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He’s "distressed"/she’s "oppressed" : police, psychology, and the patriarchy McClellan, Miriam Ann 1997

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HE'S "DISTRESSED'VSHE'S "OPPRESSED" : POLICE, PSYCHOLOGY, A N D THE PATRIARCHY by MIRIAM A N N M c C L E L L A N B. Ed. , The Universi ty of A lber ta , 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Depar tment of Counsel l ing Psycho logy) We accep t this thes is as conforming to the required s tandard THE UNIVERSITY O r ^ B R V l S H COLUMBIA Apr i l 1 9 9 7 © Miriam Ann McClel lan, 1 9 9 7 i In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT The purpose of a feminist pos tmodern decons t ruc t ion is to reveal the gender ideology and hidden polit ical con tex t embedded within the language of the tex t . This research project appl ies this methodology to a body of se lec ted tex ts concerning women and men in pol icing as conta ined in The Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . This journal is representat ive of the type and focus of t radi t ional empir ical s tud ies on pol ice of f icers . The deconst ruc t ion of these tex ts reveals how the l ives of women and men are inadequate ly theor i zed or desc r ibed in t radi t ional empir ical psycho logy, as feminist cr i t ic isms of psycho logy have no ted . A l so revealed is the estab l ishment of pol ice psycho logy as an adjunct of policing and toge ther they convey the mascul ine as normat ive. In this way, psycho logy and pol icing adhere t o the dominant d iscourse of patr iarchy tha t marginal izes women ' s t rans forming cont r ibu t ions t o bo th these f ields. This analysis indicates how using the perspec t ives of feminist pos tmodern ism can help design and implement research that achieves an emancipatory psycho logy . In turn, the resul ts of this s tudy inf luence recommendat ions for counsel l ing psycho logy . iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abs t rac t ii Table of Contents iii Acknowledgement v Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Feminism and Psychology 1 Psychological Research and Pol icewomen 4 Chapter 2 THE SOURCE AND CONTENT OF THE TEXTS The Journal of Police Sc ience and Admin is t ra t ion 10 Select ion of the Art ic les 11 Review of Four Key Art ic les 12 A Review of Li terature on Pol icewomen 16 Other Relevant Literature 20 Chapter 3 FEMINIST POSTMODERN THEORY AND METHODOLOGY Feminism and Postmodernism 22 Discourse and Feminist Research 25 Methodology of Deconstruct ion 28 Deconstruct ion of Tex ts 3 0 Reflexivity 32 Chapter 4 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF POLICE STRESS History and Polit ics of Police Reform 34 Police Reform and Pol icewomen 3 7 Pol icewomen and Occupat ional Segregat ion 4 0 Policing and Psychology 4 3 Boston Police Stress Program 4 7 The Police Stress Discourse 4 9 iv Chapter 5 THE DECONSTRUCTION OF THE TEXTS Summary of Se lec ted Ar t ic les on St ress 51 Assumpt ions in the Police Stress Discourse 58 1. Police Work Causes St ress 58 2. The Subject is Decontextual ized 63 3. The Stress Discourse Helps Management 65 4 . Police Stress Fits With Empir icism 69 5. Stress and Pol icewomen 7 4 Police Officers Are Men 7 4 Research is Unfavorable to Women 76 St ress Research Omits Context 7 8 Historical and Legal Contex t of Nine Ar t ic les 8 3 Deconstruct ion of Nine Se lec ted Ar t ic les 8 4 Chapter 6 OMISSIONS FROM THE POLICE STRESS DISCOURSE Stress and Women 103 Men, Masculinity, and Psychological Health 104 Police and the Masculine Gender Context 108 The Police Role 111 The Police Organization 115 The Occupational Subculture 117 Chapter 7 CONCLUSIONS A N D RECOMMENDATIONS Conclusions on the Police Stress Discourse 123 Conclusions Abou t Ar t ic les on Pol icewomen 131 Recommendat ions for Research 138 Recommendat ions for Counsell ing 140 Limitat ions 141 References 144 Table 1 158 Appendix 1 162 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT "Never doubt that a small group of ded icated c i t izens can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has. " Margaret Mead To "The Gals" CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION The purpose of this s tudy was to examine psychologica l research on women and men in pol icing using cr i t ical theory and feminist pos tmodern d iscourse analys is. Through this approach, I i l lust rate how t rad i t iona l empir ica l psycho logy inadequate ly theor izes and descr ibes the l ives of pol ice of f icers. I chal lenge pol ice psycho logy researchers t o incorpora te feminis t pr incip les into their research des igns with the aim of improving the l ives of po l icewomen and po l icemen and the l ives of their famil ies. Femin ism and Psycho logy One of femin ism's main cr i t i c isms of t radi t ional psycho logy is that it purports to be an empir ical sc ience wi th an underlying assumpt ion that it is ob jec t ive and va lue- f ree, unre lated t o pol i t ics, or power and t ranscendent over cul ture and t ime (Harding, 1 9 8 7 ; Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . Feminist psychology, entwined as it is with a poli t ical movement , does not pre tend to be a separa te , apol i t ical , va lue- f ree enterpr ise, but clearly s ta tes its goals t o be an emancipatory project , advocat ing change to the oppress ive power relat ions in a patr iarchal soc ie ty where women 's in teres ts are subordinated to the interests of men (Lather, 1 9 9 1 ; Weedon) . A feminist psycho logy, in i ts theory and research methodo logy , seeks changes in pol ic ies, p rac t i ces , and inst i tu t ional s t ruc tu res tha t will benef i t women , cor rec t in just ices, and end women 's unequal social posi t ion (Lather; Worel l & Etaugh, 1 9 9 4 ) . Tradi t ional empir ical psycho logy ac ts cont rary to the emanc ipatory goals of femin ism when it c laims to explain human behavior while fai l ing t o unders tand or descr ibe accura te ly the l ives of women and the social condi t ions under which they live (Weisste in , 1 9 6 8 ) . Because psycho logy looks for " inner t ra i ts " wi th in individuals and not soc ia l con tex t , h is tor ica l , soc ia l , and inst i tut ional fo rces are t rea ted as incidental to behavior (Kahn & Yoder, 1 9 8 9 ; Weiss te in) . By leaving out the social con tex t , individual psycho logy leaves out the soc ia l inst i tu t ions that push women and men into dif ferent and unequal roles, and focuses on the di f ferences be tween men and women rather than on "how male-cen te red d iscourses and ins t i tu t ions t rans fo rm male- female di f ference into a female d isadvantage" (Bern, 1 9 9 3 , p. 2 3 3 ) . Femin is t c r i t i c isms of ex is t ing ma ins t ream theor ies and empir ica l methodolog ies point out how they obscure the pol i t ics of gender, as well as the pol i t ics of race and c lass , the reby suppor t ing el i t ist , pr iv i leged a t t i tudes and prac t ices that uphold the s t ruc tura l s ta tus quo, and leave the lives of the oppressed unchanged (Bern, 1 9 9 3 ; Jayaratne & Stewar t , 1 9 9 1 ; Lather, 1 9 9 1 ) . In con t ras t to t radi t ional psycho logy , the socia l cons t ruc t ion of gender is centra l t o feminist research (Lather, 1 9 9 1 ; Weiss te in , 1 9 6 8 ) . The link between gender and power emerges from this focus, reveal ing power relat ions in all a s p e c t s of life " f rom the sexual division of labor and the social organizat ion of procreat ion to the internal ized norms of feminini ty by which we l ive" (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 , p. 2) . Feminist research into the psychology of women names and descr ibes the patr iarchal s t ruc ture of our soc ie ty and reveals that women 's subordinate s ta tus in soc ie ty is based on unequal d istr ibut ion of power rather than on women ' s def ic ienc ies (Weedon; Worel l & Etaugh, 1 9 9 4 ) . Feminists in psychology, res t r ic ted by t radi t ional psycho logy ' s adherence t o sc ient i f i c pr incip les, have sought ways to develop theory that includes an analysis of the sub jec t (individual) and the social s t ruc ture (Fonow & Cook, 1 9 9 1 ) . A n a t tempt to bridge the social con tex t and the individual in feminist psycho logy has resul ted in the deve lopment of woman-cent red theory and research designs that focus on the l ived exper ience of women and girls (Worel l , 1 9 9 0 ; Worell & Etaugh, 1 9 9 4 ) . A l though issues of importance to women 's l ives such as rape, sexual harassment, gender roles, and so on have been ta rge ted (Worell & Etaugh) , these approaches are cr i t ic ized as not being enough to fulfill a feminist agenda (Fine & Gordon, 1 9 8 9 ) . First of al l , it has been diff icult for femin is ts in psycho logy t o chal lenge the pol i t ics of pat r ia rchy wi th in h ierarchical and pat r iarchal middle-c lass educat iona l ins t i tu t ions where they are marg ina l ized wi th in whi te, male-dominated psycho logy depar tments . A s a result , feminist women 's psycho logy, a l though it is publ ished and taught a longside tradi t ional psycho logy , has had l i t t le impact on t radi t ional pedagogy or its paradigms. Even though feminist psycho logy is f lourishing in academia and is taught in we l l -a t tended courses , in the meant ime, "ma ins t ream psycho log ica l research remains basically unchanged" (Fine & Gordon, p. 148 ) . S e c o n d , s igni f icant deve lopmen ts wi thin femin is t psycho logy are o f ten appropr iated by mainst ream psycho logy, re locat ing the issues involved within the individual as psychopatho logy (Fine & Gordon, 1 9 8 9 ; Ki tz inger, 1 9 9 0 ) . Furthermore, a woman-cent red approach, s temming out of the whi te , middle-c lass femin is t movement , tends to ignore di f ferences of class or race be tween groups of women , and instead, t rea ts all women as a monol i th ic group (Squire, 1 9 9 0 ) . Consequent ly , a woman-cent red psychology within academia, a l though it may cor rec t psycho logy 's neg lect of women 's l ives, wi thout an analysis of gender, power, race, or c lass , can legi t imize the individual ism and conserva t i sm of psycho logy . Rather than improving women 's l ives, it can act as an obs tac le t o change (Fine & Gordon; Worel l , 1 9 9 0 ) and to "unwit t ingly serve the interests of those in power" (Bern, 1 9 9 3 , p. 2 3 4 ) . Many feminis ts asser t that , ins tead of reproducing the principles of psycho logy and col luding in the power s t ruc tu re that perpetuates t hem (Fine & Gordon, 1 9 8 9 ; Squire, 1 9 9 0 ) , what needs t o happen in psycho logy is a cr i t ical quest ion ing of the fundamenta l pr inciples of psycho log ica l research , i ts ep is temo logy , methodo logy , and polit ics (Fine & Gordon; Harding, 1 9 8 7 ) . To develop an a l ternate approach t o woman-cen t red psycho logy and t radi t ional psychology, and to develop theory that includes the social con tex t , feminist researchers have turned to o ther discipl ines tha t have incorporated the principles of pos tmodern ism and decons t ruc t ion into their s tud ies t o chal lenge the or thodoxy o f empir ical sc ience (Gavey, 1 9 8 9 ; Holloway, 1 9 8 9 ) . Psycho log ica l Research and Po l i cewomen The cons t ruc t of gender is as centra l to po l icewomen, as it is to femin ism. It is centra l t o women 's inclusion into the occupat ion of pol icing, to women 's per formance evaluat ions on the job , and to social sc ience research into their l ives. Gender and the exper ience of women in pol icing have always been l inked. A l though women have been doing police work since the early 1 9 0 0 s , they were segrega ted f rom pol icemen in separate bureaus (Appier , 1 9 9 2 ; Heidensohn, 1 9 9 2 ) . Not until the early 1 9 7 0 s did the integrat ion of women into the main body of pol ice forces in Canada, Bri tain, and the Uni ted S ta tes take place as a result of civil r ights legis lat ion. The Royal Canadian Mounted Pol ice f irst recru i ted and t ra ined women in 1 9 7 5 , fol lowing a recommendat ion f rom the Royal Commiss ion on the Sta tus of Women (Linden, 1 9 8 5 ) . A f te r initial in tegrat ion, women made up only 1 % of pol ice off icers in Canada, while today about 1 4 % of off icers are women. Of this number, about 1 2 % are crowded in the lowest ranks of pol ice forces, about 2 % among non-commiss ioned of f icers and only 1% in the super ior of f icer ranks (S ta t is t i cs Canada, 1 9 9 4 ) . A number of socio logical and psycholog ica l s tud ies were done in the late 1 9 7 0 s and early 1 9 8 0 s on women breaking into pol ice work (Linden & Minch, 1 9 8 4 ; Mart in, 1 9 8 0 ; Remmington, 1 9 8 1 ; Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) . These all descr ibed the considerable obs tac les pol icewomen faced to being accep ted as of f icers. The history of women in pol icing parallels women 's s t rugg les to be accep ted into the general labor fo rce, part icularly into a male-dominated occupat ion , and speci f ical ly into one of soc ie t y ' s inst i tut ions of social contro l (Berg & Budnick, 1 9 8 6 ; Heidensohn, 1 9 9 2 ; Jones, 1986 ) . Psycho logy began its relat ionship wi th the occupat ion of pol icing back in the 1 9 5 0 s , before women were in tegrated into pol ice forces. Amer ican pol ice were the f irst to use psycho log is ts and psych ia t r is ts as consu l tan ts in ma t te rs of pol ice of f icer se lec t ion and criminal invest igat ions. By the late 1 9 6 0 s , pol ice depar tments actual ly hired in-house psycho log is ts t o train and educate of f icers concern ing human behavior, for example, in order to improve pol ice response in s i tuat ions such as crowd cont ro l (Chandler, 1 9 9 0 ) . These serv ices expanded to become direct psycho log ica l se rv ices t o pol ice agenc ies and their o f f icers . Star t ing in 1 9 6 8 , the Los Ange les pol ice depar tment employed Mart in Reiser as the f irst psycho log is t in a law-enforcement agency on a ful l- t ime basis (Scr ivner & Kurke, 1 9 9 5 ) . The deve lopment of pol ice psycho logy co inc ided wi th the expansion of knowledge and research into occupat ional s t ress in the 1 9 7 0 s , while at the same t ime severa l cr i t ical h is tor ical and legal inc idents in pol ic ing spo t l i gh ted the s t ress fu l impact of pol ice work on i ts of f icers. During this per iod, key psycho log is ts in the field publ ished books and art ic les about their exper ience and research on s t ress and pol ice. For example, Kroes" analysis of job s t ress in pol ic ing was publ ished in 1 9 7 6 wi th a second edi t ion re leased in 1 9 8 5 . He gained his exper t ise and basis for his research while a psychologis t for the Los Ange les Pol ice Depar tment and the head of s t ress research at the Nat ional Inst i tute for Occupat iona l Sa fe ty and Health. A second example is S t ra t ton 's ( 1 9 8 4 ) Pol ice P a s s a g e s that of fers a descr ip t i ve psycho log ica l prof i le of pol ice app l icants , the i r " p a s s a g e s " through police life, and finally a summat ion of the s t resses pol ice of f icers exper ience and the e f fec t on the l ives of their family members . S t ra t ton had been in-house psycho log is t for the Los Ange les Country Sher i f f 's Depar tment . Scholarly research on police in the past focused on pol ice demographics in the 1 9 3 0 s and pol ice conduct toward the public in the 1 9 5 0 s . In the 1 9 7 0 s , research on police s tud ied the anxiety p roduced in pol ice of f icers f rom conf l ic t ing demands of the occupat ion . The most recent theme of s t ress and pol ice work is founded on the underlying premise that pol ice are a unif ied group (Hatt ing, Engel, & Russo, 1 9 8 3 ) . A l though there are other psycholog ica l cons t ruc t s examined in the l i terature, such as occupat iona l ident i ty and pol ice personal i ty , the focus on s t ress is remarkably cons is ten t as a subject of psycholog ica l s tudy on pol ice off icers up to present day (Brown & Campbel l , 1 9 9 4 ) . Most current pol ice s t ress research publ ished is Br i t ish (Brown & F ie ld ing ,1993 ; Hart, Wear ing, & Headey, 1 9 9 5 ) . A l though most of the l i terature on pol ice s t ress in the Uni ted S ta tes and Canada was publ ished in the 1 9 8 0 s , s t ress and coping of pol ice of f icers cont inues t o be a focus of research interest (Beehr, Johnson, & Nieva, 1 9 9 5 ) . A s women en te red pol ice fo rces fol lowing leg is la ted integrat ion in the 1 9 7 0 s , it was not surpr is ing that po l icewomen 's occupat iona l s t ress would be empir ical ly examined fo l lowing the es tab l ished pat tern of pol ice research. However , the empir ical me thodo logy and f indings for po l i cewomen dif fer s ign i f icant ly f rom that of po l icemen. A l though the research on pol icemen fol lows a " job" model (Brewer, 1 9 9 1 ) , the f indings on po l icewomen's s t ress are "gende r i zed " wi th the result that the most s igni f icant s t ressor for women does not appear to be the work itself, as it is for men, but the strain of breaking and enter ing into a male-dominated occupat ion and the exper ience of male res is tance in the pol ice envi ronment (e.g. , gender discr iminat ion and sexual harassment (Brown, 1 9 9 3 ; Feinman, 1 9 8 6 ; Mart in, 1 9 7 8 , 1 9 8 0 ; Poole & Pogrebin, 1 9 8 8 ) . Apparent ly , the mos t signi f icant s t ressors for po l icewomen are s t ressors that are assoc ia ted wi th women ' s minori ty s ta tus (Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) . The actual work related s t ress has not been ident i f ied in the research because the host i l i ty of po l i cewomen 's male co-workers "has been so substant ia l that other s t ressors recede in compar ison" (Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 , p. 52 ) . A s a result, the l i terature does not give us a full p icture of the impact of policing on women, compared wi th the s t ress research oh men. The contrast in the research findings between men and women in pol ic ing i l lust rates mos t po ignant ly the feminis t cr i t ique of t radi t ional psycho logy and empir ical sc ience , that such research hides " the pol i t ics of gender , " obscur ing the oppress ion of women into individual ized psychopatho logy and framing s ta tus and power d i f ferences as examples of sex di f ference (Bern, 1 9 9 3 ; Lather , 1 9 9 1 ; Worel l , 1 9 9 0 ) . Research into po l icewomen inadver tent ly al lows the pol i t ics of gender t o reveal f indings that ref lect the inherent sex i sm, occupa t iona l d iscr iminat ion , and organ izat iona l gender pol i t ics of the patr iarchal workp lace. This highl ights the feminist cr i t ique of psycho logy that there is not adequate theory or methodology to explain the reali ty of women 's l ives, and that empir ical research tha t omi ts an analysis of po l i cewomen 's exper ience of gender oppress ion and d iscr iminat ion fails femin is t goals for the emancipat ion of women . A feminist pos tmodern d iscourse analysis of a s igni f icant body of empir ical psycho log ica l l i terature on pol ic ing would be useful t o reveal how issues of power, gender, race, and pol i t ics have been indiv idual ized into the s t ress d iscourse , and how this d iscourse or ig inated, whose benef i t it se rves , and how it may fail to improve the lives of both men and women police of f icers. In the fol lowing pages, I d iscuss the source of the tex ts used in this s tudy and how I se lec ted the part icular t ex t s used for analysis. I review a sample of four of these ar t ic les. I provide a review of research on po l icewomen and o ther re levant l i terature that cont r ibutes to the decons t ruc t ion of the art ic les. Chapter 3 presents the methodology of deconst ruct ion and the theoret ica l background to pos tmodern femin ism. Chapter 4 provides an histor ical , legal , and cultural con tex t to pol ice s t ress and the estab l ishment of pol ice psycho logy. The resul ts of the deconst ruc t ion of the se lec ted tex ts is conta ined in Chapter 5. Further contex tua l iza t ion of the tex t s along wi th my conc lus ions and recommendat ions for research and for counsel l ing psycho logy are given in Chapter 6. 10 CHAPTER TWO THE SOURCE OF THE TEXTS The Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and Admin is t ra t ion The source of pol ice l i terature or t ex t s for this feminist pos tmodern d iscourse analysis is the Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (hereafter referred to as " the journal") . It has the mos t ex tens ive co l lec t ion of psycho log ica l research on pol ice f rom the United S ta tes , Bri tain, and Canada. A reader of this one journal is exposed to an integral portrai t of male and female pol ice of f icers as they appear in empir ical psycholog ica l research. The journal conta ins many ar t ic les concern ing s t r ess and s t ress - re la ted s tud ies of both men and women in pol ic ing. Ano the r feature of this journal impor tant t o a cr i t ical analysis is the jux tapos i t ion of ar t ic les on pol icewomen and pol icemen, giving the reader an oppor tun i ty to compare these tex ts . The journal is publ ished quarter ly by the International Assoc ia t i on of Chiefs of Pol ice, a non-prof i t organizat ion based in Ar l ing ton, Virg in ia. It s ta r ted publ icat ion in 1 9 7 4 and appears to have ceased publ icat ion at the end of 1 9 9 0 . Its editorial board and consu l tants cons is ted of people who were connec ted wi th ei ther the law, law enforcement , or cr iminology. Some notable names on its editorial consul tant panel in 1 9 9 0 are Daryl Gates , at the t ime pol ice chief of Los Ange les , Cal i fornia; An thony Bouza , then chief of pol ice in Minneapol is, Minnesota ; and Charles S te inmetz of the Federal Bureau of Invest igat ion. 11 Al though the journal no longer publ ishes, o ther publ icat ions recogn ize its s ign i f icance for psycho logy and pol ic ing and i ts ex tens ive co l lec t ion of research (Brewer, Wi lson, & Bra i thwai te , 1 9 9 5 ) . The journal conta ins an ample representat ive sample of pol ice s t ress research that has not been superseded by more recent s tud ies on s t ress (Brown & Campbel l , 1 9 9 4 ) . Se lec t ion of the A r t i c l es I su rveyed the journal for ar t ic les publ ished be tween 1 9 8 0 and 1 9 9 0 inclusively and se lec ted art ic les that fit at least one of the fol lowing cr i ter ia: (a) they conta ined research on a part icular psycholog ica l cons t ruc t such as s t ress or personal i ty , or (b) they were art ic les deal ing wi th po l i cewomen, or (c) they were wr i t ten by a psycholog is t . The search resul ted in 36 art ic les as shown in Table 1. From these 36 ar t ic les, I chose to el iminate ar t ic les that did not speci f ical ly touch on the individual psycho logy or l ived exper ience of men and women in pol ic ing. This se lec t ion , a l though some t imes arbi t rary, fo l lowed a pa t te rn of e l iminat ing any ar t ic les that compared pol ice to other occupat ions, or focused on the physio logical ou t come of s t ress ( including su ic ide) , or concerned career cho ice or recrui t ing se lec t ion . I se t aside psycho log ica l s tud ies that pertain t o pol ice work (e.g. , t raining, per formance, communi ty a t t i tudes, police a t t i tudes to rape). I also removed any s tud ies on pol ice famil ies or pol ice w ives . This se lec t ion process left me wi th 16 ar t ic les. From these , I separa ted out the art ic les concern ing s t ress of which there were 7, leaving 9 remaining art ic les. Al l but one (i.e., Ad lam, 1 9 8 2 ) of the 9 12 art ic les focus on po l icewomen, e i ther as a separate group or combined wi th po l icemen, as shown in Table 1. From both groups of ar t ic les, I se lec ted two art ic les f rom each that s e e m e d to me representa t ive of the cr i t ic isms o f empir ical research as descr ibed in my in t roduct ion. The empir ical l i terature on pol ice has been cr i t i c ized by severa l authors for being poorly des igned wi th poor cons t ruc t def in i t ions, and for being methodo log ica l l y f lawed wi th unsuppor tab le overgenera l i za t ions (Brown & Campbel l , 1 9 9 4 ; Brewer, Wi lson, & Brai thwai te, 1 9 9 5 ) . Review of Four Key Ar t i c les The four i l lustrat ive ar t ic les I have se l ec ted t o rev iew are highly relevant to a feminis t d iscourse analys is. First of al l , t hey ref lect the empir ical psycho log ica l t rad i t ion of research ing inner t ra i ts to understand individuals; and, second , they offer a compar ison of research between men and women on the same cons t ruc t , in th is case , the pol ice personal i ty and s t ress . The pol ice personal i ty is cent ra l t o the f i rst two ar t ic les. In the f irst ar t ic le, Ad lam ( 1 9 8 2 ) , a socia l psycho log is t f rom Bri tain, su rveyed over 2 0 0 of f icers, mainly inspec tors and chief inspectors a t tend ing courses at an English pol ice col lege in order to ident i fy the impact of the pol ice occupat ion on personal i ty. A l though not s t a ted , it is very clear the respondents were men only. Ad lam 's f indings suppor t prev ious empir ical research , c i t ed in the ar t ic le, that men in pol icing exper ience a change in their personal i ty s temming f rom their work exper iences. For example, there is an "emot ional hardening" that takes place over the years , a development of a "p ro tec t i ve she l l " result ing f rom the exposure to d isturbing 13 inc idents of pol ice work, such as w i tness ing v ic t ims of t raf f ic acc iden ts , assaul t , or murder. Pol ice of f icers f ind they become cynical and suspic ious of the public they serve. Other changes include the deve lopment of conservat ive a t t i tudes t o soc ie ta l change and to men's and women 's roles and an adherence to the norms of the pol ice subcul ture. Pol ice of f icers f ind that these changes are o f ten accompanied by a sense of d issat is fact ion for the people they have become . These f indings are similar t o those in pol ice s t ress research—the repercuss ions of pol ice work and s t ress have a negat ive impact on of f icers . The second art icle by Berg and Budnick ( 1 9 8 6 ) is an examinat ion of po l i cewomen 's personal i ty and i l lust rates how research on pol icewomen becomes "gender i zed . " Instead of exper iencing a "harden ing" as men do, po l icewomen exper ience "de femin iza t ion . " Defemin izat ion is def ined as women of f icers ' adopt ion of a "pseudo-mascu l in i ty " in order to compe te wi th and emula te male of f icers . It is por t rayed as an individual dec is ion women make in order to advance their careers. If women "dec ide " to remain feminine, they limit their careers . A l though th is ar t ic le is not an empirical s tudy, the authors use other research on which to base their conc lus ions. They call for more comprehens ive research into the ex tent of or the ramif icat ions f rom defemin izat ion and how it a f fec ts women 's abil i ty to carry out their dut ies. A t the same t ime, the authors ask for a re-evaluat ion of how law enforcement agenc ies perce ive women of f icers. By comparing these art ic les, one can conclude that a pol ice personal i ty in men is deve loped by the impact of pol ice work on 14 off icers over t ime. Po l icewomen, ins tead of developing a personal i ty of their own, must emulate, adapt or reject the estab l ished "pol ice personal i ty" (based on a male standard) and exper ience the result ing consequences . It seems that a po l icewoman who emulates the male s tandard, accord ing to these ar t ic les, may face the loss of her sexual ident i ty . The next two art ic les I reviewed are surveys of s t ress in pol ic ing, the f irst on women and the second a comprehens ive survey of the empir ical l i terature on pol ice s t ress . Wexler and Logan ( 1 9 8 3 ) in terv iewed 2 5 women of f icers f rom a large, metropol i tan pol ice force in California over a 9-month period in 1 9 8 0 . By ident i fy ing sou rces of s t ress e l ic i ted f rom the qual i ta t ive in terv iews, Wexler and Logan were able to divide s t resso rs into f ive ca tegor ies ; external s t r esso rs , organizat ional s t r esso rs , task-re la ted s t r esso rs , personal s t r e s s o r s , and female- re la ted s t r esso rs . The most signi f icant s t ressor that a f fec ted the highest number of par t ic ipants was the exper ience of harassment and host i l i ty f rom male co-workers not only on the job but in training as wel l . The mos t s igni f icant task- re la ted s t resso r was the exposure t o peop le 's t roubles and t ragedies that women found "hardened" them. Even this s t resso r has di f ferent impl icat ions for women than for men because women exper ience act ing cynical and tough as contrary t o their s te reo typ i ca l female soc ia l i za t ion . They ques t ion thei r femin in i ty , wondering if women are supposed to act this way. This may be the "de femin iza t ion" process referred to in Berg and Budnick 's ( 1 9 8 6 ) work. Wexler and Logan conclude that al though 19 dif ferent s t ressors were c lassi f ied in their s tudy , the most common ones are 15 related to women 's gender. "Even some of those sources of s t ress found in s tud ies of male of f icers (media, t ra in ing, promot iona l opportuni t ies, and inadequate equipment) took on a dif ferent meaning for women of f icers" (p. 52 ) . The s t ress of pol ic ing, already s ingled out for men as high, is increasingly so for women because of the act ions of their male counterpar ts . S t ress and pol icing is comprehens ive ly documen ted in the empir ical l i terature summar ized in Farmer 's ( 1 9 9 0 ) survey. He c lassi f ies research on pol ice s t ress into f ive ca tegor ies : ou t come s tud ies , p rocess s tud ies , intr insic fac to rs s tud ies , manager ia l s tud ies , and cl inical s tud ies . Al l t oge the r there are 7 2 ar t ic les summar ized that are publ ished in a var ie ty of journals. The major i ty were publ ished in 1 9 8 5 through 1 9 8 7 . Of these , only f ive are spec i f ica l ly about w o m e n . Farmer ( 1 9 9 0 ) demons t ra tes that the l i terature on pol icemen and women overwhelmingly points to pol ice work as s t ress fu l . "Much of the exist ing l i terature suppor ts the conclus ions that there is s t ress inherent in ei ther the job i tself, or the people who perform the job, or b o t h " (p. 2 1 6 ) . He concludes wi th a call for be t te r and more comprehens ive empir ical research into pol ice and s t ress . The survey ident i f ies e i ther intr insic, individual fac to rs tha t lead t o s t ress (under which women 's exper ience in pol ice is ca tegor ized) or external factors such as management that contr ibute to s t ress . The four art ic les on po l icewomen all sugges t that being female is an addit ional s t ressor for women , ei ther because they must cope wi th male react ions, or because they must prove themse lves as pol ice of f icers. The f indings in these ar t ic les i l lustrate and 16 suppor t the previously s ta ted cr i t ic isms of research on po l icewomen (Brewer, 1 9 9 1 ) , and feminist cr i t ic isms of research on women ' s l ives. The social con tex t , al though acknowledged for women, has not been adequately theor ized or descr ibed in this body of work. Empir ical s tud ies compar ing po l i cewomen wi th po l i cemen have been cr i t i c ized for their underly ing assumpt ions that women are by nature unsui ted for an occupat ion that is violent and dangerous (Coffey & Brown, 1 9 9 2 ; Morash & Greene, 1 9 8 6 ) . General ly, the l i terature has over looked women as of f icers doing pol ice work (Brewer, 1 9 9 1 ) . A Review of Feminis t L i terature on Po l icewomen In con t ras t t o the t radi t ional research , feminis t research into the l ives of po l icewomen reveals the complex i ty of their l ives in teract ing wi th the socia l con tex t . In these comprehens ive surveys on po l i cewomen 's l ives, the researchers readily p lace po l i cewomen in an histor ical , legal, and gender con tex t in order t o d iscuss their expe r iences . Women breaking into pol ic ing af ter leg is la ted in tegrat ion is the at tent ion of Susan Mart in 's ( 1 9 8 0 ) s tudy as she examines the organizat ional barr iers fac ing po l i cewomen. Using a soc io log ica l approach, Mart in includes a d iscuss ion on sexual i ty in the organizat ion wi th a sec t ion on sexual harassment . A l though I f ind her analysis l imi ted in i ts scope , as an initial f raming of po l i cewomen within a non-t radi t ional occupa t ion , it is a comprehens ive document for its t ime. Certainly, as background 17 reading, it would have been readily avai lable to researchers during the 1 9 8 0 s . Fol lowing in Mart in 's ( 1 9 8 0 ) path is an anthropological s tudy by Remmington ( 1 9 8 1 ) who also examines pol icewomen within the cul ture of the pol ice occupat ion . She ident i f ies po l icewomen as a "sexual ly s t rat i f ied group" (p. 1 8 7 ) , that are accu l tu ra ted into pol icing but not accep ted and who have litt le impact on the dominant cul ture. She also feels compel led to provide an explanat ion for po l icemen's behavior towards women in pol ic ing. L ike Mart in, she analyzes and explains men as a group while s tudy ing women. For feminis t researchers on po l i cewomen, it is an inseparable task. A more unusual approach to the the s tudy of women in policing is Hunt 's ( 1 9 8 4 ) soc io log ica l invest igat ion of her own exper ience as part ic ipant observer in a pol ice force and her negot ia t ion wi th gender as she gained the conf idence of male police of f icers. Her e loquent account of these exper iences i l lustrates the cons t ruc t ion of mascul in i ty and feminini ty in relat ion to each other. She conc ludes that her phenomenologica l approach al lows for the possib i l i ty that " s o m e women in nontradi t ional occupa t ions resist role encapsulat ion and act ive ly negot ia te new def in i t ions of mascul in i ty and feminin i ty" (p. 2 9 3 ) in a way that t radi t ional paradigms (where gender is a fact rather than an ongoing accompl ishment ) cannot capture. Hunt also adds her explanat ion of po l icemen's res is tance to po l icewomen, at t r ibut ing it t o men 's need to preserve their mascul in i ty. A l though a unique, intel l igent, and readable approach to an analysis of gender, like Martin ( 1 9 8 0 ) and 18 Remmington ( 1 9 8 1 ) , Hunt does not link the const ruct ion of gender wi th the maintenance of power. A n except ional work, albeit t oo recent to have had any inf luence on the se lec ted tex ts for analysis, is Heidensohn's ( 1 9 9 2 ) soc io logica l analysis of the role of women in law en fo rcement . Like the previously ment ioned s tud ies , this one also s i tua tes po l i cewomen in an h is tor ica l , pol i t ica l , and organizat ional con tex t but advances contextua l izat ion one more layer by linking gender wi th social contro l and the male oppress ion of women. From this analysis, she conc ludes that feminist research res t r ic ts women to a role as v ic t ims and has not ye t included a focus on women sharing in roles of social cont ro l . She pos i ts that a focus on po l icewomen for feminist research could chal lenge soc ie ta l not ions of gendered power relat ions and wonders what soc ia l cont ro l would look like if the hold of mascul ine dominance were broken. Other research cont r ibu ted t o my knowledge of po l icewomen's gender ized exper ience. For example, sexual harassment and other forms of sexual a t tent ion are a chronic and pervasive problem for po l icewomen (Brown & Campbel l , 1 9 9 3 ; L inden, 1 9 8 5 ; Mar t in ,1980 ; Poole & Pogrebin, 1 9 8 8 ) . Women pay a price by being isolated within the occupat ion (Mart in). Other adverse e f fec ts on women off icers include greater s t ress , more s ick leave, and reduced work performance (Brown & Campbel l ; Poole & Pogrebin) . In Canada, Linden found that 7 4 % of females who had left the Royal Canadian Mounted Pol ice repor ted having exper ienced discr iminat ion or harassment f rom other members , especial ly in the form of non-19 accep tance of female of f icers (ei ther individual women or women as a group) , sexual harassment , and discr iminat ion by superv isors . Like women in o ther non-tradi t ional occupat ions , women in pol ic ing exper ience cons iderab le d iscr iminat ion (Brown & Campbe l l , 1 9 9 3 ; Gruber & Bjorn, 1 9 8 2 ; Gutek, 1 9 9 3 ; Mansf ield, Koch , Henderson, V icary , Cohn, & Young, 1 9 9 1 ) . In this research, organizat ional d iscr iminat ion th rough depar tmenta l p rocedures are descr ibed that can a f fec t po l i cewomen 's integrat ion and sa t is fac t ion wi th their work. For example, po l i cewomen face bo th hor izontal and lateral job segregat ion because they c lus ter d ispropor t ionate ly in uni ts such as chi ld p ro tec t ion work leaving "cr ime f ight ing" units to the men (Brown & Campbel l ) . A s part of my conc lus ions, I ut i l ize Wil l iams' ( 1 9 8 9 ) research on gender and work that descr ibes and analyzes the exper ience of women in the Uni ted S ta tes Marine Corps and men in the occupat ion of nursing. A l though about women Marines, this s tudy is useful to researching po l icewomen because of its focus on gender cons t ruc t ion con tex tua l i zed within feminis t psycho logy . It is a model for any explorat ion of women 's exper ience in a male-dominated non-tradi t ional occupat ion . In Chapter 6, I d iscuss Wil l iams' f indings as an example of feminis t usage of d iscourse a n a l y s i s . These s tud ies jus t c i ted and descr ibed provide a con t ras t t o the quality and type of research carr ied out by male researchers on pol icemen that does not equally contex tua l ize nor analyze pol icemen's exper ience in relation to gender or to power. Even socio logica l s tud ies on po l icemen, a l though they acknowledge and descr ibe a "macho cop cu l ture" (Reiner, 1 9 8 5 ) , " i ts ex is tence has been rather more readily justified ( s i c ) than properly explained (s ic ) " (Heidensohn, 1 9 9 2 , p. 13) . Heidensohn roundly cr i t ic izes her male col leagues for underest imat ing the s igni f icance of gender in their analyses of the police occupat ion . In Chapter 5, my deconst ruc t ion of psycho logy 's approach to gender and pol icemen echoes Heidensohn's observat ions. Other re levant l i terature Other l i terature relevant t o th is cr i t ical analysis was used as a way of i l lustrat ing what has been omi t ted f rom the pol ice psychology d iscourse. I have not remained within the bounds of psychology but have used background information tha t is t ransdiscip l inary. For example, I use l i terature on the soc io logy of gender in organizat ions because it por t rays women in pol ic ing as part of women in the labor force in general . This l i terature descr ibes the organizat ional h ierarchical s t ruc tu res where women work that steadi ly segrega tes and cont inues t o suppress any rise to the chal lenge of comple te gender equal i ty and integrat ion (Kanter , 1 9 7 7 ; Hearn, Sheppard , Tancred-Sher i f f , & Burrel l , 1 9 8 9 ; Mart in, 1 9 9 2 ; Reskin & Roos, 1 9 9 0 ; Walby, 1 9 8 8 ) . Other l i terature that is s ign i f icant t o th is cr i t ica l analys is are histor ies of pol ice psycho logy (Brewer & Wi lson, 1 9 9 5 ; Kurke & Scrivner, 1 9 9 5 ) . They have provided me with accounts of the format ion of pol ice psycho logy and i ts connect ion wi th s t ress . Newton 's ( 1 9 9 5 ) deconst ruc t ion of the s t ress d iscourse gave me a fundamental guide t o my deconst ruc t ion of the seven art ic les on s t ress . His work comprehens ive ly and convincingly t ies the pre-21 eminence of the s t ress d iscourse t o h is tor ica l , pol i t ical , and cultural forces in our soc ie ty . Decons t ruc t ion is the methodo logy used to reveal what has been over looked in the reading of tex ts and to examine the relat ionship be tween tex ts (Dant, 1 9 9 1 ; Weedon , 1987) . A l though there is an acknowledgement of " the possibi l i ty that some aspec ts of the pol ice s t ress issue might be social ly cons t ruc ted for cer ta in pol i t ical pu rposes" and that cer ta in part ies in the po l i ce /psycho logy f ield may benef i t f rom this (Brown & Campbel l , 1 9 9 4 , p. 5) , I have not ye t found a publ ished analysis of the connect ion of pol ice s t ress research and the product ion of knowledge to the power s t ruc tures that support it. Instead, researchers call for more comprehens ive and improved research into s t ress for the benef i t of the pol ice communi ty , o f ten in order to provide be t te r s t ress serv ices (Brown & Campbel l ; Brewer & Wi lson, 1 9 9 5 ; Farmer, 1 9 9 0 ) . Using the principles of feminist pos tmodern theory to decons t ruc t the 16 art ic les f rom The Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and using the l i terature jus t descr ibed , I con tex tua l i ze wi thin h is tory, the law, and pol i t ics the s t r ess d iscourse in pol ic ing. In the next chapter , I examine the theory of feminism and pos tmodern ism in relat ion t o the methodo logy of decons t ruc t i on . 22 CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY Femin ism and Pos tmodern i sm Feminis ts in many academic discipl ines have turned to pos tmodern ism because of the chal lenge it poses to t radi t ional empir ical sc ience . In psycho logy , pos tmodern is t theory of fers femin is ts a way of interrelat ing the individual (sub jec t ) and the social con tex t . Postmodern ism emerged out of phi losophy deve loped by European wri ters such as Foucault ( 1 9 8 0 ) and Lacan ( 1 9 7 7 ) . " P o s t " refers t o the histor ical t ime fol lowing the modern per iod that is demarcated by the Enl ightenment of the 18th century, a t ime that produced values such as humanism, secu lar ism, progress, the t r iumph of reason, and se l f -determinat ion. These values are seen to be eroding in the "pos t -mode rn " per iod as the l imitat ions and pit fal ls of reason, sc ience , and l iberal-humanism (i.e., humans can change and master their world) are being exposed . Histor ical events such as the atomic bomb, the Holocaust , and the war in V ie tnam, have helped bring about the decl ine of conf idence in the l iberal-humanist d iscourses of Wes te rn soc ie t y and their c laim to universal t ruths for all humankind (Lather, 1 9 9 1 ; Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . Pos tmodern ism re jects any possib i l i t ies of abso lu te t ru th d iscovered object ively (Rosenau, 1 9 9 2 ; Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . Pos tmodern is ts v iew modern social sc ience as a dominant d iscourse cons t ruc ted within a cer ta in soc ia l and histor ical per iod in a manner that maintains a power s t ructure (Lather, 1 9 9 1 ; Weedon) . 23 In th is ve in , logical pos i t iv is t research that seeks universal t ru ths in an external , f ixed real i ty by independent , ob jec t ive researchers can hide the underlying assumpt ions and hidden goals of what could very well be a s igni f icant pol i t ical agenda (Ki tz inger , 1 9 9 0 ) . A l t hough there are some incompat ib i l i t ies , the femin is t chal lenge to the social sc iences has much in common wi th pos tmodern theory (Gavey, 1 9 8 9 ) . Feminist cr i t iques across many d isc ip l ines have cha l lenged t rad i t ional sc ien t i f i c inquiry by i l lust rat ing the ways va lues en ter in to all sc ien t i f i c en te rp r i ses , and have re jec ted the assumpt ion of sc ient i f ic knowledge-seek ing as unaf fec ted by cu l ture, h is tory , pol i t ical in te res ts and goals , or the exper ience and social values of researchers (Bern, 1 9 9 3 ; Harding, 1 9 8 7 ; Worel l & Etaugh, 1 9 9 4 ) . Feminist analyses have exposed the biases and d is tor t ions inherent in the product ion of knowledge or " t ru th" (Fonow & Cook, 1991 ) . The feminis t posi t ion insists that values enter into the sc ient i f ic endeavor in all s tages of research ; f i rst by the theor ies s e l e c t e d , including the se lec t ion of sex is t and el i t ist research top ics that exc ludes research of centra l impor tance to women (Jayaratne & Stewar t , 1 9 9 1 ) ; then by the choice of research top ic and the methods of research, including se lec t ion of male-only sub jec ts (Jayaratne & Stewar t ; Worel l , 1 9 9 0 ) . Feminist c r i t i c isms point out tha t researchers are members of soc ie ty wi th their own socia l locat ion and background who bring their part icular or ientat ion to their research (Harding, 1 9 8 7 ; Ki tz inger, 1 9 9 0 ; Phoenix, 1 9 9 0 ) . What researchers choose to s tudy and the f rames of reference they use to s t ructure their issues of 24 research focus are "o f ten products of their individual in te res ts and dominant social const ruc t ions of important i ssues" (Phoenix, p. 9 1 ) . For example, funding agencies that are connec ted to soc io-pol i t ical concerns dec ide what pro jec ts are "soc ia l ly re levant " and, there fore , el igible for funding. Moreover , this issue of who def ines soc ia l prob lems is not general ly revea led in psycho log ica l research (Worel l , 1 9 9 0 ) . Other androcentr ic b iases show up in mainst ream research in the use of male only sub jec ts , in the overgenera l izat ion of f indings to women f rom such research, and the absence of research of centra l impor tance to women (Jayaratne & Stewar t , 1991) . These cr i t ic isms cas t doubt on the posi t iv ist v iew that sc ience d iscovers preexis t ing fac ts and that the sc ient i f ic me thod can ef fec t ive ly sa feguard against the intrusion of values and biases into the product ion of knowledge. A n al ternat ive v iew is emerg ing which sees sc ience as embedded in the history, pol i t ics, and cul ture of soc ie ty . In th is v iew, psycho logy , like all sc ience , is a cul tural inst i tu t ion and a socia l ac t i v i t y sub jec t t o external inf luences as wel l as internal regulat ion (Maracek, 1 9 8 9 , p. 369) . The theory of d iscourse is centra l t o pos tmodern is t phi losophy. Discourses are located in and s t ruc tured by what Foucault ( 1 9 8 0 ) cal ls a d iscurs ive f ie ld. The soc ia l s t ruc tu res of our ins t i tu t ions, our pol i t ical s y s t e m s , the church, the family, our law and educat ion s y s t e m s , even the media are all loca ted in their part icular d iscurs ive f ields and produce their own d iscourse in the form of tex ts . Postmodern wri ters like Foucault and Lacan ( 1 9 7 7 ) sugges t meaning is cons t ruc ted within language. Language is actual ly the place where knowledge is c rea ted , f ramed, and d isseminated in 25 d iscourses that are embedded in a spec i f i c h is tor ica l , pol i t ical , and socia l con tex ts . Pos tmodern ism provides the link be tween language, the subject (the individual), meaning, knowledge, and power by making known through cr i t ical theory how power that is pol i t ica l ly , soc ia l ly , and h is tor ica l ly spec i f i c , c o n s t r u c t s and legi t imizes knowledge (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . Weedon ( 1 9 8 7 ) contends that "meanings do not exist prior to their ar t iculat ion in language and language is not an abs t rac t s y s t e m , but is a lways socia l ly and histor ical ly l oca ted in d iscourses" (p. 4 1 ) . Discourses compe te with each other for dominance, some just i fy ing and reproducing the s ta tus quo, while others chal lenge the dominant d iscourses al though they are likely to be marginal ized and d ismissed by the dominant d iscourses as irrelevant or even bad (Weedon) . D iscourse and Feminis t Research Pos tmodern ism's focus on the link be tween knowledge and power al lows " femin is ts ways t o work within and ye t chal lenge dominant d iscourses" (Lather, 1 9 9 1 , p. 39 ) . For femin is ts , the a t t emp t to unders tand power in all i ts forms is of centra l importance (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) , wi th an eye t o alter the oppress ive gender relations that subjugate women (Gavey, 1 9 8 9 ) . The d iscourse of empir ical sc ience and i ts c laim to t ru th for all humani ty is one that feminists v iew as oppress ive to women. Feminist pos tmodern ism chal lenges the under ly ing assumpt ions of pos i t iv is t social sc ience , and through analysis of language a t t emp ts to unders tand ex is t ing power relat ions as revealed in tex t or "d i scou rse " with a purpose in mind of ident i fy ing power s t ruc tures 26 and offering s t ra teg ies for change (Gavey, 1 9 8 9 ) . Through pos tmodern cr i t ical theory , femin is ts can analyze language, power, and knowledge to address "quest ions of how social power is exerc ised and how socia l relat ions of gender , c lass and race might be t ransformed (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 , p. 2 0 ) . For feminists in psychology, pos tmodern ism of fers an oppor tun i ty to contex tua l ize the complex i ty of women 's exper ience and to reveal and analyze the patr iarchal power s t ruc tu res that cont inue to oppress women (Gavey; Weedon). Pos tmodern phi losophy al lows femin is t researchers t o deve lop theory and methodology that accompl ishes many of the goals of femin ism. By connect ing language and d iscourse, knowledge and power, pos tmodern ism permi ts femin is ts t o theor ize the oppress ion of women by naming and descr ib ing the way patr iarchy al lows for the dominance of women (Lather, 1 9 9 1 ; Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . Moreover, feminist theory is needed to develop "ways of understanding social and cultural p rac t ices which throw l ight on how gender power relations are cons t i tu ted , reproduced and c o n t e s t e d " (Weedon, p. vii). Feminist inquiry into gender inevi tably leads to an inquiry into power and into how people resist power (Weiss te in , 1 9 6 8 ) . A n oppressed group is not in teres ted in a search for so-ca l led " t ru th , " but is seek ing knowledge about power and forces that oppress as a means to assert ing their r ights to know about themse lves , to empower themse lves , and to change those forces or power dynamics (Dant, 1 9 9 1 ; Harding, 1 9 8 7 ) . Feminist research refuses t o respec t psycho logy ' s boundar ies, bringing in knowledge and concep ts f rom other discipl ines that 27 provide s t rong and viable cr i t ical pe rspec t i ves needed to chal lenge the power and se l f -p ro tec t i veness of t radi t ional psycho logy . Bringing in knowledge and learning f rom other discip l ines ef fect ive ly reduces psycho logy 's claim to be the "u l t imate source of knowledge about the human sub jec t " (Squire, 1 9 9 0 , p. 12) and its c laim to universal i ty and t ime lessness . In order t o fully deve lop an inc lus ive, comprehens ive , and con tex tua l i zed femin is t psycho logy , feminist researchers have also turned to a l ternate methodo log ies and theor ies that have been ut i l ized in o ther discipl ines and are t ied to the revolut ion in knowledge product ion in the socia l sc iences (Gavey, 1 9 8 9 ; Holloway, 1 9 8 9 ; Squire). The valuing of women 's exper ience is seen as essent ia l to feminist research. Through the exper ience of gender oppress ion, women 's knowledge is di f ferent f rom that of men, not because of sex d i f ferences but because women ' s s i tuat ion within patr iarchal gender relat ions c rea tes a unique type of insight and a part icular percept ion of the world that can penet ra te underlying gender relat ions in a social contex t (Dant, 1 9 9 1 ; Fonow & Cook, 1 9 9 1 ) . Feminist research that ut i l izes women 's exper ience that has been devalued within patr iarchy (Dant) , not only suppor ts an emancipatory psycho logy but also ac ts as a consc iousness- ra is ing exper ience by expos ing previously hidden and unnamed behavior in. our soc ie ty such as sexual harassment and v io lence against women . Finding pos tmodern ism pol i t ical ly usefu l , femin is ts have in t roduced postmodern ism methodo logy such as decons t ruc t ion into their s tud ies in order to chal lenge the or thodoxy of empir ical sc ience, to develop theory and methodo logy that embraces feminist 28 goals wi th an aim to u l t imately t rans form individual psycho logy and its approach to the human subject (Squire, 1 9 9 0 ; Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . It is important t o feminist pol i t ics that theory is needed as a part of the t ransforming of both the socia l relat ions of knowledge product ion and the type of knowledge produced. T o do so requires that we tack le the fundamental quest ions of how and where knowledge is produced and by whom, and of what counts as knowledge. It also requires a t ransformat ion of the s t ruc tu res which determine how knowledge is d isseminated. , purpose is to deve lop new s t ra teg ies which would be t te r se rve femin is t i n te res ts (Weedon, 1987 , p. 7). Methodology of Deconst ruc t ion The goals of a pos tmodern feminist d iscourse analysis are woven together with the methodology of deconst ruc t ion . The purpose of deconst ruc t ion is to bring into the open how power, pol i t ics, and the cons t ruc t ion of knowledge are l inked (Lather , 1 9 9 1 ) . Deconst ruc t ion reveals how knowledge is produced in d iscourses, who benef i ts f rom it, and who may be oppressed by it, and how it can be chal lenged through the creat ion of a l ternat ive d iscourses (Haggis, 1 9 9 0 ; Lather; Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . L ibera l -humanism remains the dominant d iscourse in Wes te rn soc ie t ies and is upheld by exis t ing power relat ions. The s i tes of l ibera l -humanist d iscourse are t e x t s tha t are d i ssemina ted within d iscurs ive f ields such as law, medic ine, and educa t ion , while o ther d iscourses are marginal ized or exc luded . Femin ism, a marginal ized d iscourse, is a movement that wants to resist and to subver t inst i tu t ional patr iarchal power . Decons t ruc t i on of patr iarchal d iscourses is one way of achieving this goal . Deconst ruc t ion of t ex t s across academic discipl ines exposes patr iarchal va lues and i n te res ts that underl ie soc ia l theory and al lows femin is ts t o link toge ther in s t reng th t o weaken patr iarchal power and knowledge construct ion (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . Feminist pos tmodern ism uses decons t ruc t ion to deve lop feminist theory that can generate "new theoret ica l perspec t i ves f rom which the dominant can be cr i t i c ized and new possib i l i t ies env isaged" (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 , p. 6) . Feminist theory seeks inclusion of f rames of reference such as gender, c lass, race, and power, that are over looked in mainst ream d iscourse, in order t o achieve emanc ipatory goals . A feminist pos tmodern decons t ruc t ion of t ex t s t o reveal these omiss ions is " the f irst s tage in the product ion of a l ternate forms of knowledge" (Weedon, p. I l l ) wi th the aim of t rans fo rming ex is t ing power re la t ions, espec ia l ly the pat r iarchal relat ions of men and women (Lather, 1 9 9 1 ; Weedon) . A l though there are no spec i f i c rec ipes or formulas for a decons t ruc t ion methodo logy , general ly, it involves the careful reading of tex ts " to d iscern pat terns of meaning, cont rad ic t ions and incons is tenc ies" (Gavey, 1 9 8 9 , p. 4 6 7 ) wi th the aim of exposing or deconst ruct ing the "dominant" d iscourse (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ; Lather, 1 9 9 1 ) . Language, as a signif ier of d iscourse, instead of ref lect ing " t ru th , " encodes the purposes and power s t ructures of the d iscourse and obscures the h istor ical , cul tural , economic , and gendered contex t in which the discourse is produced (Weedon) . Meaning in d iscourse is always pol i t ical and is loca ted in t ex t s and in their relation to other tex ts . Based on the works of Jacques Derrida ( 1 9 7 7 ) , decons t ruc t ion locates hierarchical oppos i t ions in language, such as woman /man or nature /cu l tu re , to determine the side of the 30 duali ty that is def ined negat ively in relat ion to the other s ide. In patr iarchal d iscourse, " the nature and socia l role of women are def ined in relation to a norm which is 'ma le ' " (Weedon, p. 2) . A feminist decons t ruc t ion intends t o expose the hierarchy of gender as well as that of c lass and race, by making visible "hegemon ic meaning s y s t e m s to produce counter -hegemonic knowledge, knowledge intended to chal lenge dominant meaning s y s t e m s " (Lather, p. 129 ) . Meanings have impl icat ions for ex is t ing soc ia l re la t ions, con tes t i ng t hem, reaff irming them, or leaving them intact (Weedon) . Deconst ruc t ion of the Tex ts Through a feminist pos tmodern deconst ruc t ion of 16 se lec ted art ic les pertaining to pol ice and psycho logy in the Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and Admin i s t ra t i on , I ident i f ied the power relat ions in the tex ts and the purposes they serve. The art ic les se lec ted are l is ted in Table 1 in the Appendix . Through this analysis I in tended to chal lenge the dominant d iscourse of pol ice psycho logy and create an a l ternat ive d iscourse embody ing feminis t goals and percep t ions . From a feminist s tandpoin t , I propose that women 's exper iences in the tex ts of the journal have not yet been adequately descr ibed, ident i f ied, or inc luded, and that this omiss ion is the result of a ser ies of exc lus ionary p rac t i ces operat ing at var ious levels within pol ice research; tha t these exclus ionary p rac t ices have their basis in patr iarchal gender relat ions suppor ted by inst i tu t ional power in educat ion , pol ice and pol i t ics; and, that th is power is d isseminated and reinforced within the dominant d iscourse of the tex ts (Haggis, 1990) . 31 With these assumpt ions in mind, using the goals of feminist pos tmodern ism, I decons t ruc ted these tex t s asking the fol lowing quest ions grouped under three general ca tegor ies , se lec ted because they carry out the goals of this feminist analysis. The f irst group of quest ions pertain to how the tex t s omit s igni f icant and relevant informat ion and perspec t i ves f rom other discipl ines. They are: What knowledge is suppressed in these tex ts that might empower , inform, and emancipate women (Dant, 1 9 9 1 ; Harding, 1987 )? What tex ts f rom other discipl ines are omi t ted that could help provide a more comprehens ive and contex tua l ized background to research on pol ice l ives (Squire, 1 9 9 0 ) ? The second group of quest ions help uncover the social forces that produced the tex ts . They are: What is the soc ia l , pol i t ical , h istor ical , and inst i tut ional con tex t of the tex t s (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) ? Who benef i ts f rom the d iscourse in the tex ts , who is oppressed by it, and who would be chal lenged by a feminist pos tmodern deconst ruc t ion of the discourse (Haggis, 1 9 9 0 ; Lather , 1 9 9 1 ; Weedon)? What social and cultural pract ices do the tex ts suppor t and how do they relate t o the way patr iarchal gender relat ions are carr ied out (Weedon)? The final group of quest ions intend to i l lustrate the way the tex t s are examples of research cr i t i c ized by femin is ts . They are: How do the tex t s suppor t patr iarchal gender relat ions that allow for the dominance of women (Lather, 1 9 9 1 ; Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) ? How can women 's exper ience expose underlying assumpt ions in these tex t s? How can women 's exper ience inform and expand upon the f indings in the tex ts? What unnamed or hidden behaviors may be revealed by the 32 inclusion of women 's experience (Dant; Fonow & Cook, 1 9 9 1 ) ? What impl icat ions would a feminist cr i t ical analysis of the t ex t s have on research into pol ice l ives in the future (Morawski , 1 9 9 4 ) ? R e f l e x i v i t v Ref lexiv i ty is used by femin is ts t o " re f lec t upon, examine cr i t ical ly, and explore analyt ical ly the nature of the research p rocess " (Fonow & Cook, 1 9 9 1 , p. 3 ) . It is akin to the consc iousness-raising of the feminist movement , reveal ing personal exper ience and i ts re lat ion t o the pol i t ica l . Feminis t researchers cons ider their own exper ience valuable to the research process , not jus t the exper ience of the women they research (Holloway, 1 9 8 9 ) . Because the consc iousness of oppress ion can lead to creat ive and fruitful insight into phenomena that may be hidden by the tradit ional research p rocess , feminist researchers br ing an in formed presence to a cr i t ical analysis of t radi t ional research (Fonow & Cook) . Ref lexiv i ty al lows them to explore how their own exper ience, ident i ty , and soc ie ta l pos i t ion inf luence the soc ia l and pol i t ical impl icat ions of a reading (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . Ref lexiv i ty reveals how these inf luences operate in the s tages and product ion of feminist research (Morawski , 1 9 9 4 ) . In this analysis, my background as a feminist s tuden t in counsel l ing psycho logy , as a whi te, middle-c lass single mother , as a child growing up in a pol ice family, and as a researcher for a book on pol ice s t ress provide an informed and provocat ive reading of the tex t s . I use sel f - ref lex iv i ty as part of this analysis to examine the emot iona l and inte l lectual impact of my marginal izat ion as a feminis t s tudent in a t radi t ional counsel l ing psycho logy program. 33 This exper ience was compounded by depar tment upheaval over a ser ies of th reaten ing le t ters ta rget ing feminis t women , bo th s ta f f and s tudents . The process of se l f - re f lect ion al lowed me to weave the impact of this exper ience into the analysis, and how it has a f fec ted this research top ic , my s tudent l ife, my femin ism, and my relat ionship to the counsel l ing p ro fess ion . In the next chapter , I d iscuss the h is tor ica l , legal and pol i t ical con tex t of the es tab l ishment of pol ice s t ress and i ts s igni f icance to the deconst ruc t ion of the seven se lec ted art ic les on s t ress . 34 CHAPTER FOUR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF POLICE STRESS In order for an ideology or theory to take hold, accord ing to the soc io logy of knowledge in the pos tmodern era (Dant, 1 9 9 1 ) , there must be a conduc ive pol i t ical c l imate . It took s igni f icant h istor ical and legal deve lopments in the United S ta tes and Canada to provide an agreeable pol i t ical c l imate in pol ic ing tha t we l comed the ideology of the s t ress d iscourse. A n examinat ion of the roots of the s t ress d iscourse and the socia l con tex t in which it f lour ished al lows us t o see the interact ion of inst i tu t ions and ideology, and pol i t ics and power in the creat ion of the d iscourse and how it is reproduced and marketed through academic and popular forums (Dant, 1 9 9 1 ; Parker, 1 9 9 2 ) . In this sec t i on , I relate how pol i t ical and soc ia l change in pol ice forces and in the communi t ies in which they operate cor responded wi th the deve lopment of the police s t ress d iscourse. His tory and Pol i t ics of Pol ice Reform The pol i t ica l , h is tor ica l , cu l tura l , and legal con tex t in which pol ice operate a f fec ts pol ice behavior and conduct as well as the methodo logy and parameters of pol ice work. For example, incidents of pol ice brutal i ty and misconduc t occur when there is a pol i t ical s y s t e m to lerant of such behavior. When the pol i t ical c l imate sh i f ts , as it has over t ime in the United S ta tes and Canada, the author i ty of the pol ice is chal lenged in the pol i t ical and legal arena as laws, events , and public a t t i tudes combine toge ther t o provide the winds of change. In the United Sta tes in the 1 9 3 0 s , for example, the way 35 pol ice obta ined confess ions f rom pr isoners, a method common ly cal led the " th i rd degree , " became unacceptab le and cr i t i c ized as akin t o tor ture in the cour ts and pol i t ical assembl ies . Under pol i t ical pressure, the pol ice a l tered their in terrogat ion prac t ices f rom one of physical force t o psychologica l pressure. Their methodo logy came under fur ther a t tack , especial ly in the 1 9 6 0 s , when pol i t ics and police reform reached a cri t ical s tage . Between the 3 0 s and the 6 0 s , pol ice had opera ted in a fairly tranqui l pol i t ical a tmosphere (Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 ) . During the civi l r ights movement of the 1 9 6 0 s , Amer ican police conduct came under intense at tack by the public and pol i t ic ians, as bruta l i ty t o A f r o -Amer i cans and to civi l r ights p ro tes to rs , both whi te and black, was visibly d isp layed in the media . The public demanded civil ian reviews of pol ice conduc t , no longer t rus t ing pol ice to invest igate themse lves . Distrust of the pol ice to moni tor their own behavior was fur ther fueled in the 6 0 s by pol ice corrupt ion scandals , such as the revelat ions of rampant greed and graft in the New York Police Depar tment , exposed by Frank Serpico during the public hearings of the Kraft commiss ion (Reese, 1 9 9 5 ) . The Amer ican Supreme Court cont inued a t tacks on pol ice author i ty and made a number of landmark decis ions that c rea ted new laws govern ing pol ice procedures, especia l ly in re ference to the r ights of those under arrest and in pol ice cus tody (Kenney, 1 9 8 9 ; Skolnick & Fyfe, 1993 ) . Al l of these events conspi red toge ther to create a demand for pol ice reform and pol ice accountabi l i ty . The pol ice themse lves fought against these demands, v iewing such a t tacks as depriv ing 36 t hem of the unquest ionable author i ty t o f ight cr ime. They retal iated by warning the publ ic of cr ime-r idden s t ree ts if pol ice hands were t i ed . Coinc identa l ly , a real rise in ser ious cr ime was underway adding force t o pol ice scare tac t i cs and lending c redence to conservat ive arguments that gave precedence to the r ights of v ic t ims (Skolnick & Fy fe , 1 9 9 3 ) . A s the the events and poli t ics of the 1 9 6 0 s shone a spot l ight on in just ices in the cr iminal j us t i ce s y s t e m and i ts ins t i tu t ions, the demand for reform led to the es tab l ishment of pol ice commiss ions , and the funding of research on pol ic ing. The ou tcome of this a t tent ion led t o recommendat ions for changes in law en forcement (Kenney, 1 9 8 9 ; Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 ) . Demands for change and for pol ice reform fell into th ree general ca tegor ies . The f irst reform s t ra tegy a t tacked the personnel s tandards of pol ice forces at the t ime. Pol ice were cr i t i c ized for being "uneduca ted , rac is t , lower middle-c lass males who f lou ted the law and opposed all social change" (Kenney, 1 9 8 9 , p. 2 7 3 ) . Pressure was appl ied to pol ice forces to improve current p rac t ices in superv is ion and training, and to recruit d i f ferent kinds of people into pol ice work . The second reform s t ra tegy involved changing the organizat ion of pol ic ing. This led to a t t emp ts to decentra l ize the chain of command in pol ice fo rces , replacing the paramil i tary model wi th t eam policing and enhancing the decis ion-making author i ty of f ront-line of f icers (Kenney, 1 9 8 9 ) . The third reform s t ra tegy cal led for changing the envi ronment in which the pol ice opera te . Commun i t y -based pol ic ing, which is 37 current ly prevalent , emerged f rom this reform s t ra tegy . It al lows police t o move beyond the role of cr ime-f ight ing and responding to cal ls, to one of problem-solv ing within the commun i ty , f reeing pol ice to determine their own priori t ies (Kenney, 1 9 8 9 ) . Pol ice Reform and the Integrat ion of Po l icewomen The f irst and third reforms af fect the issue of women in pol ic ing in severa l ways . First of al l , h istor ical ly and current ly , the ent ry of women into pol ic ing has been assoc ia ted wi th pol i t ical and legal reform s t ra teg ies . When women first en tered the pol ice occupat ion in the early 1 9 0 0 s , it was on the c res t of a reform wave that demanded women 's part ic ipat ion in agenc ies of socia l contro l and welfare (Appier, 1 9 9 2 ; Feinman, 1 9 8 6 ; Heidensohn, 1 9 9 2 ) . Women ' s "spec ia l nature," der ived f rom the qual i t ies assoc ia ted wi th motherhood, c la imed to be needed to deal with girls and women in ways " that were beyond the interest or abil ity of men. . . " (Feinman, p. 7 9 ) . Reformers sought access for women 's employment in law enforcement agencies to e f fec t social change (Heidensohn; Lord , 1986) . Eventual ly, the push for women in pol icing became a con tes t about the nature of pol ice work and which gender was bes t su i ted t o per form and carry out pol ice dut ies. This deve lopment occur red because reformers who suppor ted women in pol icing also demanded changes in pol ice methods , preferr ing a model of c r ime-prevent ion . By assoc ia t ing cr ime prevent ion wi th the entry of women , pol ice work became div ided into gender- l inked roles, a c r ime- f igh t ing , punishment, and arrest model in which only men could operate; and a 38 cr ime prevent ion mode l , somewhat like social work that be t te r su i ted women 's nature (Appier, 1 9 9 2 ) . Pol ice admin is t ra tors , who were intent on mainta in ing cont ro l over the di rect ion of pol ice reform, were kept si lent about the role of women until the cr ime contro l model of pol icing emerged as dominant in the 1 9 3 0 s and 4 0 s , growing out of the FBI image of cr ime-f ight ing, embel l ished by J . Edgar Hoover. Hoover 's success in rounding up ce lebra ted criminals increased the image of pol ice as soldiers locked in a war against cr ime. He helped pull law en fo rcement ' s image out of a malaise, when most metropol i tan pol ice forces were r iddled with cor rupt ion and unethical pol i t ics f rom the Prohibi t ion era. Law enforcement not only looked respec tab le under Hoover, it gained an air of profess ional ism with the FBI's el i te corps of agents in th ree-p iece sui ts using the la test sc ient i f ic techno logy for cr ime de tec t i on . Crime cont ro l became ident i f ied wi th cr ime f ight ing and af f ixed to mascul ine charac ter is t i cs such as bravery, physical s t reng th , and aggress ion , thereby preserv ing male supremacy in pol icing and ensur ing that women would remain in a secondary, and at that t ime, very segrega ted role (Appier, 1 9 9 2 ; Feinman, 1 9 8 6 ) . Echoes of this history are heard in the current s tory of women 's integrat ion into pol icing that took place in the early 1 9 7 0 s . Pressure for pol ice to reform hiring pract ices so they were more responsive and representat ive of the public they served , led to the inclusion of women and minori t ies (Heidensohn, 1 9 9 2 ; Lord , 1 9 8 6 ) , but it sti l l took legislat ive change in the U.S. and Canada for pol ice forces to admit women to general patro l . Canadian pol ice forces 39 recrui ted women in 1 9 7 3 , however the Royal Canadian Mounted Pol ice res is ted change unti l 1 9 7 5 , fo l lowing a recommendat ion for the training and recrui tment of women in the RCMP from the Royal Commiss ion on the Sta tus of Women (Linden, 1 9 8 5 ) . Es t imates are that women now make up less than 2 0 % of off icers serv ing in Nor th Amer i ca wi th numbers varying f rom region t o region. Reforms of pol icing and the entry of women is connec ted with social ly cons t ruc ted meanings about gender and the respec t ive character is t ics and abil i t ies of women and men. Women are supposed to have "spec ia l qual i t ies" that are needed to make policing more humane and less brutal than it has been, hence the logic of their inclusion into pol ic ing. However , when women en te red pol ic ing on supposedly equal te rms as men, as they did af ter equal r ights legislat ion, they were expec ted to perform equally to men and take on equivalent work. This leads to what is cal led the same/d i f fe rence debate about women 's employment equal i ty, a debate aroused when women enter previously segrega ted employment terr i tory tradit ional ly occup ied by men (Bacch i , 1 9 9 0 ) . The debate cent res on the purportedly inherent gender- re la ted qual i t ies of women and men and the sui tabi l i ty of those charac ter is t i cs for emp loyment , general ly revolv ing around a male s tandard to which women differ or conform. In the past , in order t o enter the workplace, women have appealed to the "d i f fe rence" side of the debate , as in pol ic ing, when women ' s gender- re la ted qual i t ies were put forth as necessary to deal wi th women and girls. However, when women demand integrat ion, they have had to swi tch to the " s a m e n e s s " side of the debate that asser ts women 's equal capac i ty 40 to men to work, to learn, and to carry out the tasks of labour and of paid employment . A t this juncture, the debate of women 's " sameness " is of ten used to argue that women must not expect except iona l or spec ia l t r ea tmen t even for their b io logical role if they want workplace equal i ty (Bacchi , 1 9 9 0 ; Cockburn , 1 9 9 1 ) . This argument is pert inent t o women 's equal i ty because it takes place not jus t in academic c i rc les, but also in cour ts of law. The same/d i f f e rence deba te a f fec ts research on po l icewomen because so much of it concent ra tes on women 's gender and their abil i ty to adapt to pol icing (Brewer, 1 9 9 1 ) . Po l i cewomen and Occupat iona l Segregat ion The integrat ion of women in pol icing as a result of re forms also demonst ra tes what happens when women enter a non-tradi t ional occupa t ion , what Heidensohn calls ( 1 9 9 2 ) a "highly instruct ive ta le" (p. 4 2 ) about the sexual division of labour (Jones, 1 9 8 6 ) . When women enter policing and cr ime f ight ing is the predominant mode of pol ic ing, the sexual division of labour plays i ts hand. Pol icing becomes div ided into gender- l inked tasks , wi th cr ime contro l carry ing the higher s ta tus , l inked as it is t o the male s te reo type and because soc ie ty has tradi t ional ly ass igned responsibi l i ty t o men for the exerc ise of author i ty and the abi l i ty t o use force (Ott , 1 9 8 9 ) . Crime prevent ion, the task supposedly more su i ted for women 's charac ter is t i cs , is ass igned a lesser s ta tus . This kind of division occurs in other occupat ions that have been tradi t ional ly male, what Cockburn ( 1 9 8 8 ) calls the "soc ia l p rocess of gendering " (p. 37 ) , where "gender tends to rub off on the j o b s " people do (p. 38 ) . 41 What happens in pol icing is part of a pat te rn of occupat iona l segregat ion by sex that is a marked and pervasive in our Nor th Amer ican soc ie ty (Cockburn, 1 9 8 8 ; Reskin & Roos, 1 9 9 0 ) , wi th women and men tending to "c lus ter in separate industr ies, separa te occupat ions , d i f ferent depar tments , and di f ferent r ooms" (Cockburn , p. 2 9 ) . For example, the division of labor is based on the tradit ional spli t of women into the pr ivate sphere with men dominat ing the public sphere. In the pr ivate sphere, women 's skills have been assoc ia ted w i th labors of love such as chi ldcare and homemaking and identi f ied with not ions of "womanhood" (Mills, 1 9 8 9 ) . Because women 's work in this sphere has been assoc ia ted wi th car ing for o thers , women of ten end up in occupat ions that ut i l ize their t radi t ional ski l ls whereas m e n , w i th s u p p o s e d gender charac ter is t i cs of physical s t reng th , techn ica l c o m p e t e n c e , and in te l lectua l abi l i t ies, more easi ly domina te the work f ie ld, including both whi te-col lar and blue-col lar work fo rces (Cockburn , 1 9 8 8 ; Rafter & Stanko, 1 9 8 2 ; Reskin & Roos, 1 9 9 0 ) . The introduct ion of women to a previously segrega ted work arena threatens men 's benef i ts and privi lege (Cockburn, 1 9 8 8 ) . The previously male-dominated occupat ion is no longer seen as a s ta tus occupat ion for men and it quickly loses its former prest ige (L ips, 1 9 8 8 ) . Men become disenchanted and move out into other related spec ia l t ies or into o ther occupat ions wi th more chance for advancement . The tendency within organizat ions then is for "any movement by women.. . to be countered by a movement of men out of the sphere contaminated by women" (Cockburn, p. 33 ) . Some occupat ions that used to be male-dominated have, by this p rocess , 42 become " femin ized" such as clerical work, te legraph and te lephone opera t ing , wa i ters in the food-serv ice industry, publ ic schoo l teach ing, c loth ing and text i le industry, and bank te l l ing. (Cockburn; Reskin & Roos, 1 9 9 0 ) . When women enter these workplaces, the process of gendering c rea tes new subdiv is ions within the occupat ion in order for men to retain male supremacy and even separat ion f rom women (Cockburn, 1 9 9 1 ) . Brown and Campbel l ( 1 9 9 3 ) , in their s tudy of 4 2 police forces in England and Wales, found that women disproport ionate ly c lus ter in training and communi ty relat ions units as well as chi ld pro tec t ion work and v ice squads. Lower proport ions of women are found in "cr ime f ight ing" units such as spec ia l ized squads deal ing w i th s to len veh ic les , c r ime in te l l igence, and burglary or f raud invest igat ions. Brown and Campbel l suppor t Jones ' ( 1 9 8 6 ) earlier f inding that women are more likely to be deployed to " ins ide" work or safer beats compared to men. They are also ass igned to more t radi t ional ly female pol ic ing t asks s u c h as deal ing w i th w o m e n of fenders or female v ic t ims of cr ime as opposed to deal ing wi th v iolent male o f fenders or quell ing publ ic d isorder. Depar tmenta l procedures al low women to be ass igned tradi t ional female dut ies such as accompany ing women pr isoners or act ing as decoys for muggers and rapists, and a l though these are admirable pol ice responsib i l i t ies, women are o f ten pul led off regular dut ies to carry these out. Women are least likely t o be found in t raf f ic , secur i ty , emergency response teams , or marine and air div is ions. A n y unit that includes the operat ion of spec ia l ized equipment such as boa ts , motorcyc les , or except ional weaponry tend to exclude women . Pol icewomen somet imes call t hese units " the boys wi th the t o y s , " reveal ing awareness of their exclusion (Brown, 1 9 9 3 ) . These f indings are echoed by Walker 's ( 1 9 9 3 ) report on several Canadian police forces. A higher percentage of women compared to men in Canadian pol ice fo rces are ass igned to patrol and other line uni ts, such as suppor t serv ices like commun i ty re lat ions, cr ime prevent ion, and schoo l l iaison. Despi te what looks like women ' s in tegrat ion, pol ice fo rces maintain male dominance and the prior i ty of cr ime f ight ing as men 's work, through the gender segregat ion of labour and by the "gender ing" of the tasks of pol ice work. One other e f fec t of assoc ia t ing pol ice reform wi th women 's integrat ion is the linking of po l icewomen wi th the concep t of "c leaning up" pol ice forces and po l icemen. In the gender division of character is t ics , women 's nature is supposed ly super ior t o men 's nature, t ied up as it is with the love and care of home, hearth, and chi ldren, whereas mascul in i ty is assoc ia ted wi th the d i r ty and corrupt world of pol i t ics, v io lence, and money. In pol ice work "sex , v io lence and corrupt ion can be seen as mascul ine and therefore opposed to serv ice work, non-v io lence, and non-corrupt behavior that are seen as feminine" (Hunt, 1 9 9 0 , p. 10) . Thus, pol icewomen are not seen as "regular" or " rea l " pol ice by male off icers and by pol ice adminis t rat ion, but anomal ies bringing wi th t hem change and reform to the tough , " rea l is t i c " mascul ine wor ld of pol ic ing (Hunt) . Pol ic ing and Psycho logy Around the t ime these reform s t ra teg ies and the entry of women in pol icing were taking p lace, even ts t ranspi red to connec t 44 psycho logy wi th pol ice re form. Tradi t ional ly , pol ice work and pol ice personnel have not been of interest t o psycholog is ts until the U.S. President ia l commiss ion on law enforcement in 1 9 6 7 . The commiss ion 's recommendat ions inc luded the es tab l ishment of pol icies to el iminate the "d is tu rbed " of f icer and to f ind the most compe ten t and bes t -su i ted candidate for pol ice work to p ro tec t c i t i zens f rom cr ime and civil d is tu rbances, which were both on the rise (Reese, 1 9 9 5 ; Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 ) . Other recommendat ions led t o legislat ion that mandated pol ice depar tments t o provide Employee Ass i s tance Programs (EAPs) for t roubled of f icers. Funding that emerged f rom the commiss ion 's recommendat ions also fueled the es tab l ishment of pol ice psycho logy by of fer ing aid t o pol ice depar tmen ts and o ther cr iminal j us t i ce inst i tu t ions t o hire menta l health professionals through the now defunct Law Enforcement Ass i s tance Admin is t ra t ion ( L E A A ) (Reese, 1 9 9 5 ) . A longs ide the pol i t ics of pol ice reform and pressure f rom the outs ide in the 1 9 6 0 s , inside pol ice depar tments the ground reverbera ted wi th highly publ ic ized inc idents , what Reese ( 1 9 9 5 ) descr ibes as " ca ta l ys t s " in the deve lopment of pol ice psycho logy . These inc idents were representat ive of " t hose that drew pol ice psycholog is ts into law enforcement agenc ies" (Reese, p. 37 ) and "h ighl ighted the need for the exper t ise of mental health professionals in pol ice work...(p. 3 7 ) . " The most notable incident is wel l -known because of i ts novel izat ion in The Onion Field (Wambaugh, 1 9 7 3 ) , which was also made into a feature f i lm. The incident involved the shoot ing of a pol ice of f icer in 1 9 6 3 near a Los Ange les onion field af ter he and his partner had been captured by 45 two cr iminals. The surv iv ing of f icer is por t rayed as t raumat i zed emotional ly, not only by the death of his partner and his own escape, but also by severa l prolonged and tor tuous court trials he endured. He was also s t i gmat i zed by fel low of f icers and his pol ice depar tment for "a l lowing" his partner to get shot , because he had surrendered his gun to the hos tage- takers . Another incident in 1 9 6 5 descr ibed by Reese ( 1 9 9 5 ) involved t w o whi te Cal i fornia Highway Pat ro lmen arrest ing a black male who had given them chase to the Wat ts area of Los Ange les . The force used to subdue the resist ing man t r iggered the Wat t s r iot, the worst in a U.S. c i ty to that t ime. In cont rast to the onion field occur rence, Reese descr ibes th is incident as i l lustrat ing the "need for psycho log is t s t o train of f icers in in terpersonal cr is is managemen t , socia l psycho logy , c rowd cont ro l , and other top ics that would favorably inf luence pol ice o f f i cers ' behavior in deal ing wi th the publ ic." (p. 37 ) . Both these incidents are seen by Reese ( 1 9 9 5 ) as needing the guidance of psycho logy t o alter behavior of pol ice of f icers within the pol ice depar tment , e i ther for t rea tmen t af ter a cr is is , as in the onion f ield inc ident , or for training o f o f f icers in highly charged s i tuat ions wi th the publ ic. Pol ice depar tments in the late 1 9 6 0 s were also faced wi th the arr ival of "v icar ious l iabi l i ty" lawsu i ts in which o rgan iza t ions , including managers and superv isors , were held responsib le for the improper act ions of their employees . Pol ice were being sued for negl igence in the areas of hir ing, t ra in ing, se lec t ion , re ten t ion , superv is ion, and promot ion (Chandler, 1 9 9 0 ) . 46 The U.S. Supreme Court propel led police reform forward in a ser ies of benchmark legal decis ions in the 1 9 6 0 s and early 1 9 7 0 s " tha t radically a f fec ted tradi t ional ly held concep t s about how law enforcement was to be done" (Lord, 1 9 8 6 , p. 8 4 ) . The Supreme Court cha l lenged t radi t ional pol ice p rocedures tha t ignored c iv i l ians ' civi l r ights such as arbitrary arrest , physical abuse, and random search and se izures that " t r iggered movement f rom punit ive author i tar ianism to a more humanist or ientat ion in po l ic ing" (Lord , p. 85 ) . In 1 9 6 8 , prompted by the combined impact of the Wat ts and onion field inc idents, the Los Ange les pol ice depar tment dec ided to hire Dr. Mart in Reiser, the f irst psycho log is t secured by a pol ice depar tment on a ful l-t ime basis (Reese, 1 9 9 5 ; Scr ivner & Kurke, 1 9 9 5 ) . Reiser himself c i tes the Wat t s riot as the reason for his hir ing, but cont r ibut ing fac tors were the pol i t ical and legal even ts already descr ibed . Reiser became the t ra i lb lazer for menta l health profess iona ls in pol ice fo rces , es tab l ish ing programs of counsel l ing and therapy for of f icers and their fami l ies, as wel l as consu l t ing wi th pol ice about hos tage negot ia t ions, pol ice pol ic ies, and cr ime-solv ing. He became known as the " fa ther of pol ice psycho logy" (Reese). Other notable pol ice psycho log is ts were Dr. John St ra t ton wi th the Los Ange les County Sher i f f 's Depar tment . A prolif ic wri ter, he "he lped add numerous meaningful ar t ic les to the then-scant l i terature on pol ice psycho logy" (Reese, 1 9 9 5 , p. 4 0 ) . Will iam Kroes ( 1 9 8 5 ) , who f irst publ ished his analysis of j ob s t ress in pol ic ing in 1 9 7 6 , gained his exper t ise and basis for his research while a 4 7 psycholog is t for the Los Angeles Pol ice Depar tment . He had previously se rved as head of s t ress research at the Nat ional Inst i tute for Occupat ional Safe ty and Heal th , an organizat ion that sponsored research and conferences on s t ress (Reese, 1 9 9 5 ) . In the early 7 0 s , the blending of pol ice and psycho logy cont inued as pol ice of f icers who ob ta ined psycho log ica l t raining returned to their pol ice fo rces as profess ionals in provid ing menta l heal th serv ices . Their exper ience as pol ice of f icers was be l ieved to give them an added dimension t o t reat ing of f icers, such as f i rs thand knowledge of the pol ice personal i ty and exper ience wi th pol ice work, cr ime, and the criminal jus t i ce s y s t e m (Reese, 1 9 9 5 ) . Bos ton Pol ice S t ress Program The concep t that pol ice of f icers could gain t rust wi th other of f icers in a way that professional psycho log is ts could not was the basis of the format ion of the Bos ton Pol ice S t ress Program, one of the earl iest in-house programs for pol ice of f icers that used a vo lunteer peer counsel l ing approach. It is also in Bos ton where the origins of the pol ice s t ress d iscourse, pol ice psycho logy , and my assoc ia t ion wi th this top ic in te rsec ted . The Bos ton Pol ice S t ress Program played a s igni f icant role in establ ish ing and promot ing the connect ion of pol ice work wi th s t ress and the need for an access ib le t rea tment program for of f icers (Chandler, 1 9 9 0 ; Reese, 1 9 9 5 ) . Bos ton pol ice had one of the earl iest po l i ce -assoc ia ted E A P s , an in-house program for pol ice of f icers wi th alcohol abuse problems, mode led af ter A lcoho l ics Anonymous and eventual ly managed ful l- t ime by a Bos ton patro lman. Bos ton ' s pol ice EAP was operat ing even prior to the 1 9 6 7 president ial commiss ion 's 48 recommendat ions for the estab l ishment of EAPs for pol ice. Up to the late 1 9 6 0 s , alcohol educat ion and the alcohol ic employee had been the major focus of these programs. However, fearing that the t i t le of the A lcoho l -Abuse Counsel ing Group might make some individuals re luctant t o seek help, two of its founders, Joe Ravino and Ed Donovan, expanded the program in 1 9 7 3 to include any personal problem regardless of its nature or ex tent (Chandler, 1 9 9 0 ; Reese, 1995 ) . Wi th its name changed, the Bos ton Pol ice S t ress Program cont inued to serve alcohol ic o f f icers, while expanding the program to address the many other prob lems pol ice of f icers were having. Even alcohol addict ion was beginning to be a t t r ibuted to s t ress by this t ime, so the program's focus on s t ress was cons is ten t for all i ts serv ices . A l though Kroes , S t ra t ton , and Reiser were enormously inf luent ial in jo in ing pol ice psycho logy wi th the s t r ess d iscourse , Donovan 's approach gained considerable media a t ten t ion nationally. He gained an internat ional reputat ion through the International Law Enforcement S t ress Assoc ia t ion ( ILESA) that he founded, as well as publ ishing the Pol ice S t ress magaz ine. Other law en fo rcement agenc ies sought his adv ice for establ ish ing their own programs, including Canadian pol ice. San Franc isco fo l lowed Bos ton in 1 9 8 3 wi th its own in-house s t ress unit and by 1 9 8 6 , " the major pol ice depar tments in the Uni ted S ta tes had some form of s t ress unit, or some other means of helping of f icers cope wi th personal and occupat ional prob lems" (Reese, 1 9 9 5 , p. 3 5 ) . Donovan descr ibes his ef for ts to establ ish the s t ress unit in the face of opposi t ion f rom within the pol ice fo rce, including the 49 admin is t ra t ion, the union and even pol ice chaplains, along wi th d iscuss ing his own recovery f rom alcohol ism and his exper ience of s t ress as a pol ice of f icer in his b iography, The Shat tered Badge (Kankewit t , 1 9 8 6 ) . A s the program gained t rust and i ts peer counsel l ing approach began to break the barriers that p revented pol ice of f icers f rom get t ing help, susp ic ions of the program's intent ions abated . One of the more success fu l features of the program was i ts locat ion, a smal l house on old hospi ta l grounds, away f rom pol ice s ta t ions or headquar ters , where o f f icers were assured of pr ivacy and conf ident ia l i ty when using the serv ice . The Pol ice S t ress D iscourse Combined wi th the work and publ icat ions of the professional psycho log is ts , Donovan and the Bos ton pol ice s t ress program all helped to establ ish the s t ress d iscourse in pol ice psycho logy . Fur thermore, the credibi l i ty of the s t ress d iscourse for pol ice was f irmly cemen ted when Donovan estab l ished a personal and professional relat ionship wi th Hans Selye, the " fa ther " of s t r ess . In his biography, Donovan descr ibes meet ing Selye in Montreal for the f irst t ime in 1 9 7 8 . Eventual ly, they deve loped an easy fr iendship, sharing conversat ions on the phone. Selye even invi ted Donovan to speak at the 2nd International Sympos ium on St ress in Monaco i n ! 9 7 9 , sponsored by Se lye 's International Inst i tute of S t ress . Wi th Hans Selye lending the weight of his reputat ion to the legi t imacy of s t ress and pol ice work, the s t ress d iscourse exc i ted the a t ten t ion of pol ice psycho log is ts and mental heal th professionals. The top ic of s t ress in pol ic ing "drew sus ta ined in te res t " f rom psycho log is ts , and as they publ ished more and more research on s t ress and pol ice, more pol ice admin is t ra tors emp loyed cl inical psycho log is ts t o t rea t of f icers for s t ress (Reese, 1 9 9 5 ) . In this histor ical and legal con tex t , the Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and Admin i s t ra t i on publ ished art ic les on s t ress and pol ic ing. I have a se lec ted seven art ic les on s t ress f rom the journal out of the 1 6 art ic les my search produced, as shown in Table 1. In the next chapter , af ter a shor t summary of each art ic le, I provide a cr i t ical analysis using the method of deconst ruc t ion of the language of the t ex t s . I fol low this wi th a feminist analysis of the nine ar t ic les (except for one) about pol icewomen. 51 CHAPTER 5 THE DECONSTRUCTION OF THE TEXTS Summary of the Se lec ted Ar t i c les on S t ress Out of the se lec ted 16 ar t ic les f rom the journal , 7 art ic les deal d i rect ly with s t ress . They are a sample of the s t ress research in pol ice psycho logy and represent the type of research that ass is ted the deve lopment and legi t imizat ion of the s t ress d iscourse. Out of the 7 ar t ic les, four are empir ical s tud ies of pol ice, three are surveys of the s t ress l i terature, and one is s imply an essay concern ing pol ice s t ress . Of the four empir ical ar t ic les, t w o concen t ra te speci f ical ly on po l icewomen and s t ress . I descr ibe the art ic le, give a brief overv iew of each and the au thor /s background at the t ime of publ icat ion, before proceeding to the actual decons t ruc t ion of the art ic les in the next sec t ion of this paper. I have jux taposed the f irst two art ic les here because they provide an in terest ing cont ras t in the di rect ion of pol ice s t ress and because the second art ic le i l lustrates how pol ice s t ress research prol i ferated during the 1 9 8 0 s . They are both surveys of the empir ical l i terature on s t ress , publ ished nine years apart . P o l i c e s t r ess : The empir ical ev idence , by W. Cl inton Terry, III ( 1 9 8 1 ) , surveys the signif icant body of work done on pol ice s t ress in the 1 9 7 0 s . Terry is an Amer ican professor in soc io logy and criminal jus t i ce who has carr ied out research on issues of pol ice s t ress , the soc ia l organizat ion of pol ice spec ia l opera t ions uni ts , and cr iminal j us t i ce educat ion . In this art ic le, he emphas izes the highly con f l i c ted f indings about pol ice s t ress and cr i t i c izes the f lawed 52 empir ical methodo logy. A s a resul t , -he quest ions the "pol ice s t ress hypo thes is " (i.e., that pol ice work is inherent ly s t ress fu l , Malloy & Mays, 1984 ) s tat ing that there is not a s t rong body of ev idence to show pol ice work has ser iously harmful psycho log ica l consequences for i ts o f f i ce rs . A t the outset , Terry ( 1 9 8 1 ) quest ions the ev idence on police s t ress , arguing that while there is no doubt pol ice of f icers encounte r s t ress fu l s i tua t ions , it is not cer ta in "whe the r pol ice work is as s t ress fu l and /o r dangerous as is commonly though t " (p. 61 ) . His purpose is to "p lace this argument into a broader perspec t ive by focus ing upon potent ia l ly more cr i t ical ques t ions" (p. 6 1 ) . He does not necessar i ly chal lenge the need for therapeut ic programs for pol ice, nor d iscredi t comple te ly the s t ress research to date. The second survey, Cl inical and manager ia l impl icat ions of s t ress research on the pol ice (Farmer, 1 9 9 0 ) , summar izes and ca tegor izes s t ress research f rom 1 9 8 0 to 1 9 8 7 . Farmer conc ludes that there is a "vas t amount of l i terature on the top ic of pol ice and s t ress " (p. 2 0 6 ) . He only used the most pert inent art ic les in his review, leaving him wi th over 7 0 p ieces of l i terature, which were organ ized into f ive ca tegor ica l tab les . Farmer ( 1 9 9 0 ) , a former p ro fessor of cr iminal j us t i ce and public management , has an Ed. D. in psychology and has wr i t ten art ic les on pol ice, and books on s t ress and s t ress management . He is desc r ibed as ac t i ve in provid ing psycho log ica l ly - re la ted serv ices t o pol ice and o ther criminal j us t i ce organ izat ions. The f ive ca tegor ies begin with ou tcome s tud ies , research that seeks a causal 53 re lat ionship be tween pol ice work and i ts impact on of f icers . Here we find s tud ies on pos t - t raumat ic s t ress react ions and e lements of cr ime-f ight ing pol ice work, such as shoo t ings , undercover work, and narco t i cs inves t iga t ions and thei r corre la t ion w i th the phys io log ica l ou tcome of s t ress such as alcohol addic t ion, burnout, and coronary heart d isease. Ano the r ca tegory , p rocess s tud ies , l ists research on the individual charac te r i s t i cs in terac t ing wi th pol ice work. Top ics concern the relat ionship of pol ice s t r e s s and women o f f i cers , pol ice se l f - image, relat ionships to spouses , pat terns of a lcohol use, and cop ing pat terns of o f f icers . Intrinsic fac to rs are s tud ies about the qual i t ies of bo th the work and the work organizat ion tha t can cont r ibute t o the individual 's s t ress exper ience. Under th is ca tegory , we f ind ar t ic les highl ight ing admin is t ra t ive s t r e s s e s such as depar tmen ta l po l i t ics and lack of resources , the e f fec ts of shi f t work, and f rust rat ions wi th the cour ts . Under managerial s tud ies a imed at pol ice depar tment management , the art ic les descr ibe the need for intervent ion in the form of psycholog ica l s t ress programs, EAPs (employee ass is tance programs) , and other health in tervent ions. Finally, under cl inical s tud ies , research on in tervent ions such as family counsel l ing or health and wel lness in tervent ions are l is ted. Farmer conc ludes wi th a l ist of cl inical in tervent ions for pol ice of f icers recommended by the research, such as s t ress inoculat ion t ra in ing, re laxat ion t ra in ing, mari tal and family communica t ion ski l ls, programs for spec i f i c t rauma such as 54 shoot ings , f i tness programs, peer suppor t groups, and wel lness programs. For management , intervent ions recommended are the es tab l ishment of improved of f icer and admin is t ra tor t ra in ing, s t ress t ra in ing, and pol ice psycho log ica l se rv i ces . Farmer conf i rms the pol ice s t ress hypothes is , suppor t ing the causal connect ion be tween pol ice occupat iona l s t ress and adverse e f fec ts on pol ice of f icers and their famil ies. A l though he acknowledges the need for managerial cooperat ion to ass is t o f f i cers , his conc lus ions suppor t indiv idual ized s t r e s s in tervent ions, placing the onus on the individual of f icer t o reduce his or her s t ress . He also calls for more research using contro l led exper iments t o deal wi th " the s t ress present in the l ives of our nat ion's police " (p. 2 1 6 ) . S t ress and pol ice personnel (Terr i to & Ve t te r , 1 9 8 1 ) was publ ished in the same year as Ter ry 's ( 1 9 8 1 ) art ic le. Terr i to is a p ro fessor in cr iminal j us t i ce and a senior of f icer in an Amer i can sher i f f 's depar tment . A former pol ice de tec t i ve and pol ice trainer, he has wr i t ten books on pol ice adminis t rat ion. V e t t e r is also a p ro fessor in cr iminal j us t i ce as wel l as a cl in ical psycho log is t and former chair of a major univers i ty 's psycho logy depar tment . He has wr i t ten books and art ic les on psychopatho logy and cr iminology. This art ic le is not original research but a survey of empir ical work leading to a call for s t ress in tervent ions. In cont ras t to Terry , Terr i to and V e t t e r uphold the causal link of pol ice s t ress t o the menta l , phys ica l , and emot ional heal th of pol ice of f icers (cons idered t o be male) and their famil ies and they s t rong ly p romote managerial in tervent ions for s t ress . A l though the art ic le has the appearance 55 and tone of an empir ical s tudy, the authors are only using c i ta t ions f rom s t ress s tud ies f rom the 1 9 7 0 s , or at t imes, using their own anecdota l ev idence. A pleasant f ind in th is largely Amer i can domina ted research is an intr iguing art ic le by Francis Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) who is an exper ienced pol ice of f icer wi th a mas te r ' s degree in counsel l ing psycho logy f rom the Univers i ty of V ic to r ia . His s tudy explores the relat ionship be tween co-worker suppor t among pol ice of f icers and the occupat ional s t ress they exper ience. The research apparent ly conf i rms the relat ionship be tween the number of suppor t ive persons in an of f icer 's life wi th a decrease in perce ived occupat iona l s t ress . Graf also provides par t ic ipants ' commen ts wr i t ten on the back of their quest ionnai res, reveal ing tha t of f icers (p resumed male) have deep distrust of one another, cast ing doubt on the perceived occupat ional brotherhood of pol ice, and that they have concerns about their abil i ty t o handle work problems, hassles, or changes. Graf observes that the commen ts con t ras t wi th the s te reo typ ica l image of conf idence and contro l male pol ice of f icers t ry to uphold. Stearns and Moore ( 1 9 9 0 ) in Job burnout in the RCMP: Pre l iminary f ind ings use the term "burnout " as an al ternate term for s t ress . Def ini t ions of bo th te rms are similar " in that bo th are t ied to a predominant ly psycholog ica l level of analys is" (Handy, 1 9 8 8 , p. 3 5 3 ) . Gerry Stearns is a former RCMP off icer, who was comple t ing her doctora l degree in psycho logy , researching s t ress and burnout and its appl icat ion to pol ic ing. She was conduc t ing s t ress research on a national sample of the RCMP in Canada at the t ime of 56 publ icat ion. Robert Moore is a professor of psycho logy at the Univers i ty of Regina and has publ ished ar t ic les on pol ice s t ress . In this empir ical s tudy , the researchers sampled 2 2 5 members of the RCMP in Saska tchewan, making painstaking e f for ts t o include a s igni f icant number of po l icewomen. Their f indings conc lude that overal l , w o m e n in pol ice work suf fer greater work s t r ess than po l icemen. More speci f ical ly , on var ious burnout sca les , female of f icers exper ience more depersonal iza t ion, more burnout, and emot iona l exhaust ion and less job sa t i s fac t ion f rom their role as pol ice of f icers wi th increasing years on the force, compared wi th men. The authors call for research into fac tors in the RCMP work environment to account for higher burnout scores for female of f icers, and they conc lude that female of f icers are "more at risk for burnout and its negat ive e f fec ts on physical and mental hea l th" (p. 192 ) . They support the development of psychological s t ress programs for the pol ice. Wexler and Logan ( 1 9 8 3 ) in Sources of S t ress A m o n g Women Po l i ce O f f i ce rs is the f irst art ic le in our co l lect ion on s t ress and pol icing to solely focus on women . Judie Wexler is a professor of soc io logy who s tud ies women in pol ice work, whereas Deana Logan is a psycholog is t s tudy ing law. They note right at the s tar t that mos t s tudies of pol ice s t ress have focused on po l icemen, probably due to integrat ion of po l icewomen not taking place until the mid 7 0 s , and because of the small number of pol icewomen who enter pol ice fo rces . They use a qual i tat ive approach in th is empir ical s tudy of po l i cewomen, cons is t ing of in-depth in terv iews wi th 25 women of f icers in a Cal i fornia metropo l i tan pol ice force over a 5 7 nine-month period in 1 9 8 0 . The s tudy intended to examine s t ress among women pol ice of f icers and to compare resul ts wi th what has been reported for men. The authors found that a l though men and women share similar s t ressors in pol ic ing, po l icewomen exper ience s t ressors unique to them because of their gender. A l though the authors do not label it as such , the comments of women f rom the interviews captured the sex i sm, d iscr iminat ion, and sexual harassment tha t po l i cewomen exper ience in the pol ice force, and ref lect the depth of male ant ipathy to women in pol ic ing. Women face a range of male behavior f rom over t host i l i ty to teas ing based on female gender s te reo types . The authors note that improvements in a t t i tudes t o women have taken place in pol ice forces over t ime, but the s t ress women exper ience is an ongoing part of pol ice cul ture and hard t o combat . Women of f icers exper ience the s t ress of isolat ion and de fens i veness . Pendergrass and Ost rove ( 1 9 8 4 ) in A survey of s t ress in women in pol ic ing empir ical ly examined the s t ress of men and women in pol ic ing, and conclude that women off icers and women civi l ian emp loyees of pol ice suf fer more s t ress than male o f f icers . Virginia Pendergrass is a psycho log is t in s t ress management for a U.S. pol ice depar tment , del iver ing psycho log ica l se rv i ces t o pol ice famil ies and consu l t ing wi th pol ice depar tmen ts on pol ice se lec t ion , t raining, and work condi t ions. Nancy Ost rove is a psycho log is t , researcher , and consu l tant to pol ice depar tments as well as pr ivate sec to r organizat ions and government depar tments . The authors conc lude wi th a call for be t te r s t ress research that would separa te 58 out fac tors of age, employee s ta tus , and response bias tha t resul ts f rom the l imited number of women pol ice. Assump t i ons in the Pol ice S t ress D iscourse Five assumpt ions f rom Newton 's ( 1 9 9 5 ) decons t ruc t ion of s t ress research are adapted t o an analysis of the seven se lec ted ar t ic les f rom the Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and Admin is t ra t ion . The f i f th assumpt ion on gender issues in pol ice s t ress research and i ts two secondary assumpt ions are in the next sec t ion because I go beyond a deconst ruc t ion of s t ress accord ing t o Newton ( 1 9 9 5 ) and use feminist c r i t i c isms of psycho log ica l research as it appl ies t o pol ice s t ress . I p resent ev idence f rom the ar t ic les t o i l lustrate how each assumpt ion is revealed in the tex ts , then fol low up wi th a d iscuss ion about the resul ts and how they cor respond t o the research ques t ions . Assumpt ion 1; Pol ice Work Causes S t ress Handy ( 1 9 9 5 ) in Newton 's book 'Managing' s t ress : Emot ion and power at work descr ibes how the medica l /b io log ica l roo ts o f the s t ress d iscourse present a model where "s t ress is seen as the product of an interact ion be tween individual needs and resources and the var ious demands , cons t ra in ts , and fac i l i ta tors within the individual 's immediate env i ronment" (p. 8 7 ) . However , organizat ions as well as individuals show " s y m p t o m s " of s t ress . For example, organizat ions may exhibit s t ress s y m p t o m s such as chronic absen tee ism, s t r ikes, or poor per formance. T o be cons is ten t wi th the dominant s t ress d iscourse, the psycholog ica l research on pol ice s t ress would assume that the work i tsel f is s t ress fu l , that it det r imenta l ly a f fec ts individual pol ice o f f icers bo th menta l ly and 59 physical ly, and that s t ress management in tervent ions are the appropr ia te t rea tmen t . Overwhelmingly, the authors of the ar t ic les on s t ress (Farmer, 1 9 9 0 ; Graf, 1 9 8 6 ; Pendergrass & Ost rove, 1 9 8 4 ; Stearns & Moore, 1 9 9 0 ; Terr i to & Ve t te r , 1 9 8 1 ; Terry, 1 9 8 1 ; Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) accep t the assumpt ion that not only is pol ice work inherent ly s t ressfu l but that it is assumed to be an occupat ion wi th one of the highest s t ress levels in our soc ie ty . Only one researcher, Terry, openly chal lenges th is assumpt ion t o whom Graf g ives a nod and researches the relat ionship be tween perce ived socia l suppor t and perce ived job s t r ess , c reat ing the possib i l i ty of f inding s t ress not in the job or the individual but within the relat ionships of the organizat ion. The f indings on women and s t ress (Pendergrass & Ost rove; Wexler & Logan) reveal the inf luence of the contex t on women 's s t ress and inadver tent ly expose the fals i ty of assumpt ion that pol ice work is inherently s t ress fu l , however , they do not direct ly chal lenge that assumpt ion and are content t o couch gender d iscr iminat ion and harassment within the language of the s t ress d i s c o u r s e . The assumpt ion of pol ice s t ress is based on an image of pol ice work as dangerous and precar ious, c r ime- f ight ing, and r isky. Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) begins his art ic le wi th "po l ice of f icers are involved in potent ia l ly l i fe - th reaten ing, v io lent , and emot iona l ly cha rged s i tuat ions" (p. 178 ) . Terr i to and V e t t e r ( 1 9 8 1 ) boldly s ta te that "pol ice work is highly s t ress fu l , s ince it is one of the few occupat ions where an employee is asked cont inual ly t o face physical dangers and put his or her life on the line at any t ime" (p. 195 ) . 60 Pol ice s t ress is p resen ted as universal and ubiqui tous among pol ice. Farmer ( 1 9 9 0 ) says " the exis t ing l i terature suppor ts the conclus ions that there is s t ress inherent in e i ther the job itself, or the people who perform the job or bo th " (p. 2 1 6 ) . Stearns and Moore ( 1 9 9 0 ) publ ished in the same year as Farmer, also suppor t the pol ice s t ress hypothes is , c i t ing f indings that " sugges t that s t ress is a f requent and pervasive aspect of the lives of pol ice o f f icers" (p. 184 ) . Terr i to and Ve t t e r , who harbour no doubts at all about the causal link of s t ress t o pol ic ing, conc lude f rom their survey of re levant empir ical l i terature that indeed, pol ice s t ress is a universal phenomenon found in pol ice depar tments across geographic and cu l tu ra l l oca t i ons . Terry ( 1 9 8 1 ) , the only author quest ioning the pol ice s t ress hypothes is in the se lec ted tex ts , suppor ts his reasons for doing so by point ing out t he cont rad ic to ry f indings in the empir ical research , and that the ou tcomes of research on the high suicide and divorce rate among police are " fraught wi th many prob lems" (p. 6 9 ) . He urges caut ion against a t t r ibut ing s t ress to e lements of pol ice work when other d i rect ions are over looked, and warns that "much of the l i terature on pol ice s t ress focuses upon the ex is tence of cer ta in physio logical a i lments that are thought t o result f rom s t ress , when, in fac t , the correlat ion is be tween the ex is tence of cer ta in work condi t ions and these physiological p rob lems" (p. 7 1 ) . A l though he does acknowledge that pol ice of f icers are a f fec ted by s t ress , in their health and in their personal l ives, and that pol ice of f icers encounte r s t ress fu l s i tua t ions , what is uncer ta in , however , is "whether pol ice work is as s t ress fu l and /o r dangerous as is 61 commonly thought " (p. 61 ) . Never the less, Terry does not entirely d ismiss pol ice s t ress but s ta tes that his goal is " to place this argument into a broader perspect ive by focusing upon potent ia l ly more cr i t ical ques t ions" (p. 6 1 ) . He recommends spl i t t ing the research on pol ice s t ress into a division that would concen t ra te on physio logical consequences of pol ice work and another div is ion tha t would analyze working condi t ions of pol ice and their re lat ionship to pol ice s t ress . He conc ludes "wi thout th is mos t basic in format ion, s tud ies of the e f fec ts of pol ice s t ress will remain shrouded in uncerta inty" (p. 72 ) . Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) a t tempts t o apply Ter ry 's ( 1 9 8 1 ) recommendat ions by not seeking causat ion in the work i tself, but in the relat ionship of social support and perce ived job s t ress . However , his mot ive for research is a imed at f inding ways of amel iorat ing work s t ress , not quest ion ing its assumpt ions . He equates pol icing wi th occupat ions , such as air t raf f ic cont ro l le rs , superv isors , and phys ic ians, all of whom have been s tud ied in psychologica l research as high s t ress occupa t ions , thereby aff i rming pol ice work as an except iona l ly s t ress fu l occupa t i on . The mos t ex tens ive survey of pol ice s t ress among the art ic les (Farmer, 1 9 9 0 ) lends considerable weight t o the causal link be tween pol ice work and s t ress . From the empir ical ev idence, Farmer s ta tes " that there is a case to be made for the occupat ional corre lates of s t ress and pol ice work" (p. 2 1 0 ) . A l though he cr i t ic izes the lack of c lar i ty in the def ini t ions of s t ress , the lack of research on individual responses to s t ress , and the problems of s t ress 62 measurement , he reasser ts that s t ress is intr insic to the pol ice occupa t ion . Pendergrass and Ost rove ( 1 9 8 4 ) also uphold the not ion of s t ress , and by compar ing the s t ress of po l icewomen wi th po l icemen, they maintain the assumpt ion that s t ress is found in ei ther the work or in the individual. However, because they are s tudy ing women, they move towards contextua l iza t ion when they acknowledge that organizat ional fac to rs a f fec t po l i cewomen 's s t r ess , and they compare their exper ience to that of women in o ther non-tradi t ional occupa t ions . Wexler and Logan ( 1 9 8 3 ) fall into a similar pat tern when they compare male and female of f icers ' s t ress . On the one hand, they support the concep t of pol ice s t ress by the very nature of their research; but on the other hand, when compar ing their empir ical f indings wi th research on po l icemen, resul ts chal lenge the assumpt ions in the pol ice s t ress d iscourse. Their f indings showed that the most s igni f icant s t ressors for po l icewomen s t e m from the at t i tudes and behaviors of pol icemen. "Even some of those sources of s t ress found in s tud ies of male of f icers. . . took on a di f ferent meaning for women of f icers" (p. 5 2 ) . The work i tsel f was exper ienced as less dangerous by po l icewomen compared wi th pol icemen perhaps because women rely more on verbal techn iques and will negot ia te rather than a t tempt to subdue by force. Whether the work i tsel f is s t ress fu l is ser ious ly ques t ioned by w o m e n of f icers in these interv iews (Wexler & Logan) . The empir ical f indings such as these remain within the s t ress d iscourse and provide no analysis or theory for women 's exper ience, leaving it individual ized and decon tex tua l i zed , a l though the f indings do raise quest ions that could lead to such an analysis. Assumpt ion 2: The Subject is Decontex tua l i zed Newton 's ( 1 9 9 5 ) decons t ruc t ion i l lustrates how the s t ress d iscourse cen t res on the individual whereas workplace reform or soc ie ta l change is peripheral. The sub jec t in the s t ress d iscourse has no history, no polit ical con tex t , and is not part of a group, a gender, or a c lass. S t ress is a process based on natural ism and bio logy, chief ly or ig inat ing within the individual, and how the individual appraises and copes with s t ress is the focus of research and t rea tment . S t ress is an inevi table part of l iving and the individual can only adjust by developing more appropr iate responses to l i fe 's s t r ess , the reby leaving the responsib i l i ty wi th the individual for his or her wel l -be ing, over look ing s t ra teg ies of organizat ional reform or change. In th is d iscourse , the individual is exa l ted while downplay ing the economic , organizat ional , and occupat ional con tex t of s t ress , and the power relat ions of gender and race, labour and management . Four art ic les in the pol ice s t ress l i terature perpe tua te the individual izat ion of the s t ress d iscourse by focus ing on the need for individual t rea tment for pol ice s t ress (Farmer, 1 9 9 0 ; Graf, 1 9 8 6 ; Stearns & Moore, 1 9 9 0 ; Terr i to & Ve t te r , 1 9 8 1 ) . A l though one art icle recognizes women as a group (Stearns & Moore) and another looks at research on the relat ionships within pol ice fo rces rather than individual o f f icers (Graf) , nei ther of t hese ar t ic les success fu l l y depart f rom the individual as a focus of fur ther research, or as a sub jec t for counsel l ing or o ther in tervent ions. 64-This maintains a focus on individual ad jus tment of pol ice of f icers , while the socia l con tex t is marginal ized if not om i t t ed . Individual ization is ev ident in Farmer 's ( 1 9 9 0 ) conc lus ions as he ex tens ive ly summar i zes the cl in ical impl icat ions for s t r e s s in tervent ion that range f rom s t ress inoculat ion techn iques to to ta l wel lness programming. Indeed, he p romotes any proact ive act iv i t ies " that organizat ions and even individuals themse lves can do to help prevent v ic t imizat ion. . . " (Farmer, p. 2 1 6 ) . The idea of pol ice off icer as v ic t im of s t r ess , is a highly indiv idual ized way of f raming the prob lem, one ini t iated by pioneer pol ice psycho log is ts such as Kroes ( 1 9 7 6 ) who ent i t led his book Soc ie t y ' s v ic t im - the pol ice: A n analysis of job s t r ess in pol ic ing. Pol ice are p ictured as at the mercy of their occupat ions , wi th few coping dev ices excep t what could be provided by a psycholog is t or mental health professional who will rescue the v ic t im f rom the persecut ions of an indif ferent publ ic, unsupport ive spouses , and the t ragedy and v io lence of the work . In cont ras t , Ter ry ( 1 9 8 1 ) quest ions the individual izat ion of the s t ress hypothes is in pol ice of f icers, and recommends that future research examine working condi t ions in pol ice organ izat ions. This broadens the focus of pol ice s t ress f rom the individual t o the group, looking at not only organizat ional fac to rs but also relat ionship fac tors that can af fect occupat ional s t ress and perce ived job sa t i s fac t ion . The only o ther ar t ic les that fol low in th is vein are the s t ress s tudies on po l icewomen (Pendergrass & Ost rove, 1 9 8 4 ; Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) , which t reat women as a group that suffer f rom organizat ional fac to rs of s t ress and, in part icular, the e f fec ts 65 of men's behavior on pol icewomen (Wexler & Logan) . By seeing women as a group within pol ic ing, s t ress is connec ted to organizat ional problems that cannot be overcome by the individual alone. Pointedly, nei ther art ic le conc ludes wi th the need for individual s t r e s s in te rven t ion . Assumpt ion 3: The St ress Discourse Helps Management Newton ( 1 9 9 5 ) i l lustrates how " the s t ress d iscourse and s t ress management prac t ices are general ly cons is ten t wi th manufactur ing employee consen t " (p. 6 0 ) . Because s t ress management prac t ices are des igned to create the "s t ress - f i t " individual who will not suf fer menta l and phys ica l i l l -heal th, a s t ress- f i t worker will be a product ive worker. The s t ress d iscourse and i ts pract i t ioners appear to suppor t the power relat ions of the workplace and "g loss over " the inequal i t ies of power re f lec ted in ex is t ing socia l s t ruc tu res , laying the b lame on the individual. Consequent ly , the s t ress d iscourse links work per formance and personal we l l -be ing, making it s e e m that individual in tervent ions are benef ic ial t o the worker, whereas organizat ional change rece ives minimal a t ten t i on . S t ress t rea tmen t fulfi l ls management goals and is not an intervent ion in te res ted in an individual 's own empowermen t or se l f -ac tua l i za t ion . S t ress programs within the workplace, in this manner, become a coerc ive tool of management for employees to become responsible for corporate per formance. A l l of the s t ress art ic les give the appearance of being in te res ted and concerned wi th the l ives of pol ice of f icers, e i ther the men alone, men and women together , or women alone. There could be a s t rong case made for the humanitarian mot ives of the authors 66 toward the par t ic ipants of their research. However , even in art ic les that I found to be neutral towards management goals, an e lement of coerc ion or an agenda to suppor t pol ice administrat ion rather than individual of f icers was apparent . The only art ic le where I could not f ind direct ev idence for this assumpt ion in the d iscourse was the RCMP s tudy by Stearns and Moore ( 1 9 9 0 ) . The authors express in terest in explor ing occupat iona l fac to rs that lead to s t r ess , especial ly the higher burnout scores they found for female RCMP, rather than seek ing prob lems within the of f icers t hemse lves . However , the impl icat ions of their s tudy clearly suppor t the cont inu ing g rowth of psycho log ica l se rv i ces for individual o f f i cers , rather than for organizat ional change. Ano the r concern is the source of funding for this research. Stearns at the t ime of wr i t ing, was conduct ing s t ress research on a national sample of RCMP of f icers and it is clear f rom their research des ign that they had the co -operat ion of RCMP management to conduct research within the ranks of recrui ts and ve terans and on RCMP premises. I suspec t the RCMP would not allow nat ional surveys of their of f icers unless they were invested in the research ou tcomes . A s wel l , S tearns and Moore, in their conc lus ions, s ta te that their in tent ions are t o provide useful in format ion on Canadian pol ice of f icers for the deve lopment of programs for the pol ice in general and speci f ica l ly RCMP psycho log ica l se rv i ces . Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) maintains the appearance of neutral i ty or even being pro-of f icer , especia l ly as he d isc loses rarely revea led feel ings of male of f icers about their own adequacy. However , management 's in terests could be served by Graf 's proposal for 67 in tervent ion "which would reduce the o f f icer 's level of cyn ic ism towards the depar tment as a whole" (p. 184 ) . He also sugges ts management would benef i t f rom his proposal by capi ta l iz ing "on one of the most valuable asse ts any pol ice depar tment has: the personal resources the individual members bring wi th them to the workp lace" (p. 185 ) . A l though these recommendat ions are under the guise of help and suppor t for the individual of f icer, Graf seems to be appeal ing t o management needs as a way of promot ing counsel l ing s t r a t e g i e s . The next two art ic les (Farmer, 1 9 9 0 ; Terr i to & V e t t e r , 1 9 8 1 ) are more blatant in serv ing organizat ional needs in the posture of ass is t ing the individual of f icer. Even the three authors ' professional backgrounds sugges t connect ion wi th management goals. Terr i to has been a senior pol ice of f icer and is connec ted to pol ice adminis t rat ion and pol ice personnel in his work whereas V e t t e r is a psycho log is t wi th the cr iminal j us t i ce s y s t e m . Farmer 's c redent ia ls combine a background in management wi th his training as a psycho log is t who prov ides psycho log ica l l y - re la ted se rv i ces t o pol ice and o ther cr iminal j us t i ce organ iza t ions . Terr i to and V e t t e r ( 1 9 8 1 ) , far f rom compass iona te , descr ibe the s t r essed or " t roub led " of f icer as similar t o a heal th professional , who is "o f no use to the public or to the profession if the off icer does not seek t reatment (p. 2 0 1 ) . Even pol ice of f icers ' mar i ta l d i f f icu l t ies are seen as an admin is t ra t ive p rob lem, requir ing ex tens ive management -con t ro l led in tervent ion, such as spousal training and mari tal counsel l ing. The authors urge c lose co -operat ion be tween administ rat ion and of f icers as a means of making 6 8 these programs more e f fec t ive . They conclude that " in the final analys is, the pol ice of f icer , his family, and the organ izat ion will be the benef ic iar ies" (p. 2 0 7 ) . Farmer cont inues in this ve in , in his recommendat ions and impl icat ions that connec t psycho log ica l se rv ices for o f f icers wi th the goals of pol ice administrat ion and the aims and purposes of pol ic ing. He s ta tes : Research conduc ted on the pol ice has demonst ra ted that there are spec i f i c occupat iona l l y - re la ted s t resso rs which have the possibi l i ty of creat ing an adverse impact upon the off icer, his family, and even the abi l i ty of the pol ice organizat ion to carry out i ts mission (p. 2 1 5 ) . The studies that include women (Pendergrass & Ost rove , 1 9 8 4 ; Stearns & Moore, 1 9 9 0 ; Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) , by remaining focused on the s t ressed off icer, could leave the impression that women are prob lemat ic for management . By suf fer ing f rom greater s t ress or burnout rates than men, as all their s tud ies indicate on var ious sca les, it could appear to management that women cannot handle the demands of the job. A l though Wexler and Logan at t r ibute women 's s t ress to the a t t i tudes and behaviors of men on a police force, by fail ing to provide an organizat ional f ramework (such as women in non-tradi t ionals or women and sexual harassment ) , the problem remains one of in terpersonal re la t ionships, a psycho log ica l issue rather than personnel behavior that management is responsible for. Never the less, Wexler and Logan, who are bo th in academia wi th no apparent connect ion t o pol ice fo rces , have successfu l ly located a problem of " s t r e s s " within male behavior to women , a s tar t at ident i fy ing problems common to women in organizat ions, such as 6 9 sexual harassment and gender d iscr iminat ion. Nei ther Pendergrass and Ost rove nor Wexler and Logan conclude wi th the need for individual s t r e s s in te rven t ion . Terry ( 1 9 8 1 ) , of course , c lear ly p laces responsib i l i ty for s t ress on organizat ional re form, work ing cond i t ions, and relat ionships be tween of f icers and admin is t ra tors . By avoid ing the usual recommendat ions for individual s t ress in tervent ion, he does not supply a readily appl icable answer to management but chal lenges police forces t o become more humane and provide greater work sa t is fac t ion for i ts o f f icers . Terry does not include women in his appeal , but by proposing "organizat ional re form," he takes a bolder s tep than the studies on women and pol ice s t ress have dared. It is no tewor thy that Terry is the only soc io log is t , o ther than Wexler , bo th of whom address contex tua l mat te rs in individual psycho logy . A s s u m p t i o n 4 : Pol ice S t ress Fi ts Wi th Empir ic ism Newton ( 1 9 9 5 ) t ies the emergence of the s t ress d iscourse wi th the phi losophical underpinnings of empi r ic ism and i ts assoc ia t ion with determining cause . S t ress research emana ted f rom the laboratory, f rom physio logy and exper imenta l psycho logy , which was concerned wi th mil i tary in teres ts and task per fo rmance. S t ress research became a minor industry due to the way in which indiv idual ism and apo l i t i c ism co -ope ra ted wi th the main assumpt ions of organizat ional psycho logy and personnel management prac t ice . Within the d iscourse, the workp lace is cons idered as merely a source of s t resso rs tha t requires l i t t le fur ther analys is . Thus , research quest ions are narrow, reduct ion is t ic , and involve individual d i f fe rences in s t r ess appraisal and cop ing abi l i ty rather than organizat ional issues and co l lec t i ve exper ience. It is quite not iceable that Ter ry 's ( 1 9 8 1 ) caut ion t o o ther researchers about pol ice s t ress ( to di rect a t ten t ion t o organizat ional reform rather than individual s t r e s s ) , has been ignored by psycho log is ts . Ci t ing publ ished s t ress research, Terry i l lustrates that even though there is ev idence that of f icers are a f fec ted adversely by working condi t ions and not jus t by the tasks of pol ic ing, researchers cont inue to place emphas is for remedial measures on s t ress in tervent ions rather than organizat ional change. "Organizat ional re form, therefore, seems to have taken a back seat to other al ternat ives.. ." (p. 72 ) . Terry ( 1 9 8 1 ) speci f ica l ly recommends research that ana lyzes the e f fec ts of dif fering work condi t ions upon the personnel involved, as wel l as the re lat ionships be tween of f icers and admin is t ra tors , pol ice admin is t ra tors and communi ty leaders, and the soc ia l mechanisms that individuals use to reduce s t ress . He acknowledges tha t such research "will be dif f icult , t ime consuming , and expens ive, part icular ly s ince the sor t of in format ion des i red cannot be ar t icu la ted f rom the laboratory, as is the case wi th s t ress research that depends upon changes in an individual 's physiological s ta te as a measure of s t r ess " (p. 73 ) . He notes that such research has to take place in the f ie ld, w i th observa t ions and in-depth in terv iews. I would add that informat ion cul led f rom such research may be uncomfor tab le to pol ice admin is t ra t ion, if not in fact making them liable for occupat iona l s t r ess . Terry ( 1 9 8 1 ) is also the only researcher in these art ic les to acknowledge c lass as a var iable, observ ing that cer ta in a i lments are assoc ia ted wi th work ing c lass cond i t ions , not jus t occupat iona l s t ress , and that the socia l c lass mos t pol ice of f icers have t radi t ional ly or ig inated f rom is the work ing c lass . Nine years later, Farmer 's ( 1 9 9 1 ) survey indicates that psycho log is ts have a lmost comple te ly over looked Ter ry ' s recommendat ions. For example, even though Farmer remarks on the lack of accep tab le def ini t ions descr ib ing the s t ress phenomenon and cr i t i c izes the inadequacy of some of the empir ical l i terature 's methodo logy, he suppor ts the concep t of individual ized s t ress responses , and f irmly conc ludes that pol ic ing i tsel f is s t ress fu l . He is s t rongly on the side of more research into " the s t ress present in the lives of our nat ion's pol ice" (p. 2 1 6 ) . Indeed, Farmer 's survey alone maintains and d ispenses the credibi l i ty of the pol ice s t ress phenomenon by his categor izat ion of the sheer number of research art ic les on pol ice s t ress . One can conclude that someth ing must be s t ress fu l in pol icing because so many exper ts are looking into it. Stearns and Moore ( 1 9 9 0 ) acknowledge organizat ional s t resso rs , part icular ly for women as a group, but these are peripheral t o the s t ress phenomenon that requires individual in tervent ion and psycholog ica l se rv ices . The authors also call for "more and be t te r " empir ical research, especia l ly for Canadian pol ice forces. Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) , in sp i te of his a t t emp ts t o veer f rom research ing individual o f f icers to examin ing thei r re la t ionsh ips within pol ice depar tments , remains en t renched in the s t ress d iscourse by his recommendat ions for counsel l ing. 72 Wexler and Logan ( 1 9 8 3 ) provide a signif icant cont ras t to the s t ress s tud ies on men because their qual i tat ive research using in-dep th interv iews of po l icewomen reveals " s t r e s s o r s " relat ing to work condi t ions and work relat ionships that are endemic t o women working in a non-tradi t ional occupat ion . By using commen ts and quo tes f rom the in terv iews, po l icewomen reveal their exper ience of the host i l i ty and prejudiced behavior of male co l leagues. The authors also point out that managerial and admin is t ra t ive reform a f fec ts women ' s l ives rather than individual t rea tment . They descr ibe how superv isors par t i c ipa ted in d iscr iminat ion against women, but this type of harassment ceased when management deve loped off ic ial pol ic ies about women in pol ic ing. This art ic le is an example of what can be learned when the research design examines the l ives of par t ic ipants. However , the authors fail to contextua l ize or provide an analysis of women 's exper ience, and thus the text remains within the dominant s t ress d iscourse. Pendergrass and Ost rove 's ( 1 9 8 4 ) research suf fers the same problem when they compare male and female s t ress . The resul ts ind icate higher s t ress for female of f icers w i thout any contextua l izat ion as to why. I d iscuss this fur ther in the sec t ion on assumpt ions about gender. Terr i to and V e t t e r ( 1 9 8 1 ) deserve some specia l a t ten t ion because their art ic le, a l though it g ives the appearance of being a though t fu l , empi r ica l l y -based analys is of pol ice s t r ess , is really an opinion p iece, using anecdota l informat ion, and dated s t ress research to p romote s t ress counsel l ing serv ices t o pol ice personnel . Using empir ic ism and an author i ta t ive vo ice to suppor t 73 unsubs tan t ia ted c la ims, the authors are al lowed to d isseminate what are sex is t assumpt ions and male prejudice. Sc ient i f ic empir ic ism lends i tsel f to this t ype of ar t ic le, hiding male bias and al lowing assumpt ions of causat ion under the guise of t ru th . This art ic le is d iscussed in detai l under the next sec t i on , a gender analys is of the s t r ess ar t ic les . Non-empir ica l ar t ic les (Farmer, 1 9 9 0 ; Ter r i to & V e t t e r , 1 9 8 1 ; Terry, 1 9 8 1 ) have already been d iscussed . The empir ical ar t ic les, wi th the except ion of Wexler and Logan ( 1 9 8 4 ) , ignore the workplace other than as a source of s t ressors and maintains a narrow focus in its design and quest ions asked. Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) , Pendergrass and Ost rove ( 1 9 8 4 ) , and Stearns and Moore ( 1 9 9 0 ) all use easily d is t r ibutable quest ionnai res and burnout or s t ress sca les in their research. Pendergrass and Ost rove focus on compar ing men and women 's s t ress and Stearns and Moore are mainly in te res ted in f inding out if Canadian pol ice suf fer the same s t ress as Amer ican pol ice. To sum up, they are repeat ing already estab l ished research on s t ress to see if the resul ts are repl icated within a chosen target group, ei ther po l icewomen or Canadian pol ice. Graf at least asks a quest ion that focuses on informat ion on re lat ionships within pol ice depar tments . He also provided part ic ipants wi th an oppor tun i ty t o give open ended responses, as well as complet ing s tandard ized quest ionnaires. From these responses, new insights were gained and new d i rect ions for fu ture research deve loped on re lat ionships within pol ice fo rces . Wexler and Logan ( 1 9 8 4 ) are the only researchers who, a l though remaining within the narrow focus on sources of s t ress , 74. use a more complex research design. They conduc ted a qual i tat ive s tudy , using in-depth, unst ruc tured interv iews, 2 t o 3 hours in length, on 25 pol icewomen over a 9 -month per iod. Addi t ional ly, they fo rmed a group on s t ress for male and female of f icers f rom which they gathered secondary and supp lementary informat ion for their research. These techniques suppl ied them a weal th of quotable mater ia l reveal ing the ex tent of male behavior towards po l icewomen. Po l icewomen were given an oppor tun i ty t o share their l ived exper ience of serv ice in pol ic ing. Based on these resul ts , future research can be developed to look at sexual harassment and organ iza t iona l d iscr iminat ion invo lv ing po l i cewomen . The quali ty of this research con t ras ts sharply wi th the o ther s t ress ar t ic les and i l lustrates how the addit ional fac to r of gender enr iches our knowledge of the con tex t of pol ice of f icers ' l ives. We learn about s t ress , i ts source , i ts causat ions , and i ts e f fec ts , grounded in a gendered employment contex t . Further analysis of the s t ress art ic les in relat ion t o gender cont inues in the next sec t i on . A s s u m p t i o n 5: The S t ress Ar t i c les Marginal ize Po l i cewomen The 7 ar t ic les on s t ress marginal ize po l icewomen in three ways that I d iscuss in this sec t ion , giving examples f rom the tex t s to support each point. I der ived this assumpt ion using a feminist analysis as d iscussed in Chapter 1. "Po l ice o f f i cers" are Men The s t ress l i terature suppresses the overwhelming mascul in i ty of the pol ice force through the hidden, even wel l -d isguised assumpt ion , that "po l ice o f f icer" is synonymous wi th pol iceman, and pol ice work is carr ied out predominant ly by men. 75 Unless the ar t ic les on s t ress speci f ica l ly include w o m e n , as in the RCMP s tudy (Stearns & Moore, 1 9 9 0 ) , or in s tudies on women (Pendergrass & Ost rove, 1 9 8 4 ; Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) , this unsta ted assumpt ion is common t o the s t ress ar t ic les. Either gender is never ment ioned (Graf, 1 9 8 6 ; Terry, 1 9 8 0 ) , or there is an occas ional acknowledgement that women exist in pol ic ing, as in Terr i to and V e t t e r ' s ( 1 9 8 1 ) cur ious a t tempt to include women in their observat ions that "Pol ice work... is one of the few occupat ions where an employee is asked cont inual ly t o face physical dangers and to put his or her ( i tal ics mine) life on the line at any t ime" (p. 195 ) . However, in the rest of the art ic le, inclusion is fo rgo t ten , especia l ly in the authors ' d iscuss ion of pol ice marr iages where pol ice of f icers are really " m e n " and spouses are obviously "w ives . " The authors also c i te research s tud ies on alcohol ism and suic ide in pol icing that do not reveal gender and are assumed to concern all pol ice of f icers . Farmer ( 1 9 9 0 ) l ists s tud ies on po l icewomen in his ca tegor i za t ions and ment ions po l i cewomen spec i f ica l ly in his conclus ions but obscures gender by referr ing t o pol ice wi th non-gendered language such as individual, off icer, person, or spouse . Then he sl ips in his summary and conclus ions by s ta t ing " s t resso rs have an adverse impact on an off icer and his ( i ta l ics mine) fami ly" (p. 215 ) . Stearns and Moore ( 1 9 9 0 ) in a refreshing a t t i tude, pointedly include women wi th men in their s tudy , going to great lengths t o gather as many women part ic ipants as possib le, both serv ing members and female recrui ts. A l though they descr ibe how they 76 acquired their female sample , they indirect ly acknowledge women ' s minori ty s ta tus in pol ic ing. One of their conc lus ions acknowledges the lesser t ime women have been able to serve as of f icers compared to men and admits that this fac t a f fec ted research ou tcomes . It is no acc ident that the ar t ic les including or exc lus ive ly focus ing on po l icewomen are authored by women researchers (Stearns and Moore are a ma le / fema le team) , whereas male authors [even Farmer ( 1 9 9 0 ) who included art ic les on po l icewomen in his ca tegor ies ] assume the mascul in i ty of pol ice of f icers . S t ress Research is Unfavorable to Women Newton ( 1 9 9 0 ) wr i tes that the " s t r e s s e d " subject needs a gender in order to be meaningful , but gender issues in the s t ress research have been marginal ized. Much of the empir ical l i terature on occupat ional s t ress ei ther ignores women a l together , or s tud ies them only in compar ison to men. Because coping is highly spec i f ic both t o the individual and the con tex t , empir ical f indings on ei ther men or women cannot be general ized to either gender. Compared wi th men, women appear to be less adequate in coping wi th s t ress . Women appear d isempowered and the ways women cope col lect ively are over looked (Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1 9 9 3 ) . Handy ( 1 9 8 8 ) explains that the occupat iona l s t ress l i terature produces these resul ts because of theoret ica l and methodolog ica l prob lems due to assumpt ions that omit the relat ionship and interact ion of the individual and the social con tex t . Women 's exper ience of s t ress in the workplace is d i rect ly re lated to the predominance of male a t t i tudes , va lues, and behaviors ; and, there fore , is tac i t ly d i f ferent f rom men's exper ience. St ress s tud ies , consequent ly , need to take 77 into account the broader issues of power, d is t ress, and emot ional observances and regulat ions along wi th the pol i t ics surrounding the gendered nature of organizat ions. Ar t i c les that offer research on women and s t ress (Farmer, 1 9 9 0 ; Pendergrass & Ost rove, 1 9 8 4 ; Stearns & Moore, 1 9 9 0 ; Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) conta in some of these problems. First of all, women when compared with men, fall short on most s t ress and coping sca les . Pendergrass and Ost rove, when compar ing men and women, report higher s t ress levels for women . Female RCMP of f icers were found to be more at risk for burnout and its negat ive e f fec ts on physical and mental health (Stearns & Moore) . Farmer makes note of the " the s t ress of being a female of f icer" (p. 2 1 0 ) . Wexler and Logan, even though their research is women-cen t red , base their f indings on compar isons wi th s t ress s tudies on men. Po l icewomen, in this art ic le, appear to need more help than men, require more in tervent ion, and are at risk for not only more s t ress - re la ted i l lness but also for inef fect iveness on the job . Pendergrass and Ost rove repeat this in their compar ison of s t ress be tween men and women in pol ic ing, that women suf fer greater s t ress , leaving the resul ts open to in terpretat ion that women are not able to per form ef fec t ive ly over a long period of t ime. When women are exc luded or ignored in s t ress research, the gender " no rm" is male. Research f indings on males are assumed to general ize t o o ther men and women. For example, resul ts f rom s tud ies of male pol ice of f icers are genera l ized to all pol ice of f icers, male and female. A s a resul t , gender d i f ferences in s t ress research are over looked. If Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) had examined women in 78 pol icing wi th his research, his f indings might have been s igni f icant ly d i f ferent. I specu la te that much of what Graf has d iscovered in his survey is a sample of the qual i ty of re lat ionships that men in patr iarchal organizat ions have wi th each other ; that is, compe t i t i ve , un t rus t ing , and non-suppor t i ve , part icular ly when sharing feel ings that could be judged as "weak" or feminine. For example, one male of f icer replies "I don ' t wish to show any s igns of weakness as this may be detr imental to one 's career. In other words, look s t rong , be in contro l , and act s t rong , even if you may be quite scared and even insecure" (p. 184 ) . Graf observes that several respondents " ind icated in their commen ts that they felt they could not openly seek support for fear of being v iewed as weak or being ridiculed by other members " (p. 184 ) . If women off icers had responded, Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) may have found that women are not as reluctant as men to seek help. Research indicates that women cons is ten t ly have more pos i t ive a t t i tudes toward psychological help than men. They are more open to sharing problems, to recogniz ing a personal need for help, and are not as l ikely t o feel s t i gma t i zed by seek ing professional help (Johnson , 1 9 8 8 ) . To support th is, Robertson and Fi tzgerald ( 1 9 9 2 ) found that t radi t ional mascul ine a t t i tudes are negat ive ly re la ted to men 's wi l l ingness t o seek pro fess iona l psycho log ica l help. S t ress Research Omits the Contex t of Women 's Exper ience Handy's ( 1 9 8 8 ) cr i t ic isms of gender in the burnout l i terature are appl icable to the art ic les on s t ress because they omit the gendered nature of the pol ice organizat ion, and ignore issues such as power, emot ions, and the pol i t ics of gender in organizat ions, 79 leaving women 's exper ience decontex tua l i zed . Wexler and Logan ( 1 9 8 4 ) , a l though carrying out a s igni f icant p iece of work to the benef i t of po l i cewomen, fail to contex tua l ize or theor ize women 's exper ience in a feminis t f ramework, and conc lude wi th explanat ions of po l icemen 's res is tance to po l icewomen that remain wi thin the d iscourse of individual psycho logy and s t ress . They propose male of f icers " s c a p e g o a t " female of f icers as a way of deal ing wi th the s t ress and pressure of pol ic ing: A s cr ime and publ ic awareness of it increases, the pol ice are cal led upon to do more and more. This is s t ressfu l and exhaust ing: scapegoat ing provides one more out let for the negat ive feel ings and the f rustrat ion of not being able to meet expecta t ions . Finally, uncerta inty about women 's physical abil i t ies has added s t ress for the men (p. 52) . By t ry ing to explain reasons for male behavior as occupat ional ly grounded in pol ice work, Wexler and Logan ( 1 9 8 4 ) leave out the possib i l i ty of theor iz ing explanat ions for po l icewomen's exper ience within the broader picture of women in the work force. A s a result , they miss the opportuni ty to name and contextua l ize women 's exper ience as sexual harassment and gender d iscr iminat ion , a l lowing prov is ion for legal and e th ica l repercuss ions within pol ice forces who are responsib le for the organizat ional c l imate. Instead, they leave the focus of research on the shoulders of individual women in pol icing and the group exper ience that has the grea tes t oppor tun i ty of providing impetus for organizat ional re form, is left unacknowledged, if not ignored. Male behavior is explained away in the s t ress d iscourse rather than labeled within a pol i t ical con tex t of organizat ional sex i sm and 8 0 discr iminat ion. Even Pendergrass and Ost rove ( 1 9 8 3 ) place po l icewomen within the larger con tex t of women work ing in a non-t rad i t iona l occupa t i on . Stearns and Moore ( 1 9 9 0 ) acknowledged women 's minori ty posi t ion on the pol ice force and went to considerable length to recruit women of f icers for a comparat ive s tudy. Even so , they were not able t o reach s ta t i s t i ca l s ign i f icance in their da ta analys is. However, they do not explain women 's greater s t ress level as due to work ing wi th in a highly t rad i t ional mascu l i ne -domina ted inst i tu t ions, but sugges t fur ther research into the work ing environment of the RCMP to explore the high levels of burnout among women of f icers. Further research along this vein may be useful in understanding po l i cewomen, and perhaps reveal unsa t i s fac to ry working condi t ions, but by remaining within the language of the s t ress d iscourse, it cont inues t o d isguise gender d iscr iminat ion and sexual harassment within psycholog ica l termino logy. Wi thout such an analysis, women ' s exper ience is de-po l i t i c ized and issues of power, male v io lence, and sexual harassment go unnamed. Farmer ( 1 9 9 0 ) also s tays wi th in the indiv idual ized, decontex tua l i zed focus of the s t ress d iscourse. A l though Terry ( 1 9 8 1 ) does not acknowledge the ex is tence of po l icewomen, his s tudy of fers the hope of contextua l iz ing the sub jec t within organizat ions, reveal ing men 's and women 's l ived exper ience and work condi t ions in a way that could lead to organizat ional re form. However, his sugges t ions need a feminist f ramework, such as the soc io logy of gender in organizat ions, in order for t hem to be empower ing to women off icers. Like the gender neutral i ty of the 81 " ind iv idual" or "o f f i ce r " in pol ic ing, the organizat ion i tsel f is seen as unrelated to the pol i t ics of power and gender and is assumed to be neutral . Terr i to and V e t t e r ' s ( 1 9 8 1 ) art ic le deserves spec ia l a t ten t ion because of the way these authors present their opinions vei led as empir ica l ly-based t ru ths . When I decons t ruc ted this tex t , hidden within the language of s t ress and psycho logy, I found i ts d is t inct pol i t ical agenda to p romote the authors ' s t ress counsel l ing serv ices t o pol ice personnel . The authors ' gender-b iased pol i t ics are cur iously exposed in an explanat ion they provide af ter c i t ing pol ice suic ide s ta t i s t i c s . The authors, fearing perhaps that they have made men look bad or weak, a t tempt t o explain or just i fy these high rates of suic ide by adding an apologia for male behavior: Nei ther s tudy proves that the pol ice of f icer is any more prone to choose his profession because of i ts opportuni t ies t o express aggress ion than anyone else in soc ie ty . The rising suic ide and homicide rates for nonpol ice persons should a t t es t to that . Furthermore, s ince women have become more violent in te rms of cr ime, homic ide, and suic ide, we know that we are dealing wi th a more general t rend than a mascul ine asser t ion or aggression conf l ic t (Terr i to & Ve t te r , 1 9 8 1 , p. 2 0 0 ) . In the next paragraph, the authors find causat ion for pol ice suic ides in pol ice marr iages. " B y far and away the mos t upset t ing problem for the suicidal pol ice of f icers is his marr iage" (p. 2 0 0 ) , ye t th is claim is not subs tan t ia ted by c i ta t ions. The jux tapos i t ion of these two references to wives and suic ide and to women becoming more violent (as well as men) lead to a pat tern of blaming women for men 's problems or using women to minimize the s igni f icance of 82 the male gender in empirical s tud ies. The authors go on to descr ibe po l ice mar r iages . Assumpt ions of pol ice mari tal d iscord are based on negat ive s t e r e o t y p e s of w ives , moreover , the responsib i l i ty for mari tal breakdown is p laced firmly on pol ice wives ' shoulders. The authors ' male bias is apparent in this s ta temen t on domes t i c str i fe in a pol ice family: "Infidelity on the part of the of f icer or spouse is a common source of domest ic discord.. .where the wife finds out about her husband 's extramar i ta l affairs, conf ron ts him and th rea tens to leave him, he usually undergoes severe depress ion and at t i tudinal and personal i ty changes, which can resul t in ser ious problems for him both on and off the j ob " (Terri to & Ve t te r , 1 9 8 1 , p. 2 0 4 ) . A pol ice marital scenar io descr ibed by the authors is based not on empir ical work, but on second hand anecdota l s tor ies . "Mari ta l problems may also result when the of f icer 's wife bel ieves that she has outgrown her husband and her social s ta t ion as a pol ice of f icer 's w i fe " (p. 2 0 4 ) . It is unclear what the authors are implying by this s ta tement or on what assumpt ions they are founding th is problem. Cer ta in ly , a simi lar scenar io descr ib ing po l i cemen caus ing mari ta l d i f f icul t ies is miss ing . In this analys is , the authors are revealed as par t ic ipat ing in making ou t rageous sex is t assumpt ions , expos ing their misogyny and mascul ine bias. Terr i to and V e t t e r ( 1 9 8 1 ) go on to make intervent ion recommendat ions that are based on assumpt ions upholding the s t ruc ture of the patr iarchal family. They descr ibe the man in the pol ice family as a " v i c t i m " of a dif f icult work l ife, needing suppor t f rom his wife. Consequent ly , Terr i to and V e t t e r ( 1 9 8 1 ) assume 83 there is a need to manage the l ives of pol ice of f icers and even that of their famil ies. "T rea tmen t " for wives to help them understand their husbands ' work is p romoted in the form of spousal awareness programs, such as r ide-alongs and tra in ings to become famil iar wi th a gun. Presumably, these programs increase the chances of a " success fu l " marr iage, benef i t bo th husband and wife, and meet the needs of the organizat ion for con ten ted pol ice of f icers who are understood at home. They focus on the the problems of the male, as an of f icer or husband, and blame women for marital problems meanwhi le seek ing their suppor t for t rea tment . By using empir ic ism and an author i tat ive vo ice to lend c redence to their unsubstant ia ted c la ims, the authors support and reinforce male hegemony in the public and the pr ivate sphere. In Chapter 6, I explore the over looked knowledge, v iewpoints , and theory located in the margins of the pol ice s t ress d iscourse, fo l lowed by my conclus ions and recommendat ions . But f irst I contex tua l ize and analyze f rom a feminist v iewpoint the group of nine art ic les se lec ted for decons t ruc t ion as shown in Table 1. Histor ical and Lega l Con tex t of A r t i c les on Po l icewomen In the 1 9 8 0 s , the years in which the se lec ted nine art ic les were produced, pol ice forces were under pressure t o include women of f icers and to reform their p rac t ices . For example, the Los Ange les pol ice depar tment was issued a 1981 legal decree to increase the numbers of women hired onto the force, ordered because of the cont inued res is tance to the recru i tment and promot ion of women (Los Ange les , 1 9 9 3 ) . Signif icant res is tance to women also ex is ted 8 4 in Canadian pol ice fo rces a long wi th subs tan t ia l s y s t e m i c barr iers t o po l icewomen's hir ing, re tent ion, and promot ion (Walker, 1 9 9 3 ) . A l though women st i l l remained a smal l minor i ty wi thin pol ice forces at the end of the 1 9 7 0 s (about or under 5%), their numbers had actual ly doubled s ince civil r ights legis lat ion of the the 1 9 6 0 s and 1 9 7 0 s . In the 1 9 7 0 s , women and minori t ies en tered policing at a t ime when pol ice forces were expanding to meet the rising cr ime rate and populat ion growth, but as the 1 9 8 0 s approached, pol ice depar tments , faced wi th budget const ra in ts , were put t ing f reezes on hiring (Heidensohn, 1 9 8 9 ) . The 1 9 8 0 s were also a period of conservat ive pol i t ics (under Reagan in the USA, Mulroney in Canada, and Thatcher in Bri tain). In this react ionary a tmosphere , the backlash against women ' s r ights and feminism was forming to encumber women 's expansion in the public field (Faludi, 1 9 9 1 ) . When jux tapos ing these even ts , it is possib le to assume that pol ice depar tments , seeing more women in the ranks than ever before, and see ing compet i t ion increase for cher ished recru i tment spo t s and promot ion opportuni t ies, may have taken advantage of the shi f t ing pol i t ical t ide t o undermine po l i cewomen 's abi l i t ies and inhibit the i r advancement . Decons t ruc t ion of Nine Se lec ted Ar t i c les The ar t ic les I ana lyzed were publ ished in th is pol i t ical c l imate. Prior to th is, in the 1 9 7 0 s , most research on po l icewomen focused on per formance evaluat ion, and wi th few except ions , women were found to be as e f fec t ive as men in carrying out their pol ice dut ies (Heidensohn, 1 9 9 2 ) . In the 1 9 8 0 s , pol icewomen were more visible but were fac ing increasing male res is tance to their p resence . 85 This change is re f lec ted in the nine ar t ic les se lec ted for decons t ruc t ion that all (except for one) , concern po l icewomen. I have div ided the nine ar t ic les into four groups for analysis. The f irst group concerns the "pol ice personal i ty" (four ar t ic les) , the second concerns the accep tance of pol icewomen ( two ar t ic les) , and the third involve the compar ison of male and female of f icer a t t i tudes towards women in pol ic ing ( two ar t ic les) . The last grouping looks at fac tors a f fec t ing women remaining in pol ic ing (one ar t ic le) . First , I rev iewed all the ar t ic les for the words in the t i t le of each , searching the language for the underlying ideology encoded within. My f irst observat ion concerned the subject " w o m e n " and " m e n " in policing and how they are cons t ruc ted in the language of the t i t les. In the art ic le solely about men (Ad lam, 1 9 8 2 ) , the t i t le re f lec ted some of the assumpt ions found in the pol ice s t ress l i terature, that pol ice of f icers are assumed to be men , that pol ice work causes psychological consequences , and that the subject " m e n " are decontex tua l ized and have no history, c lass, race, or gender. In seven of the art ic les, the subject "po l i cewomen" are featured in the t i t le. Only Bahn's ( 1 9 8 4 ) t i t le uses no gender. The subject "po l ice" in his t i t le refers to bo th men and women in the body of the art ic le. The word "po l i cewomen" is j ux taposed wi th the fol lowing word or phrases: "non-tradi t ional role assumpt ion " (Kennedy & Homant , 1 9 8 1 ) ; "defemin izat ion and the tradi t ional pol ice personal i ty" (Berg & Budnick, 1 9 8 6 ) ; "men ' s s te reo typ ic percept ions" (Lord, 1 9 8 6 ) ; "concerns of male o f f icers" (Weishei t , 1 9 8 8 ) ; " pol icemen don' t l ike" (Balkin, 1 9 8 8 ) ; " fac tors 86 affect ing.. . . remaining in pol ic ing" (Poole & Pogrebin, 1 9 8 8 ) ; and, "my ths and real i t ies" (Bel l , 1 9 8 2 ) . This language used in assoc ia t ion wi th "po l i cewomen" conveys d i f ference, or oppos i t ion , or d ivergence that cont r ibu te to an overal l e f fec t of d ist inguishing po l icewomen as an anomaly within the career of pol ic ing. The art ic les on po l icewomen publ ished in the journal may very well re f lec t how the t radi t ional pol ice es tab l i shment v iews pol icewomen. They appeal to the bel iefs and a t t i tudes of the male-domina ted power s t ruc tu re of the cr iminal jus t i ce s y s t e m as well as the police who uphold the image of policing and to whom the entrance of women may be seen as a threat to that image. Because these art ic les appear in a journal tha t is read by pol ice organizat ions, and the profess ions and occupat ions tha t serve pol ice (such as psycho log is ts and people in criminal j us t i ce ) , I assume that this readership has concerns and quest ions about po l icewomen for which they need assurance. These art ic les may be a t temp ts to answer their concerns . A c a d e m i c discipl ines such as psycho logy , also a male-dominated occupat ion , can be seen as comply ing wi th this const ruc t ion of women as "o ther . " The authors maintain a v iew of women (with some except ions) as a problem to be so lved, a " m y t h " to be replaced wi th co ld hard fac ts . Psycho logy and o ther discipl ines coopera te with pol ice in preserv ing the gender hierarchy s ta tus quo and perpetuat ing t radi t ional gender ideology. In the f irst grouping of ar t ic les on the pol ice personal i ty is one art ic le concerned solely wi th pol icemen (Ad lam, 1 9 8 2 ) . Ad lam, a socia l psycho log is t and lecturer at a Bri t ish pol ice co l lege, has 87 apparent ly not been informed that women are also pol ice of f icers. He uses male-cent red language to support the cons t ruc t of a "pol ice personal i ty" that is fo rmed in young men during training and af ter years of pol ice serv ice . The qual i t ies he assoc ia tes wi th this personal i ty are authori tar ian and are based on s te reo typ ica l mascul ine charac te r i s t i cs . Ad lam remains uncr i t ical of t hese changes in pol icemen that can include becoming b igo ted , intolerant, puni t ive, cyn ica l , and manipulat ive. He descr ibes the pol ice personal i ty and i ts a t tendant qual i t ies in order t o provide of f icers wi th "se l f -knowledge, " so they may minimize the e f fec ts of these changes within the pol ice force and in the communi ty at large. Ad lam benignly accep ts the pol ice cul ture and the pol ice organizat ion in which of f icers deve lop their pol ice personal i ty , and al though he acknowledges the negat ive e f fec ts of the pol ice personal i ty on pol ice o f f icers ' individual l ives and the l ives of thei r famil ies, he expresses l i t t le concern about th is. The next art ic le (Bahn, 1 9 8 4 ) , a lso non-empir ical , concerns "occupat iona l ident i ty " in pol ice, and like the pol ice s t ress d iscourse, locates the cause of s t ress or in this case "s t ra in " within the occupat ion . Bahn, a psycholog ica l and organizat ional consu l tant to Amer ican pol ice forces and law en fo rcement agenc ies , a t t r ibutes "s t ra in " in the format ion of a s t rong and coherent pol ice ident i ty to the entry of a new populat ion into pol icing such as women and minor i t ies. A s he ponders the e f fec ts of af f i rmat ive ac t ion , Bahn poses the disturbing thought that a "general adulterat ing e f fec t on police ident i ty" (p. 3 9 3 ) has gone unnot iced. A dict ionary def ini t ion of adul terat ing means " to change to a worse 88 s ta te by mix ing" and " to contaminate with base mat te r " (Pat terson, 1 9 9 0 , p. 7 ) . Bahn seems to apply that the "s t ra in" on police personal i t ies s t ems from the mixing of the races. Bahn ( 1 9 8 4 ) cont inues his skept ica l approach to pol ice integrat ion when referr ing to women of f icers. A l though he re i te ra tes conc lus ions as found e lsewhere in the journal ar t ic les, that po l icewomen per form their dut ies as e f fec t ive ly as po l icemen, Bahn remains unset t led because " there are s ty l i s t i c d i f ferences that are s igni f icant" (p. 3 9 3 ) . Using anecdota l da ta , he asser ts that " fema le pol ice o f f icers are less l ikely t o take ini t iat ive in s ta r t ing a pol ice ac t ion , for example, making vehic le s tops , than male counterpar ts" (p. 3 9 3 ) . He cont inues in this vein, comment ing on the changes women bring to pol ic ing: A police chief in a midwestern c i ty repor ted (al though request ing anonymi ty) that when the of f icers in his depar tment were given the opt ion of not carrying their weapons during off duty hours by fil ing for permiss ion, only 1 8 % of male of f icers f i led, while 7 1 % of the fema le o f f i ce rs did so . While it is easy to understand, and even sympath ize wi th the decis ions of females not to carry guns during off duty hours, it does alter one of the key aspec ts of pol ice ident i ty . If, in fac t , female pol ice of f icers conf ine their occupat ional ident i ty to working hours, this deve lopment could well v i t ia te the e f fec t s of more t radi t ional pol ice socia l izat ion (p. 3 9 3 ) . One does not have to s teeped in the methodology of decons t ruc t ion t o see the pol i t ical , c lass is t , rac is t , and sex is t bias ev ident in these s ta temen ts , couched in the language of empir ic ism, housed in a journal that represents the in terests of the establ ishment . Bahn represents the concerns and fears of the "Whi te 89 Male S y s t e m " (Schaef, 1 9 8 7 , p. 5 ) , fo rced by histor ical , cul tural , and legis lat ive change t o admit people who tradit ional ly have been d isempowered in our soc ie ty . Bahn's prejudice is clear. He is concerned for the adul terat ion of pol ice ident i ty and resul t ing publ ic diminut ion of the pol ice occupat ion as a result of in tegrat ion. A s a consu l tant to law en fo rcement agenc ies , he e f fec t ive ly serves their in terests by col luding in the suppor t of a Whi te Male s tandard f rom which others dev ia te . By preserving the s ta tus quo, Bahn preserves his pr iv i leged author i ty as wel l . The next art ic le on the pol ice personal i ty (Berg & Budnick, 1 9 8 6 ) patholog izes individual women in pol icing when they behave in accordance wi th the const r ic t ions of the occupat iona l cu l ture. Women in pol icing face a double bind to ei ther behave like men in order to be seen as competen t al though they are v iewed as compromis ing their feminini ty, or if t hey are seen to remain " femin ine" they garner male approval but undermine their accep tance as of f icers. A l though Berg and Budnick, a soc io log is t and a cr iminologist , acknowledge some of the con tex t of women in pol icing that cont r ibutes to "de femin iza t ion , " they leave the onus on women to overcome the supposedly detr imental s ide-e f fec ts : Unlike men, female recrui ts are faced wi th severa l ser ious decis ions. First, they must decide whether they desire to accep t the t radi t ional subord inate role of females in pol ic ing, and in so doing limit their potent ia l career s ta tus . Second , female recrui ts must dec ide whether they are will ing t o adopt var ious mascul ine charac te r i s t i cs which will al low t h e m to pursue more ex tens ive law en fo rcement careers ( including superv isory and command pos i t ions) . Finally, females in law enforcement must decide whether they desire t o pursue a pol ice career at all. A t virtual ly any point in the law 90 enforcement career p rocess , female (as well as males) may leave pol icing and enter a l ternat ive occupat ions (p. 3 1 7 ) . Berg and Budnick ( 1 9 8 6 ) provide a convenient chart , consis t ing of labeled rectangles and a maze of broken and sol id lines wi th arrows di rected t o a box ent i t led "To Other Careers, " (p. 3 1 8 ) , meant t o i l lustrate ways female defemin iza t ion may shor ten w o m e n ' s careers in law en fo rcement . Accord ing t o Berg and Budnick ( 1 9 8 6 ) , who do not c i te any sources , not only do women face "de femin iza t ion" in the career of pol ic ing, they may "en te r law en forcement already pred isposed to conduct ing themse lves in a mascul ine manner ( that is, de femin ized prior to enter ing law en forcement ) . Other women , however, enter the f ield of law en fo rcement wi thout any predisposi t ion toward de femin iza t ion" (p. 3 1 7 ) . Berg and Budnick call for empir ical research to explore the ex tent and ramif icat ions of defemin izat ion because of i ts possib le negat ive impact on pol ic ing, the pol ice organizat ion, and the necessary s tandard izat ion of personnel behav ior . This focus patho log izes and prob lemat izes women 's presence in pol icing wi thout looking at the organizat ional dynamics of a male-dominated occupat ion that c reate problems for women . This focus on women success fu l l y d iver ts a t tent ion away f rom the behavior of men in the police organizat ion and how women are a f fec ted . The s ta tus quo is left unchal lenged. Women remain a problem to the goals and purposes of pol ic ing, instead of the organizat ion having a problem in accommodat ing women . A s wel l , the common exper ience of women in non-tradi t ional occupat ions is 91 over looked as a source of informat ion for how tradi t ional ly mascul ine organizat ions act when women are admi t ted . T o highlight the male bias inherent in this ar t ic le, I can only ask in what con tex t the "demascu l in iza t ion" of men would take place. Reversing the gendered language reveals the absurdi ty and discr iminatory bias of th is line of inquiry. Unlike the authors in the three preceding art ic les, Kennedy, a soc io log is t , and Homant , a psycho log is t , acknowledge the cont roversy in the l i terature about the ex is tence of a "pol ice personal i ty ." They sugges t that the police personal i ty may in fact be the result of the behavioral requi rements of the pol ice role. However , they remain true to the di rect ion of psycholog ica l d iscourse by v iewing the pol ice personal i ty in l ight of cer ta in "drast ic changes , " such as the admi t tance of women to pol ic ing. Despi te a decade of research on pol icewomen, t o Kennedy and Homant ( 1 9 8 1 ) po l icewomen are a mystery . "Unfor tunate ly , social s c i en t i s t s , government of f ic ia ls , and pol ice admin is t ra to rs knew very l i t t le about the capabi l i t ies of po l i cewomen and vir tual ly nothing about their personal i t ies" (p. 3 4 8 ) . These authors base their research on two theor ies about women who enter non-tradi t ional occupat ions ; one cen te rs on deviance of women f rom their feminini ty, and the second is grounded in women choos ing a non-tradi t ional occupat ion because it is enr iching, in terest ing, and rewarding. One patho log izes women as "dev iant" and the other is empowering to women. The purpose of the research quest ion was to answer what t ypes of women enter pol icework, e i ther deviant women or women seek ing enr ichment . 92 Kennedy and Homant ( 1 9 8 1 ) researched this quest ion by compar ing po l icewomen to nurses. Their f indings need t o be in terpreted within an analysis of women in a non-tradi t ional occupa t ion . Instead, their conc lus ions are founded on s tereotyp ica l v iews of women. The d i f ferences in the power s t ruc ture and the occupat ional con tex t of women working in a tradi t ional ly mascul ine occupat ion compared to women working in a tradi t ional ly feminine occupat ion are comple te ly over looked. For example, one conclus ion " ind icated that the po l icewomen might not be as well ad justed as the nurses at least f rom the perspect ive of f i t t ing into tradit ional ro les" (Kennedy & Homant , 1 9 8 1 , p. 3 5 4 ) . Even within the d iscourse of pos i t iv is t empi r ic ism, t hese male authors feel f ree t o make an editor ial remark that reveals their male bias and d iscr iminatory a t t i tudes . Drawing a conc lus ion f rom one of their results, Kennedy and Homant ( 1 9 8 1 ) breathe a sigh of relief. "While we do not wish to go too far in interpret ing nonsigni f icant or null resul ts , at least it can be conc luded tha t pol icewomen do not represent the vanguard of the women 's l iberation movement " (p. 3 5 2 ) . A s they cont inue to focus on po l icewomen, their concern is d i rec ted to the "qual i ty of Amer ican law enforcement" that remains to be determined (p. 3 5 4 ) . The authors worry that if po l icewomen are low on feminini ty and have incorporated mascul ine in terests , then the quest ion remains "as to whether or not a so-ca l led mascul ine po l icewomen would be as ef fect ive in reducing violence as has been previously hoped" (p. 3 5 4 ) . Po l icewomen remain in a double bind within the d iscourse of th is art ic le. If they are e f fec t ive pol ice of f icers, that is, they have 93 adopted the values and mores of the organizat ion (and are not women 's " l ibbers" ) , then they may not contr ibute t o the reform of pol icing that the presence of women is supposed to achieve. This could be seen as ye t another way of saying that women do not belong in po l ic ing. Two art ic les that explore the issues of the my ths and real i t ies of women in pol icing were wr i t ten 6 years apart (Balkin, 1 9 8 8 ; Bel l , 1 9 8 2 ) . They are similar in con ten t because they explain the problem of the accep tance of po l icewomen, al though the top ic is approached in di f ferent ways . Notably , bo th authors are men. Balkin is a psycho log is t and Bell a soc io log is t . Bo th ar t ic les are wr i t ten as essays about women that is suppor ted by publ ished research, and are not original research s tud ies . Bo th authors wr i te favorably about po l icewomen and are cr i t ical of the lack of accep tance for women in pol ic ing. They bo th place po l icewomen within an histor ical con tex t , actual ly giving women a tradi t ion in pol icing that da tes back to the 19 th century and out l ines the pol i t ical s t ruggle for women to be in tegra ted into pol ic ing. It appears that both Bell ( 1 9 8 2 ) and Balkin ( 1 9 8 8 ) are wri t ing f rom a pro-woman perspect ive . Both just i fy and suppor t women in pol ic ing. They use l i terature tha t subs tan t ia tes po l i cewomen 's e f fec t i veness . A l though these art ic les are favorable t o women , they do not chal lenge the gender ideology of policing or of psychology that presents women as secondary or the "o ther " t o men. For one th ing, they both remain within the d iscourse that individual izes s y s t e m i c prob lems. Bell ( 1 9 8 2 ) labels the behaviors of men that block women 's accep tance within pol icing and chast ises 94 the "obsess ion of researchers" in addressing the compe tence of po l icewomen as "det r imenta l t o women as well as t o the pol ice profess ion" (p. 119 ) . He appears to be support ive of women in pol icing by suggest ing that if we only clear away the my ths that are generated and perpetuated by males in policing regarding women 's l imi tat ions, then we would recogn ize women ' s cont r ibut ions t o pol ic ing. Yet this reduces the solut ion to one of s imply overcoming s te reo types . Consequent ly , he avoids chal lenging the pol ice organizat ion f rom making any changes, and instead p laces the prob lems of po l i cewomen 's accep tance within the interpersonal re lat ionships of male and females wi thout looking s y s t e m i c power and gender d iscr iminat ion. Balkin's ( 1 9 8 8 ) art ic le d iverges f rom Bel l 's ( 1 9 8 2 ) by using a psycholog ica l explanat ion for men 's negat ive bel iefs about women in pol ic ing, and for the pers is tence of my ths and bel iefs about women 's infer ior i ty in pol ic ing. Using interpersonal theory , he explains that men are th rea tened wi th the ent rance of women into this previously al l-male occupat ion because their gender ident i ty is t ied t o their occupat ion . By doing s o and remaining within psycholog ica l d iscourse, Balkin, like Bel l , over looks needed s y s t e m i c change and thereby preserves the gender s ta tus quo, al though he does provide an explanat ion for prejudice against po l i cewomen tha t d i rec ts responsib i l i ty toward po l icemen and the mascul ine cu l ture. A s a so lut ion, Balkin ( 1 9 8 8 ) does not offer counsel l ing or psycholog ica l change for men , which is surpr is ing consider ing he is a psychotherap is t . Instead he proposes that change will come f rom a new generat ion of po l icemen who enter pol icing wi thout the 95 psycholog ica l baggage of current pol ice of f icers because the cul ture in which these bel iefs c i rculate would have changed. Bo th Bell and Balkin are opt imis t ic in their so lut ions because we know f rom more recent l i terature tha t s y s t e m i c d iscr iminat ion against women in pol icing cont inues today (Brown & Campbel l , 1 9 9 3 ; Los Ange les , 1 9 9 3 ; Walker, 1 9 9 3 ) . Because these two art ic les do out l ine the plight of women in policing and on Bel l 's ( 1 9 8 2 ) part, because he names the problem as d iscr iminat ion, their so lu t ions are undoubted ly reassur ing t o the pol i t ical powers in pol ic ing because no organizat ional change is required. Major organizat ions do not have to provide sys tem ic a l terat ions when the cul ture provides the solut ions, or the myths d iss ipate over t ime, leaving police forces free t o focus on cr ime (as sugges ted by Bell) rather than re-organizat ion and the deve lopment of egal i tar ian gender and racial po l ic ies. In this way, Bell ( 1 9 8 2 ) and Balkin ( 1 9 8 8 ) uphold the gender s ta tus quo. They do not recognize the soc ieta l ef for ts of women in soc ie t y to gain equal i ty as a pol i t ical s t rugg le that requires part ic ipat ion f rom all levels of soc ie ty . They place the s t rugg le e i ther within the workp lace of pol ic ing (Bell) or wi th in the socia l learning of individual men (Balkin) so tha t the common s t rugg le of women in other non-tradi t ional occupat ions is over looked, and the cont r ibu t ions of femin ism and accompany ing pol i t ical s t rugg le is unrecognized. These authors do not understand what women 's exper iences are and cannot provide guidance to po l icewomen. They can only reassure pol ice forces that they do not have to take any form of responsibi l i ty for the behavior of their men or for the 96 exper ience of their women in uni form. Despi te these conc lus ions, I bel ieve there is a s incere a t tempt on these wr i ters ' par ts , to p romote women 's part ic ipat ion in pol icing and to see women favorably, based on their a t t r ibut ion of responsib i l i ty t o po l icemen for the perpetuat ion of prejudice and myths about po l icewomen. Poole and Pogrebin ( 1 9 8 8 ) are both male authors who are academic p ro fessors in cr iminal j us t i ce . Refreshingly , t hey p lace po l icewomen within the con tex t of women in organizat ions using Kanter 's ( 1 9 7 7 ) work. They recognize and label ac ts of host i l i ty and discr iminat ion against women , acknowledg ing tha t women are a f fec ted by such behavior. They outl ine the social and organizat ional barr iers to women in pol ic ing and apprec ia te the ef for ts of women who have to prove themse lves cont inual ly. These researchers take a liberal feminist research approach tha t examines women 's exper ience empir ical ly and acknowledges the con tex t of women in a male-dominated occupat ion , ye t they remain focused on women ' s d isadvantages in pol ic ing, w i thout chal lenging the s t ruc tures that provide and maintain those d isadvantages. Even af ter giving ev idence of the discr iminat ion and harassment women in pol icing receive on a personal as well as sys tem ic level , these authors frame their quest ions based on the assumpt ion that it is up to women to overcome these obs tac les . Their focus remains on the d i f ferent individual s t y les or work or ien ta t ions w o m e n of f icers develop to cope wi th these " fac tors . " The authors tac i t ly accep t the working condi t ions of women in pol ic ing, making the con tex t peripheral t o the research rather than centra l to it. Their approach lends i tself to the out rageous 9 7 conclus ion that barriers t o women in pol ic ing "may actual ly serve to susta in the intr insic chal lenge to meet the demands and to persevere throughout the s tages of their pol ice career" (p. 55 ) . This s ta tement is similar to the adage that women have to work tw ice as hard to be seen to be half as good as a man. Such an at t i tude tr ivial izes the obstac les women face and the cos t women pay to adapt t o pol icing. On a posi t ive note , this is the only art ic le I examined that repor ted women 's en joyment of pol ice work, an aspec t of po l icewomen that is invisible in the o ther ar t ic les. "One fac to r that does seem to rank cons is tent ly among the mos t important in the dec is ions of women to cont inue their law en forcement careers is the chal lenge and exc i tement of pol ice work" (Poole & Pogrebin, 1 9 8 8 , p. 52) . The final two art ic les (Lord, 1 9 8 6 ; Weishei t , 1 9 8 7 ) concern the compar ison of men and women in pol ic ing. Weishei t , a professor in cr iminal j us t i ce , acknowledges the s y s t e m i c barr iers t o women in pol ic ing, especia l ly po l icemen 's a t t i tudes to po l i cewomen, but he wonders if these a t t i tudes are symp toma t i c of urban pol ice s ince rural pol ice have not been sub jec ted to similar research. He thereby p laces the cause of d iscr iminat ion and sex ism against women within a part icular pol ice fo rce, rather than see ing the universal i ty of d iscr iminat ion against women th roughout all aspec t s of soc ie t y . In order to tap this phenomenon of a t t i tudes to po l icewomen, the author has developed an instrument cal led the LADYCOPS Scale. I can hardly ar t iculate my con temptuous react ion to this t i t le . What the scale probably measures are po l icemen 's sex is t and misogynis t a t t i tudes to women. For example, Weishei t ( 1 9 8 7 ) found that 98 pol icemen bel ieve that women rece ive preferent ia l t rea tmen t in pol ic ing, in ass ignment , and in promot ion. Weishei t conc ludes f rom this that men respond to other pol icemen as individuals but to women as a member of the female sex. What he has captured are the typical gender percept ions and s te reo types that men hold of women, where men see that any sharing of the power di f ference be tween men and women is tantamount to women gaining an unfair advantage. Weishei t , a larmed on behal f o f po l icemen and their react ions tha t his scale has unear thed, surmises that men in pol ic ing may lose morale wi th the advent of af f i rmat ive ac t ion . What Weishei t ( 1 9 8 7 ) has empir ical ly d iscovered but fai led to contex tua l ize are a t t i tudes and bel iefs that men hold toward women not only in pol ice forces but in soc ie ty in general . Women 's exper ience of d iscr iminat ion and sex ism are we l l -documented but Weishe i t does not include th is analysis in his ma le -b iased empir ica l s tudy. A s a result , Weishei t of fers us nothing new here in the way of informat ion or in the way of so lut ions t o d iscr iminat ion and prejudice to women in a non-tradi t ional occupa t ion . Instead he perpe tua tes s te reo types of po l icewomen and re inforces po l icemen 's d isc r im ina tory a t t i t udes by empir ica l ly va l idat ing pre jud ice. I have left this art ic le by Lord ( 1 9 8 6 ) for my final analysis because as research, it approaches some of the possibi l i t ies of achieving feminist goals and present ing women not only in a posi t ive l ight but wi th possib i l i t ies for s y s t e m i c change and emanc ipa to ry ac t ion . A former pol ice off icer, Lo rd holds a doc to ra te in human behavior and is an inst ructor and lecturer at an Amer i can univers i ty and an urban pol ice academy. In cont ras t to the previous art ic les in 99 the journal concern ing po l icewomen, Lord uses spec i f ic language and data that p laces women ' s exper ience in pol ic ing within a legal , h istor ical , and occupat ional con tex t in a way that does not problemat ize women. Instead, men are considered part of the d i lemma for women of f icers, as is the organizat ion of pol ic ing. A s a resul t , she poses research quest ions tha t incorporate the exper ience of po l i cewomen within the a t t i tudes , bel ie fs , and exper iences of men and women in the larger soc ie ty . Lord ( 1 9 8 6 ) documents at length the histor ical , legal , and cultural con tex t of pol ic ing, i ts operat ion within a democracy , the plural i ty of pol ice roles in modern soc ie t y and changing socia l condi t ions that a f fect pol ic ing. She recogn izes pol ic ing's gender con tex t as a mascul ine, male-dominated occupat ion , and i ts male supremacy suppor ted by media images of pol ice. Consequent ly , she analyzes the behavior of women of f icers as a t tempts t o meet peer group norms whereas males maintain the advantage in pol ice work in phys io log ica l cha rac te r i s t i c s , soc ia l i za t ion , and in soc ia l accep tance . Lord ( 1 9 8 6 ) also p laces women 's entry into pol ic ing within the s tory of women 's entry into the work force in general . Therefore, she can acknowledge the contex t of gender s te reo types that women encounter within themse lves as well as within the workp lace and clearly p laces responsib i l i ty for women ' s accep tance at the fee t of the organ izat ion: Related research sugges ts that women, given the proper training and a suppor t ive organizat ional c l imate, can be as e f fec t i ve and ef f ic ient as male of f icers in the patrol 100 funct ion. It is when women are denied access to organizat ional resources and adequate suppor t ive training methodo log ies , that the spec te r of failure and incompetence becomes a self-fulf i l l ing prophecy (p. 8 6 ) . By recogniz ing the gender contex t of the pol ice organizat ion, she can point out the roots of res is tance to women that are grounded in "social ly conce ived s te reo types of w o m e n " (Lord, 1 9 8 6 , p. 8 5 ) . Rather than suppor t ing women as a "p rob lem" for men in pol ic ing, for their morale, or for their fears that women would not back them up in a dangerous s i tua t ion , she labels t hese behaviors as s temming f rom sex is t s te reo types , based on men 's fears of shar ing tradi t ional power and dominance. Lord ( 1 9 8 6 ) summar izes her a t t i tude when she s ta tes , "U l t imate ly , if the pol ice are to render professional and e f fec t i ve serv ices t o the communi ty , then the occupat ion i tself must become an env i ronment wi thin which the individual of f icer , male and female, can work wi th health and personal sa t i s fac t ion " (p. 8 6 ) . A l though Lord ( 1 9 8 6 ) exempl i f ies the possib i l i t ies for woman-cen t red , con tex tua l i zed research, her analysis of her research is cons t ra ined within the d iscourse of empir ica l sc ience , thus l imit ing her in terpretat ions of women 's responses to research quest ions . This leaves her analysis incomplete . A l though she thoroughly con tex tua l i zes po l i cewomen 's work l ives, she has not contex tua l ly analyzed women 's responses to research quest ions. Instead, she takes their responses at face value and the resul ts are confus ing. Expressing this herself, she says " that one confounding p iece of data tha t the ex is t ing l i terature and research cou ld not accoun t for at this t ime, and that was the women respondents perce ived 101 t hemse lves as more s te reo typ ica l l y 'women ' than s te reo typ ica l l y 'women of f icers. ' This data cou ld i l lustrate women of f icers ' re ject ion of the tradi t ional s te reo types of the mannish, ho rse faced , dykish police mat ron" (p. 9 0 ) . Ano the r surpr ise for Lord was " tha t women pol ice of f icers d i f ferent ia ted themse lves as a group f rom their fel low women and that their percept ion of women in general were not substant ia l ly di f ferent f rom those of male o f f icers" (p. 9 0 ) . In the next sec t ion , I explain how a feminist pos tmodern analysis of these responses demyst i f ies these responses. A l though Lord ( 1 9 8 6 ) brings us c loser to the ideals of a feminist research project , she cannot provide us wi th a more comp le te s to ry of women ' s exper iences in pol ic ing whi le remaining wi th in the d iscourse of emp i r i c i sm. In this next chapter , I return to the pol ice s t ress d iscourse t o provide fur ther contex tua l iza t ion of the seven ar t ic les on pol ice s t ress . In part icular, I bring onto the page knowledge f rom other d iscourses to inform the pol ice s t ress d iscourse. Most s igni f icant are t ex t s tha t por t ray the overwhelming mascul in i ty of t h e pol ice that has been kept hidden in the pol ice s t ress d iscourse. 102 CHAPTER 6 OMISSIONS FROM THE POLICE STRESS DISCOURSE Feminist psycho log is ts have emphas ized the impor tance of researching the l ives of women in ways that represent their exper ience more comple te ly (F i r th-Cozens & Wes t , 1 9 9 0 ) . This is most evident when we look at research on women 's l ives in the workp lace. Prior to the ef for ts of feminis t researchers and ac t iv is ts , research in the workplace ignored the con tex t of gender, t reat ing work as if it took place in gender-neut ra l organizat ions. A s a result, gender issues for women in the workplace were kept hidden as pr ivate and personal mat te rs jus t like issues of sexual i ty in the pr ivate domain such as rape, incest , and wi fe-bat ter ing were kept hidden (Burrell & Hearn, 1 9 8 9 ; Stanko, 1 9 8 8 ) . Wi th the ef for ts o f femin is ts , componen ts of sexual i ty in the workp lace such as sex ism and gender discr iminat ion against women have become sub jec ts of s tudy in feminist research (Burrell & Hearn; Col l inson & Col l inson, 1 9 8 9 ; DiTomaso, 1 9 8 9 ; Gutek 1 9 8 9 ; Kanter , 1 9 7 7 ; L ips, 1 9 8 8 ; Sheppard, 1 9 8 9 ; Stanko) . For instance, Kanter 's ( 1 9 7 7 ) pioneer work on women and organizat ions i l lust rated the way women became manager ia l " t okens " and that many of the apparent di f ferences in women 's s ty le of leadership and organizat ional behavior could be t raced to this precar ious posi t ion and their lack of power relat ive t o men . Further s tud ies of women 's work exper iences have revealed the pervas iveness of gender inequal i ty in the workp lace and t he fo rces that maintain it (Burrell & Hearn, 1 9 8 9 ; Gutek, 1 9 8 9 ; Hearn, 103 Sheppard, Tancred-Sher i f f , & Burrel l , et a l , 1 9 8 9 ; Kanter ; Martin & Harkreader, 1 9 9 3 ; Sheppard, 1 9 8 9 ) . When the con tex t of women 's work lives is in place, the issue of sexual harassment as part of the gender pol i t ics of male dominance and contro l has been al lowed to sur face (Col l inson & Coll inson, 1 9 8 9 ; DiTomaso, 1 9 8 9 ; Gutek, 1 9 8 9 ; Stanko, 1 9 8 8 ) . The impact of gender d iscr iminat ion and sexual harassment went unrecogn ized and over looked in t radi t ional research as s igni f icant life even ts for women (Hamil ton, A lagna , K ing, & L loyd , 1 9 8 7 ) , however, recent ly , women 's react ions to harassment and gender discr iminat ion have been l inked to s t ress (Crul l , 1 9 9 1 ) . S t ress and Women S t ress , there fore , for women in the workp lace and i ts e f fec t on psycholog ica l health cannot be researched wi thout contex tua l i z ing i ts occur rence within the larger gender pol i t ics of soc ie t y where male dominance and cont ro l is in terwoven wi th organizat ional and hierarchical power s t ruc tu res (D iTomaso, 1 9 8 9 ; Gutek, 1 9 8 9 ; Stanko, 1 9 8 8 ) . Consequent ly , conclusions have been made that women face "quant i ta t ive ly and qual i tat ively d i f ferent sources of work-re lated s t ress than m e n " (Long & Kahn, 1 9 9 3 , p. vi i). Th is is s ign i f icant ly so for w o m e n work ing in non- t radi t ional f ie lds. What feminist research has revealed for women in the workp lace di f fers markedly f rom the se l ec ted journal ar t ic les on pol ice s t ress in which male behavior is a t t r ibu ted sole ly to the s t ress of the occupat ion . It seems that pol icewomen have a "gende red " exper ience of s t ress that involves the organizat ional pol i t ics of gender, whereas men 's exper ience is not gendered, nor 104 pol i t ic ized, but is indeed, s imply a ref lect ion of the occupat ion or ca reer . The exper ience of men as a gender would add a whole new dimension to the psycholog ica l cons t ruc t of s t ress and pol icing and it is this knowledge tha t is suppressed or over looked in the journal tex ts . Including aspec ts of the male gender role would provide a more comprehens ive and contex tua l ized background to research on pol ice l ives. Even Ter ry 's ( 1 9 8 1 ) art ic le fails t o pinpoint the mascul ine gender as prob lemat ic for s t ress , a l though he acknowledges the con tex t of po l icemen's exper ience. Consequent ly , the contex t of gender, that pol ice of f icers are male, is miss ing and the psycho log ica l and soc ia l s ign i f icance of the mascul in i ty of pol ic ing and i ts poss ib le impact on s t r e s s is lost . Ironically, psycho log is ts did not have to go out of their discipl ine to find readily avai lable empir ical research tha t descr ibes the negat ive impac t of t radi t ional ly soc ia l i zed mascu l in i ty on psycho log ica l wel l -being (Sharpe & Heppner, 1 9 9 1 ) . However, gender issues for men and for women remain a marginal ized top ic in t radi t ional psycho logy ; and, there fore , are ignored in the journal ar t ic les on s t r e s s . If the s t ress d iscourse added gender t o i ts empir ical research, there are numerous examples of how the male gender role and its a t tendant conf l i c ts a f fec t men psycholog ica l ly and physical ly and cou ld cont r ibu te s igni f icant ly t o men 's exper ience of s t r ess . Men, Mascul in i ty , and Psycholog ica l Heal th O'Neil ( 1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 6 ) has researched how the mascul ine soc ia l izat ion p rocess is a primary cause of men 's physical and 105 emot iona l d i f f icu l t ies. For example , t radi t ional mascul ine norms and values, such as those of the "mascul ine myst ique, " can prohibit men f rom express ing vulnerabi l i ty and giving up cont ro l . Charac ter is t i cs such as compet i t i on , power, and cont ro l can a f fec t men in their careers. When men use work to verify their mascul in i ty , they generate work pressure and tens ion . Other research shows how character is t ics of the male gender role such as a need to be independent and self-rel iant, a need to maintain power over others, resor t ing t o v io lence if necessary , and a need to remain superior to women can all cont r ibute t o s t ress when men 's adequacy, e i ther physical or in te l lectual is th rea tened through per formance fai lures or in re lat ionships wi th women (Eisler & Sk idmore, 1 9 8 7 ) . Sidney Jourard ( 1 9 7 1 ) connec ted emot ional and physical health to a person 's wi l l ingness t o se l f -d isc lose to o thers , t o know themse lves , and risk being known. The tradi t ional mascul ine gender role that requires men to be sel f - re l iant , ob jec t ive , and emot ional ly inexpress ive, has been empir ical ly l inked to an unwi l l ingness t o se l f -d isc lose and to an inabil i ty t o express tender , in t imate feel ings, and a need to hide personal aspec ts of themse lves (Lavine & Lombardo, 1 9 8 4 ; Morgan, 1 9 7 6 ; Snel l , Beck, Flowers, & Warren, 1 9 8 8 ; S tokes , Chi lds, & Fuehrer, 1 9 8 1 ; Winstead, Der lega, & Wong, 1 9 8 4 ) . In Jourard 's es t imate , men are at high risk for i l lness re lated to their gender role. Men who are trying to live up to the expecta t ions of the male gender role f ind tha t se l f -d isc losure about emot iona l vulnerabi l i ty , uncer ta in ty , or fear, does not p ro tec t their image of se l f - re l iance, se l f -assurance, and independence (S tokes , Fuehrer, & Chi lds, 1 9 8 1 ) . 106 Not only may men who identi fy s t rong ly wi th a mascul ine gender role or ientat ion exper ience s t ress but they are o f ten less wil l ing t o seek help than women or men who are not so male gender role ident i f ied. Because the mascul ine gender role conta ins needs for compet i t i on and se l f - re l iance, and behaviors such as res t r ic t i ve emot iona l i ty and res t r i c ted a f fec t iona te behavior , seek ing ass is tance is in conf l ic t wi th the male role. It fo l lows that men may not seek support or counsel l ing, even at the risk of health debi l i tat ion or home or work failure (Good, Dell , & Mintz , 1 9 8 9 ; Nadler, Maler, & Fr iedman, 1 9 8 4 ; S tokes , Fuehrer, & Chi lds) . Emot ions, therefore, get in the way of l iving up t o the male gender role. In the workplace, for example, this is p layed out in work relat ionships that are more d i rec ted at task comple t ion than relat ionship maintenance. But if men do not express their emot ions at work, they may take them home and express them inappropriately with family members . Other men use food, a lcohol , and drugs to sedate themselves and reduce work tens ion (O'Nei l , 1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 6 ) . A l though O'Neil ( 1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 6 ) descr ibes men as inexpressive and men in the workplace as emot ional ly restra ined or devo id of emot ion , Hearn's ( 1 9 9 3 ) deconst ruc t ion of emot ions in organizat ions chal lenges this v iew of men and men in the workplace. He contends that men and organizat ions are cons t ruc ted as "unemot iona l " relat ive t o women both in convent ional w isdom and in t radi t ional organizat ional and academic d iscourse. Instead, men can be decons t ruc ted to be just as emot ional as women, and organizat ions can be decons t ruc ted to be as emot ional as non-organizat ional arenas. Newton ( 1 9 9 5 ) also chal lenges the v iew that 107 the workplace is emot ion- less descr ib ing "how the def in i t ion of s t ress represents a rather narrow perspect ive on emot ion , and how s t ress needs to be seen in relat ion to differing tac i t codes of emot iona l rest ra in t wi th in pr ivate, publ ic , and organ izat iona l se t t ings" (p. 2) . First of al l , emot ions are soc ia l and ideological cons t ruc t s that have to be unders tood within their con tex t , especia l ly within the social cons t ruc t ion of gender. In the contex t of patr iarchy, for example, organizat ions are cons t ruc ted as ins t rumenta l in nature, separa ted off f rom the ca tegory of emot ions . Instead, organizat ions can be crawling wi th all so r ts of emot ion but in i ts current const ruc t ion , these are kept hidden (Hearn, 1 9 9 3 ) . If we look at organizat ions as p laces that not only reinforce the cons t ruc t ion of mascul in i ty , but also as p laces tha t reinforce the cons t ruc t ion of emot ions in relat ion t o mascul in i ty , being in an organizat ion is an emot ional exper ience. For example, patr iarchal organizat ions reproduce dominance over women, and of some men over others. Within such a s t ruc ture , men have compet i t i ve relat ionships wi th each other , the h ighest pr ize being s u c c e s s , ach ievement , or winning over o thers . Men 's relat ionships wi th each other may be made up of various forms of fear; fear of losing in compet i t i on , fear of loss, fear of being dominated , or dominat ing too much , and dest roy ing group sol idar i ty. Powerful men within organizat ions are distant f rom the emot ional labour of the organizat ion. They contro l the emot ional labour of women and less powerful men, who may manage the emot ions of o thers , such as members of the public (Hearn, 1 9 9 3 ) . 108 Men with power appear to be in contro l of their emot ions. They main ta in"se l f -cont ro l . " Dominance over women is taken for g ran ted , and therefore, less va lued. Women in male-dominated organizat ions may exper ience a deadening of their emot ions while it is possib le to cons t ruc t men as too emot ional , even out of cont ro l , especial ly when it comes to anger, sexual i ty , and v io lence. Men 's relat ions wi th each other are also a f fec ted by other oppressions such as economic c lass, age, and race /e thn ic i t y (Hearn, 1 9 9 3 ) . If we look at how this appl ies t o the organizat ion of pol ice forces, we f ind that as symbols not only of mascul in i ty but of power and contro l and the use of force, pol ice depar tments reinforce mascul in i ty in the men who enter t hem, a process which has an impact on women pol ice. Fol lowing Hearn 's analysis t hen , pol ice forces are emot ional arenas for men and for women. Pol icing and the Mascul ine Gender Contex t The mascul ine supremacy of the pol ice occupat ion is mainta ined by the asser t ion tha t the primary purpose of pol ic ing is c r ime- f igh t ing, by the preservat ion of a paramil i tary s t y le of organizat ion and t radi t ions, by the maintenance of a compet i t i ve hierarchy, and by the tac i t support of a machismo subcul ture based on the suppression of women. If we examine each of these areas, providing mater ial that is left out of the s t ress d iscourse , we f ind all t hese fac tors col lude to maintain and perpetuate the manufacture of " s t r ess . " Psychology, by upholding the assumpt ions of gender and pol ic ing, fails to name, pro tes t , or al ter what cont r ibu tes t o s t ress . Pol ic ing as an occupa t ion is inextr icably and overwhelming ly ident i f ied wi th mascul in i ty . Pol ice work is cons idered to be one of 109 the mos t s te reo typ ica l l y mascul ine occupa t ions , en tw ined as it is w i th c r ime- f igh t ing . Pol ic ing s e e m s t o require qual i t ies soc ie t y tradit ional ly ass igns to men , such as physical s t reng th , courage, and aggress iveness (Bouza, 1 9 9 0 ; Brewer, 1 9 9 1 ; Lord , 1 9 8 6 ; Ot t , 1 9 8 9 ; Remmington, 1 9 8 1 ; Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) . Pol ic ing's tasks and equipment and its mi l i tary-sty le organizat ion are embedded in a ma le-cent red h is tory and t rad i t ion, comp le te wi th uni forms and insignia, and heroic legends and myths (Ad lam, 1 9 8 2 ; Bouza ; Hunt, 1 9 9 0 ; Martin, 1989a ) . Police forces alone do not have to promote this image s ince so much of it is captured in the popular media such as movies, novels, and te lev is ion. Fict ional pol ice depar tments and the pol ice heroes who populate them convey a tough, macho wor ld. Ac to r s who star in pol ice roles, usually de tec t i ves wi th a renegade s ty le , are cool and ca lm, tac i turn or gl ib, ei ther "John Wayne" or "Cl int E a s t w o o d " t ypes (Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) . The innovat ive te levis ion ser ies, Hill S t ree t Blues, dep ic ted a gr i t ty wor ld fi l led wi th men of unique charac ter , f ight ing cr ime in a gr imy c i ty f i l led wi th unpleasant wrong-doers , whereas the more recent ser ies, NYPD Blue, cont inues the genre. Women , with the odd except ion , play s te reo typ ica l roles t o the males. The inst ruments of pol ice work, handcuf fs , patrol cars, and guns, and the symbols of the uniform and the badge, cont r ibute to the imagery of mascul in i ty in the media (Bouza, 1 9 9 0 ; Wexler, 1 9 8 5 ; Wexler & Logan) . Pol ice work, in the pol ice s t ress d iscourse is reduced to being the major fac tor in the s t ress of of f icers. Notab ly , the cr ime-f ight ing aspect of pol ic ing, based on facing physical danger and 110 precar ious s i tua t ions involv ing cr iminal ac t i v i t y , t akes predominance over o ther roles in pol ice work tha t are general ly not por t rayed in the popular media. By going outs ide the d iscourse of pol ice psycho logy and examining tex ts on pol ice organizat ions, an argument can be found to show that the cr ime-f ight ing aspec t of pol ic ing, an image promoted not only by the media but by the pol ice themse lves , is largely mytho log ica l . It is even poss ib le to declare that pol ice do not really prevent cr ime or " f ight " cr ime in the sense of reducing its occur rence or making communi t ies sa fe (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ; Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 ) . Pol ice cr ime commiss ions in the late 1 9 6 0 s and 1 9 7 0 s pers is tent ly revealed through research that the pr imary s t ra teg ies adop ted by modern police have l i tt le or no ef fect on cr ime, and repeated research and analysis has cons is ten t ly fai led t o f ind any connect ion be tween the s ize of a pol ice force and cr ime rates. In real i ty, pol ice have l i t t le cont ro l over cr ime (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ) . This should not be a surpr ise to thought fu l people, when socia l condi t ions that produce cr ime, such as unemployment , race relat ions, and educat ion , are outs ide of the cont ro l of the pol ice, as wel l as outs ide of the contro l of the criminal jus t i ce s y s t e m as a whole (Bayley; Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 ) . St i l l , the police cont inue to asser t themse lves as soc ie t y ' s bes t de fense against cr ime and cont inual ly press for more resources and personnel t o p ro tec t commun i t ies . Demytho log iz ing th is cr ime- f ight ing role is not someth ing police we lcome when they rely on public conf idence to operate (Bayley) . I l l The Pol ice Role If pol ic ing is largely ine f fec t ive in p revent ing c r ime, then what do the police do? Ana lys ts of the pol ice role reveal an occupat ion that is much more ambiguous in i ts tasks and roles than s imply cr ime-f ight ing (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ; Skolnick & Fyfe , 1 9 9 3 ) . Unlike the clear miss ion of the cr ime-f ighter , the pol ice have a more complex mandate that must be carr ied out in accordance wi th shi f t ing rules and laws appl ied in a democra t i c soc ie ty . Pol ice actual ly operate far f rom the ideals that estab l ished the modern pol ice force while taking their cues on an ad hoc basis f rom pol i t ic ians and o thers (Bay ley) . Wi thout clear guidel ines other than a general mandate to manage public order non-vio lent ly and reduce if not e l iminate cr ime (a mandate impossib le to ach ieve) , pol ice rely on measurable ou tcomes to suppor t their e f fec t i veness and jus t i fy reques ts for budget increases. The mos t quant i f iable result of pol ice ac t iv i ty are numbers of ar rests . Law enforcement then becomes the primary business of pol ice because i ts the eas ies t t o tal ly, a l though other pol ice act iv i t ies may help so lve commun i t y prob lems (Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 ) . The pol ice s t ress d iscourse is based on an assumpt ion that the primary bus iness of pol ice work is law en fo rcement , but this does not s tand up to examinat ion. What takes up most of pol ice t ime is not easi ly measurable wi th only about 2 5 % involving cr ime. Pol ice patrol takes up the largest chunk of pol ice work, and mos t of that is in response to a request f rom a member of the publ ic. The majori ty of pol ice work is d i rec ted at civi l order and providing general 112 ass is tance. In c i t ies, over 9 0 % of patrol work is generated by d ispa tch . This involves responding t o family d ispu tes , neighbourhood d is turbances, teenagers making t rouble, and so on (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ) . Most cr ime pol ice are cal led t o so lve is d is t inct ly minor, and violent cr ime (homic ide, forcible rape, aggrava ted assaul t , robbery) is only 1 2 % of to ta l ser ious cr ime. Most cr imes of f icers a t tend occur red hours before their arrival with the perpet ra tor long gone. A l though cr imes pol ice are cal led t o are not un important , especia l ly t o the v ic t ims involved, they are a far cry f rom the sense less v io lence and mayhem that newspapers and te lev is ion lead the publ ic to expect (Bayley) . "Contrary to what one normally sees on te lev is ion , mos t patro l work is bor ing, whether it invo lves restor ing order or providing se rv i ces " (p. 21 ) . Patrol of f icers, responding to d ispa tched cal ls f rom the publ ic, spend a lot of t ime wai t ing for someth ing to happen and most incidents to which they respond are rout ine and undramat ic . A f t e r patro l work, cr iminal invest igat ion is the next largest task, carr ied out by de tec t i ves who are usually not in uniform and have more f lexible hours than those on patro l . De tec t i ves in large pol ice depar tments are of ten ass igned to spec ia l ty units such as homic ide, robbery, v ice , commerc ia l c r ime, narco t ics , auto the f t , or burglary. Aga in , mos t criminal invest igators respond to cr ime cal led in by the publ ic. The third b iggest area is t raf f ic cont ro l carr ied out by patrol of f icers who o f ten ac t in highly d iscret ionary ways , making on - the-spot decis ions about giving a t icket or a warning. The public is more t 113 l ikely to come into con tac t with pol ice through the enforcement of t raf f ic laws, than in any incident deal ing wi th cr ime. In our mobi le soc ie ty , t raf f ic acc iden ts kill or injure people and damage proper ty much more than cr ime does. When the public refers t o the pol ice, mos t l ikely it is the patrol of f icer on the c i ty s t ree t or h ighway that comes to mind. (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ) . Other operat ional units are very smal l , des igned to suppor t pa t ro l , cr iminal i nves t iga t ion , and t ra f f ic regulat ion in spec ia l i zed ways. The mos t wel l -known specia l uni ts are the dog squad , and the special weapons and tac t i cs team (emergency response teams) that handle hos tage tak ings, barr icaded s u s p e c t s , and o ther cr i t ical inc idents. A m o n g s t all these units, there is much over lap in ass ignment and per formance of tasks (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ) . Basing the assumpt ion of pol ice s t ress on cr ime- f ight ing is very misleading and de t rac ts f rom sources of s t ress that are more di f f icul t t o t reat wi th s impl is t ic s t ress management techn iques . For example, a l though pol ice of f icers go to work as if to war, mos t will be keeping the peace in non-forceful ways . A n d the places where they may need to keep the peace the most are of ten surroundings where pol ice have l i t t le cont ro l , that are o f ten dark, dingy, and even dangerous, amongst " l i fe 's refugees, uneducated, poor, unemployed, v ic t ims and v ic t im izers " (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 , p. 2 5 ) . Pol ice maintain "an uneasy relat ionship wi th the people at the bo t tom of our soc ie ty " (Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 , p. 2 3 9 ) , and of ten see themse lves as performing soc ie ty ' s dirty work (Van Maanen, 1 9 7 3 ) or what Bouza cal ls ( 1 9 9 0 ) "enamel house cleaner for soc ie t y ' s i l ls" (p. 236) . 114 What makes policing dangerous is the nature of the danger pol ice of f icers encounter . Pol ice face risk " f rom the del iberate ac ts of other human be ings" (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 p. 7 1 ) . A s wel l , the police uniform is a ta rget for retal iat ion f rom the public (Skolnick & Fy fe , 1 9 9 3 ) . Off icers may spend most of their t ime in routine patrol work but they may, at any instant , be "ca tapu l ted instant ly into the depths of people 's pr ivate l ives" (Bayley, p. 2 4 ) . "Pat ro l of f icers can never forget that at any moment the boredom of a long shift can be sha t te red by a call that can be harrowing, t raumat ic , dangerous, and life th reaten ing" (Bayley, p. 2 5 ) . A l though pol icing at t imes can be dangerous and s t ress fu l , it is not necessar i ly the mos t dangerous occupat ion (s ta t is t ica l ly looking at deaths on the job, Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ) . There is no doubt that pol ice of f icers repeatedly face s i tuat ions any one of which a person in the normal course of l iving would f ind deeply d is t ress ing and disturbing (St ra t ton , 1 9 8 4 ) . The t rauma of pol ice of f icers to the more t rag ic inc idents they w i tness involving o ther humans is wel l -documented (Adlam, 1 9 8 2 ; Alkus & Padesky, 1 9 8 3 ; Bouza, 1 9 9 0 ; Machel l , 1 9 8 9 ; S t ra t ton ; Terry, 1 9 8 1 ) . However, much of that s t ress has been a t tended to by cr i t ical incident teams. Off icers no longer have to suf fer such t raumas wi thout suppor t (Scr ivner & Kurke, 1995 ) . What can be an unacknowledged source of s t ress for male of f icers in pol ic ing is the d is tance be tween their occupat iona l expecta t ions and the reality of pol ice work itself. Many men who en ter pol ic ing may be looking for a cu l tu ra l ly -sanct ioned opportuni ty t o exerc ise the use of force and to face danger, perhaps 115 having a chance at heroics. Pol ice depar tments that rest their s ta tus on the cr ime- f ight ing mode l , may tac i t ly encourage of f icers to bel ieve that enforc ing laws is the t rue purpose of pol ic ing. This leaves of f icers open to dis i l lusionment when they f ind themse lves spending very l i t t le of thei r t ime in cr ime- f ight ing, and are required t o per form far less glor ious tasks . Such d isappoin tment can lead to cyn ic i sm, d issa t is fac t ion , and an a l ienated a t t i tude that is re f lec ted in the t rea tment of the public (Skolnick & Fy fe , 1 9 9 3 ) . The Pol ice Organizat ion The paramil i tary s t ruc tu re of mos t pol ice fo rces con t r ibu tes t o the image of pol icing as exclus ively connec ted to cr ime- f ight ing and the protect ion of the public f rom wrongdoers. A l though the mil i tary and pol ice have the the use of force in common , the parallel ends there. The pol ice of f icer, unlike the soldier general ly works alone or in pairs and is a member of a pol ice depar tment that in teracts with the public it se rves . The pol ice hierarchy based on a paramil i tary model is incongruent wi th the task of pol ic ing where the front- l ine of f icer , who carr ies out the major i ty of pol ice work and has the mos t d iscret ion in performing these tasks , is ladened wi th the mos t rules and regulat ions while carry ing the least au thor i t y . In the mil i tary mode l , dec is ion-making s ta r ts at the top of the hierarchy and works i ts way down through the cha in -o f -command. Front- l ine of f icers wi th the lowest rank defer t o the mos t author i ty , ye t they are left wi th enormous dec is ion-making d iscret ion where they "make instant and complex dec is ions in unpredictable c i r cumstances" (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 , p. 6 4 ) . Unlike the 116 soldier, the patrol of f icer o f ten works alone. The s y s t e m of command and contro l so lves this problem by developing excess ive rules, commands , and di rect ions to guide of f icers. O f ten , this leaves f ront- l ine o f f icers feel ing unp ro tec ted when per forming thei r t asks in fear of breaking some rule. If of f icers do make errors, the mi l i tary-s ty le organ izat ion o f ten c loses rank and p ro tec t s the depar tment , leaving the working of f icer at fault (Bayley; Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 ) . This " t igh ten discipl ine, punish indiv iduals" (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 , p. 6 5 ) form of cor rec t ing mis takes or solv ing problems leads t o an assembly of of f icers who become caut ious about tak ing ini t iat ive or responsibi l i ty for their act ions. They also tend to see management as oppress ive and quixot ic , so that of f icers have a "b lue-co l lar " adversar ial labor relat ionship wi th management rather than a profess ional s t a tus and work ing cond i t ions . The front- l ine of f icers c lose up against management to pro tec t their own. Police forces, there fore , do not deal w i th mis takes in ways that ass is t their individual of f icers or superv isory personnel or in ways tha t would lead t o improved training and superv is ion (Bayley; Skolnick & Fy fe , 1 9 9 3 ) . "In sum, the tradit ional discipl ine cen te red management s y s t e m , g iven the highly d iscret ionary nature of pol ice work, is a fig leaf that not only conceals but po isons" (Bayley, p. 6 5 ) . Divis ions in the paramil i tary pol ice h ierarchy are not accoun ted for very wel l in the pol ice s t ress d iscourse, where pol ice of f icers are lumped toge ther as homogeneous . Patrol o f f icers, superv isory se rgean ts , de tec t i ves , and senior of f icers all exper ience organizat ional fac tors and work fac tors that are di f ferent for each 117 posi t ion on the pol ice hierarchy. De tec t i ves are pr iv i leged. Senior o f f i cers , unlike patro l o f f icers or de tec t i ves , enjoy cons iderab le s ta tus within and wi thout the pol ice organizat ion. They are suppor ted by subord inates and co l leagues while working under more relaxed condi t ions and deadl ines where they can rout inely review and revise their dec is ions. They have the mos t s ta tus while needing less d iscret ion and autonomy (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ) . In con t ras t , f ront- l ine pol ice of f icers do not command the respec t or s ta tus in the pol ice hierarchy. Unlike other occupat ions such as law, medic ine, and teaching where those who have the g rea tes t pract ica l responsib i l i ty have recogn ized pro fess iona l and informal socia l s tand ings , in pol ic ing those wi th the g rea tes t responsibi l i ty have the least educat ion , the lowest pay, and the least social s ta tus (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ) . The front- l ine of f icers who have the grea tes t responsibi l i ty and represent the pol ice depar tment mos t publicly is the majori ty of pol ice of f icers (about 75%), mos t of whom will s tay at th is rank for mos t of their careers (Bayley; Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 ) . Ye t , they maintain the lowest s ta tus in the pol ice force, a fac t that could very wel l cont r ibu te t o of f icer " s t r e s s " in the form of disi l lusion, d isappo in tment , cyn ic i sm, and p e s s i m i s m . The Occupat iona l Subcul ture In the mascu l in ized, paramil i tary mode l , male sup remacy is perpe tua ted in an occupat iona l subcu l ture where anyth ing ident i f ied as mascul ine has prest ige and s ta tus , whereas anyth ing ident i f ied as feminine does not (Young, 1 9 9 1 ) . Hunt ( 1 9 9 0 ) descr ibes policing as an organizat ion clearly div ided along gender lines where a pol ice 118 of f icer 's mascul in i ty is def ined through gender- re la ted t hemes . She por t rays this cul ture as a "symbo l i c universe permeated wi th gender meanings" (p. 2 9 4 ) . These factors combine to create a mascul ine pol ice mytho logy, or a mascul ine "mys t ique , " wi th which the pol ice occupat iona l personal i ty is ident i f ied. For example, "real" pol ice work such as cr ime- f ight ing and s t ree t patrol is assoc ia ted exc lus ive ly w i th mascu l ine ski l ls and cha rac te r i s t i c s , whi le " ins ide work" is assoc ia ted wi th the domes t i c domain and feminine character is t ics (Hunt, 1 9 8 4 ) . Consequent ly , " ins ide" ass ignments or "desk - jobs , " cons idered to be non-pol ice work are not general ly l iked by police who prefer the act ion of working in the field (Kroes, 1 9 8 5 ) . Ano ther example of this theme are the division of a t t r ibutes t o " the ' inside man ' who may appear naive, t rust ing and car ing, while the ' real ' cop is susp ic ious, cyn ica l , and maintains an emot ional d is tance from the people he pol ices" (Hunt, 1 9 8 4 , p. 2 8 8 ) . The priori ty and respect that is a l located to male ca tegor ies and symbo ls c rea tes dogma that keeps pol ice s t ruc tures as "male cultural p reserves" (Young, 1 9 9 1 , p. 192 ) . Pol ice of f icers become encu l tu ra ted during training as recrui ts, where they are a world unto themse lves . They are taught t o ident i fy wi th a pol ice t radi t ion tha t p resen ts i tsel f as an exc lus ive and elite group, separated f rom the rest of soc ie ty by shared exper iences, secre t codes, and private language, and enhanced by paramil i tary uni forms, and pol ice equipment (Bahn, 1 9 8 4 ; Bouza , 1 9 9 0 ; Sewel l , 1 9 8 5 ; S t ra t ton , 1 9 8 4 ; Van Maanen, 1 9 7 3 ) . Like other male-dominated f ields such as con tac t spor ts or the mil i tary, pol ic ing p laces an emphas is on conf l ic t and compe t i t i on , 119 war and winning (Lord, 1 9 8 6 ; Young, 1 9 9 1 ) . Physical ac ts of courage are given s ta tus and prest ige in what cons t i tu tes a "cu l t of mascul in i ty" wrapped up in a "male mys t ique" (Young). In this mach ismo wor ld , recru i ts o f ten t ra in like footba l l p layers , l i f t ing weights and running. They are trained in se l f -defense and the use of weapons , including the disabl ing and killing of people wi th their own hands. "No mat ter how many warnings may be issued by superiors about l imitat ions on the use of force, no mat te r how much talk about pol ic ing as a p ro fess ion , pol ice t ra in ing cont inual ly reminds recru i ts that coerc ive power is a centra l feature of pol ice l i fe" (Skolnick & Fyfe, 1 9 9 3 , p. 95 ) . The social con tex t of the subcul ture is permeated wi th gender s t e reo t ypes , c reat ing an ident i f icat ion of pol ice work wi th a subcu l ture of males in t h e prime of life where qual i t ies such as bravery and s t rength holds predominance (Niederhoffer, 1 9 6 7 ) . Cultural a t t i tudes s t ress drinking and physical courage as a t es t of manl iness, while v io lence holds g lamour. Conversa t ion is o f ten sexual in con ten t , spr inkled wi th humour tha t o f ten ob ject i f ies women , while general conversat ion can cent re on spor ts , cars , dr inking, and sex (Brewer, 1 9 9 1 ) . In the pol ice subcul ture, members (and at this point , all re ferences concern male o f f icers) , tend to have similar out looks based on conservat ism and a d ist rust of women and soc ie t y ' s minori t ies (Brewer, 1 9 9 1 ; Niederhof fer , 1 9 6 8 ) . The subcul ture supposedly helps produce a group sol idari ty and cohes iveness among po l icemen (Remmington , 1 9 8 1 ) , but it certa in ly re inforces a t t i tudes which s t ress manl iness (Brewer) . Like an all male club ( Jacobs , 120 1 9 8 7 ) , anyone who se lec ts to work within the role of pol ice of f icer must exhibit the qual i t ies of th is mascul ine s te reo type to fit into the police cul ture (Wexler, 1 9 8 5 ) . This leads to pol icing as a t t rac t ing or c rea t ing individuals who perpe tua te simi lar charac ter is t ics , o f ten seen as a pol ice ident i ty or s te reo type (Bouza , 1 9 9 0 ) . In this wor ld, po l icewomen do not fit the bil l. The pol ice subcu l ture leads to discr iminat ion and non-accep tance against those who do not fit the whi te male norm or the police s te reo type . Even men suffer. In L inden's ( 1 9 8 5 ) survey of attr i t ion among members of the RCMP, he found that 5 6 % of males who left the force report^ d iscr iminat ion and harassment f rom fel low of f icers and f rom superv isors , a t t r ibu ted to their unwi l l ingness t o par t ic ipate in o f f -du ty ac t iv i t ies wi th o ther members , or if they belong to another d iscr iminated minor i ty such as French-Canadians. Perhaps this is the phenomenon Graf ( 1 9 8 6 ) uncovered in his research. Discr iminat ion within and separa teness f rom the rest of soc ie ty can cont r ibu te to pol ice being iso lated in their occupat ion . Pol ice of f icers come to feel separate f rom the rest of soc ie ty , f i rst by pol ice encul turat ion, then by the nature of their work, and finally by the a t t i tudes of the public toward pol ice in general (Bouza, 1 9 9 0 ; Kroes, 1 9 8 5 ; Mart in, 1 9 8 9 b ; Niederhoffer, 1 9 6 7 ; Reiner, 1 9 8 5 ; Remmington, 1 9 8 1 ; Sewel l , 1 9 8 5 ) . Disl iked by a large segment of soc ie ty , police learn to become suspic ious and defens ive towards a publ ic v iewed as prejudiced and host i le (Alkus & Padesky, 1 9 8 3 ; Kroes, 1985 ) . A gap develops between the police and the publ ic, w idened by pol ice susp ic iousness and cyn ic ism that is o f ten in terpreted by the public as pol ice put t ing themse lves at a 121 distance (Sewel l , 1 9 8 5 ; Van Maanen, 1 9 7 3 ) . Ost rac ized by what they do, the demands of the job further force pol ice into a pol ice or ien ted l i fe-sty le l imit ing their abi l i ty to re late to o thers ou ts ide of the law enforcement profession (S t ra t ton , 1 9 8 4 ) . The police world has been descr ibed by those who have worked in it as a "sec re t i ve internal cu l tu re" and a "hermet ica l ly sea led soc ie t y " that is encrus ted by codes of s i lence, obedience, and loyal ty, which its members are under immense pressure t o maintain (Bouza, 1 9 9 0 ) . This sealed soc ie ty encapsulates an a tmosphere of susp ic ion and d is t rus t fu lness , cyn ic i sm, and skep t i c i sm, in a wor ld inaccessib le to the public v iew (Ad lam, 1 9 8 2 ; Bouza ; Kroes , 1 9 8 5 , Mart in, 1 9 8 9 a ; Sewel l , 1 9 8 5 ) . A s of f icers turn t o each other and become more isolated f rom the communi ty , a cohes ive occupat ional group is fo rmed, p ro tec ted by what has been coined a "blue wall, " (Bouza, 1 9 9 0 ; Mart in, 1 9 8 9 a ; Sewel l , 1 9 8 5 ) , which c loses out anyone who is perce ived as an outs ider and defends a "powerfu l se l f - re inforc ing cul ture tha t impinges st rongly on its members " (Bouza, p. 4 4 ) . The culture of pol ic ing based on the features of the pol ice role—danger, author i ty , and the mandate t o use coerc ive force—support and perpetuate the internal sol idar i ty of the pol ice bro therhood. "Mos t pol ice feel comfor tab le and soc ia l ize mainly wi th o ther c o p s " (Skolnick & Fyfe , 1 9 9 3 , p. 116 ) . Feeling they are only understood or accep ted within their occupat ion , pol ice of f icers turn more and more t o their peers for fr iendship and support , and end up heavily enmeshed in the pol ice subcu l tu re , fur ther l imit ing thei r f r iendships and relat ionships in the non-pol ice world (Bahn, 1 9 8 4 ; Kroes , 1 9 8 5 ) . Eventual ly, this way of life spil ls over to spouse and chi ldren so that of f icers and their famil ies tend to lead iso la ted, separa ted l ives (S t ra t ton , 1 9 8 4 ) . What has been descr ibed are the many factors in pol icing that could contr ibute t o an of f icer 's " s t r e s s " but once uncovered from the blanket diagnosis of " s t r e s s , " reveal a range of social condi t ions that unless named and understood, cannot be changed. Most s igni f icant of the fac to rs is the overwhelming mascul in i ty of the pol ice occupa t ion . The expec ta t ions , charac ter is t i cs , emot ions , and behaviors that accompany the qual i ty of mascul in i ty permeate the police cul ture and the police task. They blend toge ther t o a f fect both men and women in pol icing. In the next chapter , I bring toge ther the f indings of th is research paper f rom which I draw conc lus ions about psycho log ica l research and counsel l ing in pol ic ing. 123 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSIONS A N D RECOMMENDATIONS Conc lus ions on the Pol ice S t ress Discourse The s t ress d iscourse gradually gained accep tance within the pol ice, accord ing to the h istor ical , legal , and pol i t ical con tex t I have provided. However, instead of encouraging an emancipatory or l iberat ing pract ice for men or women in pol ic ing as perhaps it was intended to do, the s t ress d iscourse upholds estab l ished powers in pol ic ing and does not necessar i ly lead to improvement in the l ives of po l ice o f f i ce rs . It fo l lowed that when the s t ress d iscourse in general gained leg i t imacy within psycho logy along wi th the concep t of pol ice s t r ess , the es tab l ishment of pol ice psycho logy was a lmost guaranteed. This was so because appl icat ion of the s t ress theory requires exper ts capable of bo th diagnosis and t rea tment (Newton , 1 9 9 5 ) . In the pol ice s t ress d iscourse, many of those exper ts are psycho log is ts . A s psycho logy so ld i ts serv ices to the pol ice, pol ice psycho logy emerged f rom a relat ively unknown field to a " recogn ized spec ia l i ty wi thin psycho logy , wi th roo ts f i rmly p lanted in the criminal jus t ice s y s t e m " (Scrivner & Kurke, 1 9 9 5 , p. 4 1 ) . Within pol ice psycho logy, s t ress cont inues t o be the centra l focus of psycho log ica l research and therapeut ic t rea tmen t of o f f icers . However, I argue and Newton 's ( 1 9 9 5 ) work suppor ts me that psycho logy within the s t ress d iscourse instead of being a healing pract ice or a force for change in people 's l ives, is a "sub jugatory rather than a l iberatory dev ice" (Newton, p. 118 ) . 124 Ironically, the in t roduct ion of the s t ress d iscourse into pol ic ing was initially empower ing t o pol ice of f icers . A s a d iagnosis, s t ress permi t ted pol ice of f icers to have problems in a way that was non- threatening to their super iors. Certa in ly, a " d i s t r essed " of f icer was more accep tab le t o pol ice management than an alcohol ic or a mental ly ill of f icer . A s t ress d iagnosis came wi th intervent ive measures such as s t ress management techn iques that were non-s t igmat iz ing t o ei ther of f icers needing help or t o pol ice fo rces providing help. The pol ice s t ress d iscourse also al lowed for the es tab l ishment in the 1 9 8 0 s of cr i t ical incident debr ief ing teams to deal wi th the mos t imperat ive inc idents in pol ic ing, such as of f icers who use their guns in the line of duty, of f icers who are injured or who w i tness t raumat ic even t s , hos tage- tak ing s i tua t ions , and so on (Bohl, 1 9 9 5 ) . Prior to the recogni t ion of pol ice s t ress and the es tab l i shment of in-house psycho log ica l serv ices in pol ice fo rces , pol ice of f icers were assumed to cope wi th highly d is turb ing s i tuat ions because they were trained to do so and because they became immune to t rauma after encounter ing so much of it as part of their work. A n y of f icers that appeared to suf fer severe s t ress react ions like civi l ians were cons idered unusual and perhaps inappropriate for pol ice work (Bohl , 1 9 9 5 ) . A s a resul t , pol ice fo rces were re luctant to admit to any problems their of f icers were having. The s t ress d iscourse because it was popular and d isseminated widely in soc ie ty (as descr ibed by N e w t o n , 1 9 9 5 ) may have helped reduce the poli t ical oppos i t ion of the pol ice bureaucracy to providing help for o f f icers. 125 The s t ress d iscourse also prov ided a convenient solut ion for pol ice forces that were cal led upon wi th increasing f requency t o be accountab le for the act ions of their of f icers. For example, a legal principle was es tab l ished in 1 9 7 8 in the Uni ted S ta tes that an agency as well as an individual employee may be held liable if a person 's civil r ights had been v io lated by the cus toms , or usage of that agency. In the 8 0 s and into the 9 0 s , this legal precedent al lowed c i t izens to sue pol ice forces for the act ions of their of f icers. Pol ice forces had to c reate or encode pol ic ies and d i rect ives that changed how of f icers were trained and how they carr ied out their dut ies . The s t ress d iscourse wi th i ts promise of improved task per formance, became appeal ing to the needs of pol ice. For example, therapeut ic measures provided by s t ress management techniques al lowed pol ice t o sat is fy the cour ts that they were provid ing ass is tance to their t roub led of f icers (Chandler, 1 9 9 0 ; Newton , 1 9 9 5 ) . Essent ia l ly , the s t ress d iscourse leg i t imized the need for suppor t and ass is tance to of f icers at a t ime when the pol ice es tab l ishment was being chal lenged to be more e f fec t ive , ef f ic ient , and equi table in carrying out the ob jec t ives of the communi ty (Bayley, 1 9 9 4 ) . Pol ice forces a lso found the s t ress d iscourse accep tab le because it was cons is ten t with the goals of management . S t ress management was seen as not only beneficial to the individual but to the company or organizat ion as wel l . S t ress management advoca ted improvement of the individual, not through humanist ic concep ts such as sel f -actual izat ion or personal au tonomy but through good coping and peak performance (Newton, 1 9 9 5 ) . Police psycholog is ts support 126 pol ice management in many ways by developing intervent ions that will " improve human per formance in the workp lace" (Scr ivner & Kurke, 1 9 9 5 , p. 24 ) , and by sharing goals with management to "enhance pol ice personnel workplace readiness by determin ing the bes t f i ts for people, and by task, organizat ional and team rest ructur ing" (p. 2 4 ) . Pol ice psycho logy today ass is ts pol ice management in these areas: (a) individual funct ioning of pol ice personnel , mainly in the area of s t ress on the individual and his or her family; (b) se lec t ion and retent ion of pol ice personnel (e.g. , f i tness for duty examinat ions) ; (c) maximizat ion of pol ice e f fec t i veness organizat ional ly (rules and procedures of management ) , and (d) operat ional ly (pol ice work such as cr iminal inves t iga t ions) (Scr ivner & Kurke, 1 9 9 5 ) . Pol ice psycho logy has organizat ions, pub l ica t ions , and af f i l iat ions wi th the A m e r i c a n Psycho log ica l Assoc ia t i on and the International Assoc ia t i on of Chiefs of Pol ice ( the publishers of the Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and Admin is t ra t ion) . The s t ress d iscourse may have been originally helpful for of f icers, but the the s t ress d iscourse today has considerable l imi tat ions tha t are not necessar i ly benef ic ia l t o pol ice l ives. Notably , the s t ress d iscourse has become a means of social contro l of employees. Newton ( 1 9 9 5 ) reveals the power pol i t ics of the s t ress d iscourse in his decons t ruc t ion , where what appears to be of ass is tance to the individual employee is ladened wi th an e lement of coerc ion for the individual to meet organizat ional needs. Fineman ( 1 9 9 3 ) suppor ts Newton 's thes is when he descr ibes how a goal of s t ress counsel l ing is managing emot ions . When such counsel l ing is 127 promoted by management , it can be a form of contro l of the employee t o ass is t the organizat ion t o funct ion smooth ly while achieving its goals. S t ress management techniques may prevent any chal lenge to the power of the organizat ion and may actual ly involve "co l lec t i ve denial of d i f f icul t ies and th rea ts wi thin the workp lace" (Newton, p. 144) . The mos t cent ra l l imitat ion of the pol ice s t ress d iscourse is i ts assumpt ions concerning gender. From my deconst ruc t ion of the tex t s contain ing research on pol ice s t r ess , it is assumed that pol ice work is germane for pol icemen and gender is invisible. For po l i cewomen, gender is all that is v is ib le. The pol ice s t ress d iscourse cont r ibu tes to an essent ia l is t v iew of gender, that women and men 's exper ience in pol ic ing dif fer s igni f icant ly and have few simi lar i t ies, and mos t impor tant ly , h ides inequal i t ies of gender in the workplace. Consequent ly , the d iscourse of pol ice s t ress adheres to and upholds tradit ional gender ideology within the dominant power s t ruc tu re of pol ic ing, thereby co-oper t ing in the preservat ion of the mascul ine dominance of pol ice work. By suppor t ing rather than chal lenging, pol ice s t ress perpetuates the assumed requirement of s te reo typ ica l forms of mascul in i ty t o fulfill the pol ice role, an image tha t denies women a leg i t imate place in the pol ice occupa t ion . It a lso re inforces a centra l assumpt ion about the nature of pol ic ing, that v io lence and cr ime are predominant aspec ts of pol ice work. In this way, the pol ice s t ress d iscourse, by reproducing the power s t ruc tu res and ideology of mascul ine dominance, helps maintain the very condi t ions that produce s t ress . 128 Challenging pol ice psycho logy t o pay a t tent ion to these issues would be as dif f icult as inst igat ing pol ice reform or ach iev ing gender balance in psychology. The fundamental ou tcome of the pol ice s t ress d iscourse has been the merging of psycho logy wi th the goals and ideology of pol ic ing. Pol ice psycho logy is incorporated now into the bureaucracy, hierarchy, and organizat ion of pol ic ing. In fac t , pol ice psycho log is ts ass is t and par t ic ipate in law en fo rcement . Reiser, one of the f irst pol ice psycho log is ts , p red ic ted this when he said that over t ime, the perce ived d is tance be tween the psycho log is t and the po l iceman [my i ta l ics] will d iminish (Reese , 1995) . Ref lect ions of the power and d isseminat ion of the s t ress d iscourse in connect ion with pol icing can be found in the media. Pol ice psycho log is ts now appear in f i lm and te lev is ion dramas as cent ra l f igures akin t o f ic t ional pol ice de tec t i ves . One example is the 1 9 9 6 Brit ish cr ime drama C r a c k e r featur ing a corpulent pol ice psycho log is t who not only counse ls of f icers and their wives but in ter rogates cr iminal s u s p e c t s using psycho log ica l techn iques that he also uses to provide clues at cr ime scenes . Ano the r example is the mot ion p ic ture B a s i c Inst inct tha t fea tured a female pol ice psycholog is t who not only was essent ia l t o the unfolding of the plot but was having a love affair wi th a de tec t i ve (Michael Douglas) who she was also counsel l ing. These examples may not ref lect the real i ty of actual pol ice psycho log is ts but they do ref lect the publ ic image o f the assoc ia t ion o f psycho log ica l serv ices w i th t he pol ice occupa t ion . 129 It found it intr iguing that the blending of the s t ress d iscourse and pol ice occur red while pol ice fo rces were undergoing s igni f icant reforms in ideology and pract ice as a result of pol i t ical pressure and legis lated change. The history of these reforms and the entry of women in connect ion to them was d iscussed in Chapter 4 . To re i terate, po l icewomen were seen as necessary t o a pol ice reform mandate. Based on essent ia l is t not ions of gender, women were thought t o provide an amel iorat ing e f fec t t ransforming pol ice f rom an author i tar ian, punit ive force to a more humanitar ian, non-coerc ive one. What was being chal lenged then , was the type of mascul in i ty assoc ia ted wi th pol ice, one based on brutal i ty, power and cont ro l . Heidensohn ( 1 9 9 2 ) descr ibes it as a mascul in i ty entwined wi th social order and social contro l and an ent i t lement to enforce both wi th v io lence. Wil l iams ( 1 9 8 9 ) connec t s mascul in i ty w i th v io lence and the suppression of women. Accord ing to Heidensohn ( 1 9 9 2 ) socia l cont ro l is a gender- l inked concep t throughout our soc ie ty , and al though women may be "granted franchises on it" (p. 9 9 ) , men are least likely to give up contro l over o ther males where s t reng th and s i ze are so impor tant . I am supposing based on my research, that instead of " s t r e s s " pol ice exper ience d is t ress emanat ing f rom chal lenges to bo th their individual and co l lec t i ve cons t ruc t ions of mascul in i ty . The inclusion of po l i cewomen, for example, was accompan ied by assumpt ions, based on essent ia l is t not ions of gender, that women have super ior skil ls at pract ic ing non-coerc ive author i ty . A s women were in tegrated into pol ic ing, reform measures were asking men to 130 alter their p rac t ices of v io lence and cont ro l . Both pol ice reform and po l i cewomen cha l lenged pol ic ing 's mascu l ine-mak ing sup remacy and th rea tened individual po l icemen 's mascul ine ident i ty . Heidensohn ( 1 9 9 2 ) claims that in pol ice fo rces , it is men "who are the t rue pr isoners of gender" (p. 99 ) because it is they "who in signif icant numbers, have jo ined an occupat ion bel ieving, or in which they come to bel ieve, that s t reng th , s i ze , and force are v i ta l , only to find that this is not s o " (p. 9 9 ) . When I d iscuss Will iams ( 1 9 8 9 ) in the next sec t i on , th is suppos i t ion will become more apparent . I a lso specu la te tha t d i s t ressed male pol ice of f icers are suf fer ing f rom isolat ion and lack of suppor t , an ou tcome of the s t e reo t ype of mascul in i ty en fo rced within the pol ice organ izat ion and culture. Graf 's ( 1 9 8 6 ) s tudy somewhat uncovers the unsuppor t ive qual i ty of relat ionships among males in one pol ice depar tment . Terry ( 1 9 8 1 ) warns research needs to examine the qual i ty of relat ionships among pol ice of f icers. It may be that at least some pol icemen (like po l icewomen) find the pol ice cul ture oppress ive and al ienat ing. Research on po l icewomen, as ev ident in the l i terature of their exper ience, reveal th is lack of qual i ty in re lat ionships among pol ice. They exper ience the cul ture as v io lent , as misogynis t , as discr iminat ing and oppress ive. It is a cul ture that does not d iscourage v io lence against women including rape (Brown & Campbel l , 1 9 9 3 ) . Nor does it d iscourage violence be tween men but accep ts it. The pol ice cul ture upholds the kinds of p rac t ices that individual o f f icers are sworn to suppress . 131 Conclus ions on Nine Ar t i c les and Po l icewomen What is revealed in my decons t ruc t ion of the art ic les on po l icewomen is the way empir ical research perpe tua tes myst i f i ca t ion of gender pol i t ics wi thin the pol ice organ iza t ion . For example, research that uses qual i tat ive interv iew methods may assume that personal accoun ts of individuals are an express ion of the " rea l " sub jec t . By fail ing to cr i t ical ly analyze women ' s accoun ts of their l ives, they "cont r ibu te to the idea that women are the problem, an except ion t o the norm" (Holloway, 1 9 8 9 , p. 132 ) . A feminist pos tmodern f ramework, ins tead, v iews women as cons t ruc t ing their exper ience within the dominant d iscourse of our soc ie t y in order to maintain coherence and cons is tency in their narrat ives that cor responds wi th a unif ied sub jec t in Wes te rn d iscourse. In our soc ie ty , the dominant d iscourse denies the ex is tence of d iscr iminat ion and oppress ion . A s a resul t , by posi t ioning themse lves in these d iscourses, women can refuse to admit sex ism. Because women who have been raised in a sexis t soc ie ty tend to suppress the cont rad ic tory character of their exper ience, unless decons t ruc ted within a feminis t praxis, the con t rad ic t ions and mul t ip l ic i t ies con ta ined in their narra t ives are obscured (Holloway, 1 9 8 9 ) . Consc iousness is not an unmediated product of exper ience, because meaning in tervenes, and meaning is not neutral . It has a history within power relat ions. When someone gives an account of her exper ience, some meanings are more anx iety-provok ing or ego- threaten ing than others, and through defence mechanisms, they can 132 be avoided. A n analysis of accounts that does not acknowledge this. . .can only produce knowledge that is a product of those repressions (Holloway, 1 9 8 9 , p. 4 5 ) . We have seen these principles operat ing in some of the ar t ic les rev iewed where taking exper ience at face value con fuses the researcher (Lord, 1 9 8 6 ) , or allows Kennedy and Homant ( 1 9 8 1 ) to conc lude that po l icewomen are not femin is ts . Once con tex tua l i zed , women 's responses need to be examined for meaning in ways that reveal the ideology of gender and women. Pos tmodern ism offers a theory and method for analyzing d iscourse that would be useful in feminist research on po l icewomen's l ives. I d iscuss a me thod of contextua l iz ing gender and fol low that with a review of a s tudy on women in the Marines (Wil l iams, 1 9 8 9 ) . A l though it remains within the d iscourse of psycho logy , Wi l l iams's research, based on a feminist approach to psychology, gives us a model of what has been achieved to contex tua l ize women 's exper ience in a male-dominated, non-t rad i t iona l occupa t i on . Gilbert ( 1 9 9 4 ) sugges ts three s t ra teg ies for put t ing gender into s tud ies of con tex t . The f irst s t ra tegy searches the language of a tex t for the underlying gender ideology of the dominant d iscourse. The ideology is found embedded in the language used to descr ibe research part ic ipants and in the language that explains the observed behavior of par t ic ipants. A researcher who understands th is can make vis ible the incons is tenc ies within the dominant d iscourse and reveal issues of power and gender that the language hides. A second s t ra tegy for put t ing gender into contex t involves v iewing gender as an interpersonal p rocess rather than a s ta t i c 133 character is t ic . A s a soc ieta l ly based cons t ruc t ion , gender is not only internal ized by individuals but is encouraged and rewarded when p layed out in in terpersonal in terac t ions, especia l ly in power dynamics between men and women (Deaux & Major, 1 9 8 7 ) A third s t ra tegy for researchers is t o analyze tex ts to reveal how gender opera tes as a s t ruc ture as in, for example, the sexual divis ion of labor. "Pers is ten t , highly vis ible dynamics in the cul ture ref lect the power of gender as organizer and s t ruc tu re " (Gilbert, 1 9 9 4 , p. 5 4 8 ) . Using all three s t ra teg ies , Gilbert ( 1 9 9 4 ) sugges t s developing a t ransformat ive research of language, p rocess , and s t ruc tu re that moves us away f rom an analysis of the individual t o the concept ion and development of theory that includes both the individual and the cul tural ly def ined env i ronment of the individual. "Individuals are embedded in and const ra ined in their act ions by socia l relat ions and social locat ions and this needs to be the focus of s tudies f rom a gender perspec t i ve" (Gilbert, p. 5 5 5 ) . In psychology, this would mean a shi f t f rom the individual as the focus of analysis to the individual in the socia l con tex t , where individual ac t ion is a product of interre latedness. Dyads and groups would become the unit of analysis rather than the current pre-eminence of the individual (Gergen, 1 9 8 9 ; Peplau & Conrad, 1 9 8 9 ; Pot ter & Wetherel l ; 1 9 8 7 ) . Objec t Relat ions and Women in Nontradi t ional Occupat ions A current model for con tex tua l i zed research that was cons t ruc ted f rom a feminist perspect ive and is relevant t o a s tudy on the lives of po l icewomen is Wil l iams' ( 1 9 8 9 ) research on women in the United S ta tes Marine Corps and men in nursing. She descr ibes 134 how women negot ia te their gender in this highly mascul in ized occupat ion , and offers a contextua l ized psycho logy of men. Using the feminist psychoana ly t ic theory of ob jec t relat ions (Chodorow, 1 9 7 8 ) , Wil l iams ( 1 9 8 9 ) also explains the psycho logy of men and women in relat ion t o occupat ional segregat ion . Object relat ions is a te rm that captures the psychoanaly t ic p rocess of human psychological deve lopment that begins at b i r th. Through this p rocess , the chi ld deve lops a representat ion of i ts mother 's image, cal led an "ob jec t " so that for both men and women, the ear l iest exper ience of a t tachmen t and ident i f icat ion are wi th a woman. Object relat ions theory shows how our family ar rangements in which women assume responsib i l i ty for chi ld care while men are d is tant parents have profound e f fec ts on the adult personal i ty (Chodorow, 1 9 7 8 ; F i r th-Cozens & Wes t , 1 9 9 0 ; Rubin, 1 9 8 2 ; Wil l iams, 1 9 9 3 ) . A s a result , it is hypothes ized that men and women deve lop di f ferent personal i ty s t ruc tu res and di f ferent emot iona l needs (Chodorow, 1 9 7 8 ; Rubin). These di f ferences tradit ional ly prov ided men and women wi th character is t ics that prepare t hem for separa te life tasks , men in the capi ta l is t world of product ion and women in the world of reproduct ion (Rubin). Within the workp lace, ob ject relat ions helps explain men 's need to oppress women , their res is tance to women in non-tradi t ional occupa t ions , and their need to uphold occupat ional segregat ion . The theory of ob ject relat ions shows how occupat iona l sex segregat ion fulfil ls a powerful psycholog ica l need for men. Men not only shore up their mascul ine gender ident i ty through their occupat ion , but work is an arena in which they can d is tance 135 themse lves f rom feminini ty, where they go to great lengths to dist inguish their role f rom whatever women do. A n y penetrat ion of women into their proving ground, th reatens this psycholog ica l sa fe ty . The more highly ident i f ied wi th mascul in i ty the occupat ion is, the more likely it will fulfill men 's psycho log ica l needs and there fore will be highly res is tant t o the ent ry of women (Wil l iams, 1 9 8 9 ) . This can explain po l icemen's pers is tence in v iewing women as inappropriate t o pol ic ing desp i te ev idence and years of exper ience to the contrary. Like the Marines in Wil l iams' ( 1 9 8 9 ) s tudy, pol icing is an occupat ion where men can achieve a s t rong mascul ine gender ident i ty within an image and subcul ture tha t p laces a high value on mascul ine charac te r i s t i cs whi le be ing ant i the t ica l t o anyth ing feminine. Pol ic ing, like the mil i tary, will be res is tant to the integrat ion of women whose d i f ferences cannot be absorbed wi thout alter ing the cul ture, a process that would make the occupat ion less appeal ing t o men because its psychological purpose would be diminished. Not only does object relat ions explain men 's gender ident i ty in relat ion to work and to women , it also reveals how women negot ia te their gender ident i ty wi thin a mascul ine occupat ion like the Marines (and this would apply to pol ic ing). In ob ject re lat ions, the female gender ident i ty is not ruptured like the male gender ident i ty by the break from the mother , so women do not have to "p rove" or "ach ieve" their gender ident i ty (Wil l iams, 1 9 8 9 ) . When women enter an al l-male occupat ion like pol icing or the Marine Corps, they f ind that anyth ing feminine is not va lued, including qual i t ies assoc ia ted wi th women . They must 136 st ruggle for accep tance in the occupat ion and maintain their self-wor th by proving their compe tence as an asset t o the occupat ion while also being seen as feminine. Therefore, women in these occupat ions are p resented wi th a conf l ic t . They must take pride in their work and maintain their se l f - es teem and pos i t i ve se l f - regard as women in an occupat ional cul ture that disparages women and does not want them there. This is the work of "doing gender," negot iat ing one 's gender and one 's sense of sel f in di f ferent con tex ts that call up di f ferent behaviors, qual i t ies, and exper iences, depending on the s i tuat ion (Kaschak, 1 9 9 2 ; West & Fenstermaker , 1 9 9 3 ) . Wi l l iams' ( 1 9 8 9 ) analysis of women in the mil i tary sugges t s that women are left with ambiva lence about their own feminini ty. How women resolve this d i lemma is re f lec ted in the accoun ts they give of themse lves that if taken at face value would leave the reader open to o ther conc lus ions (Wil l iams). For example, women spl i t the double bind of being in the military into two accounts . First, they " ind iv idua l ize" their prob lems by admi t t ing t o the d iscr iminat ion in the mil i tary; but argue that individual women , on their own mer i ts , can surmount such discr iminat ion. They may disparage women who complain of unequal t rea tment or who do not overcome the barriers. Second , women const ruc t themse lves as except ions t o the rule that "women are incompetent but I am not." Those who leave are seen as not being able to " take the heat" and, therefore, did not have what it takes to make it in this tough wor ld in the f irst p lace. In this way, women resolve the cont rad ic t ion be tween the organizat ion 's negat ive evaluat ion of feminini ty and women 's own posi t ive sense of se l f wor th (Wil l iams, 1 9 8 9 ) . 137 Women who use this s t ra tegy tend to avoid feminism. They can a c c o m m o d a t e t hemse lves t o res t r ic t i ve pol ic ies and d iscr iminatory t ac t i c s in the workp lace wi thout diminishing their own abi l i t ies and sense of individual prowess, and at the same t ime, s tay opposed to unequal t rea tment . This s t ra tegy minimizes the reduct ion of their se l f -es teem and maintains a favorable v iew of their own gender ident i ty al lowing women to have some power in a male-dominated occupat ion and to accep t promot ions and advancement . It is only when women become polit ically aware and in some way begin to chal lenge the unequal t rea tment of the workplace that their abil i ty t o s tay in the occupat ion and to lerate the cul ture is ser iously undermined. This explains a high at t r i t ion rate for women in both the Marines and pol ic ing. A similar cons t ruc t ion of gender by po l icewomen has been observed by several researchers (Brewer, 1 9 9 1 ; Jacobs , 1 9 8 7 ; Mart in, 1 9 7 8 ; Wexler, 1 9 8 5 ) . A l though women in general also cons t ruc t their gender within a patr iarchal soc ie ty , it is within such hypermascul ine work env i ronments such as pol ic ing or the mil i tary, tha t this cons t ruc t ion is more apparent (Wil l iams, 1 9 8 9 ) . A l though Wil l iams' ( 1 9 8 9 ) s tudy brings us c loser t o what is poss ib le in a cr i t ica l soc ia l s c i e n c e , it remains within psycho log ica l d iscourse and consequent ly has l imi tat ions. Objec t re lat ions, as one among psycholog ica l theor ies , obscures the "ex i s tence of di f fer ing power relat ions which privi lege m e n " (Segal , 1 9 8 7 , p. 143 ) . Object relat ions is only one possibi l i ty for the cons t ruc t ion of male gender ident i ty . Other cons t ruc t ions result f rom the pervasive ideology and social p rac t ices of male dominance in the cul ture. Rather than 138 f rom any internal psych ic dynamic in men, men 's v io lence towards women emerges f rom socia l p rac t ices that confer author i ty and privi lege to men in relat ion to women . A s wel l , ob jec t relat ions only pays lip serv ice t o the complex i t ies of socia l re lat ions and is an essent ia l is t cons t ruc t ion of gender d i f ference, d isregarding the simi lar i t ies be tween men and women . Recommendat ions for Research What Will iams ( 1 9 8 9 ) has given us is an example of comprehens ive research t ha t not only reveals women 's exper iences but tangent ial ly reveals men 's exper ience as wel l . They cannot be separa ted . A comprehens ive model like th is while ident i fy ing women 's contr ibut ions and asse ts , reveals the unacceptab le pract ices of male hegemony, exposing the ac ts and behaviors of male dominat ion that oppress women, if not o ther men as wel l . What is cal led upon for those researching women in a non-tradi t ional occupa t ion are cr i t ical soc ia l sc iences that turn to " turn cr i t ical thought into emancipatory ac t i on " (Lather , p. 1 0 9 ) . A cr i t ical emanc ipatory research project on pol icemen or women should "be t te r chal lenge the relations of dominance" (Lather, 1 9 9 1 , xv) and can help break the s i lence about oppress ive pract ices revealed in analyses of pol ice of f icers ' exper ience. For example, research could combine the object relat ions approach wi th a s t ress on ex is t ing socia l relat ions and pract ices in order to understand the connect ion be tween sex and v io lence in men 's behavior (Segal , 1 9 8 7 ) . The current psycho logy of pol ice and s t ress are not likely t o lead to accompl ishing any of the goals ment ioned. Newton ( 1 9 9 5 ) descr ibes the s t ress d iscourse as not necesssar i ly concerned wi th 139 ei ther the welfare or the empowerment of the individual. S t ress is not jus t about the individual and "her coping pat terns, but can ref lect power relat ions be tween men and women, employer and employee, superior and subordinate. . . " (Newton, 1 9 9 5 , p. 2 ) . One of the cr i t ic isms feminis ts have of academic psycho logy is i ts inabil i ty t o ref lect women ' s l ived exper iences . A l though woman-cen t red empir ical research on s t ress does uncover some very useful and dramat ic informat ion and insight into po l i cewomen 's l ives (e.g. Lord , 1 9 8 6 ; Wexler & Logan, 1 9 8 3 ) , the researchers fail to name what it is they are wi tness ing in te rms that could lead to change. They act as si lent w i tnesses t o act af ter ac t of abuse wi thout comment when what they are narrat ing is a s to ry of v io lence against women s i tua ted wi th in a major patr iarchal inst i tut ion that os tens ib ly p ro tec ts members of soc ie ty . The researchers , cons t ra ined within the parameters of an empir ical ar t ic le, can only of fer genera l ized recommendat ions and sen t imenta l hope tha t "s ign i f icant c h a n g e s " will e l iminate barr iers to women in pol ic ing" (Lord, p. 9 1 ) . These conclusions do not val idate the exper iences descr ibed in the art ic les nor do they offer any incent ive for ins t i tu t ions to al ter pol ic ies. I conc lude that t radi t ional research , even woman-cen te red research, cannot take into account the st ructura l nature of gender oppress ion . In psycho log ica l research , the soc io log ica l and pol i t ical are separa ted f rom the psycho log ica l , depol i t ic iz ing the issues involved (Ki tz inger, 1 9 9 0 ) . There is no cr i t iquing of the inst i tut ional con tex t in which these unacceptab le and intolerable pract ices take place (Bern, 1 9 9 3 ) . By not naming it as harassment , 140 oppress ion , or v io lence, researchers unwi t t ing ly col lude wi th i ts occur rence and unwit t ingly suppor t the inst i tu t ions tha t perpe tua te v io lence against women . It has been the purpose of this paper to show how psychology and other d isc ip l ines, by remaining within the t radi t ional d iscourse of empir ical sc ience , obscure the pol i t ics of dominant d iscourses . When police are being cal led upon to pract ice the evolv ing goals of our soc ie ty , that of inc lusion, fa i rness, equal i ty , and j us t i ce , psycho logy that serves police also needs to include these goals. Psycho logy cannot do so when its methods and theory remain within the dominant d iscourse. This thes is chal lenges pol ice psycho logy to become an emancipatory project by turning to feminism and feminist p rac t ices of research , part icular ly within a pos tmodern approach. Recommenda t ions for Counsel l ing My deconst ruc t ion of the psychologica l research on police and the impact on i ts of f icers has impl icat ions for how we v iew the exper ience of pol ic ing. A feminist decons t ruc t ion recogn izes the impact of the social con tex t on pol ice of f icers and that gender is a soc ia l cons t ruc t ion and not a b io log ica l ly -based real i ty. Wi th the v iew of empower ing bo th women and men in pol ic ing, psycho logy needs to be informed of the comprehens ive f ramework in which pol ice of f icers live their l ives in order for counsel lors t o des ign and implement e f fec t i ve prevent ive t rea tment and counsel l ing programs. Counsel lors need to recognize, understand, and appreciate the h is tor ica l , cu l tura l , and pol i t ical fo rces at work on pol ice o f f i cers ' l ives. Feminist therapy recogn izes " the centra l impor tance of gender and of the deeply embedded gender s te reo types that 141 c i rcumscr ibe and limit the potent ia l of men as well as w o m e n " (Meth & Pasick, 1 9 9 0 , p. vi i). One of the goals of t rea tment then f rom a feminist perspect ive " is to l iberate men from the bondage of dysfunct ional sex role prescr ip t ions" (Meth & Pasick, 1 9 9 0 , p. vi i) . It is not enough to look at gender roles, we must also look at soc ie ta l en f ranch isement of power and dominat ion, phys ica l v io lence and the oppression of women rather than " t rea t ing" men for their soc ia l iza t ion. A counsel l ing agenda, rather than suppor t ing an oppress ive gender ideology within pol ice, should empower po l icemen and po l i cewomen, wi thin their con tex t and co-opera te in feminis t goals of s topp ing violence against women and among men. L im i ta t i ons The f irst l imitat ion of th is s tudy is drawing my conc lus ions f rom only a small se lec t ion of tex ts in pol ice psycho logy that represents a l imited focus on the exper ience of pol ice of f icers. A s wel l , the journal f rom which the tex t s were se lec ted has ceased publ icat ion and is no longer d is t r ibu ted. The second l imitat ion of th is s tudy is that the h is tor ica l , legal and cultural con tex t in which the tex ts were publ ished has not remained s ta t i c . S ince the ar t ic les or t ex t s were publ ished, pol ic ing has undergone changes in organizat ion, in procedures, and in the integrat ion of women and minori t ies. Psycho logy has also undergone change. Feminism, pos tmodern ism, and other inf luences may be making a d i f ference in the qual i ty of research in psycho logy . However, the art ic les I se lec ted have been found in re ferences of more current publ icat ions on s t ress . This indicates the cont inuing 142 inf luence these art ic les have on the d i rect ion of current research and the product ion of knowledge on pol ice s t ress . Ano the r l imi tat ion of a femin is t approach to cr i t ical analysis is i ts assoc ia t ion wi th pos tmodern ism. One of the cr i t ical l imi tat ions of a pos tmodern cr i t ical analysis of t ex t s is the re lat iv i ty of i ts conc lus ions . Wi th no external or f ixed real i ty, any d iscourse is equal to another in its meaning and in terpretat ion. A feminis t d iscourse , then , is as val id or invalid in i ts meaning as the dominant d iscourse (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 ) . Feminis ts counter this impl icat ion wi th the feminis t s tandpo in t tha t advoca tes a "pr iv i leged" vantage point of oppressed or sub jugated individuals for understanding socia l exper ience. W o m e n ' s histor ical and socia l posi t ion in patr iarchy provides the potent ia l for a fuller and more accura te interpretat ion of decons t ruc t ion (Maracek, 1 9 8 9 ) . Po l i cewomen have a marginal ized pos i t ion wi thin pol ic ing and qualify t o have a more complex understanding of their exper ience. The ar t ic les on po l i cewomen, a l though l imi ted, reveal th is complex i ty . A s a feminist s tudent in counsel l ing psycho logy , I t oo am posi t ioned on the margins, giving me a pr ivi leged v iew of women 's exper iences and I do not pretend to be object ive, or a p o l i t i c a l . A final l imi tat ion concerns femin is t pos tmodern i sm and i ts locat ion within Wes te rn soc ie ty . A l though pos tmodern ism may cr i t ique gender bias in t ex t s , it cannot claim to be free of the va lues , pol i t ics , and soc ia l re lat ions of the soc ie t y it c r i t i c i zes (Haggis, 1 9 9 0 ) . Feminist methodology, however, does not deny the inf luence of values and biases on research and instead fos ters the 143 explorat ion and d iscuss ion of the researcher 's pos i t ion. A l imitat ion that is a result of my soc ie ta l pr ivi lege in Wes te rn cu l ture, is a lack of analysis of c lass and race within the decons t ruc t ion of the tex ts . I am l imited in my exper ience wi th these issues bo th personal ly, pol i t ical ly, and academical ly , and I did not a t tempt to include t hem into the thes is . The oppress ion I am most familiar wi th in my s tud ies and in my personal exper ience is that of gender whereas I have benef i t ted f rom soc ieta l oppress ion of people of color and of work ing c lass. My omiss ion means that those issues remain invisible as they are in the dominant d iscourses. What a feminist emancipatory research should be is a "ques t for more empower ing ways of knowing" (Lather, 1 9 9 1 ) . The po l icewomen I met , part icularly f rom the Uni ted S ta tes , at the Vancouver conference were very empowered. They d iscussed s t ra teg ies of res is tance to sexual harassment , t o inst i tu t ional d iscr iminat ion, to male res is tance to change. They were co l lec t ive ly po l i t i c ized and individual ly proud of the i r ach ievemen ts and their role in pol ic ing. One of the main cr i t ic isms femin ism has of psycho logy is that it upholds the s t ruc tura l s ta tus quo and suppor ts e l i t is t , pr iv i leged a t t i tudes and prac t ices while obscur ing the pol i t ics of gender , race, and c lass. I can conclude that pol ice psychology, far f rom being a l iberat ing prac t ice , assures i ts own power and privi lege when it suppor ts the power and privi lege of the pol ice. 144 Re fe rences Ad lam, K. R. ( 1 9 8 2 ) . The pol ice personal i ty: Psychological consequences of being a pol ice off icer. Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and Admin i s t ra t i on , 10 , 3 4 4 - 3 4 9 . A lkus, S., & Padesky, C. ( 1 9 8 3 ) . 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Psycho logy cons t ruc ts the female: Or, the fantasy life of the male psycho log is t (with some a t tent ion to the fantasies of his f r iends, the male biologist and the male anthropologis t . Femin ism and Psycho logy . 1 9 9 3 , 3 , 1 9 5 - 2 1 0 . (Repr inted f rom Kinder, Kuche , Ki rche as Scient i f ic Law: P s y c h o l o g y Cons t ruc ts the Female. 1 9 6 8 , Bos ton : New England Free Press) . Wes t , C , & Fenstermaker, S. ( 1 9 9 3 ) Power, inequali ty, and the accompl ishment of gender: A n ethnomethodolog ica l v iew. In P. England (Ed.), Theory on Gender / Feminism on Theory (pp. 1 3 0 - 1 5 3 ) . New York: De Gruyter Wexler, J . ( 1 9 8 5 ) . Role s ty les of women pol ice of f icers. Sex Ro les , 12, 7 4 9 - 7 5 5 . 157 Wexler, J . , & Logan, D. ( 1 9 8 3 ) . Sources of s t ress among women pol ice of f icers. Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 1 1 , 4 6 - 5 3 . Wil l iams, C. ( 1 9 8 9 ) . 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Oxford: Clarendon Press. 158 Table 1 Resul ts of L i terature Search f rom The Journal of Pol ice Sc ience and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 1 9 8 0 - 1990 Ar t i c les Concern ing S t ress and Pol ice 1. Farmer, R. ( 1 9 9 0 ) . Clinical and managerial impl icat ions of s t ress research on pol ice. V7, 2 0 5 - 2 1 8 . 2 . Graf, F. ( 1 9 8 6 ) . The relat ionship between social support and occupat ional s t ress among pol ice of f icers. J_4, 1 7 8 - 1 8 6 . 3. Pendergrass, V . , & Ost rove, N. ( 1 9 8 4 ) . A survey of s t ress in women in pol ic ing. 1_2, 3 0 3 - 3 0 9 . 4 . Stearns, G., & Moore, R. ( 1 9 9 0 ) . Job burnout in the Royal Canadian Moun ted Pol ice: Prel iminary f indings f rom a Saska tchewan sample . 3^ 1 8 3 - 1 9 3 . 5. Terr i to, L., & Ve t te r , H. ( 1 9 8 1 ) . St ress and police personnel . 9, 1 9 5 - 2 0 8 . 6. Terry III, W. ( 1 9 8 1 ) . Police s t ress : the empirical ev idence. 9_, 6 1 - 7 5 . 7. Wexler, J . , & Logan, D. ( 1 9 8 3 ) . Sources of s t ress among women pol ice of f icers. J J L 46 - 5 3 . A r t i c l es Concern ing Po l i cewomen or Pol ice Persona l i ty 8. Ad lam, K. R. ( 1 9 8 2 ) . The police personal i ty: Psychological consequences of being a police off icer. 1_0, 3 4 4 - 3 4 9 . 159 9. Bahn, C. ( 1 9 8 4 ) . Police socia l izat ion in the eight ies: Strains in the forging of an occupat ional ident i ty. 1_2, 3 9 0 - 3 9 4 . 10 . Balkin, J . ( 1 9 8 8 ) . Why pol icemen don' t like pol icewomen. 16, 2 9 - 3 8 . 1 1 . Bell , D. ( 1 9 8 2 ) . Pol icewomen: myths and realit ies. 10_, 1 1 2 - 1 2 0 . 12. Berg, B., & Budnick, K. ( 1 9 8 6 ) . Defeminizat ion of women in law en fo rcement : A new tw is t in the tradi t ional pol ice personal i ty . 14, 3 1 4 - 3 2 0 . 13 . Kennedy, D., & Homant, R. ( 1 9 8 1 ) . Nontradit ional role assumpt ion and the personal i ty of the pol icewoman. 9_, 3 4 6 - 3 5 5 . 14. Lord, L. ( 1 9 8 6 ) . A compar ison of male and female peace of f icer 's s te reo typ ic percept ions of women and women peace of f icers. 14 , 8 3 - 9 7 . 15 . Poole, E., & Pogrebin, M. ( 1 9 8 8 ) . Factors af fect ing the decision to remain in pol ic ing: a s tudy of women of f icers. 1_6, 4 9 - 5 5 . 16. Weishei t , R. ( 1 9 8 7 ) . Women in the s ta te pol ice: Concerns of male and female of f icers. U ^ . 1 3 7 - 1 4 4 . A r t i c l es Remaining A f t e r Se lec t ion 17. Bennet t , R. ( 1 9 8 4 ) . Becoming blue: A longitudinal s tudy of pol ice recrui t occupat iona l soc ia l i za t ion . 1_2, 4 7 - 5 8 . 18. Burbeck, E., & Furnham, A . ( 1 9 8 5 ) . Police off icer se lec t ion: A cr i t ical review of the l i terature. 1_3, 5 8 - 6 9 . 19 . Charles, M. ( 1 9 8 2 ) . Women in pol icing: The physical aspect . 10 1 9 4 - 2 0 5 . 2 0 . Davis, J . ( 1 9 8 4 ) . Perspect ives of pol icewomen in Texas and Oklahoma. J_2, 3 9 5 - 4 0 3 . 160 2 1 . Dietr ich, J . , & Smith, J . ( 1 9 8 6 ) . The nonmedical use of drugs including alcohol among pol ice personne l : A cr i t ica l l i terature review. 14, 3 0 0 - 3 0 6 . 2 2 . Ell iott, M., Bingham, R., Nielsen, S. , & Warner, P. ( 1 9 8 6 ) . Marital in t imacy and sa t is fac t ion as a suppor t s y s t e m of cop ing wi th pol ice of f icer s t ress . Y4± 4 0 - 4 4 . 2 3 . Hatt ing, S., Engel, A . , & Russo, Jr . , P. ( 1 9 8 3 ) . Shades of blue: Toward an al ternat ive typo logy of pol ice. 5 4 - 6 1 . 2 4 . Hill, K., & Clawson, M. ( 1 9 8 8 ) . The health hazards of "s t reet leve l " bureaucracy: Mortal i ty among the pol ice. 1_6, 2 4 3 - 2 4 8 . 2 5 . Homant, R. ( 1 9 8 3 ) . The impact of pol icewomen on communi ty a t t iudes toward pol ice. 1 6 -22 . 26 . Inwald, R., & Shusman, E. ( 1 9 8 4 ) . Personal i ty and performance sex d i f ferences of law en fo rcement of f icer recru i ts . VZ, 3 3 9 - 3 4 7 . 2 7 . Josephson , R., & Reiser, M. ( 1 9 9 0 ) . Off icer suicide in the Los Ange les police depar tment : A twe lve year fol low-up. V7, 2 2 7 - 2 2 9 . 2 8 . Lester , D., Gronau, F., Wondrack, K. ( 1 9 8 2 ) . The personali ty and a t t i tudes of female pol ice of f icers: Needs , androgyny, and a t t i tudes toward rape. V0± 3 5 7 - 3 6 0 . 2 9 . Maynard, P., & Maynard, N. ( 1 9 8 2 ) . St ress in pol ice famil ies: Some pol icy impl icat ions. 1_0, 3 0 2 - 3 1 4 . 3 0 . Meagher, M., & Yentes , N. ( 1 9 8 6 ) . Choosing a career in policing: a compar ison of male and female percept ions. Y4± 3 2 0 - 3 2 7 . 3 1 . Sigler, R., & Wi lson, C. ( 1 9 8 8 ) . St ress in the work place: Compar ing police s t ress and teacher s t ress . 1_6i 1 5 1 - 1 6 2 . 3 2 . Storms, L., Penn, N., & Tenzel l , J . ( 1 9 9 0 ) . Pol icemen's percept ion of real and ideal po l icemen. Y7± 4 0 - 4 3 . 161 3 3 . Vio lant i , J . , Marshall, J . , & Howe, B. ( 1 9 8 5 ) . S t ress , coping, and alcohol use: The police connect ion. 1 3 , 1 0 6 - 1 1 0 . 34 . Violant i , J . , V e n a , J . , & Marshall , J . ( 1 9 8 6 ) . Disease risk and morta l i ty among pol ice of f icers: New ev idence and cont r ibut ing fac tors . 14, 1 7 - 2 3 . 3 5 . Wexler, J . , & Quinn, V . ( 1 9 8 5 ) . Considerat ions in the training and development of women sergeants . 1_3, 98 - 105 . 36 . White, S., & Marino, K. ( 1 9 8 3 ) . Job at t i tudes and police s t ress : A n exploratory s tudy of causat ion. 1J_, 2 6 4 - 2 7 4 . 162 Appendix 1 R e f l e c t i o n s "Res is tance to tyranny is obedience to G o d " Susan B. Anthony My mot ivat ion to do this project emerged out of my involvement in pol i t ical ac t iv ism on the UBC campus to seek jus t i ce for part icular ac ts of oppress ion that were taking place in the depar tments of counsel l ing psycho logy and pol i t ical sc ience . My exper ience of these occur rences and the universi ty, media, and government response to them have al tered my feminist a t t i tudes and out look on psychology, on educat ion, on counsel l ing, and on our soc ie ty in general . By engaging in a feminist s t ruggle on campus, I became keenly aware on a more personal level the extent of sys tem ic gender and race oppress ion in our poli t ical s y s t e m s and our inst i tut ions and how few recourses there are for women to seek red ress . I a lso became acqua in ted wi th l ike-minded femin is t women s tuden ts . Not only did we jo in in co l lec t ive act ion to f ight sys tem ic and individual a c t s of d iscr iminat ion but w e a lso shared in te l lectual ideas chal lenging the accep ted d iscourse in counsel l ing psycho logy and other discipl ines. Wi th their suppor t and inte l lectual s t imulat ion, I became acquain ted wi th feminist pos tmodern ism and the methods of deconst ruc t ion . I tore up my original proposal t o research the l ived exper ience of po l icewomen and al tered my research to incorporate (what were t o me) new ideas into a feminist p ro jec t . My exposure to the concept of police s t ress (the central top ic of this thes is) took place in 1 9 8 5 when my partner at the t ime was wr i t ing The Shat tered Badge (Kankewit t , 1 9 8 7 ) . In the 1 9 8 0 s , most pol ice forces in Canada and the Uni ted S ta tes were acknowledging the impact of pol ice work on their of f icers in only a l imited way. A s I have documented , the s t ress d iscourse c reated an avenue for police forces t o recognize the e f fec t of t raumat ic aspec ts of pol ice work and provide suppor t for their of f icers instead of the threat of d ismissa l or career s tagna t ion . A s part of my work with my par tner 's book, I in terv iewed most ly male pol ice of f icers and a few female of f icers in Bos ton and at a Vancouver pol ice s t ress conference in 1 9 8 7 . The off icers revealed not only their concern wi th t raumat ic even ts but also the impact of abusive pract ices within the hierarchy of pol ice and within the pol ice communi ty . Some of these abuses s ta r ted in training when recrui ts were encouraged to shun and even torment o ther recrui ts who were cons idered unfit or unworthy of a pol ice uni form, a pract ice tac i t ly suppor ted by of f icers in charge of t raining. Other s tor ies concerned off icers who rece ived no understanding or suppor t for their react ions to t raumat ic even ts on the job and, indeed faced ridicule or con tempt for exhibi t ing any sign of weakness . I was l istening to a depict ion of a pol ice cul ture that was abusive, nonsuppor t ive, compet i t i ve , and even vio lent . My encounter wi th police s t ress granted me a s t ruc ture and a language in which to explore the impact of my own pol ice family of origin and an oppor tun i ty to contex tua l ize my parents ' l ives. During this process, I chose to s tudy counsel l ing psychology. When I 164 initially entered graduate schoo l , I t r ied to f ind the ref lect ion of my exper iences w i th pol ice wi th in the ar t i cu la ted, publ ished t e x t s of the s t ress d iscourse but I was d isappointed. However, as I turned my at tent ion to research on pol icewomen, and after I a t tended a po l icewomen's convent ion , I gained a more comple te understanding and comprehensive analysis of the exper ience of both women and men in pol ic ing. Around the same t ime, in my graduate program, I was gather ing an analysis of patr iarchal power and women ' s oppress ion tha t was a f fec t ing me personal ly, pol i t ical ly, and profess ional ly . I was mov ing f rom a l iberal, cul tural femin ism t o a more radical posi t ion as a result of my academic exper ience. I found my research, my polit ical involvement on campus, and my pract ice as a counsel lor inspiring each other to become what Lather ( 1 9 9 1 ) calls a " t ransformat ive praxis" (p. 12) . I took notes for my pol i t ical involvement f rom the po l icewomen's conference where women shared their exper ience of o rgan ized feminis t ac t i v i sm against d iscr iminat ion and harassment within pol ice fo rces . When I wro te about sexual harassment and discr iminat ion of women in non-tradi t ional occupa t ions , I found myse l f exper ienc ing the same psycholog ica l impact as descr ibed in the l i terature, such as d is i l lus ionment wi th our soc ie t y and i ts ins t i tu t ions, or feel ings like depress ion, anxiety, and wi thdrawal . I ques t ioned "ha rassmen t " as a term because it was hardly adequate to me for what are mult i-layered, co l lec t i ve , ins t i tu t iona l ized, and legal ized forms of oppress ing women . In counsel l ing, I took words I was learning f rom my group 's col lect ive struggle to capture our exper ience in language 165 and used them as intervent ions wi th c l ients in groups. Language and exper ience worked together to became an act of empowerment . In research, I knew my abil i ty t o be ob jec t ive in an empir ical project was over (I had not ye t abandoned researching po l icewomen's l ives). It was no longer " t h o s e " women over there but " u s " here, now. Despi te my conv ic t ions, I was apprehensive to move to a cr i t ical analysis of pol ice research . Because feminis t pos tmodern decons t ruc t ion reveals the underly ing pol i t ics of a t ex t where women are exper ienc ing d iscr iminat ion, it could be d ismissed as the work of another feminist wi th a pol i t ical axe to gr ind. I was fearful of being marginal ized more than I already was, and being accused that a feminist doing a "po l i t ica l " p iece is not doing " rea l " research. It took some soul searching and consul t ing wi th o ther feminist women to make my a decis ion. Consequent ly , I exper ienced a great deal of anxiety doing this project . I was unceasingly mindful of the power s t ruc ture of the univers i ty where I was s tudy ing and i ts ant i - femin is t back lash pol i t ics that have a f fec ted my life profess ional ly and personal ly , and the lives of women s tuden ts that were fr iends. A s I wro te with this awareness, I grew deeper in understanding about the power of language to cons t ruc t our reality and the power of language to threaten oppress ive inst i tut ions and pract ices. What we say and what we omit have just as much impor tance. Despi te my fears, I found this pos tmodern decons t ruc t ion interest ing to carry out because it conv inced me that language cons t ruc ts our reali ty and that the hidden dimensions of power, pol i t ics, gender, and race, are obscured within a dominant d iscourse 166 and can be revealed though deconst ruc t ion . I am learning how language has cons t ruc ted my own exper ience and that I can create a l iberat ing d iscourse rather than a cons t r i c ted one. What th is thes is has required of me is a paradigm shif t . In undergraduate psychology tex ts , there used to be pictures that could be seen in two dif ferent ways and were supposed to teach us someth ing about percept ion. One picture conta ined ei ther a wine goblet (in whi te) or two faces in profi le (in black) looking at each other. Ano ther picture conta ined ei ther a beauti ful young woman or an old crone, depending on how you v iewed the drawing. Working wi th this thes is was like looking at one of these p ic tures. While I was learning the language and concep ts of postmodern ism and a cr i t ical femin ism, my real i ty remained cons t ruc ted by Wes te rn rat ional thought , logical empi r ic ism, and cul tural femin ism. A t t imes, I focused on one picture or another and had to f loat back and for th to determine what v iewpoint I was wri t ing f rom. Wri t ing the thes is became a form of consc iousness- ra is ing . I o f ten felt reduced to a rudimentary level of understanding and a primit ive mode of expressing mysel f as if I were a person in a foreign country learning a new language. It was a humbling and o f ten f rust rat ing p rocess . Previously cher ished not ions and desi red goals became shat te red , or f ragmented, and of ten I was t emp ted to abandon this project a l together . This thes is and my int roduct ion t o the concep ts of feminist pos tmodern ism along with my exper ience of oppress ion within this univers i ty have all consp i red toge the r to over turn my previously cons t ruc ted se l f -concep t . I would ask mysel f if par t ic ipat ing in a thes is in counsel l ing psycho logy did not 167 actual ly support the perpetuat ion of women 's oppress ion. I found mysel f quest ioning my abil i ty to empower o ther women as a counsel lor when I have learned a d iscourse that d isempowers . In what ways am I part ic ipat ing in the cont inued oppress ion of women? I asked mysel f how we could deve lop empower ing or l iberat ing prac t ices of counsel l ing whi le operat ing wi thin oppress ion . I have not developed the answers ye t to these quest ions. A s a consc iousness- ra is ing p rocess , it is enough that I have fo rmed the quest ions . What I f ind hopeful is the abi l i ty of a cr i t ical pos tmodern feminist project in psycho logy to name what is oppress ive to women and to other members of soc ie ty in order to develop ways to protest and change what is unacceptab le t rea tment . If it is within language that we cons t ruc t real i ty, then the language needs to ref lect our exper ience. Too many abuses have been disguised and left unchanged in the euphemis t ic dominant d iscourses of individual psycho logy . Eventual ly, I expec t research in the pos tmodern to fur ther the emancipatory goals of femin ism. Now that I have comp le ted this project , I see the possibi l i t ies of creat ing not only an understanding and a language that identi f ies the power s t ruc tures of our soc ie ty , but also a theory and a pract ice that " res is ts and subver ts inst i tut ional patr iarchal power" (Weedon, 1 9 8 7 , p. 127 ) . 

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