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The relationship between Jewish ethnic and religious identity Glassman, Janna S. 1993

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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN JEWISH ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUSIDENTITYbyJanna Stark GlassmanB.A., The University of British Columbia, 1987B.S.W., The University of British Columbia, 1990A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment of Counselling PsychologyWe accept this Thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAAugust 1993© Janna Stark Glassman, 1993In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department of ^6,i)nsed1 The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate ^AUit9S/ 5 17? DE-6 (2/88)iiAbstractThis research was conducted to determine the extent to which Jewish adultsperceive themselves ethnically and/or religiously Jewish and how a range ofpersonal characteristics, attitudes and practices related to the importance of ethnicand religious identity.A random sample of 540 individuals was taken from the Jewish Federationof Greater Vancouver's mailing list comprised of Jewish individuals in the LowerMainland that identify with the Jewish community This sample completed asurvey on the importance of Jewish ethnic and religious identity. There weresignificantly more people who felt it was very important or somewhat importantto be ethnically Jewish than felt it was very important or somewhat important tobe religiously Jewish: 92.1% versus 59.8%.Three hypotheses were tested to examine the relationship between theimportance of ethnic and religious identity(dependent variables) and theimportance of ethnic and religious identity and certain personal characteristics,attitudes and practices. Cross-tabulations and analysis of variance were done totest these hypotheses. A fourth hypothesis was tested with logistic regressionwhich was used to build a model to predict whether a subject would rate "ethnic"Jewishness as "very important" vs. "not very important" and "religious"Jewishness as "important" or "unimportant" based on a set of predictor variables.The findings indicate a significant relationship between the two dependentvariables, very few personal characteristics were related to the dependentvariables, and a significant relationship was found between all the attitudes andthe majority of the practices and the two dependent variables.The most important predictor of whether a subject would rate "ethnic"Jewishness as "very important" or "not very important" was the global attitudescore. The most important predictors of whether a subject would rate "religious"Jewishness as "important" or "unimportant" were global attitude and attitudes andpractices reported as important because they are divinely ordained. When globalattitudes were taken out of the logistic regression model due to their high degreeof overlap with the global practices, the most important predictor of whether asubject would rate "ethnic" Jewishness as "very important" or "not veryimportant" were the global practices, proportion of Jewish friends, and attitudesand practices reported as important because they provide a connection to theJewish people. The most important predictors for whether a subject would rate"religious" Jewishness as "important" or "unimportant" were marital status, globalpractice, denominational affiliation and attitudes and practices reported asimportant because they are divinely ordained.The individual's sense of identity and the factors that contribute to thatidentity are important aspects in the psychological functioning of members ofethnic, racial and religious minority groups. The information gathered from thisstudy aids those in the helping profession in understanding the important andunique role religion and ethnicity plays in individual lives as well as identifyingethnic and religious priorities for community services.TABLE OF CONTENTSAbstract^List of Tables viiiAcknowledgment^ xiChapter OneIntroductionRationale^ 4Jewish Identity and Identification^ 7Research Questions^ 10Chapter TwoBackground^ 11Chapter ThreeReview of Related LiteratureIdentity Development in a Psychological Frame^28Jewish Continuity^ 34The Centrality of Religion and Ethnicity in Jewish Identity^ 39Religion as Central to Jewish identity^ 40Ethnicity as Central to Jewish identity 46Religion and Ethnicity as Central to Jewish identity^48Studies examining Religious and Ethnic identity 51Demographics/Personal Characteristics^ 56Country of birth^ 57Parents and grandparents place of birth 57Sex^ 58ivVChapter Three continued...Age^ 58Marital Status^ 59Families with children^ 59Educational level 60Occupation^ 60Main language at home^ 61Report of parent's ethnicity 61Religion born into, religion now, religion spouse borninto, religion spouse now^ 62Religious and Ethnic Attitudes 62Maintaining close ties to Israel and number of visits toIsrael^ 64Choosing a Jewish spouse^ 65Having Jewish friends 67Living in a Jewish neighborhood 68Contributing to Jewish fundraising and volunteering inthe Jewish community^ 69Speaking Hebrew 70Religious and Ethnic Practices 70Lighting candles Friday night, participating in aPassover Seder, fasting on Yom Kippur,having a mezuzah, and circumcision^ 73Observing Dietary Laws^ 74Lighting Hanukkah candles 74Attending a Holocaust remembrance event^74Denominational affiliation^ 75Belonging to a synagogue 76Jewish education^ 76Sample Composition and Sampling Methods in the Literature^78Hypotheses^ 80Chapter FourMethodSample^ 83Procedure 85Design 85viChapter Four continued...Instrumentation^ 87Analysis 92Chapter FiveResultsCharacteristics of the Respondent Sample^ 96Collapsing the Dependent Variable 97HypothesesHypothesis 1 ^ 99Hypothesis 2 99Hypothesis 3 113Hypothesis 4^ 117Chapter SixDiscussionReview of Hypothesis 1^ 132Review of Significant Variable in Hypotheses 2 and 3^ 133Significant personal characteristics ^ 134Consistent attitudes and practices that were bothsignificantly related to the importance of Jewish ethnicand religious identity^ 137Attitudes inconsistent with practices^ 138Review of Hypothesis 4 147Review of Hypotheses 1 to 4^ 149Limitations of the Study 150Implications for Counselling and Program Development^ 153Implications for Future Research^ 156Conclusion^ 159References 160viiAppendicesAppendix A. Key Constructs^ 169Appendix B. Introduction Letter and Survey^ 171Appendix C. Cross-Tabulations and T-Testsbetween the Significant Dependent andIndependent Variables^ 172LIST OF TABLESTable 1. Dependent Variables^ 86Table 2. Independent Variables -- Personal Characteristics^86Table 3. Independent Variables -- Religious and Ethnic Attitudes^ 86Table 4. Independent Variables -- Religious and Ethnic Practices^ 88Table 5. Independent Variables -- Relative Importance of Attitudes andPractices Reported in the Survey^ 89Table 6. Frequency and Percentages of the two Dependent Variables-- Importance of Ethnically and Religiously Jewish^98Table 7. Cross-Tabulations of the Recoded Dependent Variables --Importance of Ethnically and Religiously Jewish^ 100Table 8. Summary Table of Chi-Squares and F Ratiosbetween Importance of Ethnically and Religiously Jewishand the Personal Characteristics ^ 104Table 9. Summary Table of the Chi-Squares betweenImportance of Ethnically and Religiously Jewish and theAttitude Items Recoded as Unimportant versus Important^ 106Table 10. Summary Table of the Chi-Squares between Importanceof Ethnically and Religiously Jewish and the PracticeItems Recoded as Infrequent versus Frequent^ 108Table 11. Summary Table of Chi-Squares and F Ratios betweenImportance of Ethnically and Religiously Jewish and thePractice Items using Yes/No or Frequency Responses^ 109viiiixTable 12. Summary Table of Chi-Squares between Importanceof Ethnically and Religiously Jewish and the RelativeImportance Behind the Attitudes and Practices Reported inthe Survey^ 112Table 13. Stages of Building the Regression Model for PredictingEthnically Jewish as "Very Important" or "Not VeryImportant" With Global Attitude as a Potential Predictor^ 120Table 14. Stages of Building the Regression Model for PredictingEthnically Jewish as "Very Important" or "Not VeryImportant" Without Global Attitude as a PotentialPredictor^ 121Table 15. Stages of Building the Regression Model for PredictingReligiously Jewish as "Important" or "Unimportant" WithGlobal Attitude as a Potential Predictor^ 122Table 16. Stages of Building the Regression Model for PredictingReligiously Jewish as "Important" or "Unimportant"Without Global Attitude as a Potential Predictor^ 123Table 17. Observed and Predicted Frequency of Importance ofEthnically Jewish With Global Attitude as a PotentialPredictor^ 126Table 18. Observed and Predicted Frequency of Importance ofEthnically Jewish Without Global Attitude as a PotentialPredictor^ 127Table 19. Observed and Predicted Frequency of Importanceof Religiously Jewish With Global Attitude as a PotentialPredictor^ 129xTable 20. Observed and Predicted Frequency of Importance ofReligiously Jewish Without Global Attitude as a PotentialPredictor^ 130xiAcknowledgmentsI gratefully acknowledge the support and guidance of the chairperson of mycommittee Dr. Richard Young who was always available and helpful, as well asthe specialized expertise of Dr. Richard Menkis and Dr. Beth Haverkamp.I would like to thank Jean Gerber and the staff at the Jewish Federation ofGreater Vancouver who helped with the development of the study. In addition Iwould like to thank my brother-in-law Dr. Jonathan Berkowitz for his invaluableguidance throughout the statistical analysis. Finally a special thanks goes to myhusband, Elliot and the rest of my family for putting up with me and supportingme through this process.1CHAPTER ONEINTRODUCTION"The identity of the individual develops in the course of interaction betweenthe innate characteristics with which he (sic) is born and the influences of hissocial environment" (Herman, 1977, p. 33). Pinderhughes (1989) pointed out thatethnic values and practices foster the survival of the group and of the individualswithin it They also contribute to the formation and cohesiveness of the group andto both group and individual identity. The ethnic and religious group to which theindividual belongs constitutes just one of many sub-identities which influences theindividual's total identity. For some, ethnic and/or religious identity play a greatrole in the individual's overall identity, while for others it is not as significant.Pinderhughes (1989) noted:Not only is there variation in the degree to which ethnicity is viewed assignificant but the variations and inconsistencies involved in the notion ofethnicity itself can make the tasks of definition and of understandingmeaning more complicated. While ethnicity refers in some groups tonationality and country of origin, for others the reference point is religion.For example, Jewish people focus less on geographical origin than otherEuropeans, emphasizing instead Jewish religion, peoplehood or associatedvalues. (p. 42)According to Himmelfarb (1980), Jewish identity is one's sense of self withregard to being Jewish. Ethnicity and religion are two of the central componentsthat make up a Jewish person's identity (Goldscheider & Zuckerman, 1984;Herman, 1977; Waxman, 1983, Werblowsky, 1976). Ethnic identity is generally2defined as cultural classification of a segment of society. "Ethnicity refers toconnectedness based on commonalties (such as religion, nationality, region, etc.)where specific aspects of cultural patterns are shared and where transmission overtime creates a common history" (Pinderhughes, 1989, p. 6).Medding (1977) states that:Judaism was always an ethnic religion. The people of Israel, and the land ofIsrael and the religion of Israel were inextricably woven together so thatboth the people and the land (ethnic elements) were invested by the religionwith the highest religious significance. The people became a people byvirtue of the religious covenant. The land was sanctified, and given to them(under conditions of maintaining religious precepts) by the same covenant.In that sense, in its original form Jewish ethnicity was invested with thehighest religious significance. (p. 6)Osborne (1985) reminds his readers that Judaism is both an ethnic andreligious phenomenon. He points out that large numbers of Jews think ofthemselves as Jews and are thought of as Jews even though they have no palpablereligious commitment. For Christians, at least in theological terms, Osborne(1985) notes that there is no such thing as Christian ethnicity. One is not aChristian because one's mother is , as is the case in Judaism. One is a Christianbecause one has been baptized and seeks to live out the meaning of the baptismalcovenant. Osborne (1985) describes the irreducible core of Jewishness as beinglodged inside most Jews at the junction of ethnicity and religion. Some choose tofollow one direction while some choose to follow another but the pervasivejunction always exists as an influential part of Jewish identity. Krausz (1977)3pointed out that it is extremely difficult to sift out the 'religious factor' in Jewishidentity from the 'ethnic factor' because the two are so interrelated. DefiningJewish identity solely in religious terms does not leave room for those who have acontinued commitment but do not have religious faith. Defining Jewish identityin solely ethnic terms is limiting because our ethnic practices are often linked toreligious practices.Jewish identity according to London and Frank (1987), "is interestingscientifically because it involves both religious and ethnic characteristicsconspicuously and sometimes conflictually, more than other social identities"(p. 7). Herman (1977) takes the controversial position that "Jewishness of evennon-religious Jews cannot be completely divorced from its religious associations"(p. 36). Jewish religious tradition is centered in many important rituals: first inthe family, then in the synagogue and community. Even when religious interestsare not involved, Jews still want to surround themselves with other Jews, want tobe part of a Jewish community and want their children to marry other Jews.To summarize, the uniqueness of the Jewish culture lies in the diversity ofchoices its members can make in order to create their own personalized link totheir group. Just as the role that religion and ethnicity play in one's overall senseof identity differs from individual to individual, so may the practices and attitudeswith which the individual chooses to carry out that identity. In order tounderstand these different expressions of Jewish identity, studies incorporatingaspects of both ethnic and religious identity may be done.Every person has numerous identities which vary in importance in socialcontexts. This study seeks to discover the extent to which the behaviour and4attitudes of Jews are oriented Jewishly. It will attempt to shed light on whetherethnic and religious identity play a significant role in the individual's overall senseof identity and whether there is a relationship between one's self-perceived senseof religious and ethnic identity and certain practices and attitudes. The remainderof this chapter will contextualize the problem by providing a rationale for thestudy, exploring identity and identification and by presenting the researchquestions.Rationale Our culture is constantly struggling with identity issues. Identity issues arecentral to the development of a person. Individuals need meaningful ways toconnect to society. For a Jewish person, Jewish identity can be at the core of theirpersonal identity. Personal identity according to Kelman (cited in Medding,Tobin, Fishman, & Rimor 1992), is "the enduring aspects of the person'sdefinition of himself (sic)...the individual's conception of who he is and what he isover time and across situations." Included in this is "child's cultural and ethnicheritage--the groups to which he is born." These form "an inherent part of hisidentity.. .by virtue of the fact that the group[s] to which he belongs are usually aninevitable part of his life experience" (p. 14). Thus Kelman notes, an individual'sethnic and cultural heritage "enters into who and what he is, just as his biologicalheritage does"(p. 14). The individual, therefore, "must somehow take his culturaland biological heritage into account if he is to develop a firm identity" (p. 14).Klein (cited in Pinderhughes, 1989) noted that:The cultural uniqueness embodied in ethnicity is a consequence of complex,interactional dynamics that involve individual functioning as well as family5and group behavior. The sense of commonality with others and theindividual ethnic meaning that people develop as a result of theirexperiences have implications far beyond those of shared religion, nationalorigin, geography, or race. Involving individual psychological dynamics andsocially inherited definitions of the self, ethnicity is connected to processes,both conscious and unconscious, that satisfy a fundamental need forhistorical continuity and security. (p. 5)Both ethnic and religious identity play a key role in the psychologicalfunctioning of members of ethnic and racial minority groups. Ethnic and religiousidentity can be crucial to the development of members of the majority and deeplymissed by those who do not have that sense of identity.According to Herman (1977), membership in a socially stigmatized groupgenerally has far-reaching psychological implications. Lewin (1948) maintainedthat an early, clear, and positive feeling of belonging to the group is essential forthe individual's security, direction and identity. Weinstein-Klein (1980)confirmed that feelings about ethnic background have a direct relationship to howpeople feel about themselves. Some Jews may accept their membership as Jewsas a mark of distinction despite difficulties they may face being part of a minority.Membership in what some define as a desirable group may increase self-esteem.Others may see membership in the group as a stigma and develop inferiorityfeelings about being Jewish (Herman, 1977).With certain Jewish clients the "caseworker has the responsibility forindividualizing the religious, social and communal aspects of Jewish identity, ofbringing its richness to the individual and using it in the treatment process tobuttress and help the individual in his adversity" (Hofstein, 1975, pp. 268-269).According to Pinderhughes (1989), a focus on cultural identity offers anopportunity for clients to strengthen a positive sense of self and thus to enhancepsychological integration.The study of ethnic identity is of great value for education, counselling, andreligious applications. McGoldrick, Pearce, and Giordano (1982) incorporate thepowerful force of ethnicity and ethnic values into the evaluation of psychologicaland social functioning of families: a practice which has traditionally belonged tothe realms of anthropology and sociology -- but not psychotherapy. Now,sensitivity to the cultural roots of the family are central to the counselling field.McGoldrick, et al. (1982) discuss the importance of finding out the client'scountry of origin, the family place of residence, socioeconomic status, educationalachievement, political and religious ties, etc. According to McGoldrick et al.(1982), a family's place of residence may influence the impact of their culturalheritage on their lives. Upward mobility may also lead to families dissociatingthemselves from ethnic roots. This study may provide us with knowledge ofculture, tradition, and ethnicity; information which McGoldrick et al. (1982) stressis vital to working with individuals and families. It may also illustrate the impactof ethnic and religious identity on the individual's life and how the impact variesamong the sample measured.Jewish social scientists around North American are discussing what theyperceive to be a "vanishing" Jewish community. Opponents of the traditionalview suggest that North American Jews may not be fading away at all, they maysimply be transforming themselves into something new. Goldscheider (cited in7Goldberg, 1992) says "over the last 1,500 years, Jews have been transformednumerous times, and it appears we're being transformed again. The question is,what are we becoming?" (p. 29). The one way to understand the transformation ofthe Jewish community is to ask the people what it means to be Jewish -- to seehow they express Jewishness in their lives.This research will attempt to illustrate the role ethnicity and religion play inthe individual and his/her family's life. This information can be crucial whentrying to understand and help a person and his/her family. This study will providecommunity agencies with information on the Jewish identification patterns ofmembers of the Jewish community of Vancouver, which will help the agencies toidentify priorities for future services.Jewish Identity and IdentificationHerman (1977) discusses the fact that little has been done by way ofsystematic analysis of the structure and dynamics of any ethnic identity. Thestudies of the Jewish group are generally limited to empirical explorations only.Most studies done in the Jewish communities in the Diaspora deal with studies ofJewish identification. Jewish identification is the process of thinking and actingin a manner that indicates involvement with and attachment to Jewish life. Jewishidentification studies may deal with the process by which the individual comes tosee himself as part of the Jewish group and the form the identification takes. Veryfew studies are studies of Jewish identity, or one's sense of self with regard tobeing Jewish, of what kind of Jew and what kind of Jewishness develop in themajority culture" (Herman, 1977, p. 27).8"Judaism, in contrast with Christianity (particularly Protestantism), regardsconcrete behaviours as more central and significant then tenets, beliefs, orattitudes" (Cohen, 1983, P. 52). They ask questions about ritual observance,Jewish organizational involvement, attitudes towards Israel, intermarriage, family,friends and other matters related to Jewish life. Steinberg (1975) pointed out thatif knowledge of Jewish identification is to be acquired the unity of analysis mustshift from the Jewish people--a collectivity that shares a common history--to theJewish individual. Jewish identification must be treated as a variable. Therefore,with an understanding of concrete practices of an individual we can begin to seehow they express their Jewishness in their lives. The overwhelming number ofstudies in recent years focus on identification due to a concern of religiosity,ethnicity and the preservation of Jewish distinctiveness. These studies areprimarily concerned with the survival of the Jewish community.Jewish identity studies focus on what being Jewish means, for examplewhether one considers oneself first a Jew and then an American or vice versa, theextent to which one is proud or embarrassed about being Jewish, or howimportant certain aspects of Jewish practice or communal involvement are to theindividual etc. Liebman (1973) points out that the concern of early studies werefocused on Jewish identity due to the interest on the influence of historicalcircumstances of immigrant adjustment and anti-Semitism. The more recentstudies are focused on Jewish identification due to a concern with integration ofthe Jewish community.The research for the present study will reflect both identity and identificationby incorporating attitude questions and practice questions into the survey. Jewish9identity will be examined through the dependent variables eliciting information onwhat being Jewish means to the individual (religiously and ethnically), as well asthrough a number of independent attitude variables. It is important to note thatthe present study's independent variables of Jewish attitudes differ from theattitude questions Herman (1977) asks in his research. Herman's attitudes refermore to what being Jewish means to the individual; of what kind of Jew and whatkind of Jewishness develop in the majority culture as opposed to the present studywhich focuses on attitudes towards practice. Some of Herman's attitude questionsinclude: "Does the fact that you are Jewish play an important part in your life?, Ifyou were to be born all over again, would you wish to be born a Jew? If you wereborn all over again, would you wish to be born an Israeli? Do you feel your fate isbound up with the fate of the Jewish people? In your opinion is the State of Israela continuation of Jewish history? Do you identify with Jews who suffered in theHolocaust?Jewish identification in the present study will be examined throughindependent variables made up of practice questions which will discover theextent to which the behaviour of Jews are Jewishly oriented. Both the identity andidentification questions tap certain commitments that are part of the developmentof the individual's identity. Within the practice and attitude questions there is ablend of ethnic involvement and religious observance questions. There is no clearcut way to divide the questions into religious and ethnic questions because, asmentioned before, the practice or attitude (i.e., lighting Sabbath candles) may takeon a religious significance for one individual and an ethnic significance foranother.10The researcher is interested in whether ethnic identity and religious identitygo hand in hand or whether they are independent of each other. If religion isintertwined with ethnicity, to what degree are they related and what are theoverlapping practice and attitude variables that contribute to this relationship? Ifpeople's personal identification with religion and ethnicity are separate, are thepractice and attitude variables that make up the ethnic or religious identificationseparate? Are some defining qualities separate and some overlapping? From thisinformation we will be able to learn the relationship between the individual's self-perceived identity (dependent variable) and attitude and practice questions(independent variables), as well as the relationship between the two independentvariables of practice items and attitude items.Research Questions In studying religious and ethnic identity among Jews, this study will addressthe following questions:1) How important is being 'ethnically' Jewish to the personal sense of identity ofJewish people?2) How important is being 'religiously' Jewish to the personal sense of identity ofJewish people?3) What personal characteristics, practices and attitudes contribute to the relativestrength of one's sense of ethnic identity as a Jew?4) What personal characteristics, practices and attitudes contribute to the relativestrength of one's sense of religious identity as a Jew?11CHAPTER TWOBACKGROUNDThis chapter will provide background information to the problems beingstudied. It will explore Jewish identity for men and women and discuss thedramatic changes that have taken place over the years in Jewish women' and men'sJewish identity.According to Herman (1977), in order to understand the contemporaryexpressions of Jewish life they have to be viewed in historical perspective.Therefore the topic of Jewish identity cannot be discussed in any meaningful waywithout examining it in light of its historical context. At various points in Jewishhistory circumstances have influenced the shaping of Jewish identity and certainthemes have predominated. "Judaism of the first century would have beenunrecognizable in the tenth, as that of the tenth would have been unrecognizablein the nineteenth... "(Glazer, 1990, p. 16). Values and structures of thesurrounding society as well as political and social movements have had markedinfluences on Jewish identity (Herman, 1977). In addition to these externalinfluences there have also been a number of internal group influences upon Jewishidentity.One of the most significant changes in Jewish identity took place betweenpre-modern and modern times when it became a voluntary act to be part of theJewish community instead of an obligation. Historically Jews lived in segregatedcommunities in virtual social and cultural isolation. Their lives were traditionallydirected by Jewish custom and law. In Europe during the eighteenth century the12state obliged its citizens to declare their religious affiliation. Medding et al.(1992) noted that:In the past, the common denominator of Jewish identity was a community ofbelief based on a system of shared prescriptive values. Over the last century,however, this has shifted in the direction of a community of sharedindividual feelings. The community of belief constituted a total system thatcontrolled the individual's environment with a detailed pattern of prescribedactions and fixed roles. Group membership was thus clearly defined. (p. 14)With emancipation, Jews moved out of their physical and cultural isolation(Reisman, 1979, p. 6). "Jewish emancipation denotes the abolition of disabilitiesand inequalities applied specially to Jews, the recognition of Jews as equal toother citizens and the formal granting of the rights and duties of citizenship"(Encyclopedia Judaica, 1972, p. 693).The most respected position to which a Jewish man could aspire and thehighest of religious objectives, in traditional Jewish communities, was that ofbecoming a great scholar. The value Jewish tradition placed on scholarship hadno equal. The women's role was to work, clean, cook and maintain the home andfamily so the men could most fully dedicate themselves to Judaism and properlyfulfill its daily demands.Haskalah (the Hebrew term for the Enlightenment movement and ideology),had its roots in the general European Enlightenment of the 18th century. "Thespecific conditions and problems of Jewish society in this period, and hence theobjectives to which Haskalah aspired in particular, differed from those of thegeneral Enlightenment movement" (Encyclopedia Judaica, 1972, p. 1433). The13ideological innovations of the Haskalah and socialism resulted, for some in aloosening of the tight grip that Jewish tradition had upon their lives; it encouragedindividuals to gain greater self-control. In the 1860's, the Russians opened thedoors of secular educational institutions for Jews. At first this was in conflictwith the deeply ingrained ideal of Torah study that left no room for other studies,but with the onset of the Haskalah, secular studies became more acceptable in theJewish community. The Haskalah movement contributed towards an emphasis onassimilation in matters of language, dress and manner, gender role structure aswell as to the formation of relationships outside the group.The post-emancipation Jews were thus faced with choices unavailable to theJews of the past. They could not be coerced into leading their lives a certain way,one was free to dissociate from their community if they so desired. At this pointthe Jewish people had, and continue to have, the opportunity to decide how toexpress their Jewishness in their lives. According to Medding (1992) "thecontemporary community of shared individual feelings is a voluntary and partialcommunity of personal choice, with unclear boundaries and undefinedmembership. It is characterized by emotions and attachments, which, while oftendeep, are not always clearly articulated" (p. 14).Upon coming to America, Jewish immigrants did not have a universal formof Jewish identification or specific guidelines of they were to lead their lives.Different forms of identification coexisted simultaneously. As political scientistCharles Liebman noted (cited in Cohen 1983), "this freedom resulted in AmericanJews trying to balance two competing impulses: the urge to integrate into modemAmerica and the urge to survive as Jews" ( p. 25).14Until recently America believed it was an ethnic melting pot, its focus beingto eliminate ethnic variation and create a distinct American. Some Jews, uponimmigration to North America, chose to reject integration into the larger societyand viewed the open society as endangering Jewish continuity. They havepreserved their traditional Jewish life as much as possible. For those on the otherend of the spectrum, their response has been to integrate completely and toassimilate and remove themselves from the Jewish community. The majority ofWestern Jews lie somewhere between the extremes. In America, the idealposition to which a Jewish man could aspire was not that of a scholar, but ratherwas that of a successful, highly paid professional.Most of the Jewish immigrants who arrived in America from Eastern Europein the latter part of the nineteenth and early part of the twentieth centuries camefrom Orthodox Jewish homes and even those that maintained the most minimalreligious observance recognized that to succeed in America, religion was going tohave to be compromised. This meant ultimately that the traditional, daily,observance of Jewish tradition would have to be forsaken.Jews in the United States had little to do with religion and were mostlyconcerned with ethnic issues. But because ethnicity was not 'in' at that time,while religion was, Jews adopted an institutional form of religion in order to fitinto society. Affiliation with the synagogue took on the form of ethnicattachment. The new synagogues became more of an expression of ethnicity thanreligiosity (Glazer, 1990, p. 14). It was a great shift from the earlier, EasternEuropean representation of the synagogue as a religious institution, "there wassimply no room or time in this new life of hard work and economic pressure for15the pedestal upon which religious learning and synagogue attendance wastraditionally placed" (Lewittes Tannenbaum, 1992, p. 20). According toPinderhughes (1989), religious denomination was a source of meaning for personswho renounced nationality of origin for the ethnicity of the melting pot. This iswhere the link between ethnicity and religion becomes emeshed andindistinguishable.The Black movement in America renewed interest in pride and Blackhistory, culture and ethnic identity. Ethnicity became a legitimate form of self-exploration. According to Schoenfeld (1989), this resulted in group pluralism asbeing the new ethic. Today in Canada, ethnic diversity is an established part ofthe Canadian self-image. Multiculturalism has been adopted as formalgovernment policy. Multiculturalism implies a society where diversity is acceptedand encouraged. Support is available for activities which preserve and transmit adistinctive way of life. But, the policy also encourages elimination of barriersbetween groups and the full participation of minorities in Canadian society. InCanada, we find evidence of the blending together of people of different ethnicbackgrounds. First generation immigrants live as a social and cultural minoritybut for the generations that follow, multiculturalism becomes more of a symbol.As pointed out by Schoenfeld (1989), the reality of Canada as a multiculturalsociety has much to do with the high percentage of first generation Canadians inthe population, as compared to the United States.According to Medding et al. (1992), the shift in Jewish identity is paralleledand reinforced by the trend towards multiculturalism taking place in North16American society. Merelman (cited in Medding et al., 1992) describes thedirection of Jewish identity as:the decline of group belongingness and the rise of individualization. Incontemporary America, many people continue to be members and identifywith groups, [but] they believe their group identities to be matters ofindividual choice, which can be changed without stigma. Groupmembership thus becomes voluntary, contingent, fluid, not 'given,' fixed andrigid. (p. 14)"In the past two decades, Jewish identity has been profoundly affected bytwo events-- the Holocaust and the establishment of the State of Israel" (Herman,p. 66, 1977). The Holocaust tragically changed Jewish life. The Jewish view oftheir collective existence was magnified; according to Herman (1977), it wasviewed as a tragedy of the entire Jewish people. "It is because of the long shadowwhich the Holocaust continues to cast that Jews ...react more vigorously to anythreat to the existence of a Jewish community" (Herman, 1977, p. 67). The Landof Israel has always played an integral role in Jewish identity. Since theestablishment of the state of Israel, according to Herman (1977), Jews find itnecessary to define their Jewish identity in reference to Israel. For manyAmericans Israel is a source of pride and inspiration and for many it is an integralpart of their identity as Jews.Today, many members of families who gave up their ethnic connections inan effort to become part of the melting pot feel confused and deprived, yearningfor a sense of culture. According to Pinderhughes (1989), "many who haveembraced the melting pot had found value in the dominance and status it17represents, only to realize later that this has entailed a loss for them, particularly inlight of the new societal thrust toward pluralism and respect for culturaldifferences" (p. 51).In order to fully understand the background to the problem of Jewish ethnicand religious identity, it is also important to focus on gender and identity. Jewishidentity in general underwent profound transformations between pre and post-modern times as did the more circumscribed world of Jewish women's self-understanding. Throughout history Jewish female identity has been profoundlyaffected by both internal and external forces. Although Eastern European Jewishwoman were central to the everyday life of the family unit, their ultimatesignificance was secondary, and their objective was to be supportive to the men.The women were facilitators of the Jewish ideal and essentially peripheral toJewish life outside the home. The challenges of life in America impactedwomen's lives greatly and some women began moving from the periphery to thecentre of Jewish life. Jewish women's roles and issues have long been ignoredand it is important to provide background to their issues so that we may clearlyunderstand the external influences on both their sense of identity andidentification patterns.The role of women in traditional Eastern European Jewish life was that ofenablers, or facilitators. While men and boys pursued the highest of religiousobjectives, that of becoming a scholar, women were earning, often through hardmanual labour, the little available money that would support their husbands andsons in study at yeshivot. These women worked, cleaned, cooked and maintained18the home and family so the men could fully dedicated themselves to Judaism andproperly fulfill its daily demands.The most respected position to which a Jewish man could aspire in thetraditional Jewish communities of Eastern Europe was the of a talmid chacham, agreat scholar. The role of the wives was to lift the burdens of everydaysubsistence from their husbands so they could spend their waking hours in study.According to Hyman (1991), "in addition to performing the household tasks,women also participated in what we would call the public sphere of marketplacelife and , to a lesser extent communal life" (p. 224). Hyman (1991) noted that:East European Jewish culture offered women contradictory messages.Although their status was clearly inferior to men's within the secular spherewomen were given a great deal of autonomy in order to support theirfamilies and to provide social welfare through their own charitableassociations. (p. 224)Towards the end of the nineteenth century, certain changes in EasternEuropean life such as the onset of urbanization and the ideological innovations ofthe Haskalah (Enlightenment) and socialism enabled some women to take greatercontrol of their lives. In the 1860's, the Russians opened up the doors of seculareducational institutions to Jewish boys as well as girls, although due to financialconstraints study was often limited to boys. Jewish girls began to internalize thevalue Jewish tradition placed on learning and began to desperately want to study.Still, the only world of study open to girls was the of the secular realm, for thestudy of Judaism remained available only to boys.19Religious life in Eastern European families was a segregated one. Thereligious life of boys and men largely took place in the yeshiva and in thesynagogue. The religious life of girls and women took place in the home. Evenwhen they prayed, women prayed mostly at home and offered different prayersfrom their husbands' and fathers'. All the rituals were ultimately for the sake ofothers; they were to enable men to fulfill and observe those Jewish customs whichoften excluded women.Between 1881 and 1914 almost two million Jews arrived in the UnitedStates from Eastern Europe. These Jewish immigrants brought with themcultural, religious and social values shaped by life in the shtetls (Jewish villages),and to an extent by more recent experiences in the industrial cities of Russia. Allof these values and assumptions underwent vast transformation when confrontedwith those of American society (Lewittes Tannenbaum, 1992).This was a family migration, and as such women were a significant elementof the immigrant population (Hyman, 1991). Not surprisingly, as they becameassimilated into American life, they too experienced a great challenge to, andchanges in, their identity not only as Jews but as women. According to Hyman(1991), "the complex interplay of gender, social class and religio-ethnic cultureshaped the ways in which Jewish women participated in the economic, cultural,religious and political life of the immigrant Jewish community and U.S. society"(p. 223). The role of the Jewish woman as 'enabler' in the realms of work,education, and observance changed in America. In some cases Jewish womenfound themselves moving from the periphery to the centre of Jewish life; while forothers, segregation and subservience persisted (Lewittes Tannenbaum, 1992).20The realities of American life forced a shift in the attitudes of Jewishfamilies towards having their women in the workforce. The ideal position towhich a Jewish man could aspire in America was not that of a scholar, but ratherwas that of a successful, highly paid professional. Not needing your wife to helpfinancially support the family became the new image of success for a man, thusfew women worked outside the home (Hyman, 1991). While on the outside itseemed like a radical shift, the Jewish woman continued in the traditional role of"enabler". Whereas in Europe she worked for pay to allow her husband to study,in America she did not work outside the home to allow him to attain the image ofmaterial success. In reality Jewish men's incomes needed supplementing andinstead of going against the prevailing cultural attitude that wives should notwork, they had their children work. Often daughters worked so that the sonscould study. Contributing to the livelihood of the family combined with theautonomy of choosing their own profession, leisure activities as well as foundingand running labour unions demonstrated to these Jewish woman the extent of theirown capabilities and worth (Hyman, 1991).In America public school was free and more girls were included in theschooling system. For women and girls, the extent of their formal Jewisheducation consisted of learning how to run a traditional Jewish home from helpingtheir mothers. Even though Jewish observance and Jewish education had taken adownward turn in popularity among immigrant families, and only a few hadchildren enrolled in formal Jewish education, this opportunity was still closed towomen: "for a formal religious education was deemed at best unnecessary, and atworst inappropriate, for girls.. .The Jewish identity of Jewish women, then, was21integrally connected with home and family life rather than the institutions"(Hyman, 1991, P. 233).Upon coming to America it became the understanding that religion wasgoing to be compromised. For married women who spent most of their time athome, religion was easy to preserve. Their religious duties centred upon thehome: they found no fundamental challenges to their religious identities. Menfaced a much harder time adjusting to the demands of American economic life andthe choices they were forced to make resulted in their abandonment of Jewishtradition."Many of these women discovered that their preservation of traditionalJudaism within the home held a significance in the United States that it lacked inEurope, where the synagogue had been viewed as the central institution of Jewishreligious life" (Umansky, 1991, p. 272). The home became critical for thesurvival of Jewish identity. According to Pogrebin (1991), throughout historywomen's "spirituality and religiosity found expression in ways that kept them andtheir children affirmatively Jewish in every imaginable alien culture. They weredoing hard work, vital work -- God's work -- creating Jewish life and nourishingJewish families" (p. 141). Women moved from being the enablers of others toexpress Jewish identity to becoming the source of that identity. Umansky (1991)noted:Women communicated this sense of identity by conveying the importance ofJewish ethnicity (an aspect of Jewish life primarily transmitted through thepreparations of certain foods), Jewish peoplehood (through the celebrationof the Sabbath and festivals and often through the taking in of fellow Jewish22immigrants as boarders), and Jewish spirituality as both moral obligation,and inner piety. (p. 273)While women's roles were expanded, women were still restricted to theirhomes and communities, for most married Jewish women did not work. Theseupwardly mobile women began to embody public/communal expressions of theirJewish identity. By joining such women's organizations as synagogue sisterhoods,Hadassah, and the National Council of Jewish Women, women extended theirroles in Jewish life to philanthropic, cultural and communal activities.Neighbourhoods became the special turf for women. Women often looked totheir neighbors as their particular community (Hyman, 1991). As civic concernbecame considered an accepted extension of domestic responsibility, women wereable to engage themselves and their talents in projects outside the home and in thecommunity, projects that involved founding and maintaining hospitals, charitiesand orphanages, amongst other essential community institutions. By becominginvolved in public organizations, and by assuming positions of authority andresponsibility in them, the parameters of Jewish women's activity were redefinedas their relationship to the body of Jewish religious and cultural activity wasexpanded and enhanced (Hyman, 1991). According to Umansky (1991), within ashort time Jewish women were ready to begin channeling their Jewish energiesnot only in auxiliary venues such as women's civic organizations, but intotraditional Jewish religious activities and rituals.As a result of the immigrant experience, a shift took place from women'speripheral home-centred religious life to an expanded Jewish identity. Thesewomen laid much of the groundwork that has led to the acceptance of women as23ritual and communal equals in many North American communities today. Jewishwomen's identity today is expressed in a myriad of ways. Ritual observance andstudy are not the only expressions of Jewish identity. Choices are now availableas to how women express their Jewish identity -- choices that did not previouslyexist.As we have seen through the course of history secular influences played amajor role in shaping how modern Jews identify. One may think now that choicesare available in how people express their Jewish identity, that more people wouldidentify Jewishly in some way. However, Jews are still struggling with theiridentity in the secular world and their ethnic identity as Jews as if one has to besacrificed or be significantly compromised in order to fit. into society. Jewishwomen are also faced with the struggle of being a women in both the secularworld and the Jewish patriarchal world.Pogrebin (1991) describes the Jewish woman's experience as beingmarginalized (not being part of the cultural norm). "With other women sheremains The Jew, and with male Jews she remains The woman.. .she is neverentirely of them" (Pogrebin, 1991, p. xiv). Many women feel that to fit in theymust act differently or look differently to be accepted in both camps. This maylead to an erosion of self-esteem ,and one may become a self-hating Jew,unaffiliating with the community (Pogrebin, 1991).Pogrebin (1991) talks about the tug of war that exists between women andthe Jews. Pogrebin (1991), who was for a number of years cut off from herJewish, communal identity writes about her rocky journey toward a religiousidentity that is consistent with her feminist values:24I espouse both feminist and Jewish interests while accepting that, at times,one agenda might be more pressing than the other. It means working towardmore Jewish consciousness in feminism and more feminist consciousness inJudaism.. .unless I interlace ethnicity and gender, I am internally at odds withmyself and externally vulnerable; I have no clarity of purpose; I cannot besure why I am here or where I belong in the world. (Pogrebin, 1991, p. xvi)According to Pogrebin (1991), many Jewish women choose not to beJewish-identified just as many choose not to be woman-identified because theybelieve they have the option to behave as if peoplehood or gender "doesn'tmatter". Golda Meir ends her biography by saying that Jews "who have tried toopt out of their Jewishness have done so.. .at the expense of their own basicidentity" (p. 153). Pogrebin submitted that the same is true of women whoacknowledge their Jewishness but try to opt out of their womanhood by denyingits relevance. Pogrebin, after years of struggling, found that women can havedifferent kinds of Jewish identity.In the last few years Jewish women and men have begun to create newJewish rituals to include women equally in public worship and to celebrate femaleexperience and spirituality. These ceremonies include marking life stages ofwomen and celebrating the life stages of women.. .in addition to life-cyclemoments--birth, bat mitzvah, marriage, etc. (Koltun, 1976, p. 19). Pogrebinbelieves that Jewishness can also be expressed in individual and collective actionsin the secular sphere. For other women such as Pogrebin (1991), it is important tocelebrate a different kind of Jewish identity in addition to the above expansion ofwomen's roles in Jewish ritual life:25not the one that belonged to God, prayer, and synagogue, not the sentimentalkind associated with nostalgia, Yiddishisms, and chicken soup, but newpolitical contours that were so robust and sinewy they made everything elsein my wardrobe too small. (p. 154)Pogrebin (1991) began educating herself, traveling to Israel, joining Jewishorganizations and writing and speaking on Jewish issues. According to Pogrebin,(1991), " a person's identity is composed of both the "I" and a "we." The "I" findsitself in love, work, and pleasure, but it also located itself within somemeaningful group identity --a tribe, a community, a "we." Pogrebin emphasizedthat simply capturing the Jewish "I" which includes ritual observance and personalspirituality, is not enough to hold people to Judaism. She believes that "withoutthe connection to Jewish peoplehood --Jewish cultural, historical, and emotionallinkages --people find religion but not a deep- rooted Jewish identity". Pogrebin(1991) states:My gender identity is apparent on my person. But if I want my Jewishidentity to be known, I must enact it. Wearing a Jewish star around my neckwon't do; having a Jewish identity is not merely about religious pride. It isabout deciding each and every day what Jewishness means and how I willactualize it in my life. Being Jewish identified doesn't only related to how Iworship, what I eat, whom I marry, or where I live. It finds more concreteexpression in my ethical standards, the groups I join, where I give mycharitable dollars, my particular way to supporting Israel, how I interact withnon-Jews, and how I live my politics. (p. 163)26The Jewish community is strengthened by women like Letty CottinPogrebin who have struggled with the Jew and the feminist within herself andhave found their way to espousing both feminist and Jewish interests. Jewishwomen constitute half the Jewish population and Jewish survival demands that weactively include and maximize participation of Jewish women in all areas ofJewish life.If we care about Jewish survival, we need to care about educating women sothat by themselves, if need be -- in mixed marriages or as single mothers, inthe home and in the world -- they can be the sole carriers of the Jewishheritage. We must teach them Hebrew, Jewish history, literature, andtheology; encourage them to be fully involved in religious ritual; acceptthem in positions of influence in Jewish organizations and heed theircounsel ...we must adopt a feminist agenda, and empower Jewish women forthe sake of Jewish survival. (Pogrebin, 1991, p. 247).It is clear from the above background information that Jewish identity formen and women changes over time from both internal and external influences.Herman (1977) states that "there are variations in Jewish identity which flow fromthe peculiarities in the historical development of various communities, from theneed to adjust to changes in the Jewish situation in the non-Jewish world, fromthe impact of political and social movements, both of Jewish and generalcharacter, on Jewish life" (p. 63). Herman (1977), points out that Jewish identityas we know it today is the product of historical evolution. An understanding ofhistorical influences on people's Jewish identity must be acknowledged andunderstood as continuing to shape Jewish identity today.CHAPTER THREEREVIEW OF RELATED LITERATUREThe general problem statement and the history included in Chapters 1 and 2have touched on the changes that took place with the Jewish group and itsidentity as a whole during pre-and post-emancipation as well immigration toNorth America. With this information, one gains insight into the flexibilityJewish individuals have in today's society to create their own personal link tocertain ethnic and religious practices and to develop personal attitudes that arerelated to their sense of identity. This chapter begins with a discussion of stagesof identity development and its psychological implications, followed by adiscussion of Jewish continuity. Following this will be an exploration of thecentrality of religion and ethnicity in Jewish identity followed by a discussion ofscholars who view religion as central to Jewish identity, ethnicity as central toJewish identity and both religion and ethnicity as central to Jewish identity. Thenthe literature which addresses studies focused on religious and ethnic identity,personal characteristics, religious and ethnic attitudes, and religious and ethnicpractices will be reviewed. Following this a short review of the related studiesand their sampling procedures will be examined. Finally, the hypotheses for thestudy will be presented.Much of the literature review is from a sociological perspective. Sociologyand psychology are connected in the study of religious and ethnic identity. Ethnicand religious identity is, according to Herman (1977), an "inherently socialpsychological concept in that it refers to a state of mind shared by the members of2728a collectivity, formed through social interaction, and anchored in historical andsocial structural processes" (p. 9).Identity Development in a Psychological Frame According to Mead (cited in Weinstein-Klein, 1980), the identity concepthas its roots in two traditions -- the early psychoanalytic theory of instinctualdevelopment and the social theory of the formation of self through interactionwith others. Freud (1949) emphasized that sex and other biological drives werethe primary focus in shaping personality. Freud thought that how one repressedone's instincts affected identity. Towards the end of his career, he acknowledgedthe social and cultural field in forming identifications. The social learningtheorists (e.g., Bandura, 1971) believed that the crucial foundations of identity --language, mind and the process of identification -- are formed through socialinteraction (Weinstein-Klein, 1980). But these theorists did not carry their theoryfar enough to acknowledge the subcultural influences which help explain whymembers of different ethnic groups develop unique conceptions of self.Modern ego psychologists (Blanck & Blanck, 1974, 1979; Breger, 1974;Klein, 1976; Loevinger, 1976; Schafer, 1968; cited in Weinstein-Klein, 1980)stress ego development over instinctual drives of the id in shaping personality.Cultural and social factors played a far greater role in their theories than had beengranted by the biological determinism of Freud. They insisted that differences inthe social environment affect personality development. These theorists believeidentity is formed as we integrate our perceptions of ourselves.The ego psychologists argued that ego development is the major componentof identity formation, and that it is the result of a series of internalizations and29identifications. Identification occurs when an individual adopts behaviour fromanother person or a group because this behaviour is associated with a satisfyingself-defining relationship to this person or group. In other words, the individualbecomes concerned with meeting the group's expectations for role performance.The individual may take over a role of identification and perform acts accordingto the expectations of others, but at the same time may integrate the role withother aspects of the self (Kelman, 1974). Internalization can be said to occurwhen the individual accepts influence because it is congruent with his/her valuesystem. In adapting the new behaviour the individual makes it his/her own. As afamily member, the child adopts the family's practices, conventions and rituals.The likelihood that identification will lead to internalization depends upon thefocus of the identification. If the identification is positive and active, as opposedto repetitive, the individual is more likely to internalize it.Personal identity can be defined as the individual's concept of who he/she isover time and throughout many life situations. Kelman's view of identity (1974)is that it is not fixed, but rather a constantly evolving self-definition. He pointedout that as a person's life changes, and that as he/she encounters new situationsand experiences his/her identity can be modified. A person's identity is a productof his/her experiences. These experiences include the various social influenceschildren are exposed to as they grow up. Identity represents an interaction ofthese social forces and personal forces.Social identity influences how we perceive and present ourselves, as well ashow we perceive and treat others (Garza & Herringer, 1986). Social identity asdefined by Tajfel (cited in Garza & Herringer), is "that part of an individual's self-30concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group(or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to thatmembership" (p. 255).Lewin (1948) maintained that an early, clear, and positive feeling ofbelonging to the group is essential for the individual's security, direction andidentity. He explored the dilemma of the "marginal man" and the tendency forminority group members to value the more privileged group in society anddevelop hostility towards their own group. It is the "uncertainty about the groundon which he stands and the group to which he belongs" which creates theaggression and conflict for the marginal man (p. 16). Weinstein-Mein (1980)pointed out that it is psychologically impossible to separate out one's groupidentification and ignore it; and that this results in the individual never feelingpersonally integrated and constantly struggling with his/her personal identity(Weinstein-Klein, 1980). Following Lewin's theory, Weinstein-Klein (1980)discovered a positive relationship between a solid, clear, ethnic groupidentification and self-esteem, sense of well-being, and positive self-concept.Group identity is the group's definition of itself -- its concept of its enduringcharacteristics and basic values, its strengths and weaknesses, its hopes and fears,its reputation and conditions of existence, its institutions and traditions, its pasthistory, current purposes and future prospects (Woocher, 1981). Group identitycan stand on its own in that it is made up of accumulated historical products,including written documents, oral traditions, and symbolic artifacts. But, theindividuals that make up the group can differ widely in their degree ofinvolvement and emotional commitment to the group. Group identity is reflected31in the consciousness of each individual to different degrees and in different ways,depending on the nature of his/her socialization and experiences to which he/shewas exposed (Kelman, 1974). These influences include parents, teachers andpeers.Erikson (1974, 1980) studied the topic of identity through the integration ofpsychological, social, and cultural perspectives. His concept of ego identityincludes the importance of conscious and unconscious internalization of groupvalues and ideals. He attaches historical and ethnic meanings to an understandingof psychological defenses and symptoms. Ego identity according to Erikson is anintrapsychic phenomenon that consists of the psychological core of what theperson means to him- or herself (Erikson, 1974). Identity, according to Erikson(cited in Dashefsky, 1976), "is not the sum of childhood identifications, but rathera new combination of old and new identification fragments" (p. 7).Ethnic identity has become part of recent studies due to the ethnicrevitalization movements in the 1960s. The shift towards studying ethnic identityis important because the groups to which one belongs are an inevitable part ofone's life experiences. As individuals are socialized, first within the family andthen by membership in other groups, they are exposed to different influences. Outof these influences, individuals form beliefs, attitudes, values and expectationswhich add to their personal core, make up their identity (Kelman, 1974).Writers in the social sciences, for example Weinstein-Klein, 1980,according to Phinney (1990), have asserted that ethnic identity is crucial to theself-concept and psychological functioning of ethnic group members.Pinderhughes (1989) pointed out that some people wish to be seen as individuals,32that is, not connected to any ethnic identity. Pinderhughes (1989) points out thatsome people view themselves as non ethnic, announcing their beliefs that a focuson ethnicity is ethnocentric and biased against others. Erikson (1966) calls this a"wider identity" which refers to identity that transcends small collectivityboundaries and centers on identity as a world citizen. Erikson considered suchidentity characteristic of the highest level of functioning. According toPinderhughes (1989), "persons who embrace this orientation must be firmlyanchored in some personal sense of uniqueness and self-value. Otherwise,although they may feel a meaningful connection with others, they may fail toappreciate the uniqueness of other people" (p. 45).Pinderhughes (1989) points out that "using personal identity as a substitutefor a strong, integrated sense of ethnicity can be risky. People can and do seekpersonal meaning in a variety of sources that can be used to substitute for ethnicmeaning. Such sources include one's profession, one's talent, religious group, orgay identity" (p. 46). She feels these choices must offer a sense of meaning thatgrows out of a connection to others otherwise the individual may end up withfeelings of uncertainty about belongingness which can result in self-hate andpsychological conflict.The personal core around which identity forms starts with innatecharacteristics which include the child's cultural and ethnic heritage. Phinney(1990) emphasized that one of the critical issues of ethnic identity includes thedegree and quality of involvement that is maintained with one's own culture andheritage. According to Pinderhughes (1989), if one is not connected to othermembers of one's ethnic group, one has fewer opportunities to change negative33attitudes and develop a sense of group identity, or develop the comfort of anintegrated personal identity which marks healthy functioning.At this point the question arises as to what extent, and in what way, doindividuals adopt ethnic and religious identity into their personal identity?According to Kelman (1974), the incorporation of group identity in the personalidentity of individuals concerns the development of their orientation to the groupitself. How central and significant a part does their membership in a particulargroup play in their personal identity? To what extent is their definition of whothey are linked to that group? How salient is this group membership to their dailylife; how intense is their involvement with it, how strong is their commitmentand loyalty to it; and how solid is their sense of belongingness in it?According to Medding et al. (1992):...the multiple aspects of identity coexist independently rather thancoalescing to form a larger, integrated whole. The result is what might betermed pluralistic personality. The significance and salience for theindividual of any particular segment of his or her personal identity will varywith particular circumstances-personal, societal, historical, and soforth.. .neither the extent nor the intensity of the Jewish segment of personalidentity is fixed. The Jewish segment may be very broad, taking in manyaspects of contemporary Jewish group identity (such as religion, Israel,philanthropy, culture, group defense, friendship) or only one or few of these.At the same time, involvement in even a single, narrow segment ofJewishness may be very intense, whereas simultaneous involvement in anumber of aspects may be attenuated. (p. 16)34Jewish Continuity Goldberg (1992), in his article "America's Vanishing Jews", questionswhether American Jewry is disappearing: "Nothing less than a threat to Jewishcontinuity has become the most talked about crisis in Jewish community life thisseason" (p. 29). The reason for this scare, according to Goldberg (1992), can besummed up with the word 'intermarriage'. The Jewish population survey carriedout in 1990 by the Council of Jewish Federations (CJF), set off a national wave ofpanic of people believing that the high rate of intermarriage (one out of two whomarried after 1985, married non-Jews), is a threat to Jewish continuity. Somepredict the eventual disappearance of a distinctive Jewish community and adecline in Jewish values, charitable donations, support for Israel, etc.Theorists like Neil Sandberg (cited in Waxman 1983), who are called'straight line theorists', worry about the pattern of declining ethnic behaviour andfear its disappearance into the larger society. Straight line theory is based on themelting pot theory which implies the disappearance of ethnic groups into the hostsociety. According to Sklare (1974) "earlier generations of social scientistsbelieved that secularism would defeat religion, thus consuming Judaism in theprocess, and then the melting pot would triumph over pluralism, thus consumingJewish ethnicity" (p. 147). Researchers on Jewish identity became consumed bythe question of whether the Jewish people would survive. These theorists believethat Jews will gradually live life more and more like their fellow Canadians:participate more in social circles with people of different backgrounds and, incontrast to the multicultural vision of Canada, be less and less members of aculturally distinct group (Schoenfeld, 1989). Merelman (cited in Medding et al.,351992) argues that this trend in American society results in the decline of groupbelongingness and the rise of individualism.Traditionalists, another term for 'straight line theorists', view theintermarriage statistics as a forecast of a steep decline in the size of the AmericanJewish population as more and more people produce non-Jewish children. StevenBayme (cited in Goldberg, 1992) pointed out that the overall consensus is thatlosses will range between 300,000 and one million in the next generation.The traditionalists seem to dominate much of the debate, and have statisticsto back up their argument. They see intermarriage as having the potential todestroy the Jewish community. Based on early statistical highlights of the CJFNational Jewish Population Survey (1970) reported by Kosmin et al. (1990), therate of intermarriage was not just high but rising. It showed 6 percent of couplesintermarried before 1960 to 12 percent by 1964, 29 percent by 1971, and 52percent after 1985. The CJF National Jewish Population Survey (1990) reportedby Kosmin et al (1990) however, found an increase in American Jewishhouseholds from the 1970 survey; 57 percent of the 3.2 million American Jewishhouseholds, or 1.8 million households, consisted of Jews living exclusively withJews.Observers of the American Jewish community worry not merely about thephysical survival of the biological descendants of Jews, but also about thecontinuity of Judaism as a culture, as a peoplehood, and as a religion. Earlyreports taken from the CJF National Jewish Population Survey (Kosmin et al,1990) illustrate the change experienced in the American Jewish community.American Jews marry later, have their children later, and divorce more often than36Jews in other countries. Younger American Jews join and attend synagogues lessfrequently and belong to fewer Jewish organizations. Younger American Jews aremore integrated into American society, living and working with the majority ofco-workers and neighbors who are not Jewish. Home-based ritual observancecontinues to decline.To Goldscheider and Zuckerman (1984), 'straight line' theorists andtraditionalists seem to be adhering to the past where Judaism and Jewishness wereso intertwined that any slight changes in religious expression represented a threatto Jewish continuity. Despite the challenges of modernity to Jewish tradition asdiscussed in the background section, numerous studies indicate that theinfluences of contemporary society do not effect Jewish continuity.Opponents of the traditional view, according to Goldberg (1992), include anumber of Jewish sociologists who suggest that the American Jews may not befading away at all: they may simply be transforming themselves into somethingnew. Straight line theory is being replaced by new theories which argue thatcontinual attachment to ancestral religious and ethnic loyalties will pervade. Thisnew thinking has occurred partly because of the open society we live in today --where people feel freer to choose how they identify -- and partly because theuniqueness of Judaism allows the Jewish people the freedom to choose how theyidentify.Sociologists of the transformationist viewpoint look at less-noticed data inthe National population survey (1990) and other recent studies which displayJewish life as stable. Goldscheider (cited in Goldberg, 1992), points to the 85percent of American Jewish households where the children receive exposure to37Jewish education. One hundred years ago there were very few Jewish schoolsanywhere in the world. "The great yeshivot of Europe in their heyday had maybea total of 100 or 150 students altogether. We have thousands across the country"(p. 30).Goldberg (1992) points out that never in history has a community of Jewstrained more rabbis, consumed more kosher food, published more Jewish books,produced more Jewish plays and taught more children to speak Hebrew. CalvinGoldscheider (cited in Goldberg 1992) states that "the notion that we aredisappearing is false, ...over the last 1,500 years, Jews have been transformednumerous times, and it appears we're are being transformed again. The questionis, what are we becoming?"Individuals continue to develop different patterns of Jewish life and culture.Jews, in order to integrate into the social mainstream, have reduced their extremesubcultural involvement and, in order to survive as Jews, innovated new modesof Jewish identity and community (Cohen, 1983; Goldscheider & Zuckerman,1984; Reisman, 1979). There are a range of options available from the Jewishtradition all of which were formerly part of an organic whole but today exist asindependent options. The modern Jew must decide which of the separatecomponents of Jewish identity are important and how they are to be balanced(Cohen, 1983; Reisman, 1979).Cohen (cited in Goldberg, 1992) suggests that based on a 1989 opinion poll,there are three levels of Jewish behaviour: "the intensively involved, themoderately affiliated, and the peripheral or unaffiliated" (p. 30). The intensivelyinvolved, roughly 25 percent of the total and generally affiliated with the38Orthodox and Conservative branches, are marked by practices like keepingkosher, attending synagogue regularly, observing "minor" holidays like Sukkotand Israel Independence Day, and sending their children to Jewish day schools.The unaffiliated, which Cohen estimates to be about 10 percent of the totalpopulation, avoid even such universal practices as attending a Passover seder,visiting synagogue on the High Holy Days, celebrating Hanukkah and sendingtheir children for Bar Mitzvah training. Cohen reports that in the middle lies thebroad mass of American Jews (about 65%) who adhere to those minimumpractices and not much else. He sees these people as wanting continuity but notbeing committed to continuity beyond those practices.With the growing knowledge of the changing expressions of Judaism, adecline in ritual observance, or synagogue attendance, is seen as being balancedout by the examination of a wide range of Jewish related activities not based ontraditional modes of behaviour but on residence, education, and volunteering.These new forms of expression are family and community based. AsGoldscheider (1986) pointed out, "while religion has lost its centrality anddominance in the Jewish world, it continues to play a supportive role in linkingeducational, family, economic and lifestyle issues to broader communal issues" (p.183). The changes and transformations, according to Goldscheider (1986), haveresulted in greater ties and networks.Only once we understand the community can we begin to develop programsto foster Jewish identity and reach the population Cohen (1992) calls, 'moderatelyaffiliated'. In order to reach this population one must look beyond questions ofsurvival into more specific ways people construct their identity. It is important to39understand where this new population's priorities lie in order to develop a sense oftheir needs.The Centrality of Religion and Ethnicity in Jewish IdentityRelated to the debate between traditionalists and transformationists lies thedebate between religion or ethnicity as being central to Jewish identity. Thequestion arises as to which components of one's Jewish identity -- ethnic,religious or a combination of both -- will help ensure continuity.Rabbi Abraham Kook, (cited in Pogrebin, 1991), distinguished between"external holiness", the pious performance of rituals, and "internal holiness," thefeeling of being linked to the Jewish people, the Jewish heart, and Jewish destiny.Pogrebin (1991) stressed the importance of adding fuel to the flames of internalholiness through some external holiness -- to keep these Jews Jewish, in thepeoplehood sense. According to Herman (1977):Judaism is not just a religious creed analogous to Christianity. It is thereligious civilization of one particular nation, it resides in the Jewish peopleand reflects its history. And the Jewish people is what it is because of thisreligious civilization. The Jewish prayers are suffused with references to thepeople and its land, the religious festivals are also national celebrations.Jews have indeed maintained throughout the centuries that there is anindissoluble connection between the Jewish people, the land of Israel, andthe Torah. The Jewishness of even non religious Jews cannot be completelydivorced from its religious associations. (p. 36)According to Medding et al. (1992):40Many American Jews give strong expression to feelings of Jewishness as acentral component of their personal identity even when they fail to upholdmajor Jewish religious beliefs and rituals. As numerous studies havedocumented, being Jewish is very important to many individuals. Theyexpress considerable Jewish pride, are comfortable with their Jewishness,are happy they were born Jewish, relate to other Jews as family, and wanttheir children to remain Jewish. Despite the shift away from the communityof shared belief, the religious value system remains a distinctive definingcharacteristic of the Jewish group at the normative and cultural levels.Popular religious observances -- i.e., those relating to rites de passage andthe holidays -- continue to provide personal identity with its group aspects,even though the practices may have been selectively detached form acoherent and consistent whole. They serve as a vehicle for expressingshared feelings in familial and communal contexts, which reinforce andheighten the positive emotional affect of group belonging at the core ofpersonal identity. (p. 15)Jewish identity may be segmented but according to Medding et al. (1992),the core of Jewishness remains unambiguous, in that it is exclusively connectedwith the Jewish group's cultural and ethnic heritage.Religion as Central to Jewish identityThe religious element in the survival of the Jewish people is an importantsubject for research. Religious faith, religious practice, and religious symbols lieat the heart of traditional Jewish culture. Greeley (cited in Waxman, 1983) alongwith numerous other researchers, believed that the Jewish religion and ethnicity41are inextricably intertwined and that the persistence of ethnic groups and ethnicidentification are related to continuing religious identification. Sklare (1974)noted that the sociological study of religion perceives religion as a uniting force.The possibility of religion acting as a dividing force is present given the existenceof such affiliations as Reform, Conservative, and Orthodox Judaism; but becauseJewish religion is ethnic it has a historical connection that remains despitereligious affiliation.There is almost a universal feature of selective practice among Jews today(Kokosalakis, 1982). As with most religions, it is not easy to separate practicefrom belief. Ritual practice has always been the direct measure of Jewishreligiosity. Belief in and commitment to God has always been the essence ofJudaism. However, in modern society there are atheist and agnostic Jews who insome ways continue to practice Jewish rituals. This task of deciphering theindividual meaning of being a Jew is complicated by the fact that Jews themselvesshare no common understanding of the matter. This makes understandingreligious and ethnic identity even more complex.Jewish law (Halakha) is central to religious tradition. Some Jews believethat the law was divinely ordained, and that observance is the fulfillment of God'swill. For most North American Jews, the laws are not central. But as indicatedthrough numerous population studies cited in Liebman and Cohen (1990), someforms of observance remain central. Approximately four-fifths of American Jewslight Hanukkah candles, and almost 90 percent say they attend a Passover seder.The population studies also indicated practices that are less frequently observed.Over a third of respondents report that Sabbath candles are lit in their homes on42Friday evenings, and a third say they attend synagogues services at times otherthan High Holidays. About a third reported buying kosher meat, and about aquarter use separate dishes (p. 123).The Boston Jewish Community conducted two Jewish community surveys(Axelerod,1965; Fowler,1975). They focused specifically on measures of Jewishidentification. The concrete questions included home rituals such as lightingSabbath candles, participating in a Passover service, and keeping kosher. Theythen examined religious service membership and attendance. The mainadvantages of this measurement is that it gives communities an understanding ofwhere priorities lie over time. It has continuity with other research done in thearea, for example, the CJF National Population Survey which shows that the BabyBoom generation is being drawn back to Shul (Goldberg, 1992).Herman (1977) discusses that the Holocaust and the establishment of theState of Israel contributed to the formation of contemporary Jewish identity. Ashift has occurred in religous identity due to these circumstances, from a religiousto a national basis of Jewish ethnic identity. For many Jews, their religiousheritage has lost its sacred significance altogether. The paradox is that in order tomaintain their ethnic identity at all, Jews still have to cling somehow to traditionalreligious and ritual symbols (Herman, 1977; Kokosalakis, 1982; Liebman, 1988).Religion is centered in many of the Jewish group's most important rituals, first inthe family, then in the synagogue, and finally in the community.Studies have focused on the relationship between religion and social changeto further the understanding of the continued commitment to certain laws and thedemise of others. Sklare (1979) points out a contradiction between the norms of43Jewish tradition and those of modernity. Traditionally ritualism was based on thereligious system while today it takes on personal meaning. This generation islooking for easy ways to express their identity, as a result people refrain fromreligious behaviour that requires large commitments of time or demands socialisolation.Furman (1987), instead of seeing the different forms of Jewish identity inthe Jewish community as a decline in religious practice, sees it as a broadening ofreligious practice. The main goal of prayer for Jews today, according to Furman,is not communication with God, but the rediscovery of community, culturalpursuits, and individuality. One member of a Reform synagogue eloquentlydescribed his/her attachment to the synagogue as coming from ritual observance:"my satisfaction comes out of the ethical and moral imperatives of the religion,particularly as they are brought out at a level that I am comfortable with" (Furman,1987, p. 77).Goldscheider & Zuckerman (1984) similar to Furman, see the decline inreligious practice as bringing about the expression of new forms. These changesreflect the acceptance of religion as but one dimension of the different factors inan individual's life. They believe Judaism has survived over the years because ithas been transformed. The "transformationists"-- as Liebman calls those whointerpret the changes as healthy -- point out that Judaism has always changedthroughout the ages. Many have considered this to be an important factor in thesurvival of the Jewish people. Therefore, if we are to continue to view religion ascentral we must accept a broader definition of religion.44Sklare (1982), in an attempt to broaden his view of religion, suggests that ifwe are redefining religion it is important to distinguish between ceremony andritual. Ritual, can be classified as repetitive behaviour that is explicitly religious,while ceremony is social. Ceremony reinforces the concept that the individual ispart of this social group. "Religious ritual connects the individual to sometranscendent presence. It provides a bridge between man and God by engagingthe participant in an act God has commanded" (Liebman & Cohen, 1990, p. 125).Over the past two decades there has been an increase in ritual behaviour amongOrthodox Jews in the United States (Cohen, 1989; Liebman, 1988) and a declinein ritual behaviour among the non-Orthodox who make up 90 percent of the Jews.Ceremony allows Jews to maintain their ties to rituals but perform them in acontext more conducive to their life style. This pattern allows the transformationof Jewish patterns of behaviour and the construction of new concepts ofJudaism.Glazer (1990) points out that as Jews move further from tradition it is nottheir beliefs but practices that change. "It is simply adapting to American life andto modernity, as it once adapted to Mesopotamia, to Spain, or to Poland" (p. 16).Glazer raised the question as to the role Judaism can play for the Jew and Jewishlife when its religious content is radically reduced. Fein (cited in Glazer, 1990) ina recent survey said that 91% of Jews felt that the Jewish people would notsurvive without religion. On the other hand, two-thirds disagreed with thestatement: "To be a good Jew, one must believe in God". This discrepancyreiterates that the definition of religion is changing and taking on new meaning.45In light of the changing definition of religion, Goldstein and Goldscheider(1968) put forth a multidimensional analysis. They divide religion intoideological, ritualistic, organizational and cultural forms. On the basis of theirstudy they do not feel the focus of religion should be on 'religious revival','religious decline', or 'religious stability', but shift the focus to the realization thatchanges have occurred in religious expressions and that therefore religion shouldtake on a new definition.Liebman (1988) is concerned with the position that Jewishness can survivewithout Judaism. Liebman argues that if "religious factors are overlooked whenstudying Jewish identity, and the focus turns to ethnicity one does not know ifthey are studying Jewish behaviour or behaviour that happens to characterizeAmerican Jews and which can be accounted for by any number of other variablessuch as class, education, occupation or income" ( p. 7). Liebman believes thedecline of religious practice will lead to the demise of the Jewish community.Steinberg (cited in Krausz, 1977) believes that "the modification of Jewishidentity may not have guaranteed the survival of Jewish life, but only prolongedits demise" (p. 254). No longer grounded in religion, ethnic identity andinvolvement in community are less secure.Krausz (1977) also has difficulty with studies like Goldstein andGoldscheider's (1969). He believes that the modernization of religion confusesthe role that the religious factor plays in contemporary Jewish identification, andfeels that if religious behaviour becomes secular in nature then it becomes lessreligiously meaningful. The only way we could see it otherwise is if we adopt anunusually broad definition of religion: one which suggests that religion is just one46of many variables of Jewish identification. This would also suggests that themeaning of religion can be changed depending on the demands of the world andtherefore be diminished. Krausz (1977) believes that if this continual broadeningof the definition of religious identification takes place, religion can be pushedtoward non-existence.Ethnicity as Central to Jewish identityAccording to Medding (1977):The religion itself, furthermore, made the test for membership of the groupnot one of religious performance but one of ethnic origins. To join thegroup and be subject to its rights and obligations, it was sufficient to beborn of a Jewish mother. Similarly one could not leave the group or bedisqualified by not performing religious precepts, or even by active andvocal denial of the most important religious beliefs. Thus while one couldbe a member of the Jewish people without following the Jewish religion,one could not adopt the Jewish religion without becoming a member of theJewish people. (p. 6)Contemporary Jewish ethnic ties come from the sense of shared peoplehood:"These are the people of my ancestors, therefore they are my people and they willbe the people of my children" (cited in Medding, 1977, p. 10). Religiosity is onlyone of the ways in which Jews express their Jewishness (London & Frank, 1987).When religion is not involved, Jews are known to surround themselves with otherJews, want their children to marry other Jews and be a part of the Jewishcommunity (London & Frank, 1987). Sklare (1974) stated that the Jewish religionmay be a prototype of an ethnic religion.47Goldscheider and Zuckerman (1984) discuss the fact that Judaism (thereligion -- values, beliefs, rituals, ceremonies and behaviour patterns to whichJews subscribe) may be dying; they argue, however, that Jewishness is alive andwell: that it is being metamorphosed to fit modern day society. Thismetamorphosis is known to some as 'symbolic ethnicity'. Patterns that lendthemselves to transformation into symbols and easy practice such as annualholidays, should persist; so will organizations that create and distribute symbolsor "ethnic goods" such as foodstuffs or written materials. Many Jews todayreplace religious practice with community involvement. Some researchers viewthis as a poor substitute and end up referring to the modern Jewish practice as a"civil religion". They believe that the ethnic identity is a temporary matter andthat in time all "ethnics" will disappear (Liebman 1979).Eisenstadt (1990) noted that many Jews did not want to lose theirJewishness but wanted to change their direction and attach themselves to differentelements of Jewish tradition. He described it as a restructuring of their identity.This new identity was manifested in customs that act as symbols of a collectivepeoplehood, lighting candles on Hanukkah and on the Sabbath, bar-mitzvah,marriage, circumcision, etc. It is important to note that for some, these customsbecame rituals and these rituals became laws; in turn, there was a return toorthodoxy. This again illustrates again that there "is no simple relationshipbetween attachment to Jewish customs and commitment to Jewish identity"(Eisenstadt, 1990, p. 23).Yancey, Ericksen, and Juliani (1976) suggested that much of the behaviourcommonly associated with ethnicity is a function of "structural situations in which48groups have found themselves" (p. 399). They argued that ethnicity is definedthrough identification with common origins and frequent patterns of association;and that it is developed under conditions of residential stability and segregation,common occupations and dependence on local institutions and services. They feelit is important to identify the conditions in which ethnicity is particularly salient,such as geographically based communities, common occupational positions etc.Others like Goldscheider and Zuckerman (cited in Liebman, 1988) definethe vitality or quality of Jewish life by what they call the "cohesion of thecommunity.. .the strength of the Jewish community reflects the number andintensity of in-group interactions. The more the bases of interaction and thegreater its intensity, the more cohesive is the community" (p. 67). Goldscheiderand Zuckerman focus upon what Jews do, and assume that activity assures thevitality of Jewish life. Jewish social networks have emerged which are based onlifestyle, jobs, residence, education, and family ties. The importance of ethnic-communal forms of Jewish identity are very much part of the Jewish world today.Religion and Ethnicity as Central to Jewish identity. The most intriguing problem in Jewish culture revolves around trying totrace the high degree of overlap between ethnic and religious identity. Accordingto Kokosalakis (1982), "We can thus think of Spaniards, Italians, Greeks, FrenchEgyptians, Iraqis, etc., independently of Christianity and Islam in a way that wecannot think of Jews independently of Judaism. In short the cultural boundariesof peoplehood, nation and religion are almost coextensive and, in a sense,interchangeable amongst the Jews in a way which is not true of any other people"(p.2). Without baptism or faith in Christ there are no Christians and no Church.49But even the most orthodox Jewish theologians and ancient prophets would agreethat even without faith and practice, there was a Jewish people (Werblowsky,1976). This interrelationship (cited in Waxman, 1983) is expressed in traditionalJewish literature by the likes of Ray Saaia Gaon (circa 882-942). He asserts in hisclassic work, Haemunot Vedeot (The book of Beliefs and Options)that: "Ournation is a nation only by virtue of its Torah (religious beliefs and laws)" (p. xxii).Similarily Rabbi Judah Loew of Prague, the renowned Kabalist of the sixteenthcentury (circa 1513-1609), in Tifereth Yisrael maintains that the Torah is realizedonly through the nation of Israel" (p. xxii).Liebman's work (cited in Sklare, 1979) argues that after emancipation inWestern Europe, Jews were considered (or chose to be considered) a religiousrather that an ethnic group. In Eastern Europe, Jews were considered a separatenationality or ethnic group. Liebman (cited in Sklare, 1979) tells us AmericanJudaism is mainly of Eastern European origin. Because America recognized thelegitimacy of religious rather than ethnic institutions, Eastern Europeans set upreligious structures and filled them with ethnic or communal content.Waxman (1983) points out that the reassertion of religious consciousnessand the reassertion of ethnicity occurred more or less at the same time. Despitethe shift of emphasis on one or the other component of group identity, bothreligion and ethnicity have been inextricably linked. A weakening of any of thesecomponents leads to a weakening of Jewish identity as a whole. Werblowsky(1976), in illustrating the historical relationship of Jewish religion to Jewishethnicity, says "Judaism is not a case of a religion arising somewhere and thusinfluencing, impregnating and shaping a people. The people and the religion50have grown together, the religion not only proclaiming beliefs and dictatingbehaviour which the people adopt, but imposing these very specifically on thatparticular people as its vocation, life-giving purpose and guarantee of existence"(p. 49). Jewish religion represented a way of life, and hence religion and culturewere one.Although much of the literature indicates that a priority is given by theJewish people to the ethnic rather than the religious factor in Jewish identity, thatidentity is expressed through traditional religious symbols. "So it is through thesynagogue, the festivals, the rites of passage, dietary laws, the mezuzah, Jewisheducation and other such signs that Jewishness becomes visible" (Kokosalakis,1982, p. 230) . Because these signs serve as the vehicles of identity for bothobservant and non-observant Jews, they reiterate the difficulty of separating thereligious Jew from the ethnic Jew. Therefore, questions of practice incombination with personal identification questions will help us more clearlyunderstand the role these practices play in their sense of personal identification.Are they ethnically significant or religiously significant or both?Researchers who study the link between religion and ethnicity do notconcern themselves with a 'chicken and egg' scenario, that is, which came first andwhether one can survive without the other. Their focus is on the extent to whichthe attributes of religion and ethnicity are reflected in the individual's identity andthe extent to which religion and ethnicity influence the person. The importance ofthis focus is the attention paid to the bonds that unite the Jewish community ratherthan building barriers between those who feel religiously Jewish and those whofeel ethnically Jewish and those who feel that they are a combination of both.51The following review of the literature will touch on other sources andstudies that examine the majority of the questions asked in the survey. It isdivided between studies examining religious and ethnic identity in a broad sense,followed by studies focussing on personal characteristics, religious and ethnicpractices, religious and ethnic attitudes and it concludes with methods in theliterature of gathering a sample.Studies examining Religious and Ethnic IdentityResearchers, for example, Herman (1977), Brym (1989)& Cohen (1983)differ extensively on the criteria for developing questions to assess Jewishreligious and ethnic identity. Herman (1977), in a comparative study of Jewsfrom different parts of the world, asked them how they define the Jewish group --as a religious group, as a people, as both a people and a religious group, or byanother definition. Jewish identity inevitably assumes different forms in apluralistic society like the United States, especially when compared to an anti-religious totalitarian society like the former USSR, or to the Jewish majority inIsrael which provides an environment for the fuller expression of Jewish identity.In the United States, Israel, and South Africa, the majority viewed the Jewishgroup as both a people and a religious group. In Argentina and the former USSRthe majority who were studied viewed the Jewish group as a people. All thecountries rated low in the singular definition of it being a religion. This studysheds a comparative light to other places and countries which adds to therelevance of the results.Steinberg (1975) developed a survey to measure some pieces of the vastrealm of 'Jewish identity and identification'. In particular, his survey emphasized52behaviours rather than attitudes, cognitive knowledge or images. Steinberg (citedin Krausz, 1977), in an attempt to put forward a simple multidimensional modelof Jewish identity, used the following core dimensions to describe Jewishidentity: the 'tribal dimension,' referring to the consciousness of kind or sense ofpeoplehood; 'the religious dimension,' seen through religious behaviour andcommitments; 'the communal dimension', which includes social activities withinthe communal organizational framework; 'the secular dimension,' which refers toassociation with other Jews and Jewish culture outside the organized Jewishcommunity; and 'the intellectual dimension,' which concerns knowledge aboutJews and Jewish affairs.Brym (1986) refers to the Canadian Census efforts to elicit religious andethnic information. When the census was taken in 1981 and again in 1991,Jewish citizens of Canada had an opportunity to define themselves in twodifferent but related ways: they could answer a question on their religious identity(Not the level of practice but a simple identification with an organized religiouscommunity) and a question of the ethnic identity of their ancestors. Respondentscould list as many ethnic origins as they wished, including "Canadian". In Canadathe census data has been compared to local Jewish community surveys to providethe community with information on the strength of their sample.The Canada Census, according to Brym (1981), provided the Jewishcommunity with enough information to divide the Canadian Jewish populationinto four groups. The first and by far the largest group is composed of "highidentifiers"--those who indicated that both their religion and ethnic origin wasJewish. The smallest group is composed of apostates who considered themselves53ethnic Jews but had converted to a non-Jewish religion. Not much morenumerous are the secularists who considered themselves ethnic Jews but statedthey have no religion. Altogether, these three groups-- Canada's "ethnic Jews" --represent over 90 percent of the Canadian Jewish population. The fourth groupof Canadian Jews, comprising people who specified multiple ethnic origins (e.g.,Jewish and British), were labeled "assimilated". According to Reitz (cited inBrym 1989) "people who specify multiple ethnic origins tend to identify weaklywith any one ethnic group" (p. 38). The 1986 "mini-census" does not askquestions about respondents' religion , so for that year Jews could only be dividedinto two groups--ethnic and assimilated. In 1986 the total number of Jews was up17 percent over 1981. However, the increase is attributed to the number ofassimilated Jews in the five years between the census. The number of ethnic Jewsin Canada is down nearly 7 percent from five years earlier. Brym's study islimited because it gives us figures but no information on the range of people thatfall in, for example, the high identifiers, or the ethnic Jews category. As far as weknow, from the figures given by Brym individuals are all the same within acategory. It does not provide information that we can use for practical purposes:information on the extent to which people identify with their religious or ethnicorigin would.Torczyner (1983) cross tabulated 18 variables in 52 tables; to use with thecensus data; for example: age, sex, income status, year of immigration, mothertongue, occupation, schooling and intermarriage rates. Each of these tables weredesigned for replication in approximately 130 regions in Canada. Data wasgenerated and details of Jewish life in urban neighbourhoods as well as in far54remote rural villages was illustrated. Comparable data was also obtained for thenon-Jewish community in order to identify trends and issues common to anddifferent from the Jewish population.The census data remains the most exact and effective population measure;however, it does have its limitations. The census does not address attitude andbehavioural elements that define social , cultural and religious viability. Thedetailed account of community composition contained in the census needs to becomplimented with measures of community affiliation, practices andparticipation.The National Population Survey according to Kosmin et al., (1990),incorporates basic demographic information, as well as attitudes and behaviourdata to profile communities. Its purpose is to provide an opportunity for as manypeople as possible to reveal whatever is Jewish about their identity by asking:How important is being Jewish to you in your life? According to Kosmin et al.,(1990) "The typologies reflect a principal feature of Jewishness, namely that it isan amalgam of ethncity and religion, and the fact that America allows for choiceabout one's religio-ethnic identity (p. 4). This study does not arrogate to itself theultimate definition of who or what is a Jew; being Jewish is very broad and takeson different meanings for everyone. In order for this attitudinal information to berelevant we must understand what part of being Jewish is important, for example,ethnically and religiously.According to Kosmin et al., the CJF National Jewish Population Survey(1990) did attempt to further understand individuals' attitudes by asking threepertinent questions. One of the questions was: "When you think of what it means55to be a Jew in America would you say that it means being a member of: 1) areligious group? 2) an ethnic group? 3) a cultural group ? 4) a nationality? 5)something else". Being Jewish as defined by cultural group membership was theclear preference of three of the four identity groups. Definition in terms of ethnicgroup was the second highest and was cited more frequently than religious groupby every Jewish identity group. Surprisingly, nationality was especially cited byassimilated Jews. The low level of positive support for religion is interesting.Further analysis shows that less than 5 percent of all respondents consider beingJewish solely in terms of being a member of a religious group, whereas 90percent define being Jewish as being a member of a cultural or ethnic group.Nevertheless there continues to be firm associational ties with the Jewishcommunity, belief and practice. There are four times as many Jews in the UnitedStates of America who practice religion as there are secular Jews: 4.4 million to1.1 million. This question provides us with added information in that it breaksJewish identification down into core categories. What the questions miss isfirstly, the extent to which the individual sees it as an ethnic or religious groupbecause they are simply required to answer yes or no. Secondly, it does not elicitpersonal feelings on how important being ethnically and/or religiously Jewish is.It is more of a question tied to how society (America in this case) views beingJewish.Davids (1982), in a survey of York University students, hypothesized thatstudents who indicated a high sense of Jewish identity would also tend to viewthemselves as more religious; they would tend to have a more extensive Jewisheducational background, and would be less likely to favor non-traditional56behaviour such as significant consumption of liquor, soft drugs, and involvementin premarital sex (p. 676). Davids found that he had made assumptions that werenot that simple to prove. His findings illustrated that Jewish identity is actuallyquite independent of Jewish religiosity, since 5 out of 6 students in his studyreported a high sense of Jewish identity but less than 1 out of 10 reportedthemselves to be highly religious. These findings, as pointed out by Davids, arelimited in that they may only indicate that campus Jewish organizations do notreach the highly religious students who may establish their contacts off campus ormay not attend this particular University. One conclusion to be drawn from thisstudy is that we must tap ethnic group life that falls outside religious institutionsin order to promote Jewish identity today.The following section will include a literature review on the use of certainpersonal characteristics, practices and attitudes in the literature.Demographics/Personal Characteristics Medding et al. (1992) points out that "Jewishness constitutes only onesegment of personal identity, existing alongside others, such as those derivingfrom being an American, college educated, a high-income earner, or a social andpolitical liberal, for example. Needless to say, the various aspects of personalidentity inform and shape each other. Thus, the shape of Jewishness plays a partin how Jews act out their various roles in American society, while their variousroles in American society influence their Jewish identity" (p. 16). Judaism hasemerged as a dynamic source of networks and resources binding together family,friends, and neighbours, ethnically and religiously (Goldscheider, 1986).57It is important to be aware that the demographic, social and economicstructures of North American Jewish communities are rapidly changing.Goldstein et al. (1990) believe there is a great need for continuous monitoring ofthe demographic situation because the demographic structure of the Jewishcommunity greatly affects its social, cultural and religious viability.Country of birth. According to Torczyner (1983) almost two-thirds of allCanadian Jews were born in this country. Out of the remaining one-third, 17%were born in Central Europe and immigrated to Canada before and after WorldWar II, and more recently from the former U.S.S.R. Jewish immigration fromMiddle Eastern countries peaked between 1961 and 1970, and there are 6,930Jews who were born in Israel and currently reside in Canada. Herman (1977)discusses that an immigrant can never completely shed the traces in hisJewishness of the culture of his country of origin.There are also significant regional variations in Jewish identity acrossCanada. Cohen (1991) observes that Canadian Jewry has a distinctive nationalcharacter, but that major Jewish population centres within Canada differextensively from one another. For example, Montreal Jewry is more observantand communally active; Winnipeg has strong organizational life, conservativesynagogue affiliation but a lower than average attachment to Israel. BritishColumbia's Jews fall below the national average in several measures of ritualobservance and institutional affiliation. In fact, the Vancouver Jewish populationmay be more similar to the Seattle Jewish community than to Toronto's.Parents and grandparents place of birth.  Kosmin, et al. (1990) measured the'Americanization' of the population by the number of each respondents'58grandparents born in the United States. A clear inter-generational pattern ofassimilation was suggested. The data indicated an increasing distance fromJewish identity with each successive generation a family is resident in America. Itis important to note here that studies of Jewish identity in American communitiesare not directly applicable here, since as Cohen (1991) notes, the identity ofCanadian Jews is quite distinctive from that found among their Jewishcounterparts in the United States.Cohen (1990) found that Canadian Jewry is not becoming less Jewishlyactive with the passing generations. According to Cohen (1990), "Canadian Jewryis one generation behind the United States in the 'assimilation' process.. .Canada isone generation closer to the well-spring of rich Jewish life in the Europe ofyesteryear" (p. 1).Trends also provide information for Jewish organizations and serviceproviders in order to prepare for the coming years (Einwohner, 1990; Kosmin, etal. 1990). According to Cohen (1991), many Canadian Jewish leaders expressfears for the continuation of intensive Jewish commitment in the next generation.Sex. Gender and Jewish identity was addressed in detail in the backgroundsection of Chapter 2. The majority of cited studies reviewed did not focus oncontrolling for gender except when relating gender to specific variables such asthe number of males and females who are intermarried (Brym,1989) and genderand Jewish education (Cohen,1988).Age. Generational differences are a distinguishing aspect when it comes toritual observance. The older the generation the more likely they will be rituallyobservant. The decline in ritual observance takes place in the third generation and59stabilizes in the fourth. According to Cohen (1983), without a personalcommitment (expressed in high ritual observance) or a sustainable religiousidentity (such as Orthodoxy), later generations are less motivated to affiliate withan organized Jewish community. However findings indicate that there is a growthin traditional observance and in Orthodoxy among the Canadian young. In someways, the younger Jews are actually more involved in traditional ritualobservance. In other ways, such as forms of communal affiliation and most formsof ritual practice, younger Jews are hardly different from their elders (Cohen,1991).Torczyner (1983) in comparing the age distribution of Jews with that of theCanadian population as a whole, found that Jews have a somewhat smallerpercentage of young people. He pointed out that 19% of all Jews are under theage of 15, while 22% of the Canadian population falls in the under 15 range. Thepercentage of aged is of vital significance: more than 15% of all Jews are over 65,while less than 9% of Canada's general population falls in this category.Marital Status. According to Torczyner (1983), data from the Canadiancensus indicated Jews live in smaller families than non-Jewish Canadians. Hepointed out that 37% of all Jews live alone or with one other person and that 8 outof 10 Jews live in families with 4 or fewer members. Only 6% live in familieswhere there are 6 or more persons while 11.2% of non-Jews live in such families.Families with children. According to Einwohner (1990), families withchildren are an important consideration in studies of Jewish identity because theymay have a certain set of priorities at this time because of the children. Accordingto London and Frank (1987), marriage and children tend to involve people more60in Jewish life: there is a difference in identity between single and married people.According to the Canadian Census (1991) determining whether the respondent ismale or female is necessary to understanding the changing roles of men andwomen in our families, community and the work force.Educational level. Studies have shown high education may result in higherrates of intermarriage and alienation from the community. Third and fourthgeneration North American Jews entered graduate and professional schools whichcounted towards their successful integration into modern times. Torczyner (1983)showed that more than 1/4 of all Jews over the age of 15 have completeduniversity while less than 1/3 have not completed high school. He reports threetimes as many Jews have finished college than non-Jews. The 1990 NationalPopulation survey lists 90% of American Jews as college-educated; many also arethe children of mothers and fathers who are college educated. These findings maybe result of leaving home early and the 'liberalizing' effect college may have onJewish identity.Occupation. According to Cohen (1983), while professions broadlyconceived have little impact on Jewish identity, members of certain professionaloccupations either under or over participate in Jewish institutional life. TheJewish labour force finds its largest proportions in managerial and professionaloccupations (27% of all Jews). An additional 22.5% of Jews work in clerical orsale-related occupations.The Jewish concentration in particular educational levels and occupationalstatuses means that there is a shared lifestyle, as well as shared work patterns,neighbourhood types, and family patterns among Jews. The increasing similarity61in occupational and educational status is the basis for increased connections andnetworks. For many, according to Cohen (1983), "the organized communityprobably offers them few material or social rewards for participating; its business-oriented ambiance conflicts with certain professional subcultures; and certainprofessions are, in fact, able to serve as surrogate communities in place of thereligious or ethnic group" (p. 92). Professions can often become like communitiesand may at times replace religious communities.Some professions, on the other hand, integrate their members into Jewishinstitutional life. Their members' values, interests and cultural styles arecompatible with religious affiliation (Cohen, 1983). Cohen (1983) pointed outthat a variety of higher-status Jews showed 1) lower in-group marriage andfriendship, 2) greater participation in the synagogue and other aspects of Jewishinstitutional life, and 3) fewer traditional religious beliefs and ritual practices.The modern Jewish community has utilized professional and occupationalcommitments to their benefit. This is done through specific professional fund-raisers or committees utilizing the professional expertise.Main language at home. Torczyner (1983) in examining the CanadianCensus (1981) found that 7 out of 10 Canadian Jews first spoke English at home.Those whose mother tongue is Yiddish, represent less than 10% of the Jewishpopulation and 5% of Canadian Jews have a mother tongue of French.Report of parent's ethnicity. The present study looks at whether 'Jewish' isone of the ethnic groups that respondents report their parents belong to. AsKosmin (1990) says, answers about identity may be "predictors of behaviour". Ifone perceives membership in the Jewish religion as central to their Jewish identity62and perceives their ethnic identity as Canadian; they may act very differently in acommunal context than someone who sees ethnicity, not 'religion' as central to hisor her Jewish identity and behaviour. In the 1991 census a pattern emerges onsingle and multiple ethnic origins of the major centres of Jewish population. ForMontreal and Quebec, Toronto and Ontario, Winnipeg and Manitoba, the majorityof Jews indicated a single ethnic origin—Jewish. Moving west to Vancouver andBritish Columbia, one-half of the 22,000 Jews of Greater Vancouver indicated in1991 that they considered their origin to include more than one ethnic identity.Religion born into, religion now, religion spouse born into, religion spouse now. Information on the religion the respondent was born into, and religion therespondent is now as well as the religion one's spouse was born into and religionspouse is now, provides us with insight into the diverse nature of the populationwe are studying. If the person being studied is a different religion from theirspouse this may add information to an understanding of why that individual maybe leading their lives a particular way. According to Kosmin, et al. (1990), themajority of the adult population is currently married. One way to assessintermarriage is to note the identification of the current marriage partner. Kosminet al. (1990) study indicated that the choice of marriage partners has changeddramatically over the last few decades. Intermarriage is one obvious barrier,according to Einwohner (1990), to the community's ability is to promote andmaintain itself.Religious and Ethnic AttitudesAccording to Phinney (1990), a specific question that has concernedresearchers is the relationship between what people say they are (ethnic self-63identification) and what they actually do (ethnic involvement) or how they feel(ethnic pride). In a study of Irish adolescents in England, "Ullah (cited inPhinney, 1990) found a close relationship between ethnic self definition andindices of ethnic group behaviour; as did Der Karabetian in a study withArmenian Americans. In contrast, a study of East Indian adolescents in England(Hutnik) revealed little relationship between ethnic identity and behaviour"(p. 506).According to Herman (1977), "almost any study of Jewish attitudes ispretentiously called a study of Jewish identity.. .of what being Jewish means, ofwhat kind of Jew and what kind of Jewishness develop in the majority culture"(p. 28). Attitudes like practices highlight patterns of commitment and support butit is possible, as noted in Phinney's study (1990), that one's attitudes may bedifferent from their practices. The present study's attitude questions as mentionedin the background section in Chapter 1, focus on attitudes towards practice.Therefore it will be possible to see if the attitudes and practices are consistent.The literature in the area of Jewish identity has focused more on practices thanattitudes.The following section will report the literature that addresses the differentattitude variables. Some of the attitude questions overlap with the practicequestions and therefore will only be reported once, in the practice section. Theseoverlapping variables include religious practices, belonging to a synagogue,having Jewish friends, visiting Israel, providing culturally Jewish educationalprograms for children, and contributing to Jewish fundraising efforts.64Maintaining close ties to Israel and number of visits to Israel.  According toChazan (1992), "the symbolic meaning of Israel pervades the collectiveconsciousness of Jewish religion and culture" (p. 1). According to Schweid andSegal (cited in Chazan, 1992), theologians and historians concerned with theJewish experience have focused on the central role Israel played throughout theages in both collective Jewish consciousness and personal Jewish identity.Chazan (1992) points out that, the concept of return to Zion is a major theme inJewish thought and prayer. According to Herman (1977), Jews everywhere find itnecessary to define their Jewish identity with reference to Israel. Even for theanti-Zionists it still serves as a reference point. Religious rituals and symbolicacts expressing attachment to the Holy Land were part of the behaviour of allJews. For Jews who have left or are trying to leave the former Soviet Union,Israel is the focal point of their identity. For North American Jews, Israel is asource of pride and many feel threats on Israel are a threat to their existence asJews (Herman, 1977). The modern State of Israel is a place where Jewish values,ideas and history can be experienced by all visitors. Israel, according to Goldberg(1992), has had a dramatic effect on strengthening Jewish youngsters positivefeelings about being Jewish.In the CJF National Population Survey of American Jews (1970), (cited inCohen, 1983) three pro-Israel measures were tested -- concern for Israel, supportfor her policies, and travel to Israel -- each eliciting different information.Younger people seemed to be less pro-Israel than their elders; in all cases themore ritually observant were more pro-Israel. The vast majority of the Americanpopulation professed to care deeply about Israel; a large majority agree with most65of the government policies; and a considerable majority have spent time in Israel:all of which indicate their commitment. The 1967 Israeli war had a profoundeffect on American Jews. People felt their fate was tied up with Israel and theirfeelings and commitments more than displayed this. The concern for Israelbecame one of the most unifying means by which Jews expressed theirJewishness. London and Frank (1987) discuss the potential of visits to Israel asan important factor in shaping and forming Jewish identity. According toSilberman (1985), nearly one Jewish adult in five in the United States has visitedIsrael more than once, and travel to Israel is seen as an act of religious and ethnicidentification.Choosing a Jewish spouse. According to Medding et al. (1992), the subjectof intermarriage arouses fears about issues of group survival. One aspect isquantitative: the offspring of intermarriage may not remain Jewish; within a fewgenerations there may be fewer Jews and a greatly weakened Jewish community.The other aspect is qualitative: even if intermarriage does not lead to lessernumbers of persons living with a Jewish parent, a question still remains as to theirsense of Jewishness : that is, the intensity of their communal affiliation, ethnicidentification and religious practice.The quantitative research highlights that intermarriage varies with age. Bothmarriages between Jews and non-Jews and marriages in which one spouseconverts to Judaism are more prevalent among young adults than older adults.Since 1985, according to Goldberg. the National Population Survey (1990),indicates less than half of Jewish marriages involve both partners who were bornJewish. According to Goldberg (1992), among these mixed couples, only 2866percent are raising their children as Jews; the rest are being raised as Christians orwith no religion.Medding et al. (1992), in a study on Jewish identity in conversionary andmixed marriages, focus on the qualitative aspects of Jewish intermarriage in theUnited States. They put forward a theory of Jewish identity which became theframework for a systematic empirical analysis of Jewish identification andbehavior in households representing three basic marriage types: inmarriagebetween two born Jews; conversionary marriage, between a born Jew and a bornnon-Jew who converts to Judaism; and mixed marriage, between a born Jew and aborn non-Jew who does not convert to Judaism. Medding et al. (1992) attempt toclarify whether and under what conditions Jewish identity is maintained in suchmarriages and to evaluate the character and content of that Jewish identity. Thestudy affirms that mixed marriages without conversion participate significantlyless in Jewish communal and religious activities than do in-married andconversionary couples. According to Medding et al. (1992) "dual identityhouseholds are segmented and pluralist, responding to the individual needs ofboth partners in an intermarriage and catering to their different if not competingreligious and ethnic heritages. Findings indicate that conversion usually leads tothe achievement of medium and high levels of Jewish identification, and moreoften that not brings about a qualitative identity transformation that results in theacquisition of an unambiguous Jewish identity by the convert and theestablishment of a single-identity household" (p. 37).According to Medding et al. (1992), Jews who enter into mixed marriagesassume that this will not prevent them from continuing to affirm and maintain the67Jewish element at the core of their personal identity. They see Jewish identity as apersonal issue and are convinced that a mixed family is compatible with strongpersonal expressions of Jewishness, that is, feeling part of the Jewish people,being proud of one's Jewishness, attending synagogue, performing Jewish ritualsor supporting Israel. They feel that neither partner's personal identity needimpinge on the other.Medding (1992) notes that others realize that being Jewish is a legacyinherited from their ancestors and that these elusive cultural differences are at theheart of many of their decisions. Even people who, due to modernity, put theirfamily's traditions behind discover that their ethno-religious backgrounds affectthe work they do, the way they choose to raise their children, the way they thinkabout education, food, sex, and money. Medding (1992) pointed out that somerealize this very early on, while some do not recognize it until they have children.He feels that no matter how much people know or do not know aboutintermarriage there is an increasing acceptance of intermarriage in the community.Attitudes toward intermarriage have become much more accepting of a non-Jewish partner. According to Fishman and Goldstein (1992), fully one-third ofthose who identify themselves as Jewish by religion would support or stronglysupport the marriage of their child to a non-Jewish person; only 22 percent wouldoppose such a marriage.Having Jewish friends. A number of surveys indicate that one way Jewsmaintain their connection to the community is through having Jewish friends.Haller and Greeley (cited in Yancey, Ericksen and Juliani, 1976) define ethnicityin terms of "frequent patterns of association and identification with common68origins.., crystallized under conditions which reinforce the maintenance of kinshipand friendship networks" (p. 392). Fishman and Goldstein (1993) argue that anumber of students have pointed out the increasing importance of Jewish socialnetworks among friends, in neighborhoods, and at work in strengthening Jewishidentity and bonds to the community.Rosen (cited in London & Frank, 1987) also believes that peer influencehas an important impact on Jewish identity. Where peer and parental influencesdiffer, peers are often more influential. Dashefsky and Shapiro (1974) show thatadolescent peers are important religious influences on both the younger and oldergenerations of adult Jewish men studied.Living in a Jewish neighborhood.  Goldscheider (1986) illustrated that thecommunity defined in geographic terms does not appear to be significantlyassociated with Jewish continuity or Jewish identity. According to Goldscheider(1986), earlier theoretical and empirical work on Jewish immigrants viewedresidential concentration as a carry-over of old world patterns of ghettosegregation. As noted above, American Jews moved toward greater assimilationand integration into American society. Residential integration was associatedwith lower levels of Jewislmess. Today when asking a residential question wemust take into account that it is not necessarily an individual's choice to live in anon-Jewish area. It might be due to schooling, transportation, housing costs orhousing availability. The data does not show Jews living in areas of low Jewishdensity as alienated from other Jews, or preferring assimilation.According to Goldscheider (1986), Jews value living in Jewishneighbourhoods. It is possible that the ethnic composition of a neighborhood69plays a minor role in housing choices for most Jews. It is also clear that the desireto assimilate is not characteristic of those who live in areas of low Jewish density.Among those who perceive that their neighborhoods have almost no Jews, two-thirds would like to have more Jews living there. Over three-fourths of those inareas which do not have a high concentration of Jews report that more than half oftheir friends are Jewish. As Kosa (cited in Yancey, Ericksen & Juliani, 1976) hasdemonstrated, it is possible for ethnic networks to exist in geographicallydispersed areas; however ethnicity may be strongest in a geographically clusteredarea.Contibuting to Jewish fundraising and volunteering in the Jewishcommunity. There are a number of reasons why people volunteer their time toJewish organizations or give to philanthropic drives. According to Woocher(1981), philanthropy constitutes one of the central tenets of American Jewry'scivil religion of "sacred survival". Past research, according to Fishman andGoldstein (1993), has indicated that membership in Jewish organizations andvoluntarism in Jewish causes is particularly related to factors affecting Jewishidentification, including years of Jewish education, intensity of ritual practice, andsynagogue attendance. Cohen's formulation (1983), of the Boston Jewry survey(Axelrod, Fowler & Gurin,1965; Fowler, 1975) indicated that relativelyassimilated Jews have been leaving the philanthropic circles. The number ofleaders who are Orthodox and received a yeshiva or day school educationincreased between 1965 and 1975.Some obvious reasons people volunteer their time or contribute financiallyto the Jewish community include social status, association reasons, learning70leadership skills, etc. Women are also more likely than men to belong to Jewishorganizations, and the number of memberships increases with age.Speaking Hebrew. According to Brenner (cited in Weinstein Klein, 1980)people often feel it is important to learn Hebrew because it is the language of theirJewish ancestors and would therefore provide a connection to that aspect of ourJewish identity.Religious and Ethnic Practices Judaism is pervaded by ritual practice. Perhaps the most traditionalexpression of Jewishness, according to Medding et al. (1992), is through therituals Jews perform or in which they participate. An orthodox Jew is remindedof his Jewishness constantly by adhering to all the commandments and rituals.Generational differences are a distinguishing aspect when it comes to ritualobservance. The older the generation the more likely they will be rituallyobservant. Jewish ritual observance has declined as the population moves furtherfrom the immigrant generation, though some evidence shows a trend back toincreased observance in the third and fourth generations. According to Cohen(1983), without a personal commitment (expressed in high ritual observance) or asustainable religious ideology (such as orthodoxy), later generations are lessmotivated to affiliate with an organized Jewish community. This generation willfind new ways to express their Jewish identity.Cohen's study (1988) focuses on measures of "Jewish identification." Hisquestionnaire examines behaviours rather than attitudes because he feltbehaviours were more likely to be understood and enhance continuity withprevious literature. His measure of Jewish identity assess three broad categories.711) Intimate Associations; the questionnaire asked about the religious upbringingand current religious identity of respondents' spouses as well as how many of theirthree closest friends were Jewish. 2) Ritual Observance: the questionnaire askedabout a variety of ritual practices currently observed by the respondents and bytheir parents when they were growing up. These ranged from Passover Seder andHanukkah candle-lighting to less frequent practices, to refraining from handlingmoney on the Sabbath. 3) Communal Involvement: the questionnaire asked abouta variety of attachments to organized Jewish life, including organizational andsynagogue membership, charitable donations, Israeli travel, denominationalaffiliation, and reading Jewish newspapers. Jewish social scientists for example(Brodbar-Nemzer, 1991; Kosmin et al., 1990; Tobin & Fishman, 1987)conducting Jewish population surveys over the last two decades have focused onthese areas to measure Jewish commitment and involvement.Lazerwitz (1973) developed a 'multivariate model of Jewish identification'which indicated that there is type of identification that runs from childhood homereligious background to religious education, behaviour, activity in ethnicorganizations, and to concern for one's children's religious education. Hecompared his findings to a separate set of concepts and procedures developedfrom a study of Christian religious and ethnic dimensions. In his findings, ethniccommunity life and religious institutions are somewhat separate for Protestantsbut not for Jews. He found that there was no dominant Jewish identificationvariable; rather, there were a number of influential variables. His Jewishidentification indices are: childhood home Jewish background, Jewish education,religious behaviour, pietism, Jewish ideology, Jewish community involvement,72Jewish organizational activity, Jewish socialization of children and concern forworld Jewry. The basic statistical tool for the study was generated by a series ofmultiple regression equations. Since these regression equations are linear additivemodels, Lazerwitz (1973) checked each one for any sizable interactions. Withinthe overall pattern of Jewish identification, determined by the variables mentionedabove, the religious variable, expressed as synagogue membership and degree oftraditionalism (operationalized as, attendance at weekly religious services and atannual religious holidays, as well as home religious observances), has a positiveeffect on Jewish identification. The most relevant data indicated that the Jewishethnic communal dimension is closely related to religious behaviour by a strongbeta of 0.37.This information tells us that Jewish identification will be high wherereligion and tradition operate. These findings only tell us that religion has apositive effect on those who already have a commitment to religion. It does notprovide information on what variables have an effect on Jewish identificationwhere religion does not operate. Reitz (cited in Hammond, 1988) also suggestedthat the stronger people's ethnic ties are, the more they remain loyal to thereligious organization associated with their ethnic groups. There is also literaturedocumenting that church involvement is greater among those whose otherorganizational secondary commitments are greater.National and local communities have continued the process of researcherswho study Jewish identification multidimensionally by surveying themselves(Brodbar-Nemzer, 1991; Einwohner, 1990; Kosmin, et al. 1990; Tobin &Fishman, 1987; Tobin & Sassier, 1988). Through the process of examining the73community, its resources and contributing members, the reports describe anddocument various characteristics of their local group. Its purpose is to helpcommunity leaders, planners, and members understand the community today andprepare for future challenges. Because changes in the community have takenplace both locally and nationally many researchers felt the need to developstandardized procedures in the development of an instrument as well as in thetabulation and analysis of the results.Lighting candles Friday night, participating in a Passover Seder, fasting onYom Kippur,keeping Kosher, having a mezuzah, and circumcision.  According toCohen (1983) the Boston Jewish Community's National Population Survey(Fowler, 1975) indicated that the ritual with the largest decline in practice fromsecond to third generation was in keeping Kosher at home; in the middle werelighting Sabbath candles, putting a mezuzah up in the home, Yom Kippur fasting,and observing Passover dietary rules; the smallest decline was in Passover Sederparticipation. Ritual circumcision remains a common practice although somechoose other alternatives for a variety of personal convictions.Some follow the Sabbath practice extensively and others perform a fewcustoms such as lighting candles and having an evening meal. No matter how theSabbath is observed it does remain a symbol that links the Jewish past with thepresent (Kokosalakis, 1982, p. 215): it seems convenient in that individuals canmake it fit into their lives in whatever way they choose.Pogrebin (1991) also stresses that even through many Jews may only have atwice a year affirmation of faith (the high Holy days), this may be what keepsthem Jewish at all. Those two days in shul may trigger memories of their Jewish74heritage and provide them with a few rituals that touch them deeply and continuethe chain of historical continuity.Observing dietary laws. Birnbaum (cited in Kokosalakis, 1982) points outthat the dietary laws are one of the vital resources by means of which Jewishtradition helps to identify the individual Jew with his people. Dietary laws used tohave central significance to Jewish identity because one eats every day, one isforced to bring Jewish culture to their everyday life. According to Kokosalakis"kosher practice in conjunction with the Sabbath alters space and timequalitatively and elevates experience onto a higher plane of reality" (p. 218).The dietary laws ('kashruth') are exceedingly complex. Cohen (1983)pointed out that dietary rules in the Boston Jewish Community's NationalPopulation Survey (Fowler, 1975), are one of the first ethnic and religiouspractices to be given up. Less demanding and less segregating ritual observanceserode more slowly. Passover Seder participation held steady. Interestingly, thosewho do not adhere to the dietary laws today do not feel less Jewish.However, according to Goldberg (1992), the market for kosher food alone,in America today is estimated at a million to a million-and-a-half kosher keepingJews (half Orthodox, half Conservative and other).Lighting Hanukkah candles.  Pogrebin (1991) stresses the importance of theritual side of holidays like Hanukkah and lighting the candles to "remember theirintrepid forebears whose courage allowed Jews to live to see another Hanukkah."(p. 108).Attending a Holocaust remembrance event.  The memory of the Holocauststill has a continuing influence on Jewish identity. One of the reasons the Jewish75community reacts so strongly to any threat to their community is because of thelooming shadow the Holocaust casts. The Holocaust, according to Herman(1977), affects the way Jews see themselves and the way they perceive theirrelationship to the non-Jewish world. He feels that no study of Jewish identitycan ignore the impact of the Holocaust. Although Holocaust Remembrance Dayis a deeply moving day, Herman (1977) points out that this memorial day mustbecome part of Jewish traditional observance. Herman (1977) believes that:Across thousands of years the exodus from Egypt has been celebrated inJewish homes, and in each generation Jews see themselves as if they werepersonally liberated from bondage. And on Tisha Be'Av (the fast on theninth day of the month of Av) Jews through the centuries have continuedto mourn the destruction of the Temple. The Holocaust, too, must becomepart of the Jewish calendar and be perpetuated in the Jewish historicalconsciousness. (pp. 112-113).Denominational affiliation.  According to London and Frank (1987), thebest indicator of participation in Jewish religious and communal life is identifyingoneself as either Orthodox, Conservative, Reform etc. According to Medding etal. (1992), American Jews think of themselves as being Orthodox, Conservative,or Reform Jews, even when they are not formally affiliated with a synagogue ortemple. In many surveys, there is a additional category of "Just Jewish"; for someit is a specific denominational alternative, and for others it is a residual categoryfor all who give a broad general term of denominational affiliation". According toGoldscheider (1986), the data from the 1975 Jewish population survey indicated76that three-fourths of adult Jews identify denominationally. Twice as many Jewsidentify denominationally as join synagogues.Belonging to a synagogue. According to Herman (1977), "the diasporareligious institutions such as the synagogue serve more than just a religiousfunction in the Jewish community and affiliation with them is often an expressionof Jewish identification rather than of religiosity" (p. 36). As noted earlier, in the1950's and 60's Jews followed the trend of society and became "joiners", for themsynagogues, Jewish organizations, and philanthropic agencies providedintegration into middle-class society (Cohen, 1983). Between 1965 and 1975, anumber of historic events changed the reasons behind participation in religiousand ethnic institutions. Jews became secure with their position in middle classsociety and ethnic assertiveness became the new priority. Synagogue membershipand attendance give public expression to religious affiliation and identification(Medding et al., 1992). It is possible one may consider oneself religious but notbelong to any synagogue or organization. One may choose to perform ritualpractice in a more private, familial way.According to Waxman (1983), non-affiliation does not necessarily equal thedecline of religion. Religion does not have to be institutionalized. The decline inaffiliation might just indicate the search for alternative expressions of one'sJewishness.Jewish education. The impact of Jewish education has been studied atlength. The goal of the educational system is to transmit Jewish knowledge. TheJewish educational system is not designed to create Jewish identity but tointensify an already existing one.77Fishman and Goldstein (1993) report that Jewish education is one of themost effective tools for producing Jewishly identified adults. In their study onJewish education and Jewish behaviour of American adults, they show that Jewisheducational institutions which offer substantial Jewish schooling, comprise one ofthe best hopes for having a positive impact on meaningful Jewish continuity in theUnited States.The data for Fishman and Goldstein's study, drawn from the 1990 NationalJewish Population study, demonstrate that more extensive forms of Jewisheducation are closely associated with greater Jewish identification, especiallyamong younger American Jewish adults (ages 25-44). American Jewish adultsunder age 45 who have received substantial Jewish education (more than six yearsof supplementary school or day school) are more likely than those who receiveminimal or no Jewish education to be married to a Jew, to prefer living in aJewish neighborhood, to volunteer time for and give money to Jewishorganizations, to join and attend synagogue, and to perform rituals in their homesand place a strong emphasis on the creation of a Jewish home. The associationaleffect of extensive formal Jewish education and heightened Jewish identificationis more dramatic among younger American Jews, ages 18-44 than among oldergroups.Jewish education has changed through the last two decades; especially in theproportion attending all-day Jewish schools as opposed to afternoon and weekendclasses: 36 percent in day schools, up from 16 percent two decades ago, or a totalof 168,000 receiving the intensive all-day schooling. According to Bock andHimmelfarb (cited in Cohen, 1988), through an analysis of the National Jewish78Population surveys, the number of school hours makes a difference. A minimumof 3,000 hours of Jewish instruction is necessary for a lasting impact: that is, atleast seven years of full-time schooling (day school education). In other words,part-time Jewish education has little effect on adult Jewish identity. These resultsfurther indicate that the childhood home exerts more influence than the Jewishschool on adult Jewish identification. They also indicate that the impact ofinformal Jewish education through camps (specifically if it is reinforced at homein the city), and youth groups which is introduced during high school anduniversity, has shown to be beneficial to adult Jewish identification. Einwohner(1990) believes that the Jewish education of children is a crucial factor inmaintaining Judaism.The following are related studies and examples of their samplingcomposition and sampling methods.Sample Composition and Sampling Methods in the Literature A number of North American surveys studying Jewish communities includea broad definition of who is a Jew. The definition of a Jew, according totraditional Jewish law, is a person born to a Jewish mother or converted toJudaism in accordance with the prescribed procedures of Jewish law. A meredeclaration of faith or the feeling of belonging does not make a person a Jew.Nor does a person cease to become a Jew because of either lack of faith or lack ofa sense of belonging (Herman, 1977). Therefore, those who are not consideredby traditional Jewish law as Jews, might still be counted as Jews. The definitionsvary among sections of the Jewish community. Community studies may divergeon the question of descent (Jewish father and non-Jewish mother may define a79Jew); or the requirements for conversion; or they may completely disregardconversion and descent and regard anyone expressing a feeling of belonging as aJew. Most community studies count both affiliated and non-affiliated residents,and also include those born and raised as Jews but who at present considerthemselves of no religion. Some studies even include spouses and children whoare not Jewish and show no "identification".The most common sampling frame in Jewish community studies is anorganization list that contains Jewish names and addresses. These lists bias thesample to affiliated Jews. According to Sklare (1979), the bias might not be asbig in small communities where affiliation rates are as high as 90 percent. Bias ismore of a problem in big cities where the unaffiliated are likely to be a largeproportion of the Jewish population. These and other sampling problems havebeen overcome to some extent with new types of survey designs.Community censuses and the National Jewish Population Study increasedthe efficiency of locating a Jewish respondent by identifying areas where Jewswere clustered and then sampling according to Jewish concentration. One methodused was random digit dialing of phone numbers within exchanges in whichJewish households were clustered (Sklare, 1979 p. 69). Typically areas of Jewishconcentration were determined by counting persons with "distinctive Jewishnames," which was found to produce a sample very similar to the generalpopulation of Jews (Himmelfarb et al., 1983). A drawback here is that a personwho lives in a non-Jewish neighbourhood is less likely to be included in thesample. Another method was to use random digit dialing of phone numbers of thegeneral population but this proved too expensive. A third and more economical80possibility was to rely on a weekly or biweekly national omnibus survey regularlyconducted by selected survey organizations to screen for eligible Jewishhouseholds.The CJF National Population Survey (Kosmin, et al. 1990) serves as ameasure of the dynamics of local change in individual communities. Focusing onlocal community survey alone introduces bias resulting from over representationby larger communities. The National surveys include people from communities ofall sizes and is representative of both affiliated and non-affiliated. Local surveysdone in conjunction with a national survey offer the prospect of complementaryanalysis. These community studies are based on the CJF core questionnaire,which will allow a qualitative standard to be set and provide opportunities fornational and international comparability.Methods for gathering the sample for the present study will be illustrated inthe method chapter.The following are the hypotheses outlined for the present study.Hypotheses: 1) There will be a significant relationship between the strength of VancouverJewish adults self-perceived sense of Jewish ethnic identity and the strength oftheir self-perceived sense of Jewish religious identity.2) There will be a significant relationship between the strength of ethnicidentity (question #17-dependent variable) and;(a) the following personal characteristics: country of birth , parents born in NorthAmerica, grandparents born in North America, sex, age, marital status, havingchildren, number of children, occupation, educational level, main language at81home, parent's ethnicity-Jewish, religion born into, religion now, religion spouseborn into, religion spouse now, household income (survey questions 1- 16);(b) the following religious and ethnic attitudes: maintaining ties to Israel,performing religious practices, belonging to a synagogue, choosing a Jewishspouse, children marrying someone Jewish, having Jewish friends, living in aJewish neighbourhood, providing culturally specific educational programs forone's children, joining Jewish community organizations, contributing to Jewishfundraising efforts, volunteering in Jewish community, having a paid subscriptionto a Jewish magazine, and speaking Hebrew, (survey questions 19 (a)-(m) );(c) the following religious and ethnic practices: lighting candles Friday night,participating in a Passover Seder, no work/school on Rosh Hashanah and YomKippur, fasting on Yom Kippur, handling money on Shabbat, keeping twoseparate sets of dishes for meat and dairy, keeping kosher outside the home,lighting Hanukkah candles, attending a Holocaust remembrance evening,celebrating Israel Independence Day (Yom Ha'atzmaut), attending a Purimcelebration, putting a mezuzah on the door, having son ritually circumcised, sonshaving non-ritual circumcision, sons having no circumcision, having a Bar or BatMitzvah, arranging a Bar or Bat Mitzvah for one's children, proportion of Jewishfriends, visiting Israel (number of times and total amount of time spent in Israel),visiting sights related to the Holocaust, denominational affiliation/type of Judaismconsider self, synagogue membership, type of synagogue, Jewish education(formal/ informal), providing Jewish education for children (formal/informal),contributing to Israel based charities, contributing to Federation/Combined Jewish82Appeal, contributing to Synagogues or temples, contributing to local Jewishinstitutions (survey questions (20 (a)-(k) - 33) and;(d) the following reasons for relative importance of attitudes and practicesreported in the survey: attitudes and practices divinely ordained, attitudes andpractices providing a connection to the Jewish people, (survey question 34 (a) and(b) )3) There will be a significant relationship between the strength of religiousidentity(question #18-dependent variable) and the personal characteristicsidentified in Hypothesis 2a, the religious and ethnic attitudes identified inHypothesis 2b, the religious and ethnic practices identified in Hypothesis 2c andreasons for relative importance of attitudes and practices reported in the surveyidentified in Hypothesis 2d.(4) There will be a set of predictor variables (made up of personalcharacteristics, religious and ethnic practices and religious and ethnic attitudes) todetermine the strength of one's ethnic identity and the strength of one's religiousidentity.83CHAPTER FOURMETHODThe method of data collection selected for this study was a questionnairethat was completed by 246 members of the Jewish Community of the LowerMainland. The research methods -- generation of the sample, procedure, design,instrumentation, and analysis -- are presented in this chapter.Sample According to the Council of Jewish Federations, the Greater VancouverJewish community is classified as a "large intermediate city", with a populationof approximately 20,000 Jews in the Lower Mainland.The population from which the sample for this study was drawn was basedon a list of Jewish people from across the Lower Mainland compiled by theJewish Federation of Greater Vancouver. The Federation is a member of theCouncil of Jewish Federations, the continental association of 189 JewishFederations which are the central community organizations serving nearly 800localities in the United States and Canada. Federations work with constituentagencies and the volunteer sector to enhance the social welfare of the Jewishcommunity in areas such as aging, youth services, education, and refugeeresettlement.The Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver list is updated annually fromall institutions and organizations in the community and through word of mouth.There is continual verification of names, addresses and phone numbers. The listincludes anyone who identifies in some way with the Jewish community. In asmaller community like Vancouver, an extensive community list is still biased to84affiliated persons but may represent a much larger proportion of the populationthan a similar list in a larger city. It would have been ideal to reach those who donot identify with the organized Jewish community in any way but since this studyasks questions pertinent to people who do identify in some way with a Jewishcommunity, it is appropriate to sample from the Jewish Federation list.The 1986 Canada Census indicated the population of Jews living in theLower Mainland was 19,000. The Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver's list,which is the sampling frame for this study, had 5,300 families in 1986, with amean of 2.7 people per family, making a total of approximately 14,310 individualson their list. The Jewish Federation list represents 75% of the known Jewishpopulation from the 1986 Census, that is, 14,310 on the Federation list out of19,000 Jews. From initial examination of the 1991 Canada Census results theFederation believes its list captures a minimum of 65% of the 1991 Jewishpopulation. With the list used for the sample of the present study representingsuch a high percentage of the population and the method of compilation andconstant updating, it is reasonable to assume that this sampling frame wasrepresentative of the community at large. In addition, there is no other way tosurvey this type of community in a cost and time efficient manner.A random sample of 512 names was taken from this list. The random sample wasmade up of individuals not households, which ensured that the survey reachedboth males and females. The list also included people from different places in theLower Mainland and different age groups.85ProcedureA pilot study was done on an informal basis to elicit feedback about theformat of the survey before the full mail survey is conducted. The full mail-outsurvey comprised of 512 names from the Jewish Federation of GreaterVancouver's mailing list. A strong response rate, that is, 40% would result in 205completed surveys, enough for the proposed analysis. Since the actual responserate was 246 returned surveys, that is, 48%, procedures to deal with a lowresponse rate were not implimented.DesignThis study was a correlational survey design. The dependent variables (see Table1) were strength of ethnic identity (question # 17) and strength of religiousidentity (question # 18). The independent variables included;(a) the following personal characteristics (see Table 2): place of birth, membersof family born in Canada, sex, age, marital status, number of children, type ofemployment, educational level, language spoken at home, ethnic group parentbelong, religion born, raised and now, household income (survey questions1-16);(b) the following religious and ethnic attitudes (see Table 3): maintaining ties toIsrael, performing religious practices, belonging to a synagogue, choosing aJewish spouse, children marrying someone Jewish, having Jewish friends, livingin a Jewish neighbourhood, providing culturally specific educational programs forone's children, joining Jewish organizations, contributing to Jewish fundraisingefforts, participating in Jewish activities, groups or clubs, having a paidsubscription to a Jewish magazine, speaking Hebrew (question 19 (a)-(m);Table 1Dependent VariablesHow important is being "ethnically Jewish How important is being "religiously"to your own personal sense of identity?^Jewish to your own personal sense ofidentity?Table 2Independent Variables -- Personal CharacteristicsParents born in North AmericaGrandparents born in North AmericaSexAgeMarital statusEducation levelOccupationSpouses occupationMain language at homeParents ethnicity: JewishReligion born intoReligion nowReligion spouse born intoReligion spouse nowIncome (combined household)Table 3Independent Variables -- Religious and Ethnic AttitudesMaintain close ties to IsraelPerform religious practicesBelong to a synagogueChoose a Jewish spouseChildren marry JewishHave Jewish friendsLive in a Jewish neighborhoodCulturally Jewish education for childrenJoin Jewish community organization.Contribute to Jewish fundraisingVolunteer in Jewish communityPaid subscriptions to Jewish magazinesSpeak Hebrew8687(c) the following religious and ethnic practices (see Table 4): lighting candlesFriday night, attending a Passover Seder, attending a Succoth celebration, stayinghome from work on Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, fasting on Yom Kippur,handling money on Shabbat, keeping two seperate sets of dishes for meat anddairy, keeping kosher outside the home, lighting Hanukkah candles, attending aHolocaust rememberence evening, celebrating Israel Independence Day,attending a Purim celebration, putting a mezuzah on the door, having one's childcircumcised, having a Bar or Bat Mitzvah or arranging it for one's children,proportion of Jewish friends, visiting Israel (number of times and total amount oftime spent in Israel), visiting sights related to the Holocaust, denominationalaffiliation/type of Judaism consider self, synagogue membership, Jewisheducation (formal/ informal), providing Jewish education for children(formal/informal), donating to Jewish philanthropies (questions 20 (a)-(k)-33)and;(d) the following reasons for relative importance of attitudes and practicesreported in the survey (see Table 5): attitudes and practices divinely ordained,attitudes and practices providing a connection to the Jewish people, (surveyquestion 34 (a) and (b) )InstrumentationThe researcher has accumulated the survey questions from other surveys that havebeen used and reported throughout North America. Questions about religious andethnic practices were drawn from the study of the Boston Jewish community(Cohen, 1978, 1980). Questions were used from the 1990 National JewishPopulation Survey carried out by the Council of Jewish Federations as a follow-upTable 4Independent Variables -- Religious and Ethnic Practices88Light candles Friday nightParticipate in a Passover SederNo work/school on High HolydaysFast on Yom KippurHandle money on SabbathSeparate dishes for meat and dairyKeep Kosher outside homeLight Hanukkah candlesAttend Holocaust remembranceCelebrate Yom Ha'atzmautAttend a Purim celebrationMezuzah on doorSons had ritual circumcisionSons had non-ritual circumcisionSons had no circumcisionDid you have Bar/Bat MitzvahBar/Bat Mitzvah for yourchildren?Proportion of Jewish friendsVisited IsraelHow many times been to IsraelTotal time spent in IsraelVisited Holocaust historical sitesDenominational affiliationCurrent member of a synagogueType of synagogueFormal Jewish education: elementary day schoolFormal Jewish education: elem. supp. schoolFormal Jewish education: high schoolFormal Jewish education: post high schoolInformal Jewish education: summer campInformal Jewish education: youth groupsInformal Jewish education:Israel programsInformal Jewish programs: at homeChildren formal Jewish educ.: elem. day schoolChildren formal Jewish educ.: elem. supp. schoolChildren formal Jewish education: high schoolChildren formal Jewish educ.: post high schoolChildren informal Jewish educ.: summer campChildren informal Jewish education: youth groupsChildren informal Jewish educ.: Israel programsChildren informal Jewish education: at homeTotal years formal Jewish educationTotal years informal Jewish educationTotal years children informal Jewish educationContribute to Israel-based charitiesContribute to Federation/CJAContribute to synagogues/templesContribute to local Jewish institutionsTable 5Independent Variables -- Relative Importance of the Attitudes and PracticesReported in the Survey Attitudes and practices divinely ordained Attitudes and practices providing aconnection to the Jewish people8990to the Council of Jewish Federations survey of 1970-71. The National Jewish populationstudy was a large representative sample of the American Jewish community andcontained many questions of Jewish identification. A number of local studies wereexamined which also provided information for questions asked in the survey. Theseincluded: a study of the Jewish community of Greater Seattle (1990), Jewish Federationof Greater Houston demographic study, Toronto Jewish Community survey, BostonJewish Community surveys (1965 and 1975) and a number of other local JewishFederations whose questions followed similar formats to the other local surveys.The attitude questions were compiled from part of a survey developed byJames Torczyner of the McGill Consortium for Ethnicity and Strategic SocialPlanning (MCESSP) in conjunction with the Council of Jewish Federations. Thepilot survey was issued to key Jewish leaders to gain an understanding of theirperceptions of the nature and composition of the Jewish community as well as thekey social planning priorities. The responses to the survey were to be used todetermine the kind of data from the 1991 Canadian Census which would be mostbeneficial to the community for planning purposes to develop profiles of Jewishcommunities in Canada.The content validity of this survey is addressed through instrumentconstruction. The questions in this survey are clear, concise, and language usageis carefully constructed. A question was asked at the end of the survey as to howeasy it was to understand the survey questions which gave feedback on thestrength of the survey. The questions in the survey seem to measure what theresearch questions were set out to measure. The majority of questions were closeended which is more efficient at eliciting reliable responses from individual to91individual. In order to test for other forms of validity a second scale would beneeded to derive information on the validity of the instrument.A reliability analysis was done measuring the internal consistency of theattitude items in survey question no. 19 and practice items in survey question no.20. The Cronbach's alpha score derived indicated that the attitude and practiceitems were related to each other, indicating internal consistency within the attitudeand practice questions. The alpha for the attitude items was .92 and the alpha forthe practice items was .77.The reliability of the instrument over time is difficult to determine becauseit was compiled from a number of surveys. We would need to repeat the survey2-3 times to gain information on its test-retest. A final test of reliability iswhether the results are sensible in other words fit with the literature and thehypotheses.The dependent variables for this survey were measures of Jewish identity:a) How important is being 'ethnically' Jewish to your sense of identity? and b)How important is being 'religiously' Jewish to your sense of identity? (questions17-18, both indexed on a four point scale).The independent variables were questions about personal characteristics andlevels of practice (behaviour) and attitude. There were 16 demographic/ personalcharacteristic questions (items 1-16 the categories were recoded based oncombining those with smaller frequencies and combining them with similiarcategories), 13 attitude questions (item 19 made up of 13 subset questions whichare indexed on a four point scale), 25 practice questions ( items. 20-33, including11 subset questions which are indexed on a four point scale and the remainder of92the practice questions vary -- see survey for details) and finally there were twoquestions asking the reasons for relative importance of the attitudes and practicesreported in the survey (item 34 which are indexed on a four point scale).Analysis The analysis began with basic descriptive statistics, including frequencytables for every question, and means, medians and standard deviations for theinterval scale personal characteristic and practice items. The ordinal practice andattitude items were indexed on a four point scale which resulted in a forced choicestudy. The researcher felt it was better to have people make a decision than tohave a neutral choice. Each ordinal scale item was recoded as a binary variable("not very important" vs. "very important" for importance of ethnically Jewish,"unimportant" vs. "important" for importance of religiously Jewish and"unimportant" vs. "important" for attitude items, and "infrequent" vs. "frequent"for the practice items) and the proportion of "important" and "frequent" responsescomputed. The finer breakdown of the four categories was not needed and thebreakdown into two categories increased the cell sizes. The way the categorieswere combined into binary items was driven by what happened to the data in otherwords the distribution of the respondents choices. The interval data was recodeddifferently for each question, driven by the distribution of the data.The two dependent variable (or outcome or responses) variables --importance of "ethnic" Jewishness and importance of "religious" Jewishness --were cross-tabulated. The significance between them was assessed using a chi-square test and Spearman's correlation for rank-ordered data. The statisticalanalysis reflected the ordinal characteristics of the dependent variables.93The two dependent variables were cross-tabulated with each of the personalcharacteristics, and with each attitude and practice item. Any items that showedstatistically significant association with either dependent variable were kept aspotential predictor variables in the later model-building analysis. Correlationsbetween the dependent variables and the attitude and practice items were alsocomputed (using Spearman's correlation for rank-ordered data) so that we couldfurther understand the relationship between the attitude and practice items.Further analysis was done using techniques of statistical model-building.The dependent variables were recoded to binary variables by combiningimportance of ethnically Jewish into ("not very important" vs. "very important")and importance of religiously Jewish into ("unimportant" vs. "important"). Theway we combined the variables was determined once we examined the data.With binary response variables, logistic regression was used to build a model topredict whether a subject would rate "ethnic" Jewishess as "not very important" or"unimportant" or "religious" Jewishness as "important" or "unimportant", based ofa set of predictor variables.The potential set of predictor variables were drawn from drawn firstly fromthe cross-tabulations and chi-square analysis discussed earlier. Secondly,correlation matrices of the items were constructed to examine the extent ofcorrelation among practice and attitude items. This provided information on therelationship between practice and attitude items. The distinct subsets of highlycorrelated items, were entered in the model in a combined form (i.e., as a total).A global "attitude" score was derived by adding the ordinal scale scores on theattitude items-question 19 a-m. Similarly, a global "practice" score was created94by adding the ordinal scale scores on all the practice items of question 20 a-k.This minimized the problems of multicollinearity (i.e., highly correlated predictorvariables) in the model. The global practice and attitude score was especiallyuseful due to the concern that the practice and attitude scales overlapped toomuch. Multicollinearity can cause instability in the model and little confidence inits predictive ability. All the models were fit using stepwise variable selectiontechniques. Specifically, both forward selection and backward elimination wasused; agreement between the two methods provided a kind of internal validationof the model.The overall level of significance was set at .05. Because there were anumber of tests there could have been multiple testing problems therefore thealpha level for each test was set at a more stringent level by dividing .05 by thenumber of tests (Bonferoni method). This resulted in the level of significancebeing set at less than .005 for each test.CHAPTER FIVERESULTSThe research findings are presented in this chapter. The chapter begins witha discussion of the characteristics of the respondent sample. Following that, areport of the frequency of the dependent variables -- importance of ethnically andreligiously Jewish will be given. Then the means and standard deviations for thecontinuous/ interval measures of personal characteristics and practice items willbe illustrated. Analyses conducted in preparation for the hypothesis-testinganalysis are presented in Appendix C. This analysis reported in Appendix Cincludes the chi-square tables and F ratios to test the significance between the twodependent variable (importance of ethnically Jewish and importance of religiouslyJewish) and between the two dependent variables and each of the ordinal datapersonal characteristics, attitudes and practices. Each of the tables presented havebeen broken down into 2 x 2 tables to ensure enough respondents are in each cell.(Importance of ethnically Jewish was broken down into "very important" and "notvery important" and religiously Jewish was broken down into "unimportant" vs."important". The personal characteristics were also broken down individually(seeAppendix C ). Each ordinal scale (attitudes and practices) was recoded as a binaryvariable ("unimportant" vs "important" for attitude items, and "infrequent" vs"frequent" for the practice items). The reason the categories for the analysis werebroken down was based on the fact that there were too many cells with anexpected frequency (E.F.) of less than five. The method used to base the decisionfor the breakdown was combining the cells with few respondents and combining9596compatible or overlapping categories. The first three hypotheses will be evaluatedand those variables with a significant relationship and those with no relationshipto the dependent variables are reported. Finally, Hypothesis 4 will be evaluated,building the logistic regression model will be illustrated and the final predictorvariables for importance of ethnically Jewish and religiously Jewish reported.Characteristics of the Respondent Sample There were 540 surveys mailed out originally and 28 surveys came backwith wrong addresses. The overall response rate for returned surveys were 48%(246 of 512); considered separately by gender, the overall response rate was 59%for women and 41% for men.There were 66% of the respondents born in Canada, 8% in the United States,and 25 % elsewhere. The percentage of the respondents whose parents were bornin North America was 66%. Those married or living common-law came to 65%.The number of respondents with children was 67%. Those that had a Bachelorsdegree came to 28% and those with a graduate degree came to 36%. There were73% of the respondents that indicated that their parents ethnicity was Jewish. Therespondents that were born Jewish was 88% and the number that are Jewish nowis 95%. There were 65% who spouses were born Jewish and 72% of therepondents that had Jewish spouses now.Age, occupation and spouses occupation were all taken from a sample of246. The mean age was 40.67 with a standard deviation of 13.18. Theoccupations were based on Blishen et al. (1981) socioeconomic index foroccupations in Canada. The index is most applicable in situations where access todata is limited to occupational titles and where one desires a unidimensional,97contextual indicator which locates individuals in the Canadian occupationalhierarchy at a given point in time. The occupation mean for the respondents was49.80 with a standard deviation of 26.40 and the mean for the spouse's occupationwas 51.97 with a standard deviation of 27.26. Occupations that fall around themean of 50.0 include: managers, instructors, occupations in the social sciences,sales occupations.Collapsing the Dependent Variables The frequency of the dependent variables (importance of ethnically andreligiously Jewish) are reported in Table 6. They indicate that 92% of therespondents reporting importance of ethnically Jewish fell into the important andsomewhat important range which left very few in the unimportant range. Incomparison, 60% of respondents reporting religiously Jewish fell in the importantand somewhat important range. The researcher chose to break down thedependent variables (ethnically Jewish and religiously Jewish) into differentcategories for the analysis, guided by the different distribution of the data.Through a examination of the data, two new categories chosen for importance ofethnically Jewish were "very important" and "not very important" which dividesthe distribution of subjects into those that thought being ethnically Jewish wasvery important versus the rest. This decision was based on the need to ensureenough subjects fell into the unimportant range so that we could fairly compare itto the important range. In order do this, all subjects who fell in the somewhatimportant range were recategorized as part of the not very important group. Thenew categories chosen for importance of religiously Jewish were "important" vs"unimportant" which divides the distribution of subjects into those who thoughtTable 6Frequency and Percentages of the Dependent Variables -- Importance ofEthnically and Religiously JewishImportance of ethnically Jewish (n = 242)Valid percentVery important 145 59.9Somewhat important 78 32.2Somewhat unimportant 10 4.1Very unimportant 9 3.7Importance of religiously Jewish (n=244)ii Valid percentVery important 41 16.8Somewhat important 105 43.0Somewhat unimportant 61 25.0Very unimportant 37 15.29899being ethnically Jewish was very important and somewhat important and thosewho thought being ethnically Jewish was somewhat unimportant and veryunimportant. These categories work well due to the more even distribution of thevariable, the importance of religiously Jewish.Hypotheses Hypothesis 1. There will be a significant relationship between the strengthof Vancouver Jewish adults self-perceived sense of Jewish ethnic identity and thestrength of their self-perceived sense of Jewish religious identity.Question 17-How important is being "ethnically" Jewish to your ownpersonal sense of identity? (collapsed into two categories "very important" and"not very important") and Question 18-How important is being "religiously"Jewish to your own personal sense of identity (collapsed into "important" vs"unimportant") were cross-tabulated in Table C-1 (see Appendix C) for the datasupporting the chi-square and F ratios.Hypothesis 1 was supported by the results (see Table 7). The two dependentvariables have a significant relationship (x2 = 34.61, p = .0000).Hypothesis 2. There will be a significant relationship between the strengthof ethnic identity (question #17-dependent variable) and;(a) the following personal characteristics: country of birth, parents born in NorthAmerica, grandparents born in North America, sex, age, marital status, havingchildren, number of children, occupation, educational level, main language athome, parent's ethnicity-Jewish, religion born into, religion now, religion spouseborn into, religion spouse now, household income (survey questions 1-16);100Table 7Cross-tabulation of the Recoded Dependent Variables -- Importance of EthnicallyJewish and Importance of Religiously JewishImportance ofreligiously JewishImportance ofethnically JewishUnimportant Important Row TotalNot very Important 61.0 35.0 96.0Very Important 37.0 108.0 145.0Column Total 98.0 143.0 241.0Number of missing observations = 5; x 2 = 34.61; p < .0001101(b) the following religious and ethnic attitudes: maintaining ties to Israel,performing religious practices, belonging to a synagogue, choosing a Jewishspouse, having children marry someone Jewish, having Jewish friends, living in aJewish neighborhood, providing culturally specific educational programs for one'schildren, joining Jewish community organizations, contributing to Jewishfundraising efforts, volunteering in Jewish community, having paid subscriptionsto a Jewish magazine, speaking Hebrew, (survey questions 19 (a)-(m) );(c) the following religious and ethnic practices: lighting candles Friday night,participating in a Passover Seder, no work/school on Rosh Hashanah and YomKippur, fasting on Yom Kippur, handling money on Shabbat, keeping twoseparate sets of dishes for meat and dairy, keeping kosher outside the home,lighting Hanukkah candles, attending a Holocaust remembrance evening,celebrating Israel Independence Day (Yom Ha'atzmaut), attending a Purimcelebration, putting a mezuzah on the door, having son ritually circumcised, sonshaving non-ritual circumcision, sons having no circumcision, having a Bar or BatMitzvah, arranging a Bar or Bat Mitzvah for one's children, proportion of Jewishfriends, visiting Israel (number of times and total amount of time spent in Israel),visiting sights related to the Holocaust, denominational affiliation, synagoguemembership, denominational affiliation/type of Judaism consider self, Jewisheducation (formal/ informal), providing Jewish education for children(formal/informal), contributing to Israel based charities, contributing toFederation/Combined Jewish Appeal, contributing to Synagogues or Temples,contributing to local Jewish institutions (survey questions 20 (a)-(k) - 33) and;(d) the following reasons for relative importance of attitudes and practicesreported in the survey: attitudes and practices divinely ordained, attitudes andpractices providing a connection to the Jewish people ( survey question 34 (a)-(b) ).Tables for the significant cross-tabulations and analysis of variance and t-tests between importance of ethnically Jewish and the personal characteristics arereported in Table C-2 (see Appendix C), attitudes are reported in Table C-3 (seeAppendix C), practices are reported in Table C-4 (see Appendix C) and reasonsfor relative importance of attitudes and practices are reported in Table C-5 (seeAppendix C).There were significant relationships between importance of ethnically Jewish(question 17 recoded as very important and not very important) and: the followingpersonal characteristics: age (F = 1.91, p = .0001); religion born into (x2 = 10.17,p = .0014); the following religious and ethnic attitudes: maintaining close ties toIsrael (x2 = 37.41, p = .0000); performing religious practices (x2 = 25.02,p = .0000); belonging to a synagogue (x2 = 32.58, p = .0000); choosing a Jewishspouse (x2 = 29.50, p = .0000); children marrying Jewish (x2 = 32.47, p = .0000);having Jewish friends (x2 = 23.12, p = .0000); living in a Jewish neighborhood(x2 = 24.66,^.0000); providing culturally Jewish educational programs forchildren (x2 = 26.92, p_= .0000); joining Jewish community organizations (x2 =19.22, p = .0000); contributing to Jewish fundraising (x2 = 20.89, p = .0000);volunteering in a Jewish community organization (x2 = 36.91, p = .0000); havingpaid subscriptions to Jewish magazines (x2 = 16.74, p = .0000); the followingreligious and ethnic practices: lighting candles on Friday night (x2 = 15.93, p =102103.0001); participating in a Passover Seder (x2 = 11.83, p = .0006); no work/schoolon High Holidays (x2 = 27.36, p = .0000); fasting on Yom Kippur (x2 = 14.90, p= .0001); separating dishes for meat and dairy (x2 = 14.41, p-= .0001); attending aHolocaust remembrance evening (x2 = 9.84, p = .0017); celebrating YomHa'atzmaut (x2 = 8.10, p = .0013); attending a Purim celebration (x2 = 10.41, p =.0013); putting a mezuzah on front door (x2 = 16.39, p = .0001); having sonritually circumcised (x2 = 9.09, p = .0026); proportion of Jewish friends (x2 =37.20,^.0000); visiting Israel (x2 = 13.04, p-= .0003); total time spent in Israel(x2 = 18.65,^.0048) denominational affiliation (x2 = 26.43, = .0001);synagogue membership (x2 = 16.37, p = .0001); type of synagogue (x2 = 13.49, p= .0037); number of years of formal Jewish education including: post high school(E= 11.15, p_= .002); informal Jewish education: youth groups (x2 = 13.30, p=.0003), informal Jewish education: at home (x2 = 10.60, = .0011); number ofyears of informal Jewish education Israel programs (E= 5.54, p_= .0007); totalnumber of years of informal Jewish education (F= 2.75,^.0000); total numberof years providing children informal Jewish education (F = 5.34,^.0000);contributing to Israel-based charities (x2 = 23.80, = .0000); contributing tosynagogues or temples (x2 = 16.56, p = .0000); contributing to local Jewishinstitutions (x2 = 24.22; p = .0000); and the following reasons for relativeimportance of attitudes and practices reported in the survey: attitudes/practicesdivinely ordained (x2 = 12.14, p_= .0005); attitudes/practices connection to Jewishpeople (x2 =14.42, p_= .0001). Summary table and significance levels for thepersonal characteristics are reported in Table 8, the attitude items recoded asunimportant vs important are reported in Table 9, the practice items recoded as104Table 8Summary Table of Chi-Squares and F Ratios between Importance of Ethnicallyand Religiously Jewish and the Personal Characteristics. Personal characteristics Importance of^Importance ofethnically Jewish religiously Jewish(recoded as not very^(recoded asimportant or very unimportant orimportant)^important)Country of birth X2= 4.37 x2- 4.18Parents born in N.A X2 = 2.41 X2 = 2.31Grandparents born in N.A X2 = 0.00 X2 = 0.16Sex X2 = 0.08 X2 = 0.05Age E= 1.91* E= 1.46Marital status X2 = 0.73 X2 = 5.35Have children X2 = 0.04 X2 = 3.50How many children? X2 = 3.50 X2 = 0.68Education level X2 = 1.44 X2 = 2.33Occupation J= 1.42 E= 1.42Spouses occupation F = 1.37 F= 1.13*p < .005Table 8 (continued)Personal characteristics Importance ofethnically JewishImportance ofreligiously JewishMain language at home X2 =^0.30 X2 =^1.12Parents ethnicity: Jewish X2 =^1.76 X2 =^1.53Religion born into X2 = 10.17* x2=^1.77Religion now X2 =^6.41 X2 = 18.80***Religion spouse born into X2 =^2.92 X2 =^9.86*Religion spouse now X2 =^2-64 X2 = 18.02***Income(combined household)X2 =^1.64 x2—^4.41*p < .005. ***p < .0001105106Table 9Summary Table of Chi-Squares between Importance of Ethnically and ReligiouslyJewish and the Attitudes Items Recoded as Unimportant versus ImportantAttitude items Importance ofethnically JewishImportance ofreligiously JewishMaintain close ties to Israel x2 = 37.41*** X2 = 19.18***Perform religious practices X2 = 25.02*** X2 = 119.93***Belong to a synagogue X2 = 32.58*** X2 = 56.57***Choose a Jewish spouse X2 = 29.50*** X2 = 14.96**Children marry Jewish X2 = 32.47*** X2 = 26.61***Have Jewish friends X2 = 23.12*** X2 = 13.74**Live in a Jewish neighborhood X2 = 24.66*** X2 = 18.28***Culturally Jewish education forchildrenX2 = 26.92*** X2 =^8.52*Join Jewish community organization. X2 = 19.21*** X2 = 28.00***Contribute to Jewish fundraising X2 = 20.89*** X2 = 15.99**Volunteer in Jewish community X2 = 36.91*** X2 = 14.87***Paid subscriptions to Jewish magazines X2 = 16.74*** X2 = 17.01***Speak Hebrew X2 =^7.12 X2 = 14.92***p < .005. **p < .001. ***p < .0001107infrequent vs frequent are reported in Table 10 and the practice items with ayes/no response and frequency responses are reported in Table 11 and the relativeimportance of the attitudes and practices reported in the survey are reported inTable 12.There were no significant relationships between Jewish ethnic identity (recoded asnot very important and very important) and the following variables: the followingpersonal characteristics: country of birth, parents born in North America,grandparents born in North America, sex, marital status, having children, numberof children, education level, occupation, spouses occupation, main language athome, parents ethnicity, religion now, religion spouse born into, religion spousenow, income; the following religious and ethnic attitudes: speaking Hebrew; andthe following ethnic and religious practices: handling money on the Sabbath,keeping kosher outside the home, lighting Hanukkah candles, sons having non-ritual circumcision, sons having no circumcision, having a Bar/Bat Mitzvah,Bar/Bat Mitzvah for your children, how many times been to Israel, visitingHolocaust historical sights, formal Jewish education (elementary day school,elementary supplementary school, High school, post High school); informalJewish education (summer camp, Israel programs); providing children formalJewish education (elementary day school, elementary supplementary school, Highschool, post high school); providing children informal Jewish education (summercamp, youth groups, Israel programs, at home), number of years of formal Jewish(elementary day school, elementary supplementary school, High school); numberof years of informal Jewish education (Jewish summer camp, Jewish youthgroups, at home), number of years providing children with informal Jewish108Table 10Summary Table of Chi-Squares between Importance of Ethnically and ReligiouslyJewish and the Practice Items Recoded as Infrequent versus FrequentPractice items Importance ofethnically JewishImportance ofreligiouslyJewishLight candles Friday night X2 = 15.93** X2 = 35.93***Participate in a Passover Seder x2 = 11.83* X2 = 11.75**No work/school on High Holydays X2 = 27.36*** X2 = 28.67***Fast on Yom Kippur X2 = 14.90** X2 = 25.88***Handle money on Sabbath x2= 0.15 X2 = 4.78Separate dishes for meat and dairy x2 = 14.41** X2 = 22.93***Keep Kosher outside home X2= 5-97 X2 = 10.78*Light Hanukkah candles X2 = 6.04 X2 = 6.67Attend Holocaust remembrance X2 = 9.84* X2 = 15.10**Celebrate Yom Ha'atzmaut X2 = 8.10* X2 = 11.42**Attend a Purim celebration x2= 10.41* X2 = 22.29****p < .005. **p < .001. ***p < .0001109Table 11Summary Table of Chi-Squares and F Ratios between Importance of Ethnicallyand Religiously Jewish and the Practice Items using Yes/No or FrequencyResponses Practice itemsImportance ofethnically JewishImportance ofreligiously JewishMezuzah on doorSons had ritual circumcisionSons had non-ritual circumcisionSons had no circumcisionDid you have Bar/Bat MitzvahBar/Bat Mitzvah for your children?Proportion of Jewish friendsVisited IsraelHow many times been to IsraelTotal time spent in IsraelVisited Holocaust historical sitesDenominational affiliation/type ofJudaism consider oneselfx2 = 16.39**^X2 = 31.13***X2 = 9.09* X2 = 4.80X2 = 5.67^X2 = 2.75x2 = 0.12 X2= 2.38e = 5.14^X2= 0.03x2 = 1.47 X2= 1.40x2 = 37.20***^X2 = 15.07*X2 = 13.04**^X2 = 0.69X2 = 17.59 X2 = 5.96X2 = 18.65*^X2 = 14.84x2= 3.79 x2 = 1.27X2 = 26.43**^X2 = 57.30****< .005. **p < .001. ***p < .0001110Table 11 (continued)Practice itemsImportance ofethnically JewishImportance ofreligiously JewishCurrent member of a synagogueX2 = 16.37** X2 = 18.36***Type of synagogueX2 = 13.49* X2 =^8.17Formal Jewish education: elementary dayschool X2 =^2.74 X2 =^0.04Formal Jewish education: elemementarysupplementary school X2 =^2.33 X2 =^0.09Formal Jewish education high schoolX2 =^5.05 x2 =^2.60Formal Jewish educ: post high schoolX2 =^0.08 x2 =^3.88Informal Jewish education:summer campX2 =^0.94 x2 =^0.00Informal Jewish education: youth groupsX2 = 13.30** x2 =^2.34Informal Jewish education:Israelprograms X2 =^5.32 x2 =^0.03Informal Jewish programs: at homeX2 = 10.60* X2 =^1.28Children formal Jewish education:elementary day school X2 =^4.70 X2 =^3.28Children formal Jewish education:elemementary supplementary school X2 =^2.36 X2 =^1.83Children formal Jewish education: highschool X2 =^0.73 X2 =^0.67*p < .005 **p < .001 ***p < .0001x2- 1.12X2 = 3.49x2= 3.10X2 = 3.04X2 = 4.63E= 1.37E= 2.75E= 5.34X2 = 23.80***X2 = 3.86X2 = 16.56***X2 = 24.22***X2 = 0.63X2 = 2.67X2 = 1.53X2 = 1.40x2 = 2.03i=^1.78E=^1.22F= 9.46X2 = 3.54X2 = 4.10X2 = 25.66***X2 = 7.67*Table 11 (continued)Practice itemsImportance of^Importance ofethnically Jewish^religiouslyJewish111Children formal Jewish education: posthigh schoolChildren informal Jewish education:summer campChildren informal Jewish education:youth groupsChildren informal Jewish education:Israel programsChildren informal Jewish education: athomeTotal years formal Jewish educationTotal years informal Jewish educationTotal years children informal JewisheducationContribute to Israel-based charitiesContribute to Federation/CJAContribute to synagogues/templesContribute to local Jewish institutions*p < .005. **p < .001. ***p < .0001112Table 12Summary Table of Chi-Squares between the Importance of Ethnically andReligiously Jewish and the Reasons for Relative Importance of the Attitudes andPractices Reported in the Survey Reasons for relative importance of^Importance of^Importance ofattitudes and practices reported ethnically Jewish^religiouslyJewishAttitudes and practices divinely ordained^X2 = 12.14**Attitudes and practices providing a^x2 = 14.42**connection to Jewish peopleX2 = 21.95***X2 = 4.39**p <.001. ***p <.0001113education (Jewish summer camp, Jewish youth groups, Israel programs, at home),total number of years of formal Jewish education, total number of years ofinformal Jewish education, and total number of years providing children withinformal education,contributing to Federation/Canadian Jewish Appeal.Hypothesis 3. There will be a significant relationship between the strengthof religious identity (question #18-dependent variable grouped as important vs.unimportant) and;(a) the following personal characteristics: country of birth , parents born in NorthAmerica, grandparents born in North America, sex, age, marital status, havingchildren, number of children, occupation, educational level, main language athome, parent's ethnicity-Jewish, religion born into, religion now, religion spouseborn into, religion spouse now, household income (survey questions 1-16);(b) the following religious and ethnic attitudes: maintaining ties to Israel,performing religious practices, belonging to a synagogue, choosing a Jewishspouse, having children marry someone Jewish, having Jewish friends, living in aJewish neighborhood, providing culturally specific educational programs for one'schildren, joining Jewish community organizations, contributing to Jewishfundraising efforts, volunteering in Jewish community, having a paid subscriptionto a Jewish magazine, speaking Hebrew (survey question 19 (a)-(m) );(c) the following religious and ethnic practices: lighting candles Friday night,participating in a Passover Seder, no work/school on Rosh Hashanah and YomKippur, fasting on Yom Kippur, handling money on Shabbat, keeping twoseparate sets of dishes for meat and dairy, keeping kosher outside the home,lighting Hanukkah candles, attending a Holocaust remembrance evening,114celebrating Israel Independence Day (Yom Ha'atzmaut), attending a Purimcelebration, putting a mezuzah on the door, having son ritually circumcised, sonshaving non-ritual circumcision, sons having no circumcision, having a Bar or BatMitzvah, arranging a Bar or Bat Mitzvah for one's children, proportion of Jewishfriends, visiting Israel (number of times and total amount of time spent in Israel),visiting sights related to the Holocaust, denominational affiliation, synagoguemembership, denominational affiliation/type of synagogue Judaism consider self,Jewish education (formal/ informal), providing Jewish education for children(formal/informal), contributing to Israel based charities, contributing toFederation/Combined Jewish Appeal, contributing to Synagogues or temples,contributing to local Jewish institutions (survey questions 20 (a)-(k) ) - 33) and;(d) the following reasons for relative importance of attitudes and practicesreported in the survey: attitudes and practices divinely ordained, attitudes andpractices providing a connection to the Jewish people (survey question 34 (a)-(b)). Tables of the significant cross-tabulations and analysis of variance and t-testsbetween importance of religiously Jewish and the personal characteristics arereported in Table C-6 (see Appendix C), attitudes are reported in Table C-7 (seeAppendix C), practices are reported in Table C-8 (see Appendix C) and reasonsfor relative importance of attitudes and practices are reported in Table C-9 (seeAppendix C).There was a significant relationship between the importance of religiousidentity and: the following personal characteristics: religion now (x2 = 18.80, p_..0000); religion spouse born into (x2 = 9.86, p_. .0017); religion spouse now (x2= 18.02, p = .0000); the following religious and ethnic attitudes: maintaining115close ties to Israel (x2 = 19.18, p = .0000); performing religious practices (x2 =119.93, p_= .0000); belonging to a synagogue (x2 = 56.57, p = .0000); choosing aJewish spouse (x2 = 14.96, p = .0001); children marrying Jewish (x2 = 26.61, p_=.0000); having Jewish friends (x2 = 13.74, p = .0000); living in a Jewishneighborhood (x2 = 18.28, p = .0000); providing culturally Jewish education forchildren (x2 = 8.52, p = .0035); joining Jewish community organizations (x2 =28.00, p =0000); contributing to Jewish fundraising (x2 = 15.99, p = .0001);volunteering in Jewish community (x2 = 14.87, p_.= .0000); having paidsubscriptions to Jewish magazines (x2 = 17.01, p = .0000); speaking Hebrew(x2= 14.92, = .0001) and the following religious and ethnic practices: lightingcandles Friday night (x2 = 35.93, p = .0000); participating in a Passover Seder (x2= 11.75,^.0006); no work/school on High Holidays (x2 =28.67, p_= .0000);fasting on Yom Kippur (x2 = 25.88, p = .0000); separating dishes for meat anddairy (x2 = 22.93, p_= .0000); keeping kosher outside the home (x2 = 10.78, p =.0010); attending a Holocaust Remembrance (x2 =15.10, p_= .0001); celebratingYom Ha'atzmaut (x2 = 11.42,_p = .0007); attending a Purim celebration (x2 =22.29, p_= .0000); putting mezuzah on front door (x2 = 31.13, p = .0000);proportion of Jewish friends (x2 = 15.07, = .0046); denominational affiliation(x2 = 57.30, p = .0000); synagogue membership (x2 = 18.36, p_= .0000); numberof years providing children with informal Jewish education-summer camp (F =12.51, p_= .0000); total years providing children with informal Jewish education(E= 9.46, p_= .0000); contributing to synagogues/temples (x2 = 25.66, = .0000);contributing to local Jewish institutions (x2 = 7.67, p_= .0055); and the followingreason for relative importance of attitudes and practices reported in the survey:116attitudes/practices are divinely ordained: (x2 = 21.95, p_. .0000). Summary tablewith significance levels for: the personal characteristics are reported in Table 8,the attitude items recoded as unimportant vs important are reported in Table 9, thepractice items with a infrequent vs frequent response are reported in Table 10, thepractice items with a yes/no response, frequency responses are reported in Table11 and the importance behind the attitudes and practices reported in the survey arereported inTable 12.There is not a significant relationship between importance of Jewishreligious identity and the following personal characteristics: country of birth,parents born in North America, grand-parents born in North America, sex, age,marital status, have children, number of children, occupation, spouses occupation,educational level, occupation, spouses occupation, main language at home,parents ethnicity, religion born into, income; the following religious and ethnicpractices: having son ritually circumcised, sons having non-ritual circumcision,sons having no circumcision, having a Bar/Bat Mitzvah, having a Bar/BatMitzvah for your children, visiting Israel, how many times been to Israel, totaltime spent in Israel, visiting Holocaust historical sites, synagogue membership,formal Jewish education (elementary day school, elementary supplementaryschool, high school, Post High school), informal Jewish education: (summercamp, informal Jewish education: youth groups, Israel programs, at home),providing children formal Jewish education: (elementary day school, elementarysupplementary school, high school, post high school), providing children informalJewish education: (summer camp, youth groups, pIsrael programs, at home),number of years of formal Jewish education (elementary day school, elementary117supplementary school, high school, post high school), number of years of informalJewish education (Jewish summer camp, Jewish youth groups, Israel programs, athome); number of years providing children informal Jewish education (Jewishyouth groups, Israel programs, at home) and total years of formal Jewisheducation, total years of informal Jewish education and total years providingchildren informal Jewish education. Israel based charities, Federation/CombinedJewish appeal, local Jewish institutions and the following reason for the relativeimportance of attitudes and practices reported in the survey: attitudes/practicesproviding a connection to the Jewish people,In summary, Hypothesis 1 was supported by the results. Hypothesis 2 and 3were partially supported for certain variables as listed above and in Tables 2-5.The hypotheses did not suggest a direction of relationship for the variables.However, the results in the cross-tabulation of tables (see Appendix C) show thedirection of the differences. In most cases of attitudes or practices, for example,visiting Israel or not visiting Israel, the more explicit Jewish attitude or practice ofvisiting Israel is significantly related to greater importance attributed to beingethnically or religiously Jewish. The specific nature of the relationships of thesignificant variables will be taken up in the discussion chapter.Hypothesis 4. There will be a set of predictor variables (made up ofpersonal characteristics, religious and ethnic practices and religious and ethnicattitudes) to determine the strength of one's ethnic identity and the strength ofone's religious identity. The items chosen for the logistic regression were basedon a number of criteria, the first criterion was that the variables were responded toin most cases. A number of variables had a great deal of missing cases, for118example, circumcision. The circumcision variable had a number of missing casesbecause many people did not have children or sons. Secondly, variables thatshowed statistical significance in the cross-tabulations and F ratios helped guidethe choice of items in logisitic regression. However, some variables were chosenfor the logistic regression that did not meet the .005 criterion in Hypothesis 1 and2. They were chosen based on an understanding of the literature regarding theJewish community, which indicated certain variables should be significant. Mostof the extra variables chosen that did not meet the .005 criterion, showed somepromise, they made a modest change or difference and they had few missingcases. Income however, was one exception, it was chosen because it acts as asurrogate for a number of variables asked in the survey that relate to socioeconomic status. One's answers to certain questions may be guided by the factthat they are unable to afford to send their children to day school or live in aJewish neighborhood. One may note that sex was not put in the prediction modelbut appeared from the literature review to be an important variable to use. Therelationship between sex and importance of ethnically and religiously Jewish wasso low that it would give no information to the logistic regression.Global attitude and practice scores were derived by adding the ordinal scalescores on the attitude items (survey question 19 a-m) and the ordinal scale scoreson the practice items (survey question 20 a-k) and were chosen as variables for thelogistic regression model. Global scores were developed for a number of reasons.Firstly, an overall Jewish attitude score and overall Jewish practice score allowsus to understand the relationship global practices and attitudes have to theimportance of being ethnically Jewish and religiously Jewish. Secondly, because119we found that there is a high correlation among practice and attitude items, theseitems were collapsed into a single derived variable and entered into the model in acombined form. This will minimize the problems of muticollinearity that is,highly correlated predictor variables in the model. 'Multicollinearity' can causeinstability in the model and little confidence in its predictive ability. Finally, theuse of global scores was also driven by previous studies which developed globalscales, for example, (Goldscheider, 1986) to understand the population beingstudied.The mean for the global attitude score is 69.56 and the standard deviation is17.60. The mean for the global practice score is 62.16 and the standard deviationis 13.78. The global attitude score was significantly related to the importance ofbeing ethnically Jewish (F = 101.23, p = .0000) and religiously Jewish (F = 97.70,p = .0000). The global practice score was significantly related to the importanceof being ethnically Jewish (F = 43.75, p = .0000) and the importance of beingreligiously Jewish (F = 69.29, p = .0000).The variables chosen for the logistic regression model are entered in aspecific order. See Tables 13 and 14 which illustrate the building of the logisticregression model for importance of ethnically Jewish. See Tables 15 and 16 forbuilding the model of importance of religiously Jewish. The order the variablesare chosen is based on the lowest p value and by the highest r value generated inthe logistic regression. The selection of the variables was done in a forwardmodel selection which adds information one by one from the selected variables tohelp improve prediction. Backward selection was also done, in which allvariables are entered and the insignificant ones are pruned. This was done toTable 13Stages of Building the Regression Model for Predictina_Ethnically Jewish as "Very Important" or "Not Very Important" With Global Attitude as a PotentialPredictorStage Response variable^Predictors^Percent predicted correctly1^Importance of^ 57.84%ethnically Jewish (majority category)2^Importance of^Attitude (p=.0000)^80.0%ethnically Jewish120121Table 14Stages of Building the Regression Model for Predicting Ethnically Jewish as "Very Important" or "Not Very Important" Without Global Attitude as a PotentialPredictorStage Response variable Predictors^Percent predicted correctly1 Importance ofethnically Jewish57.84% (majoritycategory)2 Importance of Attitudes and practices providing aethnically Jewish connection to the Jewish people 75.68%(1)=.0000)3 Importance of Global practices (p = .0000) andethnically Jewish attitudes/practices providing aconnection to the Jewish people76.76%(= .0000)4 Importance ofethnically JewishGlobal practice (p.= .0007),proportion of friends Jewish (= 77.84%.0047) and attitudes/ practicesproviding a connection to theJewish people (p = .0002).Table 15Stages of Building the Regression Model for Predicting Religiously Jewish as"Important" or "Unimportant" With Global Attitude as a Potential PredictorStage Response variable^Predictors^Percent predicted correctly1^Importance ofreligiously Jewish2^Importance ofreligiously Jewish3^Importance ofreligiously Jewish4^Importance ofreligiously JewishGlobal attitude(p=.0000).Global attitude (= .0000) andattititudes/practices devinelyordained (p=.0036)Marital status (g_. .0010), globalattitude (a=.0000) andattitudes/practices devinelyordained(a.= .0010).57.53%(majority category)74.73%73.66%77.96%122Table 16Stages of Building the Regression Model for Predicting Religiously Jewish as Important" or "Unimportant" Without Global Attitude as a Potential PredictorStage^Response Variable^Predictors^Percent predicted correctly1^Importance of 57.53% (majorityreligiously Jewish^ category)2^Importance ofreligiously Jewish3^Importance ofreligiously Jewish4^Importance ofreligiously Jewish5^Importance ofreligiously JewishGlobal practice (= .0000).Global practice (p_= .0000) andattitudes/practices devinelyordained (= .0001).Marital status (p_= .0067), globalpractice (p_= .0000) andattitudes/practices divinelyordained (p = .0000)Marital status (p_= .0132), globalpractice (p_= 0029),denominational affiliation(p_= 2470) and attitudes/practicesdivinely ordained(= .0005).70.43%73.66%73.12%74.19%123124check the forward selection model and there was virtually no change between backwardand forward selection which provides us with a kind of internal validation. In someinstances the percent correct goes up and down as more variables are added to the model.Due to the multicollinearity between some of the variables the percentages will go up anddown. Building the model does not mean that the percent correct will go in one direction,it depends on the new variable being added and its relationship in combination with theother variables. The p value reported in the building of the logistic regression model testswhether that predictor variable is significant in the logistic regression model but it is notenough information to decide if the term should be in the model, it has to be entered withother variables to test its prediction level.There were 185 respondents who answered all the variables chosen for the logisticregression used to predict importance of ethnically Jewish recoded as "very important"and "not very important". These questions included: country of birth, place of parentsbirth, age, marital status, income, global attitude(survey questions 19 a-m), global practice(survey question 20 a-k), mezuzah on front door, proportion of friends Jewish,denominational affiliation, contributing to Jewish philanthropies, attitudes and practicesdivinely ordained, attitudes and practices providing a connection to the Jewish people.The following is a report of the final predictor variables for the importanceof ethnic identity. In the absence of any predictor variables, we can predict thatsomeone will say it is very important to be ethnically Jewish (the larger of the twocategories between very important and not very important to be ethnically Jewish-- the majority category) 57.84% of the time. This majority category alsoconfirms the direction of the hypotheses by saying that more people feel it is veryimportant to be ethnically Jewish than not very important.125One variable out of the range of variables listed above for the logisticregression model was found to be a significant predictor of the importance ofethnically Jewish: global attitude (see Table 17). When knowing this variable wecan predict people's responses to ethnically Jewish as either very important or notvery important 80% of the time.The logistic regression was done taking global attitudes out as a predictor, tosee what would come first as a predictor without the influence of attitudes.Attitude was such a dominate predicator that we wanted to see what variablesattitude might have been masking.Three variables were found to be significant predictors of the importance ofethically Jewish when global attitude was taken out as a potential predictor; thesevariables include global practice, proportion of Jewish friends, attitudes andpractices reported providing a connection to the Jewish people (see Table 18).When in combination these three variables are successful in predicting ethnicallyJewish as being very important or not very unimportant 77.84% of the time.There were 186 respondents who answered all the variables chosen for the logisticregression used to predict importance of religiously Jewish recoded as "important"vs. "unimportant". The variables chosen include: country of birth, parents born inNorth America, age, marital status, income, global attitude, global practice,mezuzah on front door, proportion of friends Jewish, denominational affiliation,contributing to Jewish charities, and attitudes and practices divinely ordained andproviding a connection to the Jewish people.The following is a report of the final predictor variables for importance ofreligious identity. In the absence of any predictor variables we can predict thatTable 17Observed and Predicted Frequency of Importance of Ethnically Jewish WithGlobal Attitude as a Potential PredictorPredictedObserved^ Percent correctNot very important^Very importantNot very important^56^22^71.79%Very important 15 92 85.98%Overall 80.0%Variables in the equationVariable^B^S.E.^df^Sig^RGlobalattitude^.1040^.0153^1^.0000^.4180126127Table 18Observed and Predicted Frequency of Importance of Ethnically Jewish WithoutGlobal Attitude as a Potential PredictorPredictedObserved^ Percent correctNot very important^Very importantNot very important 52 26 66.67%Very important 15 92 85.98%Overall 77.84%Variables in the equationVariable B S.E. df Sig RGlobal practice.0554 .0164 1 .0007 .1936Proportion of Jewish friends.4319 .1528 1 .0047 .1542Attitudes/ practices providing aconnection to the Jewish people -1.1036 .3013 1 .0002 -.2129128someone will say it is important to be religiously Jewish (the larger of the two categoriesbetween important and unimportant to be religiously Jewish -- the majority category)57.53% of the time. This majority category also confirms the direction of the hypothesesby saying that more people feel it is important to be religiously Jewish than unimportant.Three variables from the range of variables listed above were found to besignificant predictors of the importance of religiously Jewish; these variablesinclude marital status, global attitude, and attitudes and practices reported asimportant because they are divinely ordained (see Table 19). When incombination these variables are successful at predicting the response toreligiously Jewish as being unimportant or important 77.96% of the time.Four variables were found to be significant predictors of the importance ofbeing religiously Jewish when global attitude was taken out as a potentialpredictor; these variables include marital status, global practice, denominationalaffiliation, and attitudes and practices reported as important because they aredivinely ordained (see Table 20). When in combination these variables aresuccessful at predicting religiously Jewish as being important or unimportant74.19% of the time.Backward elimination was done for all the above which provided the sameresults.Table 19Observed and Predicted Frequency of Importance of Religiously Jewish WithGlobal Attitude as a Potential PredictorPredictedObserved^ Percent correctNot very important^Very importantUnimportant 54 25 68.35%Important 16 91 85.05%Overall 77.96%Variables in the equationVariable B S.E. df Sig RMarital status.6756 .2049 1 .0010 .1870Global attitude.0654 .0137 1 .0000 .2871Attitudes/ practices divinelyordained -.6967 .2123 1 .0010 -.1859129130Table 20Observed and Predicted Frequency of Importance of Religiously Jewish WithoutGlobal Attitude as a Potential PredictorPredictedObserved^ Percent correctNot very important^Very importantUnimportant 50 29 63.29%Important 19 88 82.24%Overall 74.19%Variables in the equationVariable S.E. df SigMarital status .5480 .2211 1 .0132 .1278Global practice .0527 .0177 1 .0029 .1646Denominational affiliation - 5 .2470 .0000Attitudes/ practices divinelyordained-.7921 .2275 1 .0005 -.1998131CHAPTER SIXDISCUSSIONThis chapter summarizes the results to the four hypotheses outlined inChapter 3. The first section is the discussion of the results of Hypothesis 1. Thisis followed by a discussion of the significant variables in Hypothesis 2 and 3which will be broken down into a discussion of the significant personalcharacteristics, practices and attitudes. The practices and attitudes will be furtherbroken down into attitudes and practices that are consistent with each other (if onesays something is important and their actions follow) and attitudes and practicesthat are not consistent with each other (if one says something is important buttheir actions do not follow). Following this, the report on Hypothesis 4 will bereviewed. Then a discussion of Hypotheses 1 to 4 will be presented. Thelimitations of the study will then be discussed followed by implications forcounselling and program development and implications for future research. It isimportant to note that when discussing a significant relationship in the fourhypotheses that it refers to a relationship at the < .005 level. When referring to norelationship, it means that there was no relationship at the < .005 level ofsignificance; it does not mean there was no relationship at all between thevariables.It is important to note when reviewing the following relationships, that thedata gathered for this study was simply a snapshot in time. As indicated in thebackground section, historical external and internal issues affected Jewish identitythroughout the ages. The consequence of internal and external issues continuestoday. However, we can only assume that the demands of contemporary society132together with longitudinal influences, play a role in influencing one's Jewishidentity but researchers would need to do further studies incorporating questionsrelating to the societal influences to carry these thoughts further.Review of Hypothesis 1 There was a significant relationship between the strength of VancouverJewish adults self-perceived sense of Jewish ethnic identity and the strength oftheir self-perceived sense of religious identity therefore Hypothesis 1 wassupported. A test of agreement was also done to see how consistent people werebetween their personal sense of religious identity and their personal sense ofethnic identity. Assessing agreement allows us to see the consistency in the waypeople answered the survey. The proportion of agreement for the two dependentvariables was 147/241 or 61%. In other words 61% of the people that felt thatbeing ethnically Jewish was important to their personal sense of identity alsoagreed that being religiously Jewish was important to their personal sense ofidentity and those that felt that being ethnically Jewish was not important to theirpersonal sense of identity, felt being religiously Jewish was not important to theirpersonal sense of identity. It is important to note, however, that more people feltbeing ethnically Jewish was very important than those who felt religiously Jewishwas very important. Some of the comments made at the end of the survey alludedto a sense of ambivalence about religion among some of the respondents.The findings of the present study reinforce much of the literature thatdiscusses Jewish identity as being made up of a link between ethnicity andreligion. In the literature (Goldscheider & Zukerman, 1984; Herman, 1977;Waxman, 1983; Werblowsky, 1976), Judaism has been viewed as both an ethnic133and religious phenomenon, in other words an ethnic religion. Krausz (1977)points out that it is difficult to sift out the religious factor in Jewish identity fromthe ethnic factor which is reinforced by the strong relationship of the two variablesand the sense of agreement in this study. A weakening of either of thecomponents leads to a weakening of Jewish identity as a whole.In addition, when it comes to expressing an individual's commitments toethnic and religious identity, researchers like Krausz (1977); Herman (1977); andLondon and Frank (1987) take the position that the Jewishness of even non-religious Jews cannot be completely divorced from its religious traditions. Forexample, although much of the literature including this present study indicate thata priority is given by the Jewish people to the ethnic rather than the religiousfactor in Jewish identity, that identity is often expressed through traditionalreligious symbols. It is through the synagogue, the festivals, the rites of passage,dietary laws, the mezuzah, Jewish education and other such signs that Jewishnessbecomes visible (Kokosalakis, 1982). Because these signs are the expression ofidentity for both observant and non-observant Jews, this emphasizes the difficultyof separating the religious Jew from the ethnic Jew. Therefore, it is possible thatone may identify more strongly as either an ethnic Jew or a religious Jew but theway the individual expresses, for example, ethnic identity, may differ very littlefrom another person's expression of their religious identity. In Judaism it is noteasy to separate practice from belief.Review of Significant Variables in Hypotheses 2 and 3 Hypothesis 2 and 3 were divided among personal characteristics, practicesand attitudes. The majority of personal characteristics had no significant134relationship to ethnic or religious identity. All the attitudes had a significantrelationship with the importance of religious and ethnic identity except forspeaking Hebrew and importance of ethnically Jewish. The majority of practiceshad a significant relationship with the importance of religious and ethnic identitywith the exception of handling money on the Sabbath, keeping Kosher outside thehome (for importance of ethnically Jewish only), lighting Hanukkah candles,circumcision, having a Bar/Bat Mitzvah, visiting Holocaust sights, and themajority of the education questions.Significant personal characteristics.  The personal characteristics that have asignificant relationship with importance of ethnically Jewish are age and religionborn into and the personal characteristics that have a significant relationship to theimportance of religiously Jewish are religion now, religion spouse born into andreligion spouse now. It was surprising in light of the literature examined inChapter 3 that more personal characteristics were not significantly related to thedependent variables. Other studies discussed in Chapter 3, compare personalcharacteristics to more narrow topics, for example, age and Jewish education oroccupation and volunteering in the Jewish community. It is possible thatimportance of ethnically and religiously Jewish are not discriminating enough topick up a relationship with personal characteristics.The findings of the present study showed a significant relationship betweenincrease of age and importance of ethnic identity but Cohen's (1991) findingsdiffer by indicating that younger Jews are hardly different from their elders inmany forms of communal affiliation and most forms of ritual practice. Thepresent findings do not indicate a relationship between religious identity and age.135However, according to Cohen (1991) and his findings on age and religiousidentity, there is a growth in traditional observance and in Orthodoxy among theyoung Canadian Jews. In some ways, according to Cohen (1991) the youngerJews are actually more involved in traditional ritual observance.The religion one is born into and importance of ethnic identity had asignificant relationship in the findings of the present study. This is confirmed byMedding (1977) who discussed that membership of the Jewish group was not oneof religious performance but one of ethnic origins. Medding (1977) pointed outthat to join the group and be subject to its rights and obligations, it was sufficientto be born of a Jewish mother. One could not leave the group or be disqualifiedby not performing religious practices. One could be a member of the Jewishpeople without following the Jewish religion.The religion the person is now, the religion the spouse is born into and thereligion the spouse is now is significantly related to the importance of religiousidentity. If the person is Jewish or if their spouse is Jewish they are more likely tofeel it is important to be religiously Jewish. If a person is a different religion fromtheir spouse this may play a role in how the individual identifies Jewishly. Forexample, Medding et al. (1992) focused on how Jewish identification fares inconversionary and mixed marriages. They found that the overall level of Jewishidentification in mixed-marriages is low therefore they found a negativerelationship between strength of identifying Jewishly and being married tosomeone who is not Jewish. Their findings indicated that conversion usuallyleads to the achievement of medium and high levels of Jewish identification.136The findings of the present study indicate that one's or one's spouses religionis not related to the importance of personal ethnic identity, but is related to theimportance of religious identity, people may continue feeling ethnically Jewishwhen they are intermarried. Their sense of ethnicity or feeling part of the Jewishpeople is not taken away from them even when their practical expression of ethnicidentity may be tailored to fit their new life in a home with two differentbackgrounds. However, when one's spouse is of a different religion, the person'sreligious identity may be challenged due to differences in the spouse's priorities inthe home and in the community.Despite the extensive discussion in the background section in Chapter 2about the differences between men and women in the Jewish communitythroughout history, this study did not find any significant relationship between sexand the importance of ethnic or religious identity. This may very well be do to thefact that there has been a shift in North America, from women's peripheral homebased religious life to the home becoming the core and essential preserver ofJewish identification. With the critical home-based religious duties, andcommunal work, women managed to develop paths to enhance Jewish life forNorth American women. This groundwork has led to the acceptance of women asritual and communal equals in many North American communities today.Women have managed to move from the periphery towards the centre of Jewishlife and expression. If this study had been done years ago, we may have found asignificant relationship between sex and the importance of ethnic or religiousJewish identity but today the present study does not indicate a relationship. Oneof the comments made in the comment section of the survey was that questions137relevant to women's experiences were not included which may have provided uswith gender specific information for this discussion.Consistent attitudes and practices that were both significantly related to the importance of Jewish ethnic and religious identity. The following will focus onthe significant, consistent practice and attitude variables from the present study.These include: maintaining close ties to Israel, performing religious practices,belonging to a synagogue, denominational affiliation, importance of havingJewish friends, living in a Jewish neighborhood, contributing to Jewishcommunity fundraising events, reasons for relative importance of attitudes andpractices reported in the survey as being divinely ordained and providing aconnection to the Jewish people.The study of Jewish identity and identification have been of great interest inthe research of North American Jews. Jewish identity according to Herman(1977) is one's sense of self with regards to being Jewish (attitudes) and Jewishidentification is the process of thinking and acting in a manner that indicatesinvolvement with and attachment to Jewish life (practices).Ritual practice has always been the direct measure of Jewish religiosity.Judaism is pervaded by ritual practice. According to Medding (1992), the mosttraditional expression of Jewishness is through the rituals Jews perform or inwhich they participate. Goldscheider and Zukerman (1984) focus upon what Jewsdo and assume that activity assures the vitality of Jewish life. According to Cohen(1983), Judaism, in contrast with Christianity (particularly Protestantism), regardsconcrete behaviours as more central and significant then tenets, beliefs orattitudes.138It is important to note that the majority of attitudes measured in the presentstudy were attitudes towards practices as opposed to the attitudes about one's selfin regards to being Jewish which Herman (1977) addresses (i.e., "If you were bornall over again, would you wish to be born a Jew'?"). As planned in the presentstudy, the majority of attitude questions had a corresponding practice question forexample, "How important is it for you to belong to a synagogue and are youcurrently a member of a synagogue?". The attitudes measured in the present studylike practices, highlight patterns of commitment and support to the Jewish peoplebecause for the most part the strong attitudes are followed through with practice,with exceptions of the attitudes that are not consistent with practices discussed inthe next section. It turns out the majority of practices represented in the attitudequestions and the practices reported in the practice section that were consistentwith each other, were both significantly related to the importance of ethnic andreligious identity. Also both the global attitude and global practice questions weresignificantly related to the importance of Jewish ethnic and religious identity.The significant relationship between the importance of Jewish ethnic andreligious identity and attitudes towards maintaining close ties to Israel wasconfirmed in the literature. Cohen (1982) reinforces that the concern for Israelafter the 1967 Israeli war became one of the most unifying means by which Jewsexpressed their Jewishness. Herman (1977) discusses the fact that Jewseverywhere find it necessary to define their Jewish identity with reference toIsrael. Chazan (1992) points out that the symbolic meaning of Israel pervades thecollective consciousness of Jewish religion and culture and the concept of Zion isa major theme in thought and prayer. The present study's findings indicate that139the practice of Israel programs alone do not have a significant relationship toethnic identity but the number of years of Israel programs have a significantrelationship to ethnic identity. Silberman (1985) points out that nearly one Jewishadult in five in the United States has visited Israel more than once. According toLondon and Frank (1987) the potential visits to Israel are important factors inshaping and forming Jewish identity.The attitude towards performing religious practices and actually practicingreligious practices are significantly related to the importance of ethnic andreligious identity. Judaism is pervaded by ritual practice. Performing rituals isthe most traditional expression of Jewishness. The literature indicated that therecontinues to be a firm associational tie with the Jewish community's belief andpractice. There are four times as many Jews in the United States who practicereligion as there are secular Jews. The comment section in the survey indicatedthat some individuals felt a sense of ambivalence towards their level ofobservance. "When I attend synagogue I feel a deep connection on someemotional level, and yet I feel no connection to the prayers ... the observances ofJudaism, for example, Purim do not mean anything to me, and yet I feel guiltythat I'm not more observant ...".Cohen (1983) points out that less time committing and less segregatingritual practices erode more slowly. The High Holy days are one practice that hasnot declined in practice and in fact participating in the High Holy days may be avery significant part of one's Jewish identity. The Sabbath practice has beenadopted on an individual basis, some follow the Sabbath practice extensively andothers perform a few customs such as lighting candles and having an evening140meal. This was confirmed in the present study by the relationship betweenlighting candles Friday night and importance of ethnic and religious identity andthe lack of relationship between not handling money on the Sabbath andimportance of ethnic and religious identity. Some practices which are consideredmore time demanding such as dietary laws, which require daily routines, used tohave central significance to Jewish identity are one of the first practices to begiven up. This decline in following dietary laws was confirmed in this studywhich indicated that keeping kosher outside the home was not significantly relatedto Jewish ethnic identity. However, keeping kosher in the home was significantlyrelated to the importance of both ethnic and religious Jews. One important notefrom examining the tables in Appendix C is that lighting candles and keepingkosher overall are more of an infrequent practice than a frequent practice butwhen they are practiced they both relate to the importance of ethnic and religiousidentity. In order to understand why some practices are continued by the majorityof repondents and why others are not, an understanding of contemporary societyand its influences on its members must be studied in relationship to the practices.The relationship between Jewish religious and ethnic identity and theattitude towards the importance of belonging to a synagogue was confirmed in theliterature. According to Herman (1977), "the Diaspora religious institutions suchas the synagogue serve more than just a religious function in the Jewishcommunity and affiliation with them is often an expression of Jewishidentification rather than religiosity" (p. 36). When the Jews first came to theUnited States, they had little to do with religion. But because expressingethnicity was not popular at the time and religion was, Jews took on an141institutional form of religion to fit into society. Affiliation with the synagoguetook the form of ethnic attachment. The new synagogues became more of anexpression of ethnicity than religiosity (Glazer, 1990, p. 14). According toWaxman (1983) it is possible individuals may consider themselves religious andnot belong to a synagogue, however the present study indicated a strongrelationship between religious identity and belonging to a synagogue.How one considers oneself Jewish (Orthodox, Conservative, Reform,Reconstructionist, Just Jewish, Secular, Some other religion) was significantlyrelated to the importance of ethnic and religious identification. In other wordshow one considers oneself Jewish according to London and Frank (1987), is thebest indicator of participation in Jewish religious and communal life. Accordingto Pinderhughes (1989), when the Jews first came to North America religiousdenomination was a source of meaning for persons who renounced nationality oforigin for the ethnicity of the melting pot. One of the comments made on thesurvey was that there was not room to discuss reasons for the choice of synagoguewhich may have provided necessary information for future studies.The significant relationships between importance of ethnic and religiousidentity and the attitude towards the importance of having Jewish friends and theproportion of Jewish friends were also confirmed in the literature. A number ofsurveys indicate that one way Jews maintain their connection to the community isthrough having Jewish friends. According to Rosen (cited in London & Frank,1987), peer influence has an important impact on Jewish identity. Dashefsky andShapiro (1974) pointed out that adolescent peers are important religiousinfluences on both younger and older generations.142The relationship between living in a Jewish neighborhood was significantlyrelated to importance of Jewish ethnic and religious identity. Overall, Jews valueliving in Jewish neighborhoods but they do not always have the choice due toeconomic constraints. When asking a residential question, it would have beenhelpful, as indicated by some of the comments on the survey, to take into accountthat it is not necessarily an individual's choice to live in a non-Jewish area, itmight be due to schooling, transportation, housing costs or housing availability.As Kosa (cited in Yancey et al. 1976) points out, it is possible for ethnic networksto exist in geographically dispersed areas, however, one would expect it would bemore important for the people who find it important to be religiously Jewish tolive in Jewish area because of the necessity to be close to religious institutions onthe Sabbath and holidays.The present study indicated a significant relationships between the attitudeand practice of contributing to Jewish community's fundraising events andvolunteering in Jewish community activities and the importance of religious andethnic identity. Some reasons people contribute financially or volunteer their timeinclude social status, association reasons, learning leadership skills, etc. Alsobeing involved in common institutions and services, according to Haller andGreeley (cited in Yancey, Ericksen & Juliani, 1976), reinforces the maintenanceof kinship. Each of the above benefits of volunteering would play a role in boththe importance of being ethnically and religiously Jewish.Cohen (1983) examined the Boston community surveys of 1965 and 1975which indicated that assimilated Jews have been leaving the circles of Jewishphilanthropists. Cohen's findings differ from the findings of the present study143which indicate a relationship between importance of ethnically Jewish andinvolvement in the community. However, it is important to note that we can notplace too much emphasis on the comparison between Cohen's study and thepresent study because Cohen is discussing 'assimilated Jews' and the present studyis discussing the 'importance of ethnically Jewish' which can not be equated as thesame. The ten years between the two Boston community studies shows anincrease in the number of leaders who are Orthodox and who received yeshiva orday school education. The present study confirms the relationship betweenimportance of religious identity and involvement in the community.The reasons behind the relative importance of the attitudes and practicesreported in the survey as the basis for providing a connection to Jewish people andattitudes and practices as being divinely ordained were both significantly relatedto the importance of ethnic identity. One basis for the importance of ethnicidentity is the connection to the Jewish people and this sense of ethnic identity ismanifested in customs that act as symbols of a collective peoplehood. Therefore,one would expect the attitudes and practices reported as important because theyprovide a connection to the Jewish people. The significant relationship betweenthe importance of ethnic identity and the attitudes and practices as importantbecause they are divinely ordained bring up questions of dissonance. It is possiblethat one who feels it is important to be ethnically Jewish may have resolved theirinternal struggle with the Jewish religion while answering this survey byconcluding that the attitudes and practices reported were important also becausethey were divinely ordained. It is important to note that the relationship betweenimportance of ethnically Jewish and the relative importance of attitudes and144practices as important because they were divinely ordained is based on a group ofpeople who felt it was also important or somewhat important to be religiouslyJewish. It would be interesting to see if there would have been a relationshipbetween those who felt only being ethnically Jewish was important and theattitudes and practices reported important because they were divinely ordained.The argument could be made however that the relationship between importance ofethnically Jewish and attitudes and practices being divinely ordained, occurred asa shift over time. In other words, their customs become rituals and these ritualsbecome laws and in turn their attitudes and practices took on a divinely ordainedmeaning. The most significant relationship between the importance of beingreligiously Jewish and the the importance behind the attitudes and practicesreported in the survey were that their attitudes and practices are important becausethey are divinely ordained. This result was expected in light of the fact that formany religious Jews the belief in and commitment to G-d has always been theessence of Judaism not necessarily the connection to the Jewish people.Attitudes inconsistent with practices.  The following will focus on theinconsistent practice and attitude variables from the present study in which eitherthe attitude or practice were reported significant but not both. These include:marrying someone Jewish, children marrying someone Jewish, and Jewisheducation.Medding et al. (1992) noted that "the contemporary community of sharedindividual feelings is characterized by emotions and attachments, which, whileoften deep, are not always clearly articulated" (p.14). Merelman (cited inMedding et al. 1992), describes the fact that many American Jews give strong145expression to feelings of Jewishness, even when they fail to uphold major Jewishreligious beliefs and rituals. Some attitudes do not coincide with individualpractices. This is a clear case where the individuals surveyed said one thing wasimportant to them (for example marrying someone Jewish) but in many casespracticed something different. In the following examples, one is reminded of thetenets of researchers like Cohen (1983) who regard concrete behaviour as moresignificant and central to Judaism than one's attitudes or beliefs. It becomes clearhow significant the actual practices are to Judaism when we read aboutdiscrepancies in attitude and practice.The attitude toward marrying Jewish and importance of ethnically Jewishwere significantly related, however, the present study indicates that 28% of therespondents are married to someone not Jewish. It appears from the present studyand the intermarriage statistics that in many cases individuals do not follow whatthey believe to be important. Since 1985, according to the National JewishPopulation survey (1990), less than half of Jewish marriages involve two partnerswho are Jewish. Possibly when faced with the decision of marrying someone notJewish, people feel they can work something out and not compromise theirethnicity. The literature indicates that for many who feel neither ethnicity nor"marrying out" is important, also think they can put their family's traditions on theback burner. In many cases, however, it turns out that they often discover theirethno-religious backgrounds affect many important factors in family life.The relationship between marrying someone Jewish and importance of beingreligiously Jewish is reinforced in the literature. According to Medding et al.146(1992), about nine in ten Orthodox and Conservative Jews are married to anotherJew.The findings in the present study indicates a relationship between attitudestowards children marrying someone Jewish and importance of religious and ethnicidentity. These findings differ from the literature. According to Fishman andGoldstein (1992) fully one-third of those who identify themselves as Jewish byreligion would support or strongly support the marriage of their child to a non-Jewish person; only 22% would oppose such a marriage. However, the commentsection on the survey indicated people who "married out" but want their childrento be raised Jewish.The literature discusses the impact of Jewish education on Jewish identity.The findings from the present study indicate total years of formal Jewisheducation is not significantly related to the importance of Jewish ethnic andreligious identity. However, Fishman and Goldstein (1993) reported that Jewisheducation was one of the most effective tools for producing Jewishly identifiedadults. Bock and Himmelfarb (1988) point out that the number of school hoursmakes a difference. The only form of Jewish education that was significantlyrelated to importance of ethnic identity (not religious identity) in the present studywas informal Jewish education (youth groups and at home). The present studysupports the findings in the literature that indicates childhood home exerts moreinfluence than the Jewish school on adult Jewish identification. The literaturealso indicates the impact of informal Jewish education through youth groupswhich has shown to be beneficial to Jewish identification. It is important to notethat many of the educational questions were not applicable to Israelis who have a147different educational system which was pointed out in the comment section of thesurvey.Review of Hypothesis 4In agreement with Hypothesis 4, there were a set of predictor variablescapable of predicting the importance of being ethnically Jewish and another setcapable of predicting the importance of being religiously Jewish. People's globalattitudes (survey question 19 a-m) are the highest predictor variable for both theimportance of being ethnically Jewish and the importance of being religiouslyJewish.It appears on the surface by noting the above results of the logisticregression and Hypotheses 1 and 2 that more attitudes than practices aresignificantly related to the importance of ethnic and religious identity. In otherwords, that what people say, is a better predictor of their personal sense ofreligious and ethnic identity than what they actually do. However it is importantto note both global attitudes and practices are related to the importance of ethnicand religious identity. These findings of both attitudes and practices relating tothe importance of ethnically Jewish and religiously Jewish are reinforced when welook more closely at the results of the logistic regressions. As we saw in theresults chapter, the global attitude overlapped extensively with the global practice.When global attitude was taken out as a possible predictor variable, globalpractice became a predictor for importance of religiously Jewish and importanceof being ethnically Jewish.The results from the present study indicating global practice as a predictorvariable and global practice as being significantly related to the importance of148ethnic and religious identity indicates that the Jews surveyed in the present studyand in the literature (Cohen, 1983; Goldscheider & Zukerman, 1984) regardconcrete behaviour as significant to Judaism. However, it is important to noteagain that the global attitude was still a more significant predictor in the logisticregression and the global attitudes were more significantly related to importanceof ethnic and religious identity than practices which reinforces that there are stillmore people who say something is important than follow the practice. The caseswhere attitudes are not consistent with practices and therefore people just feel apractice is important but do not follow up with their actions have been discussedabove.The next significant predictor for the importance of ethnically Jewish (whenglobal attitude was taken out as a potential predictor) together with global practicewas the attitudes and practices reported in the survey as providing a connection tothe Jewish people. Medding (1977) points out that contemporary Jewish ethnicties come from the sense of shared peoplehood. Even when religion is notinvolved, Jews are known to surround themselves by other Jews and be part of theJewish community. Ethnicity has been defined through identification withcommon origins and frequent patterns of association, which not only supports theimportance of a connection to the Jewish people but also supports the nextpredictor of importance of ethnically Jewish, (again when global attitudes areremoved) which is proportion of Jewish friends.One of the significant predictors for importance of being religiously Jewish(with global attitudes and without global attitudes as predictors) was attitudes andpractices being divinely ordained. According to Kokosalakis (1982), it is not easy149to separate practice from belief. Belief and commitment to G-d has always beenthe essence of Judaism. Jewish law (Halakha) is central to religious tradition.Some Jews believe that the law was divinely ordained and observance was thefulfillment of G-d's will.Demographics for the most part do not act as predictors for religious orethnic identity. However, marital status together with global practice did becomea predictor for religiously Jewish (when global attitude was removed). This is nota surprise as pointed out by London and Frank (1983), marriage and children tendto involve people more in Jewish life.Denominational affiliation became a predictor for religious identification(when global attitude was removed as a potential predictor). According toLondon and Frank (1987), the best indicator of participation in Jewish religiousand communal life is identifying oneself as either Orthodox, Conservative, orReform etc. According to Goldscheider (1986), the data from the 1975 Jewishpopulation survey indicated that 3/4 of adult Jews identify denominationally.Review of Hypotheses 1 to 4The results reported in this thesis illustrated that more people felt beingethnically Jewish was more important than being religiously Jewish. Manypersonal characteristics do not have a significant relationship to ethnic andreligious identity and identification. People have very strong attitudes towardspracticing and for the most part the corresponding practices were followed.Specific attitudes and practices that have a significant relationship to religious andethnic identity were defined. Finally a set of predictor variables that determine thestrength of one's ethnic identity and the strength of one's religious identity were150developed. The results of the logistic regression allow us to carry the findingsfrom Hypotheses 1,2 and 3 a step further. It is possible to go beyond thesignificant relationships and actually use some of these significant variables topredict whether a subject would rate "ethnic" as "very important" or "not veryimportant" or "religious" Jewishness as "important" or "unimportant", on the basisof the derived set of predictor variables.Limitations of the studyThe way in which Jews identify is an empirical question that calls for theapplication of survey methods and techniques (Steinberg, 1975). Jewishidentification must be treated as a variable, which implies that the range ofvariation must be explained and that its consequences for behaviour analyzed(Steinberg, 1975). Some anthropologists and sociologists believe it is too difficultto quantify elements of culture such as beliefs and practices. When dealing withquestions of religion, which deal with deep cultural and personal experiences,quantification can at best provide information on socio-cultural trends and onlyglimpses into the information qualitative data can produce. However, surveyresearch has been the most common type of research design used in studies ofAmerican Jews. This researcher is aware of the limits of quantitative research butfeels that the survey design is an appropriate method for this study. The surveymethod allows us to reach a large number of people with a diverse number ofquestions.Sample biases are discussed in the method chapter although the results fromthe 1981 Canadian Census indicated that the sample for this present study is verysimilar to the sample depicted in the census results. For example, in the present151survey 33.7% of the respondents were born outside Canada which is the same forthe 1991 Canadian Census.A limitation of the logistic regression model is that cross validation was notaccounted for in this study. Ideally, a different sample would be used to test theregression model that was developed here.One limitation of the survey may have been in the wording of the dependentvariables. A comment made in the survey was that a definition should have beenprovided for ethnic versus religion. This idea was discussed during thedevelopment stage of the survey but it was decided that it was important to havepeople report their own personal sense of ethnic and religious identification notone that was defined for them. One possible way to gather similar information tothe information elicited by the dependent variables, was instead of wording themas attitude questions, ask the census questions of "What is your ethnicity?" and"What is your religion?". With the answers to these questions one could thenpossibly cross-tabulate those answers with the importance of being ethnicallyJewish and the importance of being religiously Jewish and the attitudes andpractices asked in the survey.A further limitation of the study includes the attitude questions high degreeof overlap with the practice questions which was intentional when the survey wasdeveloped. In one way, this is beneficial because we can compare attitudes topractices and gain information on how important certain aspects of Jewishpractice or communal involvement are to the individual. But in another way it islimiting in that we are not examining attitudes on which previous studies onJewish identity have focused for example, whether one is proud or embarrassed152about being Jewish, or whether one considers themselves first a Jew and then anCanadian or vice versa. In the present study the scope of information that attitudequestions can potentially attain has been limited.Because of the large number of relationships examined in this study, astringent level of significance was set. Relationships between dependent andindependent variables that were not found to be significant in this study, may infact, be so related. Also, when the comment section of the survey instrument wasreviewed a number of comments from the comment section of the survey werediscrepant or not evident in the statistical findings. For example, the findings ofthe present study did not indicate a significant relationship between havingchildren and the importance of religious or ethnic identity. However, manycomments indicated the importance of having children and the importance ofidentifying oneself as Jewish. One person commented that --"In the past I wouldnormally not go to synagogue or join one. However, now being married withchildren, I believe it is important to give my children the opportunity toexperience our religion as I did as a youth." London and Frank (1987) indicatethat marriage and children tend to involve people more in Jewish life.It would be important in future studies to look further at people whoreported just ethnically Jewish as important or just religiously Jewishness asimportant. This study did not separate out those who felt it was important to beethnically Jewish and those who felt it was important to be religiously Jewish, itfocused on those who those individuals where there was a relationship betweenethnic and religious identity. It would have been interesting to see whether therewould have been a significant relationship between those who felt it was153important to be ethnically Jewish but not important to be religiously Jewish andfor example, the attitudes and practices reported as important because they aredivinely ordained. It is possible different information would be derived if all thepersonal characteristics, attitude and practice variables were examined incomparison to those who felt it was important to be ethnically or religiouslyJewish but not both.Some of the respondents felt that the survey was too narrow in that it missedout on secular identity and other forms of affiliation or possibilities for Jewishexpression. One person commented that "the survey does not touch upon the"cultural" or intellectual aspects of Judaism. Members of the community whoexpress or experience their Judaism through study, art, music, dance, cuisine, etc.may not have been adequately represented. One person felt the survey exploredthe mainstream establishment of the Jewish community and missed out on theexciting diversity of being Jewish. If this had been taken into account during thedevelopment of the survey, the questions may have been applicable to a widervariety of people.Implications for Counselling and Program DevelopmentAs discussed in Chapter 2's section on identity development in apsychological frame, feelings about one's ethnic background have a directrelationship to how people feel about themselves. In a clinical setting thecounsellor has the responsibility to help the client or family members to recognizetheir cultural values and individualize the religious, social and communal aspectsof Jewish identity to help resolve conflicts. As Pinderhughes (1989) pointed out,154a focus on cultural identity offers an opportunity for individuals to strengthen apositive sense of self and enhance psychological integration.When responding to questions asked in the present survey one is challengedto explore their religious and ethnic identity. For each respondent differenthistory and experiences flow underneath their answers. Getting in touch withthese experiences below the surface is one of the benefits to answering a surveylike the present. There were 246 people who answered this survey and out of thatnumber, as indicated by the responses in the comment section, there were manywho were challenged to look inward when responding to the survey.Responses to the survey illustrated that many people seem to have anincongruency between ethnic identity and religious identity as there were so manymore people who felt it was important to be ethnically Jewish. From the literatureit appears that people are struggling with these two definitions of what it means tobe Jewish and how to express their identities in a way that they are comfortablewith. Those who feel strongly ethnically Jewish not only struggle with theirreligious identity but also with how to express their ethnic identity. Expression ofethnic identity often results in religious practice which for some may be a conflictbecause they do not feel religiously Jewish or comfortable with religiouspractices. In counselling the individual can explore these conflicting feelings andwork towards understanding how they would like to express their religious and/orethnic identity in their lives.There was also a discrepancy between respondents attitudes and practices.For some, they will note after responding to the survey that their Jewish attitudesoverlap with their practices, giving them insight into their present priorities and155how they have chosen to lead their lives. These people for example can learn thatthey follow through with their beliefs and can feel a sense of gratification oncethey realize the sense of commitment they have in their daily lives. Others maysee a discrepancy between their attitudes and practices and feel confused. Feelingstrongly about something and not following through with it, may be a pattern intheir lives. This discrepancy in their lives may also provide the individual withinsight into values they have and strongly believe in but end up blocking orcompromising due to their current lifestyle. Numerous comments in the surveyinstrument were made that people wish they for example, had a mezuzah on theirdoor. Expressing this wish may lead to some sort of change. Getting in touchwith their inner sense of identity allow people to understand themselves better andexpress their needs and desires.The 1991 census shows that only 16,565 persons were recorded as Jewish byreligion in British Columbia, compared with 30, 985 who described themselves asJewish by ancestry. But, the figures don't say who's Jewish. Some claiming to beJewish solely by ancestry (ethnic origin) may be Jewish according to religiouslaw, even though they may be assimilated. Others who list themselves as Jews byreligion may be converts. Studies like the present in combination with censusstatistics can help fill in the blanks about people's backgrounds and personaldefinitions of what it means to be Jewish.Statistics which indicate British Columbians for example, generally identifyless with religion has significant implications for groups like the JewishFederation of Greater Vancouver. From this information they can begindeveloping community projects which compliment the community members156expressed sense of identity and needs. Possibly in the end these projects may alsohelp bring out people's sense of religious identity.The Jewish Federation of Vancouver will be able to examine closely theindividual variables from the present study and the census data. They will lookbeyond the relationship and test what attitudes and practices were reported in theimportant ranges. For example, a total of 66% of the respondents who found itimportant to be religiously Jewish found it important to light candles on Fridaynight. A total of 47% who felt it was important to be ethnically Jewish found itimportant to light candles Friday night. This provides the community withspecific information to use to develop programs in the community for example,how the celebration of Shabbat can become part of your life even if you are notreligious. The results can also help in developing programs focusing on variablesthat had a relationship with Jewish ethnic and religious identity and help ensurethey continue to be part of people's lives. Further studies can look closely at therelationships between the variables from the present study and examine them infurther detail- how many Jewish school graduates care deeply about Israel?Questions at this level of detail can drive program development.Implications for Future ResearchHuberman (1990) states that as we move toward the twenty-first century ourunfinished business demands attention. Better solutions must be worked out topromote affiliation, strengthen Jewish education, increase our financial resources,expand our leadership base, and reach out to those most physically at risk. Avariety of data sources must be used, in combination with a classic population157data base to design solutions to meet unmet needs. Surveys like the presentprovide us with insight into individual needs as well broader communal needs.Researchers like the McGill Consortium for Ethnicity and Strategic SocialPlanning in conjunction with the Council of Jewish Federations is using data fromCensus Canada to develop a series of profiles on Jewish communities acrossCanada. One of the tables for the first run of information includes: Jewishidentity: a composite variable of Jewish by religion and Jewish by ethnicity. Thepresent survey has overlapping interest areas with the census and othercommunities who surveyed themselves to tie in with the census. Thedevelopment and distribution of a survey such like the present one, in the early1990's has the particular advantage of enhancing the value of the survey results byallowing maximum comparability in contents and timing with the data from the1991 census. It can also be compared with other newly developed communitysurveys. Surveys like the present can assess themselves in context of the nationalcommunity and compare themselves with other communities of different orsimilar size.Measuring attitude change over time would be important for future research.The limits of this cross-sectional research like the present study, is information istaken at one point in time -- it is simply a snapshot in time. It would be helpful infuture research to select subsets of persons from the present survey and re-surveythem at regular time intervals to understand how the community is changing overtime.As mentioned above comments were made that questions relevant towoman's experiences were not included in the present survey. It would be helpful158in future studies to zero in on teenager, women, seniors, etc. Huberman (1990)mentioned the idea of asking teenagers to describe in detail successful experiencesin Jewish school, youth groups and camps. Results from the present study can bedivided up between men and women and their responses examined closely.Future research can take responses to the present study and examine them inlight of social influences such as disintegration of the extended family and thehigh rate of intermarriage. This can lead to an understanding of the relationshipbetween societal influences and ethnic and religious identity. With this biggerpicture one is better able to understand the gaps in one's Jewish life created bysocial influences and work towards finding ways to fill them.In future studies a closer examination could be made developing attitudesversus practice as the central question of a study. In examining discrepanciesbetween attitude and practice some differences may be from individual choice andothers may be from lack of community availability and funding. Thisunderstanding can help lead to community planning priorities.Goldscheider (1983) has argued strongly for the need to assess the Jewishpopulation in comparison with non-Jews to help provide a standard against whichto measure the dynamics of the Jewish population. While the focus for thepresent study has been on Jewish identity it might be beneficial in further studiesto research other ethno-religious groups and take information from the presentstudy and use it as a comparative analysis to other ethnic identities.Finally, it would be important in addition to asking questions like thepresent study, to ask the respondent to describe ethnic and religious identity andits relative importance in the broader context of their identity. For example, if an159individual's identity was made up of sections in a pie how big a section wouldJewish ethnic and religious identity take up in that pie?ConclusionThe current study examined the relationship between Jewish ethnic andreligious identity. While there are limitations to the findings of the study, the datadoes provide insight into how the sample of Vancouver Jewry perceivethemselves Jewishly (ethnically and/or religiously) and how they choose toexpress their sense of Jewish identity in their daily lives. The data allowed us tosee the overlap between ethnic and religious identity. We learned about therelationship between certain personal characteristics, attitudes and practices andthe importance of ethnic and religious identity. We had insight into the strengthof the sample's attitudes towards Jewish practices as well as whether they followthrough with the practices they reported as important. With the help of certainpersonal characteristic, practice and attitude variables we are also able to predictwhether one would report it to be important or unimportant to be ethnically and/orreligiously Jewish. 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American Sociological Review,  3, 391- 400.169APPENDIX AKey Constructs in the Study of IdentityIdentity: "Identity is probably the most widely used concept to describe theindividual's sense of who he or she is.. .Identity in any one of its facets is builtup through a series of identifications" (Dashefsky, 1976, p. 5).Ethnic Group: According to Hughes and Hughes (cited in Shibutani and Kwan ,1965) "an ethnic group consists of those who conceive of themselves as beingalike by virtue of their common ancestry, real or fictitious, and who are soregarded by others" ( p. 47). An ethnic group consists of those who share aunique social and cultural heritage that is passed on from generation togeneration" (Mindel & Habenstein, 1976, p. 4). Gordon (cited in Mindel andHabenstein, p.4), sees those who share a feeling of "peoplehood" as an ethnicgroup.Ethnic Identity: Ethnic identity is a cultural classification of a segment of society."The product of the individual's conscious and unconscious attachment to hisethnic group is an ethnic identity" (Weinstein-Klein, 1980, p.9). According toGordon, cited in (Weinstein-Klein, 1980), the "sense of peoplehood"constitutes the crucial aspect of ethnic group identity. This sense includes bothancestral and future-oriented identification with the group and a feeling that"these are the 'people' of my ancestors, therefore they are my people, and theywill be the people of my children and their children"(p.9). Ethnic identitydevelopment is an essential human need. It provides a sense of belonging anda sense of historical continuity for an individual. According to Erikson170(1950), ethnic identity is a process located both in the core of the individualand in his or her communal culture.Religion: Religion according to Sklare (1974), "is a uniting force which helps tostrengthen the collective will, a force which helps to integrate individuals intoa social system, as well as a force which gives legitimation to that system.Religion can be uniting because it is suprasocial-in a suprasocial system thebonds which hold the individual to the group are more than ephemeral, theyare not easily cast asunder, they are more not mere cultural styles" (p.148).Religious identity: Religious identity according to Herman (1977) gives people asense of a uniting force ordained by God.THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA^171APPENDIX BIntroduction Letter and SurveyDepartment of Counselling PsychologyFaculty of Education5780 Toronto RoadVancouver, B.C. Canada V6T IL2Tel: (604) 822-5259Fax: (604) 822-2328November 30, 1992Dear Sir or Madam,I am writing to you to invite your participation in a research projecton Jewish religious and ethnic identity. The project, entitled "TheRelationship between Jewish Ethnic and Religious Identity," is intendedto determine the factors that contribute to the sense of the Jewishethnic and religious identity among Jews living in Vancouver. Theproject is being conducted as the research requirement for my Master'sdegree in the Department of Counselling Psychology at the University ofBritish Columbia. The project is being supervised by Dr. Richard Youngwhose telephone number is 822-6380. This study was designed in consul-tation with the Jewish Federation of Greater Vancouver which is thecentral planning body for the community.Your name was selected from a random sample of the mailing list of theJewish Federation of Greater Vancouver. No one including myself, hashad access to your name, nor can any names be attached to theresponses. The list has been retained by the Jewish Federation ofGreater Vancouver and was not released to me at any time. Your inputas a member of the Greater Vancouver Jewish community is critical tothis research. I would appreciate your participation in filling outthis survey on Jewish identity.The survey will gather information on self-perceived ethnic andreligious^identity which are important personal aspects in thepsychological functioning of members of ethnic and racial and religiousminority groups. The results of the study will be of great value ineducation, counselling and community planning. This study willillustrate the significant role ethnicity and religion play in theindividual's life and the importance for those in the helping profes-sion to understand and become familiar with this influence.This survey will take approximately fifteen minutes to fill out. It isyour choice whether to participate in the survey. There is no iden-tifying information on the survey, so individual anonymity is assured.The Jewish community is changing and in order to meet the needs andpriorities of the community and enhance services it is important tounderstand how individuals express their Jewishness. Eventually, thedata from the survey will be shared with the Jewish Federation ofGreater Vancouver.If you choose to participate, it is assumed that consent has been givento use the results of the survey to contribute to the analysis sectionof the study. Please answer the questions to the best of your ability.Care in responding is essential if the results are to be beneficial.Again, let me assure you neither myself, nor anyone, has access to thenames of those selected.If you choose to complete the survey your prompt return in the enclosedenvelope would be greatly appreciated. For further informationregarding this study please feel free to contact me at 222-1502.Thank you very much for your interest and time.Sincerely,Janna Stark GlassmanJSG/kt1 72The University of British Columbia^ 1 73Department of Counselling PsychologySURVEY: The Relationship BetweenJewish Ethnic and Religious IdentityINSTRUCTIONS: Please circle the most appropriate (letter, number or yes/no/not applicable) or fillin the blanks where indicated.1. In what country were you born?^If you were born outside of Canada, in what year did you immigrate to Canada?^2. Which of the following members of your family were born in North America?(a) One or more of your parents?^Yes^No(b) One or more of your grandparents?^_ Yes^No3. Are you:^Male^Female4. How old are you?^5. Marital status:(a) Married (and not separated)^(b) Married and separated(c) Divorced^ (d) Widowed(e)^Never married (single)^(f)^Living common-law6. Do you have children?^Yes^NoIf yes, how many?What are their ages?^7. What is your occupation?^If married, what is your spouse's occupation?^8. What is the highest level of education you completed?(a) Less than high school(b) Secondary (high) school graduation(c) Certificate or diploma(d) Bachelor's degree(e) Graduate or advanced degree9.^What are the first three digits of your postal code?^1 74Survey: The Relationship Between Jewish Ethnic and Religious Identity^ Page 210. What is the main language you speak at home?^11. To which ethnic group(s) do/did your parents belong?^Jewish^Catholic Protestant^Other^None12. In what religion were you born?^ 0^0^0^0^El13. What religion are you?^ E^1171^0^0^014. In what religion was your spouse born?^0^0^CI^0^015. What religion is/was your spouse? 0^0^0^0^016. Which of the following categories best represents your household's combined income before taxesfor 1992?(a) less than $20,000^ (b) $20,000 — $49,999(c) $50,000 — $79,999 (d) $80,000 — $99,999(e) over $100,000Very^SomewhatImportant^Important17. How important is being 'ethnically" Jewish to yourown personal sense of identity?^ 0^018. How important is being "religiously" Jewish to yourown personal sense of identity? 0^I=119. How important is it for you to ...(a) maintain close ties to Israel^ 0^0(b) perform religious practices 0^0(c) belong to a synagogue^ 0^0(d) choose a Jewish spouse El^0(e) have your children marry someone Jewish^0^0(f) have Jewish friends^ 0^0(g) live in a Jewish neighbourhood^0^0(h) provide culturally Jewish educational programsfor your children^ 0^CI(i) join Jewish community organizations^0^Cl(j) contribute to the Jewish community'sfundraising efforts^ 0^0(k)^volunteer in Jewish community activities,groups, or clubs 0 .^0(I)^have paid subscriptions to Jewish periodicalsor magazines^ 0^0(m) speak Hebrew 0^0SomewhatUnimportantVeryUnimportant0 00 1710 00 00 El0 00 00 00 0El 0CI 00 E0 00 0CI 0175Survey: The Relationship Between Jewish Ethnic and Religious Identity^ Page 320. How often do you (or does someone in yourhousehold) participate in or observe each of thefollowing practices?^ Never^Sometimes^Usually^Always(a) Light candles Friday night^ 0^0^0^0(b) Participate in a Passover Seder El^0^0^0(c) Stay home from (work/school) on RoshHashanah and Yom Kippur^ 0^CI^0^CI(d) Fast on Yom Kippur^ El^El^CI^CI(e) Handle money on the Sabbath^0^El^0^El(f) Keep two separate sets of dishes for meat anddairy^ 1:1^0^0^CI(g) Keep kosher outside the home^CI^0^0^El(h) Light Hanukkah candles 0^0^0^0(i) Attend a Holocaust Remembrance Evening(i.e. Kristallnacht)(j) Celebrate Yom Ha'atzmaut (IsraelIndependence Day)^ D^El^0^0(k) Attend a Purim celebration^ 0^0^0^021. Do you have a mezuzah on your front door? Yes^No22. If you have male children, did any of them undergo(a) Ritual circumcision (Bris)?^ Yes^No(b) Non-ritual circumcision at a hospital?^Yes^No(c) No circumcision?^ Yes^No23. Did you have a Bar or Bat Mitzvah?^ Yes^NoWill you arrange or have you arranged a Bar or Bat Mitzvah for your own children? Yes^No24. What proportion of your friends are Jewish?(a) less than 10%(c) 25% — 50%(e) greater than 75%(b) 10% — 25%(d) 50% — 75%25. Have you visited Israel?^Yes^NoIf yes, how many times have you been to Israel?^What is the total amount of time you have spent in Israel?^26. Have you visited any historical sites related to the Holocaust?^Yes^No1 7 6Survey: The Relationship Between Jewish Ethnic and Religious Identity^ Page 427. Do you consider yourself to be(a) Orthodox^(b) Conservative^(c)^Reform(d)^Reconstructionist^(e)^Just Jewish (f)^Secular(g) Some other religion28. Are you currently a member of a synagogue or temple?^Yes^NoIs that synagogue/temple(a) Orthodox^(b) Conservative^(c)^Reform(d) Other29. Did you receive any formal Jewish education at:^ Number of Years(a) Elementary day school^ Yes^No(b) Elementary supplementary school^Yes^No(c) High school^ Yes^No(d) Post high school Yes^No30. Have any of your children received formal Jewish education?(a) Elementary day school^ Yes^No^Not applicable(b) Elementary supplementary school^Yes^No^Not applicable(c) High school^ Yes^No^Not applicable(d) Post high school Yes^No^Not applicable31. Did you receive any informal Jewish education at:^ Number of Years(a) Jewish summer camp^ Yes^No(b) Jewish youth groups Yes^No(c) Israel programs^ Yes^No(d) At home^ Yes^No32. Have any of your children received informal Jewish education?(a) Jewish summer camp^ Yes^No(b) Jewish youth groups Yes^No(c) Israel programs^ Yes^No(d) At home^ Yes^No33. Did you contribute to any Jewish philanthropies or charities in 1992?(a) Israel-based charities^ Yes^No(b) Federation/Combined Jewish Appeal^Yes^No(c) Synagogues or temples^ Yes^No(d) Local Jewish institutions Yes^NoNumber of Years 1 7 7Survey: The Relationship Between Jewish Ethnic and Religious Identity^ Page 534. Are the attitudes and practices you've reported in this survey important to you ...^V ry^Somewhat^Somewhat^VeryImportant^Important^Unimportant Unimportant(a) because they are divinely ordained^0^0^0^0(b) because they provide a connection to theJewish people^ 0^0^0^035. Where do you read or hear about Jewish activities or events in the Greater Vancouver area?(a) Federation Magazine(b) Jewish Western Bulletin(c) Synagogue Bulletin(d) Other (please specify)^36. How easy was this survey for you to understand?(a)^very difficult^ (b)^difficult(c) easy^ (d)^very easy37. If you have any comments about completing this survey, please add them here:APPENDIX CHypothesis 1Tables C-1Cross - tabulations of the dependent variables -- importance of beingethnically and religiously Jewish178CROSS TABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:1mportance ethnically Jewish^BY 018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish-^-^PAGE^1 OF^1018_RcouNrROW PC7 Unimport Importan ROWCOL PCT ant t TOTAL1.001 2.001017_1121.00^61^35^96Not very importa^63.5 1^36.5 1^39.8^62.2^24.5^ • ^ •2.00 145Very important^25.5^74.5^6(1.2^37.8 75.5 1 137 108. ^ •^•COLUMN^98^143^241TOTAL^40.7 59.3^100.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 533.05344^1^0.0000^39.037^NONE34.61141 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5180APPENDIX CHypothesis 2Tables C-2Significant cross - tabulations and t - tests of importance of being ethnicallyJewish and certain personal characteristicsGROUP I - 017_R2GROUP 2 - 017_R2 EO^2.00VARIABLE• POOLED VARIANCE ESIlw.IE^SEPARATE VARIANCE ESTIMATE^NUMBER^STANDARD^STANOARO •^F^2-TAIL •^T^DEGREES OF 2-FAIL •^1^DEGREES OF 2-TAILOf CASES MEAN DEVIATION ERROR^• VALUE PROB. •^VALUE FREEDOM Pang • VALUE^FREEDOM^PROB.04^Age^ •GROUP 1 96^39.8750^10.674^1 089^• •GROUP 2^144^41.2431^14.753^229^1.^.91 0.001 • -0.78^238^0 4;6 :^-0.83^236.37^0.406t^'CROSSIABULATION^OF^- -^-----017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 012_R^Recode:Religion born into PAGE 1 OF 1 012_RCOUNTROW rcyCOL PC7Jewish^Other^ROWTOTAL1.001^2.001017_R2 ^ •^• •1.00^78Not very importa^80.4^191:^407136.4 67.9• •^ •2.00 I^136^2^591Very important^93.8 6.63.6^32.1• •^ •COLUMN^214^28^242TOTAL^88.4 11.6^100.0CHI -SQUARE 0.1.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F^CELLS WITH E.F.< 58.90477^1^0.0028^11.223^NONE10.17052 1 0.0014 BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )HUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4IFO 1.00APPENDIX CHypothesis 2Tables C-3Significant cross - tabulations of importance of being ethnically Jewish andcertain attitudes182COUNT019A_RROW PCTCOL PCTUnimportant1.001017_R21.00 54Not very imporia 55.767.52.00 26Very important 17.9 •32.5•^Import n^ROWt^TOTAL2.001^43^9744.3^!^40.126.5119 ^114582.1^59•973.5cRussinoNLAlion.. 017_112 .. Recode.2:Importance ethnically .Jewish .... BY . 019A_TI .. Recode:Maintain.close ties to IsraelPAGE 1 or 1COLUMN^eo^162 242TOTAL^33.1 66.9^100.0011.50U/if-lc^0 r.^SIGNIrICANCE^MIN C.F.^CELLS WITH C.F.< 535.71932^1^0.0000^32.066^NONE37.40526 1 0.0000 1 BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSSIABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:1mportance ethnically Jewish^BY olgn_r/^Recode:Perform religious r,acticesPAGE 1 OF 10198_RCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCTUnimport Importan^ROWant^t^TOTAL^1.001^2.001 017_R2 ^ •1.00^Se I ^39^97Not very importa^59.8^40.2 40.159.2 27.1^I•2.00 I^40^105^145-very important^27.6 72.4^ 1. ^ l•^59.940.8^72.9• COLUMN^98^144^242TOTAL^40.5 59.5^100.0CIII-SOU A TTE OF^SIGNIFICANCE MIN Er.^CELLS WITH C.F.< 523 70103^I^0.0000^39.281^NONE25 01975 1 0.0000 1 BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CRuSSTABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 019A_R^Recode:Maintain close ties to IsraelPAGE 1 OF 1019A_RCOUNTROW PCT Unimport Importan ROWCOL PCT ant t TOTAL1.001 2.001017_R2 ^ •^ •^1.00^I^54^43^Not very importa^55.7 44.367.5^26.5. ^ I^^2.00^II 26321 I ^119%..Very important 7COLUMN^80^162^242TOTAL^33.1 66.9^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 535.71932^1^0.0000^32.066^NONE37.40526 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^4CROSS TABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 0190_R^Recode:Perform religious practicesPAGE 1 OF 10198_RCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCTUnimport Importan^ROWant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.00 017_R2• •1.00^58^39^97Not very importa i 59.8 40.2 40.159.2^1 ^27.1^1^ 4.2.00^1^40^1^105^1^145Very important 27.6 72.4 59.940.8^72.9^•^' COLUMN^98^144^242TOTAL^40.5 59.5^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 523.70103^1^0.0000^39.281^NONE25.01975 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 19740.114559.9NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSSIABULAIION^OF 017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish BY 019C_R^Recode:Belong to a synaunguePAGE 1 OF 1•019C_RCOUNT^ROW PCT Unimport Importan^ROWCOL PCT ant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.001017_R2 ^ .^ • 1.00^57^38^95Not very importa^60.0 I 40.0 39.662.6^25.5.^ •^2.00^1^34^1^111^145Very important 23.4 76.6 60.437.4^74.5.^ •^COLUMN^91^149^240TOTAL^37.9 62.1^100.0CHI-SOUARE^OF.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 531.04124^1^0.0000^36.021^NONE32.57548 1 0.0000 I BEFORE YATES CORRECTIONNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^6CROSS TABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 0190_R^Reccde:Choose Jewish spouse^PAGE 1 OF 1017_R2COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT1.00^ • ^019D_RUnimportant1.00147Important2.00•^48Not very^importa I^49.5 1^50.566.2 28.6• +^2.00 24 120Very importantI16.7I83.333.8 71.44^•^ •^COLUMN^71^168TOTAL^29.7 70.3ROWTOTAL•95I^39.7•i^14460.3.239100.0CHI - SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 5Oo27.95174^1^0.0000^28.222^NONE^ CA^29.50187 1 0.0000 I BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^7CROSSTABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 019E_R^Recode:Children marry JewsPAGE 1 OF 1019E_RCOUNTROW PCT Unimport Importan ROWCOL PCT ant t TOTAL1.001 2.001017_R2 ^ •^ • ^ •^1.00^43^48^91Not very importa I^47.3^1^52.7^I^39.970.5 28.7• • ^ •2.00^1^18^1^119^137Very important 13.1 86.9 60.129.5^71.3• . ^ •COLUMN^61^167^228TOTAL^26.8 73.2^100.0CHI -SQUARE D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 5 30.75512^1^0.0000^24.346^NONE32.47263 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^18CROSCIABULA 1 ION017_R2^Rerode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 019F_R^Recode:Have Jewish friends0 19F_R017_R2NotCOUNTROW PCTCOL Pcr^.^1.00very^importaUnimportant1.0013839.21•^Important2.0011601•ROWTOTAL97 40.267.9 31.9. ^ •^ •2.00 126 144Very important 121: 87.5 59.832.1 68.1• •^ •C71,511Z^56^185^24123.2 76.8^100 0PAGE 1 OF 1CHI -SQUARE D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 521.64981^1^0.0000^22 539^NONE' 23.12111 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1^ _...CONUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS m^5 Cr.CROSSTABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 019G_R^Recode:Live in Jewish neighbourhoodPAGE 1 OF 1019G_RCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCT017_R21.00Unimportant1.001^ •^75Important2.001•^ .ROWTOTAL97Not^very^importa I^77.3 I^222j I^40.253.6 21.8• •^ •2.00Very^importantI^6545.1 7154.5 94846.4 78.2+^ •^ .COLUMN^140^101^241TOTAL^58.1 41.9^100.0CHI•SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F. CELLS WITH E.F.< 523.35018^1^0.0000^40.651^NONE24.65429 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5CROSSTABULAIION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 019H_R^Recode:Culturally Jewish educ--childrenPAGE 1 OF 1019H_RCOUNT^ROW PCT Unimport Importan^ROWCOL PCT ant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.001017_R2 ^ • •1.00^22^67^89Not very importa^24.7^I^75.3^1^40.188.0 34.02.00^1^3^I^130^I^133Very important 2.3 97.7 59.912.0^66.0• • ^ +• COLUMN^25^197^222TOTAL^11.3 88.7^100.0CHI-SOUARE F^SIGNIFICANCE MIN C.',^CELLS WITH E.F.< 24.72316^1^0.0000^10 023^NONE26.92413 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^24COUNT 019J_RROW PC7COL PCT Unimportant 1.001017_R2 ^•1.00 35 Not very importa 36.567.3^+2.00 17Very important 11.732.7^•' COLUMN^52TOTAL^21.6lmportan^ROWI^TOTAL2.001•^6 ^96^63.5 39.832.3I^ .128^14588.3 I 60.267.7^ .189^24178.4^100.0CROSS TABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^or olgi_n^Recode:Join Jewish community orgs PAGE 1 OF 10191_RCOUNTROW PCT Unimport Importan ROWCOL PCT ant t TOTAL1.001 2.001017_R2 ^ •1.00^46^50^96Not very Importa I^47.9^1^52.1^I^40.260.5 30.7• • ^ •2.00^30^113^143Very important 21.0 79.0 59.8139.5^69.3 1 I • •^•COLUMN^76^163^239^TOTAL^31.8 68.2^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN El^CELLS WITH E.F.< 517.99664^1^0.0000^30.527^NONE19.21866 1 0,0000 I BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^7CROSS TABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY^Recode:Contribute to Jew,ch TundraisingPAGE 1 OF 1041-SQUARE^0.1^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F^CELLS WITH E.F.< 519.44655^1^0.0000^20.114^NONE20.88271 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTIONNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5CROSS TABULATION OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 019K_R^Recode:Volunteer in Jewish communityPAGE 1 OF 1019K_R^Unimport Importan^ROWant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.001 •COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT017_R21.0095Not very importa I 666.1 1 333; I 39.962.4^23.42.00143Very important•2636•731 I 60.137.6^76.6COLUMN^101^137^238TOTAL^42.4 57.6^100.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 535.29744^1^0.0000^40.315^NONE36.90641 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^8^CROSS TABULA T ION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 019L_R^Recode:Paid subscriptions/Jewish magazin• •^PAGE^1 OF^1019L_R^Unimport Importan^ROWant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.001^ • COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT017_1121.00^1^64^I^30^I^94Not very lmporta 1 68.1 31.9 39.5Very important1 54428i  i  :3'8.9^144^59.0^ .I^60.52.00^I• .^ •COLUMN 123^115^3TOTAL^51.7 48.3^100.0CHI -SOUARE D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH C.F.< 5 15.67419^I^0.0001^45.420^NONE16.74234 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^8APPENDIX CHypothesis 2Tables C-4Significant cross - tabulations of importance of being ethnically Jewish andcertain practices190CROSSTABULA T ION^OF^017_R2^RPcode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 020A_R^Recode:Lioht candles rriday nightPAGE 1 OF 1020A_RCOUNTROW PCT Infreque Frequent^ROWCOL rcY nt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001^ .  •49.7^23.678.4^176 21^9721.6 40.1^ * ^2.00^77^68^145Very Important 53.1 -^46.9 59.950.3^76.41•^ •^ •COLUMN^153^89^242TOTAL^63.2 36.8 100.0CHI -SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 514.86560^I^0.0001^35.674^NONE15.93294 1 0.0001 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSSTABULAT ION OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 0206_R^Recode:Participate in Passover SederPAGE 1 OF 1COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT017_R2020B_RInfreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001^ • ^ • 1.00 79Not very^importa I^181 8171 40.172.0 36.4200 145Very^important74.8 951 59 928.0 63.6COLUMN^25^217^242TOTAL^10.3 89.7^100.0CHI-SOUARE^0 F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F. CELLS WITH E.F.< 510.39042^1^0.0013^10.021^NONE11.82607 1 0.0006 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1017_R21.00Not very importaNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSS1AOULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 020C_R^Recode:No work/school on High Holydays- -^PAGE 1 OF 1020C_RCOUNT^ROW PCT Infreque Frequent^ROWCOL PCT nt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001017_R2 ^ •^ .  •1.00^46^51^97Not very importa 1^47.4^I^52.6^I^40.666.7 30.0•^ • ^ +2.00^I^23^I^119^1^142Very important 16.2 83.8 59.433.3^70.0.^ •^ •COLUMN^69^170^239TOTAL^28.9 71.1^100.0CHI-SQUARE D.F. SIGNIFICANCE MIN E F. CELLS WITH E.F.< 525.86450 1 0.0000 28 004 NONE27.36392 1 0.0000 I^BEFORE YATES CORRECTIONNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^7CROSSTABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 0200_R^Recode:Fast on Yom Kippur PAGE 1 OF 1 0200_RCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCTInfreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001^ •47^49 I^9649.0 51.0^39.856.6^31.0017_R21.00Not very importa2.00^36^I^109^1^145Very important 24.8 75.2 60.243.4^69.0. ^ • ^ •. COLUMN^83^158^241TOTAL^34.4 65.6^100.0CHI-SOUARE^0 F^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F^CELLS WITH E.F.< 513.84619^1^0.0002^33.062^NONE14.89574 1 0.0001 I BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^5CROSSTABULAIIuN^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 020F_R^Recode:Separate dishes meat/dairy- • -^PAGE^1 OF^1COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT020F_RInfreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL2.001^017_R2   4-^1.00^92^4^96Not very importa^95.8^ 1 I2.00^451.1:^4.2 40.51  5:1 . ^1818'3.622.0.^59.5141Very important7COLUMN^202^35^237TOTAL^85.2 14.8^100.0•CHI-SQUARE D.F. SIGNIFICANCE MIN^E.F. CELLS WITH E.F.< 513.02675 I 0.0003 14.177 NONE14.40765 I 0.0001 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =CROSr;TABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 020I_H^Rerode:Attend Holocaust 11.membrancePAGE 1 OF I020I_R1.001Infreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001^ • •COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT017(121.00^88^e ^96Not very importa 1^ I^^2.00^1191.7 1:::^39.8144.407^ I ^35:1:4 .^145^Very important 60.25:1^1COLUMN^198^43^241TOTAL^82.2 17.8^100.0CHI -SQUARE F^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F^CELLS WITH C.F.< 5 8.79350^I^0.0030^17.129^NONE9.84213 I 0.0017 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5CROSSTABULAT ION OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 020J_11^Recode:Celebrate Yom Ha'atzmaut PAGE 1 OF 1020J_RInfreque Frequent^Rownt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001COUNTROW PC7COL PCI017_R21.00 I^89^7^96Not very importa 1 92.7^431.184^37.3^ 1 40.0I!  75N^18.:2.00^ 144Very important 60.0117:1 ICOLUMN^203^37^240TOTAL^84.6 15.4^100.0CHI-SQUARE7.094938.100120.F. SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 51 0.0077 14,800^NONE1 0.0044 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTIONNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^6CROSSTABULATION^or017_R2^Recode ?:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 020K_0^Recodw:Attend Purim celebration PAGE 1 OF 1020K_RCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCT017_R21.00Not very Importa2.00Very ImportantInfreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL1.001^2.00• ^• •1 781 I 2126 I 40.247.5^25.997I 5881^80I^I 59.852.5 74.114441.7COLUMN 180 81 241TOTAL 66.4 33.6 100.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F^CELLS WITH E,F.< 59.52989^1^0.0020^32.602^NONE10.40764 1 0.0013 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5CROSSTABULA I iON^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewinh^BY 021^Mezuzah on front door,PAGE 1 OF 1071COUNTROW PCT Yes^NoCOL PCT017_R2 1.00^53^44Not very importa 1 54.61^45.43171^59.52.00^IVery importantI  769814 301  2401 ^I^COLUMN^167^74^241TOTAL^69.3 30.7^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 515.25489^1^0.0001^29.784^NONE16.38737 1 0.0001 I BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5CROSSTABULATION OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 022A^Sons had ritual circumcinionzii•ROWTOTAL219740.214459.8•PAGE I OF I022ACOUNTROW PCT Yes^No^ROWCOL PCT TOTAL11^21017_R21 14^4035.0 38.166.71 7^I^6510.8 61.933.3COLUMN^84^21^105TOTAL^80.0 20.0^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 57.63522^1^0.0057^8.000^NONE. 9.08654 1 0.0026 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )1.00 26Not very importa 58Very important I 89.269.0NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^141LRuSSIABULAliON017J12^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 024^Proportion of Jewish frinndsPAGE 1 OF 1024^Under 10 10%-25% 25%-50% 50%-75% Over 75%^ROWTOTAL11^21^3^41^51 • 20.6^1^13!.^40 429.9 22.020 3 971^ • ^ •I^32:^141^5,47^470.1 378.0^ •^ •49^67^59^24027.9 24.6^100 0CHI-SOUARE^D.U.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E r.^CELLS WITH I F.<37.20090^4^0.0000^11.317^NONENUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^6CROSSTABULATION OF017_R2^Recode 2:1mportance ethnically Jewish^BY 025A^Visited Israel?COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT017_R21.00^ 21Not very importa^24.7^19.6^21.685.7151.4 I42 924 19• •^• ^2.00^4^18^28Very important 2.8 12.6 19 614.3^48.6^57.11• +^ •COLUMN^28^37TOTAL^11.7 15.4^20.4PAGE 1 OF 1025ACOUNTROW PCT Yes^No^ROWCOL PCT TOTAL11^21017_R2 ^ •^ • •1.00^62^35^97Not very importa I^63.9 I^36.1^I^40.133.7^60.3+^2.00 I 8,.Very important66.3+^COLUMN^184TOTAL^76.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 511.95433^1^0.0005^23.248^NONE13.04035 1 0.0003 1 BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1+ ^ +1122^,1:15. 59.939.7• •58^24224.0^100.0NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSSTABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 025C_R^Recode:Time spent in IsraelPAGE 1 OF 1025C_RCOUNTROW PC1 Up to 4 1-3 mont 3-6 mont 6-17 mon^1 year 1-3 yearCOL PCT weeks hs hg ths s1.001^2.001 3.001 4.001 5.001 6.001^017_R2 ^ *^ • •    • ^ 4 ^ • ^1.00^21^19^42.1^I^5.;^I3 1^I^444; Not very importa 1^21.6^1^19.6^I^4.147.7 31.1 25.0^16.7 50.0 15 8^ 4 ^ •     4 ^ • ^ •^2.00^I^23^42^12^ 191^1^3.1^1 1g^I^253^Very^ iportant 15.9 29.0 8.3 652.3^68.9^75.0^83.3 50.0 84 2^i• •^ • •^4-^-4^COLUMN^44^61^16^12^10^19TOTAL^18.2 25.2 6.6 5.0 4.1 7 g53.8•I^40971•1 594:46.3^1•60^24233.1^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 518.65435^6^0.0048 4.008^2 OF^14 ( 14.3%)Over 3 years 7.001ROWTOTALNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSSTABULATION^01017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 027^Type of Judaism you con...loer yourselfPAGE 1 OF 1027COUNTROW PCT Orthodox Conserva Reform^Reconstr Just Jew Secular^RowCOL PCT^tive^uctionis ish^TOTALII^21^31^41^51^61017_R2 ^ •^ • • • •  +-1.00^I I 2223^I^2010^1^4 :^I^41371^I^1219^I^3902Not very importa 27.4 45.0 28 6 52.9 68.8• • ^ 4^•^•^• ^ •2.00^1^15Very important 10.9^3851^15 .92 '192^233^3 :^603100.0 72.6 55.0^71 4 47.1 31.3• •^•^+-••^• ^ •COLUMN^15^73^40^14^70^16^228TOTAt 6.6 32.0 17.5 6 1 30.7 7.0^100.0CHI-SOUARE^0.1 •^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F^CELLS WITH E.F.< 526.43413^5^0.0001^5 576^NONE■■•IS.NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^18 UD.4CROSSTABULATION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 028A^Current member of synagogue?PAGE 1 OF 1028ACOUNTROW PCT Yes^No^ROW^COL PCT TOTAL11^21017_R2 ^ •^ • •1.00^37^58^95Not very importa 1^38.9^1^61.1^1^39.628.0 53.74. ^ •• 2.00^95^50^1^145Very important^I 65.5 34.5 60.472.0^46.3• •^ •COLUMN^132^108^240TOTAL^55.0 45.0^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 515.31540^1^0.0001^42.750^NONE16.37133 1 0.0001 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^6 [RO C ; I A BU L A l I O N^O f017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 028B^Type of synagogue PAGE 1 OF 102813COUNTROW PC1 Orthodox Conserva Reform^Other^ROWCOL PCT^tive^ TOTAL11^21^31^41017_R2 ^ •  ...  •  .1.00^2^135^36Not very importa 5.6^I^36.1^I^441^I^13.9 I^27.96.9 28.3 48.5 23.8• •^ • ^ .2.00^27^33^17 93Very important 29.0 1^35.5^1^18.3^I^1712^1^72.193.1^71.7 51.5 76.2. ^ •^•^ .^ •• COLUMN^29^46^33^21^129TOTAL^22.5 35.7 25.6 16 3^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN Er^CELLS WITH E.F.c 513.48669^3^0.0037^5.860^NONENUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^117COUNT 03181ROW PCT Yes^HoCOL PCT1017_112 ^ 4 ^1.00 36Not very^importa 43.4• 29.52.00 86Very important I 68.870.5^39 ^125^31.2 60.145.3I .^ •^ 4^COLUMN^122^86^208TOTAL^58.7 41.3^100.0ROWTOTAL21•47^8356.6 39.954.7I ^ •LI40S-; I ABUI. /1 1 1.)N^0 1017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 03181^Informal J.educ: youth groupsPAGE 1 OF 1CHI-SQUARE^O.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 512.26959^1^0.0005^34.317^NONE13.29738 1 0.0003 I BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^38CROSS 1 ABULAT ION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 03101^Informal J.educ: at homePAGE 1 OF 103101Yes^No11^ •^ROWTOTAL21•4455.0 63(4 5.) 13(39. iii)32.1 56.3 ^•9376.9 21^231 2I^60 43.8^267.9137^64 20168.2 31.8 100.0COUNTROW PCTCOL PC1017_R21.00Not very importa2.00Very importantCOLUMNTOTALCHI -SQUARE 0.F^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 5 9.62024^1^0.0019^25.473^NONE10.60356 I 0.0011 I BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^45LOUSSIABUL AllON^017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 033A^Contribute to Israel-based charities,PAGE 1 OF 1033ACOUNTROW PCT Yes^No^ROW^COL PCT^ TOTAL11^21017 R2   • ^ 4,  •1.00^31^50^81Not very importa 1^38.3^I^61.7^I^40.126.1 60.2.^ • ^ •2.00^88 I ^33^1^121Very important 72.7^27.3 59.973.9 39.8.^ • •COLUMN^119^83^202TOTAL^58.9 41.1^100.0041-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN F.F.^CELLS WITH E.F,<22.39462^1^0.0000^33.282^NONE23.79678 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTIONNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^44CROSSIABULAT ION^OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 033C^Conti ibute to synaaogue,.temples7PAGE 1 OF 1COUNT033CROW PCT YesCOL PCT017_R21.00 33Not very Imports 43.428.42.00 83Very important 72.871.6.^COLUMN^116TOTAL^61.1No^ROWTOTAL11^2^ •  4^43 ^76I^56.6^1^40.058.1^ 4 •31^I^1141^27.2 60.041.9• ^ •74^19038.9^100.0CHI -SQUARE^D.r.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 515.34730^1^0.0001^29.600^NONE16.56008 1 0.0000 I BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )^ noC..NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^56^ C.:,CROSSTABULAtION^or017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 0330^Contribute to local Jewish institutions'PAGE 1 OF 10330COUNTROW PCT Yes^No^ROWCOL PCT TOTALI^2^50^7864.1 40.260.2017_R21.00^ • ^28Not very importa I^35.925.22.00 83Very important 71.6I74.883^194^42.8^100.03328.4139.811669.8. ^ +COLUMN^IIITOTAL^57.2CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 522.78553^1^0.0000^33.371^NONE24.22014 1 0.0000 BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^52202APPENDIX CHypothesis 2Tables C-5Significant cross - tabulations of importance of being ethnically Jewish and therelative importance of certain attitudes and practices reported in the surveyCROSS TABULATION^OF017_R2^Ilecode 2:Importance ethnically Jewish^BY 03413_R^Recode:Att/prac connect to Jewish people-^PAGE I OF^017_R2   4.^1.00^81^13^94Not very importa 1^86.2 I^13.8 I^40.237.0^86.7•^2.00^138Very important 98.6I63.0•^COLUMN^219TOTAL^93.6CHI-SQUARE^0,F^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F^CELLS WITH F.F.< 512.42367^1^0.0004^6.026^NONE14.41666 1 0.0001 BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^12CROSSIABULAT ION OF017_R2^Recode 2:Importance ethnically Jewinh^BY 034A_R^Recode:Att/R rac divinely ordainedPAGE I OF I034A_RCOUNTROW PCT Importan Unimport^ROWCOL PCT t^ant^TOTAL1.001^2.001017_R2 ^ •^ • •1.00^24^64^88Not very importa^27.3 72.7 1 41.727.6^51.6+^ •^ •2.00 I^63^60 I^123Very important^51.2 48.8^58.372.4^48.4• •^ •COLUMN^87^124^211TOTAL^41.2 58.8^100.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN C.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 511.17199^1^0.0008^36.284^NONE12.14013 1 0.0005 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT034 BRImportan Unimport^ROWant^TOTAL1.001^2.001.4- ^ .41.2' 1159 .13.34. ^ .15^2346.4^100.0NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^35204APPENDIX CHypothesis 3Tables C-6Significant cross - tabulations between importance of being religiously Jewish andcertain personal characteristicsCOUNTROW PCTCOL PC1018_R1.00Unimportant2.00ImportantCOLUMNTOTAL013_RJewish^Other^ROWTOTAL1.00^2.00^ • 9812.2 40.2100.0^•14659.8^•12^2444.9^100.0C 11 USS 1 ABUL A 1 ION^01 -018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 013_11^Recode:Religion now018_RUnimportantImportantPAGE 1 OF 1PAGE 1 OF 1CHI-SOUARE^or.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.r.^CELLS WITH 1,..F.< 516.27485^1^0.0001^4 820^1 OF^4 ( 25.0%)18.80225 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^2^CROSS TABULATION^o018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 014_R^Recode:Religion spouse born into014_RCOUNTROW PCT Jewish^Other^ROWCOL PCT^ TOTAL1.001^2.001.00^39^59^981^ •39.81 ^60.2^ •I 40.230.7^50.412.00^8869.3^ . ^49.6 I158 14660.3^39.7^59.8COLUMN^127^117^244' TOTAL^52.0^48.0^100.0CHI-SQUARE 13.F. SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 59.04931 1 0.0026 46.992^NONE9.85274 1 0.0017 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^2L 14^!.SEABULA tION^0 1.ots_n^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 015_11^Reconle:Religion spouse nowPAGE 1 OF 1015—RCOUNTROW PCT Jewish^Other^ROWCOL PCT^ TOTAL1001^2.001018_111.00 41 57Unimportant 41.8 58.228.9 55.92.00 101Important 69.24530.871.1 44.1COLUMN^142^102TOTAL^58.2 41.8CHI•SOUARE^0 F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 5^16.91223^1^0.0000^40.967^NONE18.01855 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^2981^40.21^14659.8*244100.0207APPENDIX CHypothesis 3Tables C-7Significant cross - tabulations between importance of being religiously Jewish andcertain attitudesAUOL^I , U.^01^-018_,4^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 019A_U^Recode:Maintain close tiws to IsraelPAGE 1 or019A_RCOUNTROW PCT Unimport Importan ROWCOL PCT ant t TOTAL1.001 2.001018_11 ^ .^^1.00 1^48^50^98Unimportant^49.0 I^51.0 40.360.0^30.7^ •^2,00^I^32^113^145Important^22.1 77.9 59.740.0^69.3• . ^ 4.COLUMN^80^163^243TOTAL^32.9 67.1^100.0CHI-SOUARE^O.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WI1H E.F.< 517.97731^1^0.0000^32.263^NONE19.17655 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^3CROSS TABULATION^or018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 0198il^Recode:Perform religious practicesPAGE 1 OF 10199_R018_R   •^ •1.00^80^18^98Unimportant^81.6^I^18.4^1^40.2^82.5 12.2• +^ •Important 2.00^17^129^1461 11.6 88.4 59.817.5^87.8 1 1 . ^ .^ •COLUMN^97^147^244.^TOTAL^39.8 60.2^100.0Gil-SQUARE^0.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.<117.02807^1^0.0000^38.959^NONE119.93248 I 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )^ nOCDNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^2 CCCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCT Unimport Importan^ROWant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.00CROSSTABULAIIQN^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY olgc_n^Recode:Belong to a synaooguePAGE 1 OF 1019C_RCOUNTROW PCT unimport ImpOrtan nowCOL PCT ant TOTAL1.001 2.001018_RUnimportant^ • ^1.00^65^33^98^66.3 33.7 40.370.7^21.9Important2.00^27^118^I^14518.6 81.4 59.729.3^78.1^ .^ .COLUMN^92^151^243TOTAL^37.9 62.1^100.0CHI -SQUARE D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH ET.< 5 54.55942^1^0.0000^37.103^NONE56.56901 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3CROSSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 0190_R^Recode:Choose Jewish spnwle.^.^. PAGE 1 OF 10190_RCOUNTROW PCT Unimport Importan^ROWCOL PCT ant^ TOTAL1.001^2.001018_R ^ • •1.00^I^4297Unimportant^43.3 1 565.7 1 40.259.2^32.4• •2.00 I^29Important^20.140.8•^COLUMN^71TOTAL^29.5115^1^14479.9 59.867.6170^24170.5^100.0CHI-SQUARE 0 F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 5• • -13.86603^1^0.000214.95975 1 0.000128.577^NONE( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^52Important^00^20132.314.5COLUMNTOTAL 26.8^118^1^13885.5 59.769.862^169^23173.2^100.0CROSSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 019E_R^Recode:Children marry Jews PAGE 1 OF 1019E_RCOUNTROW PCT Unimport Importan ROWCOL PCT ant t TOTAL1.001 2.001018_R   • ^ . ^ •1.00^I^42^51^93Unimportant^45.2 1 54.8 I 40.367.7^30.2.^ . ^ •CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.<25.07333^1^0.0000^24.951^NONE26.61226 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^15CROSSTABULATION OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 019F_R^Recode:Have Jewish friPndsPAGE 1 OF 1019F_RUnimport Importan^nowant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.001COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT018_RUnimportant 1.00 I^35^63^sw^35.7^I^64.3^I^40.361.4 33.9 2, 00^I^22^I^123^I^145Important^15.2 84.8 59.738.6^66.1. ^ •^ •COLUMN^57^186^243TOTAL^23.5 76.5^100.0CHI•SOUARE^0 F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F.^CELLS WITH E.F.<12.62306^1^0.0004^22.988^NONE13.74337 1 0.0002 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3CROSSTABULA T ION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 0190_R^Recode:Live in Jewish neighbourhoodPAGE 1 OF 1oisc_n^Unimport Importan^ROWant^t^TOTAL1.00^2.001^73^25^9874.9 25.5^1^40.351.8^24.5COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT018_R1.00Unimportant2.00 1^68Important^46.948.2•^COLUMN^141TOTAL^58.077^1^14553.1 59.775.5^ •102^24342.0^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.<17.16508^1^0.0000^41.136^NONE18.28041 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3CROSSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 019H_R^Recode:Culturally Jewish educ--childrenPAGE 1 OF 101911_RCOUNTROW PCT Unimport Importan^ROWCOL PCT ant^ TOTAL1.001^2.001018_R ^ • •1.00^I^17^71^88Unimportant^19.3^I^80.7^I^39.165.4 35.72.00^I^9^I^128^I^137Important^6.6 93.4 60.934.6^64.3.^ •^ +COLUMN^26^199^225TOTAL^11.6 88.4^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 57.31944^1^0.0068^10.169^NONE8.52119 1 0.0035 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^21CROSST ABUL A I 1 ON^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 0191_11^Recode:Join Jewish community orgsPAGE 1 OF 10191_11COUNT^ROW PCT Unimport Importan^flowCOL PCT ant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.001018_R1.00 I^50^48^98Unimportant^51.0 I^49.0 1^40.564.9^29.12.00^1^27^1^117^1^144Important^18.8 81.3 59.535.1^70.94^ +^ +COLUMN^77^165^242^TOTAL^31.8 68.2^100.0CHI-SQUARE^OF.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 526.52452^I^0.0000^31.182^NONE27.99227 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 019J_R^Recode:Contribute to Jewtch fundraisingPAGE 1 OF 1019J_RCOUNTROW PCT Unimport Importan^ROWCOL PCT ant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.001*^ • +64.2^33.734.7^I^65.3^I34 64 9840.3^ •19^I^126^145Important35.8^66.313.1 86.9^I^59.72.004^ 4^ 4COLUMN^53^190^243'^TOTAL^21.8 78.2^100.0CHI-SQUARE 0.F^SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 5 14.74333^1^0.0001^21.374^NONE15.98429 1 0.0001 1 BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )018_R1.00OnNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3CROSSIA^ULA !ION^OF018_11^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^OV 019K_R^Recode:Volunteer in Jewish communityPAGE 1 OF 1019K_RCOUNT^ROW PCT Unimport Importan^ROWCOL PCT ant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.00018_11 ^ • •1.00 1^66^32^98Unimportant^67.3 I^32.7 I 40.764.1^23.22.00^I^37^1^106^1^143Important^25.9 74.1 59.335.9^76.8.^ •^ +COLUMN^103^138^241TOTAL^42.7 57.3^100.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.‹ 539.19152^1^0.0000^41.884^NONE40.86862 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =CROSSTABULATION^OF016_11^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 0191_R^Recode:Paid subscriptions/Jewish magazinPAGE 1 OF 10191-aCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCT018_R1.00Unimportant2.00ImportantCOLUMN• TOTALUnimport Importan^ROWant^ TOTAL1.001^2.00^ • •66^31^9768.0^I^32.0^I^40.252.826.7^ •^5941.0^1^598g^I47.2 73.3^ •125^116^24151.9^48.1^100.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F^CELLS WITH E.F.< 515.94394^1^0.0001^46.689^NONE17.01092 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBiR OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5CROSS 1 ABUL A^ION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 019M_R^Recode:Speak HebrewPAGE IOF 1019M_RCOUNT^ROW PCT Unimport Importan^nowCOL PCT ant^t^TOTAL1.001^2.001018_R   4^ 4 •^1. 0^72^25^97Unimportant^74.2 I 25.8 1 40.250.325.5^ •^ •2.00^71Important^49.3 I 507; I54:49.774.5^ •^ •COLUMN^143^98^241TOTAL^59.3^40.7^100.0CHI -SQUARE D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WI1H E.F.< 5 13.90364^1^0.0002^39.444^NONE14.91861 1 0.0001 BEFORE YATES CORRECTIONNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5215APPENDIX CHypothesis 3Tables C-8Significant cross - tabulations between importance of being religiously Jewish andcertain practicesCROSSTABULAIION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^OY 020A_1^Recode:Light candles Friday night PAGE 1 OF 1020A_R018_11 1.00^84^14Unimportant^85.7^1^14.3^54.5 15.62.00^70 1^76^146Important^47.9^52.1 59.845.5 84.4^ .^COLUMN^154^90^244^TOTAL^63.1 36.9^100.0CHI-SOUARE 0.1. SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 534.32768 1 0.0000 36.148^NONE35.93175 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^2CROSSIAOULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 0208_11^Recode:Participate in Pa...-over SederPAGE 101 1020B_RCOUNTROW PC7 Infreque Frequent^ROWCOL PC7 nt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001018_R •1.00^18Unimportant^18.4 I 818: 1408:72.036.5• ^ •Important 2.00^4.8 I^I^594:28.0 I^63.5^I^ • •COLUMN^25^219^244TOTAL^10.2^' 89.8^100.0CHI-SOUARE^0.1^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F^CELLS WITH E.F.‹10.31738^1^0.0013^10.041^NONE11.74695 1 0.0006 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )COUNTROW rcrCOL PCT Infreque Frequent^ROWnt TOTAL1.001^2.00^ • 9840.2NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^2CROCSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 020C R^Recode:No work/school on High HolydaysPAGE 1 OF 1020C_R018_R^Unimportant 1.00 I^47^51^9848.0^I^52.0^I^40.767.1 29.8 •2.00Important^I32.9^70.216.1 83.923 I^120+^ +^COLUMN^70^171TOTAL^29.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 5COUNTROW rcrCOL PCT Infreque Frequent^rimnt TOTAL1.001^2.001• 14359.324171.0^100.027.14189^1^0.0000^28.465^NONE28.66769 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^5CROSSTABULA T ION OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 0200_R^Recode:Fast on Yom Kippur53.6PAGE 1 OF 1COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT018_11 1 00Unimportant0200_RInfreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL1.001^2.00^ • •61.952^45^9746.4^I^39.928.3^114^14678.1 60.171.71 ^ +159^24365.4^100.02.00^32Important^21.938.1•^COLUMN^84TOTAL^34.6CHI-SQUARE^0 F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F.^CELLS WITH E.F.<24.49470^1^0.0000^33 531^NONE' 25.87683 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3C^USS 1 ABU L 4 11U 11^1018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 020F_R^Recode:Separate dishes mat/dairy PAGE 1 OF 1020F_RCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCT018_R1.00UnimportantImportantCHI -SQUARE^Infreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL1.001^2.00^ •96^2^9898.0^I^2.0 41.047.5 5.4 ^ • ^106^35^14152.575.2194.624.8 59.0^ •^202^37^23915.5^100.02.00COLUMNTOTAL^84.5D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.P.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 521.22535^1^0.0000^15.172^NONE22.93344 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^7CROSSTABULATION OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY o2oc_n^necode:Keep kosher outside homePAGE 1 OF 1COUNTROW PCTCOL PC7018_R1.00UnimportantImportant 2.00•• COLUMNTOTAL0200_RInfreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001^ • •95^3^9896.9^I^3.1^1^40.344.0 11.1^ • ^ •12183.4^I^162:^I54756.0 88.9^ •^ •216^27^243^88 .9 11.1^100.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 59.45291^1^0.0021^10.889^NONE. 10.77555 1 0.0010 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1^ fNo-ANUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3 alCROSS 1 ABULA TION^OF018_11^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY onl_n^Recode:Attend Holocaust RemembrancePAGE 1 OF 1 020I_RCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCT Infreque Frequent^ROWnt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001018_RUnimportantImportant^1. 0^92^6 9893.9^6.1^40.346.0^14.02.00^108 37 I^14574.5^25.5^59.754.0 86.0COLUMN^200^43^243TOTAL^82.3 17.7^100.0CHI-SOUARE D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 513.80099^1^0.0002^17.342^NONE15.10330 1 0.0001 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION INUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3CROSSTABULAT ION OF018_TI^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 020J_R^ilecode:Celebrate Yom Ha'atzmaut PAGE 1 Of 1020J_RCOUNTROW PCT Infreque Frequent^ROWCOL PCT nt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001018_R ^ 4. +1.00^I192NI ! ^6I^98UnimportantIN^40.52.00^I^1121^32^I^ 1^144Important^77.8^22.2 59.5^54.9 84.2COLUMN^204^38^242' TOTAL^84.3 15.7^100.0CHI-SQUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 510.23514^1^0.0014^15.388^NONE11.41906 1 0.0007 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )^ tinNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 020K_R^Recode:Attend Purim celebrationPAGE 1 OF 1020K_RCOUNT^ROW PCT Infreque Frequent^ROWCOL PCT nt^ TOTAL1.001^2.001018_R ^ •  41.00 1^8298Unimportant^83.7 I^1611 I 40.350.9^19.5^ . ^ 42 00 1^79 145Important^54.5 I^456:^1^59.749.1^80.5•^ •^ 4COLUMN^161^82^243TOTAL^66.3 33.7^100.0CHI -SOUARE D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 5 21.00041^1^0.0000^33.070^NONE22.28690 .^1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT021Yes018J1 •^1.00 49Unimportant I 50.028.8•^Important 2 00 I 121 83.471.2•COLUMNTOTAL^70.0No^ROWTOTAL11^21+ +^49^981^50.0^I^40.367.1+ ^ •170^73^24330.0^100.0^24 ^I^14516.6 59.732.9^ ••CROSSTABULA TION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 021^Mezuzah on front door' PAGE 1 OF 1CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 529.55859^1^0.0000^29.440^NONE31.12977 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^3CROSSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously JewishBY 024^Proportion of Jewish friends PAGE 1 OF 1024COUNTROW PCT Under 10 10%-25%COL PCT % 11 2125%-50% 50%-75% Over 75%^ROWTOTAL31^41^51018_R   +^ •^ • +  .1.00^I^17^21^21 14^97Unimportant^17.5^I^21.6^1^21.6^I^242.;^1^14.4^I^40.160.7 53.8 42.0 36.4 23.7^ • ^ +^ •^ • ^ .2.00^I^11^18^29^42 4^131g 594:Important^7.6^I^12.4^I^20.0 I^29.0 I39.346.2 58.0^63.6^76.3• •^•^•^ •^ .COLUMN 28^39^50^66^59^242TOTAL^11.6 16.1 20.7 27.3 24.4 100.0CHI-SQUARE^OF.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F.^CELLS WITH E.F < 515.06576^4^0.0046^11.223^NONENUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CRuSsiABULAIION^OF018_R^Pecode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 027^Type of Judaism you consider yourselfPAGE 1 OF 1027018_R ^ •I^ I ^ ;2().(112Unimportant 1,00 2711.1^•  100.0^78.4^70.02.00 15^1I58 28Important^10.9 42.3 20.4COLUMN^15^74^40TOTAL 6.5 32.2 17.43)Reconstructionis47750:gJust Jewish5142'a;Secular61617 2100.0ROWTOTAL9340.47 29 1375.1 21.2^ I   59.650.0 40.814^71^16^2306.1 30.9 7^0^100.0COUNTROW PCTCOL PCT Orthodox Conserve Reformtive11^2 CHI-SOUARE^0.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN C.F.^CELLS WITH C.F.< 557.29767^5^0.0000^5.661^NONENUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^16CROSS TABUL A T ION OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 028A^Current member of synayoque, PAGE 1 OF 1028ARgiiiirCT Yes No^POWCOL PCT^ TOTAL018_R^ 1!^211.0098 38 I^60^98Unimportant^38.8^61.2 40.528.4 55.6^ • ^I2.00 1^96 1^48 I^ I  ^144Important^66.7^33.3^59.571.6 44.4^COLUMN^134^108^242TOTAL^56.4 44.6^100.0CHI•SQUARE^U F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 517.24596^1^0.0000^43.736^NONE18.35727 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTIONNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^4CROSSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 033C^Contribute to synagogues/temples7 PAGE 1 OF 1 033CCOUNTROW PCTCOL PCTYes^No^ROWTOTAL1^2018_R ^ 4.^100^29Unimportant .^124.838.7• ^2.00^88Important^175.275.2•COLUMNTOTALCHI-SQUARE^D F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 524.13276^1^0.0000^29.297^NONE25.64513 1 0.0000 C BEFORE YATES CORRECTION 1NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^54CROSSTABULATION^OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 0330^Contribute to local Jewi:h institutions,PAGE 1 OF 10330Yes^No^ROWTOTAL^if ^21^018_R   •1.00^1^35 78Unimportant 44.9^1^554.1^1 40.031.5 51.2^ • ^2.00 I^7665.0 1^3540^17Important^ I 60068.548.8. ^ •^ •COLUMN^III^84^195TOTAL^56.9 43.1^100.0CHI-SOUARE D.F. SIGNIFICANCE MIN E.F^CELLS WITH E.F.< 56.90242 1 0.0086 33.600^NONE• 7.69976 I 0.0055 C BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )46^7561.3 39.161.329^11724.8 60.938.7117^75^19260.9 39.1^100.0COUNTROW PCTCOL PCTnaNUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS =^51224APPENDIX CHypothesis 3Tables C-9Significant cross - tabulations between importance of being religiously Jewish andthe relative importance of certain attitudes and practices reported in the surveyCROSSTABULATION OF018_R^Recode: Importance religiously Jewish^BY 034A_1^Recode:Att/prac divinely ordained PAGE 1 OF 1034A_RCOUNTROW PCT Importan Unimport ROWCOL PCT ant TOTAL1.001 2.001018_141.00Unimportant^211^68^871^78.2^I^412^22.1 54.4^ •2.00^67^57^124Important^54.0 46.0^58.877.9^45.6•1• +COLUMN^86^125^211TOTAL^40.8 59.2^100.0CHI-SOUARE^D.F.^SIGNIFICANCE^MIN E.F.^CELLS WITH E.F.< 520.63233^1^0.0000^35.460^NONE21.94533 1 0.0000 ( BEFORE YATES CORRECTION )NUMBER OF MISSING OBSERVATIONS^35•


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