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Socioeconomic status and the career plans of grade 12 girls Hannah, Jo-Ann Shelley 1986

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SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS AND THE CAREER PLANS OF GRADE 12 GIRLS by JO-ANN SHELLEY HANNAH B . A . , The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1973 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Counsell ing Psychology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1986 © Jo-Ann Shelley Hannah, 1986 In presenting th i s thesis in p a r t i a l fulf i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t freely ava i lab le for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scholar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his or her representat ives. I t i s understood that copying or publ ica t ion of th i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my wri t ten permission. Department of Counsell ing Psychology The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date: August 1986 i i Abstract One hundred and s ix ty -n ine Grade 12 g i r l s completed a questionnaire on career plans. The questionnaire surveyed job choices, education, and family plans. The Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument was developed to measure s e l f - e f f i c a c y for jobs of d i f ferent prest ige l eve l s and gender compositions. I t was hypothesized that the g i r l s ' career plans would d i f f e r according to socioeconomic status (SES) background. Using Blishen and C a r r o l l ' s (1978) socioeconomic status index to rate the occupations of the pa r t i c i pan t s ' parents, the g i r l s were divided into three SES groups: high (N = 48), moderate (N = 51), and low (N = 70). Analyses of variance and post hoc comparisons revealed that high SES g i r l s d i f fe red from low SES g i r l s in several aspects. High SES g i r l s chose jobs at a higher prest ige l e v e l , chose more nont radi t ional jobs, and planned to complete higher l eve l s of education. On the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument high SES g i r l s expressed greater s e l f - e f f i c a c y for high prest ige jobs than d id low SES g i r l s . Moderate SES g i r l s tended to be in between the two groups and d id not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from ei ther group. The differences in career plans according to SES background have impl ica t ions for educators. Career programs designed to advance the status of women in the labour force have often encouraged g i r l s to enter nont rad i t iona l jobs at the high prestige l e v e l . These programs may not be useful to low SES g i r l s . A l t e rna t ive programs are discussed in reference to the f indings of the present study. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents iv L i s t of Tables v i L i s t of Figures v i i Acknowledgements v i i i Introduction 1 D e f i n i t i o n of Terms 4 Review of the L i te ra tu re 7 Job Choice: Prest ige Level 15 Job Choice: Gender Composition 22 Se l f - e f f i cacy and Job Choice 29 Job Orienta t ion 32 Hypotheses 39 Method 41 P i l o t Study 41 Par t i c ipan t s 41 Instruments 42 Procedure 47 Data Analys is 49 Results 53 Limi ta t ions of the Study 66 Discussion 68 Implicat ions 76 V References 81 Tables 91 Figures 100 Appendix A 104 v i L i s t of Tables Table Page 1 Hoyt Estimate of R e l i a b i l i t y Coeff ic ients for Categories on the Se l f - e f f i cacy Scale 92 2 Repeated Measures Analysis of Variance for Prest ige of Job Choice in Ideal and Expected Conditions 93 3 Repeated Measures Analys is of Variance for Gender Composition of Job Choice in Ideal and Expected Conditions 94 4 Gender Composition of Job Choices for Three SES Groups (Percentage of Respondents Averaged Between Ideal and Expected Conditions 95 5 Repeated Measures Analysis of Variance for Scores on Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument 96 6 M u l t i v a r i a t e Analys is of Variance for Job Orienta t ion Var iab les : Univar ia te F-Tests 97 7 Level of Education Planned for Three SES Groups (Percentage of Respondents) 98 8 Highest Level of Mathematics Taken for Three SES groups (Percentage of Respondents) 99 v i i List of Figures Figure Page 1 Nine job categories organized by prestige level and gender composition 101 2 Self-efficacy scores: SES group by job prestige level 102 3 Self-efficacy scores: Prestige level by gender composition 103 v i i i Acknowledgements I appreciate the work of my committee members in the preparation of t h i s t hes i s . I would l i k e to thank Sharon Kahn for working so c l o s e l y with me throughout the process. I appreciate Jane G a s k e l l ' s perspective and feedback, p a r t i c u l a r l y on s o c i a l c lass issues. I thank Tannis MacBeth Wil l iams for her he lpfu l suggestions on the data ana ly s i s . Although not d i r e c t l y re la ted to my thes i s , I a lso want to thank each committee member for providing me with opportuni t ies to develop my academic work. And f i n a l l y , I wish to thank the Vancouver School Board, teachers, and students for the i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the study. 1 Introduction The recent in f lux of women in to the labour market has been a major change af fec t ing s o c i e t y ' s economic, s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l s t ruc tures . Less remarkable i s the fact that women continue to be concentrated in t r a d i t i o n a l l y female occupations. L i t t l e changed between 1962, when 61.2% of a l l female employees were in c l e r i c a l ^ service , and sales occupations, and 1981, when 60.1% of women were in these same occupations ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1985). The r e s t r i c t i o n of occupational choices for women i s not desirable for several reasons. Women are at an economic disadvantage because they choose low-income occupations and also because job opportunites are diminishing in the t r a d i t i o n a l l y female areas (Br i to & Jusenius, 1978; Menzies, 1981). Menzies has pointed out that e lec t ron ic technology i s doing more of the information processing in a l l i ndus t r i e s ; but the effect w i l l be strongest on the service sector, where nearly ha l f of the work involves information handling. The service sector i s p r imar i l y made up of female workers: secre tar ies , bank t e l l e r s , cashiers , mail handlers, and related supervisory personnel. Aside from the economic disadvantages, i t seems u n l i k e l y that women are a c t u a l i z i n g the i r in teres ts and 2 a b i l i t i e s through work given the i r narrow range of occupations. I f men's occupations r e f l ec t the i r diverse pe r sona l i t i e s and i n t e l l e c t u a l capac i t i e s , then women's occupations may only r e f l ec t the i r sex. Over the past 20 years the women's l i b e r a t i o n movement (WLM) has been a major force in encouraging women to consider the i r economic needs and personal s a t i s f ac t ion in choosing a career . The Nat ional Act ion Committee for the Status of Women, the Royal Commission on the Status of Women, and various feminist organizations have been working to change a t t i tudes and lobby for p o l i c i e s and l e g i s l a t i o n to f a c i l i t a t e change in women's employment pat terns. Despite the high p r o f i l e of the women's movement, S t a t i s t i c s Canada does not show a p a r a l l e l change in a gender segregated labour force. S i m i l a r i l y in the United States s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s ( e . g . , Herzog, 1982; Stromberg, 1978) have noted that gender typing in the labour force has been res is tan t to s o c i a l change. Herzog's explanation for continued segregation in spi te of 20 years of work by the women's movement i s that a t t i tudes are changing only in that women are "allowed" into the workforce. If they work outside the home, they are expected to enter t r a d i t i o n a l l y female jobs. 3 Another possible explanation for the segregated labour force i s that changes in career choice and work behaviour vary according to socioeconomic status (SES). Perhaps a higher proportion of women from middle and upper SES backgrounds are moving into nont rad i t iona l occupations, whereas low SES women remain in t r a d i t i o n a l female jobs. In other words, a major s o c i a l change may be occurring in women's careers but p r imar i l y wi th in the middle and upper s o c i a l c l a s ses . The purpose of the present study i s to compare the career plans of adolescent females from d i f f e r i n g SES backgrounds and determine the extent to which they r e f l ec t the ideals of the WLM. The women's movement promotes gender equal i ty in career choices in several ways for women. One i s to have women move into nont rad i t iona l jobs which usual ly provide higher wages and benefits than t r a d i t i o n a l l y female jobs. As w e l l , access to nont rad i t iona l jobs gives women a wider range of choices for developing po ten t i a l s k i l l s . Another aspect of gender equal i ty i s the recogi t ion that paid employment i s an important part of women's l i v e s . Marriage and family have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been considered to be the f i r s t career choice for g i r l s and paid employment the second choice . After 4 describing the high poverty rate for women in Canada, the National Council of Welfare (1979) concluded that marriage i s not a v iable route to economic secur i ty for women. G i r l s who do not adequately prepare for paid employment may la te r f ind themselves severely disadvantaged. In t h i s research g i r l s ' job choices as wel l as the i r preparation for future employment were s tudied. Both the ac tual choice and the preparation are important. For example, a g i r l might state dent i s t ry as a job choice but plan to s tar t a family immediately after high school . Although the job i s nont radi t ional and commands a high sa lary , i t i s u n l i k e l y that she w i l l a c tua l ly achieve the pos i t ion given her family plans. If there are s ign i f i can t c l a s s - r e l a t ed differences in g i r l s ' career plans such that only a select port ion of the female population i s moving toward v iab le career options, then those working towards gender equa l i ty , p a r t i c u l a r l y in career-planning programs, must a lso address the issue of c l a s s . De f in i t i on of Terms The fol lowing terms are used in the discussion of SES background and women's career plans. 5 C a r e e r . A c a r e e r i s t h e l i f e p l a n w h i c h i n c l u d e s work i n t h e home, c o m m u n i t y , a n d / o r l a b o u r f o r c e a s w e l l a s e d u c a t i o n a n d f a m i l y p l a n s . C a r e e r i s o f t e n u s e d t o mean p a i d e m p l o y m e n t , b u t t h i s e x c l u d e s homemaking a n d c h i l d c a r e - - w o r k t h a t i s i m p o r t a n t i n t h e l i f e p l a n s o f most women ( A s t i n , 1 9 8 5 ) . The t e r m s " o c c u p a t i o n " and " j o b " w i l l r e f e r t o p a i d work a n d no t i n c l u d e homemak ing , w h i c h i s r a r e l y a s a l a r i e d p o s i t i o n . O c c u p a t i o n a l P r e s t i g e . P r e s t i g e r e f l e c t s t h e i ncome and s o c i a l s t a t u s o f an o c c u p a t i o n . A h i g h p r e s t i g e o c c u p a t i o n u s u a l l y c a r r i e s a h i g h s a l a r y and c o n s i d e r a b l e s o c i a l s t a t u s , w h i l e a low p r e s t i g e j o b b r i n g s l e s s pay o r s t a t u s . T h e r e a r e e x c e p t i o n s and p r e s t i g e i s n o t a l w a y s a d i r e c t m e a s u r e o f i n c o m e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , p r e s t i g e d o e s i n d i c a t e i ncome t o some e x t e n t and c a n be u s e d t o e v a l u a t e w h e t h e r g i r l s a r e c h o o s i n g j o b s w h i c h w i l l a d v a n c e t h e i r e c o n o m i c i n d e p e n d e n c e . G e n d e r Compost i o n . The g e n d e r c o m p o s i t i o n o f t h e j o b c h o i c e i s a m e a s u r e o f w h e t h e r g i r l s a r e m o v i n g b e y o n d t h e n a r r o w r a n g e o f t r a d i t i o n a l j o b s i n t o n o n t r a d i t i o n a l a r e a s . The f o l l o w i n g c a t e g o r i e s a r e t h o s e u s e d by F a r m e r ( 1 9 8 3 ) . N o n t r a d i t i o n a l O c c u p a t i o n : l e s s t h a n 35% o f t h e 6 employees are females. T rad i t i ona l Occupation: over 65% of the employees are female. Balanced Occupation: 35% to 65% of the employees are females. Some researchers omit the balanced category in which case nont radi t ional occupations have less than 50% female employees and t r a d i t i o n a l occupations have more than 50% female employees. The c r i t e r i a for gender composition w i l l be noted when c i t i n g previous research. Job Or ien ta t ion . Job or ien ta t ion i s the importance a g i r l places on haying a job. She may see the job as a source of personal fu l f i l lmen t and/or as an economic necessi ty . In e i ther case paid employment plays a prominent ro le in her future career, and she makes education and family plans accordingly . A highly job oriented g i r l might also place a high value on family. One does not have to be to the exclusion of the other although pursuing both often requires compromi se. 7 Review of the L i t e ra tu re The study of s o c i a l c lass and female career plans draws on s o c i o l o g i c a l and psychological research. The basic approach of each d i s c i p l i n e w i l l be out l ined before discussing spec i f i c research f ind ings . Although there i s considerable overlap between the two d i s c i p l i n e s , in general soc io log i s t s have examined the r e l a t ionsh ip between s o c i a l c lass background and the prest ige of the job choice, p a r t i c u l a r l y as i t applies to males. Psychologis ts , on the other hand, have studied gender differences in career plans with less a t tent ion to s o c i a l c lass background. Several soc io log i s t s have used the Wisconsin Model to study the re la t ionsh ip between SES and career plans ( e . g . , Jencks, Crouse, & Mueser, 1983; Sewell & Shah, 1967; Treiman & T e r r e l l , 1975). Acker (1978) c r i t i c i z e d the use of the Wisconsin Model. She claimed that the model i s male biased and the factors p red ic t ing boys' occupational choices ( i . e . , SES, academic a b i l i t y , and parental encouragement) do not adequately predict g i r l s ' choices . Acker proposed rev i s ing the model to incorporate women's experience rather than using post hoc explanations to explain women's "deviance" from the model. A revised model would include gender role s o c i a l i z a t i o n and marriage 8 and family plans as factors af fec t ing occupational choices . In a l a te r paper, Acker (1980) further c r i t i c i z e d soc io log i s t s for f a i l i n g to address the issue of where homemaker f i t s as an occupational choice. Although homemaking i s an important part of the economic s t ructure , those who choose to be homemakers ( i . e . , women) suddenly drop out of the analys is of career choice. The Wisconsin Model has defined career as the prest ige l e v e l of the occupation and the years of education planned. The d e f i n i t i o n i s too narrow to adequately describe women's careers which almost inev i t ab ly include homemaking. Soc io log i ca l studies are relevant to the present study because they provide models and data on SES background and the prest ige of the job choice . Much of the psychological research has focused on the t r a d i t i o n a l - n o n t r a d i t i o n a l dimension of women's job choice and family plans. Such studies have compared women in t r a d i t i o n a l and nont rad i t iona l f i e l d s on background cha rac t e r i s t i c s (Greenfield, Greiner , & Wood, 1980; Hennig & Jardim, 1977) or in te rna l t r a i t s such as gender-role o r ien ta t ion (Lemkau, 1983), or locus of con t ro l ( B u r l i n , 1976). Other studies have examined the re la t ionsh ip between family plans and 9 gender typing of the occupational choice ( e . g . , Greenglass & Devins, 1982; Schroeder, 1981). The psychological l i t e r a t u r e has developed a comprehesive d e f i n i t i o n of women's careers that includes ch i ld rea r ing (F i t zgera ld & Betz, 1983). Researchers have been p a r t i c u l a r l y interested in nont rad i t iona l roles for women both in the home and the labour force. The research samples, however, are usual ly drawn from col lege populations (Nieva & Gutek, 1981). The samples are biased toward a higher s o c i a l c l a s s , and the resu l t s are not necessar i ly general izable to low SES women. Not only are the women from a select populat ion, but because they are enrol led in post-secondary education, the i r job choices are l i k e l y to be at a high prest ige l e v e l and preclude occupations requi r ing less education. The t r a i t s that d i s t i n g u i s h between women in law and nursing might not d i s t i n g u i s h between women in carpentry and s e c r e t a r i a l school . Because both gender composition of the occupation as wel l as the prest ige l e v e l are of in teres t for t h i s study, examining the job choices of females i s more complex than examining those of males. Few boys express in teres t in t r a d i t i o n a l l y female occupations (Farmer, 1983; Looker & McNutt, 1986). Their job 10 choices can be assessed according to prestige l e v e l as gender composition does not vary. G i r l s do consider nont rad i t iona l and t r a d i t i o n a l occupations, and the in te rac t ion between the gender composition and prest ige of the job becomes relevant in assessing the i r choices . Nontradi t ional jobs offer more than the opportunity to develop di f ferent in teres ts and a b i l i t i e s . I f a g i r l wants a t r u l y high prestige job, then she would be wel l -advised to consider nont rad i t iona l jobs. Few of the high prestige t r a d i t i o n a l jobs such as nurse or primary teacher reach the same leve l s of prest ige as nont radi t ional jobs such as physician and lawyer (Acker, 1980). Furthermore, prest ige i s usual ly a composite score based on education and income ( e . g . , Bl ishen & McRoberts, 1976). Low prest ige female jobs often require more education than low prest ige male jobs, but the income i s higher for the male jobs. As a r e su l t , a c l e r i c a l worker i s at the same prest ige l e v e l as a construct ion labourer, but the c l e r i c a l worker's income i s considerably lower. One way for women to increase the i r income without going into high prest ige jobs which require un ive rs i ty education i s to move across the gender d iv i s i ons in to male-dominated f i e l d s . 11 To maintain c l a r i t y in discussing prest ige and gender typing of jobs, a model of career choice developed by Gottfredson (1981) i s useful . Gottfredson's model examines job choices according to gender composition and pres t ige . The model serves as a map from which to discuss past f indings and make predic t ions regarding SES and female occupational choices. According to Gottfredson, stages of career decision-making are c lose ly l inked to cogni t ive development. By the age of e ight , ch i ld ren have become gender conscious and categorize a c t i v i t i e s , including occupations, according to gender. In the i r image of possible occupations they el iminate those which are "inappropriate" to the i r own gender. In the next stage of cogni t ive development ch i ld ren become aware of s o c i a l c lass differences and further l i m i t the i r choices to prest ige l eve l s which they believe to be appropriate to the i r own c l a s s . Gottfredson describes the ch i ldren as forming a "cognit ive occupational map." In high school adolescents make career choices supposedly based on the i r in teres ts and a b i l i t i e s . Their choices, however, are wi thin the gender and c lass confines previously es tabl ished. 1 2 Figure 1 depicts Gottfredson's cogni t ive occupational map and includes examples of occupations for each gender-prestige category. Theo re t i ca l l y , at an ear ly age g i r l s fee l free to choose jobs from anyplace on the map but l a te r learn to r e s t r i c t the i r choices to t r a d i t i o n a l jobs. They then further r e s t r i c t the i r choices to the prest ige l e v e l equal to the i r own SES background. Gottfredson predicted that because gender iden t i ty i s es tabl ished ear ly in development, gender-related a t t i tudes w i l l be extremely res is tant to change. Adolescents w i l l f i r s t make changes in the i r job choice according to interes t and a b i l i t y , then consider changes in the prest ige l e v e l i f necessary, but w i l l be most reluctant to consider jobs outside the i r gender appropriate category. For example, i f a g i r l ' s f i r s t choice i s nursing, the model would predict that she would be more w i l l i n g to change to teaching than business management. Both nurse and teacher are in the t r a d i t i o n a l , high prest ige category and only d i f f e r in f i e l d . Even though management i s at a s imi l a r prest ige l e v e l , i t i s gender inappropriate and, therefore, a more d i f f i c u l t t r a n s i t i o n . Gottfredson also suggested that i t i s easier to choose an occupation in a prest ige l e v e l below than 1 3 above one's s o c i a l c l a s s ; that i s , a high SES g i r l can more e a s i l y go into s ec re t a r i a l work (moderate prestige) than a low SES g i r l can go into nursing (high prest i ge ) . Gottfredson maintained that c lass and gender r e s t r i c t i o n s in occupational choices w i l l continue unless there i s a major s o c i a l change. Although several s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s ( e . g . , A s t i n , 1985; F i t zge ra ld & Betz, 1985, Herzog, 1982) regard the WLM as a major s o c i a l change, Gottfredson did not offer d i r ec t i on on how i t might affect the career choices of adolescents. I f , the WLM i s having an influence on women's careers, then there might be "movement" on Gottfredson's map. As paid employment takes on greater importance for g i r l s , they might consider nont rad i t iona l jobs for the income and/or status offered as wel l as for the opportunity to develop the i r a b i l i t i e s through work. Strober (1986) has pointed out the increase in the numbers of women entering nont radi t ional f i e l d s at the high prest ige rather than low prest ige l e v e l . For example, i n the United States 8% of the law degrees went to women in 1973 compared to 36% in 1983 (Strober, p. 6) . There has not been a p a r a l l e l sh i f t in women's entry into low prest ige nont rad i t iona l jobs. 1 4 Gottfredson's model has relevance in examining the trend toward high prest ige nont radi t ional jobs for women. Based on her theory that high SES g i r l s w i l l fee l confident to perform at high prest ige jobs, i t seems more l i k e l y for high SES g i r l s (cf . low SES g i r l s ) to move in to professional nont rad i t iona l occupations. For low SES g i r l s , moving out of the low prest ige female jobs requires crossing two b a r r i e r s : gender and pres t ige . Low SES g i r l s are u n l i k e l y to have the f i nanc i a l resources to pursue high prest ige jobs even i f they make the adjustment in se l f -percept ion to see themselves in such jobs. Prest ige does not serve as the same barr ie r to high SES g i r l s . Furthermore, Gottfredson noted the "macho" ideology among b lue - co l l a r workers which makes them highly res is tant to accepting female coworkers. Gottfredson's theories and current trends in occupational desegregation suggest that attempts by the WLM to encourage g i r l s into nont rad i t iona l jobs may be more feasible at the high prest ige l e v e l in which case high SES g i r l s could have an advantage over low SES g i r l s . The remaining sections of the l i t e r a t u r e review examine research on adolescent career choices. Studies on the prestige l e v e l of occupational choices are f i r s t 1 5 reviewed, followed by studies on the gender composition. The f i n a l sect ion looks at job o r i en t a t i on . The studies are reviewed for information on possible SES differences in female career plans as wel l as trends over time which might r e f l ec t the influence of the women's l i b e r a t i o n movement. Job Choice: Prestige Level The pos i t i ve r e l a t ionsh ip between SES background and the prest ige l e v e l of occupational choice i s wel l documented for males but less conclusive for females (Mar in i , 1978). Picou and Curry (1973) found the co r re l a t ion between SES and adolescent job choices lower for females than males but, nevertheless, s i gn i f i can t for both sexes. In a state-wide V i r g i n i a study, Garrison (1979) compared the prest ige l e v e l . o f job choices of Grade 12 students in three cohort groups (1970, 1973, & 1976). The re l a t ionsh ip between SES and expectations was s ign i f i can t only for males although there was a trend for more high SES females in the 1976 cohort (cf . the two e a r l i e r cohort groups) to choose jobs at the professional l e v e l s . T u l l y , Stephan, and Chance (1975) examined the job choices of young adolescents (N = 1,688) and concluded that SES was a predictor of job prest ige for boys but not g i r l s . Acker (1978) and Marini (1978) both came to a s imi la r 16 conclusion after reviewing the l i t e r a t u r e on adolescent career p lans . Marini (1978) proposed that boys are highly motivated to achieve status and income through an occupation and, consequently, use a l l ava i l ab le family resources to advance the i r careers . Males with substant ia l family resources can expect the support necessary to a t t a in higher education and job pres t ige; those with l i t t l e f i n a n c i a l backing from the i r famil ies lower the i r expectations accordingly . Females have been less l i k e l y to seek status and income through paid employment and, therefore, have not drawn on family resources in the same way males have. Peterson, R o l l i n s , Thomas, and Heaps (1982) presented a s l i g h t l y d i f ferent analys is than M a r i n i ; family resources are not offered to g i r l s at any SES l e v e l . In the i r study famil ies pa r t i c ipa ted in a career game which required decisions for the ch i ld r en ' s education and job plans. Regardless of SES background, sons were encouraged more than daughters to advance the i r occupational s tatus. Marini speculated that with changes in a t t i tudes toward women's employment, more women might want to a t t a in status and income through a job, and SES could become a stronger var iable in women's career plans. 17 S i m i l a r l y , with respect to Peterson et a l . (1982), parents may now be more supportive of the i r daughter's future employment. The r e l a t ionsh ip between SES and female job choices might be stronger now than i t was in the past. Several researchers have examined adolescent values around career choices. Although values may not necessar i ly be acted upon when making the actual job choice, there i s evidence that high SES g i r l s are more l i k e l y than low SES g i r l s to value prest ige in making job choices. Block, Denker, and T i t t l e (1981) studied the in te rac t ion between gender and c lass for career values of Grade 11 students. The gender differences were consistent for both SES groups (low and moderate); for example, boys valued p r a c t i c a l aspects of jobs and g i r l s valued being helpful to others. The gender difference was stronger than SES differences except for pres t ige . The moderate SES males had the highest score for t h i s value, but the moderate SES females were second and scored higher than the low SES males. These data lend some support to Gottfredson's theory that adolescents choose occupations at a prest ige l e v e l s im i l a r to the i r own s o c i a l c l a s s . In valuing pres t ige , however, the high SES g i r l s might then be 18 at t racted to the nont rad i t iona l professions despite the gender b a r r i e r . In a study of adolescent females by Omvig and Thomas (1974) an i n n e r - c i t y low SES group expressed interes t in service jobs while a sample of moderate SES females in suburban schools wanted jobs in the ar ts and music. Omvig and Thomas concluded that the low SES g i r l s had an immediate need to earn money and perceived service jobs as an access ible means of income. McLaughlin, Hunt, and Montgomery (1976) compared the career values of high school females according to SES background and a r r ived at a s imi l a r conclusion: immediate economic secur i ty was important to the low SES g i r l s ; they were s a t i s f i e d with less education and saw education as a s k i l l s developer unl ike the high SES g i r l s who saw education as a means of " s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n . " I t not clear whether low SES g i r l s have ce r ta in values that lead them into low prest ige t r a d i t i o n a l work, or whether they form the i r values according to the type of work a v a i l a b l e . The issue i s beyond the scope of the present study, but the findings regarding values are relevant because they further confirm the f inding that low SES g i r l s choose low prestige t r a d i t i o n a l work. 19 High SES g i r l s may d i f f e r from low SES g i r l s in the i r values but not necessar i ly want higher prest ige choices. Although Block, Denker, and T i t t l e (1981) found higher SES g i r l s to value pres t ige , a career in the ar ts or attempting to s e l f - a c t u a l i z e cannot necessar i ly be equated with valuing status and income. I t i s important to note that values d i f fe red according to SES background and that low SES g i r l s had values congruent with se lec t ing low prest ige t r a d i t i o n a l jobs. Ideal and Expected Choice. Laws (1976) c r i t i c i z e d the career l i t e r a t u r e for f a i l i n g to d i s t i ngu i sh between idea l choices and expectations. Kaufman and Richardson (1982) also commented on the methodology used in studying job choice. They concluded that asking for the idea l job choice gives information about s o c i a l norms while the expected job choice gives information about s o c i a l c lass di f ferences . There i s support in the l i t e r a t u r e , p a r t i c u l a r l y with male samples, that idea l job choices are in the higher prest ige l eve l s and do not d i f f e r according to SES background. People from a l l s o c i a l c lass backgrounds see the higher prest ige jobs as des i rab le . When respondents are asked for the job they ac tua l ly expect to enter, however, the choices d i f f e r according to SES background. High SES subjects i d e a l l y want and expect 20 to a t t a in higher prest ige jobs whereas low SES subjects want higher prestige jobs but r e a l i s t i c a l l y expect to a t t a in jobs at a lower prest ige l e v e l . The discrepancy between the ideal and expected job i s greater for low SES subjects than for high SES subjects (Bogie & Bogie, 1976; Cosby & Picou, 1971). Several researchers have looked s p e c i f i c a l l y at the discrepancy between females' idea l and expected jobs. Bogie and Bogie .(1976) examined the career choices of 600 adolescents (approximately hal f were females) in ru ra l schools. Among the g i r l s there was a s i g n i f i c a n t c lass difference r e f l ec t i ng a greater amount of discrepancy for low SES g i r l s than moderate or high SES g i r l s . Glaze (1979) studied the idea l and expected career choices of adolescent females in Ontar io . Although not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t , the amount of d i spa r i ty was also greatest for low SES g i r l s . Farmer (1983) predicted a discrepancy between idea l and expected jobs but her p red ic t ion was not supported. In her study (N = 1,234) the students represented a range of SES and r a c i a l background and the schools were balanced according to urban, r u r a l , and inne r -c i ty l o c a t i o n . The prest ige l e v e l of the expected jobs for the g i r l s was s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher 21 than that of the boys. This f inding supports M a r i n i ' s (1978) hypothesis that g i r l s today w i l l seek high prest ige jobs. Furthermore, the g i r l s seemed to bel ieve that these jobs were a t t a inab le . Farmer's purpose was to examine gender differences in job choices, so she d id not report whether the prest ige l e v e l var ied according to the SES of the females. In the past the r e l a t ionsh ip between SES and prest ige of job choice has been stronger for males than females. High prest ige jobs may have been considered inappropriate for females of a l l s o c i a l c lasses , but with the advent of the women's movement these jobs may now be more s o c i a l l y acceptable (Mar in i , 1978). The findings of Bogie and Bogie (1976) suggest that g i r l s in a l l s o c i a l classes i d e a l l y want high prest ige jobs, but expectations vary by s o c i a l c lass background. Because low SES g i r l s cannot draw on family resources to seek high prest ige jobs, the i r expectations are lowered. Further inves t iga t ion of possible discrepancies between ideals and expectations i s warranted. Glaze (1979) found a nonsignif icant trend for low SES g i r l s to lower the i r expectations, and Farmer (1983) found no discrepancy even though the g i r l s in her study had chosen jobs at a high prestige l e v e l . 22 Job Choice: Gender Composition The women's movement has worked toward equal opportunity in the labour force and encouraged g i r l s to enter nont rad i t iona l f i e l d s . Because d i sc r imina t ion s t i l l e x i s t s , g i r l s might perceive t r a d i t i o n a l jobs as r e a l i s t i c choices even though nont radi t ional jobs are appealing. If g i r l s have been influenced by the women's movement, the influence i s more l i k e l y to be re f lec ted in the i r idea l than the i r expected choices . Several researchers have compared the gender composition of the idea l and expected job choices, and these studies w i l l be reviewed f i r s t . The second part of the review w i l l examine studies on the gender composition of the expected job and SES background. In general more g i r l s state a nont rad i t iona l job as the idea l rather than expected choice. The reverse seldom occurs; that i s , few g i r l s i d e a l l y want a t r a d i t i o n a l job but r e a l i s t i c a l l y expect to have a nont rad i t iona l job ( e . g . , wanting to be a nurse but expecting to be a lawyer) . Three recent studies using large samples of adolescents support the theory that a nont rad i t iona l job i s more l i k e l y to be the idea l than the expectat ion. Curr ie (1982) surveyed 7,210 Aus t ra l i an adolescents (approximately hal f females) and found that female idea l choices included a greater range of occupations and were more nont radi t ional than the i r expected choices. Three t r a d i t i o n a l occupations accounted for 50% of the g i r l s ' expected choices . Marini and Greenberger (1978b) analysed the 1968 data from 2,495 Grade 11 students in Pennsylvania. They categorized t r a d i t i o n a l jobs as having over half females and nontradi t ional jobs as less than half females. In the i r sample 33% of the females chose nont rad i t iona l jobs as the i r idea l but only 25% expected to have a nont rad i t iona l job. Farmer (1983) set more str ingent categories for gender typing ( i . e . , those used in the present s tudy). Of the 655 females in her sample, 35% aspired to nont radi t ional jobs and 35% expected them. None of the above studies noted the SES background of the females. When Glaze (1979) examined ideals and expectations she found that choices d i f fe red by SES background. Although the trend was not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t , i t i s worth not ing. There were no differences in the percentage of g i r l s from each SES group i d e a l l y wanting nont rad i t iona l jobs. However, high and moderate SES g i r l s i d e a l l y wanting nont rad i t iona l jobs were s l i g h t l y more l i k e l y than low SES g i r l s to also expect to a t t a in them. 24 Although an in teres t in nont rad i t iona l jobs was examined in these studies, there i s no information as to whether these are low prest ige or high prest ige jobs. Leuptow (1981), Herzog (1982), and Garrison (1979) suggested that adolescent g i r l s are s h i f t i n g the i r choices to high prest ige occupations that were male-dominated in the past . The researchers d id not examine ideals but compared the expected plans of high school seniors from di f ferent cohort groups (1964 to 1976). The major change over time was that more g i r l s in the recent groups were choosing managerial and professional jobs. Garrison and Herzog c l a s s i f i e d jobs in h i e r a r c h i c a l l eve l s graded by education. Professions requi r ing a doctorate were in the top l e v e l and unsk i l l ed labour jobs were in the lowest l e v e l . Both inves t iga tors found more g i r l s choosing professional jobs over c l e r i c a l and sales jobs. Garrison also included the SES background of the students in h is analys is of the data. He found a trend for more of the high SES g i r l s (cf . low SES g i r l s ) to choose the professional jobs but the trend was not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . The studies c i t e d on the gender composition of the job choice have used adolescent samples. Only Garrison (1979) and Glaze (1979) noted SES background, and in 25 both cases i t was not a s i g n i f i c a n t fac tor . There was a tendency, however, for more high SES g i r l s than low SES g i r l s to choose nont rad i t iona l jobs. Several studies comparing col lege women in t r a d i t i o n a l and nont rad i t iona l f i e l d s have not found SES to be a s ign i f i can t demographic v a r i a b l e . Tangri (1972) reported more high SES (cf . low SES) col lege women to be enrol led in nont rad i t iona l f i e l d s , but the trend was not s i g n i f i c a n t . Zuckerman (1980) looked at undergraduates at a women's co l l ege . A high proportion of the women were in nont rad i t iona l f i e l d s and SES was not a s i gn i f i c an t fac tor . Zuckerman concluded that in the past high SES parents might have been more l i b e r a l and encouraged the i r daughters to enter nont rad i t iona l careers . Today, however, ( in Zuckerman's view) widespread soc ie t a l acceptance of nont rad i t iona l roles for women reduces the need for parental support. She noted, however, that there was l i t t l e range in SES background in her sample and was in the process of examining the col lege majors of women from a wider SES range. Studies at the col lege l e v e l suggest that SES i s not a major var iable in p red ic t ing enrolment pat terns. College populations, however, have a r e s t r i c t e d range of SES backgrounds. A study of juveni le g i r l s by 26 Kenkel and Bruce (1983), indicates that the majority of low SES females are heading toward t r a d i t i o n a l jobs. In 1969 Kenkel and Bruce determined the job choices of approximately 500 low SES ru ra l females in Grade 5 and then surveyed the same g i r l s in 1975. They d id not compare the i r sample to other SES populations but reported a high percentage of g i r l s choosing t r a d i t i o n a l over nont radi t ional jobs (78% vs 9% re spec t ive ly ) . The gender typing of the job was determined by a c r i t e r i o n of 50% male or female employees. One in te rpre ta t ion of these studies i s that because the majority of col lege women are from a high SES background, they are l i b e r a l in the i r views of gender r o l e s . Low SES females, on the other hand, are less accepting of nont rad i t iona l roles for women; those few low SES g i r l s going on to col lege may be di f ferent and hold less r i g i d a t t i t udes . Davidson and Davidson (1977) suggested that there i s a bias among s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s to see middle-class fami l ies as more l i b e r a l than working-class fami l ies in the i r a t t i tudes toward gender r o l e s . This bias can lead to "blaming the v i c t i m " : low SES g i r l s do not seek nont rad i t iona l jobs because they hold stereotyped views of gender r o l e s . 27 An a l ternate in te rp re ta t ion , as discussed e a r l i e r , i s that high SES g i r l s have access to the high prest ige nont radi t ional jobs which usual ly require col lege education. I t i s not a difference in a t t i tude that leads high SES g i r l s into nont radi t ional jobs but rather a difference in oppor tuni t ies . Several studies in which subjects were asked to rate the gender appropriateness of jobs have not found differences between SES groups. Dunne (1980) found low SES males to hold more stereotyped views about occupations than did high SES males, but SES was not a factor for the females' a t t i t udes . Medvene and C o l l i n s (1974) surveyed four groups of women for the i r a t t i tudes regarding the gender appropriateness of various occupations. The feminist group, a un ive r s i ty student women's caucus, rated more jobs as appropriate for women than d id the secre ta r ies , students, and unemployed. A l l groups, however, saw b lue -co l l a r male jobs as less appropriate for women than professional male jobs. In summary several studies have reported a discrepancy between the idea l and expected job choices, the ideal being more nont rad i t iona l than the expected (Curr ie , 1982; Glaze, 1979; Marini & Greenberger, 1978b). The discrepancy might seem l o g i c a l given the 28 d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by women entering nont rad i t iona l jobs. Farmer (1983), however, d id not f ind a discrepancy; the g i r l s i d e a l l y wanting nont rad i t iona l jobs also expected to a t t a in them. The research i s a lso inconclusive on whether differences ex i s t between SES groups on the gender composition of the job choice. Glaze (1979) reported a l l SES groups in her sample as having s i m i l a r i dea l s . The low SES g i r l s i d e a l l y wanting nont rad i t iona l jobs, however, were more l i k e l y to change the i r expectations to t r a d i t i o n a l jobs. Studies on expected job choices have c o n f l i c t i n g r e s u l t s . Kenkel and Bruce (1983) found a high percentage of low SES g i r l s choosing t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. Tangri (1972) and Garrison (1979) reported more high SES g i r l s than low SES g i r l s choosing nont rad i t iona l jobs, but the trend was not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . Studies on gender role a t t i tudes do not report SES dif ferences , so there seems l i t t l e reason to bel ieve that ideals w i l l d i f f e r between SES groups. Expectations might d i f f e r because high SES g i r l s feel more confident than low SES g i r l s to enter nont rad i t iona l jobs at the high prest ige l e v e l . Medvene and C o l l i n s (1974) found that women generally considered high prest ige nont radi t ional jobs as more 29 appropriate for women than low prest ige jobs, so i t seems u n l i k e l y that low SES g i r l s w i l l expect to enter non t rad i t iona l jobs at the low prest ige l e v e l . The d i s t i n c t i o n between ideals and expectations i s an important one for researching the gender composition of the job choice. The research to date i s inconclusive as to whether discrepancies ex i s t between ideals and expectations or whether SES groups d i f f e r in the i r choices . Possibly ideals do not d i f f e r by SES group, but there i s a discrepancy for low SES g i r l s because they do not expect to a t t a in nont rad i t iona l jobs. As a resul t more of the low SES than high SES g i r l s expect t r a d i t i o n a l jobs. S e l f - e f f i c a c y and Job Choice Recently the concept of " s e l f - e f f i c acy" has been used to study career choices. Hackett and Betz (1981) developed the concept from s o c i a l learning theory and appl ied i t to career expectations. Through performance, verbal persuasion, and v icar ious learning adolescents develop s e l f - e f f i c a c y or "expectations or b e l i e f s that one can successful ly perform a given behavior" (p. 328). Hackett and Betz were interested in s e l f - e f f i c a c y for gender-typed occupations and constructed an instrument which l i s t e d ten t r a d i t i o n a l and ten nont rad i t iona l occupations. Respondents used a 30 L i k e r t scale to rate the i r a b i l i t y to perform each occupation. In the i r survey of col lege students, females expressed lower s e l f - e f f i c a c y for t r a d i t i o n a l l y male jobs than t r a d i t i o n a l l y female jobs whereas males d id not d i f f e ren t i a t e according to the gender composition of the job. After Hackett and Betz determined a gender difference in s e l f - e f f i c a c y , a follow up study by Betz and Hackett (1981) found that women's actual job choices were related to the i r s e l f - e f f i cacy scores. Women did not choose jobs from areas in which they expressed low s e l f - e f f i c a c y . In the Betz and Hackett study there was no gender difference in col lege entrance scores or grade point average, yet females had lower s e l f - e f f i c a c y rat ings than males for some nont rad i t iona l jobs and were less l i k e l y to express in teres t in pursuing those jobs. Brown and Lent (1984) have recommended further studies of s e l f - e f f i c acy based on job prest ige as wel l as gender composition. They proposed research questions such as: Do women express low s e l f - e f f i c a c y for high prest ige jobs as wel l as nont radi t ional jobs? How does SES background re la te to s e l f - e f f i c acy for jobs of d i f f e r i n g prestige leve ls? These questions are of interest to the present study as wel l as the 31 possible difference between SES groups in s e l f - e f f i c a c y for nont radi t ional jobs. The studies reviewed thus far have analysed the prest ige l e v e l or gender composition of the idea l and expected job choices . Se l f - e f f i cacy studies offer a further examination of a t t i tudes toward prest ige and gender typing. For example, rather than determining the prestige l e v e l of the f i n a l choice, the respondent's s e l f - e f f i c a c y scores for jobs in h igh , moderate, and low prest ige l eve l s can be compared. This provides information on a t t i tudes toward the jobs that were not chosen. Se l f - e f f i cacy i s p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant to Gottfredson's (1981) model. She hypothesized that adolescents w i l l view cer ta in jobs as appropriate based on the i r own gender and s o c i a l c l a s s . The term "appropriate" i s not synonymous with " s e l f - e f f i c a c y . " A g i r l might believe she i s highly capable of a nont radi t ional job but not choose the job because i t i s seen as inappropriate for females. Gottfredson predicted that low SES g i r l s would perceive high prest ige jobs as inappropriate and not fee l confident to perform in them whereas high SES g i r l s would see low prest ige jobs as inappropriate but s t i l l fee l confident to perform in them. Seeing a job as inappropriate does 32 not necessar i ly harm self-esteem. When inappropriate i s a lso equated with one's own lack of a b i l i t y , there i s the po ten t i a l for harm. Not only can self-esteem suffer but the range of choices becomes r e s t r i c t e d . Invest igat ing g i r l s ' s e l f - e f f i c a c y for jobs varying in prest ige l e v e l and gender composition furthers the understanding of SES differences in job choice and expands on Gottfredson's model. Job Orienta t ion I t i s important that young women perceive themselves as future wage earners. As pointed out by the Nat ional Council of Welfare (1979), g i r l s are being u n r e a l i s t i c to assume they w i l l have economic securi ty as f u l l - t i m e homemakers. Preparation for future employment includes making appropriate education and family plans. Education i s an investment in one's future job prospects, and several studies indicate that g i r l s with plans for post-secondary education are highly job or iented . In studies of senior high school students Glaze (1979) found education plans to have a strong co r r e l a t i on with expected job commitment; and As t in and Myint (1971) found Grade 12 education plans to be the best predic tor of actual job commitment f ive years af ter graduation. 33 When examining educational plans, there i s considerable evidence that high SES g i r l s have an advantage over low SES g i r l s . Although SES i s not a strong predictor of occupational prest ige for females, i t i s a strong predictor of educational plans (Marini & Greenberger, 1978a; Sewell & Shah, 1967). Furthermore, in a long i tud ina l study by Card, S t ee l , and Abeles (1980) high SES women were more l i k e l y than low SES women to ac tua l ly complete un ive r s i ty l eve l s of education. Another aspect of education that i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important at the high school l e v e l i s the number of mathematics courses taken. S e l l s (1980) referred to mathematics as the " c r i t i c a l f i l t e r " because not having mathematics courses severely r e s t r i c t s the range of job opt ions. High SES g i r l s may have an advantage here as w e l l . Sherman (1982), in r e p l i c a t i n g an e a r l i e r study, found that more g i r l s completing four years of high school mathematics were from higher SES famil ies than g i r l s completing fewer years. With the current economic and s o c i a l changes, the c r i t i c a l decis ion for g i r l s may no longer be whether to enter the labour force but rather how much time they can afford to spend outside the labour force. Appelbaum (1981) studied women reentering the workforce 34 after f u l l - t i m e c h i l d r e a r i n g . She concluded that after three years, chances for successful reentry were considerably reduced. Time commitment to a job i s not only an ind ica t ion of the importance of the job to the g i r l but a lso an assessment of her chances for maintaining a pos i t ion in the workforce. Studies of col lege women show a strong co r re l a t ion between family and education plans, and the importance of paid employment. Women who value paid employment are l i k e l y to seek more un ive rs i ty degrees and rate family as less important to the i r psychological wel l -being (Greenglass & Devins, 1982). They also plan to have a family at a l a t e r age and to take less time out of the i r job for ch i ld rea r ing (Komarovsky, 1982; Tangri , 1972). When comparing women in t r a d i t i o n a l and nont rad i t iona l f i e l d s , several researchers report nont rad i t iona l women having a stronger or ien ta t ion to a job than family (Shann, 1983; Tangri , 1972). Shann suggested that t r a d i t i o n a l jobs are more compatible with ch i ld rea r ing r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The preparation for and structure of nont rad i t iona l jobs create "role overload" for women wanting both a job and family . The studies c i t e d suggest that in valuing a job, p a r t i c u l a r l y a nont rad i t iona l high prest ige job, g i r l s w i l l have plans for higher education and expect to 35 spend less time in family work. The re la t ionsh ips among education, job choice, and job or ien ta t ion may not be s traightforward, however, when SES i s included as a v a r i a b l e . The research on low SES g i r l s and job or ien ta t ion presents two opposing views. Several researchers have proposed that low SES g i r l s seek marriage and homemaking as a career and do not plan to combine job and family . Wright (1978) suggested that the working-class mother who has a low status paid job i s not an a t t r a c t i ve role model, and her daughter i s more l i k e l y to want to be a fu l l - t ime homemaker. Rubin (1976) drew s imi l a r conclusions from her study of low SES f a m i l i e s . She suggested that marriage i s not only an a l t e rna t ive to undesirable job prospects but an escape from an oppressive family s i t u a t i o n . In Smith's (1980) survey of high school g i r l s , daughters of b lue -co l l a r mothers preferred the f u l l - t i m e homemaker role but expected to have paid employment. The moderate SES g i r l s were more l i k e l y to want both a job and family. Smith's data were c o l l e c t e d in 1965. A more recent study by Herzog (1982) examined g i r l s ' career choices from 1976 to 1980. She noted a s ign i f i can t decrease in the number of noncollege bound g i r l s expecting to be f u l l - t i m e 36 homemakers. Possibly the noncollege g i r l s i d e a l l y wanted to be homemakers but changes in the economy made i t apparent that they would have to earn an income. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , with changing s o c i a l a t t i tudes toward the value of employment for women, more women regardless of the i r job options might want f u l l - t i m e employment. Ferree (1984) c r i t i c i z e d the comparison between low and moderate SES women. She questionned the v a l i d i t y of concluding that low SES women are less job oriented because the i r job options are not as a t t r ac t i ve as the moderate SES women. Instead she suggested that low SES women are comparable to b lue -co l l a r males: both value a job for the income and s o c i a l contact rather than the i n t r i n s i c rewards that the professional seeks. Furthermore, Ferree suggested that in working-class fami l ies the woman's income i s l i k e l y to be important to the fami ly ' s we l l -be ing , and her ro le as a provider w i l l draw respect. Because the middle-class woman's income i s less important to the family, Ferree portrays her as promising her family that nothing w i l l change i f she takes a job ( i . e . , housework and family care w i l l continue at the same standard). 37 It i s questionable whether the middle-class woman's income i s merely perceived as "pin money." Ferree does, however, ra ise an important point when she suggests that the low SES woman might value a job for the same reasons as b lue -co l l a r males and thus be highly job or iented. Interviews with Grade 12 g i r l s reveal some of the problems g i r l s have in planning the j o b - c h i l d aspect of t he i r careers . Sherman (1982) interviewed g i r l s in senior mathematics courses, many of whom were planning jobs in the sciences. The majority expected to marry and leave the i r jobs for several years to have c h i l d r e n . They looked forward to having jobs but d i s l i k e d the idea of a young c h i l d not having a f u l l - t i m e mother at home. Sherman's data are recent, so i t cannot be argued that a t t i tudes have changed, and g i r l s no longer see fu l l - t ime employment as incompatible with c h i l d r e a r i n g . Gaskel l (1983) a lso found grade 12 g i r l s reluctant to spend time away from young ch i l d r en . The g i r l s were from a suburban school and represented a range of SES backgrounds. The g i r l s saw homemaking as an accessible ro le but not necessar i ly i d e a l . They were aware of the lack of prest ige and the amount of work involved in homemaking, but they d i s l i k e d the idea of being 38 employed and spending time away from the i r c h i l d r e n . They d id not want to use daycare and d id not expect the i r husbands to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for c h i l d r e a r i n g . Homemaking seemed to be a l i k e l y choice, but the g i r l s were adopting i t with reservat ions. Several studies indicate that high SES g i r l s w i l l be better prepared for the labour force than low SES g i r l s in that high SES g i r l s w i l l plan to achieve higher l eve l s of education (Marini & Greenberger, 1978a; Sewell & Shah, 1967) and complete more mathematics courses (Sherman, 1982). I t i s not c l ea r , however, i f there are SES differences in family plans. Some research indicates that in pursuing higher education, g i r l s a lso plan to devote more time to the i r jobs (Greenglass & Devins, 1982). The impl ica t ion i s that in having a professional job, women might enjoy the work and put less p r i o r i t y on a family. Ferree (1984), however, has challenged th i s l i n e of thought and suggested that paid employment at a l l prest ige l eve l s i s important to women. In summary, the education plans of high SES g i r l s may re f l ec t a better preparation for the workforce, but plans to combine family and paid work may not d i f f e r according to SES. 39 Hypotheses 1. (a) The prest ige of the idea l job w i l l not d i f f e r according to SES, but (b) the prest ige of the expected job w i l l be higher for high SES g i r l s than low SES g i r l s , and moderate SES g i r l s w i l l be in between the other two groups. (Questionnaire items 6 & 7) 2 . (a) The gender composition of the ideal job w i l l not d i f f e r for SES groups, but (b) more high SES g i r l s than low SES g i r l s w i l l expect to a t t a in nont rad i t iona l jobs, and moderate SES g i r l s w i l l be in between the other two groups. (Questionnaire items 6 & 7) 3. Although nont radi t ional jobs ex i s t at a l l prest ige l e v e l s , (a) g i r l s w i l l choose such jobs at the high prest ige l e v e l but not the low prest ige l e v e l , and (b) t h i s pattern of choosing high prest ige nont rad i t iona l jobs w i l l not vary with SES. (Questionnaire items 6 & 7) 4. (a) According to Gottfredson's (1981) model, moderate and low SES g i r l s w i l l express lower s e l f - e f f i c a c y as the prest ige l e v e l of the job increases, whereas high SES g i r l s w i l l not; consequently, 40 (b) high SES g i r l s w i l l have higher s e l f - e f f i c a c y scores than low SES g i r l s at the high prest ige l e v e l with moderate SES g i r l s between the other two groups. (Part I I . Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument) High SES g i r l s w i l l express greater s e l f - e f f i c a c y for nont radi t ional jobs than w i l l low SES g i r l s . (Part I I . Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument) High SES g i r l s w i l l plan to a t t a in higher l eve l s of education than w i l l low SES g i r l s . (Questionnaire items 2 & 3) W i l l the SES groups d i f f e r in family plans? (Questionnaire items 8, 9, 10, & 11) 41 Method P i l o t Study A questionnaire inves t iga t ing the relevant research questions was p i l o t e d with 176 grade 12 students in an urban school . Only the data from the 86 females were analysed. Results showed s i g n i f i c a n t SES differences in job choices and thus confirmed the s u i t a b i l i t y of further i nves t iga t ion . Some of the questions re la ted to job or ien ta t ion d id not produce s ign i f i can t differences; however, two of the questions might have lacked c l a r i t y and were reworded for the f i n a l study. The p i l o t a lso provided r e l i a b i l i t y information for an instrument that was developed to measure s e l f - e f f i c a c y . The instrument w i l l be discussed l a t e r . Par t i c ipan ts Questionnaires were completed by 173 Grade 12 females in two urban schools. To ensure a range of SES backgrounds, schools serving high and low income areas were se lected. Income l eve l s were determined by a 1978 school board survey of the household incomes for the d i s t r i c t . Questionnaires were administered during Engl ish c lasses . A l l Grade 12 students are required to take Engl i sh , so the study sample i s u n l i k e l y to contain the 42 select group of students that might be in an Algebra or Home Economics c l a s s . Instruments The questionnaire (Appendix A) was designed to gather information on SES background, job choice, job o r i en t a t i on , and s e l f - e f f i c a c y . In the f i r s t part of the questionnaire students responded to open-ended questions about the i r parents' occupations and the i r own ideal and expected job choices . Job o r ien ta t ion was invest igated through mul t ip le choice questions concerning education plans, mathematics courses taken, and family plans. There was one open-ended question for the age at which the g i r l intended to have her f i r s t c h i l d . Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument. Part II of the questionnaire was an instrument designed to measure s e l f - e f f i c a c y for jobs in d i f ferent prest ige and gender composition categories . The instrument w i l l be referred to as the "Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument." The format i s s imi l a r to that used by Hackett and Betz (1981) where students were given a l i s t of 20 jobs and asked to rate on a f ive point L i k e r t type response set the i r a b i l i t y to perform each one. For the S e l f - e f f i c a c y Instrument jobs were selected not only according to gender composition as i n the Hackett and 43 Betz study but also prest ige l e v e l . Jobs were selected from three l eve l s of prest ige (high, moderate, low) and gender composition (non t rad i t iona l , balanced, t r a d i t i o n a l ) , g iv ing the instrument nine categories ( e . g . , high prest ige nont rad i t iona l jobs, moderate prest ige nont rad i t iona l jobs, e t c . ) . Four c r i t e r i a were used to organize the se lec t ion of jobs: pres t ige , gender, f i e l d of in te res t , and perceptions of jobs. Using Blish'en and C a r r o l l ' s 1978 socioeconomic index for occupations in Canada, a large pool of occupations was sorted into three prestige l e v e l s . Bl ishen and McRoberts (1976) d iv ided the prest ige scores in to s ix SES l e v e l s . For the present study the s ix l eve l s were col lapsed into three: high (60 points or over) , moderate (40 - 59 po in t s ) , and low (fewer than 40 po in t s ) . Occupations at each prest ige l e v e l were then categorized into t r a d i t i o n a l (over 65% female employees), balanced (35 - 65% females), and nont rad i t iona l ( less than 35% females), based on 1981 census f igures ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1983). The ca tegor iza t ion of jobs by prest ige and gender follows Gottfredson's (1981) model (see Figure 1). Holland (1973) developed a model of career choice based on i n d i v i d u a l in teres ts and persona l i ty . He organized jobs into s ix f i e l d s of in te res t : R e a l i s t i c , 44 A r t i s t i c , C o n v e n t i o n a l , I n v e s t i g a t i v e , S o c i a l , a n d E n t e r p r i s i n g . P e o p l e b e s t s u i t e d f o r j o b s i n a n y one f i e l d w i l l s u p p o s e d l y s h a r e s i m i l a r i n t e r e s t s a n d p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t s . H o l l a n d d i d n o t i n c l u d e s o c i a l c l a s s o r g e n d e r i n h i s m o d e l , b u t G o t t f r e d s o n (1978) h a s p o i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e o v e r l a p among p r e s t i g e , g e n d e r , and f i e l d . Mos t R e a l i s t i c j o b s ( e . g . , bus d r i v e r , f o r e s t e r , m e c h a n i c ) a r e i n t h e low p r e s t i g e n o n t r a d i t i o n a l ( f o r f e m a l e s ) c a t e g o r y . I n v e s t i g a t i v e j o b s r e q u i r e u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t i o n a n d t e n d t o be i n t h e h i g h p r e s t i g e , n o n t r a d i t i o n a l c a t e g o r y . What H o l l a n d r e f e r s t o a s i n t e r e s t and p e r s o n a l i t y v a r i a b l e s may be a r t i f a c t s o f g e n d e r and SES . A l t h o u g h some p r e s t i g e - g e n d e r c a t e g o r i e s may be made up o f j o b s f r o m one p a r t i c u l a r f i e l d , t h e S e l f - e f f i c a c y I n s t r u m e n t has s e v e r a l f i e l d s r e p r e s e n t e d i n e a c h c a t e g o r y . T h i s was t o e n s u r e t h a t g e n d e r and p r e s t i g e were n o t c o n f o u n d e d w i t h i n t e r e s t s . F o r e x a m p l e , a s t u d e n t r a t e d as " E n t e r p r i s i n g " by H o l l a n d ' s c r i t e r i a w o u l d n o t be drawn t o j o b s i n one p r e s t i g e - g e n d e r c a t e g o r y b e c a u s e a l l t h e j o b s a r e E n t e r p r i s i n g j o b s . I n s t e a d , no c a t e g o r y h a s more t h a n one E n t e r p r i s i n g j o b . H o l l a n d ' s S e l f - D i r e c t e d S e a r c h i n c l u d e s a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f j o b s by f i e l d ( B e d a l & 45 Weeks, 1979). The guide was used to select jobs for each category on the Se l f -Ef f i cacy Instrument. Adolescent perceptions of jobs were used for the f i n a l se lec t ion of jobs for each category. The objective of the instrument was to determine female a t t i tudes toward prest ige and gender; therefore, i t was important that the jobs l i s t e d on the instrument were ac tua l ly perceived as male-dominated or low prest ige jobs. Although s t a t i s t i c a l l y true that the majority of engineers are males, not a l l g i r l s may know enough about engineering to perceive i t as male-dominated. S i m i l a r l y , adolescents' perceptions of prest ige might d i f f e r from Blishen and C a r r o l l ' s (1978) ra t ings . In an attempt to e s t ab l i sh construct v a l i d i t y , two studies on job perceptions were used. Shinar (1975) asked col lege undergraduates to estimate the gender composition of 86 jobs. The students' estimations corre la ted highly with the actual composition. Males and females d id not d i f f e r in the i r est imations; however, when asked to rate jobs according to gender appropriateness, males were more stereotyped than females. In a s imi l a r study on pres t ige , P la ta (1975) asked adolescents to rank 23 occupations from high to low according to pres t ige . He found that respondents 46 regardless of SES, gender, or ethnic background rated the occupations in the same manner. P la ta concluded that the prest ige hierarchy i s wel l -es tab l i shed in our soc ie ty . Both Plata and Shinar published the l i s t s of jobs with the subjects ' r a t ings . These l i s t s provided a check that the jobs selected for the instrument were perceived as appropriate to t he i r category. The se lec t ion process generated 62 jobs. A table of random numbers was used to order the placement of the jobs on the quest ionnaire . The ins t ruc t ions to the students were worded according to Hackett and Betz ' (1981) d e f i n i t i o n of s e l f - e f f i c a c y ; that i s , students were asked to rate the i r a b i l i t y to do or learn to do the job. I t was stressed that a b i l i t y rather than in teres t was important. The resu l t s from the p i l o t study were then used to determine the r e l i a b i l i t y wi th in each category. The LERTAP program provided the co r r e l a t i on between each job ra t ing and the score for that pa r t i cu l a r category. Each category was reduced to 5 jobs. Hoyt 's Estimate of R e l i a b i l i t y coe f f i c i en t s for each category ranged from .64 to .78 with one exception: the moderate prest ige balanced category had a r e l i a b i l i t y coe f f i c i en t of .49. R e l i a b i l i t y coe f f i c i en t s for each category are given in Table 1. I t i s in te res t ing to 47 note that the moderate prest ige balanced category i s the centre point for prest ige and gender composition l e v e l s . Poss ibly the students had a great sense of ambivalence toward "the middle" and thus the seemingly random response to those pa r t i cu l a r jobs. A less e x i s t e n t i a l explanation i s that many of the jobs are on opposite border l ines . One job might be just under the c r i t e r i o n for a high prest ige category and another just above the low prest ige category; consequently, students do not perceive the two jobs as s imi l a r ( i . e . , moderate) i n pres t ige . Procedure The school board made the i n i t i a l arrangements with p a r t i c i p a t i n g schools, and the researcher met with the Engl ish teachers to go over the quest ionnaires . Teachers were to ld that the purpose of the study was to develop a scale for studying adolescent career choices . To standardize the adminis t rat ion procedure, teachers were given a b r i e f set of wri t ten i n s t ruc t ions . Males and females completed the questionnaires during the i r regular Engl i sh c lasses . The males' resul t s were not part of the present study, but having the c lass pa r t i c ipa te as a whole group was less d i s rup t ive than separating out the female students. Furthermore, having only the g i r l s complete the 48 questionnaire might have h ighl ighted the feminist aspect of the study and affected responses. The teachers reported that the questionnaire required 20 to 30 minutes to complete. The open-ended questions on parents' occupations and students job choices were coded and then entered into the data analysis with the mul t ip le choice responses. The open-ended questions were for four jobs: mother's job, fa ther ' s job, student 's idea l choice, and student 's expected choice. Bl ishen and C a r r o l l ' s (1978) socioeconomic index was used to rate the prest ige of a l l four jobs. SES background was determined by the prest ige l e v e l of the parent 's occupation. In cases where both parents had jobs, the higher prest ige l e v e l was used. Four of the parents' occupations could not be accurately assessed because the response was too vague (e .g . , "const ruct ion") . The four questionnaires were el iminated leaving a sample of 169 pa r t i c ipan t s . The c r i t e r i a used to form the three SES groups were the same as those used for the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument. Based on the prest ige l e v e l of parents' occupations, the 169 par t i c ipan t s were broken down into the fol lowing SES groups: high (n = 48), moderate (n = 51), and low (n = 70). 49 The g i r l s ' ideal and expected job choices were coded according to prestige and gender composition. Blishen and McRoberts socioeconomic index was used for the prest ige score (20 to 90 points) and S t a t i s t i c s Canada (1983) census data on gender composition was used to categorize the jobs as t r a d i t i o n a l , balanced, and non t rad i t iona l . More data were los t because the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s idea l or expected job could not be accurately coded. The pa r t i c i pan t s ' questionnaires could s t i l l be used in other parts of the ana lys i s , so they were not el iminated from the sample. Only one par t ic ipan t seemed to respond to the questionnaire in a f l ippant manner. She chose "5" for every item on the Se l f - e f f i c acy Instrument, so her instrument resu l t s were not included in the ana lys i s . Data Analys is An analys is of variance (ANOVA) was conducted on the var iab les in each of the four in teres t areas: prest ige of the job choice, gender composition of the job choice, the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument, and job o r i e n t a t i o n . The f i r s t ANOVA, a 3 x 2 (SES group x Condition) design, compared the three SES groups on the prest ige of the job choice using the idea l and expected condi t ion as a repeated measures fac tor . 50 The 3 x 2 (SES group x Condition) design was also used to examine the gender composition of the job choice, again using idea l and expected choices as a repeated measures. The scores were three ca tegor ica l values based on gender composition: (1) T r a d i t i o n a l , (2) Balanced, and (3) Nontradi t ional and not sui table for analysis of variance. To treat the scores as proport ions, the three categories were col lapsed to form two categories and recoded as (0) T r a d i t i o n a l + Balanced and (1) Non t rad i t iona l . The d i v i s i o n was not at the 50% point but seemed appropriate given the pa r t i cu l a r in teres t in nont rad i t iona l choices . The proportions were then used for the ANOVA. To examine the r e l a t ionsh ip between the gender composition and the prest ige l e v e l of job choices ( i . e . , Hypothesis 3) , a two-way ANOVA was performed. The design was 3 x 3 (SES group by prest ige l eve l ) with gender composition as the dependent va r i ab l e . Prest ige scores and gender composition scores were averaged for the ideal and expected job choices . The mean prest ige score was then categorized according to Blishen and McRoberts' (1976) c r i t e r i a : high (60 points or over) , moderate (40 - 59 po in t s ) , and low (fewer than 40 p o i n t s ) . Gender composition scores for each prestige l e v e l were compared to determine whether g i r l s were 51 more l i k e l y to choose nont rad i t iona l jobs at the high prest ige l e v e l and whether the pattern d i f fe red for SES groups. Data from the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument were analysed in a three-way ANOVA (SES x prest ige x gender) with SES as the between-groups factor , and prest ige and gender as two repeated measures. Two repeated measures in a nonorthogonal design complicates the data analys is (Glass & Hopkins, 1984). To avoid the problem of confounded ef fec ts , subjects were randomly selected from the moderate and low SES groups to equal the sample s ize of the high SES group (n = 47). The analyses of variance for the o r i g i n a l sample and the revised (equal n) sample produced s imi l a r r e su l t s : the main effects and in terac t ions were s ign i f i can t at the same l e v e l of p robab i l i t y for both analyses. Job or ien ta t ion was the fourth area of in t e res t . A mul t iva r ia te ana lys is of variance (MANOVA) was used to test for SES differences on the s ix var iables used to measure job o r i en t a t i on . Again, as in the ana lys is of the gender composition of job choice, scores for ca tegor ica l var iables in the MANOVA were treated as proport ions. Because mathematics i s opt ional after Grade 10, the responses were coded as (0) less than Math 11 and (1) Math 11 or higher. Decision to marry 52 was coded as (0) Yes and (1) No + Undecided. Following each of the four analyses, simple main effects analyses were conducted on any s ign i f i can t in t e rac t ions . S ign i f i can t main effects and post hoc comparisons fol lowing the simple main effects analyses were broken down with Tukey t e s t s . However, because the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument was newly developed for t h i s study, the more conservative Scheffe method was a lso used for i t . For the Scheffe method, confidence in t e rva l s were set at the .05 l e v e l of s ign i f i cance . The between-groups effects and the three l eve l s of the t h i r d factor (gender) were taken into account in computing the standard error of the difference between means (see Winer, 1971, pp. 544-551). 53 Results Hypothesis 1 (a) The prest ige of the idea l job w i l l not d i f f e r  according to SES, but (b) the prestige of the expected job w i l l be higher for  high SES g i r l s than low SES g i r l s , and moderate SES  g i r l s w i l l be in between the other two groups. The 3 x 2 (SES x condit ion) ANOVA for the prest ige l e v e l of the job choice showed a main effect for SES, F(2, 152) = 7.30, p_ = -001, but not condi t ion (see Table 2) . Hypothesis 1 predicted an in te rac t ion between SES and cond i t ion : a l l g i r l s would i d e a l l y want high prestige jobs, but only high SES g i r l s would expect to a t t a in them, and low SES g i r l s would lower the i r expectations. This was not found. Instead, the SES groups d i f fe red in the same way for both the i r idea l and expected choices . Because there was no in t e rac t ion , the three groups were compared on the main effect of SES. The main effect i s the mean prest ige score of the idea l and expected job choices and w i l l be referred to as the "job choice ." Tukey comparisons revealed that the prest ige of the job choice was higher for the high SES group (M = 61.64) than the low SES group (M = 50.99), g O 2 0 , 3) = 54 3.80, 2 < ' 0 5 ' T h e moderate SES group (M = 57.13) was in between and d id not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the other two groups. Hypothesis 1 was p a r t i a l l y supported. High SES g i r l s chose higher prest ige jobs than did low SES g i r l s , but contrary to part (a) of Hypothesis 1, t h i s pattern was the same under idea l and expected condi t ions . Hypothesis 2 (a) The gender composition of the idea l job w i l l  not d i f f e r for SES groups, but (b) more high SES g i r l s than low SES g i r l s w i l l expect  to a t t a in nont radi t ional jobs, and moderate SES g i r l s  w i l l be in between the other two groups. As with the prest ige of the job choice, there was a main effect for SES, F(2 , 152) = 6.30, p_ < .01, but the condi t ion ( ideal or expected) was not re la ted to the g i r l s ' choices (see Table 3) . High SES g i r l s choose more nont rad i t iona l jobs (M = .53) than did low SES g i r l s (M = .24), g ( l20 , 3) = 3.55, p_ < .05. Moderate SES g i r l s (M = .38) were in between and d id not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the other two groups. Table 4 provides descr ip t ive data on the gender composition of the job choices . Of the high SES g i r l s , 55 53.6% chose nont radi t ional jobs and 22.3% chose t r a d i t i o n a l jobs. The pattern i s almost reversed for low SES g i r l s : 23.7% chose nont rad i t iona l jobs and 41.8% chose t r a d i t i o n a l jobs. Hypothesis 2 was p a r t i a l l y supported in that high SES g i r l s were more l i k e l y than low SES g i r l s to choose nont radi t ional jobs. This pat tern, however, was the same for both ideal and expected condi t ions . Hypothesis 3 Although nont radi t ional jobs ex i s t at a l l prest ige  l e v e l s , (a) g i r l s w i l l choose such jobs at the high  prestige l e v e l but not the low prest ige l e v e l , and  (b) th i s pattern of choosing high prest ige  nont rad i t iona l jobs, w i l l not vary with SES. A 3 x 3 (SES x prest ige l eve l ) ANOVA showed that the gender composition of the job choice var ied s i g n i f i c a n t l y according to prest ige l e v e l , F(2, 146) = 6.91, 2 = «001, and the r e l a t ionsh ip was s imi l a r for the three SES groups. According to Tukey post hoc comparisons, g i r l s were more l i k e l y to choose nont radi t ional jobs at the high prestige l e v e l (M = .53) than at the low prest ige l e v e l (M = .12), g ( l20 , 3) = 7.30, 2 < .001. The gender composition of jobs at the high and moderate prest ige l e v e l (M = .30) also d i f fe red s i g n i f i c a n t l y , 56 g( 120, 3) = 4.10, 2 < ' 0 5 ' T h e difference between moderate and low prest ige l eve l s was not s i g n i f i c a n t . Hypothesis 3 was supported. Regardless of SES background, g i r l s were more l i k e l y to choose nont rad i t iona l jobs at the high prest ige l e v e l than the moderate and low prest ige l e v e l . Hypothesis 4 (a) According to Gottfredson's (1981) model,  moderate and low SES g i r l s w i l l express lower  s e l f - e f f i cacy as the prest ige l e v e l of the job  increases, whereas high SES g i r l s w i l l not;  consequently, (b) high SES g i r l s w i l l have higher s e l f - e f f i c a c y  scores than low SES g i r l s at the high prest ige l e v e l  with moderate SES g i r l s between the other two groups. On the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument there was a s i gn i f i c an t main effect for prest ige l e v e l , F(2, 276) = 33.09, 2 < .001, with g i r l s expressing less s e l f - e f f i c a c y for high prestige jobs (M = 15.24) than low prest ige jobs (M = 17.32), g d 2 0 , 3) = 11 .40, 2 < .001, or moderate prest ige jobs (M = 16.53), g(120, 3) = 7.09, 2 < '001. The difference between moderate and low prest ige jobs was a lso s i g n i f i c a n t , g(120, 3) = 4.30, 2 < - 0 1 • 57 The o v e r a l l pattern was for g i r l s to lower s e l f - e f f i c a c y as the job prest ige increased. As predicted, however, the pattern was not the same for a l l three SES groups; the in te rac t ion between SES and prest ige l e v e l was s i g n i f i c a n t , F (4 , 276) = 3 . 2 6 , p < .05 (see Figure 2 ) . Simple main effects analyses revealed that s e l f - e f f i cacy d i f fe red s i g n i f i c a n t l y with prest ige l e v e l for a l l three SES groups: high SES g i r l s , F (2 , 276) = 5 .60 , 2 < • 0 1 ? moderate SES g i r l s , F (2 , 276) = 20 .17 , p < .001; and low SES g i r l s , F (2 , 276) = 14 .33, 2 < . 001 . However, the spec i f i c pattern of differences d id vary according to SES. Tukey post hoc comparisons indicated that a l l SES groups expressed lower s e l f - e f f i c a c y for high prest ige jobs by comparison with low prest ige jobs. For low SES g i r l s the mean s e l f - e f f i c a c y scores for low and high prest ige jobs were 16.48 and 14.29 r e spec t ive ly , g ( l 2 0 , 3) = 6 . 9 1 , 2 < .001 , [Scheffe, .95 CI = ( 1 .15 , 3 . 2 1 ) 1 ] ; for moderate SES g i r l s , the means were 17.82 (low prest ige jobs) and 15.06 (high prest ige jobs) , g O 2 0 , 3) = 8 .72 , 2 < .001 , [Scheffe, .95 CI = ( 1 . 7 3 , 3 . 7 9 ) ] ; and for high SES g i r l s the means were 17.65 (low prest ige jobs) and 16.36 (high prestige jobs) , g O 2 0 , 3) = 4 . 1 0 , 2 < 1 Confidence in t e rva l s that do not include 0 indicate a s i g n i f i c a n t difference between two mean scores, 2 < . 0 5 . 58 .05, [Scheffe, .95 CI = (.27, 2 .33)] . The in te rac t ion between SES and prest ige l e v e l of the jobs was s ign i f i can t because the low and moderate SES groups d i f fe ren t i a ted between moderate and high prest ige jobs, whereas high SES g i r l s d id not. Low SES g i r l s expressed greater s e l f - e f f i c a c y for moderate (M = 16.21) than high prest ige jobs (M = 14.29), (gd20 , 3) = 6.05, p_ < .001, [Scheffe, .95 CI = (1.15, 3 .21)] , as d id moderate SES g i r l s (M = 16.99 for moderate prest ige jobs compared to M = 15.06 for high prest ige jobs) , g(120, 3) = 6.08, 2 < -001, [Scheffe, .95 CI = (.89, 2 .95) ] . A di f ferent pattern emerged for high SES g i r l s . The point at which they s i g n i f i c a n t l y lowered s e l f - e f f i c a c y was from low prest ige (M = 17.65) to moderate prest ige jobs (M = 16.40), g(120, 3) = 3.97, 2 < .05, [Scheffe, .95 CI = (.22, 2 .28) ] . Unl ike low and moderate SES g i r l s , high SES g i r l s d id not d i f f e r en t i a t e between moderate (M = 16.40) and high (M = 16.36) prest ige jobs. Part (a) of the hypothesis predicted that the s e l f - e f f i c a c y of low and moderate SES groups would vary according to prest ige l e v e l , whereas high SES g i r l s would not. This was not found. A l l SES groups expressed less s e l f - e f f i c acy as the job prest ige 59 increased, but high SES g i r l s formed a d i f ferent pattern than the other two groups. A l l SES groups had the lowest s e l f - e f f i c acy scores on the high prest ige jobs. Simple main effects analyses revealed a s i gn i f i c an t difference between SES groups at the high prest ige l e v e l , F(2, 138) = 3.68, 2 < .05, but not at the moderate and low prest ige l e v e l s . Tukey post hoc comparisons revealed that at the high prest ige l e v e l , high SES g i r l s had higher s e l f - e f f i c acy scores (M = 16.36) than d id low SES g i r l s (M = 14.29), g(120, 3) = 3.82, 2 < - 0 5 ' [Scheffe, .95 CI = (.30, 3 .82)] . The moderate SES g i r l s (M = 15.06) were between the two groups and d id not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from ei ther one. Part (b) of Hypothesis 4 was supported. Hypothesis 5 High SES g i r l s w i l l express greater s e l f - e f f i c a c y  for nont rad i t iona l jobs than w i l l low SES g i r l s . A l l g i r l s regardless of SES background var ied the i r s e l f - e f f i cacy according to the gender composition of the job, F(2, 276) = 67.09, 2 = .001. G i r l s expressed greater s e l f - e f f i c acy for t r a d i t i o n a l jobs (M = 17.47) than nont radi t ional jobs (M = 15.26), gO20 , 3) = 16.38, 2 < -001, or balanced jobs (M = 16.35), g ( l20 , 3) = 8.31, 2 < .001. The difference in 60 s e l f - e f f i c a c y for balanced jobs and nont rad i t iona l jobs was a lso s i g n i f i c a n t , g ( l20 , 3) = 8.07, p < .001. The in te rac t ion between SES and Gender Composition was not s i g n i f i c a n t . For the nont rad i t iona l jobs the low SES group had a mean s e l f - e f f i c a c y score of 14.47 which was not s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower than the moderate SES group (M = 15.57) or the high SES group (M = 15.75). The groups were s imi l a r in that they showed greater s e l f - e f f i c a c y for jobs at the t r a d i t i o n a l rather than nont rad i t iona l l e v e l . Hypothesis 5 was not supported. I t had been predicted e a r l i e r that g i r l s would choose nont radi t ional jobs at the high prest ige l e v e l rather than the low prest ige l e v e l (Hypothesis 3) . On the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument, the in te rac t ion between prest ige l eve l and gender composition was s i g n i f i c a n t , F(4, 552) = 9.14, p_ = .001. To determine how s e l f - e f f i c a c y varied according to the gender and prest ige of the jobs, the in te rac t ion was further invest igated with pa r t i cu l a r a t tent ion to scores for nont rad i t iona l jobs at the high and low prest ige l e v e l s . Se l f - e f f i cacy d i f fe red according to prest ige for jobs at a l l three l eve l s of gender composition: non t rad i t iona l , F(2, 276) = 17.52, p < .001; balanced, F(2, 276) = 18.42, p < .001; and t r a d i t i o n a l F(2 , 276) 61 = 28.16, p < .001. Figure 3 shows the v a r i a t i o n in s e l f - e f f i c acy scores according to the gender composition and prestige l e v e l of the jobs. In general g i r l s expressed greater s e l f - e f f i c acy for low prest ige jobs compared to high prest ige jobs regardless of the gender composition. Tukey comparisons of s e l f - e f f i c a c y scores at the t r a d i t i o n a l l e v e l showed low prest ige jobs (M = = 19.03) to have higher s e l f - e f f i c a c y scores than high prestige jobs (M = 16.57), gO20 , 3 ) = 9.59, 2 < -001, [Scheffe, .95 CI = (1 .68 , 3 .25)] . S i m i l a r l y at the balanced l e v e l , low prestige jobs (M = 17.20) had higher s e l f - e f f i c a c y scores than high prest ige jobs (M = 15.16), g(l20, 3) = 8.16, 2 < .001, [Scheffe, .95 CI = (1 .39 , 2 . 88 ) ] , and at the nont rad i t iona l l e v e l , low prest ige jobs (M = 15.72) a lso had higher s e l f - e f f i c a c y scores than high prestige jobs (M = 14.04), g(l20, 3) = 6.58, 2 < - 0 5 ' [Scheffe .95 CI = (.90, 2 . 47 ) ] . The s i g n i f i c a n t in te rac t ion occurred p r imar i ly because of the moderate prest ige sca le . Se l f - e f f i cacy for moderate and low prest ige jobs d id not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y at the nont rad i t iona l and balanced l e v e l s . At the t r a d i t i o n a l l e v e l , however, low prest ige (M = 19.03) and moderate prest ige jobs (M = 16.82) did d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y , g(l20, 3) = 8.62, 2 < 62 .001, [Scheffe .95 CI = (1.43, 2 .00)] . It i s surpr i s ing that the g i r l s d i f fe ren t i a ted between moderate and low prest ige jobs at the t r a d i t i o n a l l e v e l but not the other l eve l s of gender composition. The moderate t r a d i t i o n a l category on the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument comprises o f f ice jobs which one would expect g i r l s to fee l confident to perform. In summary g i r l s tended to express greater s e l f - e f f i c a c y for low prest ige jobs than high prest ige jobs at a l l three l eve l s of gender composition. G i r l s d id not d i f f e ren t i a t e between moderate and low prest ige jobs except at the t r a d i t i o n a l l e v e l , where they expressed greater s e l f - e f f i c acy for low prest ige than moderate prest ige jobs. It i s noteworthy that g i r l s d id not express greater s e l f - e f f i c acy for nont rad i t iona l jobs at the high prest ige l e v e l compared to the low prest ige l e v e l . Data from the S e l f - e f f i c a c y Instrument are summarized in Table 5. Job Or ien ta t ion . The s ix var iables re la ted to job or ien ta t ion were entered into a MANOVA with SES as the predictor va r i ab l e . Hote l l ings T 2 (12, 306) = 3.17, was s i g n i f i c a n t , p_ < .001. Follow up univar ia te F- tes ts revealed that the SES groups d i f fered s i g n i f i c a n t l y on educational plans, F(2, 159) = 10.32, g < .001, and mathematics courses taken, F_(2,159) = 63 4.57, p < .05. See Table 6 for a summary of the MANOVA r e su l t s . Hypothesis 6 High SES g i r l s w i l l plan to a t t a in higher l eve l s  of education than w i l l low SES g i r l s . The measures for educational preparation for the labour force were the l e v e l of education planned and the number of mathematics courses taken. Tukey post hoc comparisons revealed that the high SES g i r l s (M = 4.86) expected to complete a higher l e v e l of education than the low SES g i r l s (M = 3.78), g d 2 0 , 3) = 6.23, 2 < .001, and the moderate SES g i r l s (M = 4.04), g(120, 3) = 4.72, 2 < T n e moderate and low SES g i r l s d id not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y . Table 7 summarizes the percentages of g i r l s choosing each l e v e l of education. Each l e v e l was rated from (1) High School Graduation to (6) Graduate Degree, and the rat ings were used for the univar ia te ANOVA described e a r l i e r . Of the high SES g i r l s , 66.0% planned to complete a un ivers i ty degree compared to 32.8% of the low SES g i r l s and 37.2% of the moderate SES g i r l s . At the lower end of educational plans, 13.7% of the moderate and 18.6% of the low SES g i r l s sa id that they would complete the i r education with high school graduation or a one-year vocat ional program. None of 64 the high SES g i r l s l i s t e d these choices . Many of the moderate and low SES g i r l s d i d , however, have plans for post-secondary education. Of the low SES g i r l s , 48.6% planned to take a two-year vocat ional program or e n r o l l in a col lege as d id 49.0% of the moderate SES g i r l s . Although not expecting to a t t a in un ive r s i ty degrees, these two groups indicated plans to prepare for future employment. The high SES g i r l s a lso reported taking more high school mathematics courses (M = .89) than the low SES g i r l s (M = .64) , q(120, 3) = 4.07, p_ < .05, and the moderate SES g i r l s (M = .67) , g(120, 3) = 3.48, p_ < .05. The moderate and low SES groups d id not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y . Table 8 presents a summary of the mathematics courses taken by each SES group. Only 12.5% of the high SES g i r l s reported not taking any mathematics beyond Grade 10 compared to 37.1% of the low SES g i r l s and 32.0% of the moderate SES g i r l s . The enrollment pattern for mathematics was less extreme at the Grade 11 and 12 l e v e l , but again-more of the high SES g i r l s (87.5%) were taking higher l eve l s of mathematics than e i ther the low SES g i r l s (62.9%) or the moderate SES g i r l s (68.0%). The high SES g i r l s reported taking more mathematics courses and planning higher l eve l s of 65 educational achievement than the other two groups. Comparisons of the three groups revealed that the high SES group di f fered s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the moderate and low SES groups, the l a t t e r two groups being s imi l a r in the i r education plans. The resu l t s support hypothesis 6. W i l l the SES groups d i f f e r in family plans? According to the resu l t s of the MANOVA, the SES groups d id not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y on any of the var iables used to measure family plans. The majority of g i r l s expected to marry (85.8% of the t o t a l sample) and have ch i ld ren (90.5% of the t o t a l sample), and these expectations d id not d i f f e r among the SES groups. When asked how they planned to combine family and paid employment, only 5.3% of the t o t a l sample chose a t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e , that i s , to permanently qui t the i r jobs after marriage. Almost one half of the g i r l s (41.4%) planned to return to the workforce by the time the i r ch i ld ren were in preschool . Overa l l 84% of the sample expected to be employed by the time the i r ch i ld ren were in elementary school or e a r l i e r . When asked about the idea l plan for combining job and family , a large number of g i r l s , regardless of SES background, preferred more time with family (42.6% c f . 5.3% prefer r ing more time for a job) . Based on the 66 questions used for the present study, the SES groups did not d i f f e r in the i r family plans . L imi ta t ions of the Study The g i r l s in the present study out l ined the i r career plans and s ign i f i c an t SES differences were found. Plans, however, are not achievements. I f the three groups were surveyed again in ten years, they might not be so di f ferent in the i r actual employment. Card, S t ee l , and Abeles (1980) found that high SES women did a t t a in higher l eve l s of education than low SES women, but they then took jobs for which they were ove rqua l i f i ed . Consequently, the difference in job achievement was not as extreme between SES groups as might have been expected. S i m i l a r l y , the SES differences in the present study may not be p red ic t ive of future differences in achievement. I t i s u n l i k e l y , however, that the low SES g i r l s w i l l go beyond the i r current job choices. Based on these choices, the low SES g i r l s seem to be at a disadvantage. The second l i m i t a t i o n comes with the use of a short answer questionnaire rather than interviews. The questionnaire determines job and family plans but not the g i r l s ' perceptions of the plans. The resu l t s give general information on career plans but cannot be used to conclude differences in a t t i tudes or f ee l ings . 67 And f i n a l l y i t must be noted that the study was ca r r i ed out with students in two c i t y schools. Socioeconomic status differences in the present sample may not be general izable to students in ru ra l or even more suburban areas further out from the c i t y . These l i m i t a t i o n s should be kept in mind when discussing the resu l t s of the present study. Nevertheless, some c lear differences among the SES groups were found and these differences provide useful information for the study of female career choices . The fol lowing section of t h i s paper examines the resu l t s and considers the p r a c t i c a l impl ica t ions for educators. 68 P i scussion In examining the influence of the women's l i b e r a t i o n movement on the g i r l s ' career plans, two questions were of in te res t : Were the g i r l s considering jobs beyond the narrow range of t r a d i t i o n a l female choices? Were they making education and family plans in preparation for a pos i t ion in the labour force? Central to the inves t iga t ion was the extent of s o c i a l c lass differences in the g i r l s ' career plans. The SES groups c l e a r l y d i f fered in the i r job choices . High SES g i r l s planned'to secure higher prest ige jobs than d id low SES g i r l s , and they were more l i k e l y to choose nont rad i t iona l jobs. Furthermore, the high SES g i r l s had education plans that indicated preparation for higher prest ige jobs. A large number expected to complete un ive rs i ty degrees and over ha l f were taking higher mathematics, an important prerequis i te to nont rad i t iona l jobs. The differences were most extreme between high and low SES groups, but when including the moderate group in the comparisons, the high SES g i r l s tended to stand out in several respects, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the prest ige of the job choice and the l eve l of education planned. In essence, the high SES g i r l s bel ieved they were headed toward higher income and less t r a d i t i o n a l jobs 69 than the other g i r l s . Mar in i (1978) proposed that as women's employment becomes more acceptable, high SES g i r l s w i l l draw on family resources to advance the i r occupational s ta tus . Low SES g i r l s , however, w i l l not have access to the same resources and s o c i a l c lass differences in female job choices w i l l be greater than they have been in the past. The resul ts of the present study support M a r i n i ' s hypothesis. High SES g i r l s were choosing jobs at a higher prest ige l e v e l than were low SES g i r l s . Studies using col lege populations have not found enrolment in nont radi t ional f i e l d s to d i f f e r by SES. The SES groups in the present sample c l e a r l y d i f fe red in the gender composition of the i r job choices. F i f t y - f o u r percent of the high SES g i r l s compared to 24% of the low SES g i r l s planned to have nont rad i t iona l jobs. Zuckerman (1980) suggested that because col lege populations have a narrow SES range, s o c i a l c lass differences are less l i k e l y to be detected. Her comments seem v a l i d in l i g h t of the present f ind ings . Although more high SES g i r l s than low SES g i r l s chose nont rad i t iona l jobs, i t i s u n l i k e l y that high SES g i r l s are more l ibe ra ted in the i r a t t i tudes toward gender r o l e s . Prestige l e v e l was found to be an important factor in the choice of nont radi t ional jobs. 70 Simi lar to the findings of Garrison (1979), Herzog (1982), and Strober (1986), g i r l s were more l i k e l y to choose nont radi t ional jobs at the high prest ige l eve l than the low prest ige l e v e l . Prest ige l e v e l , however, seemed to serve as a strong bar r ie r to the low SES g i r l s . Compared to the high SES group, they chose jobs at a lower prest ige l e v e l and the i r scores on the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument indicated less confidence for high prest ige jobs. I f access to nont radi t ional jobs i s at the high prest ige l e v e l , then low SES g i r l s may be more deterred by the prest ige than by the men in the jobs. Gottfredson's (1981) model was presented e a r l i e r as a base for describing women's job choices, and resul ts from the present study support some aspects of her.model. The low SES g i r l s chose t r a d i t i o n a l jobs at the low and moderate prest ige l e v e l s , whereas high SES g i r l s chose jobs at a higher prest ige l e v e l . Contrary to Gottfredson's map of job choices, a large proportion of high SES g i r l s chose nont rad i t iona l jobs. Gottredson proposed that gender i s a stronger factor than SES in female job choices. Findings from the present study indicate that gender may be a factor at the low and moderate prest ige l eve l s but not at the high prestige l e v e l . I t was predicted that "movement" 71 on Gottfredson's map would occur at the high prest ige l e v e l and th i s seemed to be the case. Although actual job choices d id not completely conform to Gottfredson's model, s e l f - e f f i c a c y scores d i d . High SES g i r l s expressed greater s e l f - e f f i c a c y than d id low SES g i r l s for high prest ige jobs and a l l g i r l s , regardless of SES background, expressed lower s e l f - e f f i c a c y for nont radi t ional jobs compared to t r a d i t i o n a l jobs. Job choices d id not always correspond to s e l f - e f f i cacy ra t ings . In p a r t i c u l a r , nont rad i t iona l jobs were more l i k e l y to be chosen at the high prest ige l e v e l than low prest ige l e v e l . Yet on the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument g i r l s expressed greater s e l f - e f f i c a c y for nont radi t ional low prestige (cf . high prest ige) jobs. The inconsistency between choice and s e l f - e f f i c a c y does not support Betz and Hackett ' s (1981) f inding that women choose jobs according to the i r s e l f - e f f i c a c y . Se l f - e f f i c acy i s , however, a recent concept in the study of career choice, and the f indings of the present study suggest the concept i s a v a l i d one. There were s i g n i f i c a n t var ia t ions in s e l f - e f f i c a c y according to the gender composition and prest ige l eve l of the jobs as wel l as differences between SES groups. Further research might compare di f ferent age groups to 72 determine when gender composition and prest ige l eve l begin to affect s e l f - e f f i cacy ra t ings . The re l a t ionsh ip between actual job choice and s e l f - e f f i c a c y i s not c lear and could be studied in more d e t a i l . I t had been hypothesized that g i r l s from a l l s o c i a l classes would share s imi l a r i d e a l s . The desire for nont radi t ional and high prest ige jobs would not d i f f e r by SES, but lower SES g i r l s would be less l i k e l y to expect to a t t a in these i d e a l s . Contrary to the hypothesis, there was a s o c i a l c lass difference in the idea l job choices. Given that few of the g i r l s made a d i s t i n c t i o n between ideals and expectations, i t seems probable that the g i r l s simply stated the i r expected plans without exploring i d e a l s . On the questionnaire g i r l s were asked to consider the i r " in teres ts and a b i l i t i e s " in choosing the ideal job. The intent was to discourage f l ippant answers such as "movie star" or " m i l l i o n a i r e " but not to r e s t r i c t i dea l s . The resu l t s , however, show low SES g i r l s choosing lower prest ige more t r a d i t i o n a l jobs than the high SES g i r l s . There are several poss ible explanations for the s o c i a l c lass difference in i d e a l s . Perhaps the low SES g i r l s d id not i dea l l y want the status and income of high prest ige jobs. This explanation seems u n l i k e l y . 73 I n t u i t i v e l y i t does not make sense, and furthermore, other researchers ( e .g . , Bogie & Bogie, 1976; Cosby & Picou , 1971) have not found s o c i a l c lass differences in i d e a l s . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , with the r e l a t i v e l y high rate of unemployment in the area where the data were c o l l e c t e d , low SES g i r l s might consider even having a job as i d e a l . A t h i r d p o s s i b i l i t y i s that the g i r l s responded to the pa r t i cu l a r wording of the quest ion. That i s , the low SES g i r l s may i d e a l l y want high prest ige jobs but perceive themselves as lacking the a b i l i t y (rather than the opportunity) to perform these jobs. Although SES groups d i f fe red in the i r i dea l s , i t would be inappropriate to conclude that high prest ige nont rad i t iona l jobs are unat t ract ive to lower SES g i r l s . The SES groups c l e a r l y d i f fe red in the i r job choices and education plans. I t i s somewhat puzz l ing , then, that they d id not d i f f e r in the i r family plans. For example, the high SES g i r l s planned to complete more years of education. To accommodate the extra years in un ivers i ty they might also plan to have ch i ld ren at a l a t e r age than g i r l s planning a two-year vocat ional program. This was not the case. Possibly the high SES g i r l s were being u n r e a l i s t i c in the i r 74 expectations to complete un ive rs i ty and enter a profession while s ta r t ing a family and w i l l modify the i r plans l a t e r . The present study did not examine spec i f i c career plans, that i s , comparisons of the family plans of the un ive rs i ty bound to the nonuniversity bound. Further research might determine whether g i r l s intending professional jobs are also making appropriate family plans. Two opposing views on job or ien ta t ion were presented e a r l i e r . Ferree (1984) proposed that employment i s important to women in a l l s o c i a l c lasses , whereas Rubin (1976) and Wright (1978) held that low SES g i r l s w i l l prefer marriage and homemaking over f u l l time employment. The resu l t s of the present study tend to support the former view. Regardless of SES background, paid employment seemed to play an important role in the g i r l s ' career plans. The moderate and low SES g i r l s were less l i k e l y than the high SES g i r l s to an t ic ipa te a un ivers i ty degree, but they were preparing for future employment by taking some post-secondary t r a i n i n g . Few g i r l s an t ic ipa ted a t r a d i t i o n a l ro le of fu l l - t ime homemaker, and the majority expected to be in the labour force by the time the i r ch i ldren were in elementary school . 7 5 This does not, however, mean that they w i l l take less than s ix years out of the labour force. If they have two ch i ld ren and stay at home u n t i l each c h i l d i s in school, they w i l l be out of the labour force for more than s ix years. There seems to be consensus among SES groups, however, that ch i ldren in elementary school do not need fu l l - t ime mothers, and th i s i s an appropriate time to return to a job. When asked about the ideal amount of time to spend between a job and family, a high percentage of g i r l s wanted more time for family. This can be interpreted several ways. Perhaps the g i r l s do not want to be in the workforce. Idea l ly they want to stay at home with ch i ld ren but bel ieve employment i s an economic necess i ty . If t h i s is the case, i t i s in te res t ing to note that the sentiment i s shared equally across s o c i a l c lasses . A more probable in te rpre ta t ion i s that the g i r l s want both—family time and paid employment, but there i s s t i l l the stigma of the employed mother neglect ing her c h i l d r e n . Wanting to spend more time at a job i s a s o c i a l l y unacceptable response. Furthermore, the g i r l s may an t ic ipa te some unhappiness in not being with the i r ch i ld ren f u l l t ime. While they choose to be employed, they are also aware of the compromise involved. 76 In summary, the SES groups shared s im i l a r family plans although they c l e a r l y d i f fered in the i r education plans and job choices . Most of the g i r l s expected to be employed by the time the i r ch i ldren were in elementary school . This could be interpreted as meaning that regardless of SES background, g i r l s place a s im i l a r value on paid employment. The quest ionnaire, however, drew general responses. Before making conclusions on the value of paid employment, there i s a need to examine job or ien ta t ion in more depth. Implicat ions High SES g i r l s seemed to be expanding the i r choices into nont rad i t iona l areas while low SES g i r l s remained in the t r a d i t i o n a l female areas. The resu l t s from the present study suggest that the route to nont radi t ional jobs i s perceived to be at the high prest ige l e v e l , which usual ly requires un ive r s i ty education. I f g i r l s in a l l s o c i a l classes are to have access to these jobs, then greater ef for t must be made to help lower SES g i r l s a t t a in the necessary education. Such effor t en t a i l s more than f i n a n c i a l a i d . Given the i r low scores for high prestige jobs on the Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument, low SES g i r l s might also require help in perceiving themselves as un ive r s i ty students and making achievements beyond those of the i r 77 parents. Cer ta in ly not a l l low SES g i r l s w i l l go on to un ive r s i t y , but there might be a more representative proport ion. The lower s o c i a l classes have not had the same access to education, and boys' career plans have ref lec ted the s o c i a l c lass differences (Marini & Greenberger, 1978a). The women's movement, however, has presented a challenge not only to sex d i sc r imina t ion but also to the c lass system. As Andrea Dworkin (1985) stated: "The r ight wing of America has reacted so strongly against the women's l i b e r a t i o n movement because we said we wanted e q u a l i t y — r a c i a l equa l i ty , gender equal i ty , c lass equa l i ty . And they thought we meant i t . " Theore t i ca l ly , the women's movement i s for a l l women, and i t i s important to recognize that attempts to improve women's employment options may only be ef fec t ive for a small group of women. Rather than t ry ing to make the job plans of low SES g i r l s s i m i l a r to those of the high SES g i r l s , an a l t e rna t ive view i s to accept that low SES g i r l s are un l ike ly to enter high prest ige jobs and to expand the i r choices into nont radi t ional jobs at the lower prestige l e v e l s . This i s probably the most d i f f i c u l t program to implement. Low prest ige male jobs are seen 78 as "unfeminine" and phys ica l ly d i f f i c u l t for women. In recent years, however, mechanization has reduced the phys ica l strength required for many of these jobs. Given the higher pay and better benefi ts (cf . t r a d i t i o n a l female jobs) , these jobs have much to offer women. Programs encouraging g i r l s to enter nont radi t ional areas might begin by breaking down the mystique around men's jobs. G i r l s are seldom able to watch men in the i r work and see what the i r jobs e n t a i l (Greenglass, 1982). By learning more about the work, g i r l s might begin to see the po ten t ia l for s k i l l development and the sense of mastery that many of these jobs of fe r . Educators might a lso examine the structure of the school system and access to nont rad i t iona l f i e l d s at the high and low prest ige l e v e l . For example, science and mathematics course are usual ly taught in a classroom and, in fac t , are required at the junior l e v e l . Shop courses, the prerequis i tes to many low prest ige nont rad i t iona l jobs, are not required at any grade l e v e l . Not only do g i r l s have to i n i t i a t e enrolment in such courses, they must also go to the far wing (or basement) of the school to take them. The structure of the education system i s only one possible factor to explain the preference for 79 nont rad i t iona l jobs at the high prest ige l e v e l . However, i t i s noteworthy that high SES g i r l s considering high prest ige jobs might have access to a wider range of choices than low SES g i r l s making choices at the lower prest ige l e v e l s . A f i n a l option i s for educators to maintain the trend for g i r l s to enter low prest ige t r a d i t i o n a l areas but to attempt to improve the working condi t ions and economic secur i ty of these jobs. L e g i s l a t i o n to bring equal pay for work of equal value i s such an attempt. At the high school and vocat ional l e v e l s , however, t r a i n ing programs might be revised to educate students about job benefi ts , contract negot iat ions, and l ega l r igh t s . The SES groups d id not d i f f e r in family plans but the questions were of a general nature. Further research might use more refined questions to invest igate the f e a s i b i l i t y of plans to combine job and family . The high SES g i r l s were more l i k e l y to plan profess ional jobs while the low SES g i r l s were expecting t r a d i t i o n a l , low prest ige jobs. Given that the i r prospective choices d i f fe red in status and income, there i s a need to determine whether the meaning of paid employment also d i f f e r s for the SES groups. 80 The major f inding of the present study was that the job choices var ied according to SES background. High SES g i r l s might have an advantage; the i r choices r e f l ec t greater d i v e r s i t y and higher income and s tatus. Rather than concluding that one group i s making "better" choices, i t i s important to point out that SES differences are occurring and begin to assess the meaning of the di f ferences . 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Mod = Moderate Pr = Prest ige 93 Table 2 Repeated Measures Analys is of Variance for Prest ige of  Job Choice in Ideal and Expected Conditions Source SS df MS F SES (A) 5638. 27 2 2819. 1 4 7, .30*** Error 58715. 00 1 52 386. 28 Condition (B) 1 25. 18 1 125. 18 1 , .63 A x B 335. 41 2 167. 70 2 .18 Error 1 1695. 31 1 52 76. 94 * * * 2 = ' 0 0 1 94 Table 3 Repeated Measures Analys is of Variance for Gender  Composition of Job Choice in Ideal and Expected Condit ions Source SS df MS F SES (A) 4. 05 2 2. 02 6 .30** Error 48. 81 1 52 0. 32 Condit ion (B) 0.001 1 0.001 0. 005 A x B 0. 10 2 0. 05 0 .44 Error 17. 91 1 52 0. 1 2 ** p_ < .01 95 Table 4 Gender Composition of Job Choices for Three SES Groups  (Percentage of Respondents Averaged Between Ideal and  Expected Conditions) Gender Composition SES n Trad Bal NTrad T o t a l 1 High 40 22.3 24.1 53.6 100% Mod 48 31.4 31.1 37.4 99.9% Low 67 41.8 34.5 23.7 100% Note. Trad = Trad i t i ona l Bal = Balanced NTrad = Nontradi t ional Mod = Moderate 1 A l l t o t a l s do not equal 100% due to rounding er ror . 96 Table 5 Repeated Measures Analys is of Variance for Scores on  Se l f - e f f i cacy Instrument Source SS df MS F SES (A) 320.92 2 160.46 1 .69 Error 13129.13 1 38 95. 14 Prest ige (B) 933.39 2 466.70 33.09*** A x B 184.15 4 46.04 3.26* Error 3892.94 276 14.11 Gender (C) 1031.25 2 515.62 67.09*** A x C 22.22 4 5.55 0.72 Error 2121.38 276 7.69 B x C 250.79 4 62.70 9. 1 4*** A x B x C 30.29 8 3.79 0.55 Error 3788.50 552 6.86 * 2 < .05 * * * 2 = - 0 0 1 T a b l e 6 M u l t i v a r i a t e A n a l y s i s o f V a r i a n c e f o r J o b O r i e n t a t i o n V a r i a b l e s : U n i v a r i a t e F - T e s t s ( d f = 2 . 1 5 9 ) V a r l a b 1e H y p . . S S E r r o r SS H y p . MS E r r o r MS F E E d u c a t 1 o n 32 . 3 0 2 4 8 . 8 4 16 . , 15 1 . 5 7 1 0 . 32 0 . . 0 0 1 M a t h 1 . . 7 9 3 1 . 1 5 0 . 8 9 0 . 2 0 4 . 5 7 0 . . 0 5 M a r r y 0 .31 1 7 . 2 2 0 . 15 0 . 1 1 1 . 4 2 C h i I d 0 .31 1 0 . 8 0 0 . 16 0 . 0 7 2 . 3 0 d o b - C M I d T i m e 11 . , 8 7 4 2 2 . 9 0 5 . 94 2 . 6 6 2 . 2 3 I d e a l J o b -- C h i I d T i m e 1. ,01 1 5 1 . 2 4 0 . 51 0 . 9 5 0 . 5 3 H o t e l l i n g s T ! ( 1 2 , 3 0 6 ) = 3 . 1 7 , fj < . 001 vo 98 Table 7 Level of Education Planned for Three SES Groups  (Percentage of Respondents) SES Group Education Score 1 High Mod Low (n) (47) (51) (70) High School (1) 0 3.9 8.6 1 Yr Vocational (2) 0 9.8 10.0 2 Yr Vocational (3) 10.6 13.7 18.6 Some College (4) 23.4 35.3 30.0 Bachelor Degree (5) 36.2 23.5 25.7 Graduate Degree (6) 29.8 13.7 7.1 T o t a l 2 100% 99.9% 1 00% Note. Mod = Moderate Yr = Year 'Score = Values assigned to each l e v e l of education. 2A11 to ta l s do not equal 100% due to rounding e r ro r . 99 Table 8 Highest Level of Mathematics Taken for Three SES groups (Percentage of Respondents) SES (n) <Math 11 >Math 11 Total High (48) 12.5 87.5 1 00% Mod (50) 32.0 68.0 1 00% Low (70) 37. 1 62.9 1 00% Note. Mod = Moderate 100 Figures 101 Figure 1. Nine job categories organized by prestige level and gender composition 00 to u p-l High Moderate Low Lawyer Police Officer Bus Driver Journalist Interior Decorator Cook Nurse Secretary Baby Sitter Nontraditional for Females Balanced Traditional for Females Gender Composition 102 Low Moderate Job Prestige Level High 103 Figure 3. Self-efficacy scores: Prestige level by gender composition o P. m CM I m CO (U u o o w >> o cfl O •H 0) I 4-1 i-H 0) W c CD S 1«J 18 17 1$ 13 14 Nontrad i t ional for Females Balanced Low Pres Moderate Pres High Pr e s Traditional for Females Gender Composition Note. Pres = Prestige 104 Appendix A 105 CAREER PLANS QUESTIONNAIRE The purpose of this questionnaire is to learn about the career plans of Grade 12 students. This information will help educators to develop programs that are useful to people like yourself. If you do not wish to participate in the study, you may withdraw at any time without hurting your academic standing. Your name is not on the paper, so all answers are confidential. In answering the following questions try to give the response that feels most accurate for you. When you write in occupations, be clear: "salesclerk in a department store" is clearer than "work at Eaton's." Your participation is appreciated. PART I. Circle the letter for your choice. 1. I am a. male b. female 2. I am taking/have taken: a. Algebra 11 b. Algebra 12 c. Neither 3. What level of education do you plan to complete? a. high school graduation b. less than 1 year of vocational training beyond high school c. 1 to 2 years of vocational training beyond high school d. some college or university e. university graduation (4 year Bachelor's Degree) f. graduate degree (e.g., Master's, Medical Doctorate, Ph.D) 4. Did your mother/guardian work outside the home in the past 5 years? a. yes b. no If yes, what was her job? 106 5. Did your father/guardian work outside the home in the past 5 years? a. yes b. no If yes, what was his job? 6. Imagine that your situation is ideal, and you can choose the job that best suits your interests and abilities. You do not have to worry about money for education, people stopping you, etc. What job would you like to spend most of your life doing? Be specific: 7. Given that conditions are not always ideal, what job are you most likely to pursue? (If it is the same job as in answer #6, write "same.") Be specific: 8. Do you plan to marry? a. yes b. no c. undecided 9. Do you plan to have children? a. yes b. no c. undecided If yes, at what age do you want to have your first child? 10. People differ in their plans to have a job and to raise children. Some people see their job as full time work, and they do not plan to have children. Others see children as full time work and do not plan to have a job. Still others want to combine having a job and children. Which of the following seems closest to your own plans for the future? Circle the letter of the most likely plan for you. I WILL WORK AT A PAID JOB: a. until I marry or have children, and then no more. b. until I have children, quit, and return to a job when the children are in high school (13-19 years). c. until I have children, quit, and return to a job when the children are in elementary school (6-12 years). 107 d. until I have children, quit, and return to a job when the children are in pre-school (3-5 years). e. until I have children, quit, and return to a job when the children are 1 to f. continuously, taking a 6-12 month job leave at the birth of a child. g. continuously, and possibly not have children. 11. Think about the ideal job-child situation for you. If you did not have to consider money, other people's views, etc., how might the ideal situation differ from your choice in #10 above? a. I might spend less time working in a job and more time with children. b. I might spend more time working in a job and less time with children. c. No difference: my choice in #10 is very close to my ideal. People usually try to choose jobs that suit their abilities and interests. Although some of the following jobs may not seem interesting to you, how confident are you in your abiltiy to do or learn to do them? For example, you may not be interested in delivering newspapers but feel confident in your ability to do that job or learn to do it. You would circle 4 or 5: 3 years old. PART II Confidence to Do or Learn the Job N/A Not At All Confident Slightly Confident Very Confident Extremely Confident JOB News Delivery 1 2 3 4 5 108 Some jobs may interest you a lot, but you feel less certain about your ability to do or learn to do them. For example, performing in a rock band might appeal to you, but if you do not play a musical instrument or sing, then you are not likely to feel as confident about your ability to do or learn to do that job. Your would circle 2 (Not At All Confident) or 3 (Slightly Confident). If you do not know enough about the job to rate it, then circle 1 (Not Applicable or N/A). 109 Confidence to Do or Learn to Do the Job N/A Not At A l l Slightly Very Extremely Confident Confident Confident Confident _ _ - - -JOB Confidence JOB Confidence Short Order Cook 1 2 3 4 5 Police Officer 1 2 3 4 5 Lawyer 1 2 3 4 5 English Teacher 1 2 3 4 5 Dry Cleaning Assistant 1 2 3 4 5 Secretary 1 2 3 4 5 Business Education Teacher 1 2 3 4 5 Nursing Supervisor 1 2 3 4 5 Payroll Clerk 1 2 3 4 5 University Professor 1 2 3 4 5 Business Executive 1 2 3 4 5 Engineer 1 2 3 4 5 Interior Decorator 1 2 3 4 5 Nurse 1 2 3 4 5 Government Administrator 1 2 3 4 5 Bank Teller 1 2 3 4 5 Door to Door Salesperson 1 2 3 4 5 Letter Carrier 1 2 3 4 5 Truck Driver 1 2 3 4 5 Dietician 1 2 3 4 5 Social Worker 1 2 3 4 5 Helicopter Pilot 1 2 3 4 5 Physician 1 2 3 4 5 Life Guard 1 2 3 4 5 Probation Officer 1 2 3 4 5 Real Estate Agent 1 2 3 4 5 Receptionist 1 2 3 4 5 F i l e Clerk 1 2 3 4 5 Director, Welfare Agency 1 2 3 4 5 Travel/Tour Guide 1 2 3 4 5 Nurse's Aide 1 2 3 4 5 Taxi Driver 1 2 3 4 5 Baby Sitter 1 2 3 4 5 Concert Singer 1 2 3 4 5 Cafeteria Worker 1 2 3 4 5 Dishwasher 1 2 3 4 5 Typist 1 2 3 4 5 Photographer 1 2 3 4 5 Sales Manager 1 2 3 4 5 Journalist 1 2 3 4 5 Speech Therapist 1 2 3 4 5 Bus Driver 1 2 3 4 5 Dental Hygienist 1 2 3 4 5 Telephone Operator 1 2 3 4 5 TV, Radio, Stereo 1 2 3 4 5 Salesperson 

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