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The experience of culture conflict in second-generation Indo-Canadian women Sohi, Sukhi 1992

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THE EXPERIENCE OF CULTURE CONFLICT INSECOND-GENERATIONINDO-CANADIAN WOMENbySUM!! SOHIB.A., The University of British Columbia, 1986A 'THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment ofCounselling PsychologyWe accept this thesis as conformingt. the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAApril 1992© Sukhi Sohi, 1992In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(SignatureDepartment of CatrYjii^ E,-t Chu( ((Ay / The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate  41 I N 1cq13,DE-6 (2/88)iiAbstractThe purpose of this study was to explore the experience of culture conflict insecond-generation Indo-Canadian women. An existential-phenomenological approachwas used to gain an understanding of culture conflict from the perspective of thosewho have experienced it. Five second-generation Indo-Canadian women participatedin this study. The participants took part in an indepth, unstructured interview inwhich they were asked to describe their experience of culture conflict. The interviewwas taped and transcribed. The transcripts were then analyzed and common themeswere explicated. The 29 themes that emerged from the data were written into anexhaustive description of the experience of culture conflict. The themes andexhaustive description were then presented to each of the participants for validation.From the exhaustive description, the essential structure of the experience of cultureconflict was also formulated. The findings of this study are discussed in terms ofimplications for further research as well as implications for counselling individualswho are experiencing culture conflict.111TABLE OF CONTENTSPageABSTRACT ^  iiTABLE OF CONTENTS ^  iiiChapter I^INTRODUCTION ^  1Significance of the Study  9Purpose of the Study ^  11Definition of Terms  12Summary ^  12Chapter II^LITERATURE REVIEW ^  14Conflict in Values  14Identification With The Majority Culture ^ 18Culture Conflict in the Second Generation  21Problems in Identity Formation ^  25Opposition to the Idea of Culture Conflict ^ 28Indo-Canadians ^  35Summary  37Chapter III^METHOD ^  38Participants  41ivDemographic Information ^  41Phenomenological Interview  42Analysis and Interpretation ^  43Chapter IV^RESULTS ^  46Formulation of Themes ^  46Themes ^  48Exhaustive Description ^  57Essential Structure  83Summary ^  87Chapter V^DISCUSSION ^  88Theoretical Implications ^  88Limitations of the Study  103Implications for Further Research ^ 103Implications for Counselling  105Summary ^  108References ^  110APPENDIX A ^  115APPENDIX B  1161Chapter IINTRODUCTIONEach of us grows up in a culture through which we learn different beliefs,values, traditions and ways of interacting with each other. Different cultures teachdifferent ideas and values. Some cultures are individual-oriented while others upholda more collectivist approach. As we grow up, we learn acceptable ways of behavingbased on the messages we receive from our cultural group. We learn what is valuedand what is not.But what happens to people who are exposed to two cultures, rather than justone? And, what if those two cultures have many contradictory values and beliefs.Which culture do these people adhere to? Do they accept the teachings of one cultureand reject the other, or do they try to integrate the two? Is it even possible for themto integrate the two? These questions highlight some of the issues that confront manysecond-generation Canadians. This study will focus on a group of people who, assecond-generation Indo-Canadians, have been socialized into two very differentcultures, and as a result have experienced conflict in meeting the differingexpectations of their two cultures.My interest in this topic stems from my own experience of culture conflict. Iam a second-generation Indo-Canadian. My parents were both born in India and theycame to Canada as adults. Their migration to Canada brought them to a culturewhich is profoundly different from the culture they left behind. The beliefs, valuesand traditions of the two cultures are in many ways opposite to each other.2Although my parents had immigrated to a new country, they did not want toabandon the ways of their home culture. In which ever way possible, they attemptedto maintain their culture of origin and pass it on to their children. As a young child,I was socialized primarily into the Indo-Canadian culture. It was not until I beganschool, that I had much exposure to the mainstream culture. However, it did not takelong for me to begin to identify more with the majority Canadian culture than withthe Indo-Canadian culture of my parents. This created much conflict for both me andmy parents.As I got older, I discovered that many other second-generation individuals hadexperiences similar to mine. They, too, had faced many of the problems anddifficulties that I had experienced as a result of growing up with two differentcultures. As I tried to make sense of and gain a better understanding of thisexperience of culture conflict, I realized that it was a topic that had not received muchattention from researchers. Very little was known about the nature of this experience.Yet, from my own and others' experience, I know that culture conflict is a very realexperience that can have a profound negative impact on the lives of many people. Assuch, it is a topic that warrants some investigation.I realize that my own personal experience has an influence on how I approachthis research. With this in mind, I have attempted, throughout this study, torecognize my own biases and to maintain objectivity.3Second-Generation CanadiansSecond-generation Canadians are the Canadian born offspring of immigrants.As Canadians, they are socialized into the culture of the mainstream Canadiansociety; but, as the children of immigrants, they are also socialized into the parentalculture of origin. The differences in these two areas of socialization may depend onthe degree of variation between the two cultures. In Canada, immigrant groups covera wide spectrum in terms of how much they differ culturally from the majorityCanadian culture. Some are very similar culturally, while others differ considerably.Immigrants may decide to assimilate completely into the new culture or theymay choose to maintain elements of their culture of origin. In some cases, it may notbe a matter of choice. Some immigrants may find it very difficult to completelyabandon the beliefs and values that have been ingrained in them from birth. DeAnda(1984) believes it is harder for immigrants to integrate the values of the new culturewith their own if the amount of overlap between the two cultures is minimal. Shesuggests that shared values, beliefs and norms facilitate assimilation and integrationwhile conflicts in these areas hinder these processes.The amount of conflict between values may depend on the overall orientationof the two cultures in question. All cultures can be placed on a continuum fromcollectivist to individualistic (Hui & Tiandis, 1986). A collectivist orientation focuseson the needs and goals of the group in contrast to an individualistic orientation whichgives precedence to the needs of the individual. Respect for authority, conformityand maintenance of strong family ties are some of the characteristics of collectivistcultures while self-reliance, individual achievement and autonomy characterizeindividualistic societies (Aldwin & Greenberger, 1987; Hui & Triandis, 1986). Thevalues emphasized by each of these orientations are often contradictory in nature.Thus, immigrants originating from cultures that emphasize a collectivist orientationmay have difficulty with the individualistic orientation of Canadian society.Because of contrasting orientations, some immigrants may choose not toassimilate into the majority culture. Instead, they may have a strong desire tomaintain the traditions and values of their culture of origin, either because they preferthe values and beliefs of their own culture to those of the culture to which they havemigrated or because they do not understand the ways of the new culture. Rosenthal,Demetriou & Efklides (1989) suggest that immigrants may "cling to the values oftheir culture of origin in an attempt to make sense of and achieve some degree ofcontrol over a new and confusing world" (p.208). The adherence to traditional waysmay serve as a means of protection in an environment that appears strange andinsecure (Sommers, 1960).Immigrants who choose to adhere to their culture of origin not only want tomaintain that culture, but quite often, they also want their children to be socializedinto the same culture. When the values emphasized in the majority culture areantagonistic to their own values, immigrants may be especially determined to keeptheir children from participating freely in the opposing culture (Buchignani & Indra,1985; Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1989). Rosenthal, Demetriou & Efklides (1989) observed45that immigrant parents may become increasingly authoritarian and limit theirchildren's behavior in an attempt to reinforce their own cultural norms.The attempts made by immigrants to ensure the transmission of the ancestralculture to their offspring may cause difficulty for those offspring who find themselvesjuggling the demands of two different cultures. Simply by virtue of their position,second-generation Canadians are socialized into both the ancestral culture of theirparents and the dominant culture of Canadian society. Weinrich (1983) points outthat early socialization for second-generation individuals is primarily with the culturalgroup of their parents, but once they begin school and are exposed to the mass media,they begin their socialization into the majority culture. This secondary socializationinto the dominant culture may differ markedly from their initial socialization byparents and other members of the ancestral culture.Stonequist (1937) believes the children of immigrants are in a distinctive socialsituation:As native born residents they are identified with the land of theirbirth and its institutions; but as children of immigrants they inevitablyabsorb much of the culture carried over from the "old country". Thusthey are the meeting point of two streams of culture. To the extent thatthe two cultures conflict they experience this conflict as a personalproblem. (p.96)The amount of conflict experienced by second-generation individuals may beinfluenced by the degree of variation between the two cultures. The greater the6difference between the two cultures, the more likely it may be that the individualexposed to both cultures might experience conflict (Berry & Annis, 1974; Stonequist,1937).The level of conflict may also depend on the second-generation individual'sperception of the ancestral culture and their parents' role in promoting it. Theirsocialization into the majority culture may lead them to question or reject the valuesof the parental culture. As they begin to identify with elements of the majorityculture, they may indicate a desire to be like everybody else in the mainstream culture(Mendelberg, 1986). Second-generation individuals may resent their parents forexpecting them to adhere to cultural values which they consider inappropriate(Rosenthal, Demetriou & Efklides, 1989).If the immigrant parents continue to rigidly adhere to ideas that their childrenconsider outdated or inappropriate, Sommers (1960) suggests the younger generationmay begin to defy their parents and perceive them as enemies who are keeping themapart from the majority culture which they desperately want to identify with.The feelings of conflict experienced by second-generation individuals may beheightened if they find themselves not only feeling alienated from their ancestralculture but also from the majority culture. Their desire to be like everybody else maybe blocked not only by their parents, but also by the majority culture which may notfully accept them because of their different cultural background (Mendelberg, 1986;Stonequist, 1937).7For some second-generation individuals, the conflict that results from theopposing demands of their two cultures may be severe enough to negatively affecttheir mental health (Aldwin & Greenberger, 1987; Sommers, 1960). Anotherpossible effect is that the second-generation individual's inability to identifycompletely with either culture may lead to problems in identity formation. Spencerand Markstrom-Adams (1990) suggest that "while identity development is a complextask for all youth, it is particularly complicated for children and adolescents belongingto ethnic and racial minority groups" (p.290). Thus, identification with membersfrom two cultural groups can generate identity confusion and cause difficulty informulating a clear sense of self.Indo-CanadiansIn this study, the focus will be on one particular group of second-generationCanadians: second-generation Indo-Canadian women. Some of the literature onIndo-Canadians suggests that culture conflict may be a common experience for manymembers of this group (Basu, 1989; Buchignani & Indra, 1985; Ramcharan, 1984;Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981). Ramcharan (1984) observed that "the impact ofcultural conflict has not escaped this group, and conflicting parent-child value systemscan lead to severe tensions in the home" (p.39).Indian culture differs greatly from the majority Canadian culture. Its'collectivist orientation emphasizes strong kinship ties, interdependence and a greatrespect for authority in comparison to the Canadian culture's emphasis on8independence and individualism (Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981). There are manyelements of the Canadian culture that many Indian immigrants disapprove of, thuscreating a strong desire in them to keep their children from succumbing to themajority culture's negative influence (Buchignani & Indra, 1985; Ramcharan, 1984;Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981).Second-generation Indo-Canadians must learn to negotiate two sets of culturalvalues that contradict each other in many ways: the values inherent in their parents'culture of origin and those expressed by their peers, the media and the educationalsystem of the majority culture (Buchignani & Indra, 1985). Basu (1989) describes thesecond generation as:A generation facing identity conflicts, uncertain of whichheritage to claim for their own, trying to adapt socially but lookingalien, burdened by the contradictory expectations of parents and peers.(p.98)The conflicting messages received by these individuals make it difficult for them tochoose an appropriate course of action. Their identification with both cultures maycreate a feeling of being torn in separate directions.As a result of their socialization through school, media and their peers,second-generation Indo-Canadians may begin to identify more with the Canadianculture than with the Indian culture (Buchignani & Indra, 1985; Ramcharan, 1984).This shift in primary identification may lead to conflict within the family. Indianparents may feel threatened by this apparent change in allegiance, and they may go to9great lengths to prevent their children from becoming too much like members of thedominant culture for fear that they will lose touch with their heritage. Wakil,Siddique & Wakil (1981) reported that immigrant parents view their children'spreference for Canadian ideas as an indication of disrespect and rejection of theirancestral traditions and values.Thus, the dilemma created by the opposing values of the Indian and Canadiancultures affects both the second-generation and their parents. The pressures inherentin such a dilemma can lead to psychological and emotional conflicts for both parentsand children (Ramcharan, 1984).Significance of the StudyResearch on minority groups has primarily been focused on such areas asethnic identity, the experience of immigrants, and minority/majority relations. Verylittle research has been conducted on the experience of culture conflict, especially asit relates to second-generation Canadians.What little research there has been in the area of culture conflict has beenprimarily quantitative in nature. There has been limited research of a qualitativenature. Typically, researchers have focused either on determining whether or notconflict actually exists for those who are socialized into two different groups or ondetermining the level and cause of conflict. Very little attention has been paid to theactual experience of the conflict. There does not appear to have been any attempt10made to understand the meaning of the experience from the point of view of thosewho have experienced it.This study will go beyond the observable, measurable aspects of cultureconflict that have been the focus of quantitative approaches. It will attempt to makesense of the actual experience, to understand the experience from the perspective ofthose who have been involved in it. By focusing on what the experience of cultureconflict means to different individuals, we can begin to identify common themes intheir experience. These themes will then allow us to formulate a picture of theexperience and identify the essential structure of the experience.The insight gained through such an approach will be valuable not only from atheoretical perspective, but also from a counselling perspective. From a theoreticalperspective, this study will expand upon the current knowledge in the areas of cultureconflict, second-generation Canadians and Indo-Canadians. From a counsellingperspective, we will gain a better understanding of what individuals are going throughwhen they experience conflict as a result of being immersed in two different cultures.This study will offer insight into a problem that has received limited attention.It is hoped that this study will prompt those in the helping professions to recognizethat culture conflict may be a key issue for second-generation individuals who areseeking help. The number of second-generation Canadians constitute a significantproportion of the Canadian population; thus, their special concerns are worthinvestigating. By exploring the problems faced by a group of second-generation Indo-11Canadians, we may gain insight into the problems that many others in thesecond-generation may also face.The results of this study will allow counsellors to become better informed inthe area of culture conflict. Through gaining an understanding of what difficultiesresult from the experience of culture conflict, counsellors will be better able to plantherapeutic interventions for clients who may be involved in such an experience.Purpose of the StudyThe purpose of this study is to understand the experience of second-generationIndo-Canadian women who have experienced conflict as a result of growing up withtwo different cultures. The goal is to understand what meaning the experience has forthese women. Rather than asking the participants to confirm or deny what theresearcher considers important, this study will allow the participants to reveal what issignificant about the experience for them.An existential-phenomenological approach will be used for this study becauseit does not attempt to separate the individual from the experience. Instead, it focuseson the meaning of the experience as understood by the individuals who have lived it.By exploring what the experience of culture conflict means to the women who wentthrough the experience, we are able to acquire an understanding of the experienceitself. Through comparing the experience of each individual, we will be able todiscern common themes that will allow us to formulate a picture of the experience of12conflict as experienced by those who have been socialized into two very differentcultures.Definition of Terms Several key terms have been used throughout this study. The followingdefinitions have been provided to indicate how these terms have been used in thecontext of this study:culture - the beliefs, values, behaviors and traditions that embody away of life for a particular group of people.culture conflict - difficulties, confusion and negative feelings that resultfrom the opposition of two cultures.immigrant - a person who has come to a country in which he or she was notborn in order to settle there.second-generation Canadian - the Canadian born offspring of animmigrant.values - opinions, ideas and beliefs regarding what is worthy, right anddesirable.SummaryThis study will explore the experience of culture conflict in second-generationIndo-Canadian women. The following chapter provides a review of the literature inthe areas of culture conflict, second-generation individuals and Indo-Canadians inCanada.1314Chapter IILITERATURE REVIEWOne of the early researchers to focus on the area of culture conflict was E.V.Stonequist. In his book, Marginal Man, Stonequist (1937) describes the individualcaught between two cultures as "one who is poised in psychological uncertaintybetween two (or more) social worlds; reflecting in his soul the discords andharmonies, repulsions and attractions of these worlds" (p.8). Stonequist sees thesecond-generation individual as being torn between his/her feelings towards theparental culture and the majority culture into which he/she has been socialized: "He isbound to his parents by the usual family sentiments. But his loyalty to them clasheswith his loyalty to his friends and the American culture which they symbolize" (p.99).Conflict in Values Underlying the conflict experienced by second-generation individuals isessentially a conflict in values (Aldwin & Greenberger, 1987; Leutgart, 1977). Theconflict results when the values espoused by the two cultures into which theseindividuals have been socialized are contradictory in nature. They represent opposingphilosophies and contain different guidelines and expectations regarding appropriatebeliefs, attitudes and behaviors.For second-generation individuals, this conflict in values begins to reveal itselfas they become socialized into the majority culture. Before their exposure to the15majority culture, children of immigrants are initially socialized into the ancestralculture of their parents (Mendelberg, 1986; Rosenthal & Cichello, 1986; Weinrich,1986). Harrison et al (1990) found that a primary goal of the socialization practicesof minority groups is to foster a positive orientation among children toward theirancestral culture. They also report that the values promoted in the homes of minoritygroups are predominantly reflective of a collectivist orientation.Through their primary socialization, children of immigrants develop a sense ofgroup membership and begin to incorporate important cultural values and behaviorsinto their self-definition (Rosenthal & Cichello, 1986). But once these children areexposed to the majority culture through the educational system and the mass media,those initial values and behaviors are no longer accepted without question (Weinrich,1986). If the values and expectations of the two cultures clash, conflict may ensue.Individualistic Versus Collectivist Values The amount of disparity in the values of two cultures can be viewed in termsof where each culture fits along the individualistic/collectivist continuum. Individualswho have been socialized into a collectivist culture are likely to experience difficultywith the values inherent in an individualistic culture (Aldwin & Greenberger, 1987).If they become involved in an individualistic culture, they may find the values to bethe exact opposite of those by which they have thus far lived their lives.Hui & Triandis (1986) provide a look at the many ways in which collectivistand individualistic cultures differ. Collectivists, he points out, are more likely to16consider the implications of their actions on others. They recognize that the basicunit of survival is the group, not the individual. As such, collectivists are likely to bemore conforming than individualists; they are more willing to go along with the groupin order to maintain harmony. Individualistic cultures, in contrast, tend to be moreself-oriented. Another difference Hui & Triandis point out is that parents incollectivist cultures are more involved in their children's choice of friends, studies,career and living arrangements than their counterparts in individualistic cultures.DeAnda (1984) discusses the conflict that may result from the conflict betweenspecific values. She provides the example of the contrast in opinion between theHispanic and majority white American culture regarding the proper way for a youngadult to express responsibility:In the mainstream culture, a young adult demonstrates maturityand responsibility by physically separating from the family andestablishing an independent living situation. In contrast, in theHispanic community such behavior would be viewed as a selfishdisregard of familial responsibility. Instead maturity and responsibilitywould be demonstrated by the young adult remaining at home andcontributing to the support of the family, particularly to afford greateropportunities to younger siblings. (p.103)Leutgart (1977) also explored the difficulties that arise for individuals who arefaced with two contradictory value systems. Leutgart's study focused on ethnicuniversity students who were experiencing problems in the areas of independence,17identity, and interpersonal relationships as a result of the different expectations oftheir two cultural groups. In the traditional collectivist culture of their ethnic group,these students were expected to maintain a child-like dependent role within the familyconstellation, whereas the more individualistic majority culture, represented by theuniversity, expected them to assume a more adult role. The contradictory valuessurrounding independence and freedom in choosing a marriage partner were especiallyconflict-ridden for these individuals. In the mainstream culture, Leutgart points out,it is considered desirable for individuals to be independent and to make their owndecision regarding a marriage partner, but in many ethnic cultures, these behaviorsmay be perceived as a rejection of their culture and its core beliefs and values.The conflict experienced by second-generation individuals when confrontedwith opposing value systems may take many forms. Stonequist (1937) describes theconflicted individual as one who suffers from divided loyalty and an ambivalentattitude:This ambivalence of attitude and sentiment is at the core ofthose things which characterize the marginal man. He is torn betweentwo courses of actions and is unable to calmly take one and leave theother. (p.146)Berry & Annis (1974) use the term "acculturative stress" to describe the feeling ofconflict that may result from attempting to cope with the conflicting values of twocultures. Hostility, uncertainty, identity confusion and depression are some of theemotions associated with acculturative stress (Berry, 1986).18Identification With The Majority CultureThe conflict experienced by the children of immigrants is likely to beintensified if their parents resist the new culture while the younger generationembraces it (Rosenthal, Demetriou & Efklides, 1989; Sommers, 1960). Thediscrepancy in the level of acculturation between parents and children may be a keyfactor in the conflict. Aldwin & Greenberger (1987) observed that:Parents are likely to maintain more traditional values than theirmore acculturated offspring and young people with more traditionalparents may experience heightened psychological distress in theirattempts to adapt to a new culture. (p. 793)Immigrant parents often have very little contact with more than just superficial aspectsof the majority culture in contrast to their children who are usually immersed in it(Padilla, 1980; Stonequist, 1937). This essential difference may often be at the rootof some of the conflict between the second-generation and their parents.Second-generation individuals may, at some point, begin to identify more withthe majority culture than with their ancestral culture. This may be accompanied by arejection of their parents' culture (Leutgart, 1977; Mendelberg, 1986). Leutgart(1977) suggests this preference for the values of the majority culture may be due tothe pressure faced by subcultures to assimilate to the values of the mainstream culturebecause of the implication that the subculture is less valid than the mainstreamculture. If the minority culture is not regarded highly by the members of the majorityculture, second-generation individuals may feel shame and embarrassment about their19ethnic affiliation (Leutgart, 1977; Liebkind, 1989; Mendelberg, 1986; Stonequist,1937). Consequently, they may find it difficult to take pride in their ancestral cultureand they may, in turn, deny or reject their heritage in an effort to be like their peersin the majority culture.This pattern of rejection by the second-generation was first identified byHansen in 1938 (Herberg, 1989). Hansen identified a pattern of cultural acceptanceand rejection across three generations. He observed that the first generationmaintained their culture of origin while the second-generation rejected it in order toexpress their identification with the majority culture, and finally, the third-generationindicated a renewed interest in the culture of their grandparents.Isajiw (1975) expands upon Hansen's ideas and labels the three stages as:1. The pattern of transplantation of the old culture.2. The rebellion pattern.3. Returning or rediscovery pattern.Isajiw identifies the rebellion pattern as being especially characteristic of thesecond-generation, though not exclusive to them. He associates this pattern with theheightened awareness of one's own cultural and social background which results fromthe psychological confrontation with the ways of the majority culture. Isajiw reportsthat such a confrontation may lead to embarrassment, dissatisfaction or shame of theancestral culture, and these feelings may lead to a rejection of one's past or an overidentification with the dominant society.20Some members of the second-generation may also fit into the rediscoverypattern, according to Isajiw. He suggests this third pattern may be applicable tomembers of the second-generation who have been socialized into the majority cultureand who may or may not have gone through the rebellion pattern.In a later article, Isajiw (1990) focuses on a number of studies which haveexplored the Hansen hypothesis with various ethnic groups. The studies reviewed byIsajiw offer both support and refutation of Hansen's idea, with some showingrejection in the second-generation and others not. Isajiw suggests that a differentapproach is required in this research:There now seems to be general agreement that culturally thesecond-generation assimilates relatively quickly, and also that thethird-generation, or at least part of it, retains a degree of ethnicidentification. The question of rebellion and return still remains, but ithas to be approached in a different context. (p.41)Isajiw basically questions whether the children of immigrants really do rebel againsttheir ethnicity. He finds that because they are rapidly assimilating into the majorityculture, their behavior has been interpreted as rebellion. He believes their behaviorcan be interpreted in a different way. Isajiw suggests these individuals may simply beexemplifying the values of the culture into which they have been socialized, namelythe mainstream culture. In the next section, the focus will be on specific studies thathave explored the idea of culture conflict in the second-generation.21Culture Conflict in the Second Generation Pallotta-Chiarolli (1989) focuses on the dilemma faced by second-generationItalian-Australian women who have encountered opposing values regarding sexualnorms and codes of behavior. In this study, questionnaires were administered totwelve second-generation Italian-Australian women in their late twenties. The resultsshowed that these women felt they were victims of the cultural stereotype of the"good Italian girl". Pallotta-Chiarolli points out that the "good Italian girl" asembodied by chastity, femininity and domesticity is highly valued by the Italianculture and the attainment of this ideal is considered necessary to maintain familyhonor. In the dominant Australian culture, however, this same image carries with itnegative connotations. It represents passivity, sexual frigidity and insularity ofcharacter and ambition, all undesirable characteristics in the Australian culture.Thus, these second-generation Italian-Australians find themselves caughtbetween the differing expectations of their two cultures. They view their experienceas being very different from their peers in the majority culture. All of theparticipants in Pallotta-Chiarolli's study recalled feeling very different from Australiangirls during their adolescence, and they also reported feeling torn between wanting toparticipate in the outer world and wanting to maintain strong family ties.The immigrant parents of these women reinforced the idea of "us and them"for their daughters. Pallotta-Chiarolli describes the Italian parents as building "aninvisible barrier between their inner limited core and 'them', the outer society inwhich all races are classified as 'Australian" (p.56). She goes on to say, "They22endeavoured to prevent the adoption of 'Australian' attitudes and reinforced the 'us'and 'them' situation for their offspring" (p.56).Despite the difficulties experienced by these women as a result of theirparents' restrictiveness, Pallotta-Chiarolli observes that all of them have maintained asense of Italianness and they all identify certain elements of their parents' valuesystem as being worthy of retention.In another study on Italian-Australians, Rosenthal & Cichello (1986) exploredsome of the factors that may affect the psychological adjustment of these individuals.This study focused primarily on ethnic identity, but with regard to psychologicaladjustment, they concluded that "where being Italian was related to the perception ofproblems in living and where one's immigrant status was regarded as a source ofconflict, adolescents reported lower levels of psychosocial adjustment (p.499)."Overall, however, the authors reported that for this group of adolescents, there seemsto be a strong sense of Italian identity as well as a preference for maintenance of thetraditional Italian culture over assimilation. Thus, it appears that the individuals whohad difficulties were those who did not feel comfortable with their Italian identitywithin the Australian context.The psychological problems experienced by second-generation individuals havealso been examined by Sommers (1960). She uses two case studies to reveal howculture conflict may affect mental health. The two cases were Chune, asecond-generation Chinese-American and Ichiro, a second-generationJapanese-American. Both individuals had difficulties reconciling their American23identity with their ethnic identity. Sommers points out the contrast in American andAsian values and the difficulty that may ensue from the clash:Oriental emphasis on unconditional parental authority andever-lasting filial piety ascribes a role and responsibility which, againstthe backdrop of American democratic values and ideals, hardly anysecond-generation child can comfortably accept and discharge. (p.64)Both Chune and Ichiro experienced psychological difficulties as a result of the conflictbetween their two cultures. Chune felt ashamed of being Chinese and found himselfwishing he was white. He felt different from other Americans as well as from otherChinese. He was envious of parent-child relationships in the majority culture and heviewed the Chinese culture as being weighed down by tradition.Similarly, Ichiro also felt ashamed of his ethnic heritage. He said he hatedeverything Japanese. Ichiro identified wholly with the majority culture but found thathe was not fully accepted into that culture, leaving him feeling as if he was wanderingin two worlds.In a more recent study, Aldwin & Greenberger (1987) compared the mentalhealth of Korean-American and Anglo-American students. The authors set out toexplore four different issues. They were as follows:1. Whether Korean-American students were more depressedthan Anglo-American students.25of culture contrast on the mental health of Greek-Americans. Papajohn compared asample of Greek-American families with a second-generation individual who was aschizophrenic to a matched group of families without a history of manifestpsychopathology.The results of this study show that in the family with the schizophrenicmember the parents still strongly adhere to traditional Greek values while theirchildren have attempted to adopt more American values. The children, however,show some ambiguity in their identification with the majority culture, and theyacknowledge a strong pull toward traditional Greek values.In contrast, the families without a schizophrenic member, reveal a greateropenness in the parents to the influence of the American culture. These parents showa greater acceptance of American values than the parents in the first group. Thechildren in the two groups also show differences in their identification with themajority culture. The children in the second group appear to be more decisive in theadoption of American values. They do not share the ambiguities of the individuals inthe families with a schizophrenic member.Problems in Identity FormationIn a study of Mexican-Americans, Mendelberg (1986) reported that individualsof this minority group may have difficulty deciding which cultural group to identifywith. The author observed that identification with significant and powerful26individuals in both the parental culture and the majority culture can lead tocontradictions and disturbances in ego-identity.Most of the Mexican-Americans in Mendelberg's study were stronglyinfluenced by the Mexican culture in their early years, and had little contact with thedominant culture until they started school. Upon their introduction to the majorityculture, these individuals were confronted not only with different images foridentification, but also different connotations of their early images. In the dominantAmerican culture, Mexicans are often portrayed in a negative light compared to themore positive images of Anglo-Americans. Mendelberg suggests that the negativeview of Mexican-Americans prevalent in the American culture makes it difficult forindividuals of this group to form a positive identity.Some Mexican-Americans choose to reject their ethnic identity to be more likepeople from the majority culture (Mendelberg, 1986). As a result, many feelestranged from their ancestral culture. This feeling of estrangement was also reportedby Ruiz (1990). Often the fate of those who reject their ethnic identity is that theyfind they do not completely fit into the majority culture either, leaving them feelingalienated from both cultures (Leutgart, 1977; Mendelberg, 1986).Stonequist (1937) also focused on this feeling of alienation. He suggests that itmay be difficult for children of immigrants to completely assimilate into the majorityculture, especially if they are racially different. He gives the example ofOriental-Americans who may feel American but are not always viewed as such: "His27soul may be American, but his face is Oriental .... He is considered and treated as anOriental, not as an American" (p.102).Being unable to identify completely with either cultural group may createdifficulties in identity formation for individuals who are caught between contrastingcultures (Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). Erikson (1968) states that identity isdeveloped through the integration of all previous identifications into a cohesive whole,and Waterman (1982) suggests that "the greater the range of identity alternatives towhich an individual is exposed prior to or during adolescence, the greater thelikelihood will be of undergoing an identity crisis" (p.345). Thus, there may be astrong likelihood that the second-generation Canadian, because of her identificationwith individuals that represent conflicting values, may encounter difficulty integratingthose identifications into a unified whole.Conflicting values and conflicting role expectations have both been identifiedas barriers to identity formation for members of minority groups (Lian, 1982; Spencer& Markstrom-Adams, 1990). Lian (1982) suggests that being faced with opposingmessages may "make it very difficult for individuals to establish a core system ofmeanings which are in any way related to each other" (p.44).Identity formation may also be hindered by the negative portrayal of the ethnicculture within the majority culture. Spencer & Markstrom-Adams (1990) regard thepreponderance of negative stereotypes of minorities as being counterproductive toacquiring a solid sense of self. Minority members may find themselves developing a28negative identity as the result of accepting the negative images that have beenprojected onto them (Erikson, 1968).The efforts of second-generation individuals to integrate their dualidentification into a cohesive whole may be hampered by both their parental cultureand the majority culture. The ideal of biculturalism may be very difficult to attain.Pressure from both groups to conform to their ideals may make it difficult forsecond-generation individuals to achieve an identity that reflects a balance betweentheir two cultural identities (Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990).Opposition to the Idea of Culture ConflictAlthough the idea of culture conflict in second-generation individuals has beencommonly accepted, there are some researchers who question its existence. Weinrich(1986) proposes that culture conflict contributes little to the problems of identityformation. He argues that all adolescents have to incorporate different identificationsinto their identity; thus, it is not any different for immigrant offspring who identifywith two cultures.Weinrich's conclusions, however, seem to contradict the results of hisresearch. In a study conducted in England, Weinrich (1986) used his IdentityStructure Analysis to compare the identity of 45 second-generation immigrantadolescents with the identity of 37 indigenous English adolescents. Thesecond-generation sample consisted of 32 adolescents of West Indian ancestry and 13of Asian ancestry. The results showed that 36% of the second-generation individuals29were in states of identity diffusion or defensive high regard compared to only 8% ofthe indigenous English adolescents. To account for this higher level of identityproblems in immigrant offspring, Weinrich suggests that some people have greatervulnerabilities in their internal identity structures, thus they are less able to handleidentification conflicts.Weinrich's (1986, 1989) general premise is that conflict in identification canhappen to anyone. He explains it as follows:One's identification with another may be considered conflictedwhen one empathically identifies, while simultaneously contra-identifieswith that other - in other words when one simultaneously experiencessimilarities between self and the other and recognizes in the othercharacteristics from which one would wish to dissociate. (1989, p.53)Weinrich (1989) suggests there are two courses of action that an individual may taketo resynthesize their existing identifications with further identifications. Firstly,individuals may attempt to resolve conflicts and thereby induce reevaluations ofthemselves in relation to others within the confines of their existing value system or,secondly, they may broaden their value system and establish a new context forself-definition.Although Weinrich's premise is that problems which result from conflicts inidentification may affect anyone, his research suggests they are more likely to occurfor second-generation individuals. In addition to the higher percentage of immigrantoffspring showing overall identity problems, Weinrich's (1986) results also indicated30that 90% of the immigrant offspring have identity conflicts with their own peoplecompared to 50% of indigenous adolescents. Weinrich suggests this finding can beexplained in terms of dual socialization. He explains that immigrant offspring areusually socialized initially into the parental culture of origin, and later once they beginto attend school and become exposed to the mass media, they begin their secondarysocialization into the majority culture. Their socialization into the majority culturemay lead them to reevaluate their early identifications because of the differences inthe two cultures. In other words, immigrant offspring experience greater difficulty inidentity formation because their identification with the majority culture conflicts withtheir identification with their ancestral culture.What Weinrich is describing is what other researchers have labelled as cultureconflict: the conflict that results from being socialized into two cultures that holdopposing values. Weinrich (1986) prefers the term "conflict in identification", butessentially he is describing what has commonly been regarded as culture conflict.Kelly (1989) also argues against the idea of culture conflict by rejecting theassumption that second-generation individuals experience identity conflict as a resultof the opposing values, beliefs and ideologies of their two cultures. Kelly (1989)states "although there is evidence that a small number may suffer as a consequence ofsuch processes, it is neither inevitable nor as widespread as so called conventionalwisdom might suppose" (p.80). The author, however, doesn't indicate what evidencethis claim is based on.31Kelly agrees with Weinrich's (1986, 1989) preference for the term "conflict inidentification" rather than culture conflict. To explore the idea of conflicts inidentification, Kelly used Weinrich's (1986) Identity Structure Analysis to comparethe identity of second-generation Pakistani Muslim and Greek Cypriots with a groupof indigenous English youth. The subjects all ranged in age from sixteen totwenty-two.With the Pakistani Muslim group, the author found it necessary to distinguishbetween progressive and orthodox individuals because of the differences in their levelof empathetic identification with the indigenous culture (the progressive group had amuch stronger identification).The results of this study showed that the progressive Pakistani Muslim grouphad the highest level of identity diffusion while the indigenous English group had thelowest. Like Weinrich (1986), Kelly explained this result in terms of the dualsocialization received by the first group, suggesting that they begin to identify morewith individuals in the dominant culture whose values conflict with those with whomthey initially formed identifications.For those individuals who did experience a conflict in identifications, thehighest level of conflict was between them and the individuals who provided theirearly socialization, namely their parents and other members of the ancestral culture.The Pakistani Muslim and Greek Cypriot groups both displayed greater conflict withtheir parents than the indigenous English adolescents. Kelly's results are similar toWeinrich's (1986) results which indicate that conflict experienced by32second-generation individuals is most evident when they begin to question or rejecttheir early identifications in favor of their new identifications with individuals in thedominant culture.Rosenthal (1984) is another researcher who questions the amount ofintergenerational conflict within immigrant families. She wonders if the prevalence ofthis type of conflict has been exaggerated. In a study comparing adolescents andparents from Greek, Italian, and Anglo-Australian families, she explored the presenceof intergenerational conflict, and its possible relationship to ethnic identification. Theresults of this study indicate that the overall level of perceived conflict were relativelylow among all three groups. However, the results do show that Anglo-Australianadolescents and their parents reported less conflict than the Greek-Australians andItalian-Australians.The degree of identification with either the ancestral culture or the majorityculture appeared to have little impact on the amount of intergenerational conflict.However, Rosenthal (1984) does point out that where ethnic identification wasrelevant, it was the adolescents that identified most strongly with the majority culturethat were associated with higher levels of conflict. She suggests that:For these adolescents, conflict arises not because of having todeal with two different normative systems of behavior, but because theyhave adopted or wish to adopt the attitudes and behavior of theirAnglo-Australian peers while their parents retain old cultural traditions.(p.'73)33Low levels of intergenerational conflict in immigrant families were alsoreported by Rosenthal, Demetriou and Efldides (1989). These authors compared 20Greek-Australian families with 20 Anglo-Australian families and 40 families inGreece. The focus of their study was on the level and seriousness of conflict as wellas the nature and consequences of the conflict. Another purpose of the study was toexamine whether either the culture conflict model or the cultural difference model might account for parent-adolescent conflict in immigrant families. The culture conflict model suggests that higher levels of intergenerational conflict result fromdifficulties in dealing with two cultural worlds simultaneously, and the culturaldifference model suggests that cultural variation exists in styles of dealing withconflict as well as in levels of conflict (Rosenthal, Demetriou & Efklides, 1989).A conflict questionnaire was administered to both parents and adolescents.The questions focused on the amount of conflict, the seriousness of the conflict andthe behaviour of each person during the conflict. Responses to the questions wererated on a four point scale from "none" to "a lot".There were some differences in specific aspects of conflict behavior andconflict resolution, but the level of conflict in each group appeared to be low. Theauthors conclude that for the parents neither the culture conflict model  nor the culturaldifference model was supported. However, they do not indicate if either of thesemodels held any relevance for the adolescents.The authors did find that the adolescents in the Greek-Australiansample were more similar to their Anglo-Australian peers than to their Greek peers.34This high level of assimilation lead the authors to conclude that although there wasnot a high level of conflict reported at that time, it may become more evident as theadolescents grow older. They offer this conclusion based on Rosenthal's (1984)research which suggests that most conflict in immigrant families occurs where theadolescents identify more strongly with the majority culture than the parental cultureof origin.Although both Rosenthal (1984) and Rosenthal, Demetriou, and Efklides(1989) reported low levels of conflict in immigrant families, their conclusions are notnecessarily refutations of previous research. The focus of these two studies is on theconflict between second-generation individuals and their parents, rather than on theconflict within individuals which some other researchers have focused on. Stonequist(1937) states that "the tension in the mind of the second-generation is more pervasiveand profound than appears on the surface" (p.96). He observes that while anindividual may appear well adjusted from an external point of view, internally theremay be considerable conflict.Another consideration with Rosenthal's (1984) and Rosenthal, Demetriou andEfklides (1989) conclusions is that the immigrant populations used in their studies areof European descent. The cultural differences between Europeans and Australiansmay not be large enough to generate high levels of conflict. Perhaps with an ethnicgroup of Asian descent, different results may be evident since the amount of conflictmay be related to the amount of disparity between the two cultures (Berry & Annis,1974; Stonequist, 1937).35Indo-CanadiansThere has been very little focus on the experience of culture conflict within theIndo-Canadian population in Canada. The prevalence of culture conflict within thispopulation has been acknowledged by some researchers (Buchignani & Indra, 1985;Ramcharan, 1984; Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981) but there has not been muchfocus on what the conflict actually involves.The small amount of literature that does exist on this topic suggests that themain source of culture conflict for Indo-Canadians revolves around the subject ofdating and marriage (Buchignani, 1984; Buchignani & Indra, 1985; Ghosh, 1984;Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981). Indian immigrants originate from a culture inwhich marriages are arranged by parents and family members. This traditioncontrasts sharply with the Canadian practice of choosing one's own marriage partner.Most Indian immigrants do not approve of the Canadian practice of dating andmarrying for romantic love (Buchignani, 1984; Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981).Wakil, Siddique & Wakil (1981) reported that Indian immigrants viewed dating andromantic love with "great alarm and horror" (p.939), and as a result, they wanted toprevent their children from becoming involved in such activities.Their Canadian born children, on the other hand, do not usually agree withtheir parents' view on choosing a marriage partner. Having been socialized into theCanadian culture, these second-generation individuals accept the majority culture'sviews on dating and marriage far more readily than their parents do (Buchignani &Indra, 1985; Ramcharan, 1984). In sharp contrast to their parents, they wonder36"How can you marry a person whom you don't love?" (Wakil, Siddique & Wakil,1981, p.939).This tendency for the second-generation to identify with Canadian valuescauses much concern for Indian parents. They worry about their children fallingunder the influence of a culture which they consider far too permissive and lacking inmoral values (Buchignani & Indra, 1985). In an effort to prevent this negativeinfluence, Indian immigrants often restrict their children's participation in manyaspects of the Canadian culture, especially activities that involve interaction with theopposite sex (Buchignani & Indra, 1985; Ramcharan, 1984; Wakil, Siddique &Wakil, 1981). Because of traditional views on female roles and family honor, therestrictions placed on daughters are usually greater than those placed on sons(Buchignani & Indra, 1985; Ghosh, 1984; Ramcharan, 1984; Wakil, Siddique &Wakil, 1981).Indian parents' efforts to control and restrict their children's behavior createsadditional conflict for these second-generation individuals who often have difficultyunderstanding their parents' point of view (Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981). Onceagain, the conflict stems from the essential value differences between the Indian andCanadian cultures. In this case, the conflict revolves around parent-childrelationships. In the Indian culture, there is much emphasis placed on respect for ageand authority. Children are expected to display strict obedience and acceptance ofparental authority (Buchignani & Indra, 1985; Ramcharan, 1984). In contrast, theCanadian culture encourages children to become independent and accept responsibility37for making their own choices. These value differences create tremendous conflict forsecond-generation Indo-Canadians, especially if they prefer the values endorsed by theCanadian culture.SummaryThe review of the literature suggests that culture conflict is a reality for manysecond-generation individuals who have been socialized into two different cultures.Some researchers have attempted to explore the affects of culture conflict on theindividuals involved, but no attempt has been made to focus on the experience fromthe perspective of those who have lived it. The present study will attempt to fill thisgap in the literature by providing a greater understanding of what is involved in theexperience of culture conflict. The following chapter will focus on the methodologythat will be used to achieve this goal.38Chapter IIIMETHODThe purpose of this study is to understand the phenomenon of culture conflictin second-generation Canadians from the perspective of those who have experiencedit. The main goal is to discover the basic nature of this experience and the emotions,thoughts and behaviors surrounding it.With that purpose in mind, an existential-phenomenological approach waschosen for this study. Valle & King (1978) describe existential-phenomenologicalpsychology as a combination of the disciplines of existentialism and phenomenology.They describe existentialism as the school of thought that "seeks to understand thehuman condition as it manifests itself in our concrete, lived situations" (p.6) and theydefine phenomenology as "a method which allows us to contact phenomena as weactually live them and experience them" (p.6). Thus, the aim of theexistential-phenomenological approach is to reveal the totality of human experiencesas understood by those who have lived them.Giorgi (1970) stresses the need to focus on the perspective of the people whohave been immersed in the experience. He states:We must go back to the origins; we must see how meanings areexperienced and lived and then see what perspective will be mostsuitable for understanding them as they are lived and experienced"(p.159).39The general premise of existential-phenomenological psychology is that thephenomena should speak for themselves rather than be subject to a researcher'spreconceived notions (Colaizzi, 1978; Giorgi, 1970; Valle & King, 1978). Thisapproach runs counter to the traditional quantitative methods used in psychologicalresearch, methods which seek to explain and quantify human experiences (Giorgi,1970; Valle & King, 1978).The natural scientific approach which has been prevalent in psychologicalresearch is questioned by those who prefer an existential-phenomenological approach.Colaizzi (1978) suggests "if only observable, duplicable and measurable definitionshave psychological validity, then a crucial dimension of the human psychologicalexistence, namely, experience is eliminated from the study of human psychology"(p.51). Existential-phenomenology strives to understand the underlying meaning of anexperience rather than focusing only on observable facts.To fully understand the meaning of an experience, a method is required whichdoes not deny experience or transform it into operationally defined behaviors(Colaizzi, 1978). The descriptive approach suits this purpose because it "remainswith the human experience as it is experienced" (Colaizzi, 1978, p.53). Descriptionallows the phenomenon to reveal itself through the person for whom that phenomenonis a reality.Through descriptive techniques, existential-phenomenological psychology seeksto reveal the basic structure or essence of human experience and human behavior(Valle & King, 1978). The structure of a phenomenon is described by Valle & King40(1978) as the essential meaning or commonality that runs through the many variationsof a particular phenomenon. The assumption of this approach is that although theexperience of each individual is unique, there are common patterns that revealthemselves in human experiences.Regardless of which of the phenomenon's particular variations isrevealed at any given time, this phenomenon is seen as having the sameessential meaning when it is perceived over time in many differentsituations. (Valle & King, 1978, p.15)Thus, the essential meaning of an experience may be explicated by comparing thedescriptive accounts of several individuals who have shared a similar experience(Colaizzi, 1978). The comparison allows common themes to emerge and, in turn,reveal the essential structure of the experience.The present study seeks to reveal the essential structure and meaning of theexperience of culture conflict in second-generation Indo-Canadian women.Unstructured interviews were used to obtain descriptive accounts of culture conflictfrom women who have experienced it. An unstructured interview encouragesparticipants to reveal aspects of the experience they consider to be important ratherthan focusing on what the researcher may consider important. Thus, it allows us tounderstand the meaning of the experience from the perspective of the individualsinvolved in it.41ParticipantsFive participants were involved in this study. They took part in twointerviews. In the first interview, they described the experience of culture conflictthrough an unstructured interview format. The data obtained in the first interviewwas analyzed and the results were presented to the participants in a second interviewin which they were asked to verify the results and suggest changes.The participants were selected on the basis of the following criteria:1. Female.2. Age 18 or over.3. Second-generation Indo-Canadian (born in Canada to immigrant parents ofIndian origin).4. Identify themselves as having experienced conflict as a result of growing upwith two cultures.Participants were selected through the process of advertisement. Posters highlightingthe criteria were placed in various locations in Vancouver. The nature of the study,its purpose and methodology were explained to all respondents, and only those whofit the above criteria were selected for the study.Demographic InformationParticipant selection was not based on any demographic information. Thedemographic information presented here was obtained at the time of the first42interview. The participants were all second-generation Indo-Canadian women. Theirages at the time of the interview were: 21, 21, 22, 25, and 38. The religiousbackgrounds of these women were as follows: two Sikh, two Hindu, and one Muslim.However, not all of the participants currently adhere to the religious backgrounds oftheir families. The occupations of the participants were: Customs Officer, TeacherAssistant, Consultant, and University Student (2). (Refer to Appendix B for a moredetailed profile on the participants and their parents.)Phenomenological InterviewThe participants were interviewed twice over a six month period. The lengthof the first interview ranged from one hour to two hours. Before the start of theinterview the purpose of the study was explained to the participants and they wereasked to sign a consent form. The interview was unstructured; the participant wasasked to describe her experience of the conflict which resulted from growing up withtwo cultures. Open ended questions were asked during the interview when necessaryto clarify or expand upon the description. Reflective listening was used throughoutthe interview in order to stimulate the process of dialogue while at the same time anattempt was made not to influence the direction of the interview.Although the first interview was primarily unstructured, the followingquestions were asked if they were not answered during the participant's description:1. Do you feel the conflict has been resolved? If so, how did the resolutioncome about? If not, what do you think it will take for resolution to occur?432. What, if any, advantages or disadvantages do you see in growing up withtwo cultures?3. How do you see yourself in terms of being both Indian and Canadian? Doyou consider yourself to be more of one than the other?The first interview was taped and transcribed. The transcripts of theinterviews have not been included in the appendix because they contain too manystatements that may identify the participants, thus violating the confidentiality that waspromised to the participants.In the second interview, participants reviewed the themes that were extractedfrom their descriptions, and they were asked to verify them and recommend anychanges. The second interview was not taped, but the participants' comments wereall recorded in detail. Because of its' length, the exhaustive description was notreviewed during the second interview. Instead, participants were given a copy to readon their own time, and the validation of the exhaustive description took place over thetelephone.Analysis and InterpretationThe transcripts of the interviews were analyzed according to the proceduredescribed by Colaizzi (1978). Mostyn's (1985) ideas on content analysis were alsotaken into consideration. The main purpose of the analysis is to give meaning to thedescriptive accounts. Mostyn (1985) views content analysis as the "diagnostic tool of44qualitative researchers" (p.117) which allows them to convert the raw data of wordsinto scientific data.Colaizzi (1978) outlines seven steps necessary to the process of analysis andinterpretation. All seven of these steps were followed. The first step involvedreading the transcripts over several times to "acquire a feeling for them" (Colaizzi,1978, p.59). In the next step, specific phrases and sentences were extracted from thedescriptions. The guiding principle at this point was to select phrases that seemed insome way significant in relation to the experience of culture conflict.The third step was one that involves what Colaizzi (1978) describes as"creative insight" because the researcher must go beyond what is said to determinewhat is meant. Each significant statement was analyzed to determine the underlyingmeaning. After the meanings were formulated the next step was to develop a list ofthemes that represented these meanings. During this step, it was important to referback to the original transcripts to ensure the themes were validated by thedescriptions.The list of themes were then integrated into an exhaustive description. Theexhaustive description is essentially a narrative that describes the phenomenon ofculture conflict as experienced by the five participants. Basically, it is the combinedstory of these woman and it reveals the commonality of their experience. Directquotes from the transcripts were used in the exhaustive description to highlight thepersonal nature of the experience. From the exhaustive description, the essentialstructure of the experience of culture conflict in second-generation Indo-Canadian45women was revealed. The essential structure represents the basic essence of theexperience.The final step involved validation of the results. After making a list of themesand weaving them into the exhaustive description and subsequently the essentialstructure, I returned to the participants for verification. Any discrepancies orrecommended changes were then incorporated into the final presentation of theresults.46Chapter IVRESULTSFormulation of ThemesAnalysis of the five transcripts revealed 29 themes. Each of these themesrepresent one aspect of the phenomenon of culture conflict as experienced by thesecond-generation Indo-Canadian women involved in this study. As much aspossible, the themes were based on the actual words of the participants.Some of the themes overlap with each other and may appear to be similar.For example, theme 22 (lying and keeping secrets), theme 23 (feeling as if they haveto hide true self) and theme 24 (leading a double life) are all interrelated themes andcould be grouped together under the category of lying and keeping secrets. However,these themes have been kept separate because each theme provides a more detailedpicture of the experience. For example, people in many situations may feel as if theyhave to hide their true self but they may not necessarily feel as if they are leading adouble life. These woman have experienced both; thus, the separate themes wereincluded to account for this difference.After the list of themes was compiled, it was presented to each of theparticipants for verification. Twenty-seven of the 29 themes were verified by all ofthe participants. The two themes that were not verified by all of the participants weretheme 12 (participants and their parents differ in their expectations regarding47marriage) and theme 19 (participants worried about possibly negatively affectingothers' lives).E disagreed with theme 12, stating that her parents' expectations regardingmarriage did not differ from hers. Her parents made it clear to her that it would beher choice whether or not to have an arranged marriage. They also have notindicated a desire for her to marry an Indian, although E believes that would be theirpreference. Where E and her parents do differ is in their views on dating. E'sparents did not permit her to date; they did not want her to date or be involved in aromantic relationship until after she has established herself in a career.B does not consider theme 19 to be reflective of her experience. She does notrecall worrying about the negative effects of her actions on others. She said shecould see why this theme would be significant for the other participants, but in hercase, it was not a consideration because of her family situation. Supportiveness andconcern for others were characteristics that were not prevalent in her family, thuseach person focused primarily on their own needs. As a result, she did not worryabout how her actions may negatively affect others. Also, she did not think she wasdoing anything wrong so she refused to accept responsibility for how others may havebeen affected by her actions.Although theme 12 and 19 were not verified by all of the participants, theyhave still been included in the results because they represent important themes forfour of the five participants.48The following is a list of the 29 themes. The exhaustive description andessential structure will be presented later in this chapter.Themes1. PARTICIPANTS BELIEVE THEIR EXPERIENCE IS UNCOMMON: Theparticipants all feel that their general experience of growing up in Canada wasdifferent from most other Canadians that they know. The difference stemsfrom growing up with two cultures that are very different from each other.2. FEELING RESTRICTED BY PARENTS: A strong sense of feeling restrictedby their parents colors the experience of the participants. They were notallowed to do many of the things that Canadians take for granted. Thisrestrictiveness is not just present in childhood and adolescence, but alsofollows them into adulthood.3.^FEELING AS IF THEY ARE MISSING OUT: At times, the participantshave felt as if they are missing out on activities that are taken for granted bymost Canadians. These activities range from spending time with friends todating openly to being able to live on their own.494. PARENTS FEAR THE NEGATIVE INFLUENCE OF THE CANADIANCULTURE: There are many aspects of the Canadian culture that the parentsdo not approve of and they worry about their daughters becoming involved insuch activities. As a result, they try to restrict their daughters' involvement incertain aspects of Canadian culture.5. PARENTS BELIEVE THEIR DAUGHTERS ARE DIFFERENT FROMOTHER CANADIANS: The parents stressed to their daughters that they aredifferent from other Canadians, and can never be like them because of theirdifferent cultural heritage.6. PARTICIPANTS IDENTIFY MORE WITH THE CANADIAN CULTURETHAN THE INDIAN CULTURE: The participants feel more comfortablewith the values and lifestyle of the Canadian culture compared to the Indianculture. They all identify more Canadian characteristics within themselvesthan Indian characteristics.7. PARTICIPANTS IDENTIFY WITH THE INDIAN CULTURE BUT REJECTCERTAIN ASPECTS OF THE CULTURE: All five participants presentlyfeel comfortable with their Indian heritage; but, there are some elements of theculture they do not agree with, especially its' oppressive nature and thelimitations it places on women.508. PARENTS DETERRED INTERACTION WITH MALES: The participants'parents attempted to limit unnecessary interaction between their daughters andunrelated males. The parents were guided by the cultural view that it isinappropriate for males and females to interact freely outside the bounds ofmarriage or family relationships.9. PARTICIPANTS WERE NOT PERMITTED TO DATE: The parents of theparticipants consider dating to be an undesirable activity that they do not wanttheir daughters taking part in. Dating is regarded as highly inappropriatebecause it violates the cultural taboo against male/female interactions prior tomarriage. Because of their parents' strong feelings against dating, theparticipants knew that if they did take part in any dating activities, they wouldhave to do so without their parents' knowledge.10. PARTICIPANTS DISAGREE WITH THEIR PARENTS' VIEWS ONDATING: The participants do not agree with their parents' views on dating.They agree with the mainstream view of dating, regarding it as a normalactivity that they should be allowed to participate in.11. PARENTS ADHERE TO TRADITIONAL INDIAN VIEWS ONSEXUALITY: The participants' parents do not approve of the mainstream51culture's views on sexuality. They disapprove of premarital sex and frownupon overt displays of affection such as holding hands or kissing in public.12. PARTICIPANTS AND THEIR PARENTS DIFFER IN THEIREXPECTATIONS REGARDING MARRIAGE: The participants and theirparents have differing opinions regarding different aspects of marriage such ashow to choose a marriage partner, who to marry and when to marry. Thisdifference in opinions is a major source of conflict for these women.13. PARENTS DO NOT VALUE INDEPENDENCE: The parents do not wanttheir daughters to become too independent. They believe major decisionsshould be made based on the needs of the family, rather than the individual;and, they also believe that parents have the right to make choices for theirchildren. These beliefs create conflict for the participants who wish to bemore independent in making life choices than their parents are willing toallow.14. PARENTS ARE CONCERNED WITH WHAT PEOPLE IN THECOMMUNITY WILL THINK: The parents of the participants do not wanttheir daughters behaving in any way that may reflect negatively on the family.Their concern with maintaining family honor causes them to stress to theirdaughters the importance of behaving in a culturally appropriate manner. This52concern over community acceptance creates pressure on the participants toconform to community ideals that are rooted in traditional viewpoints.15. PARTICIPANTS REGARD THE INDIAN COMMUNITY TO BEJUDGEMENTAL: The participants consider the Indian community to be quitejudgemental and gossipy; as a result, they can understand their parents'concerns with what the community will think. However, because theparticipants do not agree with many of the expectations of the Indiancommunity, it is sometimes difficult for them to conform to them, thus,making the participants possible targets for community gossip.16. CONFLICT BETWEEN PARTICIPANTS AND THEIR PARENTS: Theparticipants feel caught between the expectations of their two cultures. Themain conflict arises from the fact that they identify more with the Canadianculture than the Indian culture; thus, they have to deal with the possibility ofdisappointing their parents. All of the participants feel pressure to conform totheir parents' cultural expectations.17.^INTERNAL CONFLICT: Not only do the participants experience conflictwith their parents, but they also feel tremendous conflict within themselves.Because they identify with aspects of both cultures and have internalized values53from each culture, it is often a struggle for them to choose the appropriatecourse of action.18. PRESSURE: The participants feel constant pressure to live up to theirparents' expectations of them because the expectations are often contrary totheir own needs and goals.19. PARTICIPANTS WORRIED ABOUT POSSIBLY NEGATIVELYAFFECTING OTHERS' LIVES: The pressure experienced by the participantsis increased by the fear of negatively affecting other people such as theirparents or siblings by behaving in ways that may be considered culturallyinappropriate.20. FRUSTRATION: Frustration is a common experience for these women asthey continuously fight to be true to themselves and be accepted for who theyare. They feel frustrated at not being able to live their life the way they wouldprefer.21. RESENTMENT AND ANGER: The participants have experienced a lot ofresentment and anger towards their parents and the Indian community. Theyfeel anger towards their parents for not understanding their point of view andnot accepting them for who they are. They also resent not being able to live54their life the way they choose. Some of their anger is directed towards theIndian culture for its' oppressive nature and towards the Indian community forbeing so judgemental and gossipy.22. LYING AND KEEPING SECRETS: All of the participants have kept secretsfrom their parents about their involvement in activities that their parents woulddisapprove of. These women feel as if they are forced to lie. They believethere is no option but to lie if they want to experience certain things that areconsidered acceptable in Canadian culture but highly unacceptable in the Indianculture. They feel justified in keeping secrets, but they don't like having to doSO.23. FEELING AS IF THEY HAVE TO HIDE TRUE SELF: The participantsoften have to hide aspects of themselves from their parents because revealingtheir true selves would create problems. These women believe their trueselves would be unacceptable to their parents because they embody too manyaspects of Canadian culture. As a result, they often feel guarded with theirparents.24. PARTICIPANTS ARE LEADING A DOUBLE LIFE: All the lying and thedenial of their true selves makes the participants feel as if they are living adouble life. With their friends, they can be their real selves, but with their55parents and relatives, they put up a front and behave in culturally appropriateways. These women all take part in activities that their parents have noknowledge of.25. FEAR: The participants live in constant fear of being caught in their lies.They also fear what may happen to them if their parents discover that theyhave been taking part in activities that they consider inappropriate. Some oftheir fears are: fear of being further restricted, fear of disappointing theirparents, and fear of being disowned by their family.26. TENSION AND STRESS: The participants experience constant feelings ofstress and tension as a result of the pressure they are under. The feelingssurrounding the conflict are often overwhelming and everpresent, like a heavyweight that must be carried around. The constant state of tension negativelyaffects many areas of their life such as school and interpersonal relationships.27.^ALONENESS: At times, the participants have felt isolated in their struggle tomake the right choices. Because a lot of their conflict is internal, it has beendifficult to elicit the support of others. Some of the participants have foundthat it is difficult for their non Indian friends to fully understand theirdilemma.5628. PERIODS OF FEELING DEPRESSED AND DISCOURAGED: Theparticipants have, at times, felt as if they don't have control over their ownlife. They often feel as if they will never be able to live their life the waythey want. Feelings of hopelessness and powerlessness often characterizethese periods of discouragement.29. PARTICIPANTS UNDERSTAND THEIR PARENTS POINT OF VIEW:Despite the difficulty caused by their parents' expectations, the participants dounderstand their parents' viewpoint. Although all of them have experiencedfeelings of anger and resentment towards their parents, they have come torealize that their parents were only adhering to their cultural norms and weretrying to protect their daughters. They also understand how difficult it is fortheir parents to live in constant fear of what the members of the communitywill think.Exhaustive Description and Essential StructureContext for Viewing the Exhaustive DescriptionThe exhaustive description is a written narrative of the theme descriptions. Itweaves the themes together to illustrate the experience of culture conflict as it wasexperienced by the five participants. Although the themes are described in a linear57fashion, it is important to note that many of the themes were experiencedsimultaneously.Exhaustive DescriptionAll five participants were born and raised in Canada; yet, each of themconsider their growing up experience to be quite different from most other Canadians.They attribute the difference to the fact that they grew up being exposed to twocultures that were in many ways very different from each other: the Canadian cultureand the Indian culture. For these women, being exposed to these two diverse culturesoften meant being faced with two opposing value systems.Although the parents of the participants varied in the extent to which they hadassimilated into the Canadian culture, each of the participants considers her parents tobe traditional in many ways. In an attempt to instill traditional values in theirchildren, the parents often restricted their daughter's involvement in activities thatwere not typically Indian. D describes her parents as being "very strict". Sheremembers "they didn't even like me staying after school" or "going to friends'houses". E had to struggle just to be allowed to go to sleepover parties and B wasn'tallowed to go to school dances. The activities that many Canadian children andteenagers take for granted were often off limits to these women.58It was often a constant struggle just to achieve small gains. "It was sort oflike you had to beg, please, please" recalls D. The restrictiveness was a pervasivepart of the lifestyle of these women, sometimes even into adulthood. E "feltdeprived" when she was growing up; she remembers envying her friends' freedom togo out and have fun. She feels as if she "missed out" on a lot of normal activities asa youth.Parents' Desire to Maintain the Indian CultureThe parents' attempts to control their daughters' involvement in Canadianculture arose not only out of their desire to pass on their own cultural values, but alsofrom their desire to prevent what they perceive to be the negative influence of theCanadian culture. There are many aspects of the Canadian culture that the Indianparents find offensive and immoral. E's parents are "totally appalled" by certainelements of mainstream culture, especially the apparent promiscuity of the youth. Cbelieves that her parents regard certain behaviors and attitudes to be violations of thebasic values they grew up with.The parents all consider their Indian values and traditions to be something thatsets them apart from other Canadians. As a result, the message that has been passedonto their daughters is that they are different from other Canadians; therefore, theyare expected to behave differently. When B began school, her mother told her, "Youcan't think like white children, you can't be like white children, and you can't wantwhat white children want." A says her mother believed that "her culture must always59be different from any other culture." She advised A: "Don't get mixed up in thesense that you can also be like them because your culture is different and don't youforget it. They're not bad and you're not bad, but both are so different that you cannever interact."Often at the root of the parents' desire to restrict their daughters' interactionswith the Canadian culture, there seems to be a fear of rejection. They fear theirdaughter's possible rejection of the Indian culture, and perhaps even her parents. Athinks her mother is worried that she will "lose all awareness of her culture and she'llforget about her parents."Participants' Identification with the Majority CultureNone of the participants have lost awareness of their culture. Each of themrecognize characteristics of the Indian culture within their personality; they all holdcertain values which they trace back to their identification with the Indian culture.All five women consider themselves to be more Canadian than Indian in their identity.Their attitudes and preferences seem to be more in line with the Canadian culture thanthe Indian culture. "I think more Canadian than Indian" reflects E. Similarly, Bviews her "thoughts and consciousness" as being primarily "western". When hermother told her she couldn't be like white children, she recalls "so profoundly lookingup at her and knowing that I was already white". In considering her Indian identity,C describes herself as being "more of an intellectual Indian rather than just naturallyflowing from it because I am almost an observer at some levels."60The participants do not share their parents views on culture. Not only do theyhave different opinions on the importance of adhering to traditional values andmaintaining some distinctiveness from the majority culture, but they also differ greatlyin their perception of the Indian culture itself. All of these women find the Indianculture to be restrictive and limiting. B and C both describe it as a culture that canbe "very oppressive". To D, the Indian culture is "too restrictive, especially onwomen" and she finds herself wanting "more than my culture dictates". C'sstatement "I don't reject the culture but I reject a lot of aspects of it" seems to sum upthe feelings of all the participants. There are many aspects of the Indian culture thatthey value; but, at the same time, there are many other elements that they have greatdifficulty with.In addition to their different viewpoints on the merits of certain Indian culturalcharacteristics, the participants also reject their parents' ideas on the meaning ofculture in general. A sees herself as having a culture that is different from hermother's culture. "It's not the same as hers but she thinks because I'm Indian andshe's Indian, the cultures are the same." The difference in cultures, A points out, isdue to the fact that hers is an amalgamation of the Indian culture and the Westernculture, rather than only a continuation of the Indian culture.Like A, B does not agree with her mother's idea of different ethnic or racialgroups being so different that they can't interact beyond a superficial level. To her,people are "all the same" and "cultural stuff is so trivial". She sees cultural stuff "assomething to be enjoyed ... like icing on the cake". She does not consider cultural61background to be the "foundation" of who people really are. In her own life, shesays, "culture has always played a secondary role to my deeper inner self".C believes that the interaction of different cultural groups is more likely toenhance her cultural awareness rather than diminish it, as her parents fear. Sheobserves, "When you bring two cultures together ... you're forced to understand whatyour culture is".Dating and MarriageThe differences between the participants and their parents are especiallyevident in their attitudes towards dating and male/female relationships. All fivewomen find themselves battling their parents' traditional views on the subject. Datingis a concept not understood by the parents of the participants. The parents all grewup in a culture in which there were strict rules governing interaction between malesand females, and dating was basically non-existent since marriages were arranged byfamily members.Although the parents now live in a country in which interaction between malesand females is much freer, they still adhere to the views of their culture of origin.They regard dating as an undesirable activity, one that they don't want their daughtersparticipating in.The participants all knew from a young age how their parents felt aboutdating. B knew it was "forbidden" and C understood that "this is something that youcannot do. It's not acceptable" and "it's wrong". D recognized that "outright dating62would be a major problem". The messages received by these women were not alwayspresented in an overt fashion. Parents did not always come right out and warn themagainst dating. Sometimes the messages were presented in a more subtle manner. Adiscovered her parents' feelings through overhearing stories about other Indian girlswho had dared to go against their parents' wishes. She realized that "the unwrittenrule" was that she "wasn't supposed to do that".It was not just dating that parents disapproved of but any unnecessaryinteraction with males. C's parents tried to "deter interaction with boys" while B wasprevented from taking part in any high school activities where boys might be present."It was that simple. If there were boys there, you couldn't go." D still struggleswith this issue. She is twenty-one years old and her parents still have difficulty withher spending time with male friends. "If I say I'm going out for dinner with myfriends and there's going to be a couple of guys from school there, they would flip".Thus, from an early age, each of the participants knew how their parents andthe Indian culture felt about male/female relationships. At the same time, however,they were each immersed in a second culture in which it is considered normal forpeople to date and spend time with members of the opposite sex. The opposingmessages that they received have been at the root of many of their struggles. Theywere each faced with the dilemma of what to do in the face of such apparentcontradiction. B recalls "there was a lot of conflict in those years about what do I donow about dating?" All five women realized that if they did get involved in dating63activities or even interactions with male friends, it had to be without their parents'knowledge.Each of the participants has kept information about their interactions withmales from their parents. The nature of these interactions has ranged from coffeemeetings to a two year dating relationship to a relationship that eventually lead tomarriage. B, C, and E have all openly acknowledged their dating relationships to theirparents, but only after years of keeping secrets. B kept her boyfriend a secret fromher mother until she was ready to marry him, while E found herself downplaying thesignificance of her relationship with her boyfriend in order to gain her parents'acceptance. It was only after she had been dating her boyfriend for four and a halfyears that her parents finally acknowledged him.Much of the difficulty that these Indian parents have with dating relationshipsstems from their culture's views on sexuality. C believes they consider the idea ofpremarital sex to be "offensive". She goes on to say that "sexuality isn't discussedand a sexual relationship isn't permitted." Within the Indian culture, any overt signsof a sexual relationship are considered taboo. Kissing or holding hands in front ofothers, even between married couples, is highly frowned upon. These attitudestowards a physical relationship make it very difficult for those women that are in anopen dating relationship to have what theyconsider a "normal" relationship. C says "we don't even touch, like hold hands, infront of them" and she can't let her parents know it is something she would like to beable to do because "it would offend them and hurt them".64The differences in opinions about dating and male/female interactions alsocarry over into the area of marriage expectations. These women have faced a majorstruggle in reconciling their own and their parents' expectations regarding marriage.They hold conflicting opinions, not only about how to choose a marriage partner butsometimes also about who would be an appropriate partner and when the appropriateage is to get married.The parents of each of the participants all had an arranged marriage, havinggrown up in a culture in which that was the norm. In traditional Indian culture,marriage is viewed as a merging of families rather than individuals. As such, it is afamily decision. It is considered appropriate for parents and older family members tochoose marriage partners for their children.The parents of the participants seem to vary in the degree to which they wantto adhere to the traditional practice of arranged marriage. B grew up with the "veryheavy burden of arranged marriages". She recalls "I was in major conflict because Iknew what was expected of me was to have an arranged marriage." For C, theexpectation of arranged marriage "was never formally presented" but all around herwere examples of arranged marriages, and she knew the her parents wanted her tohave an arranged marriage. From an early age, she let her parents know that sherejected the idea of an arranged marriage, but her father continues to insist "you mustgive me some choice". E's parents seem to have adapted to a more western view ofmarriage. She remembers being told "I would never have to have an arranged65marriage and if I wanted one I would have one." However, their openness in thisarea is contrasted by their restrictiveness regarding dating.Another issue that causes difficulty is the perception of who an appropriatemarriage partner would be. All of the participants believe their parents would preferthat they marry an Indian. Some of the parents are adamant about this preferencewhile others would not totally object to a non Indian. The parents' preference for anIndian son-in-law relates in some ways to their desire to preserve their culturalheritage. C thinks her parents would prefer that she marry an Indian because "it'seasier; it's something they can understand more, like the other family" and "it's easierto keep the culture and traditions alive".For some of the parents, the issue of their daughter marrying an Indian isn'tjust a matter of simple preference; it is a matter of family honor. A believes that ifshe married a white man, "it would be the most humiliating thing in the world" forher family. She recalls her mother warning her that "if you ever marry a whiteperson, she'll never speak to me again".For B, who she should marry seemed to be a matter of life or death. Whatwas expected of her was not only that she marry an Indian, but also that she let herfamily choose her marriage partner. She remembers "it was a very heavy kind ofexpectation ... if you didn't you'd be - they never said - killed, but you certainly, as achild growing up got that impression". She struggled with the expectations that wereplaced on her, and she remembers asking herself, "is there any part of me that canrespond to that, or is my truth that I just can't ... that it's just not right to marry66someone you don't know". She came to realize that what was important was that "Ihave the right to marry who I feel close to or love." Despite reaching thatconclusion, she recalls that her decision to marry her white boyfriend was not acompletely happy decision since "it excluded my family because it was really clearthat if somebody ever married someone white, you're dead in their eyes."Not only did B fear being disowned from her family, but she also literallyfeared for her life. Her fear stemmed from an incident that took place while she wasin India. During her visit, a young woman was murdered by her father because hediscovered that she had a boyfriend. What frightened B the most was "the people'sresponse to it". She explains "there was no outrage, there was no feeling like thiswas something terrible that happened. It was like he had the right. He had justexerted his right to kill his daughter for seeing somebody". B's fear of death nevermaterialized, but another of her worst fears did come true: when she did marry awhite man, she was disowned from her family and ostracized by the Indiancommunity.B points out that Indian parents seem to have become a bit more flexible thanthey were at the time of her marriage which was in the early 1970's. It is becomingmore common to have partially arranged marriages that allow the prospective brideand groom to have some choice and involvement in the decision. C regards the moremodern approach as being "only superficially modified". She doesn't think theopportunity is provided for potential partners to really get to know each other beforethey make a commitment.67Another area of disagreement is the appropriate age at which to marry. BothA and D find themselves currently being faced with the pressure to marry soon. Bothof them are presently twenty-one years of age. D is experiencing pressure not justfrom her parents, but also from community members. She finds herself wanting tochange a few of her parents' expectations before she makes a commitment tomarriage. Her father originally wanted her to marry her cousin from India, and itwas only recently that she was finally able to dissuade him of that idea. He was veryset on the idea which for her was "too awkward" and "too gross". Now, the battleshe faces is to convince her parents that she does not want to marry someone fromIndia.Similar to D, A does not feel ready to get married. Her views on marriagehave changed over the last few years. She once thought that when she graduated "ifmy parents tell me to get married, I will". But now that that time has arrived, she isreluctant to follow through. She does not feel ready for marriage, and she doesn'twant to get married in the way her parents have planned; but, she is resigning herselfto the fact that her eventual marriage may not be everything she would like.Although A had a two year dating relationship with someone who was white,she thinks she will probably marry an Indian. "I seriously think my dad will dropdead if I don't". She realizes that marrying a white person will mean giving up herrelationship with her family, and she doesn't think it would be worth it. She does nottotally rule out the possibility of being in a long term relationship with someonewhite: "if I was to fall head over heels with a white guy and it was just incredible ...68anything is possible". However, she adds, "if an Indian guy half as good came intomy life, I'd probably marry the guy just to make my parents happy".If A does go through with the type of arranged marriage her parents want forher, she doesn't expect to ever "really love the guy". A does not believe the culturalmessage that a woman grows to love her husband. She says, "I think you grow to getalong with a person. I don't think you ever grow to love him".IndependenceCentral to the subject of getting married is the issue of choice and makingone's own decisions. This idea of being independent and making choices for oneself,not just as it relates to choosing a marriage partner, but also with regard to makinglife choices in general, is another area which stirs up conflict for the participants.Once again, they find themselves caught between two different sets of culturalexpectations.E considers this issue to be the biggest area of conflict for her because shesays "people here teach you to be independent" whereas Indian people "don't wantyou to". E doesn't like how dependent she was taught to be in her family, and sheprefers the Canadian way in which "you make decisions on your own and think foryourself". D faces a similar conflict with her mother who thinks "you can't be tooindependent if you're a girl".In the Indian culture, parents maintain much greater control over their childrenthan their counterparts in western culture. Parents are expected to make decisions for69their children, even when their children become adults. In their culture, the family,rather than an individual is the primary focus when major decisions are made. Thus,independence is not highly valued. D explains, "they don't ever do anything for theself ... it's always for the family, or for the betterment of the family ... they never doit for the betterment of the self". This focus on the collective unit makes it difficultfor an individual to act independently, even for something as seemingly simple asleisure activities. D's parents do not understand her desire to do things on her ownrather than with her family.C's struggle for independence has been an ongoing battle with her parents. Atage twenty-five, she is still living at home with her parents who do not approve of theidea of her moving out. They maintain the Indian view that it is not appropriate for asingle woman to live on her own. Like D's parents, they expect her to live at homeuntil she marries. C, however, is planning to move out on her own, and she expectsthat "the conflict that is going to surround that will be overwhelming".Community ExpectationsNot only have the participants struggled with the challenge of meeting theexpectations of their parents, but they have also been burdened with the extraresponsibility of fulfilling community expectations. Each of their parents socializeprimarily within the Indian community and all of the parents are concerned with howtheir daughters' behaviors will be regarded within that community. C recognizes thatthere is a lot of "peer pressure within the Indian community to have their children70children conform to a certain ideal". She believes that pressure "plays a big role" inthe expectations that parents pass onto their children. D suggests that one of thereasons her mother wouldn't want her to move out on her own is because "sheprobably doesn't like how it looks in the community". E also sees the influence thatthe community has on her parents. She thinks that some activities that her parentshave restricted her from are things "they could deal with but they're afraid of what alltheir friends would think".E describes Indian people as being "really judgemental" and "gossipy", adescription that has been echoed by the other participants. It is this judgementalnature that the parents fear. A points out that the parents' concern over what otherswill say is rooted in the fear of being blamed for their daughters' divergence fromcommunity traditions. She suggests, "They wouldn't say 'what did A do wrong?';they would say 'what did you do to raise A wrong?" Thus, it is in the parents' bestinterest to make sure their children do not behave in any way that may be considereddisgraceful.Feelings of ConflictThe many differences in viewpoint between the participants and their parentshave led to overwhelming feelings of conflict for them. All five women describefeelings of being torn in two directions. They feel caught between the expectations ofthe Indian and Canadian cultures. Their preference for Canadian values is what fuelsthe feelings of conflict between themselves and their parents. C describes herself as71being "caught between what I think and what they think", and D realizes that becauseher preferences are not those of her parents, they would not approve of the choicesshe would like to make. "I've realized that I can't have it my way and have them behappy with it - there's no way they would". C sums up the essential conflict as onethat requires "balancing what they perceive should be my values and what I feelshould be my values".The conflict experienced by the participants is not just the external conflictbetween themselves and their parents, but it also takes the form of an internal conflictwithin themselves. Each of them recognizes a part within herself that is the Indianside of herself, and sometimes there is difficulty in reconciling that side with theCanadian side.One value that all five women attribute to their identification with the Indianculture is their emphasis on the importance of family unity. It is this same value thatserves to heighten their feelings of conflict. Because family is so important to them,they have a difficult time placing their own needs ahead of the expectations of theirparents for fear of disappointing them. C confesses, "You do want the approval ofyour parents. I disagree with a lot of what they say, but it's really hard for me thatthey don't accept that". B also wanted to avoid disappointing her mother. "I wantedto please her. I wanted her approval. I didn't consciously want to marry somebodywhite and create all that conflict that would ensue".What each woman is faced with is the dilemma of determining what she shouldhave to sacrifice, if anything. How much should she compromise? B considers the72essential question to be: "How much do I owe a culture?" The answer to thatquestion has not been an easy one for any of the participants.Living in such a state of conflict brings with it an enormous feeling ofpressure for the participants - pressure to be a certain type of person, pressure toconform to an ideal, and pressure to sacrifice their own needs. C doesn't think herparents have any idea "how much pressure" she lives with on a daily basis.Similarly, B found the pressure to be "overwhelming", while E describes it as a "totalmental burden".The pressure experienced by these women is often increased by the realizationthat their actions may negatively influence the lives of others. A believes that if shemarries someone white, she's "looking at ruining at least half a dozen lives in mydirect family". Not only would her parents live in a state of shame, but her nieceswould be forced to tolerate greater restrictions because their parents would most likelypull them out of university for fear of them succumbing to the same negativeinfluence as A.D also worries about the negative impact on her younger siblings. "I'm theoldest so it's extra hard for me because it sets the tone for my brothers and sisters. IfI do something really wild, it's going to be really hard for them because my parentsare going to clamp down on them".With the feelings of pressure and conflict, come feelings of frustration. Eachparticipant has experienced some frustration in dealing with the conflicting demandsof the two cultures. A major part of the frustration arises from the inability to do the73things they would like to do. D felt frustration at an early age when she was notallowed to participate in extracurricular activities, and she continues to experiencesuch feeling of frustration when her parents do not understand her need to take part incertain activities, especially activities that do not include her family.Similarly, E's feelings of frustration have centered around the restrictionsplaced on her by her parents. At times, she felt as if she would never be able to dothe things she longed to do. She remembers thinking, "I'm not going to be able to doany of the things that I've wanted to do, and it's going to be too late. I'll never haveexperienced the things that most young people are supposed to experience".For C, the feelings of frustration arise not only from her parents inability tounderstand her need to spend time alone with her boyfriend, but also from theirattempts to restrict her independence. She believes, "They don't understand why Iwould have a conflict". Her parents' traditional views on premarital sex and physicalaffection between couples make it difficult for C to share her feelings with them. Shecannot discuss with them her concerns about the lack of privacy because "it wouldoffend them". C explains, "The ultimate thing is that I can't tell them some of themost personal details of why they cause me that pressure because it's unacceptable tothem". She goes on to say, "I wouldn't bluntly say to them, 'look, we don't havetime to be alone, to be romantic, to be sexually involved', because it would offendthem and hurt them more than it would benefit them". Consequently, she findsherself experiencing constant frustration at not being able to live the way she wouldlike.74A's frustration stems, in part, from not being able to openly discuss heropinions with her mother. It is difficult for her to explain to her mother why shedoesn't want to get married yet or why she disagrees with certain cultural practicesbecause her mother does not believe children have the right to question their parents."If I try to refute her or argue with her, she gets mad and says, who am I, as herdaughter, to be sitting there arguing with her". A believes this attitude stems fromthe Indian cultural view that parents do not have to respect their children, but childrenmust always respect and obey their parents, no matter what the circumstances. ForA, it is extremely frustrating to have to abide by such beliefs.Another common feeling shared by the participants is a feeling of resentment.The general sense of restrictiveness and lack of acceptance or understanding fromparents often stirred up feelings of resentment in these women. Not only did theyresent not having the same freedom as their peers, but they also resented having to besomeone they were not. Accompanying the feelings of resentment were often strongfeelings of anger - anger towards their parents and, often, towards the Indian culture.D and E both resented their parents for placing so many restrictions on them.D remembers the feeling of resentment being especially strong during her high schoolyears. Although she resented her lack of freedom, she found herself unable toconfront her parents. It was too difficult for her. "I'd get too emotional" she recalls.So instead, she chose to withdraw and isolate herself. It seemed easier to just acceptthe situation rather than to try to change it.75For E, the feelings of resentment seemed to build up over time. Sheharboured "a lot of resentment" and she remembers "the more strict they would get,the more resentful I would be". It also made her very angry that her parents did notunderstand how difficult the situation was for her. "I was really angry ... I thoughtwhat am I supposed to do? I've grown up here. I don't know any different ... Ithink I've done everything that any Canadian family could ever expect of their child".In C's situation, the feelings of resentment and anger are still very much a partof her experience. She resents her parents' lack of understanding of her needs, andshe feels angry that they make things so difficult for her. She resents her father'sconstant attempts to plan out her life, and finds herself avoiding discussion with himor reacting with "sarcastic, difficult responses".B's feelings of anger arose with the realization that her mother would doanything she had to to ensure that B married an Indian man instead of the whiteboyfriend she was in love with. While B was on a trip to India, her mother sent aletter to her relatives advising them that under no circumstances was B to leave Indiawithout being married to an Indian. Just prior to this, B had been considering givingin to her mother's wishes, but when she realized what her mother had planned, shefelt incredible anger. "I realized that here I was willing to sell out on myself andsurrender my life to my mother, and here they could so easily toss me aside like apiece of garbage that's just creating a problem". B was enraged to discover how littleher mother cared about her. From those feelings of anger, B gained a strong sense of76conviction to never sell out on herself. She says she realized that she had to careabout herself even if her family didn't.Lying and Keeping Secrets In addition to the strong negative emotions experienced by all the participants,they also share a pattern of keeping secrets from their parents. All five women havekept secrets and lied to their parents about their participation in activities that are notconsidered culturally appropriate. Each of them felt as if she had no choice but tolie. Lying seemed to be the only option that would allow them the freedom to takepart in activities that would otherwise be denied to them, activities that mostCanadians take for granted such as dating and spending time with friends.B kept many secrets from her mother, including the fact that she was in aserious dating relationship. She explains, "There was only one way, and that was thatI had to learn to lie straightfaced". Similarly, A confesses of her university years, "Iprobably lied more in those four years than I've ever lied to her". Because A wasliving away from her hometown while attending university, she found it was not toodifficult to keep her two year dating relationship a secret from her parents, especiallysince her friends in residence assisted her in maintaining her secret. She recalls, "I'dspend nights away from home and my friends would cover up for me".For D, even such things as attending movies had to be kept a secret during herhigh school years because her parents did not approve of her spending her time in77such a manner. She still cannot be honest with her parents about spending time withmale friends because of their strong disapproval of male/female interactions.E has also lied to her parents on many occasions. Although her parents knewabout her relationship with her boyfriend, she was secretive about how much time shewas actually spending with him. She tried to make the relationship seem less seriousthan it was. Like E, C also has had to create elaborate lies in order to be able tospend time alone with her boyfriend.None of these women enjoy having to lie, but all of them feel justified indoing so, and they have found that it becomes easier to do over time. E explains,"The more you do it, the more you get comfortable with it, and it didn't bother meafter a while". She adds, "I always tried to justify in my mind ... I should beallowed to do all these things because my girlfriends can do these things and theirparents know about it".A expressed similar feelings: "I didn't feel guilt. I understood why I wasdoing it. I would feel guilty if I knew deep down inside that there was anotheralternative, but I didn't see one". It was the only way, she saw that would allow herto enjoy her life without her parents being negatively affected by her actions.Basically, she felt "what they didn't know, wouldn't hurt them". D echoes thisfeeling; she states, "I realize if I want what I want without shattering them then I'mnot going to have to tell them anyway".Despite feeling justified in keeping secrets, the participants did, at times, havedifficulty with lying. C found it difficult to lie to her mother. "It's really hard78sometimes to sit face to face [when] you know you're blatantly lying". She sees thelying as "a destructive thing" that "eats at you". E also experienced similar negativefeelings. She observes "you always feel not happy about yourself feeling like you'rebeing deceitful".Through the lies, what each of these women was doing was denying who shereally was. "You are hiding a great part of yourself" acknowledges C. They couldnot let their parents see their real selves because those selves did not conform to theideals set forth by the Indian culture. Thus, because the real self was unacceptable, anew self was often created for the benefit of the parents. D observes that she and herIndo-Canadian friends find themselves acting in front of their parents. "We have toput on this show in front of them whereas behind the scenes we're not like what theythink we are". She goes on to say, "If they knew who we really were, they would betotally distraught".E describes a similar experience. She says, "For four years, my mom and daddidn't know who I was. I would be like a good girl doing whatever they wanted meto and were expecting me to do, and then I would just go and do my own thing".Being unable to share the realities of her life also meant being unable to share manyof her joys and sorrows. She recalls the time when her boyfriend gave her a ring. "Iwas so happy, and I would have loved to tell my mom and dad, but they would justfreak". Their lack of acceptance prevented her from sharing her feelings with them.Having to hide so many aspects of themselves and their lives makes theparticipants feel like they are leading a double life. B describes it as a "very Jekyl79and Hyde" type of existence, while E sees herself as someone with "two faces". Allof these women feel as if they lead two separate lives: one with their friends andanother with their family members.Leading a double life seems almost inevitable for these women. B explains, "Ithink I always knew I had to live a double life. So, one way of resolving the conflict,that cultural conflict during those early years was simply to live a double life". InD's observation, "Everyone leads double lives. When you're Indo-Canadian, you'vegot to unless your parents are really cool". She says, "I just live two lives.Basically, I have my own and then I have who I am with them - really different".Keeping secrets takes its toll on these women because accompanying thesecrets and lies is a tremendous amount of fear and tension. All five women havelived with the constant fear of being caught in their lies. E describes it as aneveryday fear". "I always have that feeling of fear or tension in me" she explains.For A, the feelings of fear were especially intense whenever she and her boyfriendwere in a public place where they might run into somebody Indian. The fear createda state of "total paranoia" for her as she worried about being recognized and reportedto her parents.At the root of the fear of discovery was a greater fear: what would happen ifthey got caught? Some of the participants feared disownment from their family. E'sparents told her outright that she would be disowned if she lived with her boyfriend.A also knew that disownment would be a possibility if her parents learned of herrelationship with a white man.80For B, the fear went even deeper. She feared for her life. The stories shehad heard of women being murdered by their families for going against familywishes, created tremendous fear in her. "I was in fear" she admits. "I was in terriblefear that because I was going to marry someone white that they were going to dosomething to me too".The fear that these women live with coupled with the constant feelings ofconflict surrounding the appropriate way to live their life creates incredible tension intheir lives. A describes her life as being "really full of tension", while E feels as ifshe is constantly carrying around a "really heavy burden". B also felt like she wascarrying a heavy weight. "It was overwhelming" she recalls, "like carrying thishuge, huge thing around all the time".In describing her feelings of conflict, C explains, "the tension really builds up... it really bothers me. It's always on my mind". The tension is so great for C thatwhen she finally has time alone with her boyfriend, she often can't even enjoy itbecause she continues to fear that her parents will discover the intimate nature of herrelationship with her boyfriend.The tension and stress felt by the participants is not just experienced on aninternal level, but also manifests itself in many external forms. D points out, "thestress is tremendous". She believes "you have to be intelligent to deal with all thestress or something's going to have to give". That something is often school success.For E, it was not only her academic success that was affected, but also many otherareas of her life. She remembers, "I was so stressed that it was actually affecting my81health ... my life ... and my mood". The stress, she says, also caused strain in herrelationship with her boyfriend.Another common feeling sometimes experienced by the participants was thefeeling of being alone in their struggle. E recalls "I never had anybody to relate to.I didn't know what to do or who to talk to ... there wasn't any kind of support". ForB, the feelings of being alone were constant. "I've just always done it alone", shesays. She recounts many instances of feeling totally alone in the world while shestruggled to make the right choices. She never shared her pain with anybody, not herfriends, and not her siblings. The very nature of the conflict, the internal aspect of it,makes it, in many ways, a very personal struggle. As such, it can make for a verylonely experience.For D, the feelings of being alone were most evident when she first moved toVancouver, and was not allowed the freedom to go out with friends. She felt veryalone and isolated at that time. In E's case, the feelings of aloneness were heightenedby the fact that she did not have any Indo-Canadian friends; thus, making her feel asif she was the only one experiencing such a conflict. In contrast, D has been able togain support from her Indo-Canadian friends because they are all struggling with thesame conflict. Both D and E have found that their non Indian friends, supportive asthey may be, cannot fully understand the intense struggle involved in having toreconcile the demands of two opposing cultures.In the midst of their struggles, all five women have experienced periods ofdepression and discouragement. These low periods are characterized by feelings of82hopelessness, powerlessness and lack of control over their lives. D remembersexperiencing such feelings during high school. "I used to get depressed a lot" sheacknowledges. In B's case, the feelings of pain and hopelessness and alienation wereso strong that she even considered suicide at one point. C's struggle for privacy andindependence is characterized by a "sense of hopelessness". At this point, she feelsas if she has "no refuge", no place to go where she can just be herself.Understanding of Parents' ViewpointDespite the tremendous conflict experienced by each of these women,primarily due to the traditional expectations of their parents, they all have someunderstanding of their parents' point of view. Each of them have experiencedfeelings of resentment and anger towards their parents, but they know their parentsdid not consciously want to make things difficult for them.E sees her parents' restrictiveness as their way of protecting her fromperceived negative influence. She realizes they only wanted what was best for her.C also understands her parents' perspective. She says, "I kind of understand why ...I don't agree with it, but I understand where they're coming from". She understandsthat her parents are only doing what they know how; that they are acting from theirown cultural point of view.B has great compassion for her mother's struggle. She thinks the conflict waseven more difficult for her mother than it was for herself. She says, "Even thoughtheir position is very different from mine culturally, I don't see so much that I am the83generation that carries the brunt of the conflict. I really see that my mother'sgeneration are the ones who suffer so greatly with this conflict. And the conflict isalways do I go with what society wants and what my culture and religion say, or do Igo with love and be there with my children".Context for Viewing the Essential StructureThe essential structure represents the basic essence of the experience of cultureconflict. It condenses the exhaustive description to reveal only the core elements ofthe experience. The purpose of the essential structure is to describe the experience ofculture conflict as succinctly as possible.Essential StructureSecond-generation Indo-Canadian women whose parents adhere to aspects oftraditional culture, believe their experience of growing up in Canada is different frommost other Canadians because they are socialized into two very different cultures. Afeeling of being restricted is common in the experience of these women. They findthemselves being restricted from many activities that are taken for granted by mostCanadians. As a result, they often feel as if they have missed out on activities thatare considered a normal part of the life of Canadians.The restrictiveness of these women's parents often arises from their fear of thenegative influence of the Canadian culture. They do not want their daughters taking84part in activities which, although considered acceptable in the Canadian culture, arenot approved of in the Indian culture.These women grow up with the message that they are essentially differentfrom other Canadians because of their Indian heritage. Their parents often distinguishbetween "us" and "them", with "us" being Indians and "them" being other Canadians.These second-generation Canadians, however, consider themselves to be moreCanadian than Indian. They have a stronger identification with the Canadian culturethan the Indian culture. Despite their stronger identification with the Canadianculture, these women do feel comfortable with their Indian heritage and enjoy manyaspects of the culture. However, there are some elements of the culture that theystrongly object to.These women were often prevented or discouraged from freely interacting withmales, and they were not permitted to date. Their parents did not approve of theCanadian idea of dating. The women, themselves, do not agree with their parentsobjections to dating. The topic of sexuality was not discussed in the homes of thesewomen. Their parents did not seem to approve of how sexuality is regarded inCanadian culture.In addition to the differences in their opinions about dating, second-generationIndo-Canadian women also differ from their parents in their ideas about marriage.They have different views on one or all of the following: how to choose a marriagepartner (i.e. partner chosen by individual versus partner chosen by parent), who asuitable marriage partner would be, and when the appropriate age is to marry.85The topic of independence is also another source of disagreement betweenparents and daughters. The parents do not value independence in the same way that itis valued in the Canadian culture. Instead, they encouraged their daughters to put theneeds of the family before their own.The parents of these women are very concerned with what people in the Indiancommunity think about them. The daughters were all brought up with the messagethat it is very important to conform to cultural expectations in order not to bringdisgrace to the family name. The women understand their parents concern overcommunity gossip because they recognize that gossip is an important form of socialcontrol in the Indian community. This realization makes it difficult for the secondgeneration woman because she doesn't always want to conform to communityexpectations because she does not agree with all of them, yet she does not want tojeopardize her family honor.The differing expectations of the Canadian and Indian cultures leaves thesewomen feeling as if they are being torn in different directions. The feelings ofconflict arise primarily because they identify more with the Canadian culture than theIndian culture, thus making it difficult to fulfill the expectations of their parents. Inaddition to the conflict these women experience with their parents, they also feelinternal conflict because their identification with aspects of both cultures sometimesmakes it difficult for them to determine which cultural message to adhere to.Second-generation Indo-Canadian women often feel pressured to live up to thecultural expectations of their parents which are often the opposite of their own86cultural views. The pressure is sometimes increased with the concern over negativelyaffecting other people if their actions are perceived as culturally inappropriate.Feelings of frustration are common for these women as they struggle to livetheir life as they would prefer. These women also experience anger and resentmenttowards their parents and the Indian community for not accepting them for who theyreally are, and for making it difficult for them to live like other Canadians.Because of their parents restrictiveness and negative opinions of the Canadianculture, these women often lie to their parents about their involvement in activitiesthat are not approved of by the Indian culture. These are usually activities that areacceptable and commonplace in the Canadian culture. The women feel justified intheir lies because they do not see any other way to be able to participate in activitiesthat they believe they should be freely allowed to take part in.These women often feel as if they cannot be their true selves with theirparents. They do not think their real self would be acceptable, so they end up hidingparts of themselves. In many ways, these women are living a double life; outside oftheir parents and ethnic group's view, they live a life that their parents have no ideaof. With their parents and relatives, they behave one way and with members of themajority culture they behave another way.Because of the many lies and secrets they keep from their parents, thesewomen often live in fear of being found out. They also fear what might happen tothem if they are discovered. Feelings of stress and tension are common in theexperience of these women. The stress sometimes affects many other areas of their87life such as their emotional and physical health as well as academic performance andinterpersonal relationships.At times, these women feel alone in their struggle. They feel as if theirfeelings of conflict can not really be understood by anyone who has not experienced asimilar conflict. In addition to feeling alone, these women also experience periods ofdiscouragement and depression during which they feel as if they will never be able tolive their life as they would like.Despite all the conflict experienced by these women as a result of theirparents' traditional expectations, they do understand their parents' point of view.They realize their parents are only acting from their own cultural perspective.SummaryIn this chapter, 29 themes representing the experience of culture conflict werepresented. These themes were then formulated into the exhaustive description andsubsequently, the essential structure. In the next chapter, these results will bediscussed, and implications for counselling and further research will also be explored.88Chapter VDISCUSSIONIn this chapter, the results of this study will be discussed in terms of thetheoretical implications as well as the implications for counselling and furtherresearch. The limitations of the present study will also be discussed.Theoretical ImplicationsThe results of the present study indicate that the experience of culture conflictis a very real experience for the second-generation Indo-Canadian women whoparticipated in this study. These results provide support for previous studies (Aldwin& Greenberger, 1987; Leutgart, 1977; Mendelberg, 1986; Pallotta-Chiarolli, 1989;Sommers, 1960; Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981) that suggest that individuals whoare socialized into two different cultures are likely to experience various types ofdifficulties. The culture conflict experienced by these Indo-Canadian women plays asignificant role in their lives, influencing their emotions, their behavior and manyother aspects of their lives. In contrast to the low levels of conflict reported byRosenthal (1984) and Rosenthal, Demetriou & Efklides (1989) in their studies ofsecond-generation Italian-Australians and Greek-Australians, the conflict experiencedby the Indo-Canadian women in the present study is intense and overwhelming attimes. All five women experience the conflict as being an everpresent, pervasive part89of their lives. B and C describe it as a "major conflict", and D used the words"traumatic" and "painful" to describe the seriousness of the conflict.Feeling differentThe participants all reported feeling as if their life experiences were in manyways very different from most of their Canadian peers. Growing up with a secondculture created difficulties for these women that many of their peers would never haveto face. Although they have had a different experience as a result of their dualculture, all five women consider themselves to be essentially the same as otherCanadians. Yet, they were often made to feel like they couldn't be like otherCanadians. Their parents often emphasized that they were different as a result oftheir Indian heritage, and consequently, they were expected to behave differently. B'smother told her at a young age that she could not be like white children, and A'smother told her "Don't you get mixed up in the sense that you can also be like them[white Canadians] because your culture is different and don't you forget it".These findings are similar to those reported by Pallotta-Chiarolli (1989). TheItalian-Australian women in her study reported feeling different from other Australianwomen because they were expected to behave differently. Their parents reinforcedthe idea of "us and them" in order to maintain a degree of separateness. Similarly,the women in the present study felt that their parents were trying to keep themseparate from other Canadians. All five women were often restricted from taking partin activities that most of their Canadian peers freely participated in.90Previous research on Indo-Canadians (Buchignani & Indra, 1985; Ramcharan,1984; Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981) indicates that this restrictiveness is common inIndo-Canadian families. The Indian parents' preference for their own culturalpractices combined with their fear of the negative influence of the Canadian cultureoften leads them to restrict their children's behavior in an effort to ensure theirchildren will behave in culturally appropriate ways. For the women in this study,their parents' restrictiveness often made them feel as if they were missing out on whatthey considered to be normal experiences.Identification with the Canadian CultureThe restrictiveness of Indian parents is partly due to the fear that their childrenwill become too Canadianized and lose awareness of their cultural heritage (Wakil,Siddique & Wakil, 1981). They worry about their children's preference for aCanadian way of life. The fears of Indian parents may have some basis in reality.All five women in the present study identify more with the Canadian culture than theIndian culture.It is not difficult to see where their identification with the Canadian culturestems from. They are socialized into the Canadian culture from an early age. Theyare educated in Canadian schools, have Canadian friends, watch Canadian television,listen to Canadian radio stations and read Canadian magazines and books.Essentially, they are immersed in the Canadian culture. In contrast, their parents91socialize primarily with other Indians and maintain many traditional Indian viewpointsand practices.Stonequist (1937) identified this difference in level of acculturation into themajority culture as being an underlying cause of the conflict betweensecond-generation individuals and their parents. Many immigrant parents prefer tomaintain their culture of origin and, as a result, they do not become involved in themajority culture to the same extent as their children. In many ways, the parents andchildren end up living in two different cultures. Although the children are socializedinto the parental culture as well, at some point, it begins to play a secondary role. Asa result, they begin to form a cultural identity that is very different from their parents.The parents may not recognize the fact that their children have a differentculture. A's mother believed that she and her daughter shared a similar culturebecause they are both Indian. A, on the other hand, realizes that each of themidentifies with two very different cultures; and, as a result, they have different viewson how to live their lives.The conflicts that arise when the children of immigrants identify more with themajority culture than their parents' culture have been documented by previousresearchers (Aidwin & Greenberger, 1987; Leutgart, 1977; Mendelberg, 1986;Sommers, 1960). Even researchers who challenge the idea of culture conflict (Kelly,1989; Rosenthal, 1984; Rosenthal, Demetriou & Efklides, 1989; Weinrich, 1986,1989), have found that when conflict does exist for second-generation individuals, it isusually evident when they have a strong identification with the majority culture.92Mendelberg (1986) and Weinrich (1986, 1989) suggest that when children ofimmigrants become socialized into the majority culture, they often begin to questiontheir earlier identifications. This preference for the values of the majority culturecreates conflict between second-generation individuals and their parents. The womenin the present study have all experienced conflict with their parents because of theiridentification with the Canadian culture.The conflict, however, is not just experienced as an external conflict withanother person. It is also experienced internally as a conflict within oneself. All fivewomen experienced feelings of being torn between the two cultures because of theiridentification with aspects of each culture. Although their primary identification iswith the majority culture, each of them identifies parts of herself that are reflective ofher Indian heritage. This dual identification often creates difficulties in choosingwhich cultural values to adhere to.Some researchers (Isajiw, 1975; Mendelberg, 1986; Sommers, 1960) havefound that many second-generation individuals reject or deny their ethnic heritage intheir attempts to be more like members of the majority culture. This finding was notevident in the present study. The participants in this study all expressed anappreciation of their ancestral culture. All five women have experienced difficultiesas a result of their Indian heritage, and there are aspects of the culture that they donot approve of, but they do not reject the culture itself. The aspects of the culturethat they seem to have most difficulty with are its' traditional views on the role ofwomen, male/female relationships and the emphasis on parental authority.93Although the participants all presently feel comfortable with the Indian part ofthemselves, two of them did acknowledge having experienced some of the feelings ofshame and embarrassment that were identified by other researchers (Leutgart, 1977;Mendelberg, 1986; Sommers, 1960). C remembers occasionally being embarrassedby elements of the Indian culture. She did not want her friends to think of her asbeing different. For B, the negative feelings appeared to be much stronger. Sheadmits to being ashamed of being Indo-Canadian, and she acknowledges that it tookher a long time to feel good about being Indo-Canadian. Now B finds she can enjoyher Indian heritage. "I can take the culture so wonderfully now because there are nomore conflicts with it". All five women now appreciate their Indian identity. Theystill experience difficulties that stem from having a dual culture, but none of them hasa desire to deny her heritage.These women's preference for the Canadian culture has been interpreted bysome as a rejection of their Indian heritage. Rather than viewing their behavior asrejection, a more appropriate way to view it may be as Isajiw (1990) suggests - thesewomen are simply living their life according to the values of the culture into whichthey have been socialized, namely the Canadian culture. As E puts it, "What am Isupposed to do? I have grown up here." She believes that she is just living her lifeaccording to the Canadian culture into which she was born. Like the other fourparticipants, she does not think identifying with the Canadian culture means that sheis rejecting her Indian heritage.94Value DifferencesMany of the beliefs and values emphasized by the Indian culture conflict withthe beliefs and values of the Canadian culture. In many ways, these two cultures arealmost at opposite ends of the individualistic/collectivist continuum. Among the manyvalue differences apparent between these two cultures, the one topic that created themost conflict for all the participants was the topic of dating and marriage. Thisfinding supports the previous research (Buchignani, 1984; Buchignani & Indra, 1985;Ghosh, 1984; Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981) that also identified the valuedifferences around dating and marriage to be the most conflict ridden forIndo-Canadians.The women in this study all indicated that their views on dating and marriagewere very different from their parents. Their parents still adhered to the traditionalIndian view that parents should be involved in choosing marriage partners for theirchildren, while the participants preferred the Canadian way of dating and choosingone's own marriage partner.This basic difference in viewpoint created much conflict for all five women.They all realized from an early age that it would not be acceptable for them to takepart in the dating practices that are common in Canadian culture. They knew thataccording to Indian culture, dating is "forbidden" and "wrong" and "morallyoffensive". Yet, their socialization into the Canadian culture taught them that datingand falling in love are desirable activities that everyone wishes to participate in .95Thus, the messages conveyed to them by their two cultures were totally opposite toone another.Another basic value difference that created conflict for the second-generationIndo-Canadian women in the present study was the differing perception ofindependence in the two cultures. Previous research with other ethnic groups(DeAnda, 1984; Leutgart, 1977; Sommers, 1960) has also identified this conflictingview of independence to be a major source of conflict for second-generationindividuals.Underlying the issue of independence is the contrasting views surroundingparent-child relationships. In traditional cultures, like the Indian culture, there ismuch emphasis placed on parental authority and filial piety (Hui & Triandis, 1986).Individualistic cultures, on the other hand, promote equality and mutual trust inparent-child relationships. Sommers (1960) observed that it is very difficult forsecond-generation individuals to accept the concepts of unconditional parentalauthority and everlasting filial piety when they are being socialized into a culture thatemphasizes democratic values and ideals. For the participants in this study, it hasbeen difficult for them to accept that their parents know what is best for them. Yet,they have not always been able to challenge their parents beliefs.It must be noted that some of the themes that have been identified in this studyare not necessarily relevant only to second-generation Indo-Canadian women. It isnot uncommon for Canadian parents and children to have differing views on issues96such as dating, independence and parental authority. As a result we cannotconclusively state that all of the themes are reflective only of cultural differences.Dealing with the ConflictAlthough the issues of dating, independence and parental authority have allbeen identified in previous research as major sources of conflict for second-generationindividuals, there has been minimal attention paid to what actually takes place forthose involved in this conflict. The present study has been able to elaborate onprevious findings. The results of this study reveal many aspects of the experience ofculture conflict that have not previously been discussed in the literature.Many negative emotions accompanied these women's attempts to cope with theconflicting demands of their two cultures. Frustration, resentment and anger were allcommon themes for these women as they faced constant pressure to conform to theexpectations of the Indian culture. As they became increasingly socialized into theCanadian culture, they were less able to accept the views set forth by the Indianculture. Their parents beliefs and values began to appear outdated andinappropriate within the Canadian context. Yet, it was difficult for them tocompletely shed the traditional values that had been ingrained in them from birth.These women felt incredible pressure to conform to their parents' expectations.The Indian culture's emphasis on obeying parents and maintaining family honor madeit extremely difficult for them to go against their parents' expectations. In their97research on Indo-Canadian families in Canada, Wakil, Siddique & Wakil (1981) foundthat this concept of family honor ("izzet") played an important role in curtailing theactions of Indo-Canadian offspring:This awareness or commitment, was experienced as anobligation on the part of the children, albeit much more strongly by thefemales who are considered the repository of the "izzet" of the family.Clearly, a racial-ethnic outmarriage by a female will be a serious blowto the family honor not just by the fact of such a marriage alone butalso as indicative of the fact that the parental wishes and authority wereviolated. (p.937)The participants in the present study all struggled with this issue of familyhonor. Their allegiance and loyalty to their family created incredible conflict forthem. They understood their parents fears of being disgraced, yet they felt unable tounquestioningly abide by their parents' expectations. All of these women felt caughtbetween what they considered appropriate and what their parents believed wasappropriate.The participants all wanted to be able to date and take part in other activitiesthat their Canadian peers took for granted, but they knew that these behaviors wereunacceptable to their parents. Behaviors such as dating and interacting freely withmale friends would be considered disgraceful by their parents.The common response of all five women to this dilemma was to lie and keepsecrets from their parents. They all realized that lying was the only way they would98be able to take part in what they considered to be normal activities. All five womenstressed that they did not see any choice but to lie. Although none of them likedbeing deceitful, they did not feel guilty about lying because it seemed to be the onlyalternative. A explained, "I didn't feel guilt. I understood why I was doing it ... Iwould feel guilt if I knew deep down inside there was another alternative, but I didn'tsee one."Essentially these women were unable to show their parents their real selves -the selves that were Canadian and wanted to live like other Canadians. This theme ofhaving to deny their true selves is a theme that has not previously been identified inthe literature. It gives us some insight into the enormous pressure faced by thesewomen as they struggled to satisfy the demands of their parents while, at the sametime, trying to be true to their own needs and values. This theme also suggests thatthe experience of culture conflict may also affect the level of intimacy and closenessbetween the participants and their parents. If these women feel as if they cannotreveal their true selves to their parents there is a strong likelihood that they are unableto feel genuinely close to their parents.All of the women in this study have found that it is difficult for others tounderstand the depth and intensity of their struggle. Their non Indian friends wonderwhy they don't just stand up to their parents. These friends don't understand thecultural ties and pressures that make it difficult for these women to openly challengetheir parents' beliefs.99Although there has not previously been a focus on the second-generationindividual's inability to show her true self to her family, previous studies (Lian, 1982;Mendelberg, 1986; Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990; Weinrich, 1986, 1989) havefocused on the relationship between dual cultural background and problems inachieving a sense of self. Lian (1982) and Spencer & Markstrom-Adams (1990)suggest that individuals who have been socialized into two different cultures may havedifficulty achieving a clear sense of who they are.The results of the present study do not support this finding. None of thewomen in this study indicated having difficulty in the area of identity formation. Allof them seem to have a clear sense of their identity and their values. What they dohave difficulty with is being able to be their true selves and live their lives accordingto the values they believe in.The way that each woman coped with the conflicting demands of her twocultures was to create a double life. With her family, she behaved in ways that wereconsidered appropriate according to the Indian culture, and with her friends and othermembers of the Canadian culture, she behaved according to their culturalexpectations. Within the Canadian culture, each of these women feels more like hertrue self, whereas within the Indian culture, she feels as if she is denying who shereally is. D explains that with her family, she must "put on a front" because her trueself would be unacceptable. "If they knew who we really were" she says, "theywould be totally distraught".100Although this theme of leading a double life is a common experience for all ofthe participants, it is a theme that has not been addressed in the literature. Stonequist(1937) alluded to it when he spoke of a "divided self" and a "dual personality", butthese observations have not been expanded upon by other researchers.When we examine some of the emotions experienced by these women duringtheir experience of culture conflict, we can achieve a better understanding of theoverwhelming nature of this experience. The pressure placed on them by theirparents to behave in culturally appropriate ways was intense. All of them experiencedit as a constant feeling of tension. B explains, "It was like carrying this huge, hugething around all the time".Along with the pressure and tension came fear and anxiety over what wouldhappen to them if they didn't conform to their parents' expectations. The emphasison maintaining family honor made them realize that if they behaved in ways that wereconsidered disgraceful by the Indian community, they could possibly face disownmentfrom their family. The amount of concern over possible disownment experienced byeach woman seemed to vary according to how traditional her parents were. C andE's parents seem less traditional than the other parents; thus, they seem to besomewhat more open to their daughters choosing their own marriage partner orpossibly marrying a non Indian, although that would not be their preference. Incontrast, A & B's parents made it clear that an interracial marriage would be totallyunacceptable. A believes she would be disowned if she marries a non Indian because101her parents believe it is the most disgraceful thing she could do. For B, the fears ofdisownment actually did come true when she married an non Indian.Two other important themes that were revealed in this study were the themesof aloneness and depression. The theme of depression has previously been exploredby Aldwin & Greenberger (1987). They discovered that there was a relationshipbetween parents' value orientation and depression in Korean-American students.Aldwin & Greenberger revealed that depression was more prevalent in thoseparticipants who's parents adhered to traditional values. This finding would appear tobe relevant to the present study. All of the women in this study identify their parentsas being traditional in some ways.The theme of aloneness has not previously been addressed in the literature onculture conflict. This theme is especially relevant from a counselling perspectivesince these women have all felt as if others can not understand what they are goingthrough. This finding suggests that it is imperative for counsellors to gain anunderstanding of what this experience involves.When reviewing the results of this study, it is important to keep in mind thatmany different factors may affect each woman's experience of culture conflict.Earlier it was illustrated how the parents level of adherence to traditional cultureaffected the participants fears of what would happen to them if they married a non-Indian. Other factors that may have some affect are: religious background, parents'occupation and level of education, and participants' birth order. Each of these factorsand many others interrelate to shape each woman's unique experience of culture102conflict. Despite the many differences, however, many common themes have beenrevealed to provide us with a picture of the core elements of the experience of cultureconflict.Summary The results of this study confirm previous studies that suggest that cultureconflict may be experienced by individuals who grow up with two cultures. Anotherfinding that was supported by this study is that culture conflict is usually intensifiedwhen second-generation individuals begin to identify more with the majority culturethan the parental culture. Consistent with previous studies on Indo-Canadians, thepresent study identified the issue of dating and marriage as the most conflict riddenfor second-generation Indo-Canadians.This study was able to go beyond the results of previous studies by identifyingadditional themes in the experience of culture conflict for second-generationIndo-Canadians. Some of the important themes that were identified were: having tohide true self, leading a double life, feelings of pressure, frustration, resentment,anger, fear, depression and aloneness. These themes, along with the otherspreviously mentioned, all provide us with a better understanding of what theexperience of culture conflict is like for the second-generation Indo-Canadian womenwho lived it.103Limitations of the StudyOne of the limitations of the present study is the size of the sample. Becausethere were only five women involved in this study, the generalizability of the resultsmay be limited. However, because of the indepth focus of this study, and because ofthe consistency of the results between the five participants, there is a likelihood thatthe results may be applicable to other individuals who are in a similar situation.Another limitation of this study has to do with the methodology used.Participants were asked to recount experiences that have taken place in the past. As aresult, their recollections may not be a completely accurate representation of theactual experience.A final limitation that must be acknowledged is the possible influence of myown biases. Although every attempt was made to maintain objectivity throughout thisstudy, there is the possibility that my own subjective assumptions may have had someinfluence.Implications for Further Research The purpose of the present study was to explore culture conflict from theperspective of individuals who have experienced it. This study confirmed theexistence of culture conflict in a group of second-generation Indo-Canadian women.104It also expanded upon the existing knowledge in the area of culture conflict byproviding a better picture of what the experience actually involves.Further research possibilities in this area are vast. A replication of this studywith other groups of second-generation Canadians would allow us to see if the themesthat were identified with Indo-Canadians hold any relevance for other ethnic groups.A study could also be done with Indo-Canadian men to determine if gender plays asignificant role in the experience of culture conflict.Another group that could be studied is the immigrant parents of individualswho have experienced culture conflict. To gain an understanding of the parents'perspective would allow us to obtain a clearer picture of the overall experience ofculture conflict. Research in this area could have important implications forcounselling families who are involved in this experience.In addition to focusing on the specific groups of people outlined above, furtherresearch could also be conducted on specific areas within the broader topic of cultureconflict. Some specific topics that may warrant further research are:a) the relationship between culture conflict and identification with themajority culture;b) focus on the topic of dating and marriage;c) focus on how individuals are able to resolve the conflict;d) a comparison between second-generation individuals who haveexperienced culture conflict and those who have not.105As mentioned earlier, the research possibilities in this area are vast. Verylittle research has been conducted on the topic of culture conflict in second-generationCanadians; thus, there is still much that is not known about this experience. Anyfurther exploration in this area can only add to our understanding of this experience.Implications for CounsellingThe present study offers insight into a problem that most counsellors havelimited knowledge of, yet it is a problem that many second-generation individuals mayencounter. The results of this study indicate that culture conflict can have a powerfulimpact on the lives of second-generation Indo-Canadians. Although this study focusesonly on Indo-Canadians, the knowledge gained from this study may also have somerelevance to the experience of other groups of second-generation Canadians.It is important for counsellors to have an understanding of what is involved inthis experience. The participants in this study all found that it was difficult for themto share their experience with others because they often met with a lack ofunderstanding. Their friends often could not see beyond their own value systems tounderstand why these women felt bound by the Indian culture even though they didnot agree with many of the values it espoused. Counsellors working with theseclients must remain aware of their own values and understand how those values mayinfluence their approach to counselling.106Probably the most important thing that a counsellor can do to help individualswho are experiencing culture conflict, is simply to allow them to tell their story. Allof the participants in the present study indicated that it was therapeutic for them to beable to discuss their experience with someone who understood. They seemed to wantvalidation that what they had or were experiencing was in fact a difficult experience.Some clients may not be sure of which cultural values they want to identifywith. They may be feeling torn between opposing values. The counsellor can helpthem to explore these values in greater detail in order to determine what personalmeaning they hold for them.Clients may also require help in determining possible courses of action. Therole of the counsellor at this point is to help the client explore possible courses ofaction in terms of what consequences may result from each. For example, if anIndo-Canadian woman is trying to decide whether or not to marry a non Indian, itwill be necessary to explore the potential positive and negative consequences of such amarriage. If there is a possibility that her parents will not approve of such amarriage, she will need to consider how she will handle being cut off from herfamily. Some questions that may need to be addressed are: Is it more important forher to be with her boyfriend or with her family? How will her potential disownmentfrom her family affect her relationship with her future husband? If a client doeschoose to confront her parents, she may require help in devising a plan of action.The counsellor's role may also involve helping the client to deal with intenseemotions such as anger, guilt, resentment and depression. Clients may also need to107on the areas of their life that are being affected by the negative emotions. Some areasthat may be affected are: school or work performance, interpersonal relationships andthe individual's self-concept.In working with clients that are experiencing culture conflict, groupcounselling may be a desirable approach. Because second-generation individuals feelthat their experience is one that is not readily understood by most people it may bebeneficial for them to share their experience with others who have first handknowledge of that experience. Several of the participants in the present studyindicated a desire to meet other Indo-Canadian women who were like them. Groupcounselling would allow these individuals to share their stories, and normalize andvalidate each others' experiences. A group setting would also allow individuals tolearn new strategies for coping.Family counselling may be another alternative in dealing with the problem ofculture conflict. Counsellors may be able to act as mediators, and assist parents andchildren in understanding each others' point of view. The role of the counsellor inthis case may be to help all of the individuals involved to gain a better understandingof how each of them are influenced by their own values.Such an understanding may enable to them to see that there is not one correctpoint of view because culture conflict is essentially a function of differences; it is nota matter of one person being right and the other wrong. Perhaps by understandingeach others' perspective, including the fears and concerns faced by each, second-generation individuals and their parents can begin to work together to find a solution.108This study also has important implications for counsellor education. Asmentioned previously, counsellors need to gain an understanding of what is involvedin the experience of culture conflict because of its' potential impact on manyindividuals. To ensure that counsellors have the necessary understanding of thedynamics of culture conflict, it is important for counsellor education programs toinclude this topic in their curriculum.When viewed on a broader level, the results of this study may haveimplications for the general topic of value differences. Counsellors may be able togain a better understanding of the difficulties experienced by any individuals who areconfronted by values that differ from their own. For example, some parallels may bedrawn between the conflict experienced by second-generation individuals and theconflict experienced by individuals who are struggling with the issue of sexualorientation. Like the individuals in this study, many homosexual individuals may findthemselves facing pressure to conform to societal expectations. As a result, they mayalso find themselves having to deny who they really are. In both cases, the conflictexperienced by these individuals is the result of conflicting expectations and valuedifferences.SummaryThe purpose of this study was to explore the experience of culture conflict insecond-generation Indo-Canadian women. This study goes beyond the current109research in this area by exploring the experience of culture conflict from theperspective of those who have experienced it. This study allowed these individual totell the story of their experience and reveal what was significant and meaningful aboutthat experience for them. Through this approach, many significant themes wereidentified, providing us with a better understanding of what is involved in theexperience of culture conflict.110ReferencesAldwin, C., & Greenberger, E. (1987). Cultural differences in the predictorsof depression. American Journal of Community Psychology,  15,789-813.Basu, R. (1989). American born confused "Desis". India Today, 14, (16),98-100.Berry, J.W. (1986). Multiculturalism and psychology in plural societies. InL. H. Ekstrand (Ed.), Ethnic minorities and immigrants in across-cultural perspective (pp. 35-51).  Berwyn: Swets North AmericaInc.Berry, J.W., & Annis, R.C. (1974). Acculturative stress: The role of ecology,culture and differentiation. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 5,382-406.Buchignani, N. (1984). South Asians in Canada: Accommodation andadaptation. In R.N. Kanungo (Ed.), South Asians in theCanadian mosaic (pp.157-180). Montreal: Kala Bharati.Buchignani, N., & Indra, D. (1985). Continuous journey: A social history ofSouth Asians in Canada. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, Ltd.deAnda, D. (1984). Bicultural socialization: Factors affecting the minorityexperience. Social Work. 29, 101-107.111Erikson, E. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: W.W. Norton &Co. Inc.Ghosh, R. (1984). South Asian women in Canada. In R.N. Kanungo (Ed.),South Asians in the Canadian mosaic (pp.146 - 155). Montreal: KalaBharati.Harrison, A.O., Wilson, M.N., Pine, C.J., Chan, S.A., & Buriel, R. (1990).Family ecologies of ethnic minority children. Child Development, 61,347-362.Herberg, E.N. (1989). Ethnic groups in Canada: Adaptations and transitions. Scarborough: Nelson Canada.Hui, C.H., & Triandis, H.C. (1986). Individualism-Collectivism: A studyof cross-cultural researchers. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology,17, 225-248.Isajiw, W.W. (1975). The process of maintenance of ethnic identity: TheCanadian context. In P.M. Migus (Ed.), Sounds Canadian(pp.129-138). Toronto: P. Martin Associates.Isajiw, W.W. (1990). Ethnic identity retention. In R.Breton, W.W. Isajiw,W.E. Kalbach, & J.G. Reitz (Eds.), Ethnic identity and equality: Varieties of experience in a Canadian city (pp. 34-91). Toronto:University of Toronto Press.Kelly, A.J. (1989). Ethnic identification, association and redefinition:Muslim Pakistanis and Greek Cypriots in Britain. In K. Liebkind112(Ed.), New Identities in Europe (pp.77-114). Great Britain: GowerPublishing Co. Ltd.Leutgart, M.J. (1977). The ethnic student: Academic and social problems.Adolescence. 12 (47), 321-327.Lian, K.F. (1982). Identity in minority group relations. Ethnic and Racial Studies 5, 42-52.Liebkind, K. (1989). The identity of a minority. Journal of Multilingual andMulticultural Development, 10, 47-57.Mendelberg, H.E. (1986). Identity conflict in Mexican-Americanadolescents. Adolescence, 21(81), 215-224.Padilla, A.M. (1980). The role of cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty inAcculturation. In A.M. Padilla (Ed.), Acculturation: Theory. modelsand some new findings (pp. 47-83). Boulder, Colorado: WestviewPress.Pallotta-Chiarolli, M. (1989). From coercion to choice: Second-generationwomen seeking a personal identity in the Italo-Australian setting.Journal of Intercultural Studies, 10(1), 49-61.Papajohn, J. (1979). Intergenerational value orientation and psychopathologyin Greek-American families. International Journal of Family Therapy.,1(2), 107-132.113Ramcharan, S. (1984). South Asian immigration: Current status andadaptation modes. In R.N. Kanungo (Ed.), South Asians in theCanadian Mosaic (pp.33-47). Montreal: Kala Bharati.Rosenthal, D.A. (1984). Intergenerational conflict and culture: A study ofimmigrant and non immigrant adolescents and their parents. GeneticMonographs, 109, 53-75.Rosenthal, D.A., & Cichello, A. (1986). The meeting of two cultures:Ethnic identity and psychosocial adjustment of Italian-Australianadolescents. International Journal of Psychology, 21, 487-501.Rosenthal, D.A., Demetriou, A., & Efklides, A. (1989). A cross-nationalstudy of the influence of culture on conflict between parents andadolescents. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 12(2),207-219.Ruiz, A.S. (1990). Ethnic identity: Crisis and resolution. Journal ofMulticultural Counselling and Development, 18, 29-40.Sommers, V.S. (1960). Identity conflict and acculturation problems inOriental Americans. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry.. 30,637-644.Spencer, M.B., & Markstrom-Adams, C. (1990). Identity processes amongracial and ethnic minority children in America. Child Development, 61, 290-310.114Stonequist, E.V. (1937). The marginal man: A study in personality and culture conflict. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.Wakil, S.P., Siddique, C.M., & Wakil, F.A. (1981). Between two cultures:A study in socialization of children of immigrants. Journal of Marriageand the Family. 43, 929-940.Waterman, A.S. (1982). Identity development from adolescence toadulthood: An extension of theory and a review of research.Developmental Psychology. 18(3), 341-358.Weinrich, P. (1983). Psychodynamics of personal and social identity. In A.Jacobson-Widding (Ed.), Identity: Personal and socio-cultural(pp. 159-185). Stockholm: Almqviste & Wiskell International.Weinrich, P. (1986). Identity development in migrant offspring: Theory andpractice. In L. Ekstrand (Ed.), Ethnic minorities in a cross-culturalperspective (pp. 230-239). Berwyn: Swets North America Inc.Weinrich, P. (1989) Variations in ethnic identity: Identity structure analysis.In K. Liebkind (Ed.), New identities in Europe (pp.41-76). GreatBritain: Gower Publishing Co. Ltd.115APPENDIX ALetter of ConsentDepartment of Counselling PsychologyUniversity of British ColumbiaProject Title: Understanding the Experience of Culture Conflict in Second-GenerationIndo-Canadian WomenResearchers: Mary Westwood, Phd.^(phone: 228-5259)Sukhi Sohi, M.A. candidate^(phone: 738-0046)The purpose of this study is to understand the experience of second-generation Indo-Canadian women who have experienced conflict as a result of growing up with twodifferent cultures. We hope to gain an understanding of the nature of the conflict andmethods of conflict resolution.Participants in this study will take part in two interviews in which they will be askedto describe and discuss their experience of conflict and means of resolution. Eachinterview will take 1-2 hours. The interview will be conducted in private, and will beaudio-taped.The content of the interviews will remain confidential and the participants' anonymitywill be maintained in any presentation of the research results. Only members of theresearch team will have access to the audio-tapes. The tapes will be erased uponcompletion of the project.The researchers will answer any questions the participant may have regarding theprocedures used in the project to ensure the participant has full understanding of whatis expected of her. Research results will be made available to participants ifrequested. A participant has the right to withdraw from the project at any time.Having full knowledge of the above, I hereby consent to participate in this project. Ialso acknowledge receipt of a copy of this consent form.signature^ dateName: ^Address: phone:116APPENDIX BDemographic Information for Each Participantii,• — :::::^4.Age 21 38 25 21 22EducationLevelB.A. enrolledinUniversityB.A. B.Sc. enrolledinUniversityOccupation CustomsOfficerTeacherAssistantConsultant Student StudentLanguagesSpokenEnglishPunjabiEnglishPunjabiEnglish EnglishUrduEnglishReligiousAffiliationSikh None Hindu Muslim NoneParents'RegiliousAffiliationSikh Sikh Hindu Muslim HinduFather'sEducationDid notcompleteHighSchool---- BachelorsDegreePhd. Phd.Father'sOccupationMillworker Millworker Businessman Teacher ResearcherMother'sEducationDid notcompleteHighSchoolZero HighSchoolM.A. Pre-med.Mother'sOccupationHomemaker KitchenWorkerOwner/managerFloral ShopTeacher Cashier


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