o r i e n t e d . They i n c l u d e d : e x p l o r i n g the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of self-employment, s i x cases; t a k i n g a more a c t i v e r o l e i n p a r e n t i n g , s i x cases; r e l y i n g on f r i e n d s , s i x cases; reducing the f a m i l y standard of l i v i n g to make ends meet, four cases; " i d e n t i f y i n g with other unemployed people", four cases; becoming more p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e , three cases; a t t e n d i n g courses and workshops f o r personal growth, three cases; a t t e n d i n g support groups, two cases; and l o o k i n g toward f a m i l y of o r i g i n f o r support, one case. Drug and/or a l c o h o l abuse was a short term, and r e p o r t e d l y an i n e f f e c t i v e coping s t r a t e g y f o r three i n d i v i d u a l s . a) S e l f Employment Case Study 14 "I'm c o n f i d e n t I can generate money, p a i n t i n g f o r i n s t a n c e . I'm sure I c o u l d go i n and p a i n t someone's house and not worry about the q u a l i t y . That's my l a s t r e s o r t . I don't know. I'm not at that p o i n t . I guess I'm s t i l l choosy. S t i l l , deep down i n s i d e , what I want i s a job." Case Study 12 "In the s p r i n g , I was p r e t t y busy p u t t i n g together a seminar f o r a f r i e n d of mine who was running a ground s c h o o l . I spent a month r e s e a r c h i n g the m a t e r i a l and p u t t i n g i t t o g e t h e r . So, yah, i t worked out r e a l l y w e l l . I t was the f i r s t time I'd ever taught." 127 Case Study 13 "Now I'm t r y i n g to get a mining company o f f the ground. I've been at i t f o r two years now." b) Taking on a more a c t i v e p a r e n t i n g r o l e Almost a l l the males using t h i s coping s t r a t e g y had young f a m i l i e s . In a l l but one case, these parents found i t rewarding, and t h e i r wives supported and a p p r e c i a t e d t h e i r i n c r e a s e d involvement. Case Study 10 Case Study 6 Case Study 4 "Kids are very demanding. I f you want to know about time management, l i s t e n , managers pay thousands f o r these c o u r s e s , they should a l l be the housewives f o r awhile and look a f t e r a f a m i l y - t h a t ' s time p l a n n i n g . " "As I've taken over running the house and r a i s i n g the k i d , sure, I've l e a r n e d t h i n g s . I look at what's good about i t . " " I t ' s good now having time w i t h the baby. You have to a l l o c a t e your time and take some time away from the baby too." "I was brought up l o o k i n g a f t e r my younger b r o t h e r s and s i s t e r s , so i t ' s no d i f f e r e n t now l o o k i n g a f t e r my own baby. I'm gl a d I was taught by mother and not by my w i f e . I j u s t eased r i g h t i n t o i t (parenthood)." "I took a more a c t i v e r o l e i n r a i s i n g a l l three k i d s . My wife would have been nuts i f she'd been on her own." "As a human being and as a f a t h e r , I'm a l o t b e t t e r o f f (being out of work). A l l the experience i n the house, you a p p r e c i a t e people a l o t more and the job they're doing." 128 Case Study 9 "I'm a great house husband. I enjoyed that for awhile and then I got that funny feeling - here I am at home and what are the neighbours thinking?" c)Support from Friends Accessing support from friends was an effective coping strategy for some of the unemployed males in this study. At a time when one's network was shrinking and contact with others decreasing, friends played an important part in maintaining links outside the couple relationship and family. Case Study 7 Case Study 4 Case Study Case Study 12 Case Study 3 "Our friends were very supportive, always checking to see i f we had enough. It wasn't humiliating, i t was humbling. A number of friends have said: 'Don't allow the urgent to make a decision for you. You make the decision when you want i t . We will support you'." "There was a certain energy around, between us and friends and associates in unemployed work. You realize that i t ' s a really big picture. There's lots of people being affected by causes different than what is apparent." "We have a lot of close friends that we can count on for support." "I found the self help books helpful. They were recommended to me by a friend who had gone through a period of unemployment himself. And he heard that I was unemployed and he thought i t would help me." "When I'm down, at least there's people to talk to at the union ha l l . Talking to others out of work helps you get recharged." 129 d) P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t i e s Three unemployed union members became more a c t i v e w i t h i n t h e i r union. T h i s helped them maintain t h e i r network of employed as w e l l unemployed " b r o t h e r s " and focus t h e i r e n e r g i e s toward change. In a l l three cases, t h e i r wives supported t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s although the wives d i d not become p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e themselves. Case Study 4 Case Study 11 Case Study 3 "Many people don't know the b a s i c concept of u n i t y . Many people s t i l l are not a b l e to t a l k about i t (unemployment and w e l f a r e ) . I'm t r y i n g to change t h i n g s . " "My wife supports my p o l i t i c a l p u r s u i t s and l a c k of a c t i v e job search. She's very understanding." "In l a t e 1982, I got i n v o l v e d with the unemployed committee. I was chairman fo r about one and a h a l f y e a r s . I got i n t o t h i s f o r something to do and i t was i n t e r e s t i n g . I got i n v o l v e d i n other t h i n g s . You look around f o r other p o s s i b i l i t i e s . " "I don't know i f my kids w i l l f o l l o w i n my f o o t s t e p s and be a c t i v e i n union m a t t e r s . I don't t h i n k they've made up t h e i r minds what they want to do." "I got i n v o l v e d f u l l time with the trade union movement. I'm t r y i n g t o organize w i t h i n the trade union movement f o r a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n so a l l can have a decent p l a c e to l i v e and standard of l i v i n g and a j o b . " "I got i n v o l v e d i n the "Job A c t i o n Centre" to put pressure on the government." e) Family of O r i g i n A f f i l i a t i o n One unemployed male made a d e c i s i o n to get c l o s e r to h i s f a m i l y . He a t t r i b u t e s t h i s to the " s t u f f I got 130 out of Contax", a p e r s o n a l growth program. H i s wife remarked that he had always been c l o s e to h i s f a m i l y but that s i n c e he'd been unemployed, she'd n o t i c e d an i n c r e a s e d c l o s e n e s s . f) P e r s o n a l Growth Three of the unemployed males in t h i s study looked inward to a c q u i r e g r e a t e r understanding of s e l f . Two of the three chose t h i s s t r a t e g y f o r coping w i t h unemployment as an a l t e r n a t i v e to group involvement. The t h i r d i n d i v i d u a l e n r o l l e d i n "Contax T r a i n i n g " two years a f t e r l o s i n g h i s job and as an adjunct t o support groups and c o u n s e l l i n g . Case Study 10 " I t ' s a great course (Contax T r a i n i n g ) . As f a r as I'm concerned, i t d i d wonders fo r my s t a t e of mind and approach to l i f e ' s s i t u a t i o n s . So i t gave me a r e a l s t r a t e g y f o r c o p i n g . I f a l l back on the course. For b e t t e r or worse, t h e r e ' s a framework w i t h i n which you can l i v e and c a t e g o r i z e what happens to you and examine i t . " Case Study 12 "What happened was that I guess I thought that t h i s was an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r me to take a look at myself and the d i r e c t i o n I was going i n . I went to a growth workshop with Jock McKeen at G a b r i o l a I s l a n d . I took Contax T r a i n i n g in the summer." "The s t u f f I l e a r n e d at Contax helped me through when a job o f f e r f e l l through i n Thunder Bay." 1.31 Case Study 1 "We took a course i n p o s i t i v e l i v i n g . Now I r e a l i z e that we'd been l i v i n g with b l i n d e r s on. We thought job, house or car was important. A l l t h a t i s important i s how we f e e l , not how we p e r c e i v e we look to o t h e r s . " "I went i n t o a r e a l d e p r e s s i o n . I got f e e l i n g so bad about myself that I ended up checking myself i n t o the h o s p i t a l . When I came out of ther e , I r e a l i z e d t h at I had to s t i c k to the p s y c h i a t r i s t ' s i n s t r u c t i o n s and suggestions as c l o s e as I c o u l d . " "There's a p o i n t that I reached where I would j u s t go with the flow, q u i t f i g h t i n g i t . E v e r y t h i n g ' s t i e d up i n the f a c t t h a t I d i d n ' t have job. Once I l e t that go, i t was b e t t e r . " g) Support Group Involvement i n a support group helped two unemployed males i n t h i s study cope with unemployment, r e - e s t a b l i s h a network of peers and o f f e r ideas and leads f o r job search. Case Study 1 "I went to the North Shore Family S e r v i c e s l o o k i n g f o r support f o r unemployed management and p r o f e s s i o n a l people. And they d i d n ' t have anything going at th a t time. But they s a i d : 'Why don't you s t a r t one?' And so we d i d . " "I r e a l i z e now that my p r i d e kept me from g e t t i n g c o u n s e l l i n g . " "When I look back on i t now, I'd say we accessed q u i t e a few h e l p t h i n g s . We got to the p o i n t where we had t o , where I had t o , cause we were going i n no d i r e c t i o n . " 132 Case Study 2 "L l o y d t o l d me about Hal de Grace's support group and I went to the l a s t day of the s e s s i o n . I t h i n k at the time I met him ( L l o y d ) , I was probably i n the same p o s i t i o n as i f I'd been h a l f way through the seven weeks." "Once you t e l l the group what you r e a l l y want, then the group s o r t of comes up with suggestions of how you c o u l d put that d e s i r e i n t o f i n a n c i a l use. And the other r e a l l y important p a r t of the group i s the networking t h a t i s set up." h) Reducing Family's Standard of L i v i n g With a r e d u c t i o n i n income, four unemployed males i n t h i s study t a l k e d about economizing and a l t e r i n g t h e i r standards of l i v i n g . T h i s s t r a t e g y was a b i t t e r p i l l f o r some to swallow; f o r o t h e r s i t simply made sense and they l e a r n e d about l i v i n g w ith l e s s . Case Study 10 "So at t h a t pont, there was no job, no nanny and we moved downstairs. So, where the h e l l i s e v e r y t h i n g . " Case Study 2 "We had been l i v i n g q u i t e h i g h on $40,000 a year. And to go from that to $200 a week on UIC i s q u i t e a j o l t . I t was tough. We d i d n ' t have a l o t of s a v i n g s . " "I suppose i t ' s always the problem. You don't know how long a s i t u a t i o n l i k e t h a t (unemployment) i s going to l a s t . We took i n a border. We knew we had to make some adjustments i n our l i f e s t y l e . Taking a border was something I thought I'd never ever do; you know, my house i s my c a s t l e . So, as i t turned out, i t ' s worked out f i n e . " 133 Case Study 5 "When you're unemployed, we s t a r t e d l o o k i n g at cheaper ways to l i v e . We went out p i c k i n g b e r r i e s and f i s h i n g and made cheaper, n u t r i t i o u s meals." Case Study 3 "We're t r y i n g to minimize the economic impact of unemployment. We shop f o r b a r g a i n s , go f o r walks, that s o r t of t h i n g . " i ) " I d e n t i f y i n g With Other Unemployed People" Four males i n t h i s study s a i d t h e i r own e x p e r i e n c e s with unemployment helped them to see unemployment as p a r t of a bigger p i c t u r e . They empathized with others who were out of work and saw unemployment as a problem which needed to be addressed by s o c i e t y . Case Study 3 Case Study 9 "I'm d i s s a t i s f i e d with the c o n s e r v a t i v e s t y l e of our union. The union i s run l i k e a business with no time f o r the l i t t l e guy. The unemployed i s seen as a d r a i n on the union, as i t c o s t s the union f o r h e a l t h and d e n t a l coverage of unemployed members and t h e i r f a m i l y . I'm i n v o l v e d i n t r y i n g to o r g a n i z e w i t h i n the trade union movement f o r a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n so a l l can have a decent p l a c e to l i v e and standard of l i v i n g and a job. "A l o t of t h i n g s changed when I went back to work. I had a l i t t l e more respect f o r those who were not working. And I l e t those people who were not working know that I was t h e r e , s o r t of doing what everyone e l s e had done f o r us when we were l a i d o f f . " 134 Case Study 2 "I suppose the t h i n g that goes along with j o i n i n g the group (support group) i s you get out of y o u r s e l f , t h a t you're not the only one out there who doesn't have a job. There's other people that may be worse o f f than you, or as bad o f f as you f i n a n c i a l l y , and I guess e m o t i o n a l l y as w e l l . " Case Study 11 "As f a r as I'm concerned, the whole i n d u s t r y has been on a d e c l i n e s i n c e 1981. There are t h i n g s that have caused i t , i n every i n d u s t r y , and t h a t ' s t e c h n o l o g i c a l change. I th i n k the government hasn't addressed i t . They've accepted i t cause i t maximized p r o f i t s f o r the few and to h e l l with the working c l a s s . I t ' s a p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y I've always had but which rang t r u e r as I was unemployed f o r extended p e r i o d s of time." Of the four t e e n females i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study, only one of them was unemployed. A second had been unemployed f o r a p e r i o d of time, but was working at the time she was i n t e r v i e w e d . F i v e of the women were working while t h e i r spouses were unemployed. The unemployed female, who c o n s i d e r e d h e r s e l f the main wage earner i n the f a m i l y , employed coping s t r a t e g i e s s i m i l a r to some of the j o b l e s s males. She became a c t i v e w i t h i n her union and i n c r e a s e d her p o l i t i c a l awareness. She attended a support group ( f o r women with post-partem d e p r e s s i o n ) . 135 Case Study 6 "I accepted the f a c t that unemployment i s here t o st a y . I had to l e a r n to l i v e w ith i t and become a c t i v e t o give me some peace of mind." " I f the system was working, everyone would be working, having a decent, w e l l paying job and c o n t r i b u t i n g (to s o c i e t y ) . " "I'm a c t i v e i n the union and w i t h i n the co-op." " W i l l you become depressed or w i l l you accept the f a c t that t h e r e ' s no jobs out there and go about your l i f e as best you can: go t o the l i b r a r y , get up, get out, maintain y o u r s e l f ? I f you do t h a t , y o u ' l l f e e l b e t t e r about y o u r s e l f and unemployment i n s t e a d of t u r n i n g inward and becoming depressed, b i g a n x i e t y . " " A f t e r I had the baby, I l o s t my c o n f i d e n c e . I went to a support group ( f o r post partem mothers). The group encourages you to take a break from the c h i l d and your d u t i e s around the house." The most f r e q u e n t l y c i t e d coping s t r a t e g y f o r the remaining t h i r t e e n women intervi e w e d was s u p p o r t i n g t h e i r unemployed spouse and encouraging him to keep h i s hopes up and to remain a c t i v e . G e n e r a l l y , t h i s was seen as both h e l p f u l to the person w r e s t l i n g with unemployment and h e l p f u l i n m a i n t a i n i n g and b u i l d i n g t h e i r m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . Case Study 1 "I encouraged him to s t a r t doing l i t t l e t h i n g s . I was t r y i n g to get him to be a c t i v e which works f o r me when I am down." "We t a l k about my husband's low f e e l i n g s i f he's w i l l i n g and i f I have the time." 136 "I support the reasonable t h i n g s that my husband does, even i f he gets l a i d o f f . Why should he work with a ladder t h a t moves by i t s e l f , i t ' s i n such r i c k e t y c o n d i t i o n t h at he i s endangering h i s l i f e . And h e ' l l t e l l them - I'm not going to work there u n t i l you r e p l a c e that l a d d e r and two days l a t e r he gets l a i d o f f . And h i s mother says: 'You shouldn't have s a i d t h a t ' and I s a i d : 'You'd r a t h e r see him dead on the f l o o r ? ' " "His a c t i v i t y i n the union i s good. I t keeps him busy." "My husband was l o o k i n g f o r support from me, wanting me to l i s t e n and not to make i t b e t t e r . " "And th e r e was times when I wondered how long i t would go on (husband away from home on some pe r s o n a l growth workshop). You know, kind of t i r e d of i t . But deep down, I knew i t was the r i g h t t h i n g f o r him to do. He was doing what he needed to do and I knew t h a t there wasn't much I c o u l d do." "We used R i c h a r d S t u a r t ' s f i v e c i r c l e s in h i s book "Helping Couples to Change". We would use t h a t as a t h i n g - hey, you're i n my c i r c l e , back o f f . But we co u l d accept that from each o t h e r . " "I l i s t e n e d to h i s f r u s t r a t i o n s and a c t e d as a sounding board and f e l t i n t e r e s t e d to be a p a r t of t h a t experience." "Yes, I see myself as a support and I ' l l do whatever I can, but I don't see myself having to run i n with a s t r e t c h e r fo r support because he r e a l l y d i d n ' t need i t . I have t o be c a r e f u l about making suggestions and sometimes s i t on my mouth. I t ' s not f a i r to him f o r me to say." "We'd l i k e to open up a smal l bed and b r e a k f a s t t h a t would be run by my husband. H i s s t r e n g t h s are b u i l d i n g , e n j o y i n g people and t h a t whole s i d e of t h i n g s . I t ' s not behind a desk, nine to f i v e . " 137 Case Study 14 Case Study 9 Case Study 5 "I was very s u p p o r t i v e of my husband when he l o s t h i s job. He was very much l o o k i n g f o r someone to be s u p p o r t i v e . In the beginning, I d i d n ' t o f f e r him any suggestions or ideas because I d i d n ' t t h i n k t h a t ' s what he wanted and I was r e a l l y a f r a i d of f i g h t i n g . I d i d n ' t want to provoke. I knew he was angry and upset and i f I pushed him at that p o i n t , we would have ended up f i g h t i n g . " "I'm one of those people who, when they get h i t with change, I panic and then I calm down and then e v e r y t h i n g i s f i n e . I l e t him make the d e c i s i o n . When he s a i d we were s t a y i n g (not moving back to C a l g a r y ) , t h i n g s got b e t t e r . The t i d e a c t u a l l y changed the day we de c i d e d that we were s t a y i n g . " "When my husband i s down, even i f I'm down, I f e e l l i k e I have to cheer him up. One person has to be a l i t t l e b i t st r o n g e r . " Support from f r i e n d s and f a m i l y was the second most f r e q u e n t l y used s t r a t e g y f o r coping with t h e i r spouse's unemployment. Case Study 9 "The k i d s were very understanding. We were very open with them and s a i d : 'Look, we don't have the money. We can't buy a l o t of t h i n g s . But we can do a l o t of t h i n g s l i k e swimming'. We spent a l o t of time walking along the dyke, t h i n g s we c o u l d do together as a f a m i l y . " " I f we moved back to Calgary and i f we couldn't f i n d work, we c o u l d move i n with f a m i l y . " Case Study 14 "Our f r i e n d s have been very s u p p o r t i v e . They're c l o s e , c l o s e f r i e n d s . I t doesn't make any d i f f e r e n c e whether my husband's working or not. They're a l l concerned." 138 Case Study 7 Case Study 12 Case Study 8 "On the days that I do f e e l low, my husband and the people I work with sense i t and they are w i l l i n g to t a l k or to l e t me t a l k . " "Our f r i e n d s r e a l l y stood by us. When i t came time f o r mortgage payment, they'd phone, as k i n g i f we had enough and i f not, then t h i s and t h a t . They d i d i t not because they f e l t s o r r y f o r us, but because they cared and th a t f e l t good." "I had some r e a l l y s u p p o r t i v e f r i e n d s up there (where they were l i v i n g ) . So, I f e l t that I c o u l d n ' t see what other c h o i c e there was, with my husband down in Vancouver t a k i n g courses and me c o n t i n u i n g to work up t h e r e . " "My mom was g r e a t . She helped us put a down payment on t h i s p l a c e . We see people at the church and spend Sunday with my f a m i l y , my s i s t e r and her k i d s . I t ' s great support." A f i n a l coping s t r a t e g y , employed by four of the women in t e r v i e w e d , was to reduce spending and "cut c o r n e r s " . For some, who had always been t h r i f t y , i t was a case of making do with what they had. For one woman, both she and her husband had to make co n c e s s i o n s , s e l l o f f unused p o s s e s s i o n s and take i n a border. Case Study 11 "Even when my husband i s working, you n o t i c e we don't l i v e i n a p a l a c e , t h i s type of t h i n g . You j u s t don't go out and buy the f i r s t t h i n g you see." Case Study 2 "We were lucky to rent out the bottom s u i t e i n t h i s house. That r e a l l y helped a l o t . " APPENDIX D-5 Personal Insights 140 G e n e r a l l y , the unemployed s u b j e c t s i n t e r v i e w e d i n t h i s study looked back on unemployment as a time of change, having a major impact on t h e i r l i v e s . Some commented on changes i n a t t i t u d e s toward o t h e r s and the s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l . Others embarked on a search of s e l f with consequent i n s i g h t s and i n c r e a s e d awareness. Case Study 9 Case Study Case Study Case Study 8 Case Study 14 "The one t h i n g that d i d h e l p was that i t was a time when everybody was being l a i d o f f . So i t wasn't only me that was unemployed. There's a l o t of us out t h e r e . " "I'd say my ideas changed once I'd been back to work. I found I wasn't where I was a year ago." "We're both forward l o o k i n g . I f you get bogged down with what happened yest e r d a y , y o u ' l l never get beyond i t . " "Even before I was l a i d o f f , I f e l t that unemployment was not the workers' f a u l t and the s o l u t i o n to i t was to put pressure on the government." "You have to be st r o n g (when unemployed) and you can get s t r e n g t h by going i n t o a group s i t u a t i o n and t a l k i n g t h i n g s out." "For me, a job i s a means of s u r v i v a l . I t ' s not number one; i t ' s not number two or t h r e e . My g o a l i n l i f e i s not to succeed i n b u s i n e s s , as much as you want to do something you enjoy." "Going through unemployment does humble you a l o t . I'm s t i l l wound up i n s i d e . I'm out doing a l o t of t h i n g s . I'm not s i t t i n g at home depressed or a n y t h i n g . S t i l l , deep down i n s i d e , what I want i s a j o b . " "I t h i n k you should get r i g h t i n t o job search ( a f t e r job l o s s ) . At the time, I f e l t I was on a h o l i d a y and I d i d n ' t have to work. And I r e a l i z e now you s t a r t to l o s e a l o t , your knowledge, t h i n k i n g along the l i n e s of work." 141 Case Study 7 Case Study 5 Case Study 2 Case Study 10 Case Study 12 "Unemployment i s a great time to s e l f e v a l u a t e . I t ' s great to w r i t e i n a j o u r n a l . You can put down your ideas which h e l p s to understand them and to begin to change." "I r e a l i z e d i t i s t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t i f a person i s going to work than i f a person i s at home a l l the time, and a l l the d i f f e r e n t i m p l i c a t i o n s . I thought, yah, t h i s i s what a l o t of people experience a l l the time. I d i d n ' t f e e l good, but I f e l t I was going to g a i n something from i t . " "Your l i f e i s r e l a t e d to work. You don't have much to say about what's going on. The system says e v e r y t h i n g . So, b a s i c a l l y , you can't be your own person. I'm f i g h t i n g i t . I t h i n k t h a t ' s what's screwing me up. I don't know whether to concede and be l i k e everyone e l s e or to be myself and be c r e a t i v e . " "I t h i n k i t i s God or Jesus t h a t i s d i r e c t i n g us. T h i s i s where we p i c k e d up the n o t i o n of London. I f you keep your mind c l u t t e r e d , you won't r e c e i v e a n y t h i n g . I f you calm y o u r s e s l f down, you w i l l be d i r e c t e d i n l i f e t o what He wants you to do." "When I was working, I c o u l d get the acceptance t h a t everybody needs o u t s i d e . I had l o t s of t h a t . I l o s t some of that with unemployment. T h e r e f o r e , I t h i n k maybe I r e l y more on my fa m i l y f o r the f a c t that I'm doing something worthwhile." "In a sense i t was a navel g a z i n g e x e r c i s e . I t can be q u i t e tough l o o k i n g at y o u r s e l f . " "I t h i n k i f I l e t the male ego get i n the way, s o r t of c o n s e r v a t i v e , then I c o u l d run i n t o problems and resent her c a r e e r move with me tag g i n g a l o n g . " "There were times when my s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e as a person was p r e t t y low. A c t u a l l y at d i f f e r e n t times i t h i t me. I t was both my s e l f c o n f i d e n c e and the unemployment." 142 Case Study 13 Case Study 1 Case Study 4 "Unemployment f o r c e s you to s t r i k e out and t r y something e l s e t hat you've never done b e f o r e . And i n s t e a d of l o o k i n g at i t n e g a t i v e l y , i t ' s a tremendous o p p o r t u n i t y to t r y something e l s e . So here again, you work with the fantas y of the unemployed person. F i n d out what they would l i k e to have done ten years ago and maybe you can do something i n that area now. The main t h i n g i s to take the energy that you have and provide an o u t l e t f o r i t . A l o t of people s t a r t f l o w e r i n g . " "Unemployment and the accompanying experiences have taught me a l o t about communicating and opening up and being honest and t r u s t i n g . " "We d i d n ' t r e a l i z e how l i t t l e we r e a l l y were communicating." "I r e a l i z e that we'd been l i v i n g with b l i n d e r s on. We thought t h a t job, house or car was important. A l l that i s important i s how we f e e l , not how we p e r c e i v e we look to ot h e r s . " "Our consciousness has been r a i s e d by me being home a l o t and p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e . " " I t ' s d i f f e r e n t being s u b j e c t i v e l y s e n s i t i v e , understanding and a p p r e c i a t i n g the woman's s i t u a t i o n and being o b j e c t i v e and doing the work hands on and mind on every s i n g l e day." There were two predominant themes shared by many of the spouses of the unemployed males. The f i r s t was a kind of r e d e f i n i t i o n of pe r s o n a l i n s i g h t s to i n t e r p e r s o n a l i n s i g h t s i n t o t h e i r spouse and m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . The second c o u l d be c a l l e d " h o l d i n g t h e i r f e e l i n g s i n and worrying q u i e t l y " . 143 "I worry i n the k i t c h e n and h o l d a l o t of my f e e l i n g s i n . I f e e l s o r t of alone." " I t ' s d i f f i c u l t spending a l o t of time t o g e t h e r . You f i n d that you're edgy more o f t e n and p i c k y and you're both not i n the best head space." "There's times when he gets bogged down and gets very depressed. I t ' s something e l s e . But, I mean, when you're i n a grocery s t o r e and you meet someone you haven't seen f o r awhile and they say: 'Is your husband working?' and you say no and immediately they look i n your damn shopping c a r t to see what's t h e r e . And i t r e a l l y gets me. They don't say anything, but they immediately look to see. Maybe i t ' s a l l i n my mind. But people's a t t i t u d e s toward you kind of change when you're out of work." "So, i n the midst of my husband going through a l l t h i s downer s t u f f (unemployment), I was o f f e r e d an a c t i n g ( s u p e r v i s o r ' s ) p o s i t i o n . Part of me i s e x c i t e d and p a r t of me f e e l s bad because my husband i s going through t h i s . " "We've gone through t h i s f l i p f l o p t h i n g where when one of us gets scared, the other has f a i t h . " "And a f t e r that l a s t three weeks and a c t u a l l y f i n d i n g myself worrying about i t , I j u s t s a i d i f two months goes by and we go down the tubes, ok. Then I ' l l worry about i t . I won't l i k e i t . I sometimes worry p r i v a t e l y . Saying i t ' l l be ok i s my way of not jumping i n too, Cause i f I acted that way too, t h i n g s wouldn't be too p l e a s a n t around here." 144 Case Study 7 Case Study 10 Case Study 14 Case Study 5 "G i v i n g myself t h a t permission to worry was g r e a t . I t gave me three wonderful weeks. And the f i f t e e n t h came and we hadn't heard and f o r a whole day I'd f e e l r a n c i d and then i t was wonderful. I'd set myself a new g o a l : 'Ok, Christmas i s the next g o a l ' . " " I t (changes i n s e l f and i n r e l a t i o n s h i p ) has r e a l l y put the whole t h i n g i n p e r s p e c t i v e and you f e e l i t doesn't matter so much what people out there are t h i n k i n g cause we know what's happening to us as people and we're happy with i t . " "We're two d i f f e r e n t people and what's good f o r me i s not n e c e s s a r i l y good f o r him. And v i s a v e r s a . I thin k maybe t h a t ' s why he's q u i e t around me. He doesn't want to get me going." "Probably while my husband was doing a l o t of s u b j e c t i v e t h i n k i n g and reasoning on h i s own, we were doing i t l a t e r a l l y . I was s e a r c h i n g f o r what was going on fo r me and f o r him." "But t h e r e ' s no s p e c i a l t h i n g I've put out f o r my husband because he's unemployed, that we don't put out f o r each other f o r every other c r i s i s we go through i n our l i v e s . I t ' s j u s t another bad time that h o p e f u l l y w i l l get b e t t e r . " "The f i r s t t h i n g I'd say to someone who's l o s t h i s job i s : 'don't wait'. I t h i n k t h a t was one of my husband's mistakes. As soon as you l o s e your job, you're angry, but you s t i l l have your s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e because you have been working. If someone waits, he l o s e s h i s s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e . I t h i n k the other t h i n g i s t o be there f o r support." "I've been lucky (with j o b s ) . My husband, on the other hand, has been t o t a l l y unlucky." "Others j u s t don't know what i t ' s l i k e out there f o r him. No jobs at Canada Employment Centre, hundreds of people t r y i n g f o r the same job, even o f f e r i n g t o work f o r f r e e j u s t to l e a r n . " 145 APPENDIX D-6 Spouse's Supportive Behavior 1 46 Without e x c e p t i o n , the spouses o f f e r e d support to t h e i r unemployed mates. Some of them s t a t e d that t h i s was d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y asked f o r . Others o f f e r e d support as t h e i r way of h e l p i n g , even when they got l i t t l e r e c o g n i t i o n from t h e i r mates. Most c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p as s u p p o r t i v e . Case Study 1 "We spent a month together l i k e a c t i v e l y working on the problem of g e t t i n g my husband to f e e l b e t t e r . " " I t (depression) h i t s him l i k e waves. I can u s u a l l y p i c k up when the wave h i t s . One of the t h i n g s we t r y to do i s t a l k about i t i f he i s w i l l i n g . " "When my husband opened the s t o r e , he was t o t a l l y wrapped up. A l l along I supported him, a year out of my l i f e and now I f e l t l i k e he d i d n ' t need me at a l l . The work, more than the unemployment, s t r a n g e l y enough, was more s t r a i n i n g f o r me." "When I came back (from a h o l i d a y ) , my husband was i n p r e t t y bad shape again. But what happened was he was w i l l i n g to t a l k about i t with me. We went back to the p s y c h i a t r i s t and back to the c o u n s e l l o r . We're going to do t h i s , whatever. I made a l i s t of t h i n g s and I took over and we s t a r t e d moving i n a p o s i t i v e d i r e c t i o n a g a i n . " Case Study 13 "We're c e r t a i n l y s u p p o r t i v e of what the other one does because i t ' s r easonable." "I t h i n k I'm p r e t t y s u p p o r t i v e . I'm not demanding at a l l and I don't say: 'where's tomorrow's bread coming from?'." "But I t h i n k when he gets r e a l l y i r r i t a b l e and h i s temper's s h o r t , my a t t i t u d e which probably doesn't h e l p much i s to say i t w i l l be ok." 147 Case Study 5 Case Study 10 Case Study 7 Case Study 14 Case Study 8 "When my husband's down, he's more emotional. Then we t a l k about i t . Sometimes i t works. When i t doesn't, I j u s t leave him a l o n e . When he i s r e a l l y down, even when I'm down, I f e e l l i k e I have to cheer him up. One person has to be a l i t t l e b i t s t r o n g e r . " "My husband i s c r e a t i v e and I encourage t h a t even i f i t means no immediate money coming i n . S t r u g g l e s are hard enough without l a c k of c o o p e r a t i o n . " "I see myself as a support and I ' l l do whatever I can, but I don't see myself having t o run i n with a s t r e t c h e r f o r support because he r e a l l y d i d n ' t need i t . " "We had a disagreement over t h i s whole t h i n g about unemployment - get o f f your ass and do something. But I t r y and stay away from that because I'm there as f a r as support." "I would l i k e my husband at some p o i n t t o commend me on what I've done these past few months." "I l i s t e n e d to h i s f r u s t r a t i o n s and acted as a sounding board and f e l t i n t e r e s t e d to be a p a r t of t h a t e xperience." "I was r e a l l y encouraged by what I saw i n my husband. So many i n c r e d i b l e s t r e s s e s and the way he came out of them a l l the time. Wow! I t r e a l l y d i d e f f e c t our love f o r each other." "I was very s u p p o r t i v e of my husband when he l o s t h i s job. He was r e a l angry. He was l o o k i n g f o r someone to keep him up because he d i d n ' t want to stay up." "I can r e a l l y sympathize with my husband. I know how he f e e l s i n l o s i n g h i s job and not being the breadwinner and then having to change h i s whole t h i n k i n g on doing housework and that s o r t of t h i n g . I t ' s d i f f i c u l t . " "My husband's t e r r i f i c . I don't know what I'd do without him. When he was f i r s t l a i d o f f , I thought i t was g r e a t . More time to be t o g e t h e r . " 1 48 Case Study 11 Case Study 4 "With my husband around the house, he does a l o t without being t o l d . But when he gets i n h i s moods, I j u s t leave him alo n e . Talk doesn't do much good or h e ' l l go out f o r a walk." "When I r e a l i z e d i t was going to be a long time before my husband got work, I wasn't t h r i l l e d but, you know, these t h i n g s happen and you weather i t . But i t seems to get harder every time he's out of work." "My husband being out of work, the p o s i t i v e s outweigh the n e g a t i v e s . I have some g i r l f r i e n d s who envy us and th i n k we have a good r e l a t i o n s h i p . " " I f t e n s i o n b u i l d s up at home, I ' l l t e l l him we've got to s i t down and d i s c u s s t h i s . H e ' l l have to cut out some of h i s work ( p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s ) . I t seems to go along l i k e t h a t . " APPENDIX D-7 I n d i v i d u a l ' s P e r c e p t i o n of Spousal Support 150 Most of the unemployed i n d i v i d u a l s acknowledged the support they r e c e i v e d from t h e i r spouse. Some saw a change i n the type and amount of support o f f e r e d from before they'd l o s t t h e i r job to the p r e s e n t . Others p e r c e i v e d the experience of unemployment to be j u s t another i s s u e to face i n l i f e and that t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p was s t r o n g , with b u i l t - i n support and mutual c a r i n g . One i n d i v i d u a l , who was c l e a r l y s t r u g g l i n g with long term unemployment, made no mention of h i s w i f e ' s s u p p o r t i v e behavior, even when prompted by her s u p p o r t i v e statements d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w . Case Study 10 Case Study 7 Case study 8 "As f a r as our r e l a t i o n s h i p goes, I think support i s h a l f of i t . I t i s the r e a l l y important p a r t . " "I d i d n ' t use my wife as a sounding board. A l o t of t h i s s t u f f (unemployment and h i s domestic r o l e ) i s going on i n s i d e me, independent of my w i f e . We compare notes, but you can't ask f o r answers." " I t ' s a 50/50 p r o p o s i t i o n . At that p o i n t you get i n t o what makes the r e l a t i o n s h i p work." "My wife was very s u p p o r t i v e and acted as a sounding board f o r my anger and f r u s t r a t i o n . I t helped to have an o b j e c t i v e source to s i f t through what's happening and the i s s u e s that c o n f r o n t you." "We've had to make some s i g n i f i c a n t allowances f o r d i f f e r e n c e s . We've been spending an i n o r d i n a t e amount of time t o g e t h e r . " "My wife was r e a l l y s u p p o r t i v e and c o o p e r a t i v e . You've got no money f o r c l o t h e s or anything, yet she never complained." 151 "I wanted somebody to f e e l s o r r y f o r me. I was d e a l t a r e a l hard blow and we'd had a l o t of bad luck i n t h i s past year." "I think my wife r e a l l y k i c k e d my butt and got me going. That's probably what I needed at the time, but I don't think I was l o o k i n g f o r i t . " "I t h i n k the unemployment made us c l o s e r . I suppose I became more dependant on her from the p o i n t of view that I needed the support more than b e f o r e . " "There was support at home, s o r t of not coming home and have someone say: 'Did you f i n d a job today?'." "My wife i s p r e t t y understanding. When you're unemployed, you're not out of the house the same. When you're together the l i t t l e t h i n g s s t a r t to bug you. You f i n d you do a l o t more t a l k i n g to each other then when you're working. I f you don't the c l o s e n e s s can be e x p l o s i v e . " "Yah, I c o u l d n ' t understand why my wife stuck around, I r e a l l y c o u l d n ' t . I wasn't wo r r i e d about having her c a r e . I was f o r t u n a t e to have my wife around who c o u l d see what was going on beyond t h i s . " "When I opened the s t o r e , a l l of a sudden I c o u l d n ' t see what I was doing, but I dropped a l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p . The s t o r e was l o s i n g money, so I c l o s e d i t . I c o u l d n ' t see, as my wife d i d , t h a t c l o s i n g a l o s i n g s t o r e was a p o s i t i v e move. I became very depressed, and i t was at t h a t p o i n t that my wife came i n t o p l a y . I needed someone to t a l k t o . As she says, the r e l a t i o n s h i p was on i t s f e e t a g a i n . " "With these t r o u b l e s and changing jobs, we've got c l o s e r . " "Me and my wife moved out together when we were 16, so we grew up together as l o v e r s and as f r i e n d s . So being unemployed wasn't that d i f f i c u l t f o r us to handle, cause we grew up without work and l i t t l e money." 152 Case Study 9 "During that time (when both were unemployed) my wife and I did a lot of talking and almost comforted one another - 'oh, things are rough now, what can we do to try and smooth things out and where can we cut back?'. In a way, i t worked out better for us emotionally, when we were both lai d off. We were both at home and we were closer. There was more working together." 153 APPENDIX D-8 Family Responses 154 I have i n c l u d e d i n t h i s l a s t category, c h i l d r e n ' s responses and/or parents' p e r c e p t i o n of t h e i r responses to unemployment i n the f a m i l y , as w e l l as extended f a m i l y responses, as heard and r e p o r t e d by the couples being i n t e r v i e w e d . G e n e r a l l y , the parents of younger c h i l d r e n saw the p e r i o d of unemployment as more time to spend with t h e i r k i d s . The p i c t u r e changed with o l d e r c h i l d r e n . Parents r e p o r t e d that t h e i r k i d s f e l t "poor" and " d e p r i v e d " and that they were making s a c r i f i c e s f o r the sake of t h e i r k i d s . Extended f a m i l y members' responses to unemployment ranged from s u p p o r t i v e to a n t a g o n i s t i c and a c c u s i n g . Some i n d i v i d u a l s experienced extended f a m i l y one way while the spouse had q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t impression. Case Study 9 "I was g e t t i n g some t h i n g s from my f o l k s (male) (about being a house husband). My mother would w r i t e and you c o u l d read between the l i n e s . " 155 Case Study 9 (female) Case Study 8 (male) Case Study 8 (female) Case Study 4 (male) Case Study 4 (female) "If we moved back to Calgary and we could not find work, we could move in with family. In the back of your mind you know you were going back because you couldn't make i t , back to the family with your head down." "During this time, for our youngest who was two at the time, at least there was one constant parent. She wasn't stuck in a day care or with a sitter irregularly. It's hard on them i f they're bounced around a lot." "The kids were very understanding. We were very open with them and I said: 'Look, we don't have the money. We can't buy a lot of things, but we can do a lot of things, like swimming.' We spent a lot of time walking along the dyke, things we could do together as a family." "Our family is there to help out, but it ' s not something I want to do. My wife would say: 'just take the money'. I'd rather s e l l the house and move into an apartment." "I just borrowed some money from my mom and I hate that, you know? We're in the hole and I don't really know where I stand." "My husband is t e r r i f i c with the twins. I don't know what I'd do without him." "I took a more active role in raising a l l three kids. The oldest was looking for attention. Our youngest son was a handful for both of us. He cried every day, a l l day long." "I wouldn't have thought about i t (going out and leaving the wife to raise the kids) as much, if I wasn't around my wife and the kids." "Having my husband home was like a god sent. If he wasn't home, I think I'd be in the nut house. I've been able to take a l i t t l e time for myself with him at home to parent and help out." "It was sometimes really depressing, but I always knew we had our families to turn to i f we got broke." 156 Case Study 11 (female) Case Study 11 (male) Case Study 13 (female) Case Study 6 (female) Case Study 6 (ma 1 e) Case Study 5 (male) "My husband's f a m i l y sees h i s a c t i v i t i e s i n the union as making t r o u b l e . When he used to get l a i d o f f and he'd go back to work, h i s mother used to say: 'Isn't i t wonderful he's back to work, but I hope he keeps h i s mouth shut t h i s time.' I f h i s mother had her way, he'd go out on h i s own. I mean, we get no sympathy from those people at a l l . " "I get that a l l the time from her: 'Why are you s t i l l smoking? I t c o s t s money.' We l l , i t ' s my only v i c e , j u s t leave me al o n e . " "Our daughter has only got another four months before she's f i n i s h e d high s c h o o l . You've got to decide i f you're going to go on to f u r t h e r e d u c a t i o n , (daughter): 'We don't have the money to go to u n i v e r s i t y . ' (dad): 'We'll get i t somehow, Kwantlan C o l l e g e . . . ' (daughter): 'Oh sure, rob a bank.'" " I ' d say my o n l y concern i s keeping i t together u n t i l the kids are f i n i s h e d s c h o o l , which i s two more y e a r s . A f t e r t h a t i t won't k i l l me to l i v e i n a t e n t somewhere. I know i t c o u l d be done and i t might be fun. Then I ' l l have taken care of our r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . " "My mother sees i t - whoever can b r i n g the money i n ( r e g a r d i n g r o l e s of primary care g i v e r and primary wage earner i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p ) . " "I t h i n k my mother-in-law has accepted i t t h i s way, viewing my wife as the breadwinner and me the homemaker." "I had some problems with my pare n t s , my mother g e t t i n g a f t e r me. I'm s o r t of the black sheep and my mother was g i v i n g me some p r e s s u r e s (to get work)." 157 APPENDIX E Unemployed Persons Support Group Q u e s t i o n n a i r e 158 U N E M P L O Y E D P E R S O N S ' S U P P O R T GROUP ' D e l t a s s i s t i s c o n s i d e r i n g o f f e r i n g a s u p p o r t g r o u p f o r u n e m p l o y e d p e o p l e . T h i s s u r v e y h a s b e e n d e s i g n e d t o f i n d o u t i f p e o p l e w o u l d be i n t e r e s t e d i n p a r t i c i p a t i n g a n d w h a t t h e y m i g h t l i k e t o g e t o u t o f s u c h a g r o u p . 4 P l e a s e i n d i c a t e b e 1 o w f y o u r a p p r o x i m a t e e x t e n t o f a g r e e m e n t w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g - s t a t e m e n t s . /»gree U n e m p l o y m e n t h a s •* b r o u g h t f i n a n c i a l " h a r d s h i p s t o me a n d my f a m i l y . ( ) P e o p l e i n t h e c o m m u n i t y l o o k a t me d i f f e r e n t l y a s u n e m p l o y e d t h a n w h e n . I w a s w o r k i n g . ScnEwhat Somewhat  Agree Disagree Disagree ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) E m o t i o n a l l y , i t h a s b e e n d i f f i c u l t b e i n g < o u t o f w o r k . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) M o s t p e o p l e d o n o t u n d e r s t a n d w h a t I am g o i n g t h r o u g h , b e i n g u n e m p l o y e d . I h a v e a t l e a s t o n e p e r s o n i n my l i f e who i s s u p p o r t i v e a n d s y m p a t h e t i c t o w a r d s me. O t h e r p e o p l e who h a v e l o s t t h e i r j o b s a r e g o i n g t h r o u g h t h e s a m e t h i n g s a s me. I w o u l d l i k e t o a t t e n d a s u p p o r t g r o u p w h i c h c o u l d h e l p me a n d o t h e r g r o u p m e m b e r s w i t h t h e s t r u g g l e s o f u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d j o b s e a r c h . ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) P l e a s e a d d a n y c o m m e n t s a b o u t how y o u w o u l d l i k e t o s e e s u c h a s u p p o r t g r o u p r u n . 

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