UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Asian immigrants and locus of control Lee, Elizabeth Eusee 1982

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ASIAN IMMIGRANTS AND LOCUS OF CONTROL By ELIZABETH EUSEE LEE B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Singapore, 1961 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1982 (c) E l i z a b e t h EuS.ee Lee, 1982 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of o The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date • 2 0 ^ fr^'C, DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT New A s i a n immigrants were t e s t e d on Levenson's i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l , c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s and c o n t r o l by chance (IPC) s c a l e . As p r e d i c t e d , there was no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g -n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n the mean scores of the su b t e s t on the i n t e r n a l f a c t o r when New A s i a n immigrants were compared with New European immigrants, Old A s i a n immigrants and Caucasian f a c u l t y and s t a f f members. S i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s were found i n the mean scores on the s u b t e s t s on the powerful o t h e r s and chance f a c t o r s . New A s i a n immigrants were a l s o t e s t e d on an A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e . A hig h p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n was found between the scores measuring the i n t e r n a l f a c t o r of both Levenson's IPC s c a l e and the A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e . i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS L i s t o f T a b l e s Acknowledgements Chapter I I n t r o d u c t i o n Statement of the Problem 1 Purpose of Research 7 I I Review o f the L i t e r a t u r e 9 A D e f i n i t i o n o f Locus o f C o n t r o l 9 The Theory of Reinforcement i n S o c i a l L e a r n i n g 10 Development of the I n t e r n a l - E x t e r n a l (I-E) S c a l e and R e l a t e d S t u d i e s 12 The I-E S c a l e , L e a r n i n g and Achievement 14 P e r s o n a l i t y and the I-E S c a l e 16 I-E C o n s t r u c t and A n x i e t y 16 The I-E Dimension i n a C r o s s - c u l t u r a l Context 17 Levenson's I n t e r n a l , Powerful Others and Chance (IPC) S c a l e 19 Causal A t t r i b u t i o n o f Success and F a i l u r e 22 C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s A f f e c t i n g Locus of of C o n t r o l : The World of Nature i n Chinese C u l t u r e 2 5 O b j e c t i v e s of the Study 26 Hypotheses 27 R a t i o n a l e f o r the Hypotheses 28 Assumptions 3 2 I I I Design of the Study 33 Sample 33 Old A s i a n Immigrants 34 New European Immigrants 34 F a c u l t y and S t a f f Members 34 D e s c r i p t i o n of the Instruments 35 Levenson's IPC S c a l e 35 The A t t r i b u t i o n S c a l e 3 7 C o l l e c t i n g Data from New A s i a n and European Immigrants 38 C o l l e c t i n g Data from F a c u l t y and S t a f f Members 38 Page v v i i v C h a p t e r Page C o l l e c t i n g Data f o r Comparison o f Sex D i f f e r e n c e s i n I-E C o n t r o l E x p e c t a n c i e s 38 C o l l e c t i n g Data f o r t h e C o r r e l a t i o n between E x p e c t a n c i e s f o r C o n t r o l and A t t r i b u t i o n o f Outcome 38 D a t a A n a l y s i s 39 IV R e s u l t s 42 Sample D e s c r i p t i o n 4 2 T e s t - R e t e s t R e l i a b i l i t y o f t h e A t t r i b u t i o n S c a l e 45 T e s t i n g H y p o t h e s i s 1 45 T e s t i n g H y p o t h e s i s 2 47 T e s t i n g H y p o t h e s i s 3 49 T e s t i n g H y p o t h e s i s 4 49 T e s t i n g H y p o t h e s i s 5 50 V An A n a l y s i s o f t h e R e s u l t s 51 I n t e r n a l C o n t r o l 51 C o n t r o l by P o w e r f u l O t h e r s 55 C o n t r o l by Chance- 56 R e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e I F a c t o r s o f t h e L evenson and A t t r i b u t i o n S c a l e s 58 L i m i t a t i o n s 60 Summary 61 P o l i c y I m p l i c a t i o n s and S u g g e s t i o n s f o r F u r t h e r R esearch 62 R e f e r e n c e L i s t 64 Index o f A p p e n d i c e s 70 LIST OF TABLES e Sample P o p u l a t i o n Mean Scores and Standard D e v i a t i o n s f o r I d e n t i f i e d Groups on Three Dependent V a r i a b l e s Levenson's IPC Sc a l e s ANOVA f o r Dependent V a r i a b l e * : I n t e r n a l C o n t r o l ; Comparing New A s i a n , New European and Old A s i a n Immigrants ANOVA f o r Dependent V a r i a b l e : : C o n t r o l by Powerful Others; Comparing New A s i a n , New European and Old A s i a n Immigrants ANOVA..for Dependent V a r i a b l e : C o n t r o l by Chance; Comparing New A s i a n , New European and Old A s i a n Immigrants ANOVA f o r Dependent V a r i a b l e : I n t e r n a l C o n t r o l ; Comparing F a c u l t y , New A s i a n and New European Subje c t s ANOVA f o r Dependent V a r i a b l e : C o n t r o l by Powerful Others; Comparing F a c u l t y , New A s i a n and New European Subjects ANOVA f o r Dependent V a r i a b l e : C o n t r o l by Chance; Comparing F a c u l t y , New A s i a n and New European Subje c t s A Comparison of F i n d i n g s Using the Levenson IPC S c a l e v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank the members of the t h e s i s committee, Dr. DuFay Der, Dr. H. R a t z l a f f and Dr. R. Young, f o r having guided me through the r e s e a r c h with so much p a t i e n c e , kindness and c o n s i d e r a b l e h e l p . I would a l s o l i k e t o thank Rosemary Meyer, who so w i l l i n g l y o r g a n i z e d her E n g l i s h c l a s s schedule to accommodate the a d m i n i s t e r i n g o f the q u e s t i o n n a i r e s . My g r a t e f u l thanks are a l s o extended t o the other language i n s t r u c t o r s , who helped me to a d m i n i s t e r the q u e s t i o n n a i r e s d u r i n g t h e i r c l a s s time. To a l l the w i l l i n g and c h e e r f u l s u b j e c t s , both immigrant students and f a c u l t y and s t a f f members of the King Edward C o l l e g e , who took time o f f to complete the q u e s t i o n -n a i r e s , I would l i k e t o say "thank you". To Jim-mee Ng, who guided me through the s t a t i s t i c a l maze, and t o S h e i l a Jones, with her r i g i d schedule and e d i t i n g , I forward my s i n c e r e thanks. L a s t of a l l , my h e a r t f e l t thanks go to my f a m i l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y my husband, f o r t h e i r u n s e l f i s h support, encouragement and c o o p e r a t i o n . 1 CHAPTER I I n t r o d u c t i o n In r e c e n t y e a r s , p s y c h o l o g i s t s and c o u n s e l l o r s have been i n t e r e s t e d i n the l o c u s of c o n t r o l c o n s t r u c t (Joe, 1971; L e f c o u r t , 1976; Sue, 1981; Throop & MacDonald, 1 9 7 1 ) . Locus of c o n t r o l i s a p e r s o n a l i t y c o n s t r u c t r e f l e c t i n g one's b e l i e f o r p e r c e p t i o n about who c o n t r o l s b e h a v i o r and l i f e e v e nts. The range of b e l i e f s extends from i n t e r n a l t o e x t e r n a l l o c u s of c o n t r o l . The i n t e r n a l i n d i v i d u a l expects a c e r t a i n outcome or event t o occur based on p e r s o n a l e f f o r t or b e h a v i o r and the i n d i v i d u a l takes r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h i s consequence. The e x t e r n a l person sees no c o r r e l a t i o n between one's a c t i o n s and the consequences of such a c t i o n s . Outcomes are not w i t h i n the e x t e r n a l person's c o n t r o l but are randomly c o n t r o l l e d by such o u t s i d e f o r c e s as chance, f a t e , l u c k and powerful o t h e r s o r the s o c i a l systems. A l a r g e body of r e s e a r c h has i n d i c a t e d t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s who are d e f i n e d as i n t e r n a l s view themselves as e x e r t i n g s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e over the course of t h e i r own l i v e s ( L e f c o u r t , 1974) w h i l e those d e f i n e d as e x t e r n a l s tend to b e l i e v e events are u n r e l a t e d t o p e r s o n a l e f f o r t or i n f l u e n c e ( R o t t e r , 1 9 6 6 ) . Because o f t h i s b e l i e f , e x t e r n a l s may be unmotivated to change. Statement of the Problem "The apparent l a c k of m o t i v a t i o n i n a student or c l i e n t i s a f r e q u e n t concern f o r c o u n s e l l o r s , t e a c h e r s , and case 2 workers" (Connolly, 1980, p. 176 ). Con n o l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the "unmotivated" i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : Those who were not and probably would not be motivated, and those who were motivated but p e r c e i v e d themselves i n c a p a b l e of achievement. For the l a t t e r , the c o u n s e l l o r "might be more s u c c e s s f u l i n attempting t o change t h e i r e x t e r n a l expectancies of c o n t r o l " (Connolly, 1980, p. 177 ) . Connolly then went on to suggest some i n t e r v e n t i o n s t r a t e g i e s intended to change e x t e r n a l e x p e c t a n c i e s i n the d i r e c t i o n of i n t e r n a l i t y . I t would seem t h a t the l o c u s of c o n t r o l expectancy i s c o n s i d e r e d an important v a r i a b l e i n the ch o i c e of c o u n s e l l i n g approach, s t r a t e g i e s and pr o c e s s . T h e r e f o r e , i t would be important t h a t the c o u n s e l l o r understand the concept of e x t e r n a l i t y and be very c e r t a i n t h a t the c l i e n t i s an e x t e r -n a l person o r , as d e s c r i b e d by Conn o l l y , a "motivated e x t e r n a l " . Though the i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l expectancy c o n s t r u c t has been the s u b j e c t of a g r e a t d e a l of study (Joe, 1971; L e f c o u r t , 1976; Throop & MacDonald, 1971), much c o n t r o v e r s y s t i l l e x i s t s with regard t o the concept of e x t e r n a l i t y (Hersch & Schiebe, 1967; R o t t e r , 1975). R o t t e r (1975) ca u t i o n e d i n v e s t i g a t o r s a g a i n s t p e r c e i v i n g the I-E c o n s t r u c t as a c l e a r c u t dichotomy and a g a i n s t predetermining t h a t i n t e r n a l s are always 'good guys' and e x t e r n a l s are always 'bad guys'. The c o n s t r u c t of e x t e r n a l i t y has not been f u l l y e x p l a i n e d and/or rese a r c h e d . R o t t e r h i m s e l f (1975) wrote about d i f f e r -ent types o f e x t e r n a l s : "the d e f e n s i v e e x t e r n a l s who are co m p e t i t i v e , s t r i v i n g and ambitious when p l a c e d i n c o m p e t i t i v e 3 achievement s i t u a t i o n s ..." (p. 64 ) and the "passive e x t e r n a l s " , - people who e x h i b i t p a s s i v e acceptance of the e x t e r n a l statements i n the I-E s c a l e , probably because of a t t i t u d e s a c q u i r e d from t h e i r c u l t u r e s , e.g., Moslem or other e t h n i c and o r i e n t a l b e l i e f s (Rotter, 1975). Hersch and Scheibe (1967) suggested t h a t there may be "a d i v e r s i t y i n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l meaning of e x t e r n a l i t y " (p. 612 )• For example, one may be an e x t e r n a l i n d i v i d u a l because one i s i n f a c t p h y s i c a l l y or i n t e l l e c t u a l l y weak i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r s , i n c l u d i n g p e ers. T h i s i n d i v i d u a l , perhaps, i s the " p a s s i v e e x t e r n a l " mentioned by R o t t e r (19 75). "On the other hand, a person may d e s c r i b e h i m s e l f as an e x t e r n a l because he i s i n a h i g h l y c o m p e t i t i v e s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n , where the a c t i o n s of others may have gr e a t r e l e v a n c e f o r the success of h i s own e f f o r t s " (Hersch & Scheibe, 1967, p. 613 )• T h i s i n d i v i d u a l i s a k i n to the "motivated e x t e r n a l " and "the d e f e n s i v e e x t e r n a l " (Rotter, 1975). A t h i r d e x p l a n a t i o n of the e x t e r n a l person put forward by Hersch and Scheibe (196 7) i s the "person who b e l i e v e s i n luck or f a t e and, i f he b e l i e v e s t h a t these e x t e r n a l f o r c e s are on h i s s i d e , he may a c c u r a t e l y d e s c r i b e h i m s e l f as an e x t e r n a l " (p. 613 )• T h i s i s an o p t i m i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n and the person may c o n s i d e r e x t e r n a l f o r c e s as benevolent as opposed to malevolent. In the e x t e n s i v e r e s e a r c h on g e n e r a l i z e d e x p e c t a n c i e s of l o c u s of c o n t r o l , many s t u d i e s have shown t h a t members of e t h n i c groups have scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r on the 4 e x t e r n a l end of the c o n t r o l c o n s t r u c t (Graves, 1967; Hsieh, Shybut & L o t s o f , 1969; Mahler, 1974; R e i t z & G r o f f , 1972; Wolfgang, 1973). People from underdeveloped or de v e l o p i n g s o c i e t i e s and from lower socio-economic communities ( L e f c o u r t , 1966; R e i t z & G r o f f , 1972) and women (Lao, 1977) are found t o be more e x t e r n a l . There i s an i n h e r e n t danger t h a t i f the I-E c o n s t r u c t were used as a c r i t e r i o n of mental h e a l t h , many m i n o r i t y , poor and female c l i e n t s would be seen to possess l e s s d e s i r a b l e a t t r i b u t e s . There i s a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the m i n o r i t y , poor or female c l i e n t who i s p e r c e i v e d t o be e x t e r n a l (Graves, 1967; Hsieh, Shybut & L o t s o f , 1969; Lao, 1977; R o t t e r , 1966) i s a l s o p er-c e i v e d as unmotivated, s t r o n g on system blame, s t r o n g i n the b e l i e f i n lu c k and f a t e and, thus, g e n e r a l l y unmotivated to b r i n g about changes i n p e r s o n a l l i f e . But t h i s c o n c l u s i o n may be too g e n e r a l i z e d and s i m p l i s t i c and c o u l d even be damaging. As Sue (1981) w r i t e s , "The problem with an u n q u a l i -f i e d a p p l i c a t i o n of the I-E dimension i s t h a t i t f a i l s t o take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l e x p e r i -ences of the i n d i v i d u a l . T h i s f a i l u r e may l e a d t o h i g h l y i n a p p r o p r i a t e and d e s t r u c t i v e a p p l i c a t i o n s i n c o u n s e l l i n g . ... i t seems p l a u s i b l e t h a t d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l groups, women, and l o w e r - c l a s s people have l e a r n e d t h a t c o n t r o l operated d i f f e r -e n t l y i n t h e i r l i v e s as opposed t o how i t operates f o r s o c i e t y a t l a r g e . In the case of T h i r d World groups, the concept of e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l takes on a wider meaning" (p. 75 ). Sue (1981) maintained t h a t e x t e r n a l i t y may be a f f e c t e d 5 by t h r e e f a c t o r s : (a) chance-luck, (b) c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s which are viewed as benevolent, and (c) a p o l i t i c a l f o r c e (racism and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ) t h a t r e p r e s e n t s malevolent but r e a l i s t i c o b s t a c l e s " (p. 77 ). T h i s may perhaps e x p l a i n an apparent paradox. A s i a n s (Japanese, Chinese, Taiwanese, Thais) have been found to be . more e x t e r n a l than North . Americans (Hsieh, Shybut & L o t s o f , 1969; Lao, 1977; Mahler, 1977; R e i t z & G r o f f , 1972), and y e t Asians seem to possess the a t t r i b u t e s d e s c r i b e d by L e f c o u r t (1976) as p e r t a i n i n g t o i n t e r n a l s . I n t e r n a l s are "more per-c e p t i v e t o and ready t o l e a r n about t h e i r surroundings. They are more i n q u i s i t i v e , c u r i o u s and e f f i c i e n t p r o c e s s o r s of i n f o r m a t i o n than e x t e r n a l s ... more c a u t i o u s and c a l c u l a t i n g about t h e i r c h o i c e s , involvements and p e r s o n a l entanglements" (p. 5 2 ) . In Li-Repac's study (1980) of p e r c e p t i o n s concerning the t y p i c a l a t t r i b u t e s o f Chinese people, t h e r e was a p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between the r a t i n g s o f Chinese c l i e n t s and white c l i e n t s . Both whites and Chinese saw the Chinese people as being "adaptable, a l e r t , ambitious, c a u t i o u s , dependable, i n t e l l i g e n t , p r a c t i c a l , r a t i o n a l , r e l i a b l e and s e l f - c o n t r o l l e d " (p. 335)- These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s seem to p a r a l l e l those of the i n t e r n a l person d e s c r i b e d by L e f c o u r t (19 76). The q u e s t i o n then a r i s e s : why t h i s paradox? I f Asians possess so many of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the i n t e r n a l person, then why, i n most r e s e a r c h s t u d i e s undertaken t o date, do they o f t e n score more e x t e r n a l l y i n comparison with whites i n North America? Could i t be t h a t the measuring instrument used, 6 R o t t e r ' s I-E S c a l e , i s not v a l i d to the c u l t u r a l s i t u a t i o n of the s u b j e c t s ? Could c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , b e l i e f s , v a l u e s and p r a c t i c e s e x p l a i n some of t h i s paradox? I t c o u l d be t h a t the c u l t u r e s of Asians (Bodde, 1981; Fung, 1948) and perhaps, of Native Indians (Sue, 1981; Trimble, 1976) have i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r s u b j e c t s t o accept the power of some e x t e r n a l f o r c e s as benevolent f o r c e s . A r e s p e c t and reverence f o r cosmic powers and unexplained happenings i n the u n i v e r s e ( e s p e c i a l l y i n an environment t h a t i s not h i g h l y developed), a humble acceptance of the smallness and i n e f -f e c t u a l power of man as compared to t h a t of nature, and the o v e r a l l sense of the need f o r h u m i l i t y and modesty so w e l l imbued i n the A s i a n may e x p l a i n why Asians and N a t i v e Indians are r a t e d e x t e r n a l on the s c a l e measuring p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l . I t would seem, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t there i s a need to use another measuring instrument which would r e f l e c t more accu-r a t e l y the expectancies f o r c o n t r o l as p e r c e i v e d by the A s i a n . Could the A s i a n s u b j e c t be e x t e r n a l i n c e r t a i n dimensions and i n t e r n a l i n o t h e r s ? Would a more p r e c i s e measuring instrument be a b l e to d i f f e r e n t i a t e these dimensions of the i n t e r n a l -e x t e r n a l c o n s t r u c t ? The second focus of t h i s study i s to observe the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p e r c e i v e d e x p e c t a n c i e s f o r c o n t r o l i n a s s o c i a -t i o n w i t h a s p e c i f i c r e i n f o r c e m e n t and the a c t u a l i z a t i o n of the r e i n f o r c e m e n t . The c o n s t r u c t of l o c u s of c o n t r o l i s a 7 r e l a t i o n s h i p between ex p e c t a n c i e s f o r c o n t r o l and r e i n f o r c e -ments. "The p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l i s but a s i n g l e expectancy c o n s t r u c t . Other i n t e r a c t i n g v a r i a b l e s of e q u a l , i f not g r e a t e r , importance i n c l u d e the value of the r e i n f o r c e m e n t s i n q u e s t i o n , as w e l l as the expectancy t h a t one w i l l o b t a i n t h a t d e s i r e d r e i n f o r c e m e n t whether by one's own or by e x t e r n a l f o r c e s " (Lefcourt, 1976, p. 153). A t t r i b u t i o n of c a u s a l i t y and l o c u s of c o n t r o l of r e i n f o r c e m e nt are r e l a t e d s u b j e c t s t h a t have generated numerous s t u d i e s ( L e f c o u r t , 1976; M i l l e r , 1976) . Locus of c o n t r o l i s a s p e c i f i c element i n a t t r i b u t i n g c a u s a l i t y t o e i t h e r e x t e r n a l or i n t e r n a l f o r c e s . R o t t e r (1966) suggested t h a t an i n t e r n a l o r i e n t a t i o n meant t h a t one f e l t events c o u l d be c o n t r o l l e d from w i t h i n ; t h a t i s , events were w i t h i n the c o n t r o l of the i n d i v i d u a l , i n c o n t r a s t to an ex-t e r n a l o r i e n t a t i o n , where one sensed a h e l p l e s s n e s s or power-l e s s n e s s to c o n t r o l one's d e s t i n y ( c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s or by chance). These c a u s a l b e l i e f s not o n l y precede p e r f o r -mance but a l s o p a r t l y account f o r subsequent a c t i o n (Weiner & S i e r a d , 1975). I t would thus be u s e f u l to c o n s t r u c t a s i t u a -t i o n where an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p e r c e i v e d e x pectancies f o r c o n t r o l f o r a s p e c i f i c r e i n f o r c e m e nt c o u l d be measured and c o r r e l a t e d w i t h h i s a t t r i b u t i o n of c a u s a l i t y . Purpose of Research The f i r s t o b j e c t i v e i s to i n v e s t i g a t e more a c c u r a t e l y the e x p e c t a n c i e s f o r c o n t r o l as p e r c e i v e d by A s i a n immigrants. Three dimensions of e x t e r n a l i t y w i l l be examined: i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l , c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s , and c o n t r o l by chance. 8 The major instrument used w i l l be Levenson's IPC S c a l e (Levenson, 1972), which d i v i d e s e x t e r n a l i t y i n t o three s u b s c a l e s : I n t e r n a l - E x t e r n a l C o n t r o l , C o n t r o l by Powerful Others and C o n t r o l by Chance. The r e s e a r c h i s designed to show t h a t people are not t o t a l l y i n t e r n a l s or e x t e r n a l s and t h a t , as f a r as the A s i a n immigrant i s concerned, i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l expec-t a n c i e s d i f f e r as a r e s u l t of i n f l u e n c e s brought about by f a c t o r s such as c u l t u r e , v a l u e o f the reinforcement and the s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . The study attempts t o show t h a t " i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r a l l t h r e e to c o e x i s t independently w i t h i n i n d i v i d u a l s " ( L e f c o u r t , 1976, p. 135). I t i s hoped t h a t the r e s u l t s o f such a study would s e n s i t i z e c o u n s e l l o r s and t h e r a p i s t s working with A s i a n c l i e n t s to the d i f f e r e n t dimensions of e x t e r n a l i t y and how these r e l a t e t o the c l i e n t s and the c o u n s e l l i n g p r o c e s s . The second o b j e c t i v e o f the study i s to i n v e s t i g a t e whether the A s i a n s u b j e c t s ' expectancy f o r c o n t r o l , as ex-pressed i n the v a r i a b l e s o f c o n t r o l by l u c k , personal, a b i l i t y , and e f f o r t , and c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s , such as t e a c h e r s , i s r e l a t e d to a c t u a l behavior ( i . e . , w r i t i n g an E n g l i s h language t e s t ) and to the outcome of t h a t behavior ( i . e . , success o r f a i l u r e a t the t e s t ) . 9 CHAPTER I I Review of the L i t e r a t u r e A D e f i n i t i o n o f Locus of C o n t r o l Reinforcement, reward or g r a t i f i c a t i o n p l a y s an important r o l e i n the a c q u i s i t i o n and performance of a person's s k i l l s and knowledge and i n d e t e r m i n i n g g e n e r a l b e h a v i o r . However, no two persons w i l l r e a c t t o a reward or r e i n f o r c e m e n t i n the same manner. One of the determinants of t h i s r e a c t i o n i s the degree to which the i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e s the reward as a d i r e c t outcome of a p a r t i c u l a r b e h a v i o r , e f f o r t or a t t r i b u t e or, c o n v e r s e l y , as an outcome c o n t r o l l e d by o u t s i d e f o r c e s which may occur independently of any s p e c i f i c a c t i o n s (Rotter, 1954). Reinforcement a l s o a c t s t o s t r e n g t h e n an expectancy t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r b e h a v i o r or event w i l l be f o l l o w e d by c o n t i n u e d r e i n f o r c e m e n t i n the f u t u r e . Once an expectancy f o r such a b e h a v i o r r e i n f o r c e m e n t sequence i s b u i l t up, i t tends t o g e n e r a l i z e from a s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n t o a s e r i e s o f s i t u a t i o n s which are p e r c e i v e d as r e l a t e d or s i m i l a r . T h i s g e n e r a l i z e d expectancy or a t t i t u d e or b e l i e f becomes a p e r -s o n a l i t y v a r i a b l e and might a f f e c t a v a r i e t y of b e h a v i o r a l c h o i c e s i n a broad spectrum of l i f e s i t u a t i o n s . G e n e r a l i z e d e x p e c t a n c i e s i n two d i f f e r e n t persons, f o r example, w i l l r e s u l t i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c d i f f e r e n c e s i n b e h a v i o r i n a p a r t i -c u l a r s i t u a t i o n ( R o t t e r , 1954, 1962). Thus, when a person 10 has the g e n e r a l i z e d expectancy t h a t an event or reinforcement i s c o n t i n g e n t upon p e r s o n a l behavior or r e l a t i v e l y permanent i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , the r e s u l t i s a b e l i e f i n i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l . In c o n t r a s t , when a rei n f o r c e m e n t i s p e r c e i v e d by the s u b j e c t as f o l l o w i n g some p e r s o n a l a c t i o n but not being e n t i r e l y c o n t i n g e n t upon t h a t a c t i o n and o c c u r r i n g as a r e s u l t o f l u c k , chance, f a t e or as the r e s u l t of the i n t e r -mediation of powerful o t h e r s , o r where the r e s u l t i s unpre-d i c t a b l e because of the g r e a t complexity of e x t e r n a l f o r c e s , then the s u b j e c t has a b e l i e f i n e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l (Rotter, 1966). The Theory of Reinforcement i n S o c i a l L e a r n i n g R o t t e r (1966) a f f i r m e d t h a t the i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l v a r i a b l e " i s of major s i g n i f i c a n c e i n understanding the nature o f l e a r n i n g processes i n d i f f e r e n t k i n d s of l e a r n i n g s i t u a t i o n s and a l s o t h a t c o n s i s t e n t i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s e x i s t among i n d i v i d u a l s i n the degree t o which they are l i k e l y to a t t r i b u t e p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l t o reward i n the same s i t u a t i o n " (p. 1) . As R o t t e r ' s c o n c l u s i o n p r e d i c t e d , the i n t e r n a l -e x t e r n a l c o n s t r u c t has been l i n k e d c l o s e l y t o s o c i a l l e a r n i n g and p e r s o n a l i t y t h e o r i e s . In s o c i a l l e a r n i n g experiments, i t has been observed t h a t d i f f e r e n c e s i n s u b j e c t behavior are r e l a t e d to task d i f f e r e n c e s along a dimension of s k i l l and chance (Bennions, 1961; Blackman, 1962; Phares, 1957, 1962). Cohen (19 60) has a l s o noted the tendency f o r the "gambler's f a l l a c y " to appear i n games of chance, and to produce an 11 e f f e c t o p p o s i t e t o the u s u a l e f f e c t of re i n f o r c e m e n t . S o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s have long been i n t e r e s t e d i n the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the b e l i e f i n f a t e , chance or l u c k . Veblen (1899) f e l t t h a t a b e l i e f i n lu c k or chance, t h a t i s , an e x t e r n a l b e l i e f , r e p r e s e n t e d a b a r b a r i a n approach t o l i f e and was g e n e r a l l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f a s o c i e t y which i s i n e f f i c i -ent, l e s s p r o d u c t i v e , i n e f f e c t i v e and g e n e r a l l y p a s s i v e . Merton (1946) e x p l a i n e d the b e l i e f i n luck i n .terms of d e f e n s i v e behavior, as an attempt "to serve the p s y c h o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n o f e n a b l i n g people t o p r e s e r v e t h e i r s e l f - e s t e e m i n the f a c e of f a i l u r e , or may a l s o i n some i n d i v i d u a l s a c t to c u r t a i l s u s t a i n e d endeavor" (p. 3 ). Rott e r (1975) w r i t e s about the 'good guy-bad guy' dichotomy. He complains t h a t , "In s p i t e of f e a r s , and even warning t o the c o n t r a r y , some p s y c h o l o g i s t s q u i c k l y assume t h a t i t i s good t o be i n t e r n a l and bad to be e x t e r n a l , " and t h a t , " I t would h e l p i n such i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i f the r e s e a r c h e r had not a l r e a d y p r e d e t e r -mined t h a t i n t e r n a l s are always 'good guys' and e x t e r n a l s are always 'bad guys'." (Rotter, 19 75, p. 60 ). The i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l v a r i a b l e i s a l s o r e l a t e d t o the concept of a l i e n a t i o n . Seeman (1959) l i n k e d t h i s concept of a l i e n a t i o n as i t r e f e r s t o powerlessness to i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l as a p s y c h o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e , and H e f f l e r (1957) and Soole (1956) developed a crude i n d i v i d u a l measure of a l i e n a -t i o n w i t h the i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l v a r i a b l e as one determining f a c t o r . 12 R o t t e r (196 6) hypothesized t h a t i n t e r n a l s would show more o v e r t s t r i v i n g f o r achievement than e x t e r n a l s . Other i n v e s t i g a t i o n s (Atkinson, 1958;. C r a n d a l l , 1963; M c C l e l l a n d , A t k i n s o n e t a l , 1953) suggested t h a t people who scored h i g h on the need f o r achievement had some b e l i e f i n t h e i r own a b i l i t y and s k i l l t o determine the outcome of t h e i r e f f o r t s . Development of the I n t e r n a l - E x t e r n a l (I-E) S c a l e  and R e l a t e d S t u d i e s The f i r s t attempt t o measure i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n the b e l i e f i n e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l as a p s y c h o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e was begun by Phares (1957) i n h i s study of chance and s k i l l e f -f e c t s on e x p e c t a n c i e s f o r r e i n f o r c e m e n t . He developed a Likertrtype s c a l e with t h i r t e e n items s t a t e d as e x t e r n a l a t t i -tudes and t h i r t e e n as i n t e r n a l a t t i t u d e s . Phares found t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s with i n t e r n a l a t t i t u d e s would behave i n a manner s i m i l a r t o a l l s u b j e c t s when p l a c e d i n a chance s i t u a t i o n versus a s k i l l s i t u a t i o n . I n d i v i d u a l s w i t h e x t e r n a l a t t i -tudes ( e x t e r n a l s ) tended to make unusual and i l l o g i c a l or u n r e l a t e d s h i f t s i n e x p e c t a n c i e s . Phares' work was f o l l o w e d by James (19 57) who used Phares 1 s c a l e and a r e v i s i o n of Phares' t e s t w i t h a L i k e r t format composed of 26 items p l u s f i l l e r items. The c h o i c e of the 26 items was based on those items which appeared to be > most s u c c e s s f u l i n the o r i g i n a l Phares study. James found t h a t e x t e r n a l s u b j e c t s had s m a l l e r increments and decrements f o l l o w i n g success and f a i l u r e ; they g e n e r a l i z e d l e s s from one , 13 task t o another and recovered l e s s f o l l o w i n g the p e r i o d of e x t i n c t i o n . R o t t e r (1966), i n a s s o c i a t i o n with Seeman and the l a t e L i v e r a n t , undertook to broaden the t e s t . They developed sub-s c a l e s f o r d i f f e r e n t areas, such as achievement, a f f e c t i o n and g e n e r a l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s , i n c o n s t r u c t i n g a new f o r c e d - c h o i c e q u e s t i o n n a i r e . The e a r l i e s t v e r s i o n of R o t t e r ' s s c a l e i n c l u d e d 100 f o r c e d - c h o i c e items, each one comparing an e x t e r n a l b e l i e f with an i n t e r n a l b e l i e f . The 100-item f o r c e d -choice s c a l e was e v e n t u a l l y trimmed down t o a 29-item t e s t which i n c l u d e d s i x f i l l e r items intended to make the purpose of the t e s t a l i t t l e more ambiguous. The items i n the R o t t e r I-E s c a l e d e a l e x c l u s i v e l y with the s u b j e c t ' s b e l i e f about the nature of the world as i l l u s -t r a t e d by the s u b j e c t ' s e x p e c t a t i o n s about how reinforcement i s c o n t r o l l e d . The I-E s c a l e was t e s t e d on s u b j e c t s s e l e c t e d from a v a r i e t y of p o p u l a t i o n s : c o l l e g e ' s t u d e n t s chosen a t random, d i f f e r e n t p r i s o n e r p o p u l a t i o n s , Negro p o p u l a t i o n s , Peace Corps v o l u n t e e r s , and high s c h o o l students. These and other s t u d i e s p r o v i d e d s t r o n g evidence of the v a l i d i t y of the I-E s c a l e ' s c o n s t r u c t , e i t h e r from p r e d i c t e d d i f f e r e n c e s i n the behavior of i n t e r n a l s and e x t e r n a l s or from c o r r e l a t i o n s between b e h a v i o r a l c r i t e r i a and i n t e r n a l i t y . One such study (Seeman, 1964) seemed to i n d i c a t e t h a t membership i n a union versus non-membership, the degree of a c t i v i t y w i t h i n the union, and g e n e r a l knowledge of p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s were a l l s i g n i f i -c a n t l y r e l a t e d to i n t e r n a l i t y . 14 " R e l i a b i l i t y measures r e p o r t e d f o r the I n t e r n a l -E x t e r n a l (I-E) C o n t r o l Scale have been c o n s i s t e n t " (Joe, 1971, p. 619). R o t t e r (1966) r e p o r t e d good d i s c r i m i n a n t v a l i d i t y f o r the I-E s c a l e as i n d i c a t e d by low c o r r e l a t i o n s w i t h v a r i -a b l e s such as i n t e l l i g e n c e , s o c i a l d e s i r a b i l i t y and p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n ; but some f i n d i n g s , f o r example, T o l o r (1967) and T o l o r and J a l a w i e c (1968) found n o n s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n s between the I-E s c a l e and the Marlowe-Crowne S o c i a l D e s i r a -b i l i t y S c a l e . I n t e r e s t i n the I-E s c a l e has generated the development of many oth e r s i m i l a r s c a l e s : Schneider (1968) c o n s t r u c t e d a f o r c e d - c h o i c e a c t i v i t y p r e f e r e n c e s c a l e ; Dies (1968) developed a p r o j e c t i v e measure f o r e v a l u a t i n g i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l from TAT s t o r i e s ; C r a n d a l l , Katkovsky and C r a n d a l l (1965) designed an I-E s c a l e f o r c h i l d r e n ; Nowicki and S t r i c k l a n d (1972,1973) designed two s c a l e s , one f o r no n - c o l l e g e as w e l l as c o l l e g e a d u l t s and one f o r c h i l d r e n ; and, l a s t l y , Levenson (1973) c r e a t e d the IPC ( i n t e r n a l , powerful o t h e r s and chance) s c a l e by e s s e n t i a l l y c a t e g o r i z i n g and rewording the items on the R o t t e r s c a l e . The I-E S c a l e , L e a r n i n g and Achievement S t u d i e s seem to i n d i c a t e t h a t i n t e r n a l s perform b e t t e r than .externals under c o n d i t i o n s where s k i l l c o n t r o l s the out-come, while e x t e r n a l s perform b e t t e r than i n t e r n a l s under c o n d i t i o n s determined by chance ( L e f c o u r t , 196 5; L e f c o u r t , Lewis & Silverman, 1968). 15 Seeman's study of prison inmates (1963) should be of great i n t e r e s t to educators for i t indicates the importance of values as well as expectancies for making d i f f e r e n t i a l pre-d i c t i o n s of learning. Seeman found that inmates low i n exter-n a l i t y learned the parole-related material s i g n i f i c a n t l y better than inmates high i n ex t e r n a l i t y . Seeman's study also showed that inmates, who had earned merits demonstrating con-formity to i n s t i t u t i o n demands, were low i n exte r n a l i t y and learned more of the parole-related material. These studies seem to indicate that, with regard to the learning variable, the internal-external construct allows some prediction when the materials are relevant to the subject's goals. Many studies have correlated the I-E construct with the need for achievement, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of academic and i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t i e s and pursuits (Chance, 1965; Crandall, Katakovsky & Crandall, 196 5). Internals spent more time i n i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t i e s , exhibited more intense i n t e r e s t i n academic pursuits, and ranked higher on i n t e l l i g e n c e tests and other academic tests than did externals. In two studies (Gurin & Gurin, Lao & Beattie, 1969; Lao, 1970) students with a high sense of personal control had higher achievement test scores and grades, higher academic confidence, and higher educational expectations and aspira-tions than did students who held a b e l i e f i n control ideology. These re s u l t s suggest that i t i s the sense of personal control rather than control ideology that d i f f e r e n t i a t e s motivation and performance. 16 P e r s o n a l i t y and the I-E S c a l e Hersch and Scheibe (1967) c o r r e l a t e d the I-E s c a l e w i t h the C a l i f o r n i a P s y c h o l o g i c a l Inventory (CPI) and the A d j e c t i v e Check L i s t (ACL) and found t h a t i n t e r n a l l y - o r i e n t e d s u b j e c t s scored h i g h e r than e x t e r n a l l y - o r i e n t e d s u b j e c t s on the Dominance, To l e r a n c e , Good Impression, S o c i a b i l i t y , I n t e l -l e c t u a l E f f i c i e n c y , Achievement v i a Conformance and Well-Being s c a l e s , and tended to d e s c r i b e themselves as a s s e r t i v e , a c h i e v i n g , powerful, independent, e f f e c t i v e and i n d u s t r i o u s (Joe, 1971). Feather (1967) noted a s i g n i f i c a n t tendency f o r e x t e r n a l l y - s c o r i n g s u b j e c t s of both sexes to r e p o r t more d e b i l i t a t i n g a n x i e t y and n e u r o t i c symptoms. T o l o r and R e z n i k o f f (1967) r e p o r t e d t h a t e x t e r n a l scores were s i g n i f i -c a n t l y r e l a t e d to s e n s i t i z a t i o n and o v e r t death a n x i e t y while i n t e r n a l s c o r e s were s i g n i f i c a n t l y r e l a t e d to r e p r e s s i o n and i n s i g h t . I-E C o n s t r u c t and A n x i e t y Research i n t h i s area suggests t h a t e x t e r n a l s d e s c r i b e themselves as anxious, l e s s a b l e t o show c o n s t r u c t i v e responses i n overcoming f r u s t r a t i o n and more concerned w i t h f e a r of f a i l u r e than w i t h achievement per se (Ray & Katahn, 1968; Watson, 1967). Fea t h e r ' s study (1967a, 1967b) r a i s e s the q u e s t i o n of whether the b e l i e f i n e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l produces a n x i e t y or whether a n x i e t y produces a b e l i e f i n e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l . F u r t h e r study of t h i s problem would h e l p i l l u m i n a t e the I-E c o n t r o l dimension i n s u b j e c t s from underdeveloped and d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s and from other e t h n i c c u l t u r e s . 17 The I-E Dimension i n a C r o s s - c u l t u r a l Context I t c o u l d be t h a t a b e l i e f i n e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l i s a r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t a n x i e t y l e a r n e d and r e i n f o r c e d by p a s t expe-r i e n c e s i n s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s . I f t h i s i s so, then the f a c t t h a t s u b j e c t s from low socio-economic l e v e l s and from under-developed and/or d e v e l o p i n g s o c i e t i e s tend to score h i g h on the e x t e r n a l i t y s c a l e seems f a i r l y l o g i c a l . In North America, Negroes, A s i a n Americans, new immigrants and people from o t h e r e t h n i c groups, such as Mexicans and people from lower s o c i o -economic l e v e l s g e n e r a l l y , have hi g h e r e x t e r n a l scores than whites and m i d d l e - c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s ( B a t t l e & R o t t e r , 1963; L e f c o u r t & Ludwig, 1965a, 1966). S c o t t and Phelan (1966) noted t h a t unemployed whites were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more i n t e r n a l l y o r i e n t e d than unemployed Negroes or Mexicans, and unemployed male a d u l t s were more e x t e r n a l l y o r i e n t e d than white middle-c l a s s c o l l e g e students. Hsieh, Shybut and L o t s o f (1969), i n a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparison study, r e p o r t e d t h a t Anglo-Americans were s i g n i f i -c a n t l y more i n t e r n a l l y o r i e n t e d than American-born Chinese and Hong Kong-born Chinese. In a d d i t i o n , the American-born Chinese were s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower on the e x t e r n a l s c a l e than the Hong Kong-born Chinese. Parsons and Schneider (1970) compared the I-E a t t i t u d e s of u n i v e r s i t y students i n two western s o c i e t i e s which d i f f e r i n the degree of governmental c o n t r o l ; namely, Denmark and the U n i t e d S t a t e s . Danish and U.S. students manifested the same 18 g e n e r a l l e v e l of i n t e r n a l i t y . However, they d i f f e r e d i n the p a t t e r n of s c o r i n g over the v a r i o u s items comprising the I-E s c a l e . When asked t P p r e d i c t other students' responses, Danes a s c r i b e d g r e a t e r i n t e r n a l i t y t o U.S. and West German students, while U.S. students a s c r i b e d g r e a t e r e x t e r n a l i t y t o West German, Japanese and other U.S. students. T h i s i n t e r e s t i n g study seems to i n d i c a t e t h a t the I-E s c a l e i s a f a i r l y v a l u a b l e s c a l e f o r determining p e r c e p t i o n s of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and n a t i o n a l s t e r e o t y p e s . Graves (1967) adapted the I-E s c a l e f o r high s c h o o l students and s t u d i e d the e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s i n an i s o l a t e d t r i - e t h n i c community. He found whites to be l e a s t e x t e r n a l , f o l l o w e d by Spanish Americans. Indians were the most e x t e r n a l i n a t t i t u d e s . Graves f e l t t h a t e t h n i c i t y was an important source of v a r i a n c e a f t e r other f a c t o r s were c o n t r o l l e d . R e i t z and G r o f f (1972) s t u d i e d the I-E o r i e n t a t i o n of workers i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , a developed Western country, Japan, a developed O r i e n t a l country, Mexico, a d e v e l o p i n g Western country, and T h a i l a n d , a d e v e l o p i n g O r i e n t a l country. S u b j e c t s were a l l nonsupervisory workers i n i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s . The authors adopted the f o u r c a t e g o r i e s c r e a t e d by Schneider and Parsons (1970): luck and f a t e , p o l i t i c s , r e s p e c t , l e a d e r -s h i p and success. They omitted the category on academic success. In the " l e a d e r s h i p and success" category, workers from each of the two developed economies, the U.S. and Japan, were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more i n t e r n a l than workers from e i t h e r of the two d e v e l o p i n g economies, Mexico and T h a i l a n d . On "personal r e s p e c t " , as hypothesized, workers from each of the two O r i e n t a l c o u n t r i e s were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more e x t e r n a l than workers from e i t h e r of the two Western c o u n t r i e s . Contrary to the h y p o t h e s i s , the Japanese workers were l e a s t e x t e r n a l on p o l i t i c s ; and workers from developed c o u n t r i e s (U.S. and Japan) tended t o be more e x t e r n a l than workers from d e v e l o p i n g coun-t r i e s ( T h a i l a n d and Mexico) on g e n e r a l luck and f a t e . T h i s study has p r o v i d e d g r e a t e r i n s i g h t i n t o d i f f e r e n c e s among c u l t u r a l groups than was f o r m e r l y o b t a i n e d by simply comparing t o t a l s c o r e s . Levenson's I n t e r n a l , Powerful Others and Chance (IPC) S c a l e J u s t as Schneider and Parsons concluded t h a t the I-E s c a l e was not u n i d i m e n s i o n a l , so have other i n v e s t i g a t o r s (Gurin e t a l , 1970; Lao, 1970; Levenson, 1973; M u r i e l s , 1970). Levenson suggested t h a t the d e f i n i t i o n o f e x t e r n a l s as those with e x p e c t a n c i e s t h a t f a t e , chance, or powerful others con-t r o l events was f a r too g l o b a l . She c r e a t e d a new s c a l e t h a t a c t u a l l y comprises three s c a l e s , -- i n t e r n a l , powerful o t h e r s , and chance (IPC), — to measure b e l i e f i n chance ex p e c t a n c i e s as separate from a powerful others o r i e n t a t i o n . She p o s t u l a t e d t h a t people who b e l i e v e the world i s unordered, or dependent on chance, would behave and t h i n k d i f f e r e n t l y from people who b e l i e v e the world i s ordered, but t h a t powerful o t h e r s are i n c o n t r o l . In the l a t t e r case a p o t e n t i a l f o r c o n t r o l e x i s t s . Levenson suggested t h a t by s e p a r a t i n g the elements of R o t t e r ' s u n i d i m e n s i o n a l s c a l e i n t o the t h r e e dimensions of i n t e r n a l , powerful o t h e r s and chance, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a 20 person's involvement and e x p e c t a t i o n f o r c o n t r o l , e.g., i n t e s t i n g Negroes' a t t i t u d e s about p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n demonstra-t i o n s , would be b e t t e r understood. Each f a c e t of the IPC s c a l e c o n s i s t s of e i g h t items i n a L i k e r t 6-point format. The IPC s c a l e has another v e r y important d i f f e r e n c e from R o t t e r ' s I-E s c a l e . A l l the statements i n the three s c a l e s are phrased so t h a t each statement addresses the s u b j e c t d i r e c t l y . Thus, the t e s t measures the degree to which an i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s i n p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l over what happens as d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from p e r c e i v e d a t t i t u d e s about people i n g e n e r a l . Using the s c a l e s on 96 male and female a d u l t s , Levenson came to the f o l l o w i n g c o n c l u s i o n s : (1) Mean d i f f e r e n c e s i n d i c a t e d t h a t the I s c a l e (M = 35.48) was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from both the P (M = 16.65) and C (M = 13.94) s c a l e s ; (2) The P and C s c a l e s c o r r e l a t e d moderately with each other but both were n e g a t i v e l y r e l a t e d to the I s c a l e ; (3) A person w i t h h i g h e x p e c t a t i o n s of c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s (high P) or low e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r c o n t r o l by s e l f ( external) w i l l s t i l l be i n v o l v e d i n s o c i a l a c t i o n (such as demonstrations), but a person who scores h i g h on chance would not b e l i e v e t h a t t h e r e i s hope f o r c o n t r o l and, t h e r e f o r e , would be l e s s i n v o l v e d . Because the IPC s c a l e measures the dimension of c o n t r o l more s p e c i f i c a l l y and a c c u r a t e l y , i t may be a more u s e f u l and v a l i d instrument f o r t e s t i n g people of other c u l t u r e s . Mahler (1974) t e s t e d American and Japanese students w i t h the IPC s c a l e and found t h a t American students scored i n a more i n t e r n a l d i r e c t i o n than d i d Japanese students, but Japanese students f e e l t h a t they are more c o n t r o l l e d by chance and luck than do American students. Mahler had hypothesized t h a t Japanese students would score h i g h e r on c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s but the r e s u l t s showed otherwise. Lao (1977), u s i n g the s c a l e s on Chinese and Americans and comparing h i s r e s u l t s w i t h Mahler's, concluded t h a t (1) the f o r c e s of the c o n t r o l v a r i a b l e may be t a p p i n g some b a s i c p s y c h o l o g i c a l dimension common to d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s , (2) t h e r e was a high degree of s i m i l a r i t y between the Chinese and the U.S. s c o r e s , (3) there was a s i g n i f i c a n t p a t t e r n between the sexes f o r each c u l t u r e , and (4) c o n t r a r y to e x p e c t a t i o n s as i n Mahler's study, U.S. students scored h i g h e s t on the P s c a l e ( c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s ) , f o l l o w e d by the Chinese and then the Japanese, who had the lowest s c o r e s . The IPC s c a l e , as i t i s presented i n three s u b s c a l e s , i s an instrument of g r e a t p o t e n t i a l i n the study of the c o n t r o l dimension as i t p e r t a i n s to m i n o r i t y groups. On the R o t t e r I-E s c a l e , e t h n i c group members and people from lower s o c i o -economic l e v e l s score s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r on the e x t e r n a l end of the continuum (Hsieh, Shybut & L o t s o f , 1969; L e f c o u r t , 1966). But, because of the f o r c e d - c h o i c e format and the u n i -dimensional concept, t h i s g l o b a l c o n c l u s i o n i s not as p e r t i -nent and u s e f u l as the r e s u l t s o b t a i n a b l e from Levenson's IPC s c a l e . B esides, as s t u d i e s u s i n g the IPC s c a l e have shown (Lao, 1977; Mahler, 1974), the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the scores of 22 v a r i o u s c u l t u r a l groups on the i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l s c a l e were i n most cases too s m a l l t o be s i g n i f i c a n t . On the o t h e r hand, c u l t u r a l groups seem t o vary s i g n i f i c a n t l y on the chance s c a l e ; f o r example, f a c t o r y workers from developed c o u n t r i e s scored h i g h e r on the chance s c a l e than f a c t o r y workers from l e s s developed c o u n t r i e s (Reitz & G r o f f , 1974).. These d i f f e r -ences have important i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r c o u n s e l l i n g . Causal A t t r i b u t i o n of Success and F a i l u r e A t t r i b u t i o n theory examines the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a n a l y s i s of b e h a v i o r a l c a u s a t i o n f o r the purpose of understanding how the a n a l y s i s a f f e c t s b e h a v i o r . A t t r i b u t i o n theory i s "based on t h r e e broad assumptions: (I) The i n d i v i d u a l attempts t o a s s i g n a cause f o r important i n s t a n c e s of h i s behavior and t h a t of o t h e r s ; when necessary, he seeks i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t enables him to do so. (II) His assignment of causes i s determined i n a systematic manner. ( I l l ) The p a r t i c u l a r cause t h a t he a t t r i b u t e s ... [ a f f e c t s ] h i s subsequent f e e l i n g s and b e h a v i o r " (Jones, 1972, p. 8) . The a t t r i b u t i o n processes have a l s o been viewed as a way of p r o v i d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h "a means of encouraging and m a i n t a i n i n g h i s e f f e c t i v e e x e r c i s e of c o n t r o l " (Jones, 1972, p. 1 2 ) . The purpose of c a u s a l a n a l y s i s i s thus e f f e c -t i v e c o n t r o l . In consequence, the a t t r i b u t i o n process i s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o the l o c u s of c o n t r o l c o n s t r u c t and i t i s maintained t h a t the " a t t r i b u t i o n a l p r o c e s s can be w e l l under-stood o n l y i n the context of a comprehensive a n a l y s i s of the e x e r c i s e o f c o n t r o l " (Jones, 1972, p. 12 ). W i t h i n t h i s c o n t e x t , t o o , c o n t r o l o f one's environment i n v o l v e s a b a l a n c e between " C o n t r o l l i n g t h e c o n t r o l l a b l e and c o n t r o l l i n g t h e i m p o r t a n t " (Jones, 1972, p. 15 ) . Sue, S. (1977) w r i t e s t h a t many m i n o r i t y groups, such as A s i a n A m e r i c a n s , have o v e r t h e y e a r s become aware o f t h e ar e a s o f c o n t r o l and n o n c o n t r o l . I n t h e c o n t r o l l a b l e a r e a s , such as t h e s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a s p e c t s o f l i f e and i n academic p u r s u i t s , t h e A s i a n Americans have e x e r c i s e d t h e i r c o n t r o l and succeeded; b u t i n o t h e r a r e a s , such as c i v i l r i g h t s and p o l i t i c a l power, t h e y have k e p t away, b e i n g i n f l u e n c e d by a l o n g h i s t o r y o f n e g a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s w h i c h were o f t e n m a n i f e s t e d i n u n f a i r l e g i s l a t i o n and r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Through t h i s h i s t o r y o f e x p e r i e n c e , A s i a n Americans have f a l l e n p r e y t o l e a r n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s . Sue b e l i e v e s t h a t t h e r e i s a d e f i n i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e c o n c e p t s o f l o c u s o f c o n t r o l and l e a r n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s . I t would seem t h a t , as f a r as A s i a n Americans a r e c o n c e r n e d , t h e t h r e e c o n c e p t s o f a t t r i b u -t i o n , l o c u s o f c o n t r o l and l e a r n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s a r e i n t e r -r e l a t e d . I n d i v i d u a l s do not employ t h e same c a u s a l e x p l a n a t i o n s t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e i r s u c c e s s e s and f a i l u r e s . I n d i v i d u a l s t e n d t o t a k e more p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r s u c c e s s e s t h a n t h e i r f a i l u r e s and t o v i e w e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s , such as l u c k and t a s k d i f f i c u l t y , as b e i n g more r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e s (Jones &. Wortman,. ,1973) . M i l l e r and Ross (1975) found t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s a r e more l i k e l y t o a c c e p t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r expected outcomes than unexpected outcomes and, i n g e n e r a l , people expect success and not f a i l u r e . In another study, M i l l e r (1976) found t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s engaged i n more s e l f -p r o t e c t i v e a t t r i b u t i o n s under h i g h - than low-involvement f a i l u r e c o n d i t i o n s . S i m i l a r l y high-involvement success s u b j e c t s engaged i n more s e l f - e n h a n c i n g a t t r i b u t i o n s . High-involvement f a i l u r e s u b j e c t s a t t r i b u t e d more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r performance to l u c k . M i l l e r had manipulated a s o c i a l -p e r c e p t i v e n e s s s c a l e (SPS), t e s t i n g i n such a way t h a t s u b j e c t s would e i t h e r be h i g h l y - or c a s u a l l y - i n v o l v e d i n the t a s k . E a r l i e r s t u d i e s had not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the s t a b i l i t y dimension of the a t t r i b u t i o n f a c t o r s , such as a b i l i t y , e f f o r t , e v a l u a t o r accuracy, task d i f f i c u l t y and l u c k . Duerk (1975) p o s t u l a t e d t h a t the s t a b i l i t y dimension i s an important con-s i d e r a t i o n . L e f c o u r t e t a l (197 9) developed a go a l s p e c i f i c m u l t i a t t r i b u t i o n a l assessment (MMCS) i n which d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s are made between success and f a i l u r e , i n t e r n a l i t y - e x t e r n a l i t y , s t a b i l i t y - i n s t a b i l i t y , and a c h i e v e m e n t - a f f i l i a t i o n . They found t h a t "goal s p e c i f i c measures of lo c u s of c o n t r o l should be b e t t e r p r e d i c t o r s of behavior a s s o c i a t e d with t h e i r r e s p e c -t i v e g o a ls than g e n e r a l i z e d l o c u s of c o n t r o l measures" (p.288). A disadvantage i s t h a t the former should a l l o w f o r l e s s g e n e r a l i t y than the l a t t e r . A number of a t t r i b u t i o n of c a u s a l i t y s t u d i e s have been conducted i n the c r o s s - c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t . F r y and Ghosh (1980) conducted a study u s i n g c h i l d r e n from Canadian Caucasian and A s i a n Indian p o p u l a t i o n s . Caucasian s u b j e c t s took g r e a t e r p e r s o n a l c r e d i t f o r success and a t t r i b u t e d f a i l u r e t o l u c k , but A s i a n s u b j e c t s assumed more p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r f a i l u r e and a t t r i b u t e d success to l u c k . I t was f e l t t h a t the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process of the two c u l t u r e s had an i n f l u e n c e on the a t t r i b u t i o n p r o c e s s . Chandler, Shama et a l (1981) c a r r i e d out a c r o s s -n a t i o n a l study of m u l t i a t t r i b u t i o n a l c a u s a l i t y u s i n g L e f c o u r t e t a l ' s MMCS. Subject s were s e l e c t e d from the f i v e c o u n t r i e s of I n d i a , Japan, South A f r i c a , the U n i t e d S t a t e s and Y u g o s l a v i a . Across a l l c o u n t r i e s , s u b j e c t s a t t r i b u t e d t h e i r achievement more to t h e i r own e f f o r t than to a b i l i t y , luck or c o n t e x t . Among c o u n t r i e s , the d i f f e r e n c e s f o r a t t r i b u t i o n s to a b i l i t y , context and luck were s i g n i f i c a n t . C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s A f f e c t i n g Locus of C o n t r o l : The World of  Nature i n Chinese C u l t u r e For the Chinese, the world of man and the world of nature c o n s t i t u t e one g r e a t i n d i v i s i b l e u n i t y (Bodde, 1981). Man i s but a p a r t , though a v i t a l p a r t , of the u n i v e r s e as a whole. T h i s concept may have o r i g i n a l l y sprung from the a g r a r i a n nature of Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n and i t s dependence upon the u n p r e d i c t a b l e f o r c e s of nature. T h i s b e l i e f i s f u r t h e r strengthened by the p h i l o s o p h y of Taoism whose b a s i c p r i n c i p l e i s t h a t Man must subordinate h i m s e l f to Tao, t h a t i s , Nature. In the west happiness i s to be found by h a r n e s s i n g the f o r c e s of nature t o the w i l l of man. In China, on the c o n t r a r y , when one surrenders o n e s e l f t o the u n i v e r s e as one f i n d s i t , one gains the t r u e happiness of contentment i n s i m p l i c i t y (Bodde, 1981). "The u n i v e r s e i s my mind, and my mind i s t h e u n i v e r s e , so t h a t i f I can d e v e l o p c o m p l e t e l y my mind, I t h e r e b y become i d e n t i f i e d w i t h Heaven," s a i d Lu Chin-Yuan ( Bodde, 19 81, p. 275). Heaven, o r T ' i e n , i s a t o t a l c o s mic p r o c e s s , and whatever i s i n t h e u n i v e r s e must be good, s i m p l y because i t i s (Bodde, 1981). I f something i s amiss o r i f something i s beyond t h e c o n t r o l o f man, i t i s because man has f a i l e d t o a c t u a l i z e t h e p o t e n t i a l o f h i s n a t u r e and has f a i l e d t o u n d e r s t a n d a d e q u a t e l y how the u n i v e r s e o p e r a t e s . Man s h o u l d t h e n a c c e p t t h e consequences o f h i s b e h a v i o r o r any n a t u r a l cosmic happenings w i t h a c q u i e s c e n c e . Quiescence (Ching) i s an i m p o r t a n t c o n c e p t i n b o t h Taoism and Buddhism. "Emptiness, q u i e s c e n c e , s t i l l n e s s and n o n a c t i v i t y : t h e s e a r e t h e l e v e l s o f t h e u n i v e r s e and t h e p e r f e c t i o n o f Tao and Te (the Power)" (Bodde, 1981, p. 277). The s c h o o l s o f Taoism, C o n f u c i a n i s m and Buddhism have t h u s c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e C h i n e s e a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e w o r k i n g s o f T ' i e n o r Heaven. I n modern s o c i e t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n w e s t e r n s o c i e t y , T ' i e n i s i n t e r p r e t e d as F a t e . One d i f f e r e n c e i s t h a t , a c c o r d i n g t o C h i n e s e p h i l o -sophy, F a t e i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y m a l e v o l e n t because T ' i e n o r t h e U n i v e r s e i s always i n a s t a t e o f f l u x (Bodde, 1981) and any one event need n o t be seen as e v i l . O b j e c t i v e s o f t h e Study When s u b j e c t s from c u l t u r e s o t h e r t h a n t h e w h i t e N o r t h A m e r i c a n c u l t u r e have been t e s t e d , t h e f i n d i n g s show them t o be more e x t e r n a l l y - c o n t r o l l e d (Graves, 1967; H s i e h , Shybut & L o t s o f , 1969; R e i t z & G r o f f , 1972) . But c o u n s e l l o r s b e l i e v e that an i n t e r n a l l o c u s of c o n t r o l i s an important r e q u i s i t e f o r the success o f c o u n s e l l i n g therapy (Connolly, 1981; L e f c o u r t , 1966; Phares, 1976, Sue, 1981) . Thus, m i n o r i t y c l i e n t s may o f t e n be viewed as " i n h e r e n t l y a p a t h e t i c , pro-c r a s t i n a t i n g , l a z y , depressed or anxious about t r y i n g " (Sue, 1981, p. 75 ). However, most r e s e a r c h has not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the multidimensions i n the e x t e r n a l f a c t o r of R o t t e r ' s I-E s c a l e . T h e r e f o r e , Levenson's IPC s c a l e , which measures the lo c u s of c o n t r o l c o n s t r u c t i n the three dimensions of i n t e r n a l -e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l , c o n t r o l by powerful others and c o n t r o l by chance, w i l l be used i n t h i s study t o assess the c o n t r o l p e r c e p t i o n of the A s i a n immigrant. The g e n e r a l o b j e c t i v e of t h i s study i s t o measure more a c c u r a t e l y the c o n s t r u c t of I-E lo c u s of c o n t r o l by employing the Levenson IPC s c a l e . In p u r s u i t of t h i s g e n e r a l o b j e c t i v e , s p e c i f i c hypotheses were formulated. Hypotheses Hypothesis 1: Mean scores on the three s u b t e s t s (Levenson's IPC s c a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y (a. = . 0 5 ) , when New A s i a n immigrants, Old A s i a n immigrants and New European immigrants are compared. Hypothesis 2: Mean scores on the thr e e s u b t e s t s (Levenson's IPC s c a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y (o£ = . 0 5 ) , when f a c u l t y and s t a f f members, New A s i a n immigrants and New European immigrants 28 are compared. Hypothesis 3: Mean scores on the three s u b t e s t s (Levenson's IPC s c a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y (oc - .05), when A s i a n f a c u l t y and s t a f f members are compared with Caucasian f a c u l t y and s t a f f members. Hypothesis 4: Mean scores on the three s u b t e s t s (Levenson's IPC scale) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y (oc = .05), when female immigrants are compared with male immigrants, whether t h e i r o r i g i n i s A s i a n or European. Hypothesis 5: There i s no p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between the subscores of the i n t e r n a l , powerful o t h e r s and chance f a c t o r s of the Levenson IPC s c a l e and the A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e . R a t i o n a l e f o r the Hypotheses As was mentioned e a r l i e r , one purpose of t h i s study i s to measure more a c c u r a t e l y the l o c u s of c o n t r o l c o n s t r u c t as i t p e r t a i n s t o A s i a n s u b j e c t s . Hersch and Scheibe (1976) have r e p o r t e d R o t t e r ' s e x t e r n a l s as be i n g a more p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y heterogeneous group than R o t t e r ' s i n t e r n a l s . In s t u d i e s undertaken t o date (Mahler, 1974; R e i t z & G r o f f , 1974), Asians have proved to be more e x t e r n a l than North American whites. I t i s hoped t h a t t h i s study w i l l p r o v i d e a c l e a r e r breakdown of the m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l c o n s t r u c t of e x t e r n a l i t y as i t p e r t a i n s t o A s i a n s u b j e c t s . In a l l the e t h n i c s t u d i e s of the l o c u s of c o n t r o l s c a l e , groups whose s o c i a l p o s i t i o n i s one of minimal power, e i t h e r by c l a s s or r a c e , tend to score h i g h e r i n the d i r e c t i o n of e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l . (The s u b j e c t s under c o n s i d e r a t i o n here a l s o share t h i s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . ) The A s i a n immigrants' world view i s i n f l u e n c e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y by the s t r o n g p e r c e p t i o n t h a t they belong to a group with m i n o r i t y s t a t u s . V i s i b l e e t h n i c d i f -f e r e n c e s and economic f a c t o r s separate them from the l a r g e r m a j o r i t y group. As immigrants (many with refugee s t a t u s ) , t h e i r r e c e n t p a s t experiences and p r e s e n t process of a c c u l t u -r a t i o n would i n f l u e n c e t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l . A study of immigrants' p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l , whether they be A s i a n or European, would, t h e r e f o r e , be u s e f u l . E x p ectancies of c o n t r o l depend on a sequence of r e i n -forcements or outcomes which are the consequences of c e r t a i n b e h a v i o r s . A cumulation of s i m i l a r p a t t e r n s of behavior and r e i n f o r c e m e n t s would a c t to strengthen an expectancy t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r behavior or event w i l l be f o l l o w e d by t h a t p a r t i -c u l a r r e i n f o r c e m e n t i n the f u t u r e . Thus, a b e h a v i o r -r e i n f o r c i n g sequence i s b u i l t up, and a g e n e r a l i z e d expectancy f o r c o n t r o l i s developed. In the context of immigrants, i t can perhaps be postu-l a t e d t h a t with the passage of time the immigrants would formulate expectancies f o r c o n t r o l a c c o r d i n g to the b e h a v i o r -r e i n f o r c i n g experiences which occur i n a new g e o g r a p h i c a l and c u l t u r a l environment. T h i s would a l s o mean t h a t the expec-tancy f o r c o n t r o l c o u l d change and adapt over time. 30 I f t h i s r a t i o n a l e i s l o g i c a l , one should then be able to p r e d i c t t h a t the expe c t a n c i e s f o r c o n t r o l of the immigrants would change over time a c c o r d i n g t o the l e n g t h of t h e i r r e s i -dence i n Canada. Though a l o n g i t u d i n a l study would be i d e a l to a s c e r t a i n t h i s , i n t h i s study i t i s hoped t h a t there would be d i f f e r e n c e s between the exp e c t a n c i e s f o r c o n t r o l of new immigrants (with r e s i d e n c y below t h r e e years) and t h a t of o l d immigrants (with r e s i d e n c y above f o u r years) which would i n d i -cate t h a t a movement or change i n the c o n t r o l c o n s t r u c t would be p o s s i b l e over a p e r i o d of time. Many pr e v i o u s s t u d i e s (Lao, 1977; Mahler, 1974; McGinnies, 19 74) have shown t h a t males, i n g e n e r a l , f e l t t h a t they had more c o n t r o l over t h e i r l i v e s than females, and t h a t they were l e s s s u s c e p t i b l e t o the i n f l u e n c e of powerful o t h e r s . In the Lao (19 77) study of American and Chinese male and female s u b j e c t s , the d i f f e r e n c e s between male and female s u b j e c t s were g r e a t e r f o r the Chinese. The h a r d s h i p s , which immigrant women endure d u r i n g the adjustment process i n the f i r s t few years i n a new country are well-documented (Immigrant Women Conference Report, 1981). Yet most of them seem t o shoulder t h i s burden w e l l . They seem t o be i n c o n t r o l . I t would be v a l u a b l e t o study t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l and to compare i t w i t h t h e i r male c o u n t e r p a r t s . I f A s i a n immigrants have d i f f e r e n t p e r c e p t i o n s of c o n t r o l because o f c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and h i s t o r i c a l t r e a t -ment by m a j o r i t y groups, what would be the nature of the 31 p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l of the European immigrants? Though v i s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s appear fewer, would other c u l t u r a l and p a s t p o l i t i c a l e xperiences i n f l u e n c e t h e i r expectancy f o r c o n t r o l ? Research has shown the Europeans to be more i n t e r n a l than the Asians (McGinnies, 1974; Schneider & Parsons, 1970). I t c o u l d be assumed t h a t as members of the f a c u l t y and s t a f f are i n more secure and s t a b l e socio-economic p o s i t i o n s , were e i t h e r born i n Canada or have l i v e d longer i n Canada, they would be i n a b e t t e r p o s i t i o n of c o n t r o l . Since they occupy p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y and r e s p e c t , t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l would be s t r o n g e r than those of t h e i r students, who many even view them as "powerful o t h e r s " . I t i s p o s t u l a t e d t h a t t h i s group of s u b j e c t s w i l l score h i g h e r on i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l w h i l e o t h e r s w i l l score h i g h e r on c o n t r o l by powerful others and by chance. What areas do A s i a n immigrants f e e l t h a t they have c o n t r o l over? Do they b e l i e v e they have the methods or means to c o n t r o l important l i f e events? Academic achievement has always ranked high i n the A s i a n immigrants' h i e r a r c h y of s o c i a l v a l u e s (Sue, S., 1977). Would they f e e l a s t r o n g sense of c o n t r o l i n the matter of success i n academic achievement? S i m i l a r l y , would the s u b j e c t c o n s i d e r t h a t f a i l u r e i n academic p u r s u i t s was due to e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s , such as luck or c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s ? I t i s hypothesized t h a t the A s i a n immi-grants who a t t r i b u t e success to i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l w i l l p e r c e i v e themselves i n c o n t r o l , f o r t h i s i s an area of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l which r e f l e c t s a person's b e l i e f about h i s / h e r own sense of p e r s o n a l competence (Sue, D., 1981). Academic achievement and an upward socio-economic m o b i l i t y have been two areas of con-t r o l h i s t o r i c a l l y open to the A s i a n immigrant (Sue, S., 1977). Assumptions T h i s t h e s i s makes the f o l l o w i n g assumptions. One i s t h a t A s i a n s and A s i a n immigrants do possess the p e r s o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t have been d e s c r i b e d to d e f i n e i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l . T h i s s u p p o s i t i o n has not been widely researched and, f o r the purposes of t h i s study, i t i s based i n p a r t on p e r s o n a l experience. In defense of the assumption, t h i s study w i l l d i s c u s s the r e l e v a n t r e s e a r c h and p o i n t t o the f a c t t h a t , h i s -t o r i c a l l y , many A s i a n immigrants a l l over the world, — i n Southeast A s i a , North America, South A f r i c a , Europe and A u s t r a l i a , -- have enjoyed economic success f o r c e n t u r i e s . The t h e s i s a l s o makes the assumption t h a t most A s i a n s , whether they be Chinese (from Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Vietnam, M a l a y s i a , Laos or South America) or Vietnamese or Japanese or Korean, share some b a s i c c u l t u r a l s i m i l a r i t i e s (Pedersen, Draguns, Lonner & Trimble, 1981). T h i s assumption i s p r e d i c a t e d on a few f a c t o r s . The m a j o r i t y of A s i a n s i n t h i s sample are e t h n i c Chinese. Chinese s o v e r e i g n t y and c u l -t u r e have had a g r e a t i n f l u e n c e on ot h e r A s i a n c o u n t r i e s , such as Vietnam, Korea and Japan over the c e n t u r i e s (Morton, 1980) . The f a c t t h a t a l l these s u b j e c t s are immigrants a l s o means t h a t they share many experiences unique t o the immi-grant adjustment p r o c e s s . 33 CHAPTER I I I Design of the Study Sample Of the t o t a l sample f o r t h i s study, 190 s u b j e c t s were taken from a community c o l l e g e which has a l a r g e department devoted t o the t e a c h i n g of E n g l i s h as a second language. T h i s E n g l i s h Language T r a i n i n g (ELT) Department has a s i z a b l e student p o p u l a t i o n o f a d u l t immigrants from a l l over the world. The s u b j e c t s of t h i s study were drawn both from s t u -dents l e a r n i n g the E n g l i s h language and f a c u l t y and s t a f f of the ELT department. The remaining 20 s u b j e c t s comprised community workers from s o c i a l agencies which p r o v i d e s e r v i c e s f o r immigrants. These s u b j e c t s were c l a s s i f i e d as s t a f f members because of t h e i r continuous i n t e r a c t i o n with the immigrant students. In a d d i t i o n , some of these s u b j e c t s a l s o q u a l i f i e d under the category of ' o l d ' A s i a n immigrants. The student immigrant s u b j e c t s were chosen from language c l a s s e s where i t was expected t h a t the l e v e l of E n g l i s h competency was high enough f o r the s u b j e c t s t o com-prehend the measuring instruments with ease. New A s i a n Immigrants. Included i n t h i s sample were immigrants from Mainland China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, the P h i l l i p p i n e s , I n d i a and other A s i a n c o u n t r i e s . These s u b j e c t s were designated as 'new' i f they had not 34 r e s i d e d i n Canada f o r more than three y e a r s . They were e n r o l l e d as a d u l t immigrant students i n the E n g l i s h language c l a s s e s h e l d at the community c o l l e g e . Old A s i a n Immigrants. These s u b j e c t s were s i m i l a r t o the 'new1 A s i a n immigrants except f o r t h e i r l e n g t h of stay i n Canada. They had been i n Canada f o r more than f o u r y e a r s . As members of the s t a f f and f a c u l t y of the c o l l e g e or s o c i a l workers f o r community agencies, 'Old' A s i a n immigrants a l s o form a subgroup of t h a t category below. New European Immigrants. These s u b j e c t s were immigrants from R u s s i a , Poland, C z e c k o s l o v a k i a , Rumania, Hungary, I t a l y , Greece and oth e r c o u n t r i e s of Europe. The immigrants had not been i n Canada f o r more than t h r e e y e a r s . As a d u l t students, they a l s o attended E n g l i s h language c l a s s e s a t the same com-munity c o l l e g e . F a c u l t y and S t a f f Members. Subjects under t h i s category were members of the f a c u l t y and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the c o l l e g e ' s E n g l i s h language department. As mentioned e a r l i e r , workers from community agencies whose c l i e n t s are the immigrant s t u -dents i n the study were i n c l u d e d i n the f a c u l t y and s t a f f c ategory. T h i s category was f u r t h e r d i v i d e d i n t o two groups: A s i a n members and Caucasian members. Old A s i a n immigrants make up the A s i a n s u b d i v i s i o n . Members of both c a t e g o r i e s were language i n s t r u c t o r s , language workers, p a r a p r o f e s s i o n a l s , c o u n s e l l i n g p e r s o n n e l , program a s s i s t a n t s , l i b r a r i a n s , h e a l t h s e r v i c e personnel or c l e r i c a l support s t a f f . 35 D e s c r i p t i o n of the Instruments Levenson's IPC S c a l e . The c h i e f instrument used was Levenson's IPC S c a l e (see Appendix A) . T h i s s c a l e was con-s t r u c t e d by Levenson to p r o v i d e a more ac c u r a t e measure "to examine the v a l i d i t y of s e p a r a t i n g the u n i d i m e n s i o n a l I-E s c a l e of R o t t e r i n t o three dimensions ( I , P, & C) i n order to understand b e t t e r the r e l a t i o n s h i p between involvement and e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r c o n t r o l " (Levenson, 1972, p. 261). The IPC S c a l e has three s c a l e s ( I n t e r n a l , Powerful Others and Chance) which are f a c t o r i a l l y independent of one another. I t has a L i k e r t - t y p e 6-point s c a l e . "On the I, P and C s c a l e s a p e r s o n a l - i d e o l o g i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n has been made as a l l statements are phrased so as to p e r t a i n o n l y to the s u b j e c t h i m s e l f . They measure the degree to which an i n d i v i -d ual f e e l s he has c o n t r o l over what happens to him, not what he f e e l s i s the case f o r 'people i n g e n e r a l ' " (Levenson, 1972, p. 261). The I, P and C s c a l e s a l s o have a high degree of p a r a l l e l i s m i n content. Item analyses were c a r r i e d out w i t h s e v e r a l p r e - t e s t groups and the r e s u l t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t a l l of the items d i s -t i n g u i s h e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y between hig h and low s c o r e r s f o r each o f the t h r e e s c a l e s . C o r r e l a t i o n s between the Marlowe Crowne S o c i a l D e s i r a b i l i t y S c a l e (1964) and each of the items were very near .00, the h i g h e s t being o n l y +.19. The IPC s c a l e p r e s e n t e d i n Appendix B shows the c o r r e -l a t i o n of each item of the 24-item s c a l e to the t o t a l s c a l e 36 s c o r e . I t can be seen t h a t these are f a i r l y h i g h and c o n s i s t e n t . The l e t t e r p r e c e d i n g the item i n d i c a t e s the s c a l e t o which i t belongs. I n t e r n a l c o n s i s t e n c y e stimates are only moderately high, but t h i s i s to be expected s i n c e the items sample from a v a r i e t y of s i t u a t i o n s . These c o r r e l a t i o n s compare f a v o r -a b l y w i t h those o b t a i n e d by R o t t e r (1966) f o r the I-E s c a l e . Kuder-Richardson r e l i a b i l i t i e s ( c o e f f i c i e n t alpha) y i e l d e d r = .64 f o r the I s c a l e , .77 f o r the P s c a l e and .78 f o r the C s c a l e . S p l i t - h a l f r e l i a b i l i t i e s (Spearman-Brown) were: r = .62 (I s c a l e ) , .66 (P s c a l e ) and .64 (C s c a l e ) . T e s t -r e t e s t r e l i a b i l i t i e s f o r a one-week p e r i o d were: r s = .64 (I s c a l e ) , .74 (P s c a l e ) and .78 (C s c a l e ) . Means f o r the second a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the s c a l e s were not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from those of the f i r s t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Levenson (19 72) maintains t h a t the three p r e d i c t e d f a c t o r s of I, P and C emerged i n f a c t o r a n a l y s i s (varimax r o t a t i o n method), and the scores were d i f f e r e n t i a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with such v a r i a b l e s as involvement and i n f o r m a t i o n . Furthermore, items r e f e r r i n g t o system c o n t r o l and to m o d i f i a b i l i t y have been omitted on the new IPC s c a l e , thereby e l i m i n a t i n g some con-founding v a r i a b l e s found i n other s t u d i e s . The IPC s c a l e c o n s i s t s o f 24 items on a 6-point L i k e r t format with 8 items f o r each of the I, P and C f a c t o r s (see Appendix B). A s u b j e c t r e c e i v e s a score on each of the three s c a l e s . The I ( i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l ) i s scored i n the i n t e r n a l d i r e c t i o n , whereas the P and C f a c t o r s are scored i n the e x t e r n a l d i r e c t i o n . The high e r score on I means h i g h e r i n t e r n a l i t y , and a high e r score on e i t h e r P or C means h i g h e r e x t e r n a l i t y . Items f o r each s c a l e are arranged to make a random blend o f I, P and C items (Appendix A). The A t t r i b u t i o n S c ale (Appendix C). A s h o r t q u e s t i o n -n a i r e of s i x statements on the same 6-point L i k e r t s c a l e as the Levenson s c a l e was designed t o observe the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s u b j e c t ' s p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l and h i s c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n f o r the reinforcement of a s p e c i f i c behavior, which, i n the case of the presen t study, took the form of the r e s u l t s (success or f a i l u r e ) of an E n g l i s h language midterm t e s t . Three of the statements asked f o r the s u b j e c t ' s c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n f o r success or f a i l u r e i n t e s t - t a k i n g i n g e n e r a l , and t h r e e statements r e f e r r e d s p e c i f i c a l l y t o the r e s u l t s of the E n g l i s h language midterm t e s t t h a t was taken. The con-t e n t of the s i x statements attempted t o cover the t h r e e f a c -t o r s of I, P and C; two statements r e l a t e d t o the s u b j e c t ' s p e r c e p t i o n o f i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l ( a b i l i t y and e f f o r t ) , two statements t o powerful o t h e r s ( s u b j e c t i v i t y of e v a l u a t o r ) , and two statements to chance ( l u c k ) . I t was hypothesized t h a t there would be a p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between the mean scores on the th r e e f a c t o r s (I , P and C) of the Levenson s c a l e and the A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e . A t e s t - r e t e s t of the A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e was taken a t another t e s t t a k i n g performance. Students (n = 15) were 38 g i v e n t h e A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e a f t e r a n i n - c l a s s e s s a y t e s t . A week l a t e r , t h e A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e was a d m i n i s t e r e d a g a i n . C o l l e c t i n g D a t a f r o m New A s i a n a n d E u r o p e a n I m m i g r a n t s L a n g u a g e i n s t r u c t o r s w e r e c o n s u l t e d t o d e t e r m i n e t h e l e v e l o f l a n g u a g e c o m p e t e n c y o f t h e s u b j e c t s . The i n s t r u m e n t , L e v e n s o n ' s I P C s c a l e ( A p p e n d i x A ) , i n t r o d u c e d b y a l e t t e r o f i n s t r u c t i o n ( A p p e n d i x F) was t h e n a d m i n i s t e r e d i n t h e c l a s s -room. Q u e s t i o n s f o r c l a r i f i c a t i o n w e r e p e r m i t t e d . L e s s t h a n h a l f a n h o u r o f c l a s s t i m e was a l l o t t e d f o r a n s w e r i n g t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e . Two h u n d r e d a n d t e n q u e s t i o n n a i r e s w e re c o l -l e c t e d i n s e v e r a l s e s s i o n s o v e r a p e r i o d o f f o u r m o n t h s . C o l l e c t i n g D a t a f r o m F a c u l t y a n d S t a f f Members Many s t a f f members who h e l p e d t o a d m i n i s t e r t h e q u e s -t i o n n a i r e a n d o t h e r members o f t h e f a c u l t y v o l u n t e e r e d t o a n s w e r t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e . A d d i t i o n a l d a t a was c o l l e c t e d f o r t h e s a m p l e b y w r i t t e n r e q u e s t ( A p p e n d i x D ) . T h i r t y - f i v e f a c u l t y members a n d 2 0 s t a f f members a n s w e r e d t h e q u e s t i o n -n a i r e . C o l l e c t i n g D a t a f o r C o m p a r i s o n o f S e x D i f f e r e n c e s i n I-E  C o n t r o l E x p e c t a n c i e s A l l d a t a c o l l e c t e d f r o m t h e 210 i m m i g r a n t s t u d e n t s u b j e c t s , w h e t h e r A s i a n o r E u r o p e a n , w ere s e p a r a t e d i n t o f e m a l e a n d m a l e c a t e g o r i e s . C o l l e c t i n g D a t a f o r t h e C o r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n E x p e c t a n c i e s f o r  C o n t r o l a n d A t t r i b u t i o n o f Outcome S u b j e c t s w e r e f i r s t g i v e n a t h r e e - h o u r E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e m i d t e r m t e s t by t h e i r i n s t r u c t o r s . A week l a t e r , t h e m i d t e r m 39 t e s t r e s u l t s were r e l e a s e d . S t u d e n t s were t h e n asked t o complete t h e two q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , t h e Levenson s c a l e and t h e A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e , and t o i n d i c a t e whether t h e y had succeeded o r f a i l e d i n t h e E n g l i s h language midterm t e s t . T h i r t y sub-j e c t s were a d m i n i s t e r e d t h e two s c a l e s . Throughout t h e st u d y no one was c o e r c e d t o p r o v i d e any d a t a . A l l q u e s t i o n n a i r e s were answered anonymously, and i n each case s u b j e c t s were asked t o p r o v i d e t h e a d d i t i o n a l p e r -s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n which i s added a t t h e end o f t h e Levenson IPC s c a l e ; namely, c o u n t r y o f o r i g i n , l e n g t h o f s t a y i n Canada, and sex. Data A n a l y s i s H y p o t h e s i s 1: Mean s c o r e s on t h e t h r e e s u b t e s t s (Levenson's IPC s c a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y (oi = . 0 5 ) , when New A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s , O l d A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s and New European imm i g r a n t s a r e compared. The f i r s t h y p o t h e s i s was t e s t e d by means o f a one-way ANOVA d e s i g n , u s i n g New A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s , O l d A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s and New European imm i g r a n t s as t h e t h r e e l e v e l s , and t h e t h r e e s u b s c o r e s o f t h e Levenson s c a l e , I - i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l , P - c o n t r o l by p o w e r f u l o t h e r s , and C - c o n t r o l by chance, as inde p e n d e n t , dependent v a r i a b l e s . H y p o t h e s i s 2: Mean s c o r e s on t h e t h r e e s u b t e s t s (Levenson's IPC s c a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y ( c * = . 0 5 ) , when f a c u l t y and s t a f f members, New 40 A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s a n d New E u r o p e a n i m m i g r a n t s a r e c o m p a r e d . The s e c o n d h y p o t h e s i s e m p l o y e d t h e same e x p e r i m e n t a l d e s i g n w i t h t h e s e t h r e e l e v e l s : f a c u l t y a n d s t a f f members, New A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s a nd New E u r o p e a n i m m i g r a n t s . T u k e y p a i r w i s e c o m p a r i s o n s w e r e p e r f o r m e d on b o t h t h e f i r s t a n d s e c o n d h y p o t h e s e s f o l l o w i n g s i g n i f i c a n t ANOVA e f -f e c t s t o a s s e s s t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e d i f f e r e n c e s among i n d i v i d u a l means. H y p o t h e s i s 3: Mean s c o r e s on t h e t h r e e s u b t e s t s ( L e v e n s o n ' s I P C s c a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y (oc = . 0 5 ) , when A s i a n f a c u l t y a n d s t a f f members a r e c o m p a r e d w i t h C a u c a s i a n f a c u l t y a n d s t a f f members. H y p o t h e s i s 4: Mean s c o r e s on t h e t h r e e s u b t e s t s ( L e v e n s o n ' s IPC s c a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i c a l l y (oc - . 0 5 ) , when f e m a l e i m m i g r a n t s a r e c o m p a r e d w i t h m a l e i m m i g r a n t s , w h e t h e r t h e i r o r i g i n i s A s i a n o r E u r o p e a n . The t h i r d a n d f o u r t h h y p o t h e s e s w e r e e a c h s u b j e c t e d t o t - t e s t a n a l y s e s . The i n d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e l e v e l s w e r e : A s i a n f a c u l t y v e r s u s C a u c a s i a n f a c u l t y , a n d m a l e i m m i g r a n t s v e r s u s f e m a l e i m m i g r a n t s . The I , P a n d C s u b s c o r e s o f t h e L e v e n s o n s c a l e w e r e a g a i n t h e d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e s . H y p o t h e s i s 5: T h e r e i s no p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e s u b s c o r e s o f t h e i n t e r n a l , p o w e r f u l o t h e r s a n d 41 chance f a c t o r s of the Levenson IPC s c a l e and the A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e . For the f i f t h h y p o t h e s i s , the Pearson r c o e f f i c i e n t c o r r e l a t i o n t e s t was employed t o examine whether t h e r e were any s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the I, P and C scores on both the Levenson s c a l e and the A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e f o r s u b j e c t s i n v o l v e d . 42 CHAPTER IV R e s u l t s Sample D e s c r i p t i o n A t o t a l of 210 s u b j e c t s were t e s t e d . Of the q u e s t i o n -n a i r e s r e t u r n e d by the s u b j e c t s , 40 were d i s c a r d e d as s p o i l t . Some completed q u e s t i o n n a i r e s were r e j e c t e d because i t was f e l t t h a t the s u b j e c t s ' l e v e l o f E n g l i s h language competency was not h i g h enough f o r them t o comprehend the q u e s t i o n n a i r e with ease. Since the q u e s t i o n n a i r e s were not p r o p e r l y f i l l e d out, i t was f e l t t h e i r content was not f u l l y understood. Some q u e s t i o n n a i r e s were r e j e c t e d because the responses were incomplete. As shown i n Table 2, the t o t a l breakdown of the s u b j e c t s were: 84 New A s i a n Immigrants, 40 New European Immigrants, and 4 6 F a c u l t y and S t a f f Members. T h i s was a mixed sample o f both male and female s u b j e c t s . From the t o t a l male and female immigrant sample (both A s i a n and Euro-pean) , o n l y a subsample of 60 female and 40 male immigrants was taken, as many completed q u e s t i o n n a i r e s f a i l e d t o note gender s t a t u s . The f a c u l t y and s t a f f s u b j e c t s were not i n -c l u d e d i n t h i s s e c t i o n o f the study. On the average the age of the new immigrant s u b j e c t s f e l l i n the range of 25 to 30 years, though t h e r e were sub-j e c t s as young as 19 and as o l d as 50. The age of the s t a f f members would be i n the range of 30 to 35 yea r s . T h i s data was c o l l e c t e d from c l a s s r e g i s t r a t i o n s and o b s e r v a t i o n . 43 TABLE 1: Sample P o p u l a t i o n Subjects Number T o t a l New A s i a n Immigrants 84 New European Immigrants 4 0 Old A s i a n Immigrants 26 (Asian F a c u l t y and S t a f f ) (26) Caucasian F a c u l t y and S t a f f 20 Rejecte d q u e s t i o n n a i r e s 40 T o t a l sample 210 Usable sample 170 Subsample Male s u b j e c t s 48 Female s u b j e c t s 60 T o t a l subsample 108 TABLE 2.: Mean Scores and Standard Deviations- f o r I d e n t i f i e d Groups on Three Dependent V a r i a b l e s : Levenson's IPC S c a l e s „ , . , ,, ... I n t e r n a l . Powerful. Others Chance S u b : ] e C t S x S.D. x S.D. x S.D. New A s i a n Immigrants 84 36.690 3.820 25.857 5.720 27.869 7.040 (NA) New European Immigrants 40 36.500 4.240 23.725 7.000 25.475 8.050 (NE) Female Immigrants 60 35.950 4.110 24.333 7.020 27.133 5.960 (F) Male Immigrants 48 37.200 5.190 25.479 14.870 27.604 5.600 (M) F a c u l t y and S t a f f 46 38.369 6.370 21.065 7.180 20.717 6.840 Members (Fa c u l t y ) A s i a n F a c u l t y and 26 38.653 7.183 21.884 7.510 22.576 7.170 Old A s i a n Immigrants (OA) Caucasian F a c u l t y 20 38.000 5.140 20.000 6.666 18.300 5.750 (CA) 45 The female sample exceeds the male sample i n number i n a l l c a t e g o r i e s . Table 2 r e p o r t s the mean scores and standard d e v i a t i o n s f o r the i d e n t i f i e d groups on the three dependent v a r i a b l e s of i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l , c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s and c o n t r o l by chance. While d i f f e r e n c e s i n the mean scores on i n t e r n a l con-t r o l among a l l the i d e n t i f i e d groups were s m a l l , the d i f f e r - J ences i n the standard d e v i a t i o n were much l a r g e r . New A s i a n immigrants and male immigrants scored h i g h e s t on both the subscales of c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s and c o n t r o l by chance. The d i f f e r e n c e s between male and female s u b j e c t s on a l l t h r e e s u b s c a l e s were very s m a l l . Caucasian f a c u l t y and s t a f f members seemed t o score most i n t e r n a l l y on the powerful o t h e r s and chance subscales when compared to the other s u b j e c t groups. T e s t - R e t e s t R e l i a b i l i t y of the A t t r i b u t i o n S c a l e A week ap a r t , a t e s t - r e t e s t of 15 s u b j e c t s was taken on the A t t r i b u t i o n S c a l e . The c o e f f i c i e n t c o r r e l a t i o n was = .849, c*L = .05, n = 15. T e s t i n g Hypothesis 1: Mean scores on the three s u b t e s t s (Levenson's IPC sc a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s -t i c a l l y (oC = .05), when New A s i a n immigrants, Old A s i a n immigrants and New European immigrants are compared. As i n d i c a t e d i n Table 3, there i s no s i g n i f i c a n t TABLE 3: ANOVA for Dependent Variable: Internal Control; Comparing New Asian, New European and Old Asian Immigrants Source S.S. df MS F Treatment Error 89.103 2701.837 2 147 44.551 18.379 2.424 Total 2990.940 149 TABLE 4: ANOVA for Dependent Variable: Control by Powerful Others; Comparing New Asian, New European and Old Asian Immigrants Source S.S. df MS F Treatment Error 355.085 4970.904 2 147 177.543 33.816 5.250* Total 5326.000 149 .05 TABLE 5: ANOVA for Dependent Variable: Control by Chance; Comparing New Asian, New European and Old Asian Immigrants Source S.S. df j MS F Treatment Error 594.393 7871.881 2 147 297.196 53.550 5.549* Total 8466.273 149 * p ^  .05 d i f f e r e n c e (oc = .05) i n the mean scores on the I n t e r n a l f a c t o r f o r the t h r e e independent groups (New A s i a n , New Euro-pean and Old A s i a n immigrants). However, t h e r e was a s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r -ence on the P ( c o n t r o l by Powerful Others) mean subscores (Table 4 ) . The Tukey p a i r w i s e comparison's t e s t r e v e a l e d t h a t New A s i a n immigrants scored more e x t e r n a l l y on c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s than Old A s i a n immigrants, while there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the New A s i a n and Newi European immigrants or Old A s i a n immigrants and New European immigrants. The e f f e c t f o r the c o n t r o l by Chance s u b t e s t was a l s o s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t (Table 5.) . Using the Tukey p a i r w i s e comparison's t e s t , i t was found t h a t there was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the mean scores of New A s i a n and Old A s i a n immigrants. Old Asians were more i n t e r n a l l y o r i e n t e d on the C (chance) f a c t o r . There was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e e i t h e r between the New A s i a n immigrants and the New European immigrants or bet-ween Old A s i a n immigrants and New European immigrants. T e s t i n g Hypothesis 2: Mean scores on the three s u b t e s t s (Levenson's IPC s c a l e ) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i -c a l l y {oC = .05), when f a c u l t y and s t a f f members, New A s i a n immigrants and New European immigrants are compared. As p r e d i c t e d , t h e r e was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n the p e r c e p t i o n of I n t e r n a l c o n t r o l by a l l groups (Table 6). TABLE 6: ANOVA for Dependent Variable: Internal Control; Comparing Faculty, New Asian and New European Subjects Source S.S. df MS F Treatment Error 102.630 3234.670 2 167 51.315 19.369 2.649 Total 3337.300 169 TABLE 7: ANOVA for Dependent Variable: Control by Powerful Others; Comparing Faculty, New Asian and New European Subjects Source S.S. df MS F Treatment Error 688.347 5899.065 2 167 344.173 35.324 9.743* Total 6587.412 169 *p<£ .05 TABLE 8: ANOVA f o r Dependent Variable: Control by Chance; Comparing Faculty, New Asian and New European Subjects Source S.S. df MS F Treatment Error 1520.792 8738.860 2 167 760.396 ,52.329 14.531* Total 10259.623 169 */0 * i .05 49 However, there was a s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t difference i n the perception of control by Powerful Others (Table 7). Tukey's pairwise comparison's test reveals that New Asian immigrants were much more external on the P subscale than were faculty members, while there was no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between the New Asian and New European immigrants or between New European immigrants and Faculty. The main e f f e c t for the control by Chance factor was s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t (Table 8). Faculty members proved most i n t e r n a l with New Europeans coming next, while New Asians were most external. Testing Hypothesis 3: Mean scores on the three subtests (Levenson's IPC scale) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i -c a l l y (ot = .05), when Asian faculty and s t a f f members are compared with Caucasian faculty and s t a f f members. The main e f f e c t for the I (internal control) factor and the P (control by powerful others) factor were not s i g n i f i c a n t when Asian faculty members were compared to Caucasian faculty members. However, Asian faculty members proved more external than Caucasian faculty members on the Chance factor, t test = -2.269,od = .05. Testing Hypothesis 4: Mean scores on the three subtests (Levenson's IPC scale) w i l l be no d i f f e r e n t , s t a t i s t i -c a l l y (oC = .05), when female immigrants are compared with male immigrants. As predicted, there was no s t a t i s t i c a l significance 50 between the mean scores of male and female s u b j e c t s f o r a l l t hree subscores. The mean d i f f e r e n c e s were not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . (t = -1.492,06 = .05). T e s t i n g Hypothesis 5: There i s no p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n b e t -ween the subscores of the i n t e r n a l , powerful o t h e r s and chance f a c t o r s of the Levenson IPC s c a l e and the A t t r i -b u t i o n s c a l e . A s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p was found between the I ( i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l ) f a c t o r score on the Levenson s c a l e and the I f a c t o r score on the A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e , r = .62 (oc = .05, n = 26). The P ( c o n t r o l by powerful others) f a c t o r scores on both s c a l e s were not r e l a t e d , r = .03 (<?c = .05, n = 26), while t h e r e was an r = .42 (oC = .05, n = 26) between the C ( c o n t r o l by chance) s c o r e s . 51 CHAPTER V An A n a l y s i s of the R e s u l t s I n t e r n a l C o n t r o l The most i n t e r e s t i n g f i n d i n g of t h i s study was t h a t t h e r e i s no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e a c r o s s a l l c u l t u r a l groups on the I n t e r n a l C o n t r o l f a c t o r . Whether ' o l d 1 Canadians or 'new' Canadians, A s i a n s or Caucasians, males or females, a l l s u b j e c t s seemed to p e r c e i v e a s i m i l a r degree of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l . And, i f we compare the mean scores of the s u b j e c t s of t h i s study t o those of other s i m i l a r s t u d i e s , as shown i n Table 9, the s u b j e c t s of t h i s study scored i n the same i n t e r n a l range as s u b j e c t s of the other s t u d i e s . The f a c t t h a t A s i a n immigrants scored as i n t e r n a l l y as non-Asian Canadians i s a departure from the norm. Most c r o s s - c u l t u r a l s t u d i e s (Hsieh e t a l , 1969; Lao e t a l , 1977; McGinnies e t a l , 1974; R e i t z & G r o f f , 1974) have shown the Caucasian t o be more i n t e r n a l . S e v e r a l c o n c l u s i o n s may be drawn from t h i s f i n d i n g . The Levenson s c a l e i s perhaps a more r e f i n e d instrument than R o t t e r ' s I-E s c a l e or Parsons and Schneider's s u b d i v i s i o n of R o t t e r ' s s c a l e . By d i v i d i n g the E x t e r n a l i t y dimension i n t o t hree dimensions of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l , c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s and c o n t r o l by chance, the s u b j e c t ' s p e r c e p t i o n of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l (which i s r e a l l y what I-E means to most people) comes i n t o c l e a r e r f o c u s . To most s u b j e c t s , i t may TABLE 9: A Comparison of F i n d i n g s Using the Levenson IPC Scale S t u d i e s N Groups Sex I n t e r n a l Powerful Chance _ Others _ X X X Lee (1982) Lao (1977) Mahler (19 ) 124 New Immigrants M&F 36 .630 24 .930 27 .100 48 New Immigrants M 37 .200 25 .480 27 .600 60 New Immigrants F 35 .950 24 .333 27 .130 84 New A s i a n s M&F 36 .690 25 .860 27 .870 48 New Europeans M&F 36 .500 23 .730 25 .480 26 A s i a n Canadians M&F 38 .650 21 .880 25 .580 (Old Asians) 20 Canadians M&F 38 .000 20 .000 18 .300 95 Americans M&F 35 .500 16 .700 13 .900 51 Chinese M 36 .390 22 .140 23 .010 F 33 .980 21 .050 24 .390 423 Americans M 36 .610 25 • 111 24 .190 F 36 .210 23 .350 24 .030 194 Japanese M 26 .960 17 .180 22 .940 F 26 .410 19 .010 25 .160 120 Americans M 33 .420 16 .470 18 .580 F 32 .980 16 .720 17 .510 a l s o p r o v i d e the e s s e n t i a l d i s t i n c t i o n between what they f e e l they can c o n t r o l — the " c o n t r o l l a b l e " — and what they f e e l they cannot c o n t r o l . Perhaps too, f o r A s i a n s , who accept the f a c t t h a t there are s i t u a t i o n s beyond t h e i r c o n t r o l because of the workings of a u n i v e r s a l cosmic power, the d i s t i n c t i o n between the I and C subscale i s made c l e a r e r . Another f a c t o r c o u l d be t h a t immigrants belong t o a subset of the A s i a n or European p o p u l a t i o n . As a l l u d e d t o e a r l i e r i n t h i s study, immigrants may possess a h i g h e r expec-tancy f o r c o n t r o l when compared t o the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e i r country of o r i g i n . I t may be t h i s i n t e r n a l s t r e n g t h which enabled them t o break from o l d e s t a b l i s h e d systems t o s t a r t a f r e s h i n a new system. The i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l f a c t o r does not seem t o be a f f e c t e d by e i t h e r socio-economic or sex d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h i s study. The Canadian and A s i a n f a c u l t y s u b j e c t s were d e f i n i t e l y o f a h i g h e r socio-economic s t a t u s than the immigrant students, and y e t there was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e i r i n t e r n a l subscores. Some students might have enjoyed b e t t e r s o c i o -economic c o n d i t i o n s before e m i g r a t i n g , but most s u b j e c t s had experienced e i t h e r communistic or s o c i a l i s t i c c o n d i t i o n s * p r e v i o u s l y . As w e l l , many s u b j e c t s came from underdeveloped or d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s , such as Vietnam, Mainland China and the P h i l l i p p i n e s . Although the R e i t z and G r o f f (1974) study had found t h a t people from d e v e l o p i n g or underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s were more e x t e r n a l than people from developed 54 c o u n t r i e s , t h i s study does not s u b s t a n t i a t e t h e i r c o n c l u s i o n . The f i n d i n g t h a t there are no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n the mean scores f o r a l l t h r e e f a c t o r s (IPC) between the male and female groups again runs counter t o the usu a l c o n c l u s i o n s of s i m i l a r s t u d i e s . In st u d y i n g a f a i r l y l a r g e sample, Lao e t a l (1977) had found s t a t i s t i c a l d i f f e r -ences between the male and female groups i n the mean scores f o r a l l t h r e e f a c t o r s (Table 9). In t h i s study the p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e s were not s i g n i f i c a n t . One c o u l d again p o s t u l a t e t h a t immigrant women, as p a r t o f the immigrant p o p u l a t i o n , possess a g r e a t e r degree o f p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l . Members of t h i s group may not then be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of average women i n any give n p o p u l a t i o n . One other q u a l i f y i n g aspect i s the f a c t t h a t the female s u b j e c t s were a t t e n d i n g Advanced E n g l i s h c l a s s e s , which r e q u i r e a much hi g h e r l e v e l of competency than the l e v e l a t which s o - c a l l e d ' s u r v i v a l ' E n g l i s h c l a s s e s f o r most immigrants are conducted. Many immigrant women have not reached t h i s l e v e l , a f a c t which again may suggest t h a t the female s u b j e c t s i n t h i s study belong t o a more s e l e c t sample. Most of the female s u b j e c t s (98%) were wage earners and home makers d u r i n g the day and E n g l i s h students a t n i g h t or v i c e - v e r s a . T h i s f a c t would i n d i c a t e t h a t these female sub-j e c t s possess a f a i r degree of a b i l i t y , d e t e r m i n a t i o n , compe-tency and a good sense of d e f e r r e d g r a t i f i c a t i o n , q u a l i t i e s i n d i c a t i n g a g r e a t e r degree of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l which are o f t e n a t t r i b u t e d t o i n t e r n a l people. L e f c o u r t (1976) mentioned t h a t t h e I-E c o n s t r u c t s h o u l d not be c o n s i d e r e d a p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t and t h a t changes depen-d i n g on e x p e c t a n c i e s , b e h a v i o r a l change and t h e .value o f spe-c i f i c r e i n f o r c e m e n t s may cause a s h i f t i n t h e I-E p e r c e p t i o n o f an i n d i v i d u a l . "The p e r c e p t i o n o f c o n t r o l i s a p r o c e s s , t h e e x e r c i s e o f an ex p e c t a n c y r e g a r d i n g c a u s a t i o n " ( L e f c o u r t , 1976, p. 153). I t was t h u s p r e d i c t e d i n t h i s s t u d y t h a t t h e O l d A s i a n Canadians (who have been i n Canada f o r more tha n £our y e a r s ) would be more i n t e r n a l t h a n t h e new a r r i v a l s . The r e s u l t s show t h a t b o t h groups were e q u a l l y i n t e r n a l . I n t h i s r e g a r d , i t would be v a l u a b l e t o d e s i g n a l o n g i t u d i n a l s t u d y f o r t h e p r e s e n t new immigrant s u b j e c t s so as t o ob s e r v e t h i s p r o c e s s . C o n t r o l by P o w e r f u l O t h e r s S t a t i s t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s were found between t h e mean s c o r e s o f t h e P f a c t o r i n two groups: t h e comparison o f O l d and New A s i a n s and t h e comparison o f F a c u l t y (both A s i a n and Caucasian) w i t h New A s i a n s . S i n c e O l d A s i a n s and t h e A s i a n f a c u l t y members a r e . r e a l l y members o f t h e same group, i t means t h a t t h e r e i s a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between t h e New A s i a n s and t h e A s i a n f a c u l t y , as w e l l as between t h e New A s i a n s and t h e C a u c a s i a n f a c u l t y . There was no s t a t i s t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e between t h e two immigrant groups o r between t h e New European immi g r a n t s and th e C a u c a s i a n f a c u l t y . U n f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h t h e p u b l i c system, p u b l i c s t r u c t u r e and p r o c e d u r e s may cause t h e New A s i a n s t o f e e l 56 powerless and h e l p l e s s . H i r o t o (1974) and Sue (1977) had l i n k e d the concept of l e a r n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s with the I-E con-s t r u c t . Sue (1977) had suggested t h a t A s i a n Americans f e e l powerless because they l a c k e d i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d techniques to d e a l w i t h c i v i l and p u b l i c matters. A s i a n immigrants, coming from d i f f e r e n t c i v i l systems and l a c k i n g the E n g l i s h language competency to understand and f u n c t i o n comfortably i n the new system, c o u l d be expected to f e e l powerless. I f t h i s argument i s accepted, i t i s l o g i c a l t o i n f e r t h a t both A s i a n and Caucasian f a c u l t y members with a longer r e s i d e n c y i n Canada, wi t h a mastery of the E n g l i s h language, and w i t h e x p e r i e n c e working as members o f the p u b l i c and community systems, would, t h e r e f o r e , be more i n t e r n a l with regard to c o n t r o l by powerful o t h e r s . C o n t r o l by Chance D i f f e r e n c e s i n the p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l by chance were g r e a t e s t i n t h i s study both a c r o s s c u l t u r e s and w i t h i n c u l t u r e s . Only the sex d i f f e r e n c e s were not s i g n i f i c a n t . In t h i s study, as i n o t h e r s , the concept of Chance has been l i n k e d l o o s e l y and c o l l e c t i v e l y with p r o b a b i l i t y , l u c k , r i s k and f a t e . J u s t as the I n t e r n a l f a c t o r has s t a b l e and u n s t a b l e dimensions, as i n d i c a t e d i n MMCS r e s u l t s ( L e f c o u r t , 1979), so too i t i s c o n c e i v a b l e t h a t the Chance f a c t o r can be r e f i n e d i n a s i m i l a r manner. Chance (proba-b i l i t y ) and l u c k may be c o n s i d e r e d u n s t a b l e or a c c i d e n t a l and Fate may be c o n s i d e r e d more s t a b l e s i n c e i t may r e f e r t o a p h i l o s o p h i c a l concept. (See Chapter II.) 57 The d i f f e r e n t statements on the Chance subscale of the Levenson s c a l e seem t o r e f e r t o these d i f f e r e n t dimensions of Chance. I t i s the author's c o n t e n t i o n t h a t d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s may i n t e r p r e t these statements a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r s p e c i f i c world views. Consider Statement 10: "I have o f t e n found t h a t what i s going t o happen w i l l happen." T h i s statement would r e f e r most c l o s e l y to the o v e r a l l concept of Fate, t o the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese b e l i e f i n " T ' i e n " or Heaven, a cosmic power which i s l i n k e d to human e x i s t e n c e through the p h i l o s o -p h i e s o f Confucianism and Taoism (Bodde, 1981). The O r i e n t a l e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s statement c o u l d be t h a t " i f I have done my best i n working towards a p a r t i c u l a r o b j e c t i v e and/or i f I have f a i l e d or o t h e r s have f a i l e d , then T ' i e n w i l l take i t s course and I cannot shape what T ' i e n has designed." In a sub-sequent a n a l y s i s the average score on t h i s statement (4.5) i s hig h e r than f o r any oth e r statement p e r t a i n i n g t o Chance, and the average score o f the As i a n s i n t h i s study i s high e r than the average Caucasian s c o r e . T h i s may suggest t h a t , t o most of the A s i a n s u b j e c t s , Statement 10 i s an accepted u n i v e r s a l t r u t h . Statement 12: "Whether or not I get i n t o a c a r a c c i d e n t i s mostly a matter of l u c k " would be i n t e r p r e t e d as Chance (as i n a game of chance). Statement 24: " I t ' s c h i e f l y a matter of f a t e whether or not I have a few f r i e n d s or many f r i e n d s " caused some puzzlement f o r the A s i a n s u b j e c t s s i n c e they d i d not r e l a t e t h e i r c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of Fate t o 58 s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The author would l i k e to suggest, i n t h i s r e g a r d , t h a t the g r e a t e r degree of d i f f e r e n c e s i n the p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l by the Chance f a c t o r may be the r e s u l t of d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the statements i n t h i s i n -strument. E a r l i e r s o c i a l i z a t i o n and d i f f e r e n c e s i n c u l t u r a l c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n may account f o r the g r e a t e r s t a t i s t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s . Hersch and Scheibe (1967) had suggested t h a t luck might be c o n s i d e r e d as benevolent r a t h e r than malevolent by c e r t a i n people. I t c o u l d be p o s t u l a t e d t h a t the immigrant s u b j e c t s i n t h i s study would p e r c e i v e luck as benevolent because of t h e i r r e c e n t experiences as refugees. Because of grea t c o m p e t i t i o n and r e s t r i c t i v e immigration p o l i c i e s , b e i n g s u c c e s s f u l as an independent immigrant, sponsored immigrant or refugee immigrant c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d a h i g h l y u n p r e d i c t a b l e event (chance), and many immigrants have v e r b a l i z e d t h a t they f e l t they were 'lucky' to be i n Canada. T h i s may account f o r the f a c t t h a t , when comparing the mean scores f o r the P and C f a c t o r s , the C f a c t o r s showed the most e x t e r n a l average s c o r e s . R e l a t i o n s h i p between the I F a c t o r s of the Levenson and  A t t r i b u t i o n S c a l e s S u b j e c t s ' p e r c e i v e d c o n t r o l of the I f a c t o r s c o r r e l a t e d p o s i t i v e l y (V= .62) with s u b j e c t s ' a t t r i b u t e d c a u s a l f a c t o r s f o r the outcome of t h e i r t e s t t a k i n g . S u b j e c t s s c o r i n g h i g h on i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l b e l i e v e d t h a t the r e s u l t s o f t h e i r a c h i -evement t e s t s were due to t h e i r a b i l i t y , e f f o r t and determi-n a t i o n . T h i s c o n c l u s i o n i s s i m i l a r t o those of F r y and Ghosh (1980) and M i l l e r and Ross (1975). Ross (1976) a l s o concluded t h a t a t t r i b u t i n g one's p e r c e i v e d c o n t r o l , a b i l i t y and e f f o r t t o success a t a task i s r e l a t e d t o ego-involvement, and the s u b j e c t ' s expectancy f o r success i s high e r than t h a t f o r f a i l u r e . The h i g h degree o f s u c c e s s f u l s u b j e c t s and the f a i r l y h i g h c o r r e l a t i o n between the I f a c t o r s on both s c a l e s are pr e -d i c t a b l e i n a sample composed mostly of A s i a n Canadians. Sue, S. (1977) maintained that.academic achievement i s one of the areas p e r c e i v e d by A s i a n Americans as most " c o n t r o l l a b l e " . They p e r c e i v e a hig h degree of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l and have achieved success which i n t u r n has enhanced t h e i r s o c i o -economic s t a n d i n g . The author had not expected a c o r r e l a t i o n between the P f a c t o r s of the Levenson and A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e s (V = 0.03). A s i a n c u l t u r e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n f l u e n c e d by the tea c h i n g s of C o n f u c i u s , h o l d the p o s i t i o n of an i n s t r u c t o r / t e a c h e r i n great honor, esteem and r e s p e c t . Even i f a s u b j e c t should f e e l t h a t the i n s t r u c t o r or e v a l u a t o r was b i a s e d a g a i n s t him, e a r l y s o c i a l i z a t i o n would make i t d i f f i c u l t t o a t t r i b u t e blame t o the i n s t r u c t o r . I t would be a g a i n s t the c o n d i t i o n i n g of A s i a n c u l t u r e . The c o r r e l a t i o n (V = 0.42) between the Chance scores on both the Levenson and A t t r i b u t i o n s c a l e s can be expected when i t i s remembered t h a t the mean scores on Chance f o r a l l sub-j e c t s were h i g h e r . As e x p l a i n e d e a r l i e r , a high e r expectancy f o r c o n t r o l by Chance i s i n f l u e n c e d by c u l t u r a l i d e o l o g y . 60 C u l t u r a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n would a l s o cause an Asian subject to a t t r i b u t e a s u c c e s s f u l event or outcome to lu c k . In the tru e A s i a n t r a d i t i o n , a person has been c o n d i t i o n e d as a c h i l d to a t t r i b u t e the success of h i s a c t i o n s , whether i n academic, s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l achievements, f i r s t to parents, teachers and others, then to Fate which has been k i n d and, l a s t , t o c l a i m personal c r e d i t . The i n d i v i d u a l would act very modestly and take a humble stance. In both the Fry and Ghosh (1980) and Chandler et a l (1981) s t u d i e s , East Indian subjects and Japanese subjects a t t r i b u t e d t h e i r successes more oft e n t o luck than d i d subjects from other c u l t u r a l groups. L i m i t a t i o n s This study focuses on an immigrant p o p u l a t i o n sample. Many of i t s f i n d i n g s , t h e r e f o r e , have l i m i t e d a p p l i c a t i o n to the Asian or European populations at l a r g e . A l s o , as Asians i n t h i s sample represent many d i f f e r e n t A s i a n e t h n i c groups (though non-Chinese c o n s t i t u t e a very small number), the study i s f u r t h e r l i m i t e d i n the c r o s s - c u l t u r a l context. Yet, because t o a l a r g e extent Canada i s a country of m u l t i c u l t u r a l immigrants, t h i s study perhaps has a r e l e v a n t place i n research l i t e r a t u r e . The f i n d i n g s of the second o b j e c t i v e have l i m i t a t i o n s too. Academic performance or achievement performance tasks l i k e t e s t - t a k i n g may be .perceived to be more " c o n t r o l l a b l e " than other behaviors such as securing a job. However, mastery of the E n g l i s h language has always been considered a d i f f i c u l t task f o r Asians and fewer Asians are employed i n a e s t h e t i c , l i b e r a l a r t s and p r o f e s s i o n a l f i e l d s , such as law and educa-t i o n , because of the d i f f i c u l t y of mastering the language (Sue, S., 1977). So, though the task may be " c o n t r o l l a b l e " , i t i s a l s o viewed as d i f f i c u l t and the s u b j e c t ' s p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l over the event would be worthy of study. Summary As hypothesized, there was no s t a t i s t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e on the i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l f a c t o r a c r o s s a l l s u b j e c t groups. Com-p a r i s o n s made wit h other s t u d i e s (Table 9) i n d i c a t e (though the r e s u l t s were not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t ) t h a t s u b j e c t s i n t h i s study are a t par on the i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l mean s c o r e s . However, immigrant s u b j e c t s seem to score much more e x t e r n a l l y on the powerful others (P) and p a r t i c u l a r l y on the chance (C) s c a l e s . The c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t the A s i a n s u b j e c t i s i n t e r n a l on p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l but more e x t e r n a l than non-Asian s u b j e c t s i n h i s p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l by powerful others and by chance. T h i s c o n c l u s i o n and the suggestions which have been made i n t h i s r e p o r t about d i f f e r e n c e s i n c u l t u r a l i d e o l o g y make the h i s t o r i c a l evidence of the "success image" (Sue, D., 19 74) of North American A s i a n s (U.S. and Canada) much more a c c e p t a b l e . S t u d i e s have shown t h a t most A s i a n Americans are e x t e r -n a l . However, i n t e r n a l people have the g r e a t e r p r o b a b i l i t y f o r success e i t h e r i n socio-economic or s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n terms (Connolly, 1981; Sue, D., 1977). Thus, there i s a paradox. T h i s study has shown t h a t i n a small sample the A s i a n Canadians are as i n t e r n a l as non-Asian Canadians and 62 t h a t , l i m i t e d t o t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n , the paradox does not seem to e x i s t . I t was a l s o suggested t h a t the chance f a c t o r was the confounding i n f l u e n c e i n the u n i d i m e n s i o n a l concept o f e x t e r -n a l i t y with regard to A s i a n s . The gre a t number and the hig h degree of s t a t i s t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s among the mean scores of the v a r i o u s c u l t u r a l s u b j e c t groups on t h i s s c a l e , when chance was t r e a t e d independently of the other e x t e r n a l dimensions, have s u b s t a n t i a t e d the p r e d i c t i o n . P o l i c y I m p l i c a t i o n s and Suggestions f o r F u r t h e r Research More c r o s s - n a t i o n a l s t u d i e s have been conducted on the I-E c o n s t r u c t u s i n g R o t t e r ' s I-E s c a l e than Levenson's IPC s c a l e . I t would c e r t a i n l y be encouraging t o see more i n v e s t i -g a t i o n s conducted w i t h the Levenson s c a l e on both a c r o s s -n a t i o n a l as w e l l as a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l b a s i s w i t h i n North America. I f the I-E c o n s t r u c t i s c o n s i d e r e d an important i n f l u e n c e i n the c o u n s e l l i n g p r o c e s s , i t would seem important t h a t more ac c u r a t e s t u d i e s are made, p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h regard to v a r i o u s c u l t u r a l groups. I f the p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l or the ex p e c t a n c i e s f o r c o n t r o l of reinfor c e m e n t s are c o n s i d e r e d as a process ( L e f c o u r t , 1976) i n l i g h t of changes over time, i t would be p r o f i t a b l e t o conduct some l o n g i t u d i n a l s t u d i e s of the p r o c e s s . Immigrants (according t o the Immigrant Settlement P o l i c y ) are p r o v i d e d with settlement s e r v i c e s f o r a p e r i o d o f three y e a r s . A l o n g i t u d i n a l study over a span of a t l e a s t t hree years would 63 be i n v a l u a b l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y to the Immigrant Settlement and A d a p t a t i o n Program of the M i n i s t r y of Immigration and Employ-ment , Canada. To measure more a c c u r a t e l y the concept of chance, p a r t i -c u l a r l y as i t r e l a t e s to A s i a n groups, i t would be advantage-ous to take a c l o s e look a t the chance su b s c a l e i n an e f f o r t to r e f i n e i t . J u s t as L e f c o u r t e t a l (1977) developed the m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l - m u l t i a t t r i b u t i o n a l c a u s a l i t y s c a l e (MMCS), a s i m i l a r s c a l e c o u l d be developed f o r the chance dimension, t a k i n g i n t o account the c o n c e p t u a l d i f f e r e n c e s of p r o b a b i l i t y , luck and f a t e and the a c c i d e n t a l aspect of l u c k and chance i n c o n t r a s t w i t h the all-encompassing i d e o l o g i c a l concept of f a t e . Perhaps a s i m i l a r refinement c o u l d be made f o r the powerful o t h e r s s c a l e . For an A s i a n p o p u l a t i o n , c o n s i d e r a t i o n c o u l d be g i v e n to areas p e r c e i v e d to be " c o n t r o l l a b l e " , such as academic achievement and economic e n t e r p r i s e , as w e l l as areas which are p e r c e i v e d to be beyond the i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o n t r o l , f o r example, c i v i l and p o l i t i c a l involvement. Extended s t u d i e s of the nature mentioned above would s u b s t a n t i a l l y add to the present l i m i t e d c r o s s - c u l t u r a l s t u d i e s i n t h i s s o c i a l - l e a r n i n g c o n s t r u c t which has been accepted by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s as important s i n c e i t i s so c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h a t t r i b u t i o n a l c a u s a l i t y and human beha-v i o r . In the context of Canadian m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , these s t u d i e s would be most r e l e v a n t and v a l u a b l e . 64 REFERENCE LIST A t k i n s o n , J . W.. (ed.). Motives i n f a n t a s y a c t i o n and s o c i e t y . P r i n c e t o n : D. Van Nostrand, 1958. B a t t l e , E. S. & R o t t e r , J . B. C h i l d r e n ' s f e e l i n g s of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l as r e l a t e d t o s o c i a l c l a s s and e t h n i c groups. J o u r n a l of P e r s o n a l i t y , 1963, 31, 482-490. Blackman, S. 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T. & Ross, M. S e l f - s e r v i n g b i a s e s i n the a t t r i -b u t i o n of c a u s a l i t y : F a c t of f i c t i o n ? P s y c h o l o g i c a l  B u l l e t i n , 1975, V o l . 82, No. 2, 213-225. M i r e l s , H. L. Dimensions of i n t e r n a l versus e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l . J o u r n a l o f C o n s u l t i n g and C l i n i c a l Psychology, 1970, 34, 226-228. Morton, W. S. China: I t s h i s t o r y and c u l t u r e . New York: L i p p i n c o t t & C r o w e l l , 1980. Parsons, O. A., Schneider, J . M. & Hansen, A..S. I n t e r n a l -e x t e r n a l l o c u s o f c o n t r o l and n a t i o n a l s t e r e o t y p e s i n Denmark and the Un i t e d S t a t e s . J o u r n a l of C o n s u l t i n g and  C l i n i c a l Psychology, 1970, 35, 30-37. Pedersen, P. P., Draguns, J . G., Lonner, W. J . & Trimble, J . E. C o u n s e l l i n g a c r o s s c u l t u r e s . East-West Centre, U n i -v e r s i t y of Hawaii, 1981. Phares, E. J . 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E l i m i n a t i n g c u l t u r a l o p p r e s s i o n i n c o u n s e l l i n g : Toward a g e n e r a l theory. J o u r n a l Of C o u n s e l l i n g Psycho-logy, 1978, V o l . 25, #5, 419-428. Sue, S. P s y c h o l o g i c a l theory and i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r A s i a n Americans. Personnel and Guidance J o u r n a l , 1977, 381-388. T o l o r , A. & J a l o w i e c , J . E. Body boundary, p a r e n t a l a t t i -tudes, and i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l expectancy. J o u r n a l o f  C o n s u l t i n g and C l i n i c a l Psychology, 1968, _3_2, 206. T o l o r , A. & Reg n i k o f f , M. R e l a t i o n between i n s i g h t , r e p r e s -s i o n - s e n s i t i z a t i o n , i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l and death a n x i e t y . J o u r n a l of Abnormal Psychology, 1967, 426-430. Throop, W. F. & MacDonald, A. P., J r . I n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l l o c u s of c o n t r o l : A b i b l i o g r a p h y . 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Proceedings of the American P s y c h o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n ' s 81st Annual Conference, 1973. 70 INDEX OF APPENDICES Appendix A: Levenson's I n t e r n a l C o n t r o l , C o n t r o l by Powerful Others and C o n t r o l by Chance S c a l e s (IPC Scale) Appendix B: Levenson F a c t o r A n a l y s i s of I, P and C Sc a l e s Appendix C: A t t r i b u t i o n Scale Appendix D: L e t t e r of Request t o F a c u l t y and S t a f f Members Appendix E: I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r Answering A t t r i b u t i o n Scale Appendix F: I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r Answering Levenson's IPC Scale 71 APPENDIX A IPC S c a l e CD -p CD CD rd CD U M tJ> IS CT> CD -P CD rd cu rd CD m CD in CO SH ,d U •H o •H CP Cn cn m CD ( 0 e >i CD > 1 >i 0 >i r H CU r H CO r H tJ> M -p -P Cn CD a 0 tO C7> tn CD 0 u CO •H • r l U r ) -p •H r H r - H tr> •p CO Q CO CO <C CO -3 -2 -1 + 1 +2 +3 Whether or not I get to be a l e a d e r depends mostly on my a b i l i t y . -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 To a g r e a t e x t e n t my l i f e i s con-t r o l l e d by a c c i d e n t a l happenings. -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 I f e e l l i k e what happens i n my l i f e i s mostly determined by powerful people. -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 Whether or not I get i n t o a c a r a c c i d e n t depends mostly on how good a d r i v e r I am. -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 When I make p l a n s , I am almost c e r t a i n to make them work. -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 Often t h e r e i s no chance of p r o t e c t i n g my p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s from bad luck happenings. -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 When I get what I want, i t 1 s u s u a l l y because I am lu c k y . -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 72 8. Although I might have good a b i l i t y , I w i l l not be giv e n l e a d e r s h i p r e -s p o n s i b i l i t y without a p p e a l i n g t o those i n p o s i t i o n s of power. 9. How many f r i e n d s I have depends on how n i c e a person I am. 10. I have o f t e n found t h a t what i s going t o happen w i l l happen. 11. My l i f e i s c h i e f l y c o n t r o l l e d by powerful o t h e r s . 12. Whether or not I get i n t o a c a r a c c i d e n t i s mostly a matter of l u c k . 13. People l i k e myself have very l i t t l e chance of p r o t e c t i n g our p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s when they c o n f l i c t w i t h those of str o n g pressure groups. QJ -p 0 0) n U u &> CP CD -P o ca <u m 0) <cl cn s Ul u Xi n •H 0 •H tn 13 CP in m 0) (0 >> QJ > 1 >i i=S 0 >i rH 0) rH rH in rH tJ> S-l -P •P CP C CP X ! JCJ 0) 0 ca CP CP a) 0 u w •H •rH M n -p •H i—1 H CP +> CO Q CO CO < CO -3 -2 -1 + 1 +2 +3 -3 -2 -1 + 1 +2 +3 -3 -2 -1 + 1 +2 +3 -3 -2 -1 + 1 +2 +3 -3 -2 -1 + 1 +2 + 3 -3 > -2 -1 + 1 +2 + 3 -3 -2 -1 + 1 +2 +3 14. I t ' s not always wise f o r me to p l a n too f a r ahead because many t h i n g s t u r n out t o be a matter of good or 73 CD -p CD CD a CD U X ! S-l cn Cn CD -P CD m CD rd CD rd CD CO g LO U X ! U •H 0 •H Cn Cn co T) rd CD rd g > 1 CD >i >\ 0 >i CD rH rH CO rH Cn H -P •P Cn c Cn X ! X ! CD 0 0 rd Cn Cn CD O CO •H •H U u -p •H rH rH Cn 4J CO Q CO CO < CO -3 -2 -1 + 1 +2 +3 -3 -2 -1 + 1 + 2 +3 bad l u c k . 15. G e t t i n g what I want r e q u i r e d p l e a s i n g those people above me. -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 i 16. Whether or not I get t o be a l e a d e r depends on whether I'm luc k y enough to be i n the r i g h t p l a c e a t the r i g h t time. -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 17. I f important people were t o decide t h a t they d i d n ' t l i k e me, I probably wouldn't make many f r i e n d s . -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 18. I can p r e t t y much determine what w i l l happen i n my l i f e . -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 19. I am u s u a l l y a b l e t o p r o t e c t my pe r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s . -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 20. Whether or not I get i n t o a c a r a c c i d e n t depends mostly on the other d r i v e r . - 3 - 2 -1 +1 +2 +3 21. Wehn I get what I want, i t ' s u s u a l l y because I worked hard f o r i t . -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 22. In order t o have my pl a n s work, I make sure t h a t they f i t i n with the d e s i r e s of people who have power over me. 23. My l i f e i s determined by my own a c t i o n s . 24. I t ' s c h i e f l y a matter of f a t e whether or not I have a few f r i e n d s or many f r i e n d s . CD -P CD CD rd CD H XI SH Cn £ Cn (D -p CD rd CD rd CD rd CD cn S CO U XI U •H 0 •r+ Cn Cn CO rd CD rd >i CD > i >i (5 0 >i CD rH rH CO rH Cn 5-1 -P -P Cn C Cn £1 X! CD O rd Cn Cn CD o u CO •H •H U H -p •H rH . rH Cn -P CO Q CO CO < CO -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 Country of O r i g i n : Number of Years i n Canada: Sex: 75 APPENDIX B F a c t o r A n a l y s i s of I, P and C S c a l e s : Hanna Levenson Total Item Factor I: Powerful Others Control Varimax Rotation Scale Scale No. Factor II: Internal Control Factors Score Factor III: Chance Control I II III P .61 3. I feel l i k e what happens i n my l i f e i s mostly determed by power-f u l people 70 -.10 .00 P .59 13. People l i k e myself have very l i t t l e chance of protecting our personal interests when they conflict with those of strong pressure groups. . .62 -.05 .24 P .70 11. My l i f e i s chiefly controlled by powerful others .62 -.20 .24 P .77 15. Getting what I want requires pleas-ing those people above me. . . . .33 -.03 .02 I .53 19. I am usually able to protect my personal interests -.25 .64 -.12 I .52 23. My l i f e i s determined by my own actions .06 .64 -.01 I .67 18. I can pretty much determine what w i l l happen i n my l i f e -.14 .61 -.16 I .64 5. When I make plans, I am almost certain to make them work. . . . -.08 .51 -.05 I .43 21. When I get what I want, i t ' s usually because I worked hard for i t -.15 .43 .03 C .60 2. To a great extent my l i f e i s con-tro l l e d by accidental happenings. .03 -.05 .66 C .51 6. Often there i s no chance of pro-tecting my personal interest from bad luck happenings 11 -.14 .62 C .70 7. When I get what I want, i t ' s usually because I'm lucky 11 -.12 .56 76 Total Item Factor I: Powerful Others Control Varimax Rotation Scale Scale No. Factor II: Internal Control Factors Score Factor III: Chance Control I II III .68 14. It's not always wise for me to plan too far ahead because many things turn out to be a matter of good or bad fortune .36 -.07 .52 .72 16. Whether or not I get to be a leader depends on whether I'm lucky enough to be in- the right place at the right time -.00 .12 .49 .63 12. Whether or not I get into a car ac-cident i s mostly a matter of 1 luck. .11 -.13 .44 .56 4. Whether or not I get into a car ac-cident depends mostly on how good a driver I am '. . . .05 .14 -.21 .56 9. How many friends I have depends on how nice a person I am -.04 .13 .20 .75 8. Although I might have good a b i l i t y , I w i l l not be given leadership re-sponsibility without appealing to those i n positions of power 19 .02 .13 .47 17. If important people were to decide they didn't lik e me, I probably wouldn't make many friends 06 -.04 .14 .59 24. It's chiefly a matter of fate whether or not I have a few friends or many friends 13 -.07 -.05 .38 1. whether or not I get to be a leader depends mostly on my a b i l i t y . . . .12 -.08 -.04 .60 22. In order to have my plans work, I make sure that they f i t i n with the desires of people who have power over me 16 -.05 .03 .43 20. Whether or not I get into a car ac-cident depends mostly on the other driver. . 35 .39 .12 77 O -P 0 cu m tu U u (0 <u nj <u <a <u cn g cn s-i x! s-i APPENDIX C -H o -H CP IS Cn ID >C (S (1) | J e A t t r i b u t i o n S c ale >• g >• * ° >, Cn S-i -P -P Cr> C Cn £| x ! 0) C 0 tO Cn Cn o O M cn -H -H M M -P -H rH rH cn -P co Q co W <C co 1 2 3 4 5 6 What marks (good or bad) I get f o r any-t e s t i n any course depends on my own b e l i e f i n my a b i l i t y and on how much e f f o r t I have put i n t o the t e s t . 1 2 3 4 5 6 Whether I do w e l l or badly i n any t e s t depends on l u c k . 1 2 3 4 5 6 Whether I do w e l l or badly i n any t e s t depends on how the i n s t r u c t o r s l i k e me. 1 2 3 4 5 6 The mark I r e c e i v e d f o r t h i s t e s t was due t o my own d e t e r m i n a t i o n , a b i l i t y and e f f o r t . 1 2 3 4 5 6 The mark I r e c e i v e d f o r t h i s t e s t was a f f e c t e d by the f a c t t h a t the i n s t r u c t o r s l i k e me. 1 2 3 4 5 6 The mark I r e c e i v e d f o r t h i s t e s t was l a r g e l y due to l u c k . 1 2 3 4 5 6 78 APPENDIX D L e t t e r o f Request t o F a c u l t y and S t a f f Members E l i z a b e t h Lee, 18th January, 1982 Dear F r i e n d / C o l l e a g u e , I s h a l l be g r e a t l y o b l i g e d i f you c o u l d f i l l i n t h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e f o r me. I am w r i t i n g my M.A. ( C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology) t h e s i s , and my t o p i c i s "Locus of C o n t r o l as P e r c e i v e d by the Immigrant Student". The r e s e a r c h t r i e s t o show how the average immigrant student p e r c e i v e s h e r / h i s l i f e as being c o n t r o l l e d — by h e r s e l f / h i m s e l f ; by powerful o t h e r s , such as t e a c h e r s government agents or a d m i n i s t r a t o r s ; and by Chance, such as l u c k and f a t e . One of the hypotheses of the t h e s i s i s t o compare the Locus of C o n t r o l scores o f the students w i t h those o f the f a c u l t y and " o l d e r immigrants". Another h y p o t h e s i s i s t o compare the C o n t r o l scores of A s i a n s u b j e c t s w i t h those of Caucasian s u b j e c t s . I have f i n i s h e d t e s t i n g and g a t h e r i n g data from student s u b j e c t s and some f a c u l t y and s t a f f members. I need more male s u b j e c t v o l u n t e e r s both from the f a c u l t y and s t a f f as w e l l as from community agency s t a f f members. I s h a l l be most g r a t e f u l i f you would k i n d l y complete the q u e s t i o n n a i r e and e i t h e r l e a v e i t i n my m a i l box or m a i l i t t o me. Need-l e s s t o say, a l l data i s t r e a t e d as c o n d i f e n t i a l and names are not req u e s t e d . Thanks you. Yours s i n c e r e l y , APPENDIX E I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r Answering A t t r i b u t i o n S c a l e T h i s i s a s h o r t q u e s t i o n n a i r e of s i x q u e s t i o n s . The q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s planned to help the c o u n s e l l o r to t r y to f i n d out why some students do w e l l i n t h e i r s t u d i e s and some students do not. T h i s i s the code by which you answer the q u e s t i o n n a i r e : 1 s t r o n g l y d i s a g r e e 2 d i s a g r e e somewhat 3 s l i g h t l y d i s a g r e e 4 s l i g h t l y agree 5 agree somewhat 6 s t r o n g l y agree Please c i r c l e the number which corresponds most c l o s e l y to what you b e l i e v e to be t r u e f o r you. For example: Whether I do w e l l or badly i n any t e s t depends on l u c k . 1 2 3 4 5 6 PLEASE NOTE: The answering of t h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s completely v o l u n t a r y . I f you do not f e e l l i k e p a r t i c i p a t i n g , do not f e e l o b l i g e d . You do not have to g i v e your name. The number on the ques-t i o n n a i r e i s f o r the purpose of r e c o r d i n g . The r e s u l t s of t h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e are s t r i c t l y c o n f i d e n t i a l . 80 APPENDIX F IPC Locus of C o n t r o l Q u e s t i o n n a i r e T h i s i s a q u e s t i o n n a i r e t h a t w i l l h e lp the c o u n s e l l o r . She i s doing r e s e a r c h about how immigrant students are g e t t i n g on i n the c o l l e g e . Please c i r c l e the number which r e p r e s e n t s most c l o s e l y what you b e l i e v e to be t r u e f o r you. For example: When I get what I want, i t ' s u s u a l l y because I am l u c k y . -3 -2 -1 +1 +2 +3 Please answer a l l q u e s t i o n s . At the bottom of page 4, p l e a s e p r o v i d e the i n f o r m a t i o n by g i v i n g the f o l l o w i n g . For example: Country of o r i g i n : M a l a y s i a . No of Yrs i n Canada: 5 y e a r s . Sex: Female. Please note: The answering of t h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s completely v o l u n t a r y . I f you do not wish to p a r t i c i p a t e , p l e a s e do not f e e l o b l i g e d . You do not have to g i v e your name. The number on the q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s f o r the purpose of r e c o r d i n g . The r e s u l t s of t h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e are s t r i c t l y c o n f i d e n t i a l . Thank you. 

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