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Children's conceptions of pride Zwiers, Michael Lee 2000

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C F f l L D R E N ' S C O N C E P T I O N S OF P R I D E by M I C H A E L L E E ZWTERS B .Ed . , The University of Alberta, 1989 M . E d . The University o f Alberta, 1993 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F D O C T O R OF P H I L O S O P H Y in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S Department of Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education Counselling Psychology Program We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A January, 2000 © Michael Lee Zwiers, 2000 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Efii/UX /^oAflSt CU4 Lb^AsAtirvlJ fSjckoU^ , <K>*A Sj^fJcA {j&KtfBor) The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date • Z*\r ^ 7A)DO DE-6 (2/88) i i Abstract One of the major concerns of counselling psychology is to foster development rather than to simply remediate problems. One of the emotions through which proactive development might be facilitated is pride. Pride has potential connections to achievement motivation, care and attention toward work, task persistence, self-competence, esteem, and general productive well-being within a social context. The purpose of this study was to describe children's conceptions of pride in the anticipation that knowing about these conceptions would help indicate ways for counsellors to intervene. Using phenomenography, a descriptive research methodology that emphasizes conceptions of things experienced, child participants in Grades 2, 4, and 7 were interviewed to determine their conceptions of pride. The children were invited to talk about pride, mainly by telling stories of experiences with pride. The resulting narratives were analyzed to sift out all qualitatively distinct categories of meaning for pride, mapping the general domain of the emotion. Eight distinct conceptions emerged, including three active or doing conceptions (achieving, acting ethically, and acting independently) and five having conceptions (possessing, having a desired attribute or ability, belonging, having special status, and pride by association). A l l conceptions were represented in all three grades sampled, with no outstanding age- or gender-related differences. Research results contribute to our knowledge o f how children experience and comprehend pride, and point toward educational and psychological implications for those who parent, educate, or counsel children. iii T A B L E OF C O N T E N T S Abstract i i Table of Contents iii List o f Tables v Acknowledgments vi C H A P T E R O N E Overview of the Study 1 Statement of the Problem 1 Rationale 2 Approach to Research 5 The Research Question 9 Projected Outcome and Implications of Research Findings 9 C H A P T E R T W O Review of the Literature . . 1 1 Background 11 Theory and Research on Pride 12 Defining Pride 12 Pride and Children 14 Research Findings 14 Socialization of Pride 22 Pride and Adults 28 Conclusions 29 Conceptual Development in Children 30 Phenomenography 32 Qualitatively Different Conceptions 32 Finding Categories of Description 34 Conducting Phenomenographic Research 35 C H A P T E R T H R E E Methodology 37 Summary of Procedures 37 Participants 39 Sample 39 Recruitment 40 Protection of Participants 41 The Use of Interview 43 A Four Stage Interview 48 Analysis of Information 50 The Process Applied 52 iv C H A P T E R F O U R Results 57 Eight Conceptions of Pride 57 Conception 1: Achieving 58 Conception 2: Acting Ethically 63 Conception 3: Acting Independently 65 Conception 4: Possessing 66 Conception 5: Having a Desired Attribute or Ability 67 Conception 6: Belonging 67 Conception 7: Having Special Status 69 Conception 8: Pride by Association 70 Discussion of the Outcome Space 73 Overview of the Outcome Space 73 Clarifying Conceptions 78 Children's Commentary on Pride 82 H o w Pride Feels 82 Pride as Self-Reflection 82 Personal Significance of Pride 84 C H A P T E R F I V E Discussion 87 Limitations 87 Implications for Theory and Research 88 Implications for Practice 94 Implications for Future Research 95 Reflections on the Significance of Pride 97 Personal Reflections on the Research 99 References 104 Appendix A Introduction Letter To Parents/Guardians 115 Appendix B Participant Consent Form 116 Appendix C Transcript of a Grade 2 Interview 118 Appendix D Transcript of a Grade 4 Interview 130 Appendix E Transcript of a Grade 7 Interview 148 Appendix F Photographs 168 List of Tables Table 1: Frequency of Conceptions by Grade vi Acknowledgments Thank you to Larry for saying the right word at the right time, for your wisdom, guidance, and encouragement. Thank you to my committee members who stuck with me and supported the project as it unfolded. Thank you to my family and friends - everyone who believed in me and supported the outrageous idea of 10 years of post graduate education. Thank you to the York Region School Board and participating parents and school staff for making data collection possible. Thank you to the children who trusted me and shared their life experiences so willingly, openly, and gracefully. Thanks to my Lord God without whom nothing is possible. 1 C H A P T E R O N E Overview of the Study This chapter offers a general orientation to pride as it is understood today, provides an introduction to dimensions not addressed by prior research, and presents the resulting research question as well as a rationale for the current study. Statement o f the Problem Pride may be classified in western society under the general rubric of emotion. Currently, there are dozens of theories and models of emotion and affect, with new models emerging regularly (e.g., Artz, 1994; Griffin & Mascolo, 1998; Izard, 1993; Kagan, 1994; Lang, 1995; Mancuso & Sarbin, 1998; Mascolo & Harkins, 1998). Since the Social Science Research Committee on Social and Affective Development During Childhood made a call for more research in the area of emotion to redress the inordinate amount of research on behaviour and cognition (Izard, 1982), there has been a virtual explosion of interest in emotion. Still, most of the resulting experimental research focusses on what have been termed the basic emotions, those that are easiest to identify in observational research and those that have clear, specific elicitors or causal events (Lewis, 1993). Since early emotion theorists classified emotions they could not easily identify (e.g., guilt, pride, envy, love) as "derived" or secondary, research on many of these emotions was delayed (Campos, Mumme, Kermoian, & Campos, 1994). More recently, thinking about the classification o f emotion is shifting from exclusionary to inclusionary and toward a more idiographic view. For example, as early as 1984, Kagan argued that there existed no persuasive reasons for regarding the "basic" emotions as more fundamental than others. In addition, functionalist emotional theorists have 2 linked emotions to adaptational demands and now recognize pride to be as basic and distinct as happiness or sadness (Campos et al., 1994). In this new light, interest has grown in the study of a broader range of emotions. Until recently, little research has been done on complex emotions including those termed alternately as self-referent, self-reflective, self-evaluative (Eisenberg, 1986; Kagan, 1984; Lutkenhaus, Bullock, & Geppert, 1987; Mascolo & Fischer, 1995; Mascolo & Mancuso, 1992; Stipek, 1995), self-conscious (Kitayama, Markus, & Matsumoto, 1995; Lewis, 1993; Tangney & Fischer, 1995), emotions of self-assessment (Taylor, 1985), propositional emotions (Davidson, 1976), social-self feelings (Cooley, 1922), self-affects (Harter, & Whitesell, 1989), self-directed affects (Harris & Saarni, 1989); self-regarding sentiments (McDougal, 1908); or moral emotions (Ferguson, Sorenson, Bodrero & Stegge, 1996). Within the domain of these emotions that have at their core a notion of self, the majority o f research has emphasized negative emotions such as shame, guilt, or embarrassment; less attention has been given to positive emotions such as pride, esteem, or empathy (Lewis, 1993). In this context, it seems appropriate that pride be studied to expand our understanding. Since children's understanding of emotion differs from that of adults (Saarni & Harris, 1989), it is important that we examine children's conceptions independent from those of their adult counterparts. Accordingly, the aim of this research is to contribute to current understanding of pride by addressing children's conceptions of pride. This study was designed to answer the research question: In what ways do children conceptualize pride? Rationale Children perceive the world differently than adults. When children use the same words 3 as adults, they can appear to understand the same meanings, but as Lukas (1993) suggested, children cannot possible comprehend the world the way that adults do and we must be cautious not to make this assumption. If we know how children experience and conceptualize emotion, it wil l help us to know how to relate to them and their emotions, how to communicate with them about their emotions, and how to help them to deal with their emotions. Understanding of children's emotional development and emotional lives is important in counselling, and the effective counsellor must have an appreciation of the full range of emotions. With a wide field of emotions to investigate, there does not seem at first glance to be any particular reason to select one over another. In addition, the simple shortage of research on any particular emotion - in this case pride - does not make it necessarily more important to examine over any other. Although it may be an admirable enterprise to gather additional information about a particular emotion, it helps i f the emotion has links to important aspects of human functioning. Pride has been linked variously to self-control, or feelings o f agency and competence (Lawler, 1992; Lutkenhaus et al, 1987); achievement motivation, or an intrinsic desire to work independently, to strive, to improve, to grow, to move toward success, and to achieve one's goals (Brown & Weiner, 1984, Cook, 1983; Graham & Weiner, 1991; Heckhausen, 1984; Lewis, 1993; Stipek, 1983; Stipek & Mason, 1987; Stipek, Recchia & McClint ic , 1992; Weiner, 1986; Weiner & Graham, 1989); task persistence (Masters, Furman & Barden, 1977; Masters & Santrock, 1976; Weiner, 1986); and self-esteem, or general personal feelings o f 4 well-being 1 (Kovecses, 1986, 1990; Rosenberg, 1979; Stipek, 1983). In addition, it could be argued that pride has important links to an individual's care and attention to the quality of his or her work, and that it is a powerful and rewarding reinforcement in itself. Weiner (1986) suggested that pride affects achievement behaviours such as latency in task initiation, effort intensity, and persistence through difficulty. In other words, prideful feelings help actors to start sooner, work harder, and persist in the face of challenges. Some researchers (e.g., Heckhausen, 1984; Hodson, 1998; Lewis, 1993; Stipek et al., 1992) have suggested that pride affects achievement behaviours when positive feelings are associated with an action that may then be reproduced. Hodson (1998) has even argued that pride in task completion may be a better indicator of positive behaviour at work (e.g., prosocial actions) than job satisfaction. Mascolo and Fischer (1995) stated, "Pride functions to bolster one's sense of self-worth and to direct one's actions toward behaviors that conform to social standards of worth or merit" (p. 66). Finally, Lewis (1993) suggested that i f we consider the role o f self-evaluation in adult life, it could be argued that self-conscious evaluative emotions (including pride) are at the center of our emotional life. Given the hypothesized significance of pride in human functioning, it seems important that researchers further their knowledge o f it. Additionally, an improved knowledge of children's conceptions of pride could help parents and professionals to stimulate and encourage its development in children. 1 Although pride has been viewed by some as identical to self-esteem, I would argue that it is important as an emotional concept distinct from but related to self-esteem. Self-esteem is broader and more nebulous than pride and has a weakly defined etiology. Self-esteem may be understood to refer to a generalized sense of self and regard for self along a continuum of well-being, while pride relates to specific individual acts, attributes, and possessions and may differ according to abilities, circumstances, or settings. Pride may be understood to contribute to self-esteem. 5 In some circumstances, pride may be viewed as negative, destructive, or undesirable. For example, misplaced pride could be encouraged when standards set by self and others are too low, resulting in downward spiralling achievement. A n excess of pride could be seen as hubris or vanity, with the result that others are viewed as less competent or less important than self. Additionally, an arrogant person may think that he or she knows everything and new learning wil l stop. A more firmly rooted understanding of children's conceptions of pride may help parents and professionals to avert these potentially negative consequences. Finally, a careful study of pride may help to inform our theories of emotion and emotional development, especially i f hitherto unrecognized aspects of emotion are revealed by the research. Questions that may be influenced by findings could include ones such as: What is emotion? What is emotion's role and purpose? H o w does emotion come about? or H o w does emotion change over time and over the lifespan? In sum, the study of children's conceptions of pride can add to the current knowledge base regarding its manifestation in children, can inform professionals when they counsel children, can guide parents and educators when they raise and teach children, and can provide inspiration and direction for researchers who theorize about emotion generally. Approach to Research The section wil l highlight the general approach to the research problem, including the particular focus and emphasis of this study and the research approach deemed best suited to the study. Psychological research is concerned with the study o f people, their mental states processes, and behaviours. The inner life of people - including their experiences, cognitions, 6 feelings and perceptions - is best investigated using naturalistic research paradigms. Dupont (1994) argued that our affects (emotions and feelings) are personal-social constructions derived from individual needs and values within a common culture of meanings, and stated that social scientists must study people as works-in-progress within a social-cultural context and not as objects. Marton (1981a) has distinguished first from second-order approaches to research. He labelled as "first-order" the traditional scientific paradigm characterized by attempts to isolate and describe various aspects of the world. B y contrast, he called "second-order" the kind of research that aims to describe people's experiences of and ideas about various aspects o f the world. He advocated for the use of both, arguing that the perspectives are complementary. Marton (1981a) added that results arrived at by second-order research are independent from those derived from first-order research and that the examination of people's descriptions of the ways they "experience, interpret, understand, apprehend, perceive or conceptualize various aspects of reality" (p. 178) is a significant study in its own right. He stated that the goal of such research is not to classify individuals, to compare groups, to explain, predict, or to judge people, but rather is to describe, analyze, and understand experiences. Traditional psychological research focusses on perception and thinking, separating the conception from the conceiver in its search for overarching laws of cognition and perception, rather than focussing on the content of perception and thought that Marton (1986) believed is inextricably bound to the individual. Marton (1984) argued that research in mainstream psychology has tried to isolate and abstract phenomena from the various life contexts within which they exist, and then study them before making generalizations back to the contexts from 7 which they were removed; however, he argued, i f the variation itself is an essential part of the phenomena under investigation, then much important information can be lost. I f what Marton has suggested is true, it lends support to the use of phenomenography in the study of something as complex and multi-faceted as the comprehension of pride in the human experience. Since counselling, teaching, and the field of psychology in general are concerned with either changing or supporting certain ways o f viewing the world, researchers would do well to heed Marton's (1981b) contention that it is of interest to know about and map various ways of thinking about human experience. He even suggested that such knowledge may assist us in discovering conditions facilitative to change in thinking and perception (Marton, 1981b). Just as cross-cultural research reveals differences in thinking across peoples, developmental psychology has shown us that many adult assumptions regarding thinking cannot be applied to children (Marton, 1986). If our work with children is to be both supportive and relevant, then our research needs to address the conceptual elements of children's functioning. Marton (1988) stated that phenomenography is "aimed specifically at investigating the unwarrentedly taken-for-granted aspects of pupils' thinking," (p. 202) including ideas, notions, understandings, and conceptualizations. He has suggested, "In growing up, people learn to conceptualize their own reality" (Marton, 1981a, p. 180), an evolutionary process of personal meaning-making within a social-cultural context. A study of children's conceptions o f pride, based on their life experiences, should help to map the range of ways that pride is viewed by them. This research approach should help to uncover children's theories-in-action, the ways that they make sense of the phenomena, including aspects present in, related to, or underlying it (Marton, 1981a). 8 In the case of conceptions of pride, quantitative research has tried to determine when pride manifests itself as an emotion in children (e.g., Heckhausen, 1988), when and how children understand pride as an emotion (e.g., Harris & Saarni, 1989; Harter & Whitesell, 1989; Russell & Paris, 1994), and the circumstances that elicit feelings o f pride in children (e.g., Alessandri & Lewis, 1993; Reissland, 1994; Stipek, 1983), and has been able to identify some behaviours accompanying feelings of pride (e.g., Heckhausen, 1988; Lewis, Alessandri, & Sullivan, 1992; Mascolo & Fischer, 1995). A few studies asked children to provide verbal examples of pride (e.g., Harris, Olthof, Terwogt, & Hardman, 1987; Harter & Whitesell, 1989; Seidner, Stipek & Feshbach, 1988); however, the manner in which the statements were analyzed affected the interpretation o f results. More wil l be said about these studies in Chapter 2. Generally, studies have discovered observable behavioural signs o f pride along with some underlying thoughts and attributions, but have not yet uncovered the underlying internal processes, feelings, sensations, and the resulting conceptions accompanying the experiencing of pride as an emotion. One exception is a series of studies conducted by Hudley (1992) who asked incarcerated and non-incarcerated adolescents to recall a time when they felt proud and to write down what happened as well as what they perceived to be the cause. She then grouped the responses into conceptual categories. Results from that study were examined from the perspective of social cognitive processing. Unfortunately, little attention was paid to the resulting conceptions beyond a between groups comparison, at which point some conceptions were deemed by the author to be more culturally appropriate for adults while others were deemed more typical of adolescent responses. The current study wil l attempt to collect children's examples of pride without i 9 prejudging the appropriateness of those responses. The purpose will be to elicit as many distinct conceptions as possible. The study should help to answer questions such as "How do children conceptualize pride?" and "What is the range in children's conceptions of pride?" as well as more specific ones like "What are the developmental trends in children's conceptions o f pride?" In the end, Marton (1981a) has suggested that although researchers cannot learn about psychological entities per se - independent of their context and content - they should be able to describe a range of conceptions (of pride for example) in a reliable manner. The Research Question This research study is designed to answer the question: "In what ways do children conceptualize pride?"using a methodology known as phenomenography (Marton, 1981a). The research question arises from an interest in naturalistic or human science research, a paradigm that emphasizes description rather than quantification as a means for understanding the subject under investigation. The purpose of this study is to explore difference and sameness in the way that children conceptualize the emotion of pride across a variety of ages in order to discover a range of categories as well as developmental patterns, i f any. Rather than focussing solely on the cognitive domain such as children's understanding of pride, this study attempts to describe more broadly the "how" of children's conceptualization. A s a result, the research is not approached with an advance hypothesis regarding the manner in which the children wil l respond; instead, the question is purposely kept broad in order that respondents may describe freely their own experiences and conceptions of pride. Projected Outcome and Implications of Research Findings Marton (1988) advanced the idea that i f we learn more about the relationship between 10 the individual and what they learn (either through experience or planned teaching), we improve our ability to modify learning in a sensible, planful manner. It is anticipated that learning more about pride will help to inform professionals who counsel children, as well as parents and educators who teach children. Knowing how children conceptualize their experience o f this emotion should help professionals to know how to relate to them and their emotions, how to communicate with them about their emotions, and how to help them to cope with their emotions. Initial projections for this study included confirming links between pride and motivation to achieve, desire to strive, to improve, to grow, to move toward success, to do something well, and to use care and attention in work. In addition, it is hoped that links wil l be found between pride and personal feelings of well-being. Knowing more about pride should help parents and teachers to build positive experiences that wil l enhance children's personal success. In addition, it is anticipated that an exploration of pride wil l help to distinguish it as an important emotional concept distinct from self-esteem. 11 C H A P T E R T W O Review of the Literature Background The study of a singular emotion is necessarily the study of a theory of emotion. Nathanson (1992) argued, "Any attempt to study shame and pride wil l be flawed and misleading unless these emotions are placed in the context of a general theory of emotion" (p. 23). In Nathanson's estimation, emotions cannot be understood in isolation from each other or from an overarching theory. Unfortunately, preconceived theories may have the effect o f blinding the researcher to potential truths about the emotion under investigation. Perhaps a better way of approaching Nathanson's concern would be to include elements o f many theories of emotion in a map of what might potentially be expected to be found in an investigation o f pride (or any particular emotion for that manner). In that way, the theories wil l help to inform the investigation, including questions asked of research participants, but wi l l not prematurely restrict either outcome or interpretation of findings. Emotion has been described variously as a type of information that plays an adaptive role in human functioning (Campos, Campos, & Barrett, 1989; Greenberg & Safran, 1987; Leventhal, 1982; Plutchik, 1980), is inextricably fused with cognition and behaviour (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1992; Greenberg & Safran, 1987; Lazarus, 1991), and forms action tendencies that provide a motivational basis to human behaviour (Arnold, 1960; Greenberg & Safran, 1987; Izard, 1977).2 Based on cross-cultural views of emotion, Mesquita and Frijda 2 Although bio-physiological processes have also been emphasized by researchers (e.g., Izard & Malatesta, 1987), those processes could hardly be examined in a descriptive interview-based study. 12 (1992) argued that the examination of emotion should be multi-faceted and include precursors, appraisals, action tendencies, displays, and regulation o f displays. One would expect to find these significant elements embedded within children's verbal reports. Children's descriptions of their experiences with pride will reveal what they value and how they interpret situations, what Fischer, Manstead, and Mosquera (1999) called the cultural meaning o f emotion. Ultimately, however, what children describe will constitute the final outcome o f the study and the primary goal is to ensure that what children report is as uncontaminated by researcher preconceptions as possible. Theory and Research on Pride Defining Pride Most definitions o f pride involve self evaluation of a personal action. For example, Shorr (1993) defined pride as a self-rewarding affect in response to an evaluation of one's own behaviour. Harter and Whitesell (1989) looked to competent actions and personal accomplishments. Lewis (1992a, 1992b, 1993) offered a more detailed description which suggested that pride is elicited once a number of complex factors are activated including a comparison or evaluation of one's behaviour in reference to a culturally-transmitted standard, rule, or goal, with the determination that one has succeeded as a result of one's own actions. This cognitive appraisal model is supported by others (e.g., Stipek et al, 1992). Similarly, Roseman (1991) in a paper-and-pencil study of college students, reported that pride was seen to increase in response to positive outcomes created by the self, emphasizing the importance of self-appraisals. Although these definitions may initially be appealing, more careful scrutiny reveals some shortcoming with their simplistic emphasis on action and achievement. 13 Unfortunately the definitions exclude pride arising from prized traits, attributes, and possessions, as well as interpersonal aspects such as membership in a group, or someone prizing one or one's work. Some of these elements are addressed by other more inclusive definitions. For example, Nippold, Hegel, Moore Sohlberg, and Schwarz (1999) consulted dictionaries to arrive at their broad Aristotelian definition, "Pride is a sense of delight about a possession or accomplishment" (p. 473). Taylor (1985) stated that pride is an emotion o f self-assessment, with the self as the object of the emotion (including an assessment of self). Shorr and McClelland (1998) described pride as mild to moderate positive evaluations made by individuals based on a perception of meeting internalized standards or goals. These definitions emphasize broad self-assessment, and not solely the outcome of actions. More recently, Stipek (1998) has defined pride and other self-related emotions as being "generated in situations in which individuals compare a personal characteristic or an outcome o f their activities to some standard. Personal achievements or situations in which the comparison is favorable generate pride" (p 617). Davidson (1976) termed pride a propositional emotion which requires reasoning in the evaluation of actions and outcomes, and identified several objects of pride including judgements of belief concerning oneself, something one owns, a characteristic of oneself, or a manner in which one stands in relationship to another. Weiner (1986) equated pride with self-esteem (suggesting that it, along with confidence, competence, and satisfaction is subsumed by self-esteem) and stated that pride is linked to a perceived locus of causality and control. In order to feel proud, the actor must see him or herself as responsible for an action or outcome (as a result of ability, effort, 14 personality, or physical/psychological attractiveness), with pride increasing in proportion to ownership of causality. Notably, Weiner (1986) reported that individuals have been found more likely to attribute self as agent when there is a positive outcome than when there is a negative outcome. Perhaps the broadest definition offered is that by Zammuner (1996) who pooled psychological and philosophical literature to reach the conclusion, "We feel proud (rather than simply happy) i f we achieve something, or possess an 'object' (attribute, person, etc.), that, subjectively or objectively, is rare or uncommon, and valued" (p. 234). Some researchers add a physiological component to the description and definition of pride. For example, Barrett (1995) suggested that pride focusses on the self as agent and object and helps to maintain good personal feelings both internally and within a social context, and is accompanied by an activated physiological reaction of flushed face and increased heart rate, with voice full and wide, body moderately tense, and with the person tending toward showing and telling others about the moment. To this description, Mascolo and Fischer (1995) added that its expression includes a broad smile, beaming face, erect posture, celebratory gestures and/or comments, and talking about the accomplishment, and that internal feelings include a sense o f being bigger, taller, or stronger, directing one's actions toward those that conform to social standards. Although physical, physiological, and neurological elements may or may not be required for pride to be present, it is significant that some theorists and researchers do not consider definitions without those constituents. Pride and Children Research Findings Some research on pride has been conducted with children and these findings help to 15 inform our understanding of what pride is for children, while pointing toward directions for future research. Knowledge o f developmental trends should inform our understanding o f pride; however, in order to be useful that information must be accurate. Researchers' beliefs about pride have been heavily influenced by research limitations. Lewis (1992b, 1993) placed pride within a subcategory of self-conscious evaluative emotions that appear later on the developmental spectrum. He viewed the primary emotions as joy, sadness, fear, and anger.3 Although theorists differ on when exactly they believe pride emerges, it has been a commonly held belief that pride does not appear as early as joy, sadness, fear, and anger (e.g., Harter & Whitesell, 1989; Izard, 1977; Lewis, 1993). Harter and Whitesell (1989) and Griffin (1995) represent the far end of the spectrum with their estimation that children don't experience true pride until seven or eight years of age. Harris et al. (1987), in studies of the emotional knowledge of English, Dutch, and Himalayan children, found that by seven years of age (but not at five years of age), most children were able to provide acceptable exemplars for prideful situations. Kagan (1984) placed his estimates lower, suggesting that emotions like pride appear during the fifth and sixth years of life when the child begins to compare self to others in a more prominent manner than the first three years of life when emotions are generated most often by external events rather than thoughts. A t the other end of the spectrum, Nathanson (1992) suggested that pride begins as pleasure from self-competence, and is evident in infants as young as three-months old when they achieve what they set out to do; he said that for pride 3 B y 1998, he had added pride and disgust to his list of primary emotions (Lewis, 1998) demonstrating the advances in research on pride within a span of six years. 16 to be experienced, the child must have a desire, must make a plan to meet that need, and must then do something to achieve that goal, with a resulting feeling of interest, excitement, enjoyment, or joy. He further argued that pride develops from an individual experience and assessment of the self to a statement about the self in comparison to others. Other more recent research has tended to support an earlier view of the emergence of pride, although not as early as the time proposed by Nathanson (e.g., Alessandri & Lewis, 1993; Belsky, Domitrovich, & Crnic, 1997; Jennings, 1993; Reissland & Harris, 1991; Russell & Paris, 1994; Stipek et al., 1992). Studies lacking contextual validity have led to spurious and inaccurate results and although more sensitive methodologies have been developed, not all researchers choose to use them. For example, as recently as 1995, Griffin contended that children's verbal reports of emotion can be a reasonably reliable index of emotional experience. In a design similar to many other controlled experiments in developmental psychology, she asked young children to respond empathically to hypothetical or imaginary story scenarios (e.g., child wins a snowman-building contest at school). The children were also asked to provide a verbal definition of pride for an alien child who does not understand. Under her research conditions, eight-year-olds were able to define pride as social standards met or exceeded then observed/judged by an audience; four- and six-year-olds provided definitions similar to happiness (four-year-olds referenced actions or events, while six-year-olds talked about getting or doing something one really likes, or a happy feeling following a special event). Based on these results, Griffin (1995) hypothesized that age-level variations exist in children's cognitive and/or linguistic structures. She suggested that since the research children did not 17 report self-conscious emotional experiences before the age of seven or eight, they probably don't experience these emotions (or differentiate them from simpler emotions such as happiness). She (along with Stipek and McClintic, 1989) called these behaviours "pride-like" and deemed them to be closer to happiness than adult pride. Although not atypical, these research findings differ from recently appearing professional literature (not to mention the intuitive appraisals of adults who spend time with children). For example, a few years following her 1989 research with McClint ic , Stipek (1995) presented evidence for a child's self-reflective capacity emerging possibly by the age of two years, and most certainly by the age of three. These findings suggest that the task situations (i.e. experimental conditions) lead to differing developmental pictures of children's abilities. Using a methodology that allowed the researcher to witness children's success and failure behaviours with an adult present, Stipek et al., (1992) found that children begin to anticipate adult reactions to their achievements sometime within the second half of the second year, with nearly half of twenty-one month-olds calling their mother's attention to some achievement during a ten minute free-play period. In addition, Stipek (1995) reported that between thirty-six and forty-two months of age, children shift to autonomous self-evaluation that does not require adult mediation. While controlled experimental studies that assess children's verbal knowledge and understanding of emotion seem to underestimate their conceptual understanding, observation-based studies of children's emotional behaviour reveal that even very young children have a substantial working knowledge of emotion (e.g., Ffeckhausen, 1988; Jennings, 1993; Terwogt and Olthof, 1989). For example, Harter and Whitesell (1989) reported that children aged four 18 and five were not able to provide plausible explanations o f the causes o f pride, while six and seven year-olds did for situations when they were observed by another (they attributed the pride feelings to the observers); and it wasn't until age eight that children provided spontaneous verbal examples of being proud of themselves. In their study, younger children's examples included doing something requested by parents, while older children provided examples of athletic, academic, or idiosyncratic accomplishments. In contrast; an examination of toddlers aged fifteen to thirty-five months being observed by an adult (Jennings, 1993), revealed that at completion or partial completion of a task almost all o f the older children displayed pride, while over half of the youngest children showed it. The author suggested that the displays of pride imply an internalized standard of mastery, and that even the youngest children know that adults wil l be interested in their achievement. Children have been found to differ developmentally in their knowledge of the causes of pride. Thompson (1987, 1989) reported that very young children are likely to attribute pride feelings to the success or failure of an outcome independent of their own efforts, while older children recognize the importance of personal responsibility for the outcome. This finding confirmed prior research (Graham, 1988; Stipek & DeCotis, 1988) which suggested that younger children tend to emphasize outcome over process while older children include both. Harris (1989) articulated this in a slightly different way when he stated that younger children see people as agents who are happy i f they get what they want, while older children see people as agents who feel proud i f they conform to normative or moral standards. Similarly, Dupont (1994) found differences between pride and happiness in statements of children aged seven to fifteen years, who "described feeling happy when they have been successful or have won in a 19 competition with others, but proud when they have done so against the odds, their own self-doubt, or the predictions of others that they would fail" (p. 52). Pride has also been examined differentially for achievement-oriented situations and moral domain situations, with variable findings. Using a forced choice response to story characters' situations, Thompson (1987) reported that children in Grade 2 attribute prideful feelings to successes in the moral domain (e.g., helping a parent, keeping a secret) less frequently than older children and adults. Harter and Whitesell (1989) examined interviews with 40 children between the ages of seven and eleven who they deemed capable of understanding the concepts of pride and shame and their respective causes. These authors performed a content analysis of the children's descriptions of the feelings and causes of pride (and shame) and reported that pride responses fit into the two categories of display o f competence or accomplishment involving a desired outcome or product (what might be termed achievement domain), and performing a helping action requested by parents (what might be termed moral domain). In a study of pride and guilt as consequences of helping or not helping, Shorr and McClelland (1998) further examined the moral domain. The children were told a story with accompanying line drawings and were invited to state the reason why a story character was feeling proud (defined descriptively as feeling happy or glad with oneself). Twenty-five percent o f preschool through Grade 1 students, sixty-five percent o f Grade 2 and 3 students, one-hundred percent of Grade 4 and 5 students, and ninety-six percent of undergraduate students were able to link prideful feelings to a helping action. Russell and Paris (1994) used storytelling to examine children's (age four to seven) acquisition of concepts for complex emotions (including pride) on the dimensions o f pleasure 20 and arousal. Their study determined - based on verbal accounts - that even four-year-olds have a partial conception of pride, including both the pleasure and arousal associated with it. Although four year-olds were able to describe situations where a person might feel proud, older children were more often able to provide examples judged to be appropriate by a panel of three assessors. They concluded that conceptions of pride do not appear to emerge suddenly, but rather grow in conceptual specificity over the course o f time. Using a constructivist model of emotions, Mascolo and Mancuso (1992) highlighted five stages of self-evaluative emotional development. Their model is comprehensive without being restrictive and provides a framework of differences in understanding and expression of pride. In level one, pride-like behaviour results from concrete and specific social feedback about how the child's actions conform to external expectations. A social figure must be present. In level two, prideful feelings result from an individual psychological understanding of how actions conform to previously expressed expectations. A social figure does not have to be present. In level three, prideful feelings result from social exchange and social comparison. In level four, prideful feelings result from a comparison of multiple level three episodes to create a broader conceptualization. Finally, in level five, the individual's feelings are placed within a wider social and cultural contextual assessment. The authors indicated that these stages represent general processes, and that individuals may vary in operational levels from one emotion to another (e.g., pride as compared to guilt); that they may differ between optimal and functional levels of activity; and that although the levels appear to represent a developmental trend, they may not, and are likely to differ within and across cultures. 21 Although much of what has been reported is representative of typical groups of children, not all children are the same and there exists a broad range of behaviours at every age level. Children with special needs or circumstances may present with even more extreme differences. For example, studies of pride in children with autism have determined that although these children demonstrate joy at their own mastery, they do not seek the attention of adults for doing so, and that they do not appear to experience a self-reflective and socially-mediated pride, but rather joy of achievement (Kasari, Sigman, Baumgartner, & Stipek, 1993). Other studies suggest that children with autism are able to express feelings of pride at personal accomplishment (akin to joy) but not socially mediated pride (e.g., Capps, Yirmiya & Sigman, 1992). Placed in a developmental context, these findings suggest that children with autism behave similarly to infants in their expression (and presumably experiencing and conceptualizing) of pride. To conclude the review of research on pride in youth, there is one unique study that examined conceptions of pride in adolescents. Hudley (1992) reported on results from two studies of incarcerated and nonincarcerated adolescents, where participants were invited to describe in writing a time when they felt proud, identifying circumstances and causes. She grouped the resulting conceptions of pride into a number of categories: individual accomplishments (e.g., doing 100 pushups, taking care of grandmother, taking care of self, behaving well while incarcerated, emigrating successfully); school success (e.g., entering science fair, good grades); affiliative success (e.g., maintaining relationship for several years); sports skills; employment (e.g., having a job that pays well); esteem of peers (friends ask for advice, getting a girl); helping others (buying mother a sewing machine); material possessions; 22 team/group accomplishments; accomplishments of others; obedience to parents; freedom from jail; and siblings. Although not all of the proposed conceptions were fleshed out with specific examples from the youth's responses, the names for the categories provide some insight into the ideas communicated by the participants. One striking thing about this study is the range of examples provided by the youth when each was asked to provide only a single life example for the researchers. The author did not find a similar breadth when examining anger and guilt. Socialization of Pride Lewis (1998) has argued that emotions are the content of social interaction and provide the foundation for social competence. Self conscious emotions emerge as children begin to develop their sense of identity, and the sense of self emerges in a social context. Pride is undoubtedly a social emotion, in as much as it involves the comparison of self to others. Kitayama, Markus, and Matsumoto (1995) stated that pride cannot exist within a social vacuum, with personal performance compared to relevant others. At the same time, the authors called pride a self-conscious rather than other-conscious emotion, so their original premise that it must always be a socially-based emotion is brought into question.4 Though 4 There has been some discussion in the literature regarding whether pride is a self-focussed or other-focussed emotion (e.g., Aaker & Williams, 1998; Matsumoto, Kudoh, Scherer, & Wallbott, 1988). Perhaps pride may be either; however, there is little doubt that it is an emotion that involves the self. Interestingly, Aaker and Williams (1988) differentiate between individualists and collectivists, suggesting that people who emphasize collectivism over individualism consider friends and family to be inseparable from the self. This perspective is supported by others (e.g., Kitayama, Markus, & Matsumoto, 1995). Perhaps this emphasis could simply be a manifestation of pride through association with others, what Weiner (1986) described as pride resulting from another person being perceived to be within the boundaries of one's ego. However, it could represent a distinct and durable representation of the inner conception of self that could have significant bearing on studies that involve the self. Further examination of these and other related cultural issues have been made by Hart and Fegley (1997). 23 pride is usually a social emotion, one could argue that an individual may feel prideful following the achievement of a personal goal, with the result that the person emphasizes personal attributes and affirms the self as an independent being quite distinct from others. Could a person stranded on the proverbial desert island ever feel pride? One could certainly build a case to support the proposition that a person could feel proud although socially isolated. Socialization is a complex process operating on many levels ranging from parental to familial to cultural, and the teaching of emotions is a slow and gradual process. Dunn and Brown (1991) identified four relevant processes important to emotional development in children: a) growth of language, b) discussion with significant adults about feelings, emotions, and moods of self and others, c) observations of the affective states experienced by others, and d) pretend play related to affect and their attributed meanings. The four areas identified by these authors hold intuitive appeal; however, they do not account for the initial appearance of apparently hard-wired emotions in infants. Additionally, they do not explain the development of emotional competence in children born blind, deaf, or both. The manner in which people are socialized influences the ways that they interpret and live out emotion-provoking situations. Certainly, the values that an individual acquires are inextricably bound to the environment within which that person develops. Cross-cultural studies have supported this premise in examinations of Asian and North American cultures (e.g., Aaker & Williams, 1998; Stipek, 1998). Differences have recently been found within the same continent in an examination of how Spanish and Dutch views of individualistic versus honour-based values affect the conceptualization of pride and other self-conscious emotions (Fischer et al, 1999). 24 The socialization of pride in young children has been studied by Reissland (1994), using observational research of mother-child dyads. She suggested, "Praise of young children's expressions of pleasure in mastery... provides a framework in which children move from intrinsic pleasure in mastery to extrinsically or socially derived pride" (p. 542). She found that parents actively do things to motivate achievement and legitimize feelings o f pride while avoiding the development of arrogance (Reissland, 1994). In addition, Reissland (1990) found that mothers use relative, comparative standards when recognizing and reinforcing pride behaviours in response to their perceptions o f their children's developing abilities. She also found that mothers tend to praise more often their children's highest levels o f performance (as compared to mediocre performance), and that they praise younger children (around two years o f age) in ways that referenced them as a person, while with older children (around three years of age), they tend to praise the performance rather than the person (Reissland, 1994). It seems that children quickly internalize these comparative standards. Belsky et al., (1997) examined the pride behaviours (facial, verbal, and postural) of boys aged thirty-six and thirty-seven months in a laboratory achievement situation, and found that pride reactions were greater following success on challenging versus easy tasks. Gender-based socialization also seems to occur. For example, although two year-old boys and girls initiate conversations about feeling states equally as often, their mothers are twice as likely to initiate feeling state conversations with their daughters as with their sons, a likely contributor to gender differences in later life (Dunn, Bretherton, & Munn, 1987). A study by Alessandri and Lewis (1993) that examined the interaction between parents and their three year-old children during problem-solving tasks found that although children's physical 25 expressions o f pride (erect posture, smiles, eyes directed at parents, pointing at outcome or applauding, and positive verbal self-evaluations) were not related to parental evaluation, their expressions of shame were. Girls in the study tended to receive more negative evaluations than boys and subsequently expressed more shame. The authors suggested that the differences in parental evaluation may influence the children's self-evaluations on a global rather than a specific level (e.g., pride is a situation-specific emotion, while shame is a more enduring global evaluation). The same authors reported similar findings after they studied both maltreated and nonmaltreated four and five year-old children (Alessandri & Lewis, 1996). Studies of older children also find gender differences, with third grade girls reporting less pride in their successes, weaker attributions of success to high ability, and a weaker belief that effort could lead to success, when compared to their male counterparts (Stipek & Gralinski, 1991). Based on these findings, it appears that gender-based socialization has an impact on the understanding and expression of pride across the lifespan.5 Age-related socialization also occurs. Until about age eight, children have been found to gain their sense of accomplishment from parents and other significant adults; by age nine and ten, positive value judgements emerge from interactions with friends and peers (Dupont, 1994). Cultural differences are also surmised to exist in the development of pride, as a direct result of its social origins (Graham & Weiner, 1991). Although children may feel pride at relatively early ages, in some cultures they quickly learn and begin to apply social display 5 Notably, Zammuner (1996) reported differences between male and female Italian university students on display features o f pride and a number o f other emotions, but not on the felt experience of the same emotions, indicating that emotional displays are context specific. Similar gender-specific findings are noted by Kelly & Hutson-Comeaux (1999). 26 rules. In a study of British children, Reissland and Harris (1991) found that by the age of three years, children can hide prideful feelings, with all five-year-olds using masking and restraint behaviours to avoid displays of pride so as to avoid appearing arrogant. Similarly, Underwood (1997) found that children in elementary school (Grades 2, 4 and 6) reported that they express pride less openly than happiness. Kitayama et al., (1995) have suggested that although masking behaviours exist in American culture, they are not as frequent as some Asian cultures. Cooley (1922) described pride as a social-self feeling. He suggested that pride is a social emotion, stating, "The thing that moves us to pride or shame is not the mere mechanical reflection of ourselves, but an imputed sentiment, the imagined effect of this reflection upon another's mind" (p. 184). We monitor ourselves within a social context, which results in feelings of shame and/or pride. Fischer and Tangney (1995) also described pride as an emotion founded in social relationships, with people feeling proud when they recognize their own attributes or performance, knowing that other significant figures wil l share this recognition. These authors suggested that people may feel secondary pride when a person to whom they feel closely affiliated does something prideworthy. Similarly, although Weiner (1986) linked pride directly to actions of the self, he acknowledged that an individual may experience feelings of pride when others that the individual identifies with succeed (e.g., spouse, offspring, and possibly sporting team or one's country). One form of pride that is often noted in our culture is pride in membership or pride by association. Studies have suggested that external events can generate feelings of pride in children, including countries being at war (Tuttle, 1992). Although the children may not be in 27 the front lines, they are part of the group engaged in the battle and feel pride at positive outcomes. In a similar way, cultural or racial pride may result from the accomplishments o f "freedom fighters" and those who support them during the struggle. Once gains have been made though, many others passive members/recipients join the group using the term "pride" as a type of political banner. Nathanson (1992) described these more distant instances (such as sporting events) as "borrowed pride" and linked the feeling to fake efficacy or false pride arising when people are unable to demonstrate competence through their own efforts. Pride by membership can also occur within families, and in some cultures insults to one's family or name can lead quickly to impugned feelings and social expectations of revenge (Macalandong, Masangkay, Consolacion, & Guthrie, 1978). The experience and expression of pride is undoubtedly influenced by social interactions which suggests that it may potentially be orchestrated by parents and significant adults. For example, Scheff (1990) outlined the way children are encouraged to speak. He observed that instructors seem to concentrate on rewarding success rather than punishing error, and that at least in the early years, the child is not ridiculed for making mistakes, with the result that language is learned effectively and free of shame. The instruction is continuous, rich, and interactive. He implied that such methods could be used to minimize shame, maximize pride, and improve teaching and learning in many areas beyond language. Dupont (1994) suggested that emotional development may be enhanced by engineering opportunities and experiences that emphasize these aspects. Changes in instructional practices have also been shown to positively affect a number o f areas o f student motivation and learning, including pride in accomplishments (Stipek, Salmon, G i w i n , Kazemi, Saxe, & MacGyvers, 1998). 28 Pride and Adults Although the subjects in the current study are children, there are a few areas in the research literature on adults that help to shed further light on conceptions of pride. U p until 1990, the majority of available literature was more theoretical than empirical. For example, Scheff (1990) stated that up until that year, he located no systematic studies o f the emotion, possibly resulting from the fact that pride is usually hidden from view, as too much pride displayed may be viewed by others as a type of hubris, with the paradoxical result that extreme feelings of pride may result in subsequent feelings of shame, and lead to the hiding of the feeling. In a social-historical-literary treatise on hubris, Payne (1960) emphasized the destructive aspects of intense or socially inappropriate pride, as a way of contrasting loud and boisterous pride to the purportedly more appealing expression of humility. Kovecses (1986, 1990) conducted reasonably extensive research on adult conceptions of pride by analyzing references to pride in literary sources, a methodology that removed him somewhat from his research subjects, but that allowed him to search widely for sources o f description. He examined causes of pride, the conceptual domain of pride, and effects of pride, with some interesting findings. Causes were listed as: 1) achievements, 2) possessions, 3) belonging to a group, 4) appearances, 5) physical or mental capabilities, skills, or properties, 6) moral qualities, and 7) social position, status, or class. Conceptions were: 1. Pride as an immediate response that is akin to joy or satisfaction. 2. Pride as self-esteem. 3. Pride as an object, akin to dignity. 4. Pride as a container, as in being filled with pride. 29 5. Pride as an imbalance such as conceit or vanity. Effects of pride were identified as both physiological and behavioural: 1. Physiological effects included redness in the face, increased heart rate, interference with accurate perception, and interference with normal mental functioning. 2. Behavioural effects included erect posture, chest out, brightness of the eyes, smiling, telling people about one's achievements, head held unnaturally high, chest unnaturally thrust out, exaggerated forms of walking, ostentatious/theatrical behaviour, thinking one is unique, and boasting. Other effects have been observed. Dupont (1994) found that seven to fifteen year-olds were more kind and generous toward others when they felt proud. Shorr (1993) used questionnaire responses to fabricated vignettes to study people's perceptions o f helping behaviours motivated by both exocentric and endocentric altruism (anticipated effects on the feelings of others or on one's own feelings). He found that pride-attributed helping did not result in lower ratings of kindness in either elementary or college students. In addition, Nathanson (1992) stated that pride becomes public and affiliative, and can be infectious for the experiencer and for those watching. Conclusions Although there are differences in results and interpretation of results based upon the type of data and the method by which it was collected, these studies have contributed to our understanding of what pride is and how it develops. Pride appears to be something that you earn, learn, and possibly become, a mental or real-world position as a result of efforts, attributes, or possessions. 30 Most research on pride has been quantitative. Few researchers have interviewed children, and of those who used an interview-based methodology, most restricted children's responses to either hypothetical situations or highly specific questions about their understanding of pride. Those that didn't judged the participants' responses based on predetermined criteria and subsequently dismissed potentially significant information. Several studies have been observational, inferring pride from circumstances and behaviour, but none of these asked children to describe their experiences. In light of the research that has been done, what is needed is descriptive research that uncovers the inner life experience of children. A s a result of the differences between verbal reports of understanding and observed behaviour, the current study will attempt to reveal working knowledge of pride by having children narrate accounts o f prideful experiences, with tacit knowledge being seen via the actions of the children as described in their stories, alongside verbal reports on a more overt cognitive level. The approach wil l presume that children are knowledgeable informants and invite them to describe their experiences with pride, from which may be drawn their conceptions. Conceptual Development in Children Until recently, our understanding of children's conceptual development has been scant. Jean Piaget was one of the early researchers to study children's views of the world, work that he carried out in France in the early part o f this century. M u c h o f his initial research (e.g., Piaget, 1926, 1929) was pure exploratory inquiry that attempted to understand children's views of the world, including their conceptions of things. We know that even very young children have some form of inner working model of the world and how various parts of it 31 operate; Astington (1993) suggested that children construct this working model through their life experiences and come into the community with pre-obtained understandings and beliefs about the world. In his research, Wellman (1991) found that as early as three years of age, children typically have both an experiential and a theoretical foundation for beliefs, desires, and dreams, while Astington (1993) added that by the time they are four, children understand that their mind construes and interprets situations and things, a development she called a representational theory of mind. Although Carey (1985) argued that children's concepts or theories change over time, with new ones replacing the old, Pramling (1983) found that old theories are not always abandoned but may be retained for particular situations or events. If this is true, then conceptions must be viewed as integrally tied to the meanings attributed to each unique situation (interpretations). In accordance with this belief, Feldman (1992) suggested that researchers should aim to understand and interpret the meaning accompanying behaviour rather than to explain and predict the behaviour. Beginning with Piaget (1926, 1929, 1930), researchers have explored children's conceptions of a variety of things including friendship, authority, positive justice and social regulation (Damon, 1977); learning (Pramling, 1983, 1986, 1988, 1990); and mental experiences, imagery, photographs, smoke, and shadows (Wellman, 1991), proving that it is indeed possible to obtain useful results from even very young children regarding their conceptions of experiences. The present study proposes to build on the foundation already laid by conceptual researchers working with children, and to extend knowledge into the domain of emotion. 32 Phenomenography Phenomenography is a descriptive research approach for investigating different conceptions of reality (Marton, 1981a). It is concerned with the relationships between human beings and the world around them, between the experiencer and the experienced (Marton, 1981b; 1986). Marton (1984) broke these relationships down to include distinctions between what is perceived, thought about, and conceptualized, and the person who is doing the perceiving, thinking, and conceptualizing. Phenomenography attempts to investigate the conceptual and the perceptual-experiential (reflections about lived experience), integrating culturally learned aspects with individually developed ways of relating to the world (Marton, 1981a). B y amalgamating all findings, he believed that it is possible to map the general terrain of human conception, a process that unites relational, experiential, and content-oriented perspectives contained in human thinking (Marton, 1981b). Ultimately, phenomenography is not concerned with making statements about the world as such, but rather people's thoughts about it (Marton, 1988). Qualitatively Different Conceptions Marton and his colleagues (e.g. Gibbs, Morgan, & Taylor, 1980; Marton, 1981, 1988; Marton & Saljo, 1976) have determined that aspects of reality are typically conceptualized by people in a limited number of qualitatively different ways. In phenomenographic inquiry, researchers want to discover the many ways that phenomena are conceptualized, including those outside of prevailing beliefs or standards. Marton (1981a) indicated that this approach not only looks for differences between and across people (e.g., those seen in various cultural, developmental, or clinical states) but also those within individuals (as may be expressed under 33 changing circumstances or conditions), leading to a focus on the resulting variance in conceptualization rather than emphasizing the sources of the variation as prevailing psychological research has done. Marton (1981b) argued that since our reality is socially constructed there wil l exist individual differences in the way that situations and events are perceived, and he underlined the importance of accepting a presupposed rationality on the part o f each conceptualizer, so that researchers will be free to investigate understanding without bias. In the end, the goal is not to describe the child as seen by the researcher but instead to describe the world as it is seen by the child. Marton (1981b) stated that ...the discerning of a fundamental difference in the way individuals approach a certain kind of task or think about a certain aspect of their world is an extremely important scientific result, even i f this fundamental difference in how people function does not reflect a fundamental difference in how people are. (p. 166) In phenomenographic research, Marton (1981b) cautioned that researchers do not have direct access to the world as it is viewed by others, which makes it difficult to determine which aspects of their thinking to focus on in order to both understand them and make their conceptions more comprehensible. He argued that the research goal is not simply to list conceptions, but to seek aspects that may be more or less basic than others in order to reveal different layers of the world as it is perceived (Marton, 1981a). These layers might differ, for example, on dimensions of complexity-simplicity, specificity-generality, or intensity-subduction. In the end, the descriptions aim to emphasize "the perceived world rather than the perceiving child" (Marton, 1981a, p. 195), meaning that children are not classified. Instead, their conceptions are categorized. In sum, Marton (1981a) stated, 34 What we want to thematise...is the complex of possible ways of viewing various aspects of the world the aggregate of basic conceptions underlying not only different, but even alternative and contradictory forms of propositional knowledge, irrespective of whether these forms are deemed right or wrong, (p. 197) Marton (1981a) argued that phenomenography can be used to collect descriptions of the ways individuals think in real-world situations, while also describing the various ways that people in general think about things. Ideally, researchers must distinguish between the multi-varied social conceptions based on man-world experience and the categorical terms used to describe them, predetermined categories that may be locked into a taken-for-granted or assumed view of the world (Marton, 1984). Finding Categories of Description Categories of description are the main outcome of phenomenographic research (Marton, 1984, 1988). Since phenomenographic research is discovery-oriented, Marton (1986) argued that categories of description may not necessarily be matched by another researcher conducting prospectus-type research, though he suggested that it must be possible to reach a high degree of inter subjective agreement on categories i f they are to be of use to researchers investigating ex post facto. The discrimination is subtle but important (like the difference between exploratory drilling for oil and the ensuing drilling once oil is found). In order to discriminate a category as unique, Marton (1984) argued that researchers must locate and describe logical relations that point out the underlying structure of factual or possible variation. Although differences will exist in conceptualization between individuals, differences wil l also exist within individuals (given differing circumstances), suggesting that conceptions are more often characteristic of ways of functioning rather than traits of individuals (Marton, 35 1984). If this distinction is made, researchers wil l have a clearer understanding o f the difference between the category - as a theoretically frozen description of a conception - and the conception as it is lived out in an individual's applied experience. Conducting Phenomenographic Research Although it would be handy to have a predesignated sequence of methods and procedures to carry out phenomenographic research, Marton (1986) suggested that the vagaries of each phenomena being studied require some creativity and discovery in order to devise appropriate research strategies. Marton (1988) argued that the effect o f the research method employed must be measured by the variation (or limitation on variation) obtained. He acknowledged that while interviewing is the primary method of data collection in phenomenography, behaviour and products or by-products (including historical and archeological records) may also be investigated to ascertain people's conceptions (Marton, 1986). He further indicated that although interviews should begin with a prepared list o f questions, they may follow varying courses; to facilitate this, questions should be open-ended so as to allow respondents to answer individually by selecting facets that reflect personal determination of relevance (Marton, 1986). Following the recording of interviews, Marton (1986) proposed that transcripts be produced, with the resulting narratives forming the analyzable data. In all research, validity and reliability must be addressed. Svensson and Theman (1983) stated that the validity of categories in phenomenographic research is a distinct problem that needs to be addressed by researchers. Primarily, these authors argued that categories must be characterized by both a general form of organization (theoretical concepts) 36 combined with a specified content (empirical results) in order to render both more valid. Further, the authors argued that once the meaning of a conception has been established, it should remain constant in different parts of an interview, thus providing a check for internal validity in the case of individual protocols and external validity across protocols. Pramling (1983) advocated the use of inter-rater reliability checks once categories have been established by the primary research. Although such checks will not say anything about the categories as such, they do measure the extent to which another person can recognize the predesignated categories and descriptions within the interview protocols. She added that any homogeneity in results can help to support the validity o f the findings. In addition, the number of participants as well as the range of participants interviewed can support the generalizability of results, though not definitively. Since results from a phenomenographic study are both qualitative and quantitative in nature, they may be analyzed from both perspectives, and results may be generalized in both intuitive and pragmatic ways. For example, results from a study o f children's conceptions o f learning may reveal the range o f ways that children view their learning, while pointing to a developmental trend in the research sample which may in turn shed light on pedagogic interventions. Ultimately, phenomenography relies on variations, with the result that the methodology focuses on the research-object itself (Marton, 1984). 3 7 C H A P T E R T H R E E Methodology This chapter reviews the research procedures used in the study. The second chapter introduced the research paradigm within which phenomenography is embedded, and described phenomenography as a specific methodology. This chapter describes the manner in which the research was conducted, including specifics of sampling, setting, data collection, and data analysis: Summary of Procedures The following steps were taken in order to collect and analyze data: 1) A school board and school were recruited to participate in the study. This included receiving ethical approval to conduct the study from both the research department at the University of British Columbia and the York Region School District in the province of Ontario. 2) Participating classroom teachers were identified and recruited by the school principal, and participant packages were then sent home with all eligible students in the classrooms. Each package included an information letter (Appendix A ) and two copies of the consent to participate in research form (Appendix B) , one to be retained by the participants. The information letter outlined the research project and importance, how the children and others would benefit from the research, and invited their participation. 3 ) A l l children who returned consent forms indicating willingness to participate were interviewed and included in the study. 4) A l l willing child participants were interviewed by the student researcher. Interviews 38 were conducted and audio-tape recorded except for the four participants whose parents did not give permission to audio-tape record. During these four interviews, detailed handwritten notes were made with the permission of the child-participants. Interviews took place in one of two rooms within the school library. One room was a large, well-lit storage space with a single window facing outside, located directly behind the teacher-librarian's check-in counter. The second space was a glass-enclosed computer lab with several outside windows, located at the back o f the library. 5) A l l audio-taped interviews were transcribed. Svensson and Theman (1983) have emphasized the difference between the oral and the written version of the interview and made a good case for vigilant scrutiny of the audio-tape to avid transcription errors. To assist in this process, two professional research transcribers were hired to transfer the audio-taped interactions onto computer disks. Each of the resulting transcripts was then reviewed in detail by the student researcher and corrections were made to the transcripts to ensure - as much as possible - the accuracy of the written record. Punctuation was utilized to help indicate the meanings being communicated by the speakers. A l l vocalizations, including throat-clearing, coughing, and laughing, "Uhm's" and "Ahh's," stutters (e.g., wha-what) and extended vocalizations (e.g., s-s-soon), were recorded. Commas were used to indicate abrupt changes in the direction o f the conversation, or to offset unfinished words (e.g., whatev-,) and repeated words. Dots were used to indicate extended silences and unfinished sentences. Silences of more than five seconds were noted with the associated times in brackets (e.g., (8 seconds)). The few times when vocalizations were undiscernible, the word "incomprehensible" was placed within brackets. A sample 39 transcript from each of the three grades is included as Appendix C (Grade 2 ) , Appendix D (Grade 4 ) , and Appendix E (Grade 6 ) . 6 ) Transcripts were analyzed to discern the main conceptual categories that the students used. Once conceptions were solidified, individual transcripts were reviewed to ensure there were no distortions or omissions of the children's ideas. 7) General results were sent out to all interested participants, including school board staff, school personnel, and participating families. Participants Sample Child participants were recruited from a single elementary school within a large school board located in a satellite community outside of Toronto. The school serves a population of over six hundred and thirty students in Junior Kindergarten through to Grade 8. I f the current population is compared to an initial population of around one hundred and fifty students when the school opened only six years previously, one can appreciate the dynamic and growing nature of the surrounding community. Local housing is mainly single-family dwellings with no noticeable low-cost housing or rental apartments and condominiums. The local population consists of independent entrepreneurs, small business owners, and working professionals. The majority of these families are recent immigrants to Canada, predominantly from Asia (e.g., China, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, India) and the Caribbean, with each classroom comprising only five to ten percent white Anglo-Saxons. Adult English as a Second Language classes are offered within the school, and are regularly attended by parents of students. This multicultural school population, representing over twenty different language groups, reflects Canada's 40 growing multicultural make-up. Given the research methodology that seeks to uncover a broad scope of discernible conceptual differences, access to this range of cultural groups allowed for a broad sampling of possible responses. The selection of children across three grade levels was also designed to enhance the scope of conceptions elicited for the study. Under the leadership of a dynamic principal, students at the participating school had steadily improved on provincial academic test results conducted annually at the Grade 3 level. The previous year's results placed the school at the top of the elementary schools in the region, while five years prior to that, the school had placed in the bottom few schools. Additionally, students at various grade levels recorded top placements in regional art, music, chess, and sporting competitions. Although there is no reason to suspect that the school's population contains an unrepresentative sample of bright or gifted children, these youth are undoubtedly in an environment that has been conducive to their success in many domains. Recruitment Thirty-eight student participants were recruited for the study. The interviewed sample reflected the school's cultural diversity. The percentage of participants from various ethnic groups reflected proportions in the general student population. A l l participants were able to speak English well enough to communicate directly with the interviewer about the research topic, although they represented a range of ability. Participant packages were sent home with twenty-four children in the Grade 1 class. Four of these forms were returned, all indicating their desire to not participate in the study. As a result of this response at the Grade 1 level, the decision was made to recruit from a higher grade level. Packages were then sent home with twenty-six students in a Grade 2 class. 41 Twenty forms were returned, with twelve students indicating their interest in participating. Packages were sent home with twenty-nine students in the Grade 4 class. Twenty-one forms were returned, with eleven students indicating their interest in participating in the study (one did not give permission to audio-tape record). When verbal consent to participate was elicited from the students themselves at the start of the interviews, one of these students at this grade level declined and withdrew from the study. Subsequently, only ten of the students were interviewed. Three additional packages were sent home with boys from a second Grade 4 class. Only one of these consent forms was returned indicating willingness to participate, and this boy was interviewed. Packages were sent home with twenty-nine students in a Grade 7 class. Four forms were returned, with seven agreeing to participate in the study (one did not give permission to audio-tape record). A second Grade 7 class was recruited, and twenty-five packages were sent home. Ten forms were returned, with eight indicating their consent to participate (two did not give permission to audio-tape record). In all, twelve Grade 2 students (seven girls and five boys), eleven Grade 4 students (seven girls and four boys), and fifteen Grade 7 students (six girls and nine boys) participated in the study. Protection of Participants The predominant use of open-ended questions was thought to be non-intrusive. However, the interview process may potentially be stressful for young participants. Children may feel pressured to participate through parental encouragement. They may also find it difficult to talk about their own experiences with a researcher that they do not know. To ameliorate these potentialities, the interviewer visited each classroom prior to distributing recruitment packages. In addition, the interviewer informed children at the outset of the 42 interview that they were under no obligation to participate and that they could choose to withdraw at any point in time without fear of any negative repercussions from either the interviewer or school staff. The following general introduction was used with all children prior to beginning the interview: Hello, my name is Michael, and I am talking with children/youth to learn about what some things are like for children/youth. Your parent(s) said that it is okay for me to talk with you, but it is up to you to decide whether you want to or not. I f you decide that you do not want to talk with me, then you wil l not get into trouble. Are you interested in talking with me? If you change your mind, then please let me know and we'll stop. Y o u can ask to stop at any time. Although there is no reason to believe that parents would punish their child for deciding to not participate, the potential does exist. To guard against this possibility, the introductory letter and consent form purposively informed parents that their child should not feel coerced to participate nor fear any negative repercussions should he or she decide to not participate. The single Grade 4 student who declined participation did not appear to have any difficulty making his decision to withdraw. A second Grade 4 student made the decision to withdraw toward the end of her interview. Again, she seemed comfortable with communicating her desire to the interviewer. Participant identity was protected in a number of ways. Once permission slips were signed, children were assigned a code. Audio-tapes and transcripts used this code number at the top'of each page, along with the child's grade and gender. Within the transcripts, children were identified by a pseudonym. Permission slips were stored securely, with tapes and transcripts stored separately. A l l identifying information (e.g., names, places) that appeared in transcripts was disguised in the final written record. In circumstances where a child's words 43 were quoted directly, identifying information embedded within the quotation was replaced with an initial followed by a series of X 's to disguise it (e.g., B i l l became Bxxx). The Use of Interview Interviews are regularly used when conducting research with adults; however, they are used infrequently enough with children that there is limited coverage in the professional literature. Only a few articles and book chapters have been dedicated to the research interview with children (e.g., Beekman, 1983; Hatch, 1990; Parker, 1984; Pramling, 1983; Yarrow, 1960; Zwiers & Morrissette, 1999). Verbal reports can provide the most direct way to evaluate children's inner perceptions of reality (Pramling, 1983) but can also be difficult to elicit. Young children may not have an inner social model for what an interview is and the researcher must be careful not to allow them to fall into the typical question-response pattern often encountered at school (Damon, 1977). In addition, it is important that questions be worded in a way that children understand what is being asked of them. If they become confused, they may quickly withdraw from the interview process. To reduce this possibility, the interviewer took responsibility for clarity of communication and invited the children to communicate their questions and needs: While you are talking with me, i f I say anything that you don't understand or i f I ask a question that confuses you, please let me know, and I'll try to say things more clearly. If you want to ask any questions, you may, and i f you get tired and want to take a break then please let me know. Is that clear? To help ensure success, most researchers advise that interviews begin with broad questions (open-ended) before moving to more specific ones (closed-ended). This approach also helps to reduce the impact of suggestibility and children's desire to please the interviewer. 44 According to Pramling (1983) there are three key ingredients researchers must attend to when conducting child interviews: emphasize concrete experiences, remain flexible and sensitive to the child, and use questions carefully. Since young children have difficulty reflecting on abstract ideas, they must have a concrete experience to report on. Personal experiences usually offer the best material. Children wil l perform best when providing descriptions and narrative responses, and are typically more willing to speak i f the interview takes the form o f a dialogue where the interviewer allows each child to describe things in his or her own words. The interviewer must remain flexible and sensitive to the children. A researcher may begin with a predetermined goal for an interview; however, he or she must be careful not to force children to respond in a predetermined manner. The interview should encourage children to reflect and get them to explore their thoughts as far as possible. Rather than being satisfied with a child's initial (often cursory) response, the interviewer should encourage the child to continue to elaborate until he or she has nothing to add. Sensitivity to children includes maintaining good eye contact and communicating genuine interest both verbally and nonverbally. Although questions are the cornerstone of inquiry, they must be used carefully. A prepared set o f questions should be seen as a beginning for a dialogue, with follow-up questions intended to elaborate and elucidate whatever emerges from the initial inquiry. The researcher must know when to use more or less specific questions, and when to switch foci in order to maintain the children's interest. The current study began with a prepared list of open-ended questions that was 45 followed up by more direct spontaneous queries and clarifications designed to elicit more complete responses. The questions and general sequence of tasks were refined through a series of pilot interviews over a period of several years. During that time, interviews were conducted and the resulting transcripts were evaluated. Both questions and tasks were reviewed by a number of people including the core supervisory committee, parents of the children who participated in the pilot interviews, and other willing professionals. These people suggested changes to the procedures which were then implemented and reevaluated before deciding on the final protocol. To help ensure that children understood the tasks and were as comfortable as possible in order to respond freely, the researcher utilized a range of effective communication skills. These skills are reviewed in more detail by Zwiers and Morrissette (1999). The children's reactions to the research circumstances varied. Some children provided rich examples with only an occasional prompt required to elicit many examples of pride. The following excerpted example contains several conceptions of pride: 6 I: Could you do anything to make yourself feel proud or to lead to you feeling proud? Carol: Well I can feel proud if my aunt came over. (Mmm hm.) And like I would feel proud if I learn new things and I get more better at it. (Mmmm hm). And I will feel proud because I did something great. (Mmm hm.) And that maybe uhm I learned something I didn't even help it, them. (Mmm hm.) I didn't help them. I helped them, but I learned that I, like I learned something too Proud. Proud 6 In all excerpted transcriptions, speakers are identified in several ways: 1) A l l words spoken by child participants have been highlighted with bold-face print. Words spoken by the interviewer remain in regular face style. 2) Within the transcript, the child's first name precedes anything said by that child (note that all names are pseudonyms). A l l interviewer quotations are given the identifying letter "I". 2) At the end of each interview, a single digit is placed in brackets. This numeral is either a 2, a 4 or a 7 to indicate the grade level of the child being quoted. With this information, one would know that the child quoted above is a girl in Grade 2 who has been given the pseudonym Carol. 46 is when like you're very proud of something. Like you're proud of yourself that you did something (mmm hm) and you learned something too. And you're proud that you're like ha-, you're proud that you did something right and you learned that I: Okay. Can you think of anything else you could tell me about feeling proud? Carol: Mmm proud is when you like uhm, you feel proud of someone, you feel proud about your cousin or anything. Or you feel proud of a animal, like you can feel proud of anything because you have to feel proud of everything because, if you don't feel proud for that thing then it won't feel proud to you. Mmmm I get mixed up (I: laughs). (Yeah.) Mmm. (That's okay.) I feel proud uhm when I do something good. And like I feel proud when I help my mom or my dad (uh huh) or I feel proud when I help the teacher. (Yeah.) I feel proud when I help other people. (Mmm hmm.) Uhh I feel proud when I take care of someone. (Mmm hm.) And I feel proud when I play games with everybody (A: laughs). (2) With other children, more active encouragement and support was needed to uncover their underlying ideas. The following excerpt demonstrates this point: Herb: The first time I went to school. (Okay.) The first day at school. I: So that's, what grade were you in then? (Kindergarten.) Okay. Can you tell me what led up to it, what happened, and how it all turned out? And tell it like a story. Herb: Ummm the day before school. (Mm hmmm.) I really never wanted to go to school 'cause I was afraid that everybody would make fun of me because I never knew that much English then. (Right.) And then the other day I was so happy that I'd wake up every hour when I was sleeping. I: So the ummm, the day before (yeah) you were worried. But then you, when you went to sleep that night (yeah) you went, were waking up every hour 'cause you were so happy then. Herb: Yeah. I was like all excited (okay) that I couldn't wait to go to school then. I: Okay. And then when you did go to school uhh what happened? Herb: Mmmm everybody wanted to be friends cause I'd just moved into the area. (Yep.) And everybody all wanted to play. (Yeah.) And I, I wouldn't know what they were saying. (Right.) So, I went, some other teacher came (mm hmmm) who knew my language and then she asked me in my language and she told them that yeah I wanted to play (mm hmmm) and then we just played I: What was it about the first day o f school that made you feel proud? Herb: When we were playing. I: When you were playing. So it was when you had friends. Herb: Yeah. ( O r . ) 'Cause first I thought I wouldn't have any friends. (4) Experiences were elicited first in the form of descriptive stories, with the intention of 47 isolating embedded conceptions afterwards. B y taking this approach, the children were invited to tell stories rather than discuss abstract concepts. However, sometimes, the children would be drawn into the events of the story and the interviewer would need to redirect the children's focus through the use of questioning, as may be seen in the following example. Dave: At home because the uhm I had a cat and uhm I was playing with my cat outside (yeah) and they, then a dog came and chased my cat and my cat ran up the tree (yeah). So I told the dog to go away (yeah). And then I, and the dog wouldn't listen and the dog was chasing me, so I got my big brother, and my big brother took the dog away. And then I climbed up the tree and got my cat down. I: Okay. What about that uhh led to you feeling proud? Dave: Uhm be, is because my cat was safe (mmm hm) and my cat uhm my cat was, my cat was happy (mmm hm). And the next day I was surprised that my cat had kittens. I: Oh! Dave: And I was proud of my cat too. I: Y o u were proud of your cat when she had the kittens. (Mmm hm [yes].) Can you tell me more about that? Dave: Uhm and the kittens liked me and I was proud m-m-myself too because I took care of the cat well, but then sooner or later the cat died. But I, I kept the kittens and I gave some of the kittens away so now I have two kittens and they're, then they're growing up (yeah). I: N o w you told me the first, the first part you said the cat went up the tree and you were feeling proud. If somebody asked you "What, what are you proud about?" what would you tell them? Dave: Because uhm my cat would, the dog went away, my cat jumped down from the tree (yeah) and I caught the cat (yeah) and then my family was proud of me because I saved it. ( 2 ) After the children told a long story, questioning was often needed to draw out the key elements of the tale, as seen in this excerpt of an interview with a girl in Grade 2 who spent a great deal of time describing events at a family celebration: I: Okay. And what, what part of that uhm - everything that you told me - what part of that led to you feeling proud? Carol: Like what part? I: M m m h m . Was there one part or was it all o f it? Carol: All of it. 48 I: Okay. What about 'all of it' led to you feeling proud? Carol: Like w-w-what about it? I: M m m hm [yes]. Carol: Uhm how it made me proud? (Mmm hm [yes]) Well it made me proud uhm because uhm I, we never had a fiesta because it was our first time. I: Okay. So that was a special event. (Yeah.) (2) A Four Stage Interview The interview process incorporated four stages of inquiry. In the first stage, the children were invited to tell stories about their own experiences with pride: I am interested in finding out about the feeling of pride and what it's like for children/ young people to feel proud. Have you ever felt proud? I would like you to tell me about some times when you felt proud so that I can learn more, like telling stories. First o f all, I'd like you to think about a time when you felt proud. Think about what led up to it, what happened, and how it turned out, and then tell me about it. Tell it like a story. The children were engaged in the retelling of the story and active listening skills were used to draw out details and elaborations, including events, setting, audience, and personal thoughts, actions, and impulses). A number of follow-up questions were asked i f these significant elements were not included by the children: 1) (That time when you were feeling proud) what did you do? (Actions) 2) (That time when you were feeling proud) what were you thinking about? / What were you saying to yourself inside your head? (Thoughts) 3) (That time when you were feeling proud) what did you feel like doing? / What did you want to do? (Action impulses) Finally, a set of questions was asked to further explore the children's underlying conceptions: 1) What's the most important part of the story (about feeling proud)? 2) What would have had to happen for you to feel (even) more proud? 3) What would have had to happen for you to feel less proud? 4 9 4) Wi l l you act, think, feel differently in the future? / H o w does this event matter to you? In the second stage, the children were asked to tell stories about others whom they had seen experiencing pride. Three questions were asked to draw out these stories: 1) Have you ever seen someone who felt proud? Tell me about it. Tell me what led up to it / what happened just before, what happened and how it turned out. 2 ) What do you think they were experiencing? / What was it like for them? 3) What were you doing when this was happening? In the third stage of the interview, the children were shown ten different pictures of youth (Appendix F) and were asked to tell stories of those children's experiences with pride. The following general invitation was provided as each picture was shown: This boy/girl is feeling proud. Think about what might have led up to it, what's happening, and how it might turn out, and then tell me a story about it. The children were engaged in the telling of the story and active listening skills were used to draw out details and elaborations, including events, setting, audience, and personal thoughts, actions, and impulses). A number of follow-up questions were asked i f these significant elements were not included by the children: 1) What is this child doing? (Actions) 2 ) What might this child be thinking about? (Thoughts) 3) What might this child feel like doing? / What might this child want to do? (Action impulses) Once again, a set of specific questions were asked to further explore the children's underlying conceptions: 1) What's the most important part of the story (about feeling proud)? 50 2) What would have to happen for this child to feel (even) more proud? 3) What would have to happen for this child to feel less proud? 4) Wi l l he/she act, think, feel differently in the future? In the fourth and final stage of the interview, the children were asked a number of more direct questions about pride. These served to provide a summary to the interview and gave the children an opportunity to reflect on the topic: 1) What do you think has to happen for a person to feel proud? 2) If you wanted to feel proud more often, what would you have to do? 3) Are there any other emotions/feelings that are like feeling "proud"? 4) What's the opposite of feeling proud? 5) Can you think of anything else you can tell me about feeling proud? The children appeared to be comfortable with the interview process and displayed little confusion and uncertainty. When they retold their own stories of pride, the children became animated and smiled as they recalled positive feelings. It seemed as i f the process o f remembering and retelling was enough to awaken and bring back the feelings originally experienced. Analysis of Information Marton (1986; 1988) outlined four steps in the process of data analysis. The first step is to select and mark utterances that are relevant to the research focus. The second step is to discern the underlying meaning of the statements that are often embedded in the surrounding context. The third step is to sort the data into distinct categories of description and the fourth step is to solidify the categories and relevant definitions. 51 The second and third steps are interactive processes and are further elucidated by Marton. In order to interpret and classify relevant quotations, the researcher needs to focus on the meanings advanced by individuals in relation to the entire body of participant responses. Here, the focus moves from the individual to the pool of responses, and then back again in a dialectical process that helps to discriminate patterns in responses, the roots of emergent categories. Since the categories of description have not been predetermined, the data pool needs to be reviewed carefully. Variations in response may represent distinct conceptions or simply differences in linguistic expression, the analyzable manifestation of those conceptions. A s Marton (1986) stated, When we read and classify descriptions of a phenomenon, we are not merely sorting data; we are looking for the most distinctive characteristics that appear in those data; that is, we are looking for structurally significant differences that clarify how people define some specific portion of the world, (p. 34) Since there are no a priori classifications, the work involves a labour intensive process of sorting, adjusting, and resorting quotations while categories are devised, tested, and revised. Gradually distinct conceptions crystallize, with all categories being illuminated by direct quotations from the available data. Through these categories, the researcher attempts to embody the most salient aspects of the empirical variation. In phenomenography, this final package of conceptions is termed the "outcome space", a reference to an open set of possibilities. Throughout this process, the researcher must remain open and take care not to misrepresent what the participants have communicated. One must take care to not impose his or her own representations or presumptions on what someone has said (Winograd, 1980). 52 Transcribed interactions must be examined to ensure that significant content is not overlooked. For example, Svensson and Theman (1983) reported that in their experience, a detailed investigation of statements often reveals that piggy-backed descriptions (where the second statement is intended to be an elucidation of the first) are in fact distinct conceptions. They discovered that "respondents, being anxious to clarify themselves when being questioned, deliberately strain themselves to find an additional description when they detect some invalidity or insufficiency with the ones already expressed" (p. 17). For these reasons, the researcher must approach the pool of responses with great care and attention. The Process Applied Once the interviews were completed, the transcripts were analyzed in detail. To begin, all relevant sections of the interviews were marked off. Following this, each transcript was read and reread until patterns became more obvious. This process of analysis required some sifting and sorting in order to be sure that all significant conceptions were discovered, that nothing important was missed, and that the children's ideas were not distorted or misrepresented. In order to uncover the main conceptions, I had to pass through the data numerous times while exploring the outcome space. Throughout the process, transcripts were kept intact. The rationale behind this was that key statements could not be evaluated separate from their context. Often the statements that children made prior to and following key verbalizations helped to clarify their underlying meanings. One example of this is a girl who spoke of feeling proud when her friends and family sang happy birthday to her: I: Is there a different time, a different situation (uhm) when you were feeling proud? Olive: Uhm mmm uhm (20 seconds) well on my birthday party like when everybody like sings "Happy Birthday to You" (mmm hm) it... (7) 53 Further inquiry attempted to clarity what it was about people singing happy birthday that led to her feeling proud. However, it wasn't until several sentences later that her underlying thinking began to emerge. I: Can you think of a specific birthday party? Olive: Mmm when I turned ten, like when I was nine and then I was ten and then I got like two numbers (mmm hm) it felt like good and everything. I: And, and that time uhh when you were feeling proud what were you doing? Olive: Uhh laughing I guess when they were like singing to me and I felt pretty good. I felt like I was sort of grown up. (7) Once similar scenarios were found in several other transcripts a common pattern began to emerge: Rob: Like, like when I was young, like I wanted to use the vacuum (mmm hm) right, cleaner. But I could only do some other job, like some puny little job (yeah). So when I grew up like my dad allowed me to use the mi-, vacuum cleaner (mmm hm) and I did like a very good job on it (mmm hm). And so then I felt good that I was, like I had grown, like feeling good I was growing and then I was able to use elderly equipment. I: So taking on more challenging (Matured) things (yeah) and you were showing you were more mature. (7) These children were speaking about maturing, growing older, and in essence, having special status. Even common response patterns did not yield immediate conceptions. For example, the participants made many references to achievements. However, it was difficult to discern whether or not the differing responses constituted separate categories of description or whether they were simply variations of a broader main conception of achieving. A second group of responses related to others being proud of the child or the child being proud o f others. Initially, it was difficult to judge whether this body o f responses would form a unique conception or whether it was entirely separate from the research project because it involved a 54 form of borrowed or associative pride. A third group of responses that stood out were ones related to family and situations with family members. Children spoke of feeling proud when a sibling was born or when their family had a celebration. At first glance, it seemed that this may become a category of pride in family. However, other related examples such as pride while with a pet or a friend were also present and seemed in some way related to the family grouping. Another group of responses that stood out were ones related to helping and doing good. At this time, categories were far from solidified, so I consulted with my research supervisor Larry Cochran who independently reviewed six transcripts (two from each grade level) to see what he could discover. We then met to discuss emerging conceptions. I had seven tentative categories: achievements, helping others, belonging, possession, special status, pride by association, and pride as hubris. Larry's findings agreed significantly and we had common matches on a number of conceptions, although titles for them varied. There were some examples that did not clearly fit into any conceptual categories. One of these was presented by a girl in Grade 7: I: Can you think of a different time when you felt proud? Olive: Uhm mmm mmph mmm when I, I got like I was old enough and I started getting an allowance (mmm hm) and then my, when my mom had her, a birthday I had mmm I had my own money so that I could buy her a present instead of her like, like giving the money 'cause it doesn't seem right like if she gives me the money to buy her a present. So I felt good about buying her a present with my own money. (7) This girl felt proud when she was able to buy a present for her mother but it wasn't clear whether her feeling of pride came from the act of giving, her improved status that allowed her to become an independent buyer, or the fact that she was acting alone. It would take a while 55 before this and other initially baffling segments became clear. There were many unanswered questions. Children seemed to describe pride emerging from first time events. Was this a distinct conception or simply a manifestation of the importance given to first time events and their resulting power to evoke pride? Some children seemed to equate pride with happiness. Was this a unique conception (perhaps a lower level of conceptualizing) or was the feeling of happiness simply a feature of the feeling of pride? Some young children indicated that they would not feel proud i f an adult was not present; was this a distinct way of conceptualizing pride or was it a manifestation of the way they validated appraisals? Were action tendencies a key part of the conceptions or simply manifestations of the motivational aspect of the emotion? I then met with other committee members to discuss the process and review transcripts. These consultations helped to frame the manner in which conceptions would be distinguished and presented. From this point, the process of discovery moved forward at a faster pace. Once tentative categories began to emerge from the data, all responses were reviewed to determine whether there were any that did not fit within the preliminary categories of conception. The few responses that remained unclassifiable were so because there was insufficient information to make a determination. The important factor was not that the responses could not be categorized, but rather that the unclassifiable responses did not represent another as yet undefined conception. Following numerous passes through the data and ongoing deliberation of possibilities, the participant's responses coalesced into eight core conceptions. A t this point, I felt confident that the conceptions represented distinct variations and that the children's descriptions were not distorted. Additionally, a thorough review of the 56 narratives did not reveal any responses that did not fit within the eight core conceptions. These conceptions wil l be given further attention in Chapter 4. 57 C H A P T E R F O U R Results Eight Conceptions of Pride This chapter presents the major findings of the research, the unique conceptions o f pride that were derived from the participant interviews. The main results are then followed by a discussion of the outcome space, with peripheral research results retained for consideration in Chapter Five. Thirty-eight children were interviewed to determine their conceptions o f pride. The participants' responses yielded eight distinct conceptions that could subsequently be divided into the two main categories of doing conceptions and having conceptions. Doing conceptions included: 1) Achieving, 2) Acting Ethically, and 3) Acting Independently. Having conceptions included: 4) Possessing, 5) Having a Desired Attribute or Ability 6) Belonging, 7) Having Special Status, 8) Pride by Association. The two groups of conceptions, doing and having, are quite distinct in their nature. A l l o f the conceptions that fit into the first category (doing) require some form of action or input 58 from the person in order for pride to emerge. Inclusion in the second category (having) requires the proud person to feel ownership of the prized object, attribute, ability, position, status, or relationship. Although the individual may have done something to obtain the object or status, his or her pride is no longer in the doing but is justified by the having. In order to elucidate the eight conceptions, each will be presented individually, beginning with a descriptive definition and followed by a selection of supporting evidence drawn from the children's transcripts. Conception 1: Achieving This conception involves the achievement of a goal or standard following some kind of active input from the child. The goal may be set by oneself or others but must be deemed to be worth attaining. Several of the children's broad descriptions encompassed this category of conception. Todd made his observation after looking at photograph number nine. Todd: Uhh they've all accomplished something which they wanted to do for a long time To accomplish something which they might have never done, or they just did, uhm and they did it good or done it well. (7) Tara and Kent made their observations during the fourth or summative stage of the interview: Tara: They have to keep on practicing and keep on trying .... so they can succeed and feel proud. (7) Kent: I think they have to do their best if they can like make their own record book and when they know they, that their mark is like one of the best they will feel proud to themself and they would tell other people too. (7) Within this conception, a number of subcategories stand out, including: accomplishing, earning, winning, producing, learning, improving, overcoming, creating, and performing. Subcategories within this conception are not exhaustive but rather exemplify a sample of the 59 range of achievements that child participants identified as being worthy of prideful feelings. In many cases the subcategory is characterized not by the achievement itself but the emphasis placed on it by the children. For example, a child may learn to swim and may emphasize either the end result (accomplishing) or the process and his or her advancement to the next level (earning). Accomplishing This subcategory involves achieving something for the first time. Both Alan and Irene's examples emerged during the first stage of the interview when the children were speaking of their personal experiences with pride: Alan: When I was at Florida I uhh I couldn't swim but I went in the pool (mmm hm) uhh I took my life jacket or whatever, I uhm kind of, I took it off (mmm hm) and I went in and I tried to swim (yeah) and then I finally got it and I could swim! (2) Irene: ...I uhm starting when I was small I start learning how to ride a bike, but every time I fell over .... And then when I finally learned I was very proud of myself because I could actually do, really do it... (7) Earning This subcategory involves earning something, usually after effort or practice (e.g., grade on a test or in a subject, membership in a group). The first two examples emerged from Luke and Fara's stories of their personal experiences: Luke: Uhm p-p-probably in grade four when I got straight A's in my report card. (Okay.) Yeah. I felt good about that because I've gotten like B's before and like sometimes my parents feel like, you should be trying like to strive like to get all A's and work harder. So then like I guess that term I just really put all my effort into it and got all A's. (7) Fara: When I'm the youngest person in swimming and I'm, and I'm in a pretty high level. I: Okay. That sounds like another situation. Can you tell me about uhh swimming and 60 what it is about swimming that makes you feel proud? Fara: It's because every time I go swimming, I never fail. ( M m hmmm.) And my teacher says "You should keep up the good work." ( M m hmmm.) And she said "You should keep on swimming and swimming until you're a life guard." ( M m hmmm.) And that made me feel proud because I would be so young and I was a life guard. (2) After looking at picture number nine, Lor i spoke of a family working together to buy a house: Lori: Mmrnin...maybe...ummm...they were very poor before but all of them went out for work and worked very hard and they got money and finally they got to buy like a house (great) instead of living in a small house. (4) Winning This subcategory involves the child besting someone in a contest or competition. Winning may or may not be accompanied by an award, prize, medal or other form of recognition. Children in this study often spoke of achievements in sports or academics, but also spoke of winning at other endeavours including hobbies, arts, and other assorted games. Both Rosa and Sara provided examples of their personal successes: Rosa: Mmm okay. (Mmm hm.) Uhm well I felt proud when I won first place at Mxxxxxxx Fair for a black and white drawing (yeah) of one or more animals or birds, and that was in grade six. (7) Sara: And I made it. S-so I was pretty proud, that made me proud 'cause I came in first for 100 and second for 4 uhh 400 to, to uhm qualify. (7) Producing This subcategory involves doing work, with an emphasis on effort and quality during the process of production. In this case, the child's feeling of pride emerges during the production. Alan spoke of a prideful situation at school: Alan: Okay. Well a cou, sometimes like I'm doing my work and Miss Sxxxx comes around sh, I've done but like two or three pages, she says "Good work." I: Yeah and how do you feel then? 61 Alan: Good. And wh-when I tell my mom she feels, she says "Good work," too, you know. And I, feel proud with that too. (2) During the second stage o f the interview, Gail spoke about her sister's pride emerging while completing a school project. Gail: ...she feels proud sometimes when she's doing something, like when she finished it. Like she was building a cla-, umm castle of Cxxxxxxx (Uh-huh.) ummm one time with her class. And she, I saw her. She looked proud to me when she was doing some things on it. (2) Learning This subcategory involves learning new information or skills, with emphasis on acquiring. During the final stage of her interview, Gail was able to reflect on her feelings o f pride in her own learning: Gail: Ummm that ummm, that I, I ca-, I now take out different books like the poem books (uh-huh) and umm, now I'm learning about the poems now. Because before I didn't know a lot about all the poems because I wasn't reading any, like a lot of poem books. (Uh-huh.) And then now I'm learning about the poems. And now I am learning adou-, about different poems, not only rhyming poems like (mm hmm) like poems of feelings and other poems. I: And what about that makes you feel proud? Gail: Ummm that I'm learning, it makes me feel proud because I'm learning about the things and uhmmm, and i-, now I'm better about poems and it doesn't take me a long time to think about one idea. (2) After looking at the ninth picture, B i l l suggested that the children were feeling proud because they were listening. Further inquiry clarified what it was about listening that contributed to the children's feeling of pride. I. What about list-, being, listening and being quiet leads to them feeling proud? Bill: Because they learn knowledge, more knowledge and stuff. (2) Improving This subcategory involves doing better over a period of time (e.g., higher grades). In 62 this case, the child emphasizes pride in his or her improvement compared to past performance. In the following excerpt drawn from the final stage of her interview, Gail spoke about how pride can be induced by a person's improving skill level: Gail: Ummmm If something started happening that was good, it could get even better in a way (uh-huh) like it might get better for them. So if something's good then they can make it better that, then they'll be proud, or... I: What, can you explain what you mean when you said, "They can make it better." Gail: Like if something happened and it wasn't over yet, like if they did it once (mrn-hmm) and then they... like if they drew a picture (mm-hmm) ummm when they were younger (yeah) and then they drew a picture when they were older. And they would feel - and it was better - then they will feel proud that they did it, that they tried to make the picture better (uh-huh) than it was before. (2) Overcoming This subcategory involves doing something deemed to be difficult or challenging and often emphasizes overcoming obstacles. Both Sara and Paul provided examples of overcoming when they reflected on pride during the final stage of the interview: Sara: Well if it is a challenge... I mean challenges, if you overcome them, bring pride I think, so. (7) Paul: The most important thing was that I could get through it. Like it's a, it's a bullet (right) and it fe-, e-even though it's like that big (D: Indicates size with fingers and thumb.) it feels that big. And it was re-, it was really good that I could get it out and it was proud of myself that I could do that I f-f-f, I feel proud that I'm, I've got through that and that I'm, I'm not laying in a hospital bed with my one leg taken off or something like that. (7) Creating This subcategory involves making or creating something, usually of artistic merit. Both the process and the product are important to this subconception. Nora's personal example emerged at the start of her interview when she was speaking of her own experiences with pride: 63 Nora: And the thing that I'm proud of myself the most is that I'm good at arts. (Mmm hm.) So like when it's something like when you're supposed to buy something for someone on Valentine's Day, Mother's Day or something, then I just make something and I feel proud of myself when I make it because whenever I make I like it and other people like it too. (Mmm hm.) So I like that. (4) After looking at picture number four, Gail spoke of the children's pride in their act of creation: Gail: Ummm. They might be feeling proud of-f-f the things they made (uh-huh) and how they did that. (Uh-huh.) And maybe ummm... what they used to do it and how they put it together to make something. (2) Performing This subcategory involvesperforming something in front of an audience, usually of creative or artistic merit. In the second stage of his interview, Luke spoke about his sister's pride in her performance: Luke: Uhm probably my sister (mmm hm) when, it was actually just like a week ago at her high school, Mxxxxxxxx. She did like a classical Indian dance (mmm hm) and then after that she was feeling good 'cause she did good and a lot of people complimented her on her dance. (7) Conception 2: Acting Ethically This conception involves an active attempt on the part of the child to do something deemed by self or others to be ethically or morally desirable. Ethical actions identified by child participants encompassed a range of behaviours including: helping, assisting, caring for or saving another; cooperating, giving or sharing with another; behaving well; being honest and playing fair. Helping others was well represented in the sample and examples often included assisting peers or family members. Fred provided his example during the first stage o f his interview, while Jane recalled her example during the fourth or summative stage of her interview: 64 Fred: Yeah. I felt proud when my classmates uhhh likes, like, when they got in big trouble, I did something good for them. Or when I did something for them that was like very hard for them to do. (4) Jane: When ummm people got hurt and you, like you help them, like help get up and stuff like that to help them move carefully (yeah) and stuff like...some kind of...like when people was doing things wrong then you told them to change and they did change so they're, you're proud that you said to them that "You're wrong." If you didn't say to them that they're wrong, they will still do that. (4) In some cases, the desire to help others extends beyond the child's immediate circle of influence to include helping people who may come from or live in other counties. In the following example from Fara's personal experiences at the start of her interview, one can begin to see the emergence of goodwill directed toward a broader humanity: Fara: And also then, I also get to help people (mm hmmm) get to help and give donation to people. That would make me feel proud of myself because I'm helping them. ( M m hmmm.) And also would make me feel proud to give the refugees a house. (Yeah.) And also mmm it would make me feel proud to be also to help mmm tell the people to stop doing wars, and then maybe those people will stop doing wars. And then I'll feel proud of myself because I made then stop doing wars. (2) Other forms of ethical behaviour were also represented in the children's responses, including giving, being truthful and being a good person. Both Fara and Anna's examples o f ethical behaviour emerged from their personal life experiences: Fara: ...I, I was proud also because I gave my mom also something and it was some kind of, kind of ring that I made for her. (Yeah.) And my mom said that "You are very nice," and made me really pr-, proud, (Right, so you knew...) proud of myself..... Well, because also I gave her something and I feel proud when my mo-, I give something to people. (2) Anna: When I tell the truth Like once my mother said to my brother "Don't do that, but actual I did it (mmm hm)," then after, I told my mom (mmm hm) and she said "Never do that again." Then I felt proud of myself. (2) When reflecting on pride in the final stage of his interview, Noah spoke about his own drive to 65 be an ethical person: Noah: Well I, I want to be a good person when I grow up and everything now mm 'cause I like being good. I like uhm I just like making other people feel good (mmm hm) more than other things. Like, I don't know, I, I, I feel proud when I make somebody else feel proud. I: Yeah. And what, is there anything else that it takes to be a good person? .... Noah: To be a good person? Just be yourself (J: laughs). Uhh just be nice to people (yeah). Try your best in things and everything should turn out okay. (7) Conception 3: Acting Independently In this conception the child actively asserts him or herself in some way (facing a problem or standing up for oneself; making one's own decision; initiating an activity, developing an idea, or doing something on one's own). Several examples of independent action provided by child participants included Dave's personal experience of going to the dentist with a loose tooth: Dave: And I said "I don't want it to be pulled out yet 'cause it's going to hurt." (Yeah.) And my, my brother and my sister were saying uhh "Don't be afraid (yeah)," but I still said "I don't want it, I don't want it to happen. I want it to fall it, fall out by itself." And it did. And I really felt proud because I made the right choice Uhm is because if, if, if you don't want to do what people say (mmm hm) you don't have to do it. And if, if, if it's going to hurt, or anything else you don't want it to happen just don't do it. (2) Gary's description of his self-initiated good turn emerged at the conclusion of the interview when he was asked i f there was anything else he wanted to say about pride: Gary: ...My mom told me to go outside and play but I didn't want to so I filled up my watering can. I wa-, watered all the flowers (yeah) and I wa-, and then I cleaned up the garage. (And...) And my mom was really proud of me. I was proud of myself too 'cause I wa-, I didn't get told to do that and I did that on my own (right) without anyone telling me to do that. (4) For others, acting independently can include engaging in a range o f activities that might otherwise qualify as achievements. However, in this case, the child emphasizes independence 66 of action much more than the action itself or the result; the child's sense of pride emerges from the independent action. In responding to picture number one, Ivan provided such an example: Ivan: Okay I think he's feeling proud because, like he can go all alone to the store and get bot-, uhh get uhm something for his parents thirst He's thinking that he can do different stuff by hisself..... Like he can go to the park by hisself with his friends, (mm hmm) and go to uhm like the library and stuff like that with his friends. (4) Conception 4: Possessing This conception involves the child possessing or feeling ownership of a valued object, experience, person, or pet. When the valued object is a person, the child speaks about that person as a possession or object, something that he or she can obtain and have or hold. Mary spoke about this while reflecting during the final stage of her interview: Mary: Uhm for a person to feel proud (mmm hm) they might, they have this new thing (mmm) or person that they, they wanted or they, they have and they want more of. (4) During the second stage o f his interview, Ivan spoke o f a boy whom he observed feeling proud of a possession: Ivan: Axxxxx and he's in my class and now like uhh before li-, now, now yo-yos are popular. And before, Pokemon was popular. (Right.) So uhm Axxxxx like had uhm like one of the really good cards, and he was proud about it because like it was a really rare one and like it was hard to find. (4) Mary provided an example of pride in possession when she spoke of a personal experience with the birth o f a new baby cousin: Mary: Okay. Mmm another time I felt proud is when I had a new baby cousin (mmm hm) and it was a she (mmm hm), it was a girl. And uhm I thought that I, I had s-s, I had like, I have more than a hundred cousins (mmm hm) so with the families, so I, I was so happy I got a new cousin. (4) In the following example at the start of his interview, Todd prizes the experience itself: 67 Todd: Uhmmm ... (3 seconds) when I went to Africa on my trip. Where I went like fishing and I saw wild animals (mmm hm). I went uhm I seen a lot of...I went on a cruise, and I seen animals like close up which I've never seen (mmm hm) I: Okay. And at what point then did you start feeling proud? Todd: Like seeing my cousins for the first time, and like being in a-a-a, like a different uhh different continent, country. (7) Conception 5: Having a Desired Attribute or Ability In this conception, pride emerges from having a prized trait or ability and not from one's accomplishments stemming from that ability. Children in the sample provided examples that included being strong, smart, brave, tough, confident, or physically attractive. This conception of pride may in fact emerge from past achievements or actions, but the pride is clearly in possessing the extrapolated ability or trait and not in the external action. In her response to picture number eight, Dora described a situation in which a boy is proud of his own self-confidence: Dora: He's thinking that "I'm going to win." He's like thinking that he's going to win and he, and he's proud of his self for thinking that. (2) The following two examples demonstrate a pride bordering on hubris, but again, the pride is in a perceived trait or ability. Rob provided his example in response to picture number one, while Gary's example was invoked by picture number three: I: A n d what might he be thinking [when he's proud]? Rob: Uhh like "I'm the best," everything, and he's like "Oh yeah I'm so popular and handsome and everything." (7) Gary: They are feeling proud of themselves because like they think they're so like, tough that they can kick anyone out of that parade. (4) Conception 6: Belonging This conception involves the child being valued, cared for, or appreciated by another 68 person or a group of people (e.g., family, friend, cultural group). A child who is treated this way feels as i f he or she has a place, belongs, and takes pride in that belonging. Ivan provided a personal example when he spoke of his own pride while with his father: Ivan: I'm feeling proud when I'm with my dad. (4) Noah's example came in response to picture number nine: Noah: Uhm they might be feeling joy, they might be feeling proud of themselves for being with their grandfather for one more day. They might feel more loved (mmm hm) and uhm responsible. (7) Jane's example came during the second stage of her interview when she spoke of a girl she had observed in her own school: Jane: And then if-, like the girl who was sad feel proud because she nev-, nobody want to be her friends ummm like before but now she finally have a friend .... like they, they know, like they care about each other and they, like they're like best friends. (4) For Herb, his sense of belonging was related to being recognized by his cousins whom he had not seen for several years: Herb: At first I thought that nobody would recognize me And then when they came [I was proud] that they did recognize me. (4) One boy in grade seven spoke about feeling proud after being chosen by a girl. When he was chosen over several of his peers he felt valued by the girl, which engendered a feeling of pride. Josh: Okay. Like... (It can be anything.) It was uhm this girl (D: laughs) (mmm hm) and then there's like uhm some other guys and like, it's kind of like a choosing thing, sort of, and then eventually, you know, I won I guess. And then that made me feel proud too I: . . .And at what point did you start to feel proud? Josh: After she picked me and, you know, (D: laughs) same like the math test - like I knew, like I, it was like the first time kind of thing (mmm hm). And, you know, I guess like I was proud because it never happened to me and I felt really good. (7) 69 Conception 7: Having Special Status This conception involves being given special recognition and status above others, including being entrusted with responsibility, being given special privileges, or being important or famous. Some children in the study gave examples of representing one's country or being the youngest child to fly a plane or go to the moon, but most provided examples closer to their own daily lives. For some, this pride was embodied in their ideas about growing up. Rob's self-reflections came during the final stage of his interview: Rob: Like, like when I was young, like I wanted to use the vacuum (mmm hm) right, cleaner. But I could only do some other job, like some puny little job. (Yeah.) So when I grew up like my dad allowed me to use the mi-, vacuum cleaner (mmm hm) and I did like a very good job on it. (Mmm hm.) And so then I felt good that I was, like I had grown, like feeling good I was growing and then I was able to use elderly equipment. (7) Sara provided a similar example after looking at the first picture: Sara: I think he's feeling proud because he's carrying two bottles of something, right (mmm hm) so I think his parents 1-1,1-1, gave him the responsibility of going to the store alone (mmm hm) and buying something for them. I: Okay. And what might he be thinking right now? Sara: That he's oh as adult, responsible and he can do anything for himself..... It makes him feel good about himself (yeah) that he knows that he can be trusted by his parents. (7) During the first stage of their interviews both Olive and Mike spoke of their feelings of having special status: Olive: Uhm mmm . uhm (20 seconds) well on my birthday party like when everybody like sings "Happy Birthday to You" (mmm hm) it....Mmm when I turned ten, like when I was nine and then I was ten and then I got like two numbers (mmm hm) it felt like good and everything....Uhh laughing I guess when they were like singing to me and I felt pretty good. I felt like I was sort of grown up (mmm hm) but I wasn't really, so. (7) 70 Mike: Uhm then you can do more things when you're older (mmm hm) yeah you're growing up....Like you can s-start to drive and-d uhm go out, stay out longer, like to do stuff, play with your friends. (7) For some children, their idea of status involved having a privileged position in the community as seen in examples of living in the right house or neighbourhood, or being able to do things others can not. Irene provided her example after looking at picture number nine: Irene: And they're very proud that because they're the only family in the neighbourhood that could actually afford to go on a trip far away, other than the place that they're staying in the country (mm hmm) and everything. (7) Conception 8: Pride by Association In this conception, pride emerges from the child's association with another person or group. The common element is a kind of affiliative pride. It seems as i f the child identifies and empathizes with the other and begins to feel pride along with the primary experiencer(s). Most commonly, children in this study provided examples of pride for (or by) a family member, friend, or teammate, but occasionally examples were given for pride in a school, professional sports team, or country. In the first example from Dave's personal experience, one can see how pride is affiliative: Dave: I was thinking of my friends being proud of me and me being proud of myself. And every time I have good news I tell my, my uhm family (mmm hm) and they get proud of me too. (2) Children expressed feeling proud of another person for any number of things that would potentially have led the individual to feel proud of him or herself. During the second stage of his interview, Todd spoke of feeling pride for another boy whom he observed: Todd: Uhh like I just felt proud for him 'cause it's like he accomplished something which he tried to do hard. (7) 71 Gary's example of pride by association emerged during the first stage of his interview when he spoke of his pride for his brother's improvement: Gary: ...I was proud about my little brother because he's like just three now, and he's been trying to like stop being so mean and hitting everybody. I've been proud when he's went through one day without fighting people. (Yeah. . . I know what it's like when they're that small.) Uh-huh. (I: Laughs.) And I'm proud of my sister because she always cares about me when I get hurt and everything. And now she's in Quebec so I miss her a lot. (4) Most children in this study identified that to feel pride for another, they must initially feel some closeness to that individual, usually someone they knew well. One boy in Grade 7 was quite articulate in identifying what it was about his relationship with the other that led to him feeling proud, as may be seen in the following exchange that took place in the second stage of his interview: Luke: I felt proud of her because I knew she worked hard to like do that dance (V: laughs). (Yeah.) Yeah. I just felt happy, I felt good for her. I: N o w what, what, what's different about that time when you were feeling proud of her? And you weren't the one doing the dance, but you felt proud of her. Luke: What's different about it? I: Yeah. From you feeling proud of yourself. Luke: I don't know, maybe I feel like, so I guess you feel more proud for yourself when you do something I think (mmm hm) Because you feel that you've accomplished something. (Mmm hm.) But even though like it was my sister, I still felt proud of her and, but I don't know I just think if you do something you feel more proud for yourself. I: Right. N o w what i f it was somebody else? What i f it wasn't your sister but it was somebody else who did well and was being congratulated. Luke: I'd probably, I'd feel proud for them too. But I don't know, like maybe not as proud as I would if it was for my sister, but I'd still like tell them they did a good job and that (yeah) like it was good. I: Okay. So I'm just wondering about what it is about it being your sister that makes you, leads to you feeling proud. Luke: Uhm 'cause we're, I think at home like we're close together. We talk about stuff and, I don't know uhm like she helps me on homework if I need any help. And I feel we have like a strong bond together. (Great.) (V: laughs). (7) 72 Finally, some children in the study spoke about feeling pride for a country. This kind o f associative pride seemed to be different enough from pride for a person or small group to warrant some unique attention. One can appreciate the manner by which a child can begin to feel proud for another person or group of people; however, to feel pride for a country, the child must be able to associate him or herself with this broader group. Sara's example emerged after looking at picture number ten: Sara: ....I think, think and have, they will have p-pride in their country of being very good in their eyes. I mean, being the best in their eyes of, at what comes from that country I think (mmm).... I guess having pride in your country. I mean, that's a lot 'cause you live there (mmm hm) so I guess you should have pride in your country. And knowing that. . . . (4 seconds) you have... it i-is a good country. I mean America's a very good country. And knowing that uhm (5 seconds) that you can salute it with honour I mean i-i, it's, it's a good country. I like it....They know that they came from America (mmm hm). I mean, what if they went to another place and knowing that they came from a, a, a, a cee-, a good place. A . . place that you can get education, good education uhm good health, health benefits, stuff like that. Just knowing you came from... (7) Paul provided a similar example during the second stage of his interview: Paul: Well, I thought that Canada's a really good country and that we can, that uhh all the things, like we're supposed to be the land of the free (yeah) and uh that we're good at things and that...well, like a team....It makes me feel happy and proud that I'm in Canada. ( M m hmm.) I'm not in a third world country that's in a war (yeah) or that I, that ummm like Canada's a good place to live. ( M m hmm.) It's not somewhere where you have to get a green card and you have to have all these things. (Yeah.) You can just get in there and it's a good place to live....I felt proud that, that I'm in Canada and that I'm in a good place (mm hmm) and that I have a roof around me (mmmm) and I have all these things. (Yeah.) And that I'm in Canada and he's a Canadian, and then that we can achieve something. ( M m hmm.) Like if I really tried hard I can be the best roller blader in the, in Can-, in Canada or the world (right) and I'd feel like Canada helped me achieve that. (7) 73 Discussion of the Outcome Space Overview of the Outcome Space Once the eight conceptions are viewed together, it becomes clear that the children's examples of pride contain the underlying principle of personal ownership of something that is valued, whether obtained through action or not. This is the point where the valued object, attribute, experience, or result connects with the self.7 This valuing encompasses all o f the identified conceptions. Often, children expressed their valuing through the use of words such as "right" or "good." The use of these descriptors spanned all three grade levels and appeared frequently in the participant interviews as may be seen in the following excerpts: I: These girls are feeling proud. Bill: Because they did the right thing. (2) Betty: Because they were in a band and they did good. (2) I: Does anything else have to happen for a person to feel proud? Nora: For doing something good (mmm hm), yeah. (4) Rosa: Proud uhm you've done something (mmm hm), something or something has happened to you (mmm hm) uhm something good. (7) Gail: Proud ummm if you did something good. I: M m hmm. So it seems like you have to do something good to feel proud. Gail: Or do something that you needed to do. I: Or that somebody asked you to do, you were supposed to do What might be the opposite of feeling proud? Gail: Ummm... ahhh... opposite... (That's a hard one too, huh?) Could it be, feeling that you haven't done something right? (2) Often, further questioning would lead the children to explain what they mean by the use of the 7 The concept of self is central to this self-reflexive affect. When a child uses the phrase "proud of myself" one can appreciate the role of the self in this emotion. For. a child to use this phrase, he or she must have self-awareness and the ability to self-reflect, valuate, self-evaluate, and self-report. 74 word "right" or "good," but sometimes, the word seemed to need no elaboration (at least from the child's perspective), as may be seen in the following almost humorous exchange with a girl in Grade 2: I: Tell me a story about this boy feeling proud. Anna: I think he's proud because he did something right. (Mmm hm.) I: And how does it all turn out? Anna: Very fine. (Mmm hm.) I: And what might he be thinking? Anna: (10 seconds) Thinking of he did something very right. I: Okay. And what might he feel like doing when he's feeling proud? ( 13 seconds.) What do you think he might want to do? Anna: He want to make people proud. I: To make people proud of him. H o w would he do that? Anna: Do something right. I: Okay. Okay. And what would make him feel more proud? ( 9 seconds) What would lead to him feeling less proud? Anna: Not doing things right. (2) Although the examples cited above do not contain specific explanations of what the children meant by the words "good" and "right," it is apparent that the children are valuing the "goodness" or "lightness" inherent in the situation. These and other similar words were used by the children throughout the interviews to refer to ethical actions, achievements, experiences, possessions and attributes, in essence the full range of precursors to prideful feelings that are found across the eight conceptions. Children in each o f the three grades interviewed for this study provided examples o f all eight conceptions, suggesting that the conceptions themselves are not age-restricted. The group of younger children (seven and eight years of age) demonstrated access to the full outcome space found in this study. The group of older children did not discard any conceptions that they may have acquired and held at an earlier age. Additionally, there were 75 no gender-based differences in the representation of conceptions. These results provide substantial internal support for the stability of the eight main conceptions. Although no individual child provided examples of all eight conceptions, this would not be expected in a phenomenographic study where the researcher is not specifically interested in an individual's apprehension of the outcome space. Due to the survey nature of the methodology, the absence of any particular conception from an individual's interview cannot be deemed indicative of the individual's ability (or inability) to exemplify that conception. Notably, however, two children were found to provide examples for up to seven of the conceptual categories as they moved through the outcome space (these children were in Grades 2 and 4), suggesting that individual children may potentially be able to embody the full range of conceptions, given the right elicitation strategies. In Table 1. a grade by grade comparison is made of the frequency of representation of conceptions within the sample (see table on next page). 76 Table 1: Frequency of Conceptions by Grade. Grade 2 (n=12) Grade4(n=ll) Grade 7 (n=15) Achieving 100% 100% 100% Acting Ethically 75% 73% 73% Acting Independently 17% 36% 20% Possessing 58% 55% 60% Attribute or Ability 33% 9% 47% Belonging 25% 55% 40% Having Special Status 42% 55% 73% Pride by Association 83% 82% 73% The one striking observation that can be made from this table is that the conception of achieving was the prominent conception in the study. Achieving encompassed a broad range of actions and outcomes and was present in 100% of the participant transcripts (the only conception to be represented by all participants). Not only does this underline its durability as 77 a conception, it suggests that achieving may be a cornerstone in children's conceptions of pride. I f nothing else, it is clearly the one conception that had considerable importance for the children in this study. The four stages of the interview were designed to elicit as broad a range of conceptions as possible from the participants. The first stage solicited personal experiences with pride, while the second stage emphasized prideful experiences that the children may have observed in others. The third stage incorporated pictures of children who were deemed to be experiencing pride, and the fourth stage served as a summary with children reflecting and speaking more generally about pride. Although there is no reason to believe that any single stage would elicit any particular types of conception, or even a restricted range of conceptions, the frequency of the children's depiction of the eight conceptions was examined over the four stages of the interview. Although the four stages of the interview served their intended purpose of helping individuals to expand their range of consideration, there were no obvious stage-specific trends in the conceptions represented. Some of the pictures seemed to draw for a certain type o f response, but children projected their own ideas into the pictures and each picture drew a range of responses and associated conceptions. The final stage of the interview seemed to help children consolidate and summarize their thinking, and many added significant thoughts at this time or were at least able to speak with a clarity that they were not able to muster as they progressed through the interview. Although other elicitation strategies may have evoked a different set of conceptions from the children, the four stages provided a relatively thorough coverage of the territory in a manageable length of time (interviews typically lasted forty 78 minutes but ranged between twenty-five and one hundred minutes in length). Although the sample size limits any conclusions that may be drawn regarding generalizability of the overall results, the findings have merit in their own right. Intuitively, as one who has experienced and conceptualized pride (and as one who was once a child) the observer can relate empathically to what these children have expressed. Certainly, the eight conceptions have a richness and depth that stand on their own. Clarifying Conceptions At the outset of this chapter, the two main categories of conceptions (doing and having) were distinguished from each other. Within each of those categories, the major conceptions may not always be clear to an outside observer. Therefore, in the following section, both perceived and real similarities wil l be discussed in order to further clarify categories. Within the doing conceptions, the two conceptions of achieving and acting ethically must be distinguished. Acting ethically may result in an achievement. For example, a child could act ethically and receive an award, as occurred in the following excerpt: Hope: Well I was basically, like I was helping others and the teacher was really proud of me, like glad that I was like being a Future Ace so basically that's how I got my war-, award. (4) Based on this brief statement, one can not be sure whether this child feels pride for the ethical action or the award that she earned as a result. The answer comes a little later in the interview: I: N o w what were you thinking about then when you won the award? Hope: Mmmm I was thinking about like how I can achieve more goals and to like lead my sussecs-success. 79 I: To lead your success? (Yeah.) Okay. So you were thinking about what you could, what you could do to win more, (yeah) to do more. Great. What's the most important part o f that story that time when you were feeling proud? Hope: It was about, like I knew that I was like really like being a really uh like, not only other people could do it, I could do it too like. It was like I was really proud. (4) The girl reveals that her pride came from the award she had earned, and one can appreciate that her response would have been the same i f the award had been for standing out academically rather than ethically. She clearly views this as an achievement. Acting ethically and acting independently differ in that the first requires the real-life application o f an ethical or moral value, while the second requires the prideful person to act independently. One may help another either alone or with someone else (acting ethically): however, one may emphasize that pride emerged from the fact that he or she helped without being asked to (acting independently). In the following example from a boy in Grade 7, it is clear that his sense of pride emerges from the act of helping, even though he is acting on his own. Paul: Ummm. So about two years ago, my grandmother, she, she has a hip problem .... she was in the hospital and then I uh, I would ummm go in every day after school ( M m hmm.) and I'd like try to cheer her up or I'd uh ummm give her food, or like whatever she wanted. ( M m hmm.) And, and I thought that was pretty good, like I felt like I was doing something to help her out. (7) Another child in the same situation might say something like, "I was proud that it was my idea to help her and that I could go and help her all by myself a hypothetical situation that would exemplify pride resulting from independent action. Within the having category the two conceptions of possessing and having a desired attribute or ability differ in that the first is pride for possession of an object outside of the self (e.g., a toy, a person, an experience), while the second is possession of something within the 80 person (e.g., beauty, intelligence). This distinction will also help to clarify any perceived overlaps between possessing and the other having conceptions. (Pride by association is distinct enough as a conception that it could not easily be misconstrued for possessing.) Having special status could be misconstrued to be having a desired attribute or ability; however, because of the social nature of the special status, the acknowledgement or involvement of another (or others) is required, whereas a personal attribute can be self-recognized. In this case, the involvement of others helps to make the distinction. Having special status may also be confused with belonging which also requires an interaction with another (when the prideful person is valued by another). In the following examples, drawn from the same situation where a disabled boy shoots a bow and arrow, one can apprehend the differing stances behind belonging and having special status. In the first example, the child feels loved, appreciated, cared for, wanted, and the feeling of pride emerges from this association with the others, the sense of belonging with them: Jane: Maybe he can't stand. (Yeah.) He can't walk and it's hard to shoot aereos, arrows when he's sitting down. And let her sister and mother help him I And what makes him feel proud? Jane: Her sister, her-his mother, and the people helping. [Previously, the same child had elaborated on what is valued about friends helping:] Jane: ...because his friends help him and he feels proud that his friends help him. He got good friends. (He's proud of...) that his friends help him a lot. (4) In the second example, the child feels a special status after being given the privilege to join in with others in doing something and - by doing so - join in the fame that comes with it: Fara: He might be thinking that, "Woah! I have actually got this arrow and I'm actually being able to shoot mmm to shoot, and I actually got in the middle. ( M m hmmm.) And these guys are letting me play with it." And maybe he might be thinking "Before they never did let me think [try] it." And probly these are the uhm maybe these are the most uhm famous people at school. ( M m hmmm.) 81 Maybe he might be one of them also. He might feel proud of himself because he actually made it with them. (2) This boy may feel a part of the selected group, which may at first appear to be a sense of belonging, but i f the transcript is reviewed closely, it becomes clear that the feeling o f pride emerges from his sense of status (given to him by the others) rather than their caring for him. N o w , another viewpoint may be that this child is actually feeling proud of his achievement; however, let's examine two examples of achieving: the first is one of accomplishing, while the second is one of overcoming. Gary: If gets a bulls eye then he's going to feel really proud... (4) Sara: I think he's feeling proud because he's doing something that not, I think he's learned something that not everybody knows how to do. And of course he has a disability so (yeah) it makes it harder for him, but more of a challenge and once you overcome the challenge it, it gives you a, a great pride. (7) In both cases, the child could be recognized by others and held up for his accomplishment, but clearly, his pride emerges from the achievement, not the response of others to the achievement. Finally, pride for possession of an experience could be misrepresented as achieving by overcoming (or vice-versa). In the following example of possessing, there is no sense of accomplishment based on either performance or results; it is clear that the child values the experience itself distinct from any outcome: I: Okay. This guy in the wheelchair is uhh shooting an arrow with a bow, and he's feeling proud. Todd: Uhh 'cause he's probably never been, done this before. And most like people who are in wheelchairs never get the chance to do things like that I: What's the most important part of this story about feeling proud? Todd: Well, you, if you're, maybe if you're disabled or something, you can still try and do uh fun things in your life. (7) 82 Children's Commentary on Pride The children's narratives revealed important aspects of pride in their lives, including how pride affected and changed them. Areas addressed by the children included feelings, self-reflexive aspects, and the personal significance o f pride. H o w Pride Feels Children described how pride affected them. The emotion buoyed and inflated them and was therefore intrinsically or internally reinforcing. The children in this study described immediate actions associated with pride, typically an unselfconscious release of energy and exuberance. These acts often included smiling, jumping up and down, shouting, holding head high, and interacting with others (e.g., telling, hugging, congratulating). Rob: I was more energetic. (Mmm hm.) I had a smile on my face most of the time (mmm hm) and I bragged about getting in (S: laughs). (7) Hope: I was shocked. I'm like, "Ohhh!" (I: Laughs.) I wanted...you know I just felt like hugging someone, like "Woah!" (4) Herb: Feeling happy is kind of like you're not that excited (mmm hm) and being proud is 1-1, even more excited. (4) Pride as Self-Reflection The role of self is central to the picture of pride painted by the children. A s an emotion, pride points the person back at him or herself. The trigger for the emergence of the emotion is a self-reflexive point, the moment when the child reflects on what he or she is doing, has done, or possesses. This turning point is the moment when the individual compares him or herself to a standard, a process that might also be called appraisal (literally "moving toward praise or commendation of worth"). Pride is a positive self appraisal and the children 83 in this study reported increases in self-confidence, self-competence, and self-esteem, mental shifts that might together be characterized as an enhanced sense of positive self-regard and personal agency. As one examines the children's descriptions it is easy to appreciate how pride can be initially self-validating and self-affirming, and then self-defining as the children begin to incorporate independent prideful events into a broader self-concept. Paul: Someone would, someone'd have to, someone would have to recognize that they are being proud of what they have done (Okay.) and that it's not just their own effort. It would feel better if it was, if someone else recognized it. (Mmmm.) But if it's just by yourself, then it still feels proud because you've done that. (7) Bill: Uhm sometimes I s-s-s, I say in my head uhm maybe, "This is good work." (2) I: When did you start feeling proud that time? Sara: After I, I played my piece. I, I think I, I think I thought I played it very well and I, I didn't need a trophy 'cause it sounded that, it was the best time I played it. (7) Josh: I was thinking, you know, how I developed and like uhm "I can do it now." (7) Noah: Uhmmm I did better on tests-s-s after that because like I was more self-confident, felt better about myself inside. (7) Luke: If you have like high self-esteem, you feel more proud about yourself. I think people who have like low self-esteem they're always, they're usually down and they don't feel good about themself. They feel like they can't do anything, maybe, like other people can. (Mmm hm.) But if you do have high self-esteem you know, like you, even if someone tells you you can't do something, you still want to do it (mmm hm) because you feel that you can.... Uhm I think they [pride and self-esteem] both lead into each other (mmm hm). Like if you feel good about something, then you can do it. And maybe if you don't have such self-esteem -but you try something and you accomplish it - then after that you will have high self-esteem. (7) These enhancements of self-perception and self-conception led to external changes such as working harder, preparing better, and persisting which in turn led to results such as improved performance in school or increased success in other areas of their lives as may be seen in 84 children's examples of how pride was significant to them. Personal Significance of Pride The children described a variety of ways in which pride held personal significance. Many of the children's examples of pride included significant milestones often described as firsts (e.g., first-time experiences, achievements, possessions). They felt motivated to repeat their achievement or ethical action or to do more things to induce pride. This often included working harder, trying new or more challenging things, and learning new things. Luke: I think after I got all those A's and I felt that I could do it. So then after that I tried to work harder and get all A's. (7) Josh: Learning new things, or trying more things, or keep on trying that same thing. (7) Rob: Uhh I had a different attitude into studies (yeah) so, I mean my parents were always telling me to do very good in studies. (Mmm hm.) And then after I've liked...chess made me think and everything because it's a-a, chess is like a stut, strategic game (mmm hm) so afterwards my mind became more sophisticated and I started to do better in school work and everything. (7) Gail: Yeah. I actually ummm actually wanted to do the competition again. (You wanted to do it again.) Yeah. To see, cause I want to write more poems (right) and I want to like think of more ideas for doing n-n and writing more, one...another poem about Black History Month next year. ( 2 ) Alan: Uhh do better work (mmm hm). Uhm get higher marks (mmm hm), go to a higher grade (mmm hm) and just do better in life. ( 2 ) Besides becoming more positive and motivated, children in this study reported social strivings including wanting to tell others about their success and being more affiliative with others (e.g., being kind to others, becoming more popular, earning more friends). Luke: ...now I feel like I'm more open with people and my friends and family. (Okay.) So I think it's helped in that way. (7) 85 Noah: Well, like it made me more happy and stuff, and I was like nicer to people and stuff, than I usually am. Like I'm a nice person, but I was-s-s greeting everybody and stuff (yeah), and telling them like what a good job they did and stuff. (7) During the second stage of his interview the same boy commented about another child and in doing so provided some insight into his own affiliative behaviour: Noah: Uhh yeah I think he'll be nicer to others and stuff'cause he, he feels proud of himself and he, he likes the feeling, so he wants to make everybody else feel the same. (7) The prideful events carried enough significance that some children wanted to celebrate the experience or record it for the future: Hope: Ummm afterwards I just, like I was really proud then and then I just, it just, that moment you just remember and like then you, you remember it and you write in your diary and stuff and then, and then you just have another moment that you're proud of. I forget the other one. I: Okay. So you were, um, you were remembering it afterwards. (Yeah.) And when you were remembering it, how did it make you feel? Hope: Like, when sometimes I'm sad and I remember good times it just makes me, like feel really I don't know uh how to explain it, like umm proud and happy and just lightens up my day. ( 4 ) Some children looked toward their future potential usually with positive anticipations (e.g., new goals to strive for, career possibilities, hope for widespread recognition). Ivan: That you should never give up reaching, give up reaching [for] your goal. ( 4 ) Dave: I was thinking about being something like that when I grow up. (Something like...?) Like uhm like a teacher or a, a archaeologist or other great stuff like a doctor. (2) Hope: That they could strive their goal and like...they could do the same as their mom or dads. Probably their dad and mom are a doctor or something and you want to do the same thing. So they're your role models and you have to look up to them And then you have to practice and work hard for it. If you don't work hard you don't deserve it. (4 ) 8 6 Finally, one of the young participants underscored the general importance of pride: Luke: . . .actually I think like pride can be like put aside as like something on it's own because it's so big and it's important and, like there's other stuff too, but nothing like pride. (7) 87 C H A P T E R F I V E Discussion The purpose of this study was to determine children's conceptions of pride. Thirty-eight children were interviewed, with participants coming from Grades 2, 4 and 7. Interviews were transcribed and analyzed to determine all distinct categories of description. Eight conceptions were identified. Three of these fit into the broad group of doing conceptions (achieving, acting ethically, and acting independently). The remaining five fit into the broad group of having conceptions (possessing, having a desired attribute or ability, having social status, belonging, and pride by association). This chapter will discuss limitations o f the study as well as implications for theory, research and practice. Limitations A number of limitations to the study were identified, including the use of verbal narratives to generate conceptions, the limited sample size, and the use of a single researcher to conduct interviews. The use of verbal reports to generate conceptions restricts results to the children's explicit understanding of pride. Children may in fact hold other more implicit conceptions; however, these internalized theories are difficult to uncover. The approach to data collection, in which the children were invited to tell stories of experiences with pride, was designed to help gain access to more tacit conceptions. It was hoped that the resulting detailed narratives would allow a glimpse of some of the children's underlying theories in action. It is uncertain at this time whether all potential meanings were communicated. From a research perspective, the relatively small sample size limits generalizability of findings. Phenomenographic research attempts to sample the community of conceptions 88 within the broader universe of potential conceptions. Although the children who participated in this study are probably not much different from others of a similar age within Canada, awareness of cultural and experiential variables would suggest that there are more possible conceptions of pride than appeared in the outcome space for this study. Future studies wi l l be necessary to determine i f the eight conceptions are representative and exhaustive. A further limitation to the study is the fact that data were collected by a single interviewer/researcher. Although this made it easier to ensure a consistent interview procedure, my personal life experience and preconceptions may have influenced the type of questions that were asked during the research interviews, the avenues of inquiry that were explored, and the results that were determined from the analysis. Although care was taken at each step in the process to limit the influence of researcher bias, there is no absolute guarantee that bias was eliminated. Another researcher conducting the same study may have elicited different results from the children and analyzed their narratives in a manner that led to a somewhat different characterization of findings. A t the same time, I am confident that given these limitations, the results have at least not ignored significant content in the children's narratives nor distorted the children's ideas. Implications for Theory and Research The conceptions found in this study support some prior theoretical tenets and research findings including children's ability to conceptualize pride, as well as pride's connection to social norms, achievement and achievement-related processes, and moral actions. Since all o f the participants demonstrated an operational knowledge of pride, results substantively confirm previous findings that children have a working understanding of pride by at least seven or 89 eight years of age (Alessandri & Lewis, 1993; Belsky et al, 1997; Harris et al, 1987; Jennings, 1993; Kagan, 1984; Reissland & Harris, 1991; Russell & Paris, 1994; Stipek et al, 1992). The eight conceptions lend support to previous researchers who viewed pride as a vehicle for transmission and maintenance of social norms and standards (Mascolo & Fischer, 1995; Stipek, 1998). Implicit in all eight conceptions is a standard of merit or value, which confirms Mascolo and Fischer's (1995) contention that pride directs actions toward social standards o f merit or worth. The children considered it meritorious to achieve, act ethically, act independently, possess valued objects, attributes and abilities, belong, have social status, and be associated with others who had done something meritorious. The conception of achieving supports the contention that pride can be an achievement-based emotion (e.g., Harris et al, 1987; Jennings, 1993) and confirms its connection to achievement related processes. For example, the children's commentaries attest to links between pride and achievement motivation (Brown & Weiner, 1984; Cook, 1983; Graham & Weiner, 1991; Heckhausen, 1984; Lewis, 1993; Stipek, 1983; Stipek & Mason, 1987; Stipek et al., 1992; Weiner, 1986; Weiner & Graham, 1989) and achievement behaviours when positive feelings are associated with a reproducible action (Heckhausen, 1984; Hodson, 1998; Lewis, 1993; Stipek et al., 1992). Once the children achieved something, they often wanted to repeat the action or achievement. Furthermore, the children's commentaries on pride affirm its connection to task persistence (Masters et al, 1977; Masters & Santrock, 1976; Weiner, 1986) and effort (Weiner, 1986) as well as feelings of self-esteem (Kovecses, 1986, 1990; Rosenberg, 1979; Stipek, 1983), agency, and competence (Lawler, 1992; Lutkenhaus, et al, 1987) , although the nature of those connections was not examined in detail. 90 Previous research has indicated that by the age o f seven to eight years children wi l l relate pride to moral actions (Shorr & McClelland, 1998; Thompson, 1987). In support of these findings, the conception acting ethically identified a range of positive ethical behaviours that the children associated with pride. In addition, some of the examples provided by participants confirmed Dupont's (1994) finding that children were more kind and generous when they felt proud. Besides confirming previous findings, the number of conceptions identified by this study extends theory and research on pride in children, with implications for definitions as well as the territory to be explored. A n examination of the eight conceptions reveals shortcomings in many definitions that emphasize action and achievement while neglecting other aspects o f pride. Since definitions describe the boundaries of an emotion, pride theorists might benefit from considering the full spectrum of conceptions when formulating definitions and models of pride. O f the many definitions advanced by theorists and researchers only Zammuner's (1996) appears to be broad enough to encompass all aspects of pride emerging from the eight conceptions: "We feel proud (rather than simply happy) i f we achieve something, or possess an 'object' (attribute, person, etc.), that, subjectively or objectively, is rare or uncommon, and valued" (p. 234). The number of conceptions that the children were able to appreciate and communicate is broader than suggested by previous theorists and researchers. B y identifying eight conceptions, this study highlights the limited arena explored by previous research which, in the case of children, has limited its purvey to the two conceptions of pride through achievement and ethical action. The conception of acting independently and the entire category of having 91 conceptions has been virtually ignored. The conceptions o f pride found in this study suggest what might have been overlooked by previous researchers who excluded evidence that fell outside of their own predetermined conceptions and definitions (e.g., Griffin, 1995; Harris et al, 1987; Harter & Whitesell, 1989; Seider et al., 1988; Stipek & McClint ic , 1989). Some o f these researchers emphasized pride in achievement (Griffin, 1995; Harris et al, 1987; Harter & Whitesell, 1989; Stipek & McClintic, 1989) arid excluded cases of pride by possession (e.g., a child whose description of getting a new bicycle was deemed to be an unacceptable exemplar of pride). Seidner et al., (1988) also discarded possible descriptions of pride by association and belonging or possessing (e.g., feeling proud when an uncle was married or a grandmother gave the child a new dress), determining instead that the children's understanding o f pride was weak. It appears that these researchers limited their results by excluding rather than attending to variations in the data, a potential problem noted previously by Marton (1984). Kovecses (1986, 1990) developed five conceptions of pride 8 after examining a range of adult literary sources; although his final conceptions are quite different from the ones in this study, he proposed seven causes of pride that are similar in breadth and content and therefore worthy of some discussion. His categories differ in four distinct ways: a) he termed them causes rather than conceptions of pride; b) he identified one category that was subsumed under a broader conception; c) he perceived three distinct categories that were characterized as a single conception in this study; and d) he did not identify four of the conceptions 8 His five conceptions of pride included: an immediate response akin to joy or satisfaction; self-esteem; an object, akin to dignity; a container, as in being filled with pride; and an imbalance like conceit or vanity. Since he was not a phenomenographer, he approached his material in a somewhat different manner and his final conceptions were comprised of broad representations of pride as a metaphor, feeling, or mental state. 92 uncovered in this study. Kovecses identified seven distinct causes of pride: achievements; possessions; belonging to a group; appearances; physical or mental capabilities, skills, or properties; moral qualities; and social position, status, or class. Although he categorized them as causes, many sound similar to this study's eight conceptions. Kovecses deemed experiential or circumstantial precursors of pride to be its causes. However, in order for pride to emerge, an individual must have an underlying representation or conception of the experience or condition that encompasses valuing, personal ownership, and some form of appraisal before a state of prideful feeling results. It is this contextual field that comprises a conception in the current study, as distinct from Kovecses' parameters. Kovecses' version of pride in belonging to a group was subsumed under the conception of pride by association. Although pride by association contained Kovecses' version o f unearned membership in a group it was a broader conceptualization and included children being proud of individuals as well as of groups that they did not belong to. Typically, when the children spoke of feeling pride in a group environment (e.g., member of a team, member of a family), they were an active, participating member of the group. In most cases, the pride seemed to emerge from belonging (being valued by others), achieving (earning membership in a group), or social status (holding a valued position). In the case of pride by association, the children typically did not belong to the group but felt a close identification with it. In these cases, they felt proud of or for the group in the same way that they would feel proud of or for a sibling or close friend. There were few examples of children feeling proud for their unearned membership in a group. These examples included several children 93 feeling proud that they were in Canada. Although the children didn't speak of being proud o f themselves because they were Canadian per se, the sentiment was implied (e.g., Paul in Grade 7 said, "I felt proud that, that I'm in Canada and that I'm in a good place (mm hmm) and that I have a roof around me (mmmm) and I have all these things."). The participants did not provide examples of pride in a racial group, except when the pride emerged from the social status that was earned when a group overcame the bonds o f slavery. Kovecses' three categories of: appearances, physical or mental capabilities, and moral qualities, skills or properties were characterized as a single conception (having a desired attribute or ability) in the present study. The children described the attributes and abilities as i f they were objects that they could feel pride in having, as distinct from doing. One could feel proud of his or her strength, for example, without having to demonstrate it. Once the personal attribute or ability was enacted, it became a distinct category of achieving or acting ethically. Finally, four conceptions did not appear in Kovecses' list of causes: acting ethically. acting independently, pride by association, and belonging (in the sense of being valued by another) were unique to this study. Even though Kovecses' pride in group membership is contained within pride by association, it is a relatively minor aspect of a much larger conception. Some of the study's results did not support previous research. A l l eight conceptions were represented at all age levels, a finding that does not support the view that conceptions are discarded as children grow older (Carey, 1985). This finding is more in alignment with Pramling (1983) who concluded that some conceptions may be retained for specific 94 circumstances. In addition, results did not reveal any developmental or gender differences in conceptions of pride. Other researchers have found differences in frequency, intensity, and display of pride across genders (e.g., Alessandri & Lewis, 1993, 1996; Reissland & Harris, 1991; Stipek & Gralinski, 1991); however, the current study did not set out to specifically examine those areas o f distinction. Implications for Practice The eight conceptions hold some potential implications for parents, teachers, and counsellors to cultivate pride both directly and indirectly, enhance self-esteem, and begin to explore career development. There are eight obvious avenues to cultivate pride: 1) emphasize achievements; 2) reinforce ethical actions; 3) develop independence and confidence to act independently; 4) help children to become aware of the people, objects, and experiences that they value; 5) help children to develop a sense of their personal attributes and abilities; 6) help children to appreciate the enhanced status that can come with standing out from others for any number of accomplishments or attributes; 7) cultivate an environment where children feel valued and belong; and 8) help children to reflect on how feeling proud of or for another can help to boost and encourage both them and the other. Knowing pride's connection to values, adults may emphasize pride and provide recognition for prideful situations. On a simplistic level this could be accomplished by using the phrases, "I'm proud of you for..." or "You can feel proud of yourself for...." A t a more advanced level, the children could begin to talk about what is important to them, what they value across both doing and having dimensions, and could examine the things they 'stand out' for (both qualities and achievements) as they begin to make self-evaluations. Next, they could 95 learn how to encourage and support each other in moving toward prideful opportunities, experiences, and outcomes. Finally, pride's links to the phases of action leading to achievement (goal setting, effort, care and attention, persistence, and evaluation) hold some further potential for psychoeducational intervention. When the richness of this form of education is compared to self-esteem building programs that tend to emphasize self-awareness and positive self-feelings rather than self-competence and social effectiveness,9 pride may prove to be a more fruitful avenue for proactive intervention. Self-esteem programs might help children become aware of the good things in their lives, their inherent worth as an individual, in an attempt to make them feel better about themselves; however, a program that emphasizes pride could help to operationalize what is needed to change actions and improve self-affects. The social context underlying pride wil l help to ensure that what children value is appropriate from a societal perspective and that their comparative standards are suitable (neither too high nor too low). Finally, pride could also help set directions for future work and careers, and may be an important area for career specialists to examine. Children's developing interests and experiences may reflect both their strengths and their values. Early successes and self-evaluations may pave the way for future career and life paths. Implications for Future Research This study has demonstrated that children can be valuable participants in descriptive 9 There are a few exceptions to the predominant emphasis on feeling good as a path to self-esteem. Examples of more comprehensive theories and programs that emphasize the dual aspects o f competence and worthiness are provided by Mruk (1995). Unfortunately, as the author points out, even these more clearly articulated programs have not provided substantive evidence for their effectiveness. 96 research and suggests some avenues for future studies. The richness of the children's narratives suggest that phenomenography may be an appropriate methodology for exploring and perhaps expanding emotion theory, or at least confirming or disconfirming some models and definitions. For example, phenomenography could help to clarify and distinguish differences between guilt and shame where previous researchers have assumed or found no differences between the two when studying children (e.g., Graham, 1988; Shorr & McClelland, 1998). Some obvious avenues for future research could include replication o f these findings with other populations to determine i f they are durable across ages, genders and populations. Having successfully elicited descriptions from participants as young as Grade 2, it might prove possible to replicate the study with even younger children. Although narratives may not be as rich, younger children should be able to articulate their experience in the form of stories about themselves, others, or children depicted in drawings and photographs. Additionally, the manner in which pride is socialized at different ages could be examined in more detail (i.e., how do children learn about pride?). In order to study children's conceptual acquisition a measure of pride could be developed based on the eight conceptions. Cross-cultural studies of social acquisition could also be conducted. A s suggested earlier, programs for pride development could be implemented in schools and could subsequently be examined through pre and post testing to determine changes in children (e.g., academic or social performance, motivation to achieve, task persistence, care in work, self-esteem, self-confidence and personal agency). Pride's links to future job and career possibilities could also be explored. I f post hoc studies reveal that 97 adults' later career choices have close links to early pride experiences, there could be important implications for the role of parents and educators in helping to encourage and develop children's caree'rs from an early age. Kashani, Suarez, Jones and Reid (1999) attempted to find distinguishing factors between depression and anxiety and discovered that children's reduced pride in their families was linked to depression. With its links to self-esteem, positive cognitive appraisals, and motivation, further connections may be found between pride and depression. Pride may even prove to be a moderating or protective factor in the emergence o f depression. Reflections on the Significance of Pride The significance of pride is apparent when one examines the range of examples provided by children in this study. Pride emerged in all aspects of these children's lives, at home, at school and in the greater community; with family, with friends, and with unspecified audiences. The children demonstrated that they associate pride with achieving, with acting ethically, and with acting independently. In addition, they valued possessions, personal traits, relationships, status, and the prideful experiences of others they identify and empathize with. One can begin to see how pride helps a society to transmit its values to its children. Pride offers a potent source of personal and social change in children's lives. Children in this study talked often about prideful events and experiences that changed their lives in meaningful ways. Pride opened up new possibilities by increasing self-esteem, self-confidence and personal agency, and made them more positive towards themselves and more affiliative with others. Pride motivated and encouraged the children to work hard and persist with care and attention in order to improve and achieve. Once a child begins to feel prideful, it seems as 98 i f pride becomes self-perpetuating; obtaining a valued outcome generates pride which engenders a combination of positive feelings, thoughts and action tendencies that in turn heighten motivation to continue toward further prideful experiences. This motivational cycle is most evident in the doing category of conceptions where one achievement can be seen to beget others. A n example of this may be seen in Rob's narrative: Rob: Uhm well if you uhm if you decide that you want to become a doctor and you do some medical achievement, you've discovered a new medicine (mmm hm), it'd make you want to do more of that type of stuff and think like "Oh yeah and from now I'm going to start becoming like a world famous doctor and all that." (7) In this study, pride emerges as a lived emotion, an emotion with a social context. Pride was often described as emerging from several conceptual categories at the same time (or at least in rapid succession). It seems that one conception may stimulate an initial feeling of pride, while another conception may heighten or extend the feeling. For example, a child could know that he or she is doing good quality work and feel proud while working at school. A classmate could need help with the work and the teacher could ask the first child to assist the classmate. The child may then feel proud for a) the good work (achieving - producing), b) the personal ability to do the work (having a desired attribute or ability), c) the act of helping a classmate (acting ethically), and d) the special status he or she has as a top student and assistant in the class (having special status). Pride presents itself most potently - across every participant in this study - as resulting from achievements. Children in this study valued achievements and when they achieved they felt proud. For a person to feel pride through action, he or she must perform an action that is valued by self and society. A s exemplified through the doing category of conceptions 9 9 (achieving, acting ethically and acting independently), pride emerges as a character-enhancing emotion. In addition, pride represented in the having category of conceptions - particularly in belonging, having social status, and pride by association - motivates children toward social acceptance and integration. When these elements from both doing and having conceptions are combined, it could be argued that pride has clear links to what might be termed productive citizenship or positive membership in a society. The remaining two having conceptions, having a desired attribute or ability and possessing, could motivate children toward similar ends i f children work to earn the things that they possess and strive for socially acceptable attributes; however, as with several other conceptual domains (e.g., achieving, having social status), they could also detract from productive citizenship i f the children become overly self-centered, self-serving and nonempathic towards others. Other conceptions of pride work to offset this propensity to self-enhancement (e.g., acting ethically, pride by association), while display rules can also help to ward off hubris and self-centeredness. Although pride is clearly an emotion of the self it does not necessarily encourage self-centeredness. Personal Reflections on the Research I came to this research as a clinician. I wanted to know more about what it is that helps children to do well in life, to be resilient, and to develop into productive adults. A s an elementary school counsellor, I saw some children succeed academically, socially, and personally while others struggled and faltered at every step. Some children persisted and did well in spite of difficulties and setbacks, while others seemed overwhelmed by their lives. Some made a positive contribution to their classrooms and social environments, even supporting and buoying their peers toward success. Others detracted from the progress of 100 their peers; it was as i f they had given up and were determined to keep others from advancing. It seemed to me i f I could know more about the things that helped children to progress and do well, that helped them to be productive citizens, I might be able to help more children join that group. M u c h of the research in the mental health and counselling fields has emphasized failure, in essence what makes children go wrong. I wanted to know what made children go right, do right and be alright. While counselling children, much of my work centered on their emotional lives, the way that their experiences affected them. With its connections to achievement and personal well-being, pride seemed to be an emotion that offered potential for learning more about social and personal success. -Conducting this research proved to be both valuable and rewarding. I found that there was value in engaging the children in their strengths. Additionally, the eight conceptions -combined with the children's general commentaries - provided me with material for future interventions. Counsellors often engage children in their weakness; this research demonstrated to me that children can be engaged in their strengths. B y meeting them in their strengths, I found the children open and willing to talk about themselves. N o matter what difficulties they may have been experiencing at home or in school, all of them were able to tell me about prized moments in their lives. Some recounted numerous positive moments while others struggled to find only a few, but all of the children spoke with assurance and seemed to be uplifted as they remembered their own rewarding experiences. A s an observer, I felt as i f I had tapped into a spark within each of them. Although the spark may have been fitful in some cases, I saw the potential for each to become a fire. B y using a phenomenographic approach, I was able to connect to the lives of the child 101 participants in a meaningful way. As I listened to the stories shared by these young adults-in-the-making, I was heartened to find that their emerging values included both achievement- and affiliation-related concerns. Family scenarios figured prominently in their examples, as did peer relationships. Few of the children talked about collections of baseball cards and higher levels of Nintendo as their significant prideful remembrances. Most of them emphasized personal and societal standards o f behaviour and success and many offered examples o f positive social action and concern (e.g., helping a classmate, intervening to halt bullying). Even their stories of achievements were often tempered with concern for others. Their stories revealed a depth of character, courage, and concern far beyond what I anticipated. I was pleasantly surprised by the children's ability to reflect on the significance of pride in their lives. Although not a key focus of this research, their descriptions o f pride's significance were suggestive of what they understood of its power to bring about positive change, not only for the moment but into the future. The participant's combined wisdom, understanding, and natural grace reaffirmed my belief in children as rich and reliable sources of data, as holders of valuable and worthwhile perspectives and knowledge, and as individuals who deserve the respect of professionals. As a clinician assessing and treating children, this confirmation was vital. The eight conceptions and the participants' commentaries will help to provide a framework for me to intervene with children. I can envision using them as a basis for building a positive classroom environment both academically and socially. I can foresee using them when working with children and their families to proactively strengthen individuals and relationships. The conceptions may also prove useful when intervening with other clinical 102 conditions. For example, I have worked with depressed children who were so focussed on their shortcomings and failures they were unable to think of any strengths and successes in their lives. These were often children who had misplaced their hope. The eight conceptions wil l help to provide a framework for working with them and their parents to uncover self-affirming and -validating aspects of their lives, to help them begin to reflect on and view their experiences in a new light. Many children who are struggling with mental health problems have low self-esteem and often have associated learning and social problems. Although other domains wil l still require remediation and therapy, the eight conceptions could prove to be a useful springboard to building intra-personal and inter-personal strengths. As a human being engaged in research, I will remember these children. I met them in their classrooms, sat and spoke with them individually, then listened to their audio-taped interviews and reviewed their transcripts in great detail. Even some of the side conversations proved enlightening. One of the boys spoke about his spirituality, his understanding o f his religion. His observations and insights were reminiscent of the eloquent reflections of children interviewed for Pulitzer Prize winning author and researcher Robert Coles' 1990 book "The Spiritual Life of Children." A budding young Grade 2 writer shared her wonderful book of poems with me but more importantly shared her enthusiasm for her writing. Another boy shared his tale of being shot accidentally by his uncle while on a hunting trip. His courage was revealed by the way he dealt with the situation and subsequent hospitalization, surgery and recovery. Paul: The most important thing was that I could get through it. Like it's a, it's a bullet (right) and it fe-, e-even though it's like that big (D: Indicates size with fingers and thumb.) it feels that big. And it was re-, it was really good that I 103 could get it out and it was proud of myself that I could do that....I f-f-f, I feel proud that I'm, I've got through that and that I'm, I'm not laying in a hospital bed with my one leg taken off or something like that. (7) Afterward, he proved to have enough of a sense of humour about the event to tease his uncle: Paul: ...like I always razz him about everything about that, right? ( M m hmmm.) Like he'd be like, "Oh, I'm going to come up to the hunt camp this weekend," right? And we'd be like, "Okay. Make sure you don't bring your gun!" (7) Research in the human sciences should connect us with our participants as people and not simply as numbers. After all, we are trying to learn more about humans being, humans living. Phenomenography enabled me to make this kind of connection. When I reflect on the study months after the interviews, I can remember each o f the participants, their faces, their voices, their manner of speaking, the thoughts and experiences that they shared with me. A s I reflect, I recall the story of a university researcher in the human sciences who went to a First Nations Reservation to collect his data. While he was there, he asked the band chief how many people lived on the reservation. "Oh, that question. . ." responded the chief. "I don't know. But I know when somebody's missing. . . and i f you plan to ask me about my horses it's the same answer." L ike that chief, I won't soon forget the children who participated in this study. B y using the phenomenographic approach I know the faces as well as the numbers, the conceptions as well as the children who conceived them. 104 References Aaker, J. L . , & Williams, P. (1998). Empathy versus pride: The influence o f emotional appeals across cultures. 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Effective interviewing of Children: A comprehensive guide for counsellors and human service workers. Philadelphia, P A : Accelerated Development. 118 Appendix C Transcript of a Grade 2 Interview I: N o w I'm interested in finding out about the feeling of pride and what it's like for children to feel proud. Have you ever felt proud? Ellen: Uhh I felt proud when uhh I did five pages of my science book about ducks. I: Okay. When you, what I'd like you to do, 'cause I want you to tell me different stories about what it's like for you to feel proud. (Uhh) Can you, I'd like you to think about that specific time and think about what led up to it, what happened and how it all turned out, and tell it just like a story. (Uhm) Okay, so can you tell me about that time? Ellen: Uhh . . . . (4 seconds) when I, like one time I was still on my, on my, on my tricycle (mmm hm) and then I saw my friend on a two wheeler. Then my dad came and said "I think you're too big for a, for a tricycle now." (Mmm hm.) Uhh so then he was teaching me to ride a two wheeler. (Uh huh.) I was wearing my knee pads and my elbow pads (okay) and my helmet. I felt a little scared. And one day uhh I wa-, I learned, I like, I rode, like I... I: Then one... (I was...) day you were able to do it. (Yeah.) Were...when...and that day when you were able to do it, where did you ride? Ellen: I was ri-riding near my house. I: Okay. And when did you start feeling proud that time? Ellen: When, when I saw myself riding around. I: And what were you doing when you were feeling proud? H o w were you acting? Ellen: I felt happy. (Mmm hm.) Mmm I felt proud. (Mmm hm) And uhh that's all. I: Okay. I f I was watching you would I be able to tell that you were proud? (Ellen: Nods to indicate "Yes.") Ellen: Uhh you'd see me smiling, you'd see me riding my bike (uh huh) uhh...you'd see me happy. I: Okay. N o w what were you saying to yourself inside your head when you were feeling proud? 1 1 9 Ellen: Uhm "Wow I'm really riding my bike now!" I: Y o u were surprised at yourself and proud of yourself. And what did you want to do when you were feeling proud? Ellen: I wanted to ride some more. I: Yeah. Thank you. What's the most important thing in that story about feeling proud? Ellen: Uhm (5 seconds) I don't know (mmm hm). I: There may not be a most important thing. Sometimes there's one thing that seems more important. That's okay. What would have to happen that time for you to feel less proud? Ellen: If I wasn't proud at that time then that would make me,...Something that would make me sad at that time? I: Well , something that would happen or be different and you would feel less proud. Y o u might still feel proud, but not so proud. Ellen: Uhh if I fell down. I: Okay. So i f you rode and then fell down. What, what would happen that time uhm what would have made you feel even more proud that time? Ellen: More proud? If I almost fell down. I: Oh uhm uhh what I'm thinking about is the time that you were riding your bike and then you were able to do it on your own and you were feeling proud. What would happen that would make you feel even more proud than you felt? Ellen: Uhm . . . if I rode my bike really, really fast (mmm hm) and I came, I won't be like, I won't be afraid if I'd fall down. I: Okay. Great. Thank you. And after that was anything different for you? Ellen: Uhh . . . uhh . . (5 seconds) I think I need a teeshoe [tissue]. 120 I: A tissue? Okay. Let's see i f we can find one for you. Hopefully, outside we can get one for you. (I: locates tissue outside room.) And I'll put some extra tissues right over here (okay) in case we need some more. Okay. Thank you very much. N o w you told me uhh about, something about finishing some work books in your class and you felt proud . . . five. (Like what...) Can you tell me about what led up to it, tell me a whole story about how, what happened and how it turned out? Ellen: Uhm my teacher said that our new topic in science is ducks (uh huh). And on the weekend I, I did a lot of work about ducks (mmm hm). And then when I came back to school I told my teacher that I did Ave pages of ducks and then she felt really uhh really amazed and I felt proud. Then she told the whole class (mm hmm) I felt even more proud. I: Great. When did you first start feeling proud? Ellen: Uhh when I was doing my work and, and, and I figured out that I, I was almost going to finish five pages. I: Right. Wow. And then when you went to school your teacher saw your work and then you felt... Ellen: Uhh even more proud. I: Yeah. Okay. What were you thinking about when you were feeling proud? What were you saying to yourself inside your head? Ellen: Nothing. I: M m m okay (I: laughs). And when you were feeling proud what did you want to do? Ellen: (5 seconds) I felt like I can do ten pages more. I: Yeah. And what would make you feel even more proud that time? Ellen: (10 seconds) I don't know. I: Okay. And what's the most important thing in that story about feeling proud? Ellen: (5 seconds) That I was happy. I: Okay. Thank you. Y o u told me two stories now about feeling proud. One that was uhh at school with your and your work that you did at, for school. And the other time was with your bike. Is there another time when you felt proud? 121 Ellen: . . . . mmm mmm (20 seconds) I can't remember any more. I: That's fine. Sometimes children tell stories about things at school, sometimes about home, sometimes about things they do with their friends or with their family. And i f you think of, i f you think of another situation, then you can tell me. (Okay.) Okay. Have you ever seen someone else who felt proud? Ellen: Uhm (11 seconds) one student in the classroom. She did, she brought more books, she brought, she was the first one to bring more books on energy (mmm hm) and she felt proud. I: Okay. And what did you think it was like for her to feel proud? Ellen: (7 seconds) She, she would be happy (mmm hm) and (5 seconds) and, and . . . . mmm (7 seconds) feel very proud. I: And how did she look? Ellen: She was smiling (mmm hm), her face looked happy. (Mmm hm.) I: What were you doing while this was happening? Ellen: Uhh . . . . (4 seconds) I was just looking how her face looked like (mmm hm). I: And how did you feel? Ellen: . . . . (4 seconds) I felt like I, like I wanted to bring some more books on energy. I: So you felt encouraged to bring books as well. Ellen: (6 seconds) Yeah and . . that's all. I: Okay. Thank you (I: laughs). Is there a different time when you saw somebody else who felt proud? Ellen: Mmm (5 seconds) when I saw my little sister starting to walk. (Mmm hm.) I: Tell me what you saw. Ellen: Maybe she felt proud. I: Okay. Can you tell me about what happened? 122 Ellen: She took her first step and then another. (Mrnmrn hm.) She started to walk. I: And what do you think it was like for her? Ellen: Mmm . . . . (4 seconds) excited, (mmm hm) . . . (3 seconds) surprised, (mmm hm) happy (mmm hm) (5 seconds). That's all. I: Okay. And what were you doing while this was happening? Ellen: Uhh. . . I was surprised that she would, she, she learned how to walk (mmm hm) and, and (7 seconds) and happy. I: Okay. N o w you told me two stories about seeing somebody else uhh who felt proud. Is there a different time when you saw someone else feel proud? Ellen: Mmm no. I: Okay. What I'd like to do is to show you some photographs of children who feel proud. (Okay.) And then I'd like you to think about what, what happened before, what's happening now and how it all turns out, and tell me a story about how they're feeling proud. Ellen: Maybe he feels happy because he can carry those two bottles. I: Okay. What about carrying the bottles leads to him feeling proud? Ellen: Maybe he thinks that he's strong now. I: Okay. And what might he be saying in his head? Ellen: "Wow, I'm strong!" I: Okay. And when he's feeling proud what might he want to do? Ellen: Maybe he might lift more bottles up. I: Okay. What would make him feel even more proud? Ellen: (5 seconds) If he can lift (6 seconds) a lot more up. I: Okay. And what might make him feel not so proud? Ellen: If he can, if he only lift up one. 123 I: Okay. And what's the most important thing in this story? Ellen: That he was proud. I: Okay. This boy is feeling proud. Ellen: Mmm (5 seconds) maybe he feels proud because he knows how to feed the puppies now. I: Okay. What led up to him knowing how to feed the puppies? Ellen: (Ellen: Coughs.) Mmm I don't understand. I: Okay. I'll say that differently. What happened before he learned how to feed the puppies? Ellen: Maybe he felt scared. I: Scared of...? Ellen: Scared of, of feeding the puppies. I: Okay. And how about now? Ellen: (6 seconds). I: H o w does he feel now about the puppies? Ellen: He feels happy. I: And what might he be thinking when he's feeling proud? Ellen: I don't know (mmm hm). I: What might he be wanting to do? Ellen: Wanting to feed the big one over there. I: Okay. What might make him feel even more proud? Ellen: Feeding a whole family of puppies (mmm hm). I: And what might make him feel less proud? 124 Ellen: If he can only feed one puppy. I: Okay. Does anybody know that he's doing this? Ellen: I don't understand. I: Well , would he still feel proud i f no one else knew that he was doing this? Ellen: Maybe not. I: Y o u said maybe not. Can you explain what you mean? Ellen: Like sometimes I, like sometimes when I feel proud (mmm hm) I want to let every people know that I'm proud. I: Okay. But it seems like you feel proud even before you told somebody, right? Ellen: Mmm. Mmm yeah. I: Okay. That's important. Thank you. N o w uhh we're almost at lunch time. I still have a few more pictures to show you, but I think we'll take a break for lunch and then come back. Ellen: Okay. [ 1 H O U R B R E A K F O R L U N C H ] I: These girls are feeling proud. Ellen: mmm (15 seconds) Maybe they feel proud because they're on a show or something. I: Okay. Arid what about that is leading them to feel proud? Ellen: I don't under-... I: What about the show is making them feel proud? Ellen: Uhm because lots of people are going to watch them (mmm hm) and (6 seconds) and they might be famous. I: They might be famous. What might make them feel even more proud? 125 Ellen: If they're on a real stage and hundreds of, and trillion of people came to see them. I: M m hmm, came to see them. And what would lead to them feeling less proud? Ellen: Uhh only, if only two people came to see them. I: Okay hmm. What's the most important part of this story? Ellen: That they feel happy. (Okay.) How come she's wearing the crown? I: I'm not sure (I: laughs). Okay. These children are feeling proud. Ellen: Mmm maybe they're proud because they made these puppets. I: Okay. Can you tell me about them making them? Ellen: Mmm maybe they had fun. And maybe it was hard. I: Okay. Would they still feel proud i f it wasn't hard? Ellen: Uhm. I: If it was, would they still feel proud i f it was easy? Ellen: Uhh I think so. I: And what might make them feel even more proud? Ellen: If they made more puppets. I: Okay. And less proud? Ellen: If they only made one. I: What's the most important thing in this story? Ellen: Mmm 'cause they were . . . they had fun. I: When they feel proud what do they want to do? Ellen: Maybe they'd feel like they'd want to sell puppets and get lots of money. 126 I: Okay. Turn it into a little business. These children here are feeling proud. Ellen: (6 seconds) Maybe they're in a concert (mmm hm). I: What led up to them being in the concert? H o w did they get to the concert? Ellen: Maybe because they learned how to play the violin very well. I: Okay. And how does this story end? Ellen: Maybe the story might end when . . . uhh . . . very, very happy. I: Okay. When these children are playing their violin how are they feeling? Ellen: She's smiling so she's happy. I: Okay. And what might make them feel more proud? Ellen: If they might play another instrument. I: Okay. And what might lead to them feeling less proud? Ellen: If they can play nothing. I: And what's the most important part of this story about feeling proud? Ellen: I don't know. I: Okay. (Hmm.) What do you think they feel like doing when they're feeling proud? Ellen: I don't know (6 seconds). Maybe play some more. I: Okay. Turn it over now [referring to the picture]. This boy is feeling proud. Ellen: . . . . (4 seconds) I don't know what she, what she's putting on and I don't know (Okay, that's fine.) what this here is. [Ellen: References the picture.] I: I have some different ones. Y o u see these children here, one of them is diving into the water (mmm) he's feeling proud. Ellen: Hmmm maybe he thinks proud because uhh maybe "cause that was his first time for diving. (Mmm hm.) 127 I: And how does this story turn out? Ellen: Happy. I: Okay. What had, might he be thinking in his head when he's feeling proud? Ellen: "Wow I'm really diving." I: Alright, okay. And what might he want to do when he's feeling proud? Ellen: Uhh dive some more. (Okay.) I: What's the most important thing in this story? Ellen: That he had learned how to dive. I: What did it, what did it take for him to learn how to dive? Ellen: Maybe he had to swim a lot. (Mmm hm.) I: If he was able to dive easily would he still feel proud? Ellen: I don't know. I: What I'm a, what I mean is i f it didn't take him a long time to, to learn, i f he just went and quickly learned would he still feel proud? Ellen: Uhh well not really, really proud. I: What would make him feel really really proud? Ellen: If it was his first time (mmm hm). I: Okay. And what might make him feel less proud? Ellen: If he didn't know how to dive. I: Okay. This child here is feeling proud. Ellen: uhm (18 seconds) maybe it's his, maybe it's his, it's his first time for shooting the arrow. I: Okay. And how d-, how, what happens when he shoots the arrow? 128 Ellen: He might get into the centre over there. I: And what about that would lead him to feel proud? Ellen: I don't know. I: Okay. That's fine. What would make him feel more proud? Ellen: If he was really good at it. (Mmm hm.) I: And what would make him feel less proud? Ellen: If he wasn't really good at it. I: N o w what might he be thinking when he's feeling proud? Ellen: (9 seconds) uhh I don't know. I: What might he want to do when he feels proud? Ellen: He might want to shoot more. I: Okay. And what's the most important thing in this story? Ellen: (6 seconds) I don't know. I: Okay. With this picture these children are feeling proud. Ellen: (5 seconds) I don't know what they're doing. I: Okay. That's fine. These children here are feeling proud. Ellen: (10 seconds) I don't know what they're doing here. I: They're just standing and saluting. Ellen: What does saluting mean? I: It means you put your hands up to your, or your hand up to your forehead. In the ar-, in the army people salute. Okay, I showed you a number o f pictures and also you told me some stories: four about yourself feeling proud, and other people. What do you think has to happen for a person to feel proud? 129 Ellen: Uhm they have to (5 seconds) do something really good (mmm hm), be excited (mmm hm), be happy (mmm hm), surprised (yeah). I: Does anything else (uhh) have to happen for a person to feel proud? Ellen: Nothing I can think of. I: Okay (I: laughs). Thank you. If you wanted to feel proud more often what would you have to do? Ellen: I'd have to be happy (mm hmm) and do something good. (Mmm hm.) I: Can you give me an example? Ellen: Like if I, like if I, I, I skipped, if it was my first time I did criss-cross skipping (mmm hm) uhh I'd feel proud. I: Okay. Great. Are there any other feelings that are close to feeling proud? Ellen: Uhh excited (4 seconds) maybe surprised (mmm hm). Happy. I: What's different between happy and proud? Ellen: Uhh proud is when you do something good and you feel good about it (mmm hm). And happy is when like if, if you're going to Wonder World and you'd feel happy, (mmm hm) something excited (mmm hm). Something ex-, exciting might make you feel happy (mmm hm). Uhh (But you...) that's all. I: Y o u wouldn't necessarily feel proud going to some, to do something exciting. (Ellen: Shakes head to indicate agreement.) Okay. What's the opposite o f feeling proud? Ellen: The opposite is being, feeling not proud. I: Is there anything else you can tell me about feeling proud? Ellen: Nothing else I can think of. 130 Appendix D Transcript of a Grade 4 Interview I: Okay. So why I 'm interested in finding about the feeling of pride and what it's like for children to feel, ahh to feel proud. Have you every felt proud? (Yes.) Okay. What I 'd like you to do is to tell me about some times when you have felt proud so I can learn more, just like telling stories. (Okay.) Ummm. So first of all I 'd like you to think about a time when you felt proud and then think about what led up to it, what happened, and how it all turned out. And then tell it like a story. Vera: Humm (6 seconds). Well once I was at the C . N . E . [Canadian National Exhibition] playing and umm I was playing this game where we had to knock down like bowling balls (okay) and there were little dolls. And I knocked down all six (um hmmm) and my mom was jumping up and down and, yeah like that. And then another time I was... I: Mmmm, that time there with the (yeah) when you said you were at the, at the C . N . E . grounds (yes), ummm you said that you were jumping, your mom was jumping up and down. (She was...) What were you doing? Vera: I was ummm...I got to pick out another...umm I got to pick out a toy (mm-hmm) in this box; they had a lot of stuff in a box and ummm I got to take home a lot of stuff. I: Okay. N o w when you were doing that ummm and you said you were feeling proud, what were you thinking about? Vera: Mmmm. Well I like when I feel proud because my mom is proud for me too. I: Okay. Your mom was there and were you thinking about your mom? (Mmmm. [Yes]) And she was proud. D i d she say anything to you? Vera: She said, "Well done." I: Yeah. She was recognizing about what you did. Was that the first time that you, that you had tried that? (Yes.) And the first time you got all six. (Yeah.) Wow. (Was five.) It was five. (Yeah.) Okay. A l l right, all right. Okay. Umm. And that time when you were feeling proud, what did you feel like doing? Vera: Well, I wanted to play again but then my cousins were there too and they got to try again because they all had a tie. (Yeah.) It was five knocked down so they're were keep on playing. So I let them try. 131 I. So you let them keep trying. But you felt like you wanted, you wanted to do it again. [Nods yes.] Okay. What's the most important part of that story? Vera: The most impor-portant part for me was like ummm well like I thought I was not going to win. (Yeah.) But then I, it just turned out that I did win. I: Okay. So the most important part was when you were...when you didn't think you were going to win and then you did win. Uhh...how were you feeling when you won and you didn't expect it? Vera: I was happy. I: Okay. Were you surprised? Vera: Yeah. I: Okay. What would have to happen that time for you to feel more proud? Vera: Ummm I don't know. I: Can't think of anything? (No.) What... what would have to happen that time for you to feel less proud? Vera: Well, like even if I didn't win I would still feel happy because I got to play and have a chance. I: Uh-huh. Okay. Now, so you'd still feel happy. Would you feel proud? Vera: Yeah. I tried. I: Okay. So you'd be proud because you tried. Okay. N o w you said that your mother was there. Ummm if your mother wasn't there, i f you were just there by yourself... (With just my brother and sister and cousins?) Yeah, then would you have felt proud? Vera: Yes. I: And after doing that, wil l anything be different for you in the future? Vera: No, I don't think so. I: Y o u don't think so. Okay. Y o u said you had another story. (Yeah.) Can you tell me about that? 132 Vera: Well, I didn't really win anything because I went to a tournament at karate (uh-hmmm) for Karate Ontario, with all the other people there; there's like...there's a lot of people. (Okay.) So like we're doing a team. I had my brother and this girl named Hxxxxx. (Uh hmmm.) Well, we were doing a Team Kata and we won fourth place together and my sister won first. I: And your sister won first and you said that time when you won fourth place and you were doing a Team Kata, you were feeling proud. (Yes.) Okay. Can you tell me what you did when you were feeling proud? Vera: I was doing a Kata and I was so nervous and all this stuff. Well, it was my third time so ummm we, we won fourth twice and we were very close to winning third but ummm we still won fourth and my mom was very proud of me and so was my dad. I: So your mom and dad were there. H o w did you know that they were proud of you? Vera: Because when my mom is proud of me she always hugs me. (Okay.) That's what I like. I: (I: laughs.) So you like that feeling when your mom hugs you. Okay. That time when you were feeling proud, what were you thinking about? Vera: I was thinking of if we were winning third place if we were better at that. But it was still proud because I won fourth. I: So you were thinking about that you would have liked to have gotten third place (yeah) but you were still... (proud of being third). O f being third. Okay. What did • you feel like doing that time? Vera: Well, I wanted to do, well I had to do a different one. I had to do individual (yeah) Kata but that wasn't a longer time but then when I, like in team Kata I was proud because it was just fun to get up there and start doing one Kata with other people. I: Okay. And what's the most important part of that story? Vera: The most important part of that is I tried my best and I could have won better but I still won one place. I: Okay. So trying your best was an important part, even i f you didn't get the top. (Yup.) What i f you didn't try your best would you still be - and you won fourth -would you still be proud? (Yes.) Okay. So it's important to win a, a high place too. 133 Vera: Yeah. But there's lots of people trying there. (Yeah. So it's hard.) Yeah. I: Okay. And what would ha-have to happen for you to feel more proud? Vera: Well...like...I don't get that but, ummm... (Ah...to be even more proud.). To be even more proud is if my sister and me were like...like if I was second and my sister was first so we would be very close to each other. I: Okay. So i f you had been closer to your sister then you would have been... Vera: Right, umm, closer. I: Would it be important that you were high up, that you were, for you to be proud? Vera: No it doesn't matter if I am high enough or...it's just that I tried. I: Okay. That you tried and that you were close to your sister. (Yeah.) Is your sister older than you? (Yes.) Okay. So i f you get close to her, uhh what does that mean? Vera: If I get close to her it means that I am, I am working harder and that I am like, like I work with my sister all the time in karate (yeah) so like I am training harder. (With her.) Yeah. I did it some time... I: Okay. So yeah, you said that you have to train hard. (Yeah. To be in the competition.) Okay. I f you didn't train hard to be in the competition would you still feel proud? (Yeah.) Okay. N o w what would have had to happen that time - when you were in that ummm...ah good Kata and got fourth place - what would have to happen for you to feel less proud? Vera: If I didn't train my best and I didn't go to classes. I: Okay. W i l l anything be different for you in the future now that you did that? Vera: Well, I have to go again next year (uh-huh) so I guess it might but 'cause I haven't won any medals yet (yeah) and my sister and brother have but my brothers only have two and my sister has like six. I: Right. So she has won too. Vera: Yeah. She...she does...she trains with her friends because they go to karate too and they're a team (uh-huh) also. And umm they go after school and they practice and on Fridays and Wednesdays we all practice but I can't go on Wednesday because I have to go to dance. 134 I: Okay. So you have other things to do and you can't always practice with them. Vera: Yeah. I: Umm...can you think about another time or a different situation when you felt proud? (No.) Can't think of a different place? (No.) Okay. H o w about i f you think about a situation at school? Can you think about anything at school...? (That made me proud?) Yeah, a time when you were feeling proud? Vera: I don't know. I: Okay. That's fine. Have you ever seen someone else who felt proud? Vera: Well, at karate, this girl Sxxxxxxxx, she won first place for her individual and her mother was jumping up and down on the stalls and she was, she was smiling and all this stuff. I: Okay. So who was proud that time? Vera: Umm Sxxxxxxxx's mother. I: Sxxxxxxxx's mother was proud. Can you tell me about what led up to her feeling proud, exactly what happened, and how it turned out? Vera: Well, it turned out good for her because umm because her mother was proud for her and so was her family (mm hmm) and also that she umm she didn't know that she would win because a lot of people have trained harder than her. I: Okay. So she was, she didn't know that she was going to win because others trained harder. Vera: Yeah. Because we have a different type of karate in our place. (Okay. A different style.) Yeah. I: And ummm since she didn't know and then she did win, how did she feel when she found out? Vera: She was smiling too with her mother. I: Okay. And what do you think she was experiencing? Vera: I don't know. (Vera: laughs) 135 I: H o w was she, what was it like for her? Vera: Well ummm it was good for her I think because, well we saw her mother. She was smiling. She was all red. I: Yeah. Oh, her face went red too? (Yeah.) H o w about her, anything else? Her, her body? Vera: No just her face because she was smiling so much. I: Okay. A n d what were you doing while this was happening? Vera: I was watching them. (Vera: laughs.) I: Yeah. And how were you feeling? Vera: I was feeling proud for Sxxxxxxxx. I: Y o u were feeling proud for her. (Yeah.) Okay. Can you tell me more about how you were feeling proud for her? Vera: Well, because she, she is a higher belt that me and she, she is good and like I think she would have deserved this because she has trained hard, (mm hmmm) very hard. I: So you thought that she deserved it. (Uh-hmmm.) Okay. Can you think of another time or a different time when you saw somebody else who was feeling proud? Vera: My mom for my sister. I: Okay. Can you tell about that? Tell it like a story, what happened before, ummm what led up to it, what happened, and how it turned out? Vera: Well, she's won ummm gold for all of her places in the tournament for (undecipherable), individual, and Team Kata. (Okay.) So for Team Kata, she won gold two times, and in individual she won two times again, and then in (undecipherable) she won once for a gold and one for silver. I: So she won a lot of medals a lot of times. (Vera: nods in agreement.) Okay. And, ummm tell me what it was like for uhhh the person who was feeling proud. 136 Vera: Well, my mom was happy for her a lot (mm hmm) 'cause she won so many medals at the tournament (mm hmm) and it was the last one we were going to have (mm hmm). And she won more in the other tournaments but for the fourth one she won, I think, four. I: Four. Okay. And, umm...What, what was uhhh what was your sister feeling? Vera: She was feeling very happy for herself for training hard at the Dojo. I: Okay. And what were you doing while this was happening? Vera: I was in another place for a tournament. I: Y o u were in a different place. (Yeah, but...) So you weren't there then? Vera: No, but then after when I got out of it, I saw that my sister won cause you can hear it cause they say it on the microphone. I. Okay. And what's the most important part o f that story? Vera: Well, I think that it's good for my sister to be winning so much (mm hmm). She...she even trains at home. I: She trains a lot. (Vera: nods in agreement) So then it's good for her to be winning. (Yeah.) ...If you sister didn't train a lot, umm...would that change anything? (I don't think so.) Y o u don't think so? Okay. Can you think of any other situations when someone else who was feeling proud? Vera: No. I: What I 'd like to do now is to show you some pictures of some children who are feeling proud and I 'd like you to tell me stories about what's happening for them. (Should I like just make it up?) Yeah. This little boy's feeling proud. So tell me a story: what led up to it, what's happening right now, and how it turns out. Vera: What is he carrying? I don't know what he's, like he's smiling (mm hmm) I think he, he got those bottles or something from somewhere (mm hmm). And he...I don't know. I: What might be making him feel proud? Vera: I don't know (Vera: Laughs nervously). 137 I: Can't think about what might be making him proud in that situation? (No.) Okay, that's fine. This boy is feeling proud. Vera: I think he's feeling proud because he has some dogs and the babies have grown and they are drinking...milk or water (mm hmm) and I think he's proud because that ummm his dog had the babies and they are growing stronger. I: Okay. So he's proud of th-the dog having the babies and the fact that they are growing stronger. Okay. What's he thinking about? Vera: Maybe he's thinking about what the dogs will look like when they're older. I: Okay. So he's thinking about them getting bigger. And what might this boy feel like doing? Vera: I don't know? I: Okay. What's the most important part of that story? Vera: Ummm. The dogs have grown a bit bigger than before. I: And what would have to happen for him to feel mm, even more proud? Vera: If the dogs were bigger. I: I f they were even bigger. And what would have to happen for him to feel less proud? Vera: If...the dog didn't have any babies. I: I f the dog didn't have any babies we would feel less proud. D o you, do you think he's going to be different in the future? Vera: Maybe. Because he has so many dogs. (I: Laughs) I: Thank you. These girls are feeling proud. Vera: Maybe because they have accomplished their task to doing a dance in front of people. I: Okay. So they have accomplished their task to do a dance in front of people. What led up to it? Vera: Maybe cause after a lot of people were happy and they were cheering for them. 138 I: Okay. And what do you think they were uhhh thinking about when they were feeling proud? Vera: Maybe they were thinking that if they do another dance they will get lots of turns. I: Okay. So they might have wanted to do another dance to get more turns. (Mm hmmm.) They, and what do you think they, if, ummm is the most important part o f this story? Vera: That they train hard. I: That they train hard. What would have to happen for them to feel even more proud? Vera: Maybe if they, if they actually...ummm if they actually have more people to be clapping for them because they have trained hard for all their work. I: Okay. So i f more people were clapping they would feel more proud. And what would have to happen for them to feel less proud? Vera: If no, no people came to watch them. I: Okay. And do you think anything wil l be different for them after having done this and having felt proud? Vera: Ura. I'm not sure. I: Not sure. Okay. These children are feeling proud. Vera: Okay... well maybe because they make those things, that they're holding. I: Okay. Can you tell me what led up to that, making them? Vera: Well, I think it takes a lot of hard work to finish this. I: Okay. And how did it turn out? Vera: It turned out...they, I think they think that they turned out ummm fun to play with and great to look at and... I: And how might these children be uhhh, ummm.. thinking right now? Vera: Ummm. If they made more or something. 139 I: Okay, so they might feel like making more? (Yeah. Maybe.) And what's the most important part o f this story? Vera: That they created something. I: Okay. Making something themselves? (Yeah.) And what would have to happen for them to feel even more proud? Vera: Maybe if they...did more stuff that they liked to do. I: Okay. Can you give me an example? Vera: Like if they made, if they made another puppet or something. I: Okay. If they made, made another puppet. Sounds like it's something they enjoy doing. (Yup.) Okay. What would have to happen for them to feel less proud? Vera: Well, if they couldn't do anything. I: Can you explain what you mean? Vera: Like if they couldn't do anything because they didn't have the materials to make. I: And what might be different for them in the future after doing this? Vera: They might...! don't get the question. I: Okay (I: Laughs), that's fine (7 seconds). These children here are feeling proud. Tell me a story about that, what led up to it, what's happening now, and how it all turned out. Vera: Well they have been practicing their violins and they're in a concert or symphony and they're playing in the front (mm hmm) and there are a lot of people playing so they might feel proud because they have accomplished these task and all this stuff. I: Good. They feel proud because they accomplished...(many ummm songs and stuff.) Okay. N o w what are they doing when they're feeling proud? Vera: What are they doing? (Yeah, when they're feeling proud.) Probably playing their violins. 140 I: Okay. They keep playing. And what might they be thinking about when they're feeling proud. Vera: Mmmm....I don't know. I: Okay. That's fine. And what would they feel like doing when they're, when they have that feeling o f being proud? (What would they be doing?) What would they feel like doing? Vera: Maybe play more. I: Okay. They might want to play even more. What's the most important part of this story? Vera: Mmm. I don't know. I: Okay. And what would have to happen for them to feel even more proud. Vera: Maybe if they got to play a different instrument or something. I: Okay. I f they had to, had a chance to play a different instrument or learn how? (Yeah.) What would have to happen for them to feel less proud? Vera: Maybe if they couldn't play anymore music. I: Mmmm...Okay. Y o u said that i f they were playing a different instrument they would feel more proud. What about playing a different instrument would make them feel more proud? Vera: Maybe if they got to play two ummm musical instruments and they play it, like if they played the piano or something. I: Okay. And what about playing the piano as well as the violin would make them feel proud? Vera: Maybe if they got to play the violin songs on the piano and they sound the same. I: Okay (8 seconds). This boy is feeling proud. Can you tell me a story about why he's feeling proud? Vera: I think he's feeling proud because he has another badge on him. I: Okay. And what led to him getting that badge. 141 Vera: He worked hard in the army or something. I: M m hmm. So he worked hard (yeah) and then got it. (Yup.) And wha-what's he ah...what might he be thinking about right now? Vera: He might be thinking that what he would be doing in the future like flying a plane... I: Okay. He's thinking about what might be coming up. And what might he feel like doing when he's feeling proud? Vera: I don't know. I: Okay. And what's the most important part of this story about this boy? Vera: The most important thing? ( M m hmmm.) Maybe the most important thing to him is that he, he has done that to get the badge or something to... I: Can you explain what you mean? Vera: Like he ummm he feels proud that he won this. I: M m hmmm. Y o u said that he'd do-, he'd don-, did that. (Yeah.) Wha-wha-what was it that he did to get the badge? Vera: He probably, he probably listened to what he was supposed to do and did what he did. I: Uh-huh. And what would have to happen for him to feel even more proud? Vera: Maybe if he, he got a different badge on him. I: And what would have to happen for him to feel less proud? Vera: If he didn't get a badge for doing his hard work. I: Y o u said that in the future he might be thinking about ummm...he might be thinking about something that, that he is going to do...uhh...like you said flying a plane or something like that. (Yeah.) Ummm. Since he had this experience of earning the badge and feeling proud about it do you think that wil l make him different in the future? (Yeah. I think so.) Can you tell me about that? 142 Vera: I think he might, it might like change his future for him because he was a regular boy before but now he gets to, like with the present army, he can work in the army. I: Okay ( 7 seconds) mmm. Yeah, these children are feeling proud. (I don't know what they're doing.) This is water down here. (Okay.) And this boy is jumping off the edge into the water. (Okay. Are they going swimming in the lake or something?) Yeah, this, they're ah, he's, he's diving right now. And he's feeling proud. Vera: Mm mm I don't know. I: You're not sure. Okay. Look at this picture. This little boy here. He has a bow and arrow. (Yeah.) He's in a wheelchair (okay) and he's feeling proud. Vera: Maybe he's proud because he can do something, and this here (Vera: Indicates target) and he can shoot at it. I: Uh-huh. Can you tell me a bit more about that. Tell it like a story, what happened just before, what's happening now that makes him feel proud, and how it turns out... Vera: Well, he's in a wheelchair and he has something to play with, and he can shoot it at a target (mm hmmm) and see if he can ummm he can get in the centre of it. (Okay.) And...ummm he can play this because he can't do anything else cause he's in a wheelchair. I: N o w what about this makes him feel proud? Vera: Well he gets to do something and he can't do a lot of things. I: So he's proud that it's something that he can do. And what might he be thinking about when he's feeling proud? Vera: Mm mm. I don't know. I: What might he feel like doing? Vera: He might want to figure out something else that he can do. I: A different...different activity? (Yeah.) Can you give me an example? Vera: Like well, he's in a wheelchair so he might be able to fly a kite or something. 143 I: Okay. So he might feel like trying something new or different. Okay. What's the most important part of that story about him feeling proud? Vera: Well, he gets to do something at least. Like other people can do lots of other things, but ummm he can't do all those things so he can do this. I: He can do this. (Yeah.) Even though he can't do other things. (Yup.) What might ahh... what might have to happen for him to feel even more proud? Vera: Mmmm. I don't know. I: Hmm. What would have to happen for him to feel less proud? Vera: If he couldn't do anything...like if he had to stay in hospital. I: Right. He would feel less proud because he couldn't do anything. D o you think he wil l be different in the future now that he's... Vera: Well, if he gets out of the wheelchair he will be able to do all the other things that the other people can do. I: And what i f he stays in the wheelchair but he's, he's done this activity; wi l l anything be different for him in the future? Vera: I don't think so. I: Okay (7 seconds). These people are feeling proud. Think about what might have led up to it, what's happening, and how, how it all turns out and tell it like a story. Vera: Well, maybe they're proud because...like ummm before they start races...mmm like raceses [racism] a-and then like maybe they're proud because nobody's going to do that anymore to them. (Okay.) (Vera: Sighs.) Maybe because they don't like people bugging them and telling them what to do or they will die (mm hmmm). I: And what about that makes them feel proud? Vera: Well the white people don't have to boss them around or anything now. I: Can you explain a bit more about that, about how that makes them feel proud? 144 Vera: It makes them feel proud because that ummm they don't have to do other people's work and they don't get paid for it and stuff like... I: So you're talking about when they were like slaves. (Yeah.) And what might they be thinking about when they are feeling proud? Vera: They might be thinking that they are, they are free to be themselves. I: Okay. And what might they feel like doing? Vera: Well, they might feel like they want to do other things that they couldn't do because they had to work. (Okay ) I: Great. N o w what's the most important part of this story? Vera: Well, the most important part is that...that ummm they don't have to do anything for other people. I: What would have to happen for them to feel even more proud? Vera: If they could do things all around the world ahh... (If they c o u l d . ) do things around the world. (Go into all, all o f the places of the world.) Yeah. That they couldn't go before. I: Okay. What would have to happen for them to feel even less proud? Vera: If they were still being bossed around by the white people. I: Okay. D o you think they're going to be different in the future now that this has happened? (Yeah.) Can you explain? Vera: Well they're going to be different in the future because that before in the past they did-, they didn't do a lot of things but now they can do more things than... I: Great. This is the last picture. Think about what might have led up to this, what's happening, and how it all turns out. Vera: Well, they were probably proud because they get to do ummm like, I don't know what this is (Vera: Laughs) but like umm they look like they are saluting something. (Saluting?) Yeah. To something like they have a real neat flag in the background. I: There's a flag in the background, yeah. 145 Vera: Well, there's only people, like there's six people there. But there's an astronaut in the middle so that doesn't look good (Vera: Laughs). I: (I: Laughs). The astronaut doesn't look good in the picture... Vera: Because all of the other people are wearing other suits and he's in a helmet and stuff. He's not in space. I: Okay. So what might be making him feel proud? (Mmmm...) Why, why might they feel proud? Vera: Maybe because, well I don't know what they are doing. I: M m m m okay. It's hard. Vera: (6 seconds). Well like, like the kids look like they're going to be an astronaut and they're... I: Okay. Can you tell me a story about that, how they might be feeling proud? Vera: They might be feeling proud because they are getting their way up to being an astronaut, like the guy...in the suit... I: And, how is it all going to turn out? Vera: Maybe they'll like being up in space. I: And what uhh...what are they thinking about when they're feeling proud? Vera: Mmmm... (Vera: Shrugs.) I: You're not sure. And what might they feel like doing when they are feeling proud? Vera: Maybe they want to explore space and find out other stuff. I: So go and try, try some new things. Vera: Yeah. I: What's the most important part about this story of feeling proud? Vera: The most important thing? ( M m hmmm.) I don't know, I'm not sure. 146 I: Okay. What would have to happen for them to feel even more proud? Vera: Maybe if they were older they could go in space right now. I: Right now. If they could do it right now. (Vera: Nods in agreement.) And what would have to happen for them to feel less proud? Vera: If they, if they didn't do what they were supposed to and they couldn't become an astronaut. I: Y o u said "didn't do what they were supposed to do." Can you explain that? Vera: Like they could-, ummm they didn't do what they ummm people told them (mm hmmm) and they couldn't, they weren't allowed to be astronauts. I: Okay. So when they do, when they do what people te-, when they don't do what people tell them, then they uhhh they would feel less proud. (Yeah.) When they do what people tell them, would they feel more proud? Vera: Well, I don't think that they would be proud if they did something for them (mm hmmm) because ummm like they might feel that they're not doing what they're supposed to and the person that told them to do it is like telling, like bossing them around. (Right.) I: We talked a lot about uhhh feeling proud today and I 'd just like you to, when you think about all those things, can you answer a few questions for me? What do you think has to happen for a person to feel proud? Vera: Maybe they have to accomplish something...like a task, like if they want to do something they can, like they do what they want to do and they ummm they, like if they were doing a contest and they won they will feel proud because they did that and they won. I: So accomplishing something is important, like winning. (Vera: Nods in agreement.) Is there anything else that has to happen for a person to feel proud? Vera: Maybe they do something they wanted to do and they had fun. I: M m hmmm. And were succes-, so they're doing something they wanted to do, and having fun, and being successful. (Yeah.) Okay. I f you wanted to feel proud more often, what would you have to do? 147 Vera: Well, I could, I could do more things that I would like to do and I would feel more proud of myself if the-, if I finished it. I: Uh-huh. Finishing something is important too. Vera: Like if you want to accomplish something you have to finish it, like a project. I: Ummm can you tell me more about that? (I'm not sure.) Okay. There's something about finishing a project that makes you feel proud. Vera: Like if you finish something and you get a good grade or mark for it and your mom is happy for you then you will feel proud inside. I: Okay, that's great. Thank you. Are there any other feelings that are like feeling proud? Vera: Hap-, being happy (mm hmmm) or if you're ummm if you want to have fun and stuff. I: Okay. And what mi-, what, what might be the opposite of feeling proud? Vera: Ummm being...proud and maybe umm I don't know what the word is but umm like being sad or something (mm hmmm). I. Can you think o f anything else that you can tell me about feeling proud? Vera: I don't think so. 148 Appendix E Transcript of a Grade 7 Interview I: So I've been talking with students in your class uhh and also some grades, and other uhh grade seven classes, about uhh pride and what it's like for young people to feel proud. So have you ever felt proud? (Yeah.) Okay. (Many times.) (I: laughs) Great. What I'd like you to do is to think about a specific time when you felt proud, think about what led up to it, what happened and how it all turned out, and then just tell me like a story. Luke: Okay. Probably when I was little and I was playing T-ball. (Mmm hm.) Like I, first like I didn't really want to play T-ball because like I think I was shy to be around people. I was young and I was kind of afraid to like socialize with people. (Right.) Soon after, my parents just signed me up so I thought "Okay, I'll just give it a try." (Yeah.) Then I was like good at baseball so I liked that. (Mmm hm.) And then our team was made up of pretty good people (yeah) and so we went all the way, we went to the championships. And then it was the last inning of the championship game and I was on I think third base. (Mmm hm.) And someone hit the ball and I came, it was an infield hit so I had to come running hard and then I slid (yeah) and I was called safe, so then we won the championship. So I felt really good about that. I: Excellent. And what happened just at the moment when you started to feel proud? What did you do? Luke: Like after I was called safe? (Yeah.) I don't know, I started like jumping up and down (Luke: laughs) and like hugging teammates, stuff like that. I: Yeah. And you were excited too. Luke: Yeah "cause we got like the big trophy too. (As well.) Yeah. I: Great. N o w that time when you were feeling proud what were you thinking about? Luke: Uhm I was, I don't know, trying to run as fast...when I was feeling proud? (Yeah.) Oh uhm I don't know, I felt like proud of myself "cause I thought I did a good job, and (mmm hm) I felt satisfied with what I've, like did over the year. I: Okay. And, and was there anything that you wanted to do when you were excited and feeling proud? Y o u talked about what you did, which was jumping up and down, is there anything else that you wanted to do, or felt like doing? 1 4 9 Luke: I don't think so. I think I got caught up in the moment, I didn't really (I: laughs) think about anything else. I: You guys were celebrating. (Yeah.) Okay. And uhh what's the most important thing in that story about feeling proud? Luke: The most important thing is probably uhm (5 seconds) uhh oh (7 seconds) like what do you... (Luke: laughs). I: Well, I'm just wondering if there's anything that stands out as being more important than anything else, that, about feeling, about that situation. There may not be anything. Luke: I-I-I don't think so, no. I: Okay. And uhh what would have made you feel even more proud that time? Luke: Probably if I got the hit (Luke: laughs) or something. I don't know uhm maybe if we like, we, we lost a couple of games like in that day. (Mmm hm.) So if we won a few more of those games then I would of felt better, like we had a better chance of winning because it was a pretty close game in the end. (Right.) So I maybe felt like we could of lost but then luckily we won. I: Okay. And what would have led to you feeling not so proud or less proud? Luke: If we lost. (Yeah.) (Luke: laughs) If I was called out. I would of been pretty mad. I: Yeah. And was anything different for you after that? Any-, once you had a chance to do that and felt proud when you won, did anything change for you in the way you acted or felt? Luke: Well, obviously like I socialized with the people 'cause I got to know the people more. Because before I didn't want to, but now I feel like I'm more open with people and my friends and family. (Okay.) So I think it's helped in that way. I: Excellent. Okay. Thanks. Is there another time when you felt proud? Luke: Uhm p-p-probably in grade four when I got straight A's in my report card. (Okay.) Yeah. I felt good about that because I've gotten like B's before and like sometimes my parents feel like, you should be trying like to strive like to get all A's and work harder. So then like I guess that term I just really put all my effort into it and got all A's. 150 I: When you were trying hard. (Yeah.) And when that happened uhh what did, what were you thinking about when you got your report card? Luke: Well, I was feeling pretty proud of myself and I felt that my parents would be happy. (Yeah.) I don't know, maybe they'd treat me to something good (Luke: laughs). I: (I: laughs). Yeah. So what did happen? Luke: Uhm I can't really remember but I think we like went out to dinner, I think. I: Yeah. And uhh and that time uhh what would have made you feel even more proud? Luke: Uhm I don't know it'd be if before, before that report card I accomplished like the same thing, same feat (right), all A's too. I: So then it was the second time. (Yeah.) Okay. And what would have made you feel less proud? Luke: Probably if like, something like all A's and then like one or two B's, then I would of felt "Oh I could of worked harder in that area to get the A's." I: Okay. And is there anything in that story that's important about feeling proud? Luke: Feeling...? I: Feeling pride. Luke: Uhm (6 seconds) (Luke: laughs). I: Y o u can't think of something. . . it doesn't have to be. And did that change anything for you after that? Luke: I think after I got all those A's and I felt that I could do it. So then after that I tried to work harder and get all A's. I: Great. Okay. Thank you very much. So you've told me your one story which was about uhm the sports which was away from school. And another story which was about your report card, that was in school. (Yeah.) Uhm another situation sometimes people talk about is something related to their family. Is there another time when you felt proud? 151 Luke: Mmm (5 seconds) probably are lots. It's just that I can't think of them right now. Uhm . . . mmm . . . . (7 seconds) oh in uhh grade f-f, it has something to do with sports too. In grade four, our relay team (mmm hm) we went to the regional finals and then we came in second place. But that was good 'cause it was out of like sixty schools. (Right.) I: What led to you uhh getting to the finals? Luke: Well we practised hard for all the practises for relay, and like no one skipped any practises. We knew we had a pretty good team so we thought "Why not try and get even, do even better?" I: Okay. And that time when you were feeling proud what were you thinking about? Luke: I was just...when like running? I: M m m hm [yes]. (Uhm...) Or when you - well, or when you found out that you won. Luke: Oh I was, oh I was kind of like unsatisfied because we came second. (Yeah.) But I felt good because I felt like I ran fast and the exchange of the baton was good, and I don't know I was feeling pretty happy but I wished we came first. I: And what point did you start feeling proud? Was it when you were running? Luke: I think even before that when I knew that our team was good and that we made it to the regional championship finals. Like after we ran a good heat - we had a good time - so I felt really good then that we were in the finals. I: Okay. So at that point, even though, wha-, what would of, ehh wou-, even though you hadn't even run the final race, you were feeling proud already. Luke: Yeah 'cause I knew that we had a pretty good team and I felt that we could win. So I was happy that we were in the finals. I: Okay. That's great. And wha-, when you started to feel proud what did you want to do? Luke: I would just like get together with my other relay teammates and tell them that they did a really good job and even though that we didn't come in first like, I knew we all worked hard and I was like proud of all of them. 152 I: Congratulating everybody. (Yeah.) Okay. And what was different from you feeling proud versus uhh them feeling proud, or (mmm) being proud of them, like you just talked about being proud o f them? Luke: How is that different for feeling proud about me? (Yeah.) Uhm I think it's kind of the same, like I felt the same amount of proud I think for everyone on the team (mm hm) "cause we all worked hard and deserved it. I. Okay. So you're proud as a member too. N o w (6 seconds) what would have made you feel even more proud that time? Luke: Probably if we came in first place. (Yeah.) "Cause it was weird, "cause like when I was coming up to give the exchange to our anchor runner (mmm hm) he kind of like, I don't know, it looked like he wasn't paying attention or something. So I was like "Go, low!" but like he (I. laughs) just stood there. ( O h . ) Then after like a teacher told him to run, then he started and then it was kind of close in the end too (yeah), maybe a few steps the other team won. So maybe if he started earlier we could have won. I: Could have won. And what would have made you feel not so proud that time? Luke: Probably if we didn't make the finals, like the final run. Or we didn't come second. (Yeah.) Or even if like people didn't come to practises to try hard, "cause I knew we had a good team and if they didn't feel that we did, I would of been disappointed in them. I: Yeah. N o w did, did anything change for you after that, the way you acted or felt or thought? Luke: Just basically like even if you like, even if you think your team maybe isn't all that good you should still come out to the practises "cause you know your team will get better as you work together. I: Right. Okay. So i f you knew, like you knew in the future what you had, what, what kind of things you needed to do to (yeah), to do well. Good. Okay. So you've told me three stories now. Luke: Yeah. I: (I: laughs) Can you think of a different situation? (Mmm.) Or a different time when you felt proud. Luke: (10 seconds). 153 I: If you can't, don't worry about it. Luke: I'll just try though, if I can't then uhm (10 seconds). No, I can't (Luke: laughs) think of anything right now. I: Okay. That's fine. (No.) Uhh have you ever seen somebody else feel proud? Luke: Yes-s-s, yup. I: Think about a time, a specific time again,, and then just tell me about what led up to it, and what happened, and how it all turned out as well. Luke: Uhm probably my sister (mmm hm) when, it was actually just like a week ago at her high school Mxxxxxxxx. She did like a classical Indian dance (mmm hm) and then after that she was feeling good 'cause she did good and a lot of people complimented her on her dance. I: And what led up to her like being there and doing that performance? Luke: Uhh there was an older student who was like putting together a dance and then she like asked people if anyone want to do like join in. And some of her friends didn't want to, but then like she still like, she felt that she really wanted to. (Mmm hm.) So even though her friends weren't going she decided to go. I: And how could you tell that she was feeling proud? Luke: Uhm probably after like she was finished she was smiling and every day when she came home from like practising at the girl's house she was telling us like how fun it was and like she enjoyed it. I: Excellent. And what do you think, what was it like for you when you saw her perform and all these people were responding really positively. Luke: I felt proud of her because I knew she worked hard to like do that dance (Luke: laughs). (Yeah.) Yeah. I just felt happy, I felt good for her. I: N o w what, what, what's different about that time when you were feeling proud of her? And you weren't the one doing the dance, but you felt proud of her. Luke: What's different about it? I: Yeah. From you feeling proud of yourself. 154 Luke: I don't know, maybe I feel like, so I guess you feel more proud for yourself when you do something I think. (Mmm hm.) Because you feel that you've accomplished something. (Mmm hm.) But even though like it was my sister, I still felt proud of her and, but I don't know I just think if you do something you feel more proud for yourself. I: Right. N o w what i f it was somebody else? What i f it wasn't your sister but it was somebody else who did well and was being congratulated. Luke: I'd probably, I'd feel proud for them too. But I don't know, like maybe not as proud as I would if it was for my sister, but I'd still like tell them they did a good job and that (yeah) like it was good. I: Okay. So I'm just wondering about what it is about it being your sister that makes you, leads to you feeling proud. Luke: Uhm "cause we're, I think at home like we're close together. We talk about stuff and, I don't know uhm like she helps me on homework if I need any help. And I feel we have like a strong bong together. (Great.) (Luke: laughs). I: I had a good relationship with my sister too when I was growing up. Still do. (Luke: laughs.) Uhm great. Can't think of anything else about that time. Is, is there another time when you saw somebody else who felt proud? Luke: Mmm (8 seconds) uhm proud? (4 seconds). What about, like if someone was feeling happy or something like that? Or does it have to be proud? I: I'm looking for proud. If you can't think of any (yeah) (I: laughs), don't worry about it (I: laughs). Luke: Uhm (5 seconds) Oh, my friend's, when that, my friend's hockey team won the championship. (Okay.) In their league. I: And what led up to that game? Luke: Uhm I think they had a pretty good team (mmm hm), good depth and like everyone was strong at their position. (Yeah.) They all knew how to like skate well and they all practised hard. I: Okay. And what was it 1-i, what do you think it was like for them when they won and were feeling proud? 155 Luke: Uhh they were like, you could tell by their actions "cause I went to the game. (Yeah.) It was my close friend from my old school, and soon as like the buzzer range to end the period they all like ran, they're all started like sliding on the ice and everything. (Yeah.) So they were all really happy. I: Okay. And what was it like for you watching, when you knew him? Luke: Well I, I felt proud of him because I knew he was, he worked hard to win the championship and so did everyone else on the team. (Yeah.) So I felt really good for him. I: Great. Okay. Is there any other time when you saw somebody else that (no) felt proud? Okay. Luke: (10 seconds). I can't think of anything right now. I: Okay. Let's go on. What I have here is some photographs of children or young people in different situations. And I'd just like you to look at them and see i f it gives you any ideas about uhh about what might be happening that made them feel proud. And just uhh tell me a story about what led up it, what's happening, and how it turns out. Luke: Uhm uhh looks like this kid (Luke: laughs) has like some kind of wine or something. (Mmm hm.) I don't know, maybe he, his dad asked him to do an errand and he went out, and he felt proud that he could do it without like messing up or anything. I: Okay. And what might he be uhh wanting to do when he's feeling proud? Luke: Uhm go and tell his dad how, like he likes doing jobs for him and, you know, he felt happy that he did it. I: Okay. And what might make him feel more proud? Luke: Uhm if his dad asked him to do even more jobs in the future, and that he accomplished them properly. I: Okay. And what might make him feel not so proud? Luke: If his dad didn't ask him (Luke: laughs) to do (yeah) anything again. I: (I: laughs) I f one time was enough. (Yeah.) And what's the most important thing in that story about feeling proud? 156 Luke: Probably that he knows that he can do things if people asked him that. And now he has like a higher self-esteem for himself. I: Can you explain what you mean when you say (yeah) a higher self-esteem for himself? Luke: Like he feels good that he can do things that maybe some other people couldn't do, and that he knows he can do it without any problems. I: Okay. Good. And do you think he'll, he will be different in the future? Luke: I think he'll be more positive and he'll accomplish more things that he thought maybe he couldn't do. (Mmm hm.) I: Okay. Great. That guy is feeling proud there. Luke: Uhm he's happy "cause he's feeding, it looks like his pet dogs or something. (Mmm hm.) I: And what about that situation leads to him feeling proud? Luke: Well maybe if like he raised them. (Mmm hm.) Maybe he's raising them and that he feels proud that maybe one day they'll grow up to be something like their mother or father. So he feels good that he's helping them grow. I: Okay. And what might he be wanting to do when he's feeling proud? Luke: Mmm maybe he could like tell his friends that he like raised a group of puppies all by himself, and that he feels and that they're going to grow to be like strong and healthy one day. I: Okay. And what do you think is the most important thing in this story? Luke: . . . . (4 seconds) Probably that the boy, he feels good about himself that he's helping these dogs develop "cause otherwise they may die or something. I: And what do you think might lead to him feeling more proud? Luke: Mmm mm probably if they do grow up to be strong and healthy. And that in the future he maybe becomes some sort of veterinarian or something, and he helps other animals develop to be strong. I: Okay. And what might make him feel not so proud? 157 Luke: Mmm probably if they don't survive, or if like he gets a job as a veterinarian but then he's not so successful as he was before, and he'll feel bad. I: Okay. Thank you. These girls here are feeling proud. Luke: Uhh it looks like they're in some sort of dance recital (mmm hm) so they're feeling happy that prob-, probably after the recital and they're all happy because they feel they did, that they've done a good job. I: Yeah. Okay. And what might have led to them being in that recital and doing a good job? Luke: Uhh hard practise and like good, like teamwork. Like if someone makes a mistake, someone else could point out how they could improve on that like trick or... I: To help each other. Okay. And what might they be thinking when they're feeling proud? Luke: They could be thinking of their friends who helped them along the way, or parents who signed them up even though if they didn't want to go. I: Right (I: laughs). Luke: Like me (Luke: laughs). I: Yeah. Y o u had that happen? Luke: Yeah. I: Wha-what was that for? Luke: That was for the baseball (incomprehensible), the T-ball. I: And it turned out okay. (Yeah.) (I: laughs) (Luke: laughs) I remember that happening to me as well. (Oh.) What uhh . . . . (4 seconds) what might they feel like doing when they're feeling proud? Luke: Mmm they could like meet at someone's house and have like a little party. They could like eat food and play games. I: Okay. To celebrate (yeah) or something. Okay. And what is the most important thing in this story? 158 Luke: Uhh I think the most important thing is that they feel that they've accomplished their task and they've done it pretty well, and that probably the audience congratulated them and they feel proud of themself. I: Okay. And what might make them feel more proud? Luke: If-f-f, in the future, like they join more of these sorts of programmes, or maybe they become a teacher and they help other kids with these sorts of lessons. I: Okay. And what might make them feel less proud? Luke: Uhm maybe if-f-f they knew that they were good at it and but then for some reason, like their parents couldn't sign them up. I don't know, financial difficulty or something (mmm hm) and they'd feel bad that they couldn't do something that they like to do. I: Okay. Can you flip that one over? [I: Indicates photograph.] Those children are feeling proud. Luke: Uhm looks like they could have just gone to like the store or something and bought like a new doll to play with. I: Okay. And what about that might be making them feel proud? Luke: Mmm uhh it was one of their first toys and they feel happy because like now they feel like they can have something to play with, or I don't know. I: Okay. And what might they be saying to themselves inside their heads? Luke: That they feel happy and that they're probably thankful for their parents, for buying it for them. I: Okay. What's the most important thing in this story? Luke: Mmm . . . (3 seconds) they feel satisfied with what they've got and, and that... (okay) if uhh if uhh I... (Luke: laughs). I: That's fine (I: laughs). Okay. Some of these questions might not apply to (right, yeah) the picture or the situation. What do you think might lead to them feeling even more proud? Luke: Mmm I don't know, if they got more toys (Luke: laughs). 159 I: Okay. And what (and...) might make (like) them feel less proud? Luke: I f . . . . (4 seconds) I don't know like the doll doesn't turn out to be, like what they thought it would be. Like if it ruins really quickly and then they can't use it any more. I: Okay. And do you think they'll be different in the future because of this experience? Luke: Uhm (5 seconds) I don't think so, no. I: Probably not (I: laughs) (Luke: laughs). These two young people here are feeling proud. Luke: Uhh probably because they feel that they're playing good music, and they are making the audience happy and listening to the music. I: Okay. And what do you think led to them being there? Luke: Uhm probably signed up and auditioned. So they probably felt really good when they made it past the audition, and were like picked as people to play the in the orchestra. I: Right. And what might they be thinking? Luke: Uhm they'll be thinking about, like all the hard hours of practise they put into it and that they feel satisfied because the music sounds good and... I: And what might they want to do when they're feeling proud? Luke: Mmm after the recital they could like talk with friends about how good they were, and that they thought the music was good, and I don't know, like go out, some kind of party or something. I: Okay. And what do you think might make them feel more proud? Luke: Mmm probably in the future to join more of these. Or maybe if there was like a little mistake in the piece they felt like they could of corrected it. I: And what might lead to them feeling less proud? Luke: Uhm probably if they didn't play good, or in the future that they didn't join these orchestras, or if like they auditioned for one of them - another one - but then they didn't make it they would feel bad. 160 I: Okay. And what do you think might be the most important thing in this story? • Luke: Probably that they know that they can, like they can make an orchestra. Like they know they have the talent to proceed and to, like playing in an orchestra. I: Okay. And do you think they might be different in the future now that they've done this? Luke: I think that they'll be like, like they'll try and join more things because they know that they can do it, and they have like the talent to. (Mmm hm.) I: So do you want to flip that one over? Luke: About the boy? I: M m m hm. Yeah. That's right. There's more (yeah) people there (I: laughs) (yeah). Yeah, the boy. Luke: He looks like he's happy. Looks like he's gone into the army and he's got a special medal for doing something courageous. I: And what might he be thinking? Luke: He's probably thinking about, well it looks like he's pretty young. So probably, maybe at first he didn't want to go into the army because he felt it'd be dangerous (yeah). But then after I guess he's probably feeling good because his dad signed him up for it, and that he did good and, and got a medal. I: Okay. And what might he be wanting to do right now when he's feeling proud? Luke: Probably tell his dad that like "Thanks for signing me up even though I didn't want to and..." Yeah. I: Okay. . . What's the most important thing in this story? Luke: Probably now that he has confidence that he could like serve in the army and that., What was the question? (Luke: laughs). I: (I: laughs) I don't remember. (I: laughs) (Luke: laughs). N o , what's the uhh most important thing? 161 Luke: Yeah, probably that he has self-esteem, high self-esteem that he knows he can like participate (mmm hm) in those kind of-f-f, like "cause it's obviously a pretty like gruelling experience so he knows he can take it. I: Yeah. What do you think might lead to him feeling more proud? Luke: Probably if in the future he got more medals, and if he continued to go into the army - like he got into a higher rank - become a commander or something. I: And what might lead to him feeling less proud? Luke: Uhh probably if he didn't get another medal and that he didn't get into the higher rank, and maybe be would be like, the army would take him out if he wasn't good enough. I: (6 seconds) And do you think he'll be different in the future? Luke: Mmm probably, now that he knows that he got a medal, he'll probably work harder and strive to get other medals so that he'll feel good about himself that he has lots of them. I: Okay. Thank you. See those guys there? There's one of them who's diving into the water. This guy (yeah) he's feeling proud. Luke: He's feeling proud probably because uhm maybe he was, he looks like he's jumping from a pretty high height. And so he's happy that like he can do it and I don't know, maybe his friends didn't. And maybe he's like the only one who's brave enough to do it. I: And what might he be wanting to do when he's feeling proud? Luke: Uhh probably when he gets out of the water he might, I don't know he might gloat to his friends about how he was the only one who could do it, and I don't know, try and like show off kind of. I: Yeah. Okay. What, in this case, what might be the most important thing in the story? Luke: The most important thing is probably that he, I don't know, feels good and that he was the only one who could like perform that. And that I don't know he has confidence. Maybe he could like do like bungie-jumping or something like that (Luke: laughs). 1 6 2 I: Okay. Try something more daring. (Yeah.) And what do you think might lead to him feeling more proud? Luke: Probably if he did something like more dangerous and he accomplished, like jumping off like a waterfall (Luke: laughs) or something like that (okay) and he made it and lived. He'd probably feel good about that. (Mmm hm.) I: And what might lead to him feeling not so proud? Luke: Uhm probably like if after this, if he tried to show off too much, maybe his friends will put him down then like they tell him that he's just like, yeah like he's showing off and that, they don't like that (right) and he might feel bad then that he was gloating too much. (Right.) I: So that's when you can become proud and it could go wrong on you. (Yeah.) Okay. And do you think he'll be different in the future now that he's done this? Luke: Probably want to try more daring things and, I don't know, show like a wide variety of people of what he does. I: Okay. Thanks. Do you want to flip that one over? (I: Indicates photograph.) See the guy in the wheelchair? (Yeah.) He's shooting an arrow with a boy. (Okay.) A n d he's feeling proud. Luke: He's probably feeling proud because uhh maybe because he's in a wheelchair. Maybe before he felt like he was at a disadvantage to other people (mmm hm) and now that he's done this, he feels good about himself that he can do stuff that other people can do too. I: Okay. And what do you think led to him actually doing it? Luke: Uhm maybe like these other people encouraged him or he thought one day that he wasn't doing enough and that he wanted to be like other people too. I: And what might he be thinking right now? Luke: He's probably thinking that he wants to hit the target, and that if he does he'll be happy. I: And when he's feeling proud what might he want to do? 163 Luke: Probably tell some other people that "Oh like I can do things just like you and me." So like if other people put him down "cause he's in a wheelchair (yeah) he can tell them that "I can do like the same things as you." I: Right. Right. What's the most important thing in this story? Luke: Probably that he feels good about himself because he can do things that other people can do. Maybe before he thought he couldn't, but now he can so he's feel satisfied with himself. I: And what might make him feel more proud? Luke: Mmm if maybe there's something else on his mind that he feels that he can't do. He could try and do that and then if he accomplishes that he'll feel really, he'll feel even better. I: And what might make him feel less proud? Luke: Uhm maybe if he doesn't accomplish those, or if people still continue to put him down then he'll feel bad about himself. I: And do you think he'll be different in the future? Luke: Mmm hm [yes]. He'll probably try more things now (mmm hm) to show people that he's not different and unh that's it. I: Uhh you said that he was trying and feeling good about trying. I can't, I can't remember the exact words you used. But i f he, i f he ended up, i f he was doing that and nobody else found out about it, would he still feel proud? Luke: I think so "cause he knows that he can do it and maybe like other people don't have to know about it, but inside he knows that he can do it, so he'll still feel proud about himself. I: Okay. Great. I have two more pictures. That one there . . . . (4 seconds) (uhh) those young people are feeling proud. Luke: Mmm (5 seconds) I don't know, it looks like they're watching something but, I don't know, it's kind of hard to tell about what they're proud about. I don't know. I: D o you want to make a guess or do you want just try another one? 164 Luke: Uh let's try a different one. I: These young guys here are feeling proud. Luke: It looks like they feel proud because they're representing their country and it looks like they're in, it could be like s-s-space camp or something. And they feel that maybe one day they'll grow up and they'll get to be an astronaut. I: Okay. And what might have led to them being here? Luke: Mmm probably seeing different astronauts go up into space, and like the different things that you can see in space and they felt - they got interested into it - and they felt one day that they will want to go up and see like all the different things in space which are different from earth. I: Okay. When you said that they were representing their country, how might they have come to that point that they were representing their country? Luke: Uhh I don't know, they feel pride for their country and they want to show people that from that country, like there's people who go into space and that. You feel like, you feel good when you represent your country for something. I: So, can you tell me more about uhh feeling pride for your country? Luke: Uhm I don't know, like you feel, like if they were to go into space they feel they've accomplished something, it looks like for America (mmm hm). But they feel good, like they go down in probably history as like, just like one of the few people to go into space and they'd feel good "cause they are from that country. I: Great. Okay. And what might make them feel less proud, or more proud, sorry? Luke: Mmm . . . . (4 seconds) maybe if they continue to be like an astronaut or an astronomer. Maybe they like discovered a new planet, or landed on some different planet which people have never landed on before (Okay a n d . ) and discovered some new stuff. I: New stuff. (Yeah.) Okay. What might make them feel less proud? Luke: Mmm probably if like they set their minds on something like going to another planet, but then it fails and then they'll feel bad because they didn't accomplish what they wanted to set out to do. I: (6 seconds) And what's the most important part of this story? 165 Luke: I think feeling good about themself that one day they're probably going to be an astronaut and that they're representing their country in a good way. (Mmm hm.) Yeah. I: (6 seconds) And do you think, do you think they'll - after being in this situation right now and having a chance to do this - that they'll act or think or feel differently? Luke: Uhm if they accomplish what they set out to do, they'll probably feel even more pride for their country because they've done something that not many people have been able to do. And now they were like one of the few from that country to do it. I: Okay. Done that part. So we had three parts. The first part I asked you to tell stories about yourself. (Yeah.) And then I-I asked you to tell about, about times you saw somebody else feel proud. And then the third part I just asked you to look at pictures and tell stories. Now, after all of this talking about feeling proud what do you think has to happen for a person to feel proud? Luke: I think for a person to feel proud like they have, they first of all they have to have high self-esteem and that helps if like your friends or family, like they tell you about all the good things that you're good at (mmm hm), then you feel good about yourself. And then when you set out to do things, if you do them properly and good, you feel proud about yourself. I: Okay. Does anything else have to happen for a person to feel proud? Luke: Mmm if people, like, put them down because they feel that they can't do something, and then they do it, they feel probably, maybe even a more sense, more a feel of proud (mmm hm) because they've done something if people said like they couldn't have done. I: Right. So it, it's like they overca- uhh not overcame, but uhh did better than people expected. Luke: Yeah. I: Okay. And you said something about self-esteem. Uh , what is it about self-esteem and pride that's important? Luke: If you have like high self-esteem, you feel more proud about yourself. I think people who have like low self-esteem they're always, they're usually down and they don't feel good about themself. They feel like they can't do anything, 166 maybe, like other people can. (Mmm hm.) But if you do have high self-esteem you know, like you, even if someone tells you you can't do something, you still want to do it (mmm hm) because you feel that you can. I: Right. D o you think one leads to the other they mix, like... Luke: Mmm what do you mean? I: Does maybe pride lead to self-esteem or self-esteem lead to pride? Luke: Uhm I think they both lead into each other. (Mmm hm.) Like if you feel good about something, then you can do it. And maybe if you don't have such self-esteem, but you try something and you accomplish it, then after that you will have high self-esteem. I: Okay. Thanks (I. laughs). A l l these questions are coming to mind for me the (Luke: laughs) while you're talking about them. What, i f you wanted to feel proud more often, what would you have to do? Luke: Probably set my mind on something and then work on that. After I finish that, I can try something else, then tell people about what I'm doing so that they will feel good about me too. And they'll like give me praise, and I'll feel good about myself. I: Okay. Are there any other feelings that are like feeling proud? Luke: Mmm feeling happy for yourself, for other people uhh (4 seconds) actually I think like pride can be like put aside as like something on it's own because it's so big and it's important and, like there's other stuff too, but nothing like pride. (On it's own.) Yeah. I: What might be different between being happy and being proud? Luke: Being happy f-f-f can be for like anything. I don't know, like proud is something that you do (Luke: laughs). I don't know. I: So you've done something (yeah) that makes you proud. Luke: You feel proud about that. I: And happiness? (Uhm...) Y o u said it could just be for different things. Luke: . . . f-f-f. (4 seconds) I don't know hot to explain it. 167 I: Okay. That's fine. (Yeah.) Y o u don't have to. (Luke: laughs.) I've got an idea. What might be the opposite of feeling proud? Luke: Uhh probably feeling unsatisfied at not accomplishing something or feeling . . . s-s-s feeling, I don't know, maybe you'd feel mad at yourself. You don't feel good about yourself and then your self-esteem becomes low. I: Is there anything else that you can tell me about pride? Luke: Just that pride is like a thing that all people should have if like you want to like lead a healthy life. I think you need pride in order to do that. I: Thank you. Luke: Mmm hm. 168 Appendix F Photographs Picture Number 1 Bresson, H . C. (1954). Rue Mouffetard. In J. Corkin (Ed.), Children in Photography: 150 Years, (p. 162, 1990). Willowdale, O N : Firefly. Picture Number 2 Rockwell , N . (1927). Good Friends. In W. Hillcourt, Norman Rockwell's World of Scouting, (p. 150, 1977). New York, N Y : Harry N . Abrams. Picture Number 3 Klein, W. (1963). Majorettes. In J. Corkin (Ed.), Children in Photography: 150 Years, (p. 168, 1990). Willowdale, O N : Firefly. Picture Number 4 Jackson Johnson, J. (1982). Untitled. In J. Corkin (Ed.), Children in Photography: 150 Years, (p. 210, 1990). Willowdale, O N : Firefly. Picture Number 5 Allardyce, K . (1992). The West Mainland Strathspey and Reed Society. In Stromness Community Council, Sea Haven: Stromness in the Orkney Islands, (p. 133). Orkney, Scotland: Orkney. Picture Number 6 Rockwell , N . (1965). A Great Moment. In W. Hillcourt, Norman Rockwell's World of Scouting, (p. 141, 1977). New York, N Y : Harry N . Abrams. Picture Number 7 VanDusen, R. (1980). Untitled. In J. Corkin (Ed.). Children in Photography: 150 Years, (p. 206, 1990). Willowdale, O N : Firefly. Picture Number 8 Karsh, Y . (!979). Association de dystrophic musculaire: Camp d'ete, N . Y . In S. L . Thomson & J.-P. Wallot (Eds.), Karsh: L'art du portrait. (Plate # 47, 1989). Ottawa, O N : Musee des beaux-arts du Canada. Picture Number 9 Nixon, N . (1982). Tennessee Street. In J. Corkin ( E d ) . Children in Photography: 150 Years, (p. 216, 1990). Willowdale, O N : Firefly. Picture Number 10 Rockwell , N . (1973). From Concord to Tranquility. In W. Hillcourt, Norman Rockwell's World of Scouting, (p. 149, 1977). New York, N Y : Harry N . Abrams. 

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