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Acculturation and family values : first, second, and third generation Russian immigrants 1991

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ACCULTURATION AND FAMILY VALUES - FIRST, SECOND, AND THIRD GENERATION RUSSIAN IMMIGRANTS by HELEN MARTHA BORTNIK B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1975 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Counselling Psychology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1991 © Helen Martha Bortnik, 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada D t October 10, 1991 DE-6 (2/88) i i ABSTRACT This study compared acculturation and familism of f i r s t , second, and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants. A sample of 71 included 22 f i r s t generation, 30 second generation, and 18 t h i r d generation male and female Russian immigrants from Vancouver, B.C., ranging i n age from 19 to 82. Questionnaires mailed included demographic items, the Bardis Familism Scale (Bardis, 1959), and a revised Short Acculturation Scale (Marin, Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, and Perez-Stable, 1987). Results of one-way ANOVA's revealed that there were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n scores on the Bardis Familism Scale between any of the three generations, contrary to previous studies with other immigrant groups. However, second and t h i r d generation subjects scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on the acculturation scale than f i r s t generation ones, [F (2, 67) =25.00, p = .001]. A high l e v e l of Russian speaking a b i l i t y and a low education l e v e l were associated with higher familism scores, and greater length of time i n Canada was associated with higher acculturation scores. Since scores on the acculturation scale were consistent with those obtained i n studies with other immigrant groups, t h i s study provides support for the v a l i d i t y of t h i s scale for Russian immigrants. Supervisor: Beth E. Haverkamp, Ph.D. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i LIST OF TABLES . v i LIST OF FIGURES v i i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i x DEDICATION X Chapter I INTRODUCTION 1 Statement of the Problem and Purpose of the Study 1 Background of the Study 8 General Discussion of Immigration and Acculturation 8 Short History and General Discussion of Russian Immigration to Canada and the United States 21 De f i n i t i o n of Terms 30 Chapter II LITERATURE REVIEW 35 General Value D i f f e r e n c e s / S i m i l a r i t i e s Between Immigrant Generations 35 Family Power Structure - Obedience and Respect for Authority 40 Family Cohesion - Kinship and Interdependence 43 Factors Affecting Acculturation and Effects of Acculturation on Familism 49 i v Characteristics of the Russian Immigrant Family Through the Generations 61 Research Questions/Hypotheses 68 Chapter III METHODOLOGY 70 General Method 70 Subjects 70 Sample Characteristics 72 Procedures 76 Design of the Questionnaire 77 Demographic Information 77 Bardis Familism Scale 78 Revision of the Short Acculturation Scale 81 Participant Incentive 82 Analysis of Data 83 Chapter IV RESULTS 85 Demographic Description of Sample 85 One-Way Analyses of Variance 95 Bardis Familism Scale 97 Short Acculturation Scale I l l Two-Way Analyses of Variance 117 Correlations 119 Chapter V DISCUSSION 128 General Discussion of Hypotheses Tested 128 V Russian Speaking A b i l i t y 131 Education Level 132 Age 133 Length of Time i n Canada 134 Regular Church/Synagogue Attendance ... 134 Correlations Between Familism and Acculturation 135 Limitations of the Study 137 Suggestions for Further Research 142 Counselling Implications 144 Summary 146 REFERENCES 149 APPENDICES A Letter of Introduction 155 B Russian Note Attached to Letter 156 C Participant Informed Consent Form 157 D Demographic Information 158 E Bardis Familism Scale 164 F Short Acculturation Scale 166 G Raffle Ticket 168 LIST OF TABLES v i Table Page 1. T r a d i t i o n a l vs. Modern Family Values 4 2. Sample Breakdown by Sex and Generation Level 73 3. Education Levels by Generation 75 4. Chi-Square Tests 87 5. One-Way ANOVA for Age 88 6. Mean Age by Generation 89 7. E t h n i c i t y of Subjects' Parents 93 8. Feeling of Eth n i c i t y 94 9. Speaking Level of Russian Language 96 10. Mean Scores & Standard Deviations for Bardis Familism Scale 99 11. One-Way ANOVA's for Bardis Familism Scale Scores (Total) 103 12. One-Way ANOVA's for Bardis Nuclear Familism Scores 105 13. One-Way ANOVA's for Bardis Extended Familism Scores 107 14. One-Way ANOVA's for Acculturation Scale Scores 112 15. Mean Scores & Standard Deviations for Short Acculturation Scale 113 16. Two-Way ANOVA's for Bardis Familism Scale Scores (Total) 120 17. Two-Way ANOVA's for Acculturation Scale Scores 122 Correlation Matrix of Bardis Scores with Accul. Scores Correlation Matrix of Bardis & Acculturation Scale Scores with Demographic Variables v i i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Family Values/Familism - Components of Family Power Structure and Family Cohesion 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i x I would l i k e to thank my advisor, Beth Haverkamp, for her assistance, patience, and support during the course of my work. I would also l i k e to thank Marv Westwood and Barbara Heldt for of f e r i n g t h e i r support and for standing by me throughout the process. Thank you to the Kaushansky and Wilensky families who assisted, encouraged, understood, supported, and exhibited a great deal of patience throughout my t r i a l s and t r i b u l a t i o n s . To a l l the Russian immigrants who participated, thank you for making t h i s study possible. To a l l my family and friends, thank you for being there. F i n a l l y , I wish to express my deepest appreciation to my loving partner, B i l l , who has remained by my side and helped me maintain my strength to see t h i s project through to the end. DEDICATION CJberruAMt n&+M3*ncL cA^asnifiu at, ^mu^z. To the bright memory of my mother and father. 1 Chapter I INTRODUCTION Statement of the Problem and Purpose of the Study o Because American [and Canadian] families vary i n t h e i r backgrounds and are also influenced by the wider society, an understanding of American [and Canadian] families requires research on ethnic families and the ways they are changing. (Woehrer, 1978, p. 337) The foregoing guotation describes the general purpose of the current study i n that the researcher has hoped to add to the understanding of American and Canadian families who have Russian ethnic background, s p e c i f i c a l l y f i r s t , second, and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants. It i s important to add to t h i s understanding since Russian immigrants, l i k e many other immigrant groups, arrived i n a country that has a di f f e r e n t language and many customs d i f f e r e n t from those of t h e i r native country. These factors have often made i t d i f f i c u l t for these persons to e a s i l y adjust to the Canadian or American way of l i f e , even af t e r they have been i n the new country for a number of generations. In t h i s study, acculturation and family values were compared for f i r s t , second, and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants. INTRODUCTION / 2 S p e c i f i c acculturation and "family value" measures were used to achieve t h i s comparison. The family values i n question e n t a i l two basic elements (see Figure 1). The f i r s t element i s Family Power Structure, which includes obedience and respect for authority and the second i s Family Cohesion, which includes kinship t i e s and interdependence. Family Power Structure and Family Cohesion are generally i n t e r r e l a t e d elements within a family, rather than being t o t a l l y independent of each other. The values assessed are based on two types of value systems i d e n t i f i e d by Kim, c i t e d i n and described i n a study by Aldwin and Greenberger (1987) i n which they studied c u l t u r a l differences i n the predictors of depression, comparing ethnic Korean and Caucasian students. The two types of value systems i d e n t i f i e d are " t r a d i t i o n a l " and "modern" (see Table 1). T r a d i t i o n a l values accentuate automatic obedience, respect for authority, and maintenance of s o c i a l t i e s with family members; modern values, on the . other^hand, accentuate"self-reliance, autonomy, and ~~~~ a s s e rtivenesLS..—-— • ~ INTRODUCTION / 3 Figure 1. Family Values/Familism - Components of Family Power Structure and Family Cohesion. FAMILY VALUES/FAMILISM Family Power Structure Obedience (Deference) Respect for Authority Respect for Age^ (elders) Career determined by parent Family Shame (achievement of individual r e f l e c t s on whole family) Family Cohesion Kinship Ties Interdependence Male Head (Conjugal Roles) Keep "Family Secrets" Keep feelings to yourself Note. This model i s not meant to imply that Family Power Structure and Family Cohesion are independent. They are generally i n t e r r e l a t e d and the sub-elements may also co-occur. INTRODUCTION / 4 Table 1 Tr a d i t i o n a l vs. Modern Family Values Value Tr a d i t i o n a l Version Modern Version Category Obedience - parents determine children's careers - children's mates must meet parents' standards - keep feelings & thoughts to yourself i f i t w i l l disrupt "family harmony" (Ho, 1976) - achievements & behaviors of one indi v i d u a l r e f l e c t s on whole family - children decide on t h e i r own careers - children choose t h e i r own mate - express feelings & thoughts openly - achievements & behaviors of one in d i v i d u a l i s not seen to r e f l e c t on whole family INTRODUCTION / 5 - keep "family secrets" - okay to discuss family issues with trusted individuals outside - d i s c i p l i n e children - discuss issues with no questions before asked d i s c i p l i n i n g Respect - automatic respect - elders must for for elders earn respect Authority - automatic respect - authority for authority figures must figures earn respect - conjugal roles - eguality of male dominance conjugal roles Maintenance - strong kinship - weaker t i e s of Social t i e s with parents, Ties with brothers, & s i s t e r s , Family as well as with Members extended family INTRODUCTION / 6 - interdependence - learn to solve problems on one's own Note. Adapted from "Cultural differences i n the predictors of depression" by C. Aldwin and E. Greenberger, 1987, American Journal of Community Psychology, 15, p. 799. INTRODUCTION / 7 It i s anticipated that the results of t h i s study w i l l a s s i s t counsellors i n understanding the c o n f l i c t s that d i f f e r e n t generations of Russian immigrants are l i k e l y to experience, to learn about Russian family values and customs, as well as obtain an overview of the factors that immigrants i n general are faced with, not only immediately a f t e r a r r i v a l i n a new country, but for many generations afterward. The current author i s herself a second generation Russian immigrant and although she attempts to be as objective as possible through review of the l i t e r a t u r e and through the study i t s e l f , personal knowledge of the Russian immigrant population l i k e l y also has some bearing on some of the thoughts expressed i n t h i s paper. In searching the l i t e r a t u r e , I found that there has been very l i t t l e research done regarding family values and/or acculturation of Russian immigrants. In fa c t , there has also been l i t t l e research done to date on these topics regarding other Slavic groups. Research c a r r i e d out by individu a l s such as Mostwin (1980) on Polish immigrants and by Bociurkiw (1971) on Ukrainian immigrants, indicated that these Slavic groups have c u l t u r a l values and t r a d i t i o n s INTRODUCTION / 8 very s i m i l a r to those of Russian immigrants. In f a c t , these groups have very often been lumped into the "Russian" immigrant population (Jeletzky, 1983; Pierce, 1978) There ex i s t s , however, a f a i r l y large amount of descriptive l i t e r a t u r e regarding Russian immigrant church and p o l i t i c a l organizations, as well as h i s t o r i c a l accounts of when various immigrant groups arrived, and chronological accounts of how they fared following t h e i r a r r i v a l . Examples of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e include Jeletzky (1983), Sadouski (1981), Wertsman (1977), and Pierce (1978). However, the e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e r a r e l y attempts to study the family dynamics of Russian immigrants, the factors involved i n t h e i r acculturation process, or how acculturation l e v e l and family dynamics relate to each other. Background of the Study General Discussion of Immigration and Acculturation Immigration has been the major building block of both Canada and the United States as they presently e x i s t . Mostwin (1980, p. 72) i n her study of the Polish American INTRODUCTION / 9 family, quoted Oscar Handlin, who described t h i s complex phenomenon of the immigrant r o l e : Once I thought to write a history of the immigrants i n America. Then I discovered that the immigrants were American history. There are varying reasons for immigration to occur. It appears to the writer that the major reason i s almost always hope for a more prosperous l i f e i n the new land, that i s , hope for a better means of providing for oneself and for one's family. P o l i t i c a l and/or economic conditions i n the o r i g i n a l homeland may be such that there appears to be l i t t l e or no hope to prosper, or sometimes even survive, such as i s the case for many refugees. For example, Mostwin (1980, p. 61) referred to "the early economic 'bread immigration' from Poland," and then the postwar migration, which was "primarily for p o l i t i c a l reasons." Since persons f i r s t began emigrating, that i s , leaving t h e i r homeland, they have required various lengths of time to adjust to t h e i r new homeland. It appears that even when emigrating from a country where the c u l t u r a l values and t r a d i t i o n s , as well as the language, are si m i l a r to those of the new land, there i s s t i l l some degree of culture shock (or " c r i s i s , " as Szyrynski [1971] c a l l e d i t ) , INTRODUCTION / 10 e s p e c i a l l y immediately following a r r i v a l i n the new land. It i s the current author's impression that i n Canada and the United States t h i s phenomenon would be true for persons emigrating from countries such as England, Scotland, and A u s t r a l i a . On the other hand, when originating i n a country that has very d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l values and t r a d i t i o n s from the host culture, a d i f f e r e n t language, as well as d i f f e r e n t r e l i g i o u s trends, immigrants often experience an extreme type of culture shock that causes them to f e e l extremely alienated from t h e i r new surroundings, sometimes to the point of a major loss of self-esteem and self-confidence (Wyspianski & Fournier-Ruggles, 1985). Immigrants i n Canada during the l a s t twenty years or so, e s p e c i a l l y those i n urban centres, have had an increasing number of language learning and s o c i a l i z a t i o n resources available to them i n order to a s s i s t i n t h e i r acculturation to the new land. From the author's own personal observations throughout the years, such resources are usually d i f f i c u l t to locate i n r u r a l regions, due to a lower demand for them. Thus, acculturation for r u r a l immigrants may be delayed because immigrants to such areas INTRODUCTION / l l may tend to s o c i a l i z e i n the "safety" of t h e i r own family, with immigrants who share t h e i r own language and customs, or with immigrants who they perhaps work with, but who speak yet another language and have also not had the resources available to them to learn English formally. The research, however, shows a great deal of disagreement as to the e f f e c t of rural-urban residence on acculturation. Bayer (1980) stated that some researchers point out that segregated neighborhoods are more prevalent i n urban than i n r u r a l areas, therefore making the need for immigrants to adopt new c u l t u r a l patterns less than that for r u r a l residents. Other researchers, however, Bayer stated, do f e e l that the i s o l a t i o n of r u r a l l i v i n g places less demand for change on the immigrant than does the greater amount of in t e r a c t i o n that i s necessary when l i v i n g i n a c i t y . U n t i l recently, these language and s o c i a l resources were not available, even for immigrants to urban areas. Learning of English, as well as learning of the l o c a l customs and t r a d i t i o n s often occurred solely on a " h i t or miss" basis, especially i f an immigrant's personal support system was v i r t u a l l y non-existent and finances were low. Mostwin (1980) stated that of the "old" Polish immigrants (before World War I ) , even the ones that came at a very INTRODUCTION / 12 young age have never integrated into the new society due to factors such as very l i t t l e formal education and due to f a i l i n g economic conditions and lack of f a c i l i t i e s , very l i t t l e opportunity to learn English upon immigrating, and l i t t l e opportunity to integrate into mainstream society due to devoting a l l t h e i r energies to physical s u r v i v a l . Thus, economic conditions i n the new land at the time of immigration appear to be important factors for the acculturation process. Women, who usually were expected to centre t h e i r existence about the home, had even less opportunity than men to learn English. They remained " l i n g u i s t i c a l l y helpless" (Warner and Srole, 1949, p. 108) i n any relationships except those of t h e i r family and ethnic community. Value change i s considered to be one important aspect of acculturation. The acculturation process of both f i r s t generation immigrants and the generations that follow almost always involves the changing of values, including core values. Core values are those values considered to be foundations for t h e i r l i v e s , for example respect for elders and authority and lo y a l t y to family. "Pragmatic values" (Wakil, Siddique, & Wakil, 1981, p. 939) are those values usually considered to be not quite as d i f f i c u l t to l e t go INTRODUCTION / 13 of, for example determination of educational goals for children and bedtime curfew time for children. According to Mostwin (1980), many factors determine whether value changes and thus, acculturation, occur. Among the factors are: (1) economic conditions i n new land at time of immigration; If economic conditions are good i n the new land at the time of immigration, that i s , i f jobs and commodities are p l e n t i f u l , the newly arrived immigrant w i l l have time as well as finances to spend on learning the new language, perhaps furthering t h e i r formal education i n other ways, and reaching an occupational status that w i l l allow them more than just the pursuit of survival strategies. Davis (1922) spoke of the old Russian immigrants to the United States (pre-World War I and II) who almost always found themselves l i v i n g i n the worst of conditions due to the poor economic state of America at that time. (2) age at immigration; INTRODUCTION / 14 The younger a person i s when they immigrate, the more l i k e l y that they w i l l acculturate at a faster rate (Szapocznik, Scopetta, Kurtines, & Aranalde, 1978). (3) reason for emigrating from o r i g i n a l homeland; Zubrzycki, who studied Polish immigrants i n B r i t a i n , i s c i t e d by Mostwin (1980): P o l i t i c a l e x i l e s . . . w i l l t r y to demonstrate t h e i r c u l t u r a l difference, while economic immigrants w i l l be in c l i n e d toward a more speedy assimilation. (p. 84) (4) resident of r u r a l area before immigration; It has been noted through the writer's personal experience and also by Gerber (1985), that persons emigrating from r u r a l regions have a slower rate of acculturation i n t h e i r new homeland. (5) resident of r u r a l OR urban area i n new homeland, i . e . aft e r immigration; Those immigrants taking up residence i n urban areas of t h e i r new homeland tend to acculturate more e a s i l y , and thus probably more quickly than those taking up residence INTRODUCTION / 15 i n r u r a l areas. This i s very l i k e l y because of a greater job market i n urban areas, as well as more l i k e l i h o o d of amenities catered to various ethnic groups. Mostwin (1980, p. 158) quoted a Polish immigrant physician residing i n New York: ...I cannot see myself going to a more American environment — Midwest or something l i k e that...This i s a conglomeration of nations, everybody feels well. Whether you speak English or not, whether you have an accent or not, whether you are darker or l i g h t e r complexioned. (6) knowledge of English upon a r r i v a l ; Persons that have a good working knowledge of English upon a r r i v a l have a head sta r t i n t h e i r process of acculturation (Mostwin, 1980). (7) help received upon a r r i v a l ; In her study of Polish immigrants, Mostwin (1980) claimed that those who received help from r e l a t i v e s were l i k e l y i n v i t e d by those r e l a t i v e s , were less prepared for l i f e as immigrants, were more dependent than those who d i d not receive help, and had a tendency toward a lower income l e v e l . This appears to suggest that they were perhaps less motivated than those who did not receive help. However, INTRODUCTION / 16 Mostwin also found that the higher the educational l e v e l on a r r i v a l , the stronger the p r o b a b i l i t y of a higher income l e v e l . It appears, therefore, that acculturation to the new society does not necessarily occur more quickly because help i s received upon a r r i v a l — i n fact, help may be a deterrent to acculturation due to i t s tendency to produce dependency on others and thus less personal exploration and ri s k - t a k i n g within the new society. (8) educational l e v e l reached before/after immigration; It appears to the writer that the higher the educational l e v e l , the higher the rate of acculturation. Johnston (1981) also commented on t h i s issue: ...education tends to break down c u l t u r a l and r a c i a l barriers between di f f e r e n t peoples and f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r adaptation to the environing community. (p. 69) (9) occupational a f f i l i a t i o n s i n new homeland - immigrant or non-immigrant It has been noted by the writer, as well as by Davis (1922) that when an immigrant works with just other INTRODUCTION / 17 immigrants, whether l i k e or unlike, and i f these immigrants do not have a good working knowledge of English, the acculturation process i s slowed down to a large degree. (10) r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n ; Goldscheider and Goldscheider (1988) defined r e l i g i o s i t y as one of the factors contributing to family cohesion and thus ethnic cohesion. This could thus be translated into a slowing down of acculturation for immigrants. Bociurkiw (1971), i n a study of ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and attitudes of university students of Ukrainian descent, found that maintenance of a connection with the Ukrainian church/rite coincided with greater i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the Ukrainian ethnic group and a tendency to be less active i n non-Ukrainian groups and events. In t h i s instance, we are speaking of mainly second and t h i r d generation Ukrainian immigrants who vary i n t h e i r rates and modes of acculturation even though they are Canadian-born. (11) language spoken at home; There have been c o n f l i c t i n g reports on the e f f e c t s of language spoken at home on the rate of acculturation. Some INTRODUCTION / 18 research (Kuplowska, 1980; Marin Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, & Perez-Stable, 1987; Bociurkiw, 1971; E l k i n , 1983) has been found to correlate t h i s factor with rate of acculturation, but others have not been able to f i n d a l i n k between language spoken at home and acculturation (Mostwin, 1980; Pereda, Olarte, Carlos, 1982) . (12) main s o c i a l network and/or surrounding community composed of immigrants, either same or d i f f e r e n t , OR of non-immigrant Canadians/ Americans Gerber (1985), i n his ethnographic study of a Russian American "closed" community, and Bociurkiw (1971), i n his study of university students of Ukrainian descent, both found that less acculturation occurred when there were a large number of l i k e immigrants a l l l i v i n g close together within a community, with minimal connections to the "rest of the world". E l k i n (1983) pointed out that surrounding environment, especially r e s i d e n t i a l neighborhood, as well as the establishment of ethnic organizations, play a key rol e i n continuing the ethnic trend into the second generation. INTRODUCTION / 19 (13) sex; The female often acculturates to the receiving society more slowly than the male, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n cases where the native culture prohibits her from working outside the home or from pursuing higher education. Many older immigrant women were i n t h i s position, since working outside the home was v i r t u a l l y unheard of for most women u n t i l the l a s t few decades, no matter what t h e i r c u l t u r a l background. Out of f i f t y Indian and Pakistani wives who had a l l had some type of formal education, Wakil, Siddique, and Wakil (1981) found that only one-third of them worked outside the home. Thus, even though they had had the education, conjugal roles of wife and mother were s t i l l heavily ingrained into t h e i r l i f e s t y l e . In the Japanese culture there i s an accepted inequality between males and females (Osako, 1976), so i t may take quite a number of generations i n a new society to even begin changing such a long-standing c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n . INTRODUCTION / 20 (14) length of residence i n the new homeland; The longer a family or i n d i v i d u a l has l i v e d i n t h e i r new homeland and the more generations have passed, the more acculturated they are assumed to be. This appears to be a somewhat "obvious" assumption and has been found to be true i n many studies, including Gerber (1985), Bociurkiw (1971), and Szapocznik, Scopetta, Kurtines, and Aranalde (1978). However, i n the Japanese culture for example, as found by Connor (1976) and Osako (1976), many of the t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese values seem to p e r s i s t strongly at least for three generations, so i t appears that the Japanese are resistant to at least some aspects of acculturation for an undetermined number of generations. (15) attitudes of the receiving society; Acculturation i s slowed down i f there i s overt or covert discrimination showed to immigrants by the receiving society. Davis, as far back as 1922, spoke of Russian immigrants who were discriminated against by Americans and therefore chose to s t i c k together and form many of t h e i r own community amenities and services. Wakil, Siddique, and Wakil (1981) spoke about discrimination against Indian immigrants to B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1914 and s t i l l i n the INTRODUCTION / 21 1960's and 1970's. The Indian immigrants formed strong community organizations i n order to survive i n the new land and the re s u l t was a strong " a n t i a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t a t t i t u d e " . Wakil, Siddique, and Wakil stated that the more recent immigrants are mainly more highly educated and f a m i l i a r with Western values before immigration to Canada and "although largely unwilling to assimilate, they are...less r e s i s t a n t to change than were the early immigrants" (p. 931). Wakil, Siddique, and Wakil attributed t h i s willingness to a "less h o s t i l e " attitude of the receiving society. It follows that the attitudes of the receiving society have an important e f f e c t on immigrants' s e l f esteem. Szyrynski (1971, p. 128) stated that "proper integration of any ethnic group and of every Canadian whether 'old' or 'new' depends on t h i s f e e l i n g of self-respect and acceptance of his role as a f u l l - f l e d g e d Canadian." Short History and General Discussion of Russian Immigration to Canada and the United States The word "Russian" i s one of several descriptive terms that are often used interchangeably when r e f e r r i n g to a INTRODUCTION / 22 ce r t a i n group of immigrants i n Canada — some of these terms include Russian Canadians, Canadians of Russian descent, and Russian immigrants. To be Russian can mean "to belong to the Russian n a t i o n a l i t y , " but nati o n a l i t y i s defined either i n terms of "belonging to a nation or to a sovereign state" or i n terms of b i r t h on a s p e c i f i c t e r r i t o r y (Jeletzky, 1983). However, i n Russia before the Revolution or i n the U.S.S.R. of today, the majority of the population does not belong to just one ethnic group or race. In fact, c i t i z e n s h i p i s shared by people whose language, r e l i g i o u s , and c u l t u r a l backgrounds are completely d i f f e r e n t from each other. The Russian Soviet Federated S o c i a l i s t Republic, the largest of f i f t e e n republics of the U.S.S.R., was known as "Great Russia" or "Imperial Russia" before October 1917. [NOTE: As of August 1991, afte r a major coup attempt on the Soviet president, a number of the republics became autonomous or were i n the process of doing so - thus, as of t h i s writing, the p o l i t i c a l status of the U.S.S.R. i s uncertain.] Many immigrants from both Imperial Russia and the larger, more diverse U.S.S.R., were l a b e l l e d as Russian when they immigrated to Canada or the United States and INTRODUCTION / 23 t h i s has caused much discrepancy i n s t a t i s t i c a l data. Many of these immigrants, when receiving t h e i r new c i t i z e n s h i p or during census taking, i d e n t i f i e d t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y according to the eth n i c i t y of t h e i r parents and not according to place of b i r t h . Thus, i n Canada, for example, there has been a s t a t i s t i c a l increase i n the number of Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Jews, and others who came from Russia, and a decrease i n the number of Russians (Jeletzky, 1983), which they were la b e l l e d as when they f i r s t immigrated. For instance, for the 1991 Census, the Byelorussian Canadian Coordinating Committee (1991) put out a plea to a l l persons with Byelorussian heritage to mark t h i s fact on the Census forms that they completed. According to Jeletzky (1983), another complicating factor of na t i o n a l i t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n occurred during the general chaos that followed World War I I . In an e f f o r t to escape forced repatriation, Soviet c i t i z e n s of Russian and other o r i g i n often provided incorrect information to immigration o f f i c i a l s , that i s , they registered themselves as Poles, Ukrainians, or other o r i g i n s . The current author wishes to note here that when McCarthyism was prominent i n the United States (1950's), INTRODUCTION / 24 many Russian immigrants, especially Russian Americans, did not wish to lab e l themselves as "Russian" for fear of being accused of being communists. It i s int e r e s t i n g , however, to note that recently (late 1980's and early 1990's), es p e c i a l l y since "perestroika" and "glasnost" have been eminent i n the Soviet Union, i t appears that i t has become more "acceptable" for persons to label themselves as "Russian." Jeletzky (1983) also suggested that some of the categories used by the Canadian Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s to c l a s s i f y immigrants and the population as a whole can i n d i r e c t l y point to persons of Russian o r i g i n . The categories the Bureau uses are the following: (a) former c i t i z e n s h i p ; (b) l a s t place of residence; (c) place of b i r t h ; (d) language (mother tongue); (e) ethnic o r i g i n ; (f) r e l i g i o n . In the larger c i t i e s i t i s easier to obtain information regarding persons of Russian o r i g i n , since c i t i e s usually have various c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s Russian INTRODUCTION / 25 organizations — Jeletzky pointed out that "the very fact that an i n d i v i d u a l would j o i n such a group i s evidence that he considers himself Russian" (p. x i i i ) . It i s the author's personal observation, however, that persons of Byelorussian, Ukrainian, Polish, Georgian, as well as other ethnic groups are found to be members of "Russian" organizations. Nevertheless, i t i s even more d i f f i c u l t to get ethnic background information on those persons who stay outside the community or even t r y to conceal t h e i r Russian o r i g i n by changing t h e i r name. It i s the writer's opinion that the best d e f i n i t i o n of the word "Russian" i s presented by Jeletzky (1983, p. xiv) : ...the most r e a l i s t i c c r i t e r i o n for defining the n a t i o n a l i t y of an immigrant i s his own declaration, that i s , what he considers himself to be...such ' s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n ' i s often a r e f l e c t i o n of the individual's desire to continue family t r a d i t i o n s , to maintain t i e s with the r e l i g i o u s community and to preserve the Russian language, which he considers his native tongue. However, for the operational purposes of t h i s study (and because so many d i f f e r e n t peoples have been l a b e l l e d as "Russian"), we included i n our sample any persons whose background at some point i n time originated i n what i s now the U.S.S.R. Otherwise, we would have been l i k e l y to INTRODUCTION / 26 exclude from our study perhaps the most acculturated Russian immigrants who declared themselves as only "Canadian". Mowat (1970), i n his book about S i b e r i a , used the word "Russian" i n i t s "sloppy, but widely accepted western usage..." (p. 9) "...for the sake of s i m p l i c i t y . " That i s , persons from any one of the f i f t e e n Soviet republics were referred to by Mowat, as "Russian." Likewise, Pierce (1978) included i n his study of Russian Canadians, a l l persons "who i n spite of t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y i d e n t i f y emotionally, c u l t u r a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y with Russia, or have done so i n the past..."(p. 2). Therefore, i n t h i s current study, we use the same rather broad meaning of the terms "Russian" and "Russian immigrant," that i s , anyone whose background i s i n any one of the f i f t e e n Soviet republics. H i s t o r i c a l l y , there have been four major "waves" (Jeletzky, 1983) of Russian immigration: (1) before World War; (2) between World War I and World War II; (3) post World War II; (4) recent immigration - the 1970's. INTRODUCTION / 27 Jeletzky's descriptions of each "wave" of immigration are summarized below. Before World War I At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, there was a "wave" of i n t e l l e c t u a l s who rebelled against the t s a r i s t regime and were attracted to America and the i n t e l l e c t u a l freedom i t could o f f e r . There were Doukhobors who rejected subordination to any established order and were looking for f u l l r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l independence. As well, there were immigrants from south-western Russia and Eastern Austro-Hungary who wanted to get away from extreme poverty and acguire a piece of land. Between World War I and World War II There were few Russian immigrants between the two World Wars, but those that did come were more diverse i n t h e i r make-up than the pre-World War I immigrants. Among those who came to Canada during t h i s period were representatives of the "white" immigration — adversaries and opponents of the Soviet regime, who l e f t Russia a f t e r the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. Many of these people, INTRODUCTION / 28 including a r i s t o c r a t s , m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s , professionals, i n t e l l e c t u a l s , and Orthodox churchmen, had f i r s t s e t t l e d i n France, Germany, and several east European countries before immigrating either to Canada or the United States. At the same time, t h i s "wave" also included Russian immigrants from Poland and Eastern Austro-Hungary whose views were t o t a l l y opposed to those of the above group and who sympathized with the U.S.S.R. Post World War II The immigrants of t h i s period were former Soviet c i t i z e n s and members of the "old" immigration who had been displaced by World War I I . Large portions of the U.S.S.R. had been occupied by Germany i n 1941-1942, and many Russians had either been sent to work i n the German war industry or f l e d when i t was apparent that the Soviet regime they opposed would be v i c t o r i o u s . They l i v e d i n displaced-person camps i n the Western zones of Germany and Austria between 1945 and 1955, u n t i l they were able to immigrate to Canada or the United States. INTRODUCTION / 29 Recent Immigration - the 1970's This recent "wave" of immigrants have arrived since 1969, when a change i n Soviet policy permitted over 200,000 people to emigrate. The majority of these people were Jewish i n ethnic o r i g i n and many went to I s r a e l , as well as the United States and Canada. Their c u l t u r a l background i s Russian i n the majority of cases. It i s the writer's impression that there are two groups of "Russian Jews." One group considers i t s e l f Russian, although i t may or may not practise the Jewish r e l i g i o n to some degree. The other group, which appears to be a much larger one, considers i t s e l f Jewish and i t i s only i n passing that i t makes mention that Russia or the Soviet Union was once t h e i r homeland, or that the Russian language i s t h e i r mother tongue. INTRODUCTION / 30 D e f i n i t i o n of Terms There were several key terms which were u t i l i z e d throughout t h i s study. Because there i s often controversy as to what d e f i n i t i o n s are appropriate for many of these terms, i t was necessary to define the following terms i n the ways that they were relevant for the current study. acculturation - the degree to which an immigrant adopts or shares the same values, attitudes, and behaviors of the receiving society; a merging of cultures as a r e s u l t of prolonged contact; becoming b i c u l t u r a l ; "the process of changes i n behavior and values that occurs when immigrants come i n contact with a new group, nation, or culture" (Marin, Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, & Perez-Stable, 1987) . adjustment/accommodation - adaptation by an immigrant to the receiving society; achieving mental and behavioral balance between one's own needs and the demands of the receiving society, although not necessarily becoming integrated, assimilated, or acculturated, i . e . "a process of mutual adaptation between persons or groups, usually achieved by eliminating or reducing h o s t i l i t y , as by INTRODUCTION / 31 compromise, a r b i t r a t i o n , etc." (The Random House Dictionary of the English Language, 1966). assimilation - absorption by an immigrant group into the c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n of the receiving society; adoption of and conformity to behavior patterns and i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of the receiving society; "the merging of c u l t u r a l t r a i t s from previously d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l groups..." (The Random House Dictionary of the English Language, 1966). culture - the integrated pattern of human knowledge, b e l i e f , and behavior that depends upon man's capacity for learning and transmitting knowledge to succeeding generations (Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary). emigrant/immigrant/first generation immigrant - a person who leaves one country or region to s e t t l e i n another. Note; For t h i s study, persons of Russian o r i g i n are referred to as "immigrants" i n a general sense, no matter what t h e i r generation. However, persons of Russian o r i g i n who emigrated from countries other than Russia/U.S.S.R., for example from China, Czechoslovakia, or Yugoslavia, were considered as f i r s t generation Russian immigrants. INTRODUCTION / 32 emigration - the act of leaving one's native country or region to s e t t l e i n another; migration. e t h n i c i t y - degree to which an ind i v i d u a l sees himself/herself as a member of a p a r t i c u l a r group, including both r a c i a l (biological) and so c i o - c u l t u r a l features. familism - "...the fe e l i n g , r i g h t s , and obligations existent among the members of a kinship group" (Rao & Rao, 1979, p. 417); "...'exclusiveness' centred around f a m i l i a l relationships; a d i v i s i o n of the s o c i a l environment into 'we' (certain s p e c i f i c kin members) and 'they' (non-kin members)" (Heller, 1976, p. 423); "the subordination of the personal inte r e s t and prerogatives of an in d i v i d u a l to the values and demands of the family" (The Random House Dictionary of the English Language, 1966); "...a strong i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and attachment of individuals with t h e i r families (nuclear and extended) and strong feelings of lo y a l t y , r e c i p r o c i t y and s o l i d a r i t y among members of the same family" ( d e f i n i t i o n by Triandis, Marin, Betancourt, Lisansky & Chang, guoted by Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, & Perez-Stable, 1987, p. 398). INTRODUCTION / 33 (a) a t t i t u d i n a l familism - b e l i e f s and attitudes regarding the extended and nuclear f a m i l i e s . (b) behavioral familism - the behaviors associated with a t t i t u d i n a l familism. family cohesion - the amount of unity within a family. family power structure - the h i e r a r c h i a l structure within a family. family values - general opinions, ideas, and philosophies regarding the family, as to i t s power structure and degree of cohesion. (For purposes of t h i s study, "family values" w i l l mean "degree of familism.") immigration - the act of coming to a country of which one i s not a native, usually for permanent residence. integration - incorporation of immigrants into a new society, as equals; " f i t t i n g " of the immigrants into the receiving society (does not mean assimilation or absorption and does not negate the d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the integrated individual) (Mostwin, 1980, p. 109); "the inc l u s i o n of people of a l l races on an egual basis i n neighborhood, schools, parks, or other f a c i l i t i e s " (World Book Dictionary, 1985). INTRODUCTION / 34 second generation immigrant - the c h i l d of a f i r s t generation immigrant; a person born i n the country/region to which t h e i r parent(s) had immigrated to. NOTE: For purposes of t h i s study, the second generation w i l l also include those persons who immigrated before age 10 (were born i n o r i g i n a l native country), since many of t h e i r developing years, including most of t h e i r schooling, were spent i n the new country. This categorization was also used i n a study by Ca m i l l e r i (1983). t h i r d generation immigrant - the c h i l d of a second generation immigrant. Summary Since there i s a minimal amount of previous research concerning acculturation and family values of Russian immigrants, t h i s study hopes to expand the knowledge within that area. The l i t e r a t u r e review which follows i n the next chapter i d e n t i f i e s common factors which have been found to rel a t e to acculturation and family values for various immigrant groups. The purpose of the current study i s to investigate the p o s s i b i l i t y of similar trends within the Russian immigrant population. 35 Chapter II LITERATURE REVIEW The current author reviewed studies that were previously c a r r i e d out i n the areas of immigration, the change/non-change of family values across generations, acculturation le v e l s reached at various generational stages, as well as the factors that may determine these acculturation levels and change/non-change of family values. This review of the l i t e r a t u r e served to provide a foundation for the present study. General Value Dif f e r e n c e s / S i m i l a r i t i e s Between Immigrant Generations Research has shown that values tend to change once people have immigrated to a new country. This section provides a general review of some of the studies that have shown changes i n values i n f i r s t generation immigrants, as well as i n the second and t h i r d generations. Some of the studies also show that for some immigrant groups some values tend not to change, even for the second and t h i r d generations. LITERATURE REVIEW / 36 In the study by Aldwin and Greenberger (1987), referred to e a r l i e r concerning " t r a d i t i o n a l " and "modern" values, i t was found that Korean parents are more l i k e l y to hold t r a d i t i o n a l values than t h e i r offspring, even though the offspring (Korean college students) i n t h i s case were themselves recent f i r s t generation immigrants (the average age of immigration of the Korean students was 13, although some came as young as 2 and others as old as 20). Korean students were found to have a s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t view than t h e i r parents of what "doing well" i n college meant. That i s , parents expected a higher Grade Point Average than the students did, as a measure of "doing well". The Korean students were also noted to experience much higher parental pressure for good grades than did t h e i r Caucasian counterparts. Overall, a high negative c o r r e l a t i o n appeared between parental t r a d i t i o n a l values and Korean students' modern values: that i s , the more parents followed t r a d i t i o n a l values, the more l i k e l y t h e i r c h i l d r e n were to follow modern values. Wakil, Siddique, and Wakil (1981) did a study dealing with the values held by Indian- and Pakistani-born immigrant parents and by t h e i r second generation children who were either born or brought up i n Canada. LITERATURE REVIEW / 37 S p e c i f i c a l l y , the authors explored the values stressed by parents i n the process of s o c i a l i z a t i o n and the reaction to these values by the children. They spoke of "value c o n f l i c t " within families due to the "taking on" of new values by the children. The children were found to have opposing and/or d i f f e r e n t ideas from t h e i r parents with regards to values such as strong family t i e s , automatic respect for the elders (assumed co r r e l a t i o n between age and wisdom), and the Indian/Pakistani system of arranged marriages. Connor (1976), who did extensive studies i n Japanese American value orientations, stated, ...acculturation i s not necessarily a unitary process i n which a l l of the meanings or values of one group are completely replaced by those of another (p. 3). In other words, acculturation i s a process that occurs very slowly for some groups and i t appears that some of the values of the new society take a great number of generations before they become part of the groups' value systems. In his 1976 study, Connor u t i l i z e d the Incomplete Sentence Test to study the changing of values, i f any, over LITERATURE REVIEW / 38 three generations of Japanese Americans: the I s s e i ( f i r s t generation), the Ni s e i (second generation), and the Sansei ( t h i r d generation). It was administered to 165 persons, including 70 Caucasian Americans as a control group. Connor found l i t t l e change i n values of the Japanese Americans, even with the Sansei. The basic core values such as deference (duty and obligation), automatic respect and obedience to parents and elders, h i e r a r c h i a l family system where father i s the patriarch to be respected and feared, and dependence (strong family t i e s ) , generally tended to be retained i n a l l of the f i r s t three generations of Japanese Americans, with only a s l i g h t progressive decline toward modern values that stress equality, self-assertiveness, and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Luetgart (1977) discussed the academic and psycho-social problems of ethnic college and uni v e r s i t y students, including second generation immigrants, due to d i f f e r e n t values i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l cultures. Luetgart spoke about the value c o n f l i c t s that ethnic "commuter" univers i t y students experience — that i s , when each day they alternate between tryi n g to meet the expectations of the mainstream culture and then also try i n g to meet the expectations of t h e i r own subculture. When one of these LITERATURE REVIEW / 39 students take on what the mainstream culture considers to be an "adult r o l e , " for example choosing one's own marriage partner, t h i s often results i n alienation from his or her own family and ethnic community. Thus, i t appears that second generation and very young f i r s t generation immigrants, no matter where they originated, constantly are i n the midst of an inner struggle as to which values they should actually go ahead and i n t e r n a l i z e permanently. Krech, Crutchfield, and Ballachey (1962, p. 530) stated t h i s phenomenon i n the following manner: ...few ethnic students, p a r t i c u l a r l y those who are the children of immigrants to t h i s country, seem able to reach a sati s f a c t o r y resolution of the role c o n f l i c t s inherent i n being a 'marginal man' In a study of Spanish immigrants i n Holland, Pereda Olarte (1986) found that younger persons, e s p e c i a l l y second generation immigrants (that i s , those born i n Holland), did not f e e l the same t i e s to Spain as did t h e i r parents and wanted to be integrated into Dutch s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . LITERATURE REVIEW / 40 In general, research has shown changes i n values as immigrants move through the generations i n t h e i r new country, although the rate of these changes may vary among d i f f e r e n t immigrant groups. Family Power Structure - Obedience and Respect for Authority This section w i l l focus on studies s p e c i f i c a l l y pertaining to intergenerational c o n f l i c t s regarding family power structure. In a paper pertaining to s o c i a l work with Asian Americans, Ho (1976) described some of the prominent c u l t u r a l values of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r immigrant population. Ho stated that f i l i a l piety i s fundamental i n Asian society, that i s , an individual i s expected to comply with f a m i l i a l and s o c i a l authority, even i f i t means s a c r i f i c i n g one's own desires and ambitions. In a t r a d i t i o n a l Asian family, the role of the parent i s to define the law and the duty of the c h i l d i s to l i s t e n and obey. Ho made an assumption that t h i s type of severe family structure has l i k e l y changed to a large extent i n the second generation of Asian American families, but Ho was not aware of any strong evidence to show that t h i s was indeed the case. In LITERATURE REVIEW / 41 other words, according to Ho, the change i n any values does not appear to have affected t h i s p a r t i c u l a r t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n (duty of c h i l d to l i s t e n and obey) between parent and c h i l d i n Asian American families. Ho spoke of a second generation Korean high school student who had c o n f l i c t with his parents due to his long h a i r . The student made one v i s i t to a s o c i a l worker and then did not return because he f e l t that he was s a t i s f y i n g his own self-concept at the expense of his parents. He s t i l l f e l t the t r a d i t i o n a l family value of "keep feelings to yourself, and especially do not t a l k about family problems or your feelings to anyone outside the family." The desires of the family as a whole, s p e c i f i c a l l y the young man's parents i n t h i s instance, were held to be more important than the young man's own i n d i v i d u a l desires. Warner and Srole (1949) quoted Maguire, who wrote of Ireland that "deference to parental authority i s the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the country." Warner and Srole spoke of several f i r s t and second generation immigrant groups, including I t a l i a n s , Jews, Greeks, Poles, Armenians, and Russians. They detailed the ways of a p a t r i a r c h a l type of family structure i n a l l of these groups. Three or four LITERATURE REVIEW / 42 generations often l i v e d i n one house - Armenian children who married, for example, were expected to l i v e on t h e i r father's property. Perpetuation of an extended family was the basis for t h i s custom. Warner and Srole also stated that appropriating the children's earnings (even i f the children were over 18) was a common practice among Pol i s h , Russian, Greek, and Armenian parents. The children, Warner and Srole stated, resorted to "'holding out' as the only means of circumventing unyielding parents." That i s , they would keep a small amount of t h e i r pay each time i n order to save up to buy something they wanted. Rosenthal and Feldman (1990) conducted two studies, one i n the U.S. and one i n A u s t r a l i a , of Chinese f i r s t and second generation adolescents, along with adolescents from the host cultures and from Hong Kong ( i . e . adolescents l i v i n g i n Hong Kong). Family functioning questionnaires were administered to the subjects, generally i n a classroom setting, and included the Family Environment Scale (FES), Decision-Making Questionnaire (DMQ), and other scales which s p e c i f i c a l l y measured parenting s t y l e , parents' emphasis on conformity, parents' acceptance of d i v e r s i t y , and the extent to which parents monitored adolescents' after-school a c t i v i t i e s . Chinese immigrants of both generations LITERATURE REVIEW / 43 reported more structured, c o n t r o l l i n g family environments than did the nonimmigrant groups. Second generation Chinese-Americans perceived more family regulation of adolescents than did the f i r s t generation respondents. F i r s t generation Chinese-Australians reported a more organized family pattern than that of the second generation respondents. The study showed a somewhat rapid change i n f i r s t generation families toward i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c norms. However, there was no evidence of any change i n family environment according to length of time spent i n the host country. In summary, although second and t h i r d generation immigrants often perceive c o n f l i c t with t h e i r family regarding the power structure, they often f i n d ways to compensate, for example, children "holding out" on some of t h e i r earnings. However, i n some cases, such as i n the study by Ho (1976), young people choose to defer to t h e i r parents' wishes. Family Cohesion - Kinship and Interdependence The research discussed i n t h i s section concerns immigrant family members' interdependence for both physical and psychological needs and how t h i s interdependence often LITERATURE REVIEW / 44 becomes lessened or at least somewhat modified for second and t h i r d generation immigrants. Goldscheider and Goldscheider (1988) found that expectations of young adults to l i v e independently from parents before marriage varied according to l e v e l of e t h n i c i t y (as well as r e l i g i o s i t y ) . They define e t h n i c i t y as "the i n t e n s i t y of ethnic associations within ethnic groups" (Goldscheider and Goldscheider, 1988, p. 527). Second and l a t e r generation immigrant young adults were found to have a lower expectation of independent l i v i n g before marriage, the higher t h e i r "ethnic cohesion" (Goldscheider and Goldscheider, 1988, p. 526). Ethnic cohesion was seen by Goldscheider and Goldscheider to be based on three factors: (1) foreign language usage; (2) ethnic regional concentration; (3) exposure to ethnic-linked i n s t i t u t i o n s . The more these factors are i n play, the higher the ethnic cohesion. Warner and Srole (1949) emphasized the ethnic language factor. They said that when, for instance, parents speak the ethnic language and the c h i l d r e p l i e s i n English, i t represents a source of c o n f l i c t and antagonism LITERATURE REVIEW / 45 between the parent and c h i l d , and thus i s the beginning of a breaking away from the old t r a d i t i o n s . Goldscheider and Goldscheider l i n k the degree of ethnic cohesion, as well as r e l i g i o s i t y , to the degree of family cohesion (based primarily on t r a d i t i o n a l values). They studied 28,240 cases, mainly non-Hispanic white, Hispanic, and Asian American American high school seniors, for v a r i a t i o n i n premarital r e s i d e n t i a l independence and found that the closer the l i n k to the ethnic community, the greater the l i k e l i h o o d of adhering to t r a d i t i o n a l values. This tended to be true even for the non-Hispanic whites, e s p e c i a l l y i f they used a foreign language at home. In a study of interaction patterns between Japanese-American parents (Issei, or f i r s t generation immigrants) and adult children ( N i s e i i , or second generation) i n Chicago, Osako (1976) obtained s i m i l a r findings to Connor (1976), whose study with Japanese-Americans was described e a r l i e r . S p e c i f i c a l l y , Osako examined intergenerational l i v i n g arrangements, interactions, and economic assistance (as related to dependence versus independence). The d e f i n i t i o n of dependence i s important to note, according to Osako, LITERATURE REVIEW / 46 because i t can often be culture bound. He defined dependence as "the state of being conditional upon a person(s) to maintain the ego's well-being" (p. 68). He also c i t e d a study done by Bales that distinguished between "instrumental" and "expressive" dimensions of dependence. Instrumental dependence i s when the behavior involved i n a rela t i o n s h i p i s oriented toward task performance. Expressive dependence i s when i t s major function i s the management of emotion. In his study, Osako measured expressive dependence by the frequency of contact and desired and actual l i v i n g arrangements between the immigrants and t h e i r second generation adult children. Instrumental dependence was measured by the expectation and the actual receipt of f i n a n c i a l and task-oriented help. Osako found that a large percentage of both the I s s e i and N i s e i generations desired to and i n fact did l i v e very close to each other, that i s , i n the same neighborhood or even closer. Both generations also had frequent (weekly or daily) contact with each other. There was not found to be any s i g n i f i c a n t decrease i n the desire for these l i v i n g arrangements and interactions i n the N i s e i generation. LITERATURE REVIEW / 47 Osako found that not only did the Ni s e i f e e l even more strongly than the I s s e i about being e n t i r e l y responsible for the care of an aged parent, but they also a c t u a l l y provided material aid to parents s i g n i f i c a n t l y more than the l a t t e r assisted the former. Osako also found, however, that the I s s e i had greater expressive dependence than instrumental dependence on t h e i r children because of the I s s e i parents' firm b e l i e f i n instrumental independence. Osako concluded that the Nisei maintain a desire to be close and emotionally dependent because the I s s e i have modified the t r a d i t i o n a l expectation of instrumental dependence to expressive independence. This factor i n the acculturation process of the Is s e i (the fact that they already somewhat changed a core value) has l i k e l y been a key element i n the Ni s e i generation not modifying the value of expressive dependence to any s i g n i f i c a n t extent. In a paper describing the influence of e t h n i c i t y on s o c i a l aspects of aging, Woehrer (1978) looked at the interdependence between generations of several American ethnic groups. She concentrated s p e c i f i c a l l y on how the el d e r l y are affected, both by changing family values of t h e i r children (second or t h i r d generation immigrants), and by the variations i n family values across d i f f e r e n t LITERATURE REVIEW / 48 immigrant cultures. Woehrer stated that as neighborhoods change, or as people move to retirement homes, many of them f i n d themselves surrounded by people quite d i f f e r e n t from themselves i n c u l t u r a l orientation, and thus i n many basic family values. They very often lose the family cohesion that existed for them i n t h e i r own culture and family. Most important, however, for the purposes of our current study, were the changing values of the second and/or t h i r d generation immigrants. Woehrer c i t e d a study done by Yanagisako, who contended that the occupational mobility of younger generations of Japanese-Americans leads to changes i n intergenerational relationships. Woehrer also c i t e d a study of I t a l i a n and Polish Americans, done by Fandetti and Gelfand i n which they found that respondents earning over $10,000.00 a year and those who had a high school education were more l i k e l y to favor independent l i v i n g arrangements for the elderly than those with less income and education. Thus, those with more education and income were gradually favoring a lower l e v e l of family cohesion. Warner and Srole (1949) wrote of single men (very few women emigrated singly at that time) who emigrated from LITERATURE REVIEW / 49 t h e i r native land, expecting to stay only temporarily. If they ended up s e t t l i n g and marrying (even to someone with the same c u l t u r a l background, although Warner and Srole did not specify t h i s factor s p e c i f i c a l l y ) , t h e i r family structure would be quite d i f f e r e n t from the parental one, since these individuals had been on t h e i r own for a number of years, usually independent of t h e i r family (parental) controls. Warner and Srole (p. 108) wrote, "The family, s t a r t i n g within the American context, i s not as strongly organized as the family that emigrated as a unit." To summarize, i t appears that although some immigrant groups, for instance the Japanese, usually seem to keep t h e i r f a m i l i e s ' kinship and interdependence strong even into the second and t h i r d generation l e v e l s , the research shows that for most other groups, there i s a strong decline i n these t r a i t s of family cohesion even early into the second generation. Factors A f f e c t i n g Acculturation and Effects of Acculturation on Familism Many factors have been found to correlate with immigrants' rate of acculturation and t h e i r degree of LITERATURE REVIEW / 50 familism as they proceed through the generations. This section reviews the l i t e r a t u r e that has i d e n t i f i e d several of these factors. Berry, Trimble, and Olmedo (1986), i n t h e i r d e t a i l e d study of the assessment of acculturation, i d e n t i f i e d a number of factors that have been shown to be related to the acculturation process and can therefore be used to develop various scales or measures of acculturation. Some of these factors included education, urbanization, media (for example, l i s t e n i n g to radio and reading newspapers of the host cult u r e ) , r e l i g i o n , language, and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s (for example, intermarriage, work and play with members of host c u l t u r e ) . Szapocznik, Scopetta, and Kurtines (1978) described a psychosocial model of acculturation developed using a Hispanic immigrant community i n F l o r i d a . Their research showed the model and two acculturation scales they developed to be generalizable to other immigrant communities. The model suggested that acculturation l e v e l correlates with length of time i n the host culture (the more time, the higher the acculturation l e v e l ) , the younger a person i s at time of immigration, the quicker he or she LITERATURE REVIEW / 51 w i l l reach a high acculturation l e v e l , and that males acculturate more rapidly than females. Szapocznik, Scopetta, and Kurtines also maintained that there are two d i s t i n c t dimensions of acculturation: (a) behavioral acculturation - the gradual adoption of the more overt and observable aspects of the host culture, for instance language, customs, habits, and l i f e s t y l e . (b) value acculturation - less overt gradual adoption of host culture's basic value orientations. Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, and Perez-Stable (1987) investigated the effects of acculturation on " a t t i t u d i n a l familism" i n 452 Hispanic immigrants i n the United States, as compared to 227 white non-Hispanics. A t t i t u d i n a l familism was measured mainly (but not en t i r e l y ) with items taken from the Bardis Familism Scale (Bardis, 1959) and acculturation was measured with the Short Acculturation Scale (Marin, Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, & Perez-Stable, 1987). [It should be noted that the Bardis Familism Scale and the Short Acculturation Scale (adapted LITERATURE REVIEW / 52 for Russians) were used i n t h e i r entirety for the current author's study.] A factor analysis was performed and three factors accounted for 48.4% of the variance: (a) f a m i l i a l obligations (perceived obligation to provide material and emotional support to members of the extended family) accounted for 27.7% of the t o t a l variance; (b) perceived support from the family (perception of family members as r e l i a b l e providers of help and support to solve problems) accounted for 10.9% of the variance; and (c) family as referents (relatives as behavioral and a t t i t u d i n a l referents) accounted for 9.8% of the t o t a l variance. In order to test for a possible relationship between the familism dimensions and acculturation, a one-way (acculturation: low vs. high) multivariate analysis of variance was performed for the three familism factors. There was a s i g n i f i c a n t o v e r a l l contribution to the familism dimensions due to acculturation. It was found that the l e v e l of perceived support for the family remained high even for highly acculturated Hispanics. However, f a m i l i a l obligations and the perception of the family as referents (that i s , as someone to go to for advice before LITERATURE REVIEW / 53 making a decision) seemed to decrease with the l e v e l of acculturation. Generation l e v e l , place of b i r t h , and place of growing up, had an ef f e c t on the Fa m i l i a l Obligations and Family as Referents factors - f i r s t generation Hispanics and those who were born or had spent t h e i r f i r s t 15 years of l i f e i n Lat i n America, obtained higher scores on these factors than second generation Hispanics and those who were born or grew up i n the U.S. Perceived Support from the Family was not affected by generation l e v e l , place of b i r t h , and place of growing up. Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, and Perez-Stable found that the Fa m i l i a l Obligations and Family as Referents factors tended to decrease, however, with an increase i n the l e v e l of acculturation. The researchers contended that t h e i r study supported the hypothesis that some familism values decrease i n importance as acculturation l e v e l increases. In the development and v a l i d a t i o n of a short acculturation scale for Hispanics, Marin, Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, and Perez-Stable (1987) i d e n t i f i e d a number of variables that p o s i t i v e l y correlated with scores on the LITERATURE REVIEW / 54 scale. Their respondents included 363 Hispanics and 228 non-Hispanic whites. The variables i d e n t i f i e d as having a po s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n with acculturation scores were generation l e v e l , length of residence i n the U.S., respondent's own evaluation of t h e i r l e v e l of acculturation, an acculturative index calculated by using numerical values of the preceding three variables, and discrimination between ethnic groups (Hispanic vs. non-Hispanic). Age of a r r i v a l i n the U.S. was found to have a negative co r r e l a t i o n with scores on the acculturation scale. Cuellar, Harris, and Jasso (1980) developed an acculturation scale for Mexican Americans (ARSMA) that could be administered i n English, Spanish, or both languages. It was administered to 222 subjects, some of which were psychiatric inpatients and some normals. Acculturation l e v e l s were found to be affected by language f a m i l i a r i t y , usage, and preference; ethnic i d e n t i t y and generation; reading, writing, and c u l t u r a l exposure; and ethnic i n t e r a c t i o n . G r i f f i t h and V i l l a v i c e n c i o (1985) studied the rela t i o n s h i p of acculturation and sociodemographic LITERATURE REVIEW / 55 ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s to s o c i a l supports i n 259 adult Mexican Americans. More acculturated (English-speaking and l a t e r generation) ones reported larger support networks, more contact with network members, more reciprocal helping, and more often c i t e d primary kin, friends, and neighbors as support providers than did less acculturated ones. The number of extended family named as support providers, however, was unrelated to acculturation. In a v a l i d a t i o n study of the ARSMA (Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans), Montgomery and Orozco (1984) i d e n t i f i e d several variables that had a po s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n with behavioral acculturation of 450 subjects (349 Mexican American according to surname and se l f - r e p o r t and 101 Anglo American according to surname and se l f - r e p o r t ) , freshmen students at a Texas un i v e r s i t y . These variables included language preference, ethnic i d e n t i t y , generation removed from Mexico, e t h n i c i t y of friends and associates, extent of d i r e c t contact with Mexico, a b i l i t y to read and write i n Spanish, age within each generation ( i . e . older subjects i n each generation were more acculturated than younger subjects), and socioeconomic status. The co r r e l a t i o n they obtained between ARSMA, age, and generation suggested that LITERATURE REVIEW / 56 acculturation changes within each generation are r e l a t i v e l y small, but that acculturation changes between generations are r e l a t i v e l y large. Validation of another acculturation measure for Mexican Americans was performed by Olmedo and P a d i l l a (1978) on 26 adult Anglo Americans, 16 f i r s t generation Mexican Americans, and 26 t h i r d generation Mexican Americans i n C a l i f o r n i a . Acculturation scores correlated highly with ethnic group membership and generation l e v e l . Olmedo and P a d i l l a also found that persons who scored lower i n acculturation were more more l i k e l y to i d e n t i f y themselves as Mexican and Catholic (as opposed to Mexican American or Anglo, and Protestant or agnostic), l i v e i n nuclear households, and have lower educational and occupational l e v e l s . Burnam, T e l l e s , Karno, Hough, and Escobar (1987) did a comprehensive study of acculturation on 1245 adult Mexican Americans l i v i n g i n Los Angeles. Acculturation scores with the scale they used discriminated between generation l e v e l s , and among f i r s t generation Mexican immigrants, i t was p o s i t i v e l y correlated to number of years i n the U.S. Their data also suggested that those f i r s t generation LITERATURE REVIEW / 57 persons who were younger and male, acculturated faster than those who were older and female. The sex difference, but not the age difference, could be explained by the tendency for males to have higher educational lev e l s and a greater l i k e l i h o o d of being employed than females. Garza and Gallego (1985) suggested that the acculturation process involves a highly complex i n t e r a c t i o n between environmental influences and personal choice. They claim that even i f an individual i s confronted with an overbearing set of c u l t u r a l influences, he or she can choose to act i n a manner that i s incongruent with these demands. Ca m i l l e r i (1983) did a study of value changes i n second generation (those who arrived before age 10) Maghrebian immigrants (ages 16-25) i n France. Most had only a l i m i t e d Arabic language a b i l i t y and males, more than females, were often w i l l i n g to be friends with or marry Europeans for the purpose of furthering t h e i r educational or occupational aspirations. However, strong family and physical t i e s remained to t h e i r country of o r i g i n and to i t s culture. Also, although most had only a l i m i t e d use of LITERATURE REVIEW / 58 Arabic, almost a l l planned to pass on both the Arabic language as well as the culture to t h e i r own children. Kassees (1972) studied the l e v e l of f a m i l i s t i c attitudes among 137 subjects of Chr i s t i a n Arab heritage of Ramallah, Palestine, most l i v i n g i n Ramallah, but some l i v i n g i n the U.S. The Bardis Familism Scale (Bardis, 1959) was used to measure these f a m i l i s t i c attitudes. Kassees found that generally, the Ramallah people were quite f a m i l i s t i c . Religion was suggested to play a part i n t h e i r high f a m i l i s t i c attitudes - most belong to the Greek Orthodox church. Sex had no s i g n i f i c a n t influence on the degree of familism, contrary to Bardis' (1959) finding that males tend to be more f a m i l i s t i c than females. Also contrary to most previous research, Kassees found that age was p o s i t i v e l y related to familism; the older the person, the more f a m i l i s t i c he or she tends to be. The respondents' education l e v e l had an inverse r e l a t i o n s h i p with the degree of familism, that i s , the higher the l e v e l of education, the lower the degree of familism and vice versa. Unexpectedly, Kassees discovered that the Ramallah people who continued to l i v e i n Ramallah were s i g n i f i c a n t l y less f a m i l i s t i c than the ones who had migrated to and were l i v i n g i n the U.S., although i n Ramallah, females were more LITERATURE REVIEW / 59 f a m i l i s t i c than males, while i n the U.S., the reverse was true. Although age was p o s i t i v e l y related to familism i n both groups, i n the U.S. i t was much more apparent for the young people to be far less f a m i l i s t i c than the older ones. Although they did not look at immigrant/generational differences i n degrees of familism, A l d r i c h , Lipman, and Goldman (1973) used the Bardis Familism Scale to assess familism i n 183 urban and 317 ru r a l subjects i n Portugal. A l d r i c h , Lipman, and Goldman found that r u r a l residence was p o s i t i v e l y correlated with strong familism. Age-wise r u r a l youth and the r u r a l , older population proved to be the two groups that were the most highly-discrepant i n t h e i r f a m i l i s t i c attitudes. When extreme occupational categories were contrasted, there was a negative c o r r e l a t i o n with degree of familism. Education l e v e l was found to have a negative c o r r e l a t i o n with degree of familism as well, but moreso i n the r u r a l than urban setting. Hanassab (1991) car r i e d out a study of 77 young Iranian women i n Los Angeles, to assess t h e i r attitudes toward sex roles and intimate relationships. Hanassab used a modified version of an acculturation scale designed by Cuellar, Harris, and Jasso (1980), part of The Sexual and LITERATURE REVIEW / 60 Premarital Attitude Inventory, and a short version of the Attitude toward Women Scale (AWS). It was found that the more acculturated the respondent, the more l i b e r a l were attitudes regarding sex roles and intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Acculturation was p o s i t i v e l y correlated with the length of time the subject had been i n the new country, and there was a s i g n i f i c a n t negative co r r e l a t i o n between age at immigration and acculturation l e v e l . Education l e v e l was shown to have no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the acculturation score. In summary, i t appears that as a whole, as immigrants proceed through the generations i n the new country, the t r a d i t i o n a l values concerning strong f a m i l i a l obligation and interdependence, as well as general kinship or perceived f e e l i n g of family support, a l l tend to decrease to some degree. In addition, factors such as age, sex, educational l e v e l , and occupational category, often are associated with the degree to which t r a d i t i o n a l or f a m i l i s t i c attitudes are adhered to. Acculturation l e v e l , as measured through either c u l t u r a l awareness (ethnic loyalty) or socio-cultural indices (family structure), was also found to be associated with the same types of factors. LITERATURE REVIEW / 61 Charact e r i s t i c s of the Russian Immigrant Family Through the Generations ...'family' was the most freguently chosen value, followed by in t e r e s t i n g work, respect for others, conscience... (Shlapentokh, 1982, p. 406, from "survey ca r r i e d out by Arutunian i n Moldavia") Our family relationships are closer here — between mothers and t h e i r children, between older people and t h e i r families — than yours are. I don't envy you your family l i f e i n America; you don't seem to watch over your young or take care of your old people with the care we do. (a 39 year old Soviet woman, quoted i n Jackson, 1990, p. 114) The writer was able to locate a small number of studies that dealt d i r e c t l y , i n some form, with intergenerational family value changes i n the Russian and other Slavic immigrant populations (Gerber, 1985; Mostwin, 1980; Bociurkiw, 1971; Szyrynski, 1971). The most noteworthy study (and the only one the writer was able to f i n d d i r e c t l y concerning the detailed family structure of Russian immigrants) of the above i s that done by Gerber (1985). He did an extensive ethnographic study of a Russian-American community ("Russkoya Celo") i n New York state (mostly Byelorussians of peasant origin) as a LITERATURE REVIEW / 62 par t i c i p a n t observer. The community i s centred around a Russian Orthodox church. In i t s early days the community was almost completely s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , that i s , i t had almost a l l of i t s own stores, banks, physicians, and other community services and amenities. When Gerber did his study, there were s t i l l three stores owned by members of the community. The community was surrounded by several other ethnic communities, including Croatian, Yugoslavian, Ukrainian, Slovak, Polish, Serbian, German, and smaller communities of Mexican, I t a l i a n and I r i s h peoples. Gerber did not l i v e i n the community i t s e l f while doing his research, but he spent the majority of day and evening hours there doing odd jobs and v i s i t i n g informally (he had a "primary contact," a resident of the community who made i n i t i a l introductions). He spent a t o t a l of eight months i n the community and became t o t a l l y absorbed i n i t . Gerber discussed, i n one form or another, a l l of the family values of concern i n the current study. He also made mention of the changes of values occurring from f i r s t generation immigrants to second generation immigrants. Gerber found that f i r s t generation immigrant parents placed a heavy emphasis on helping t h e i r children achieve a LITERATURE REVIEW / 63 better l i v i n g standard than what they themselves had experienced. He guotes one informant, Mr. N.: I wanted to make something of myself and send my children to school so that they wouldn't have to l i v e l i k e I did. (p. 27) However, Gerber also found that af t e r sending t h e i r c hildren, p a r t i c u l a r l y boys, for a college education, the children then did not wish to return to the home community to run the parents' store or other business. In essence, even though the children were usually expected to return and take over the business upon t h e i r parents' death, they had become alienated from the community and often no longer regarded t h e i r parents' culture as t h e i r own. In the Russian community he observed, Gerber discovered that t i t l e s to land, houses, and money were put i n children's names during infancy and then held u n t i l they were adults, that i s , u n t i l they were married. This was a form of "guarantee" to the parents that t h e i r children would indeed be set up f i n a n c i a l l y to achieve well-paying professional careers. Parents taught t h e i r children to value property and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and also to equate property with status. As was found to be true for other immigrants such as the Asian Americans, the Russian LITERATURE REVIEW / 64 immigrants see the achievement of the in d i v i d u a l as r e f l e c t i n g on the whole family. Gerber i n fact discovered that property and money served as "tokens" or "gradients of success" (p. 32). Because of the great stress on the importance of property, damage to property was considered to be an "offense against the 'family' as well as 'those l i k e us'" (other members of the Russian community) (p. 34), so was s t r i c t l y d i s c i p l i n e d when i t did occur. To the Russians, the concept of strong family cohesiveness i s an extremely important one. In his study, Gerber saw t h i s concept i l l u s t r a t e d i n various ways. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , marriages within the Russian community were arranged by l o c a l matchmakers and the most desirable matches were those into which each partner brought a substantial sum of money and/or property. This p a r t i c u l a r Russian community was based around the church and during the actual wedding ceremony at the Russian Orthodox Church, conjugal roles were c l e a r l y defined — a crown was held over the heads of the bride and bridegroom (by the best man and one other male attendant) to symbolically make them queen and king — meanwhile the cantor chanted the order that "'the man i s the sole head of the household and the LITERATURE REVIEW / 65 woman must follow'" (Gerber, 1985, p. 50). Descent i n the Russian community i s p a t r i l i n e a l , that i s , a person takes the patronym through the male l i n e and preferred residence i s p a t r i l o c a l — married sons should l i v e as near as possible to the house of the eldest member of the lineage. Gerber noted that parents expected t h e i r sons and daughters to marry persons who were ' l i k e us' or 'one of us' and whose parents were well-known to the family. The second and t h i r d generations would, however, often date outside of the community. Matched marriages also faded away as the second and succeeding generations became exposed to American values and customs. P a t r i l o c a l residence by the second and succeeding generations had also become the exception and neo-local (away from the parental community) residence had e s s e n t i a l l y become the r u l e . Many of the parents that Gerber spoke to i n the community were dismayed by the moving away of t h e i r children: I don't understand it...We loved our children and did everything for them. Yet, when they got married they moved away from us... ...We didn't have nice things because we saved for our children. Then they l e f t us and are ashamed of us. (p. 39) LITERATURE REVIEW / 66 Gerber found that interdependence f i t i n strongly with the p a t r i l o c a l residence issue. Inheritance was the main method of acguiring property. The eldest son received the largest share, the second eldest the next largest, and the daughters i n h e r i t smaller shares. When one parent, or both parents, were s t i l l l i v i n g when the property was transferred to the children (this happened when they reached the age of marriage), the children were then obligated to support the parent or parents. This often meant physically (as well as f i n a n c i a l l y ) caring for parents i n t h e i r old age. A t r a d i t i o n a l Russian family, according to Gerber, was expected to always present a "united front" (p. 35) to outsiders, even though i n t r a - f a m i l i a l relationships were often plagued by jealousy, suspiciousness, h o s t i l i t y , and various other c o n f l i c t s . When families did display p u b l i c l y outright c o n f l i c t s , they usually found comfort i n other community kinships such as r e l i g i o u s relationships (e.g. godparents) and the common language bond. However, with the second and t h i r d generations, a discontinuity often occurred when persons of these generations convert to other r e l i g i o n s and use the English language i n most or a l l aspects of t h e i r l i v e s . LITERATURE REVIEW / 67 In the community that Gerber studied, r e l a t i v e s , kin members (both a f f i n a l [related by marriage] and honorific [related only on basis of honor]), and godparents were expected to help one another unconditionally. If t h i s i s not done, i t i s reason for ostracism and scorn toward the offender. Once again, i f the need for help within a kin group caused c o n f l i c t of any kind (disagreements, b i t t e r n e s s ) , t h i s was not to be shown or talked about to the outside world - the problem could only be discussed within one's closest group. On the other hand, i t was considered appropriate to boast about how one was helping a r e l a t i v e , for instance when one was taking care of a r e l a t i v e who was an i n v a l i d . F i l i a l piety and deference were given$ i n the Russian community Gerber observed. Juniors were expected to automatically respect seniors and to automatically obey and support them. Family members were always expected to side with one another i n the case of disputes with outsiders. The present author explored whether some of the changes i n family values from the f i r s t to second (and third) generations of Russian immigrants that Gerber LITERATURE REVIEW / 68 observed i n his ethnographic study, would indeed show up i n the current study. Research Questions/Hypotheses The preceding review of research done with various immigrant groups, family values, and acculturation l e v e l s , lead us to pose the following research questions: (1) W i l l second and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants tend to possess more "modern values" i n the area of familism than f i r s t generation Russian immigrants? (2) W i l l f i r s t generation Russian immigrants tend to possess more " t r a d i t i o n a l values" i n the area of familism than second and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants? (3) W i l l second and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants be more acculturated than f i r s t generation Russian immigrants? Thus, we proposed the following hypotheses: (1) Second generation Russian immigrants w i l l exhibit a lower sense of a t t i t u d i n a l familism than f i r s t generation Russian immigrants, and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants w i l l exhibit a lower sense of a t t i t u d i n a l familism than LITERATURE REVIEW / 69 second generation immigrants, as indicated by lower scores on the Bardis Familism Scale for each respective group. (2) Second generation Russian immigrants w i l l exhibit a higher l e v e l of acculturation than f i r s t generation Russian immigrants, and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants w i l l e xhibit a higher l e v e l of acculturation than second generation Russian immigrants, as indicated by higher scores on the Short Acculturation Scale for each respective group. (3) Demographic variables such as sex, age, r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , education l e v e l , Russian language a b i l i t y , and s o c i a l network, w i l l be associated with family values and acculturation l e v e l s . While previous research indicates that patterns of acculturation and value change may vary for c e r t a i n demographic factors, the lack of research on Russian immigrants requires that t h i s be an exploratory analysis. 70 Chapter III METHODOLOGY General Method A contrasted group research design was used for t h i s study. The goal was to i d e n t i f y the differences and/or s i m i l a r i t i e s of acculturation l e v e l and family values between f i r s t , second, and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants. Since research to date i n the area of family values and acculturation l e v e l of Russian immigrants i s minimal, t h i s study was considered to be "exploratory" i n nature. Subjects The sample for t h i s study was obtained by mailing questionnaires to 230 members of the Russian immigrant community, 19 years of age or older, within the Greater Vancouver and Lower Mainland areas, and extending into the Fraser Valley. Names of potential subjects were obtained by contacting directors of four l o c a l Russian organizations. These organizations have various combinations of orientations, including r e l i g i o u s , s o c i a l , METHODOLOGY / 71 c u l t u r a l , and p o l i t i c a l . I also obtained names of potent i a l subjects by means of personal contacts and word of mouth. The l i s t s of persons' names obtained from these contacts also included a variety of generation l e v e l s , as well as various r e l i g i o u s , s o c i o - c u l t u r a l , and p o l i t i c a l orientations. Nevertheless, i t i s to be noted that the sample obtained was considered a "sample of convenience" because a random sample of a l l Russian immigrants i n the Lower Mainland would not have been a feasi b l e task to accomplish. After the guestionnaires were mailed, I received approximately f i f t e e n telephone c a l l s from pot e n t i a l subjects. Some had s p e c i f i c questions to ask about the questionnaire i n order to a s s i s t them i n completing i t and yet others telephoned to t e l l me that they did not have any Russian background, for example a female who i n the past was married to a Russian, and others who had, for instance, only Czechoslovakian, Yugoslavian, or Polish background. Some second and t h i r d generation persons said they had no memory of or contact with t h e i r Russian background and one young female said, "I'm not Russian, I'm Ukrainian." Once I assured these persons that the guestionnaires had provision for these facts, they did indeed return completed METHODOLOGY / 72 questionnaires. One male (middle-aged) recent Soviet immigrant said that he was unwilling to complete a questionnaire that asked for "personal information," yet said that he would have been w i l l i n g to be interviewed ( i . e . t e l l me things verbally, but not i n written form). A female who had immigrated from China i n the 1950's refused to complete the guestionnaire because i t came from "someone she didn't know." On the other hand, during the telephone conversation she t o l d me her views regarding acculturation of immigrants. Several of the persons who returned completed questionnaires also included extra comments regarding some of the questions, and some even included a personalized l e t t e r describing t h e i r background i n more d e t a i l , s t a t i n g t h e i r views on the research, or expressing i n t e r e s t i n the re s u l t s . Sample Characteristics A t o t a l of 71 persons completed and returned the questionnaires, representing a 31% response rate. There were 32% (23) male subjects and 68% (48) female subjects. Table 2 shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of male and female respondents by generation l e v e l . Although the t o t a l number METHODOLOGY / 73 Table 2 Sample Breakdown by Sex and Generation Level Tot. 1st gen. 2nd gen. 3rd gen. 4th gen, (N = 71) (n = 22) (n = 30) (n = 18) (n = 1) Male 32% 32% 37% 28% (23) (7) (11) (5) Female 68% 68% 63% 72% 100% (48) (15) (19) (13) (1) METHODOLOGY / 74 of female subjects to male subjects i s d i s t i n c t l y higher, the number of females to males stays proportionately higher i n each of the f i r s t , second, and t h i r d generations. The lone fourth generation subject was not included i n the analyses. The sample included an unusually large number of subjects i n each generation who had university or some other form of post-secondary education (see Table 3). The subjects exhibited a wide variety of occupations, the highest numbers being i n professions (other than education) (21%), industrial/business white c o l l a r (20%), education (15%), and students (14%). The occupational categories of the remaining 30% included c i v i l servants, agriculture, manual work, homemakers (at home), self-employment, and one person was unemployed. One subject had l i v e d i n a Russian/Slavic neighborhood i n the past for more than 35 years, eighteen had l i v e d i n one from 10 to 35 years, and four from 1 to 9 years. Presently, a t o t a l of 16 subjects l i v e d i n a Russian/Slavic neighborhood and 14 of these were second generation persons. METHODOLOGY / 75 Table 3 Education Levels by Generation (N = 70) Elem. Only High School Completed Univ/College or other post-sec. Generation Level 1st (n = 22) 0 1 21 2nd (n =30) 2 5 23 3rd (n = 18) 2 5 11 METHODOLOGY / 76 Procedures The questionnaire packet mailed to each prospective subject consisted of the following (see Appendices A to G): (1) Letter of Introduction (2) Special note i n the Russian language (3) Participant Informed Consent Form (4) Questionnaire consisting of: (a) Demographic Information (labeled as "General Information") (b) Bardis Familism Scale (labeled as "Family Attitudes") (c) Short Acculturation Scale (labeled as "Cultural Attitudes") (d) Raffle t i c k e t The Letter of Introduction provided an introduction to the study and instructions for participants. A note i n Russian (along with an English translation) was attached to the Letter of Introduction, stating that participants were required to be able to read English and respond to the questionnaire on t h e i r own, without the aid of a tran s l a t o r . The note i n Russian was written by the METHODOLOGY / 77 current author, with the assistance of a Russian language ins t r u c t o r i n the Department of Slavonic Studies at a major Canadian university. The s p e c i f i c a t i o n to not allow t r a n s l a t i o n of the questionnaire items for the subject was found to be necessary due to the problems involved i n tr a n s l a t i n g without changing the meanings of questions ( B r i s l i n , Lonner, & Thorndike, 1973). Design of the Questionnaire The questionnaire mailed to potential subjects consisted of three sections. A copy of each section i s included i n the Appendices (D, E, and F). The three sections are described below: (1) Demographic Information The f i r s t section of the guestionnaire was developed by the current investigator and included guestions about generation l e v e l , ethnic o r i g i n , age, and other descriptive d e t a i l s . Other question topics included those which previous researchers, for instance Mostwin (1980), showed to be relevant to acculturation and family values of immigrants. Examples of such items include educational METHODOLOGY / 78 l e v e l , ethnic language a b i l i t y , and degree of r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n . (2) Bardis Familism Scale (Bardis, 1959) This scale served as the measure of the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' attitudes concerning familism, which incorporates both family power structure and family cohesion. The Bardis Familism Scale was f i r s t developed by Bardis i n 1959 (Bardis, 1959). It i s a 5-point, 16-item L i k e r t - s t y l e questionnaire that was designed to measure attitudes and values directed toward the family as a s o c i a l e n t i t y . Questions relate to support for, and l o y a l t y toward, members of both the nuclear (questions #1 to #10) and the extended family (questions #11 to 16). Respondents were instructed to indicate t h e i r l e v e l of agreement, from strongly disagree (coded 0) to strongly agree (coded 4), based on t h e i r philosophy of the family i n general, not t h e i r own family. An ove r a l l familism score was obtained by adding the responses to each of the items, with no reverse-scoring required. Scores could range from 0 to 64 on the o v e r a l l scale, 0 to 40 on the nuclear scale, and 0 to 24 on the extended scale, with higher scores i n d i c a t i n g more f a m i l i s t i c attitudes. For purposes of t h i s study, METHODOLOGY / 79 high f a m i l i s t i c scores were interpreted as coinciding with high " t r a d i t i o n a l " family values. The scale has been used by many researchers i n various countries (Rao & Rao, 1979; Aldr i c h , Lipman, & Goldman, 1973; Kassees, 1972; B l a i r , 1972; Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, Perez-Stable, 1987). The scale thus has the advantage of having been used c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y i n i t s English form and i t has also been translated into Greek. A study i n Greece was one of several studies by Bardis to test the v a l i d i t y and determine the r e l i a b i l i t y of the scale (Bardis, 1959). Bardis used a sample of thirty-seven male and female Gymnasium students i n a community already known to be f a m i l i s t i c , i n southern Greece. After finding the r e l i a b i l i t y and in t e r n a l consistency of the scale i n that culture to be sat i s f a c t o r y , the mean familism score of the subjects was obtained. This mean was compared with that of a sample of thirty-seven male and female high school students from an i n d u s t r i a l c i t y i n Michigan. The difference between these means was s i g n i f i c a n t below the p = .01 l e v e l . The mean of the same Greek group was also compared with that of thirty-seven Methodist students i n a Michigan college and the difference was also s i g n i f i c a n t below the p_ = .01 METHODOLOGY / 80 l e v e l . A sim i l a r significance l e v e l was also found when the responses of t h i r t y d i f f e r e n t Methodist students from the same Michigan college were compared with those of t h i r t y Mennonite students attending a Midwestern Mennonite college. The scale has also been translated into various other languages (Schumm, 1990, p. 181). B l a i r (1972) did a factor analysis of the scale and decided that i t needed some rev i s i o n i n order to be a stronger indicator of familism. When i t was f i r s t developed, the scale was not divided into the subscales of "nuclear familism" and "extended familism". Rao and Rao (1979) used factor analysis to evaluate the scale i n India and found that out of the 16 items, 10 measure the nuclear family dimension and the remaining six measure the extended family dimension. Subsequent to t h i s study, the scale has been divided into the two aforementioned subscales. According to Schumm (1990), s p l i t - h a l f r e l i a b i l i t y has been reported to range from r = .77 to .84 and one-month te s t - r e t e s t r e l i a b i l i t y i s reported to be r = .90. METHODOLOGY / 81 (3) Revision of the Short Acculturation Scale The present researcher used the Short Acculturation Scale developed by Marin, Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, and Perez-Stable, 1987. Alterations were made as necessary, i n order to make the scale appropriate to use with Russian immigrants. Its main advantage was that i t i s short (12 items) and precise, and yet has v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y c o e f f i c i e n t s that are comparable to those of other published scales. I t was developed for Hispanics, but i t was chosen for the current study because i t i s composed of adeguately general items, such that only one word needed to be changed i n each item. The present investigator simply substituted the word "Russian" for "Spanish" and the word "Russians" for "Latinos/Hispanics". The scale measures acculturation on a so c i o - c u l t u r a l l e v e l , based on three factors: (1) Language Use; (2) Media, and (3) Ethnic Social Relations. In the aforementioned authors' study with Hispanics, the scale correlated highly with several v a l i d a t i o n c r i t e r i a (p_ < .001), including respondents' generation (r = .65); length of residence i n the U.S. (r = .65); age at a r r i v a l (r = -69); ethnic s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n (r = .76); and an METHODOLOGY / 82 acculturation index (r = .83). The scale was also separately validated (by the same authors) for Mexican Americans and Central Americans and a l l correlations were comparable to the ones for Hispanics, also at £ < .001. The Alpha c o e f f i c i e n t for the 12 common items on the scale was .92. This served to measure the i n t e r n a l consistency r e l i a b i l i t y of the scale, that i s , each item showed a high c o r r e l a t i o n with every other item i n the scale. Participant Incentive As a possible motivator for completion and return of the questionnaire, a r a f f l e t i c k e t was included i n the packet mailed to each potential subject. The r a f f l e was for a restaurant g i f t c e r t i f i c a t e valued at t h i r t y d o l l a r s ($30.00). The majority of respondents did indeed enter t h e i r name i n the r a f f l e . To maintain c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , respondents were instructed to place the completed r a f f l e t i c k e t i n a separate sealed envelope which would then be separated from t h e i r questionnaires upon receipt. METHODOLOGY / 83 Analysis of Data Possible differences between the generations on demographic variables were investigated using chi-square and one-way analyses of variance (ANOVA). Pearson c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s were calculated i n order to explore the degree of relationship between familism and acculturation l e v e l , between these factors and various demographic variables, as well as i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n l e v e l s of the demographic variables. One-way ANOVA's were performed i n order to analyze differences i n levels of familism and/or acculturation between the three generations (in order to maintain s i m p l i c i t y , the lone fourth generation respondent was not included i n the analyses of data). For the one-way ANOVA's found to be s i g n i f i c a n t (p < .05), a test of least s i g n i f i c a n t difference (LSD) was carr i e d out to determine which groups d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from each other. To investigate possible interactions, two-way ANOVA's were performed to determine whether the demographic variables were related to the family values, and to METHODOLOGY / determine whether acculturation and the demographic variables were related. 85 Chapter IV RESULTS E a r l i e r i n t h i s paper, three hypotheses were proposed. B r i e f l y , they stated that higher generation Russian immigrants would exhibit a lower sense of a t t i t u d i n a l familism and a higher l e v e l of acculturation than lower generation Russian immigrants. It was also hypothesized that several demographic variables were related to familism and acculturation l e v e l s . The hypotheses were tested s t a t i s t i c a l l y and the results of those analyses are presented i n t h i s chapter. The results of several post hoc exploratory analyses are also discussed. To begin, however, a detailed description of the sample i s presented. Demographic Description of Sample The demographic information obtained i n the f i r s t section of the questionnaire i s summarized b r i e f l y here. This i s necessary i n order to provide the reader with descriptive knowledge of Russian immigrants i n the Vancouver, B.C. area, even though t h i s knowledge may only be d i r e c t l y applicable to those s p e c i f i c immigrants who completed the questionnaire. However, since the study i s RESULTS / 86 exploratory i n nature, t h i s information has not been s i m i l a r l y obtained i n any previous study. Chi-square tests and a one-way ANOVA (age by generation) were performed to investigate possible s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the generations for several demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The results of these tests are shown i n Tables 4 and 5. There were no differences between the generations i n sex, age, education l e v e l s , or whether a church/synagogue was attended regularly by subjects. It i s apparent from the information provided i n Table 6 that the mean ages between the d i f f e r e n t generation l e v e l s do not vary a great deal. Twenty-three percent (16) of the respondents (N = 71) checked off "Russian Orthodox" as t h e i r r e l i g i o n and 44% (31) checked off "no r e l i g i o n . " Eight of the Russian Orthodox were f i r s t generation, seven were second generation, and one was t h i r d generation. Of the "no r e l i g i o n " persons, ten were f i r s t generation, t h i r t e e n were second generation, and seven were t h i r d generation. The remaining 33% consisted of various categories of r e l i g i o n , including Greek Orthodox, Ukrainian Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Ukrainian Catholic, Jewish, Protestant, RESULTS / 87 Table 4 Chi-Square Tests Chi-Square DF Significance D i s t r i b u t i o n of subjects i n each of 1st, 2nd, & 3rd generation lev e l s No.of subjects i n each gen. l e v e l Sex Education Level Whether Attend Church/Synagogue Regularly 3.20 2 .20 .42 2 .81 7.16 4 .13 1.68 2 .43 RESULTS / 88 Table 5 a One-Way ANOVA for Age (N = 67) Source of Variation DF F r a t i o F prob Between Groups Generation Level 2 2.34 .10 a Four persons chose not to provide t h e i r birthdates when completing t h e i r questionnaires. RESULTS / 89 Table 6 a Mean Age by Generation (N = 67) Mean Age Generation Level 1st (n = 22) 53.50 2nd (n = 27) 48.81 3rd (n = 18) 41.72 a Four subjects chose not to provide t h e i r birthdates when completing t h e i r questionnaires. RESULTS / 90 Doukhobor, Mennonite, Unitarian, I r i s h - S c o t t i s h Catholic, and one person wrote, "my own." Thirty-three percent (23) of the respondents (N = 70) stated that they attended a church or synagogue regularly - of these, 9 were f i r s t generation, 8 were second generation, and 5 were t h i r d generation. Fifty-one percent (36) of the respondents (N = 71) were married, 21% (15) were single, 14% (10) were widowed, 8% (6) were divorced, 3% (2) were separated, and 3% (2) l i v e d common-law. Forty-one percent (29) of the subjects belonged to some type of Russian-Canadian organization. Twenty-four percent of t h i s group stated that they belonged to a "re l i g i o u s only" organization and the other 76% stated that they belonged to various combinations of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l organizations. Of the f i r s t generation group (as well as the 4 persons who immigrated before age 10 and were thus considered second generation) [N = 26], 46% (12) arrived i n the 1970's, 23% (6) between 1945 and 1957 (post-World War I I ) , 23% (6) i n the 1980's, 4% (1) pre-World War I ) , 4% (1) i n the 1960's, and none at a l l between World War I and RESULTS / 91 World War I I . The high number of immigrants i n the 1970's concurs with Jeletzky's (1983) description of the "wave" of immigrants, mostly of Jewish ethnic o r i g i n , who l e f t the U.S.S.R. as a res u l t of a change i n Soviet p o l i c y which permitted them to do so. Jeletzky also stated that there were few immigrants between the two World Wars and the present sample had no participants at a l l who had ar r i v e d during that period. Twenty-seven percent (7) of the twenty-six Russian immigrants came from Great Russia, 19% (5) from the Ukraine, 19% (5) from Moldavia, 4% (1) from Byelorussia, and 31% (8) from various other countries, including Denmark, B r a z i l , China, Germany, Latvia, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. Five percent (1) of the f i r s t generation immigrants (N = 22) had a "very good" knowledge of English on a r r i v a l , 13.5% (3) had a "good" knowledge, 13.5% (3) a " f a i r l y good" knowledge, 41% (9) had a "poor" knowledge, and 27% (6) had "none" (no knowledge of English on a r r i v a l ) . Reasons given by f i r s t generation immigrants for leaving t h e i r native country included various combinations of p o l i t i c a l , economical, and r e l i g i o u s . Others came to RESULTS / 92 j o i n spouses or other family members. One person wrote "freedom" and another wrote "adventure." Many of the "old" immigrants ( i . e . before the 1970's) received no help on a r r i v a l , but some of the "new" ones (1970's and onward) received help from the Canadian government, Manpower, r e l a t i v e s , and Russian-Canadian organizations. Jewish community centres and Jewish family agencies helped many of the recent Jewish immigrants. The highest percentage of participants had parents of Russian o r i g i n (mother 45% and father 35%) and the highest percentage of remaining participants had either Ukrainian parents (mother 17% and father 24%) or "other" (mother 20% and father 25%). Table 7 provides a summary of the parents' e t h n i c i t y . Table 8 provides d e t a i l s of subjects' f e e l i n g of et h n i c i t y by generation l e v e l . The fe e l i n g of "Russian Canadian" was c i t e d by the highest percentage of subjects (30%) and in t e r e s t i n g l y , each generation l e v e l had proportionately similar numbers to the other generation l e v e l s (32% of the 1st generation, 27% of the second generation, and 28% of the 3rd generation said they f e l t "Russian Canadian"). "Canadian" had the next highest RESULTS / 93 Table 7 E t h n i c i t y of Subjects' Parents No.of respondents (N = 71) Mother Father Russian 45% (32) Byelorussian 8% ( 6) Ukrainian 17% (12) Jewish 10% ( 7) Other 20% (14) (e.g.Dutch, French-Canadian, Metis, Latvian, French, Rumanian, English, Yugoslav, Russ/Afghan, Canadian) 35% (25) 4% ( 3) 24% (17) 11% ( 8) 25% (18) RESULTS / 94 Table 8 Feeling of Et h n i c i t y Total 1st gen. 2nd gen. 3rd gen. (N = 71) (n = 22) (n = 30) (n = 18) Canadian 28% 5% 33% 50% (20) (1) (10) (9) Russian 10% 23% 7% 0% ( 7) (5) ( 2) (0) Russ.Can. 30% 32% 27% 28% (21) (7) ( 8) (5) Jewish.Can. 10% 23% 7% 0% ( 7) (5) ( 2) (0) Ukr.Can. 6% 0% 10% 6% ( 4) (0) ( 3) (1) Other 17% 18% 17% 17% (12) (4) ( 5) (3) (e.g. Canadian Ukrainian; Polis h ; Canadian; Canadian Russian; Byelorussian; Can/Ukr/Scot/Irish/Eng; Russ.Jewish.Can; Russ.Eng; None) RESULTS / 95 percentage of subjects, but as the table shows, the f i r s t generation had a much lower percentage (1%) than both the second generation (33%) and the t h i r d generation (50%). Table 9 shows speaking l e v e l of the Russian language by generation. As would be expected, 86% of f i r s t generation immigrants marked "Very Good" as t h e i r speaking l e v e l . A rather i n t r i g u i n g finding, however, i s that 43% of the second generation and 22% of the t h i r d generation marked "Fair." One-Way Analyses of Variance (One-Way ANOVA'S) In order to test the hypothesis that higher generation immigrants would score higher than lower generation immigrants on the familism scale, one-way analyses of variance were performed. These analyses assessed whether the three generation levels under consideration i n t h i s study d i f f e r e d from each other on the scores of the Bardis Familism Scale as a whole, the Nuclear Family Integration subscale of the Bardis Familism Scale, the Extended Family Integration subscale of the Bardis Familism Scale, as well as on the Short Acculturation Scale. RESULTS / 96 Table 9 Speaking Level of Russian Language Total 1st gen. 2nd gen. 3rd gen. (N = 71) (n = 22) (n = 30) (n = 18) Very Good 35% 86% 13% 11% (25) (19) ( 4 ) ( 2 ) Good 10% 14% 3% 17% ( 7 ) ( 3 ) ( 1 ) ( 3 ) F a i r 24% 0% 43% 22% (17) ( 0) (13) ( 4) Poor 17% 0% 20% 28% (12) ( 0 ) ( 6 ) ( 5 ) None 14% 0% 20% 22% (10) ( 0 ) ( 6 ) ( 4 ) RESULTS / 97 Bardis Familism Scale A l l three subscales of the Bardis Familism Scale exhibited a wide range of scores within a l l three generation l e v e l s . Higher scores on the subscales correspond to greater levels of familism. Out of a maximum possible score of 64 on the Bardis Familism Scale as a whole, the scores of f i r s t generation subjects ranged from 21 to 42. Out of a maximum possible score of 40 on the Nuclear Integration subscale, f i r s t generation scores ranged from 11 to 35, and out of a maximum possible score of 24 on the Extended Integration subscale, f i r s t generation scores ranged from 3 to 16. Second generation scores ranged from 12 to 53 on the t o t a l Bardis Scale, 8 to 35 on the Nuclear subscale, and 2 to 20 on the Extended subscale. Third generation scores ranged from 9 to 48 on the t o t a l , 8 to 35 on the Nuclear, and 0 to 18 on the Extended subscales. There were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences exhibited i n mean scores, however, between any of the three generations on the Bardis Familism Scale t o t a l scores [F (2, 67) = 1.16, p = .32], although there was a trend noted for the f i r s t generation to have a s l i g h t l y higher mean score on RESULTS / 98 a l l three subscales. The mean scores and standard deviations for the t o t a l , nuclear, and extended subscales of the Bardis are shown i n Table 10. A series of separate one-way ANOVA's were conducted on a l l subscales of the Bardis Scale by speaking l e v e l of Russian, language spoken at home, et h n i c i t y of close friends, education completed, age, whether attend church/synagogue regularly, and length of time i n Canada. Results of the one-way ANOVA for the t o t a l Bardis Scale are shown i n Table 11, the results for the nuclear subscale are shown i n Table 12, and the results for the extended subscale are shown i n Table 13. Scores on the Bardis Familism Scale seemed to be related to speaking l e v e l of the Russian language, language spoken at home, e t h n i c i t y of close friends, education completed, and age. A tes t of least s i g n i f i c a n t differences (LSD) was performed i n order to determine which s p e c i f i c groups d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y at the p_ = .05 l e v e l from one another. At the .05 significance l e v e l , the scores of a l l three subscales of the Bardis Scale were s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher for those subjects that checked off "Very Good" as t h e i r RESULTS / 99 Table 10 Mean Scores & Standard Deviations for Bardis Familism Scale (N = 71) Bardis Tot Bardis Nuc Bardis Ext M S. D. M S .D. M S • D. Gen. Level 1st (n = 22) 31 .00 6. 17 19.50 6 .04 11 .50 3 .19 2nd (n = 30) 27 .33 9. 93 16.73 6 .58 10 .60 4 .41 3rd (n = 18) 27 .61 10. 57 16.78 6 .62 10 .83 4 .96 Speakinq Level of Russian Very Good 32 .20 7. 85 20.00 6 .76 12 .20 3 .43 (n = 25) Good (n = 7) 27 .29 6. 97 16.86 5 .67 10 .43 1 .90 F a i r (n = 17) 30 .47 10. 04 18.12 6 .87 12 .35 4 .51 Poor (n = 12) 20 .42 6. 61 13.08 3 .15 7 .33 4 .38 None (n = 10) 27 .00 8. 59 16.70 5 .95 10 .30 3 .89 Lanquaqe Spoken at Home Only Russian 34 .20 8. 64 21.90 8 .33 12 .30 3 .71 (n = 10) More Russian than English (n = 8) Both Equally (n = 6) More English than Russian (n = 18) Only English (n = 29) Et h n i c i t y of Close Friends A l l Russians (n = 2) More Russians than Cndns. (n = 4) About Half & Half (n = 15) More Cndns. than Russians (n = 28) 31.50 7.52 32.17 6.31 30.67 8.64 23.79 8.48 30.00 4.24 29.25 8.62 35.33 7.64 28.32 8.64 20.25 6.16 19.17 5.49 18.39 5.66 14.59 5.22 20.00 8.49 19.00 11.31 21.87 5.84 17.11 5.53 RESULTS / 100 11.25 2.05 13.00 2.53 12.28 4.34 9.21 4.40 10.00 4.24 10.25 3.20 13.47 2.83 11.21 4.09 A l l Cndns. (n = 22) Education Completed Elem.School Only (n = 4) High School (n = 11) College,Univ, or other post-sec (n = 56) Age 19 - 40 (n = 27) 41 - 65 (n = 28) Over 65 (n = 13) RESULTS / 101 24.05 8.56 14.86 5.58 9.18 4.53 43.25 6.50 27.25 28.82 10.60 18.27 27.48 8.06 16.79 5.32 16.00 1.83 6.89 10.55 5.43 5.89 10.70 3.81 28.15 8.85 16.04 5.63 10.11 4.90 28.54 7.86 17.54 6.52 11.00 3.24 34.54 9.99 21.62 6.92 12.92 3.64 RESULTS / 102 Time i n Canada (N = 26) 2 - 1 0 yrs. 32.71 6.26 20.29 6.19 12.43 2.94 (n = 7) 11 - 25 yrs. 29.75 7.59 19.00 7.39 10.75 3.44 (n = 12) 26 - 66 yrs. 28.86 7.90 17.71 5.50 11.14 3.18 (n = 7) Attend Church/ Syn. Regularly Yes (n = 23) 29.74 7.46 17.65 5.06 12.09 3.75 No (n = 47) 28.17 9.82 17.57 7.09 10.60 4.18 Maximum Possible Scores Bardis Tot (Total) = 64 Bardis Nuc (Nuclear) =40 Bardis Ext (Extended) =24 RESULTS / 103 Table 11 Source of Variation DF F r a t i o F prob Between Groups Speaking Level of Russian 4 4.46 . 00 ** Lang. Spoken @ Home 4 4.37 . 00 ** (ques. #3 on Accul.Scale) E t h n i c i t y of Close Friends 4 4.10 .01 ** (ques. #9 on Accul.Scale) Education Completed Categories 2 6.55 . 00 ** b Age Categories 2 4.11 .02 * Generation Level 2 1.16 .32 Whether Attend Church/ 1 .46 .50 Syn. Regularly c Length of Time i n Canada 2 .55 .59 (n = 26) a N = 71 b Age Categories are 19 - 40, 41 - 65, & over 65 RESULTS / 104 Includes only 1st gen. immigrants plus 4 participants who immigrated before age 10 ( c l a s s i f i e d as 2nd gen. i n t h i s study. * p < .05 ** £ < .01 RESULTS / 105 Table 12 One-Way ANOVA's for Bardis Nuclear Familism Scores Source of Variation DF F r a t i o F prob Between Groups Speaking Level of Russian 4 2.70 .04 * Lang. Spoken @ Home 4 3.73 .01 ** (ques. #3 on Accul.Scale) E t h n i c i t y of Close Friends 4 3.17 .02 * (ques. #9 on Accul.Scale) Education Completed Categories 2 5.72 .01 ** b Age Categories 2 3.51 .04 * Generation Level 2 1.38 .26 Whether Attend Church/ 1 .00 .96 Syn. Regularly c Length of Time i n Canada 2 .26 .77 (n = 26) a N = 71 b Age Categories are 19 - 40, 41 - 65, & over 65 RESULTS / 106 Includes only 1st gen. immigrants plus 4 participants who immigrated before age 10 ( c l a s s i f i e d as 2nd gen. i n t h i s study. * p < .05 ** p < .01 RESULTS / 107 Table 13 Source of Variation DF F r a t i o F prob Between Groups Speaking Level of Russian 4 3.98 .01 ** Lang. Spoken @ Home 4 2.58 .05 * (ques. #3 on Accul.Scale) E t h n i c i t y of Close Friends 4 2.68 .04 * (ques. #9 on Accul.Scale) Education Completed Categories 2 3.31 .04 * b Age Categories 2 2.11 .13 Generation Level 2 .30 .74 Whether Attend Church/ 1 2.10 .15 Syn. Regularly c Length of Time i n Canada 2 .60 .56 (n = 26) a N = 71 b Age Categories are 19 - 40, 41 - 65, & over 65 RESULTS / 108 Includes only 1st gen. immigrants plus 4 participants who immigrated before age 10 ( c l a s s i f i e d as 2nd gen. i n t h i s study. * p < .05 ** p < .01 RESULTS / 109 speaking l e v e l of Russian than for those that checked off "Poor." Those that checked off "Fair" also scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than those that checked off "Poor". Scores on the t o t a l Bardis Scale were s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower for those subjects who spoke "Only English" at home than for those who spoke any one of "Only Russian," "More Russian than English," "Both Equally," or "More English than Russian." On the nuclear Bardis Scale, scores were s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower for those subjects who spoke "Only English" than for those who spoke any one of "Only Russian," "More Russian than English," or "More English than Russian." On the extended Bardis Scale, scores were s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower for those subjects that spoke "Only English" than for those that spoke "Only Russian," "Both Equally," or "More English than Russian." Scores on the t o t a l , as well as the nuclear Bardis Scale were s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher for those subjects who said t h e i r close friends were "About Half and Half" than for those that said t h e i r close friends were either "More Canadians than Russians" or " A l l Canadians." A s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher mean score was also shown on the extended Bardis Scale for those who said "About Half and RESULTS / 110 Half" than for those who said " A l l Canadians." There were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences shown on any of the subscale mean scores between those subjects whose close friends were either " A l l Russians" or "More Russians than Canadians" and those whose close friends were "About Half and Half/" More Canadians than Russians," or " A l l Canadians." The amount of education completed was shown to have a s i g n i f i c a n t relationship to the Bardis Familism Scale scores. On a l l three subscales of the Bardis Scale, scores were s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher for subjects who completed only elementary school than for those who completed either high school only or college, university, or other post-secondary education. Age difference also showed a relationship to scores obtained on the Bardis Scale. On the t o t a l Bardis Scale, those subjects over 65 years of age scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than both those 19 to 40 years of age and those 41 to 65 years of age. On the nuclear subscale of the Bardis, those subjects over 65 scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than those between 19 and 40 years of age, but not s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than those between 41 and 65 years of age. RESULTS / 111 Length of time i n Canada of f i r s t generation immigrants was shown to have no s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p to any of the Bardis Familism Scale scores. Whether or not subjects attended a church or synagogue regularly was also shown to have no s i g n i f i c a n t relationship to the Bardis scores. Short Acculturation Scale Table 14 shows the one-way ANOVA results for the revised Short Acculturation Scale. As shown by the re s u l t s , generation l e v e l , as well as other variables, d i d indeed have a s i g n i f i c a n t relationship to Short Acculturation Scale scores. Table 15 shows the mean scores and standard deviations. Out of a maximum possible score of 60, scores ranged from 17 to 49 for the f i r s t generation, 30 to 60 for the second, and 39 to 60 for the t h i r d . Second and t h i r d generation persons scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than f i r s t generation persons on the Short Acculturation Scale. No s i g n i f i c a n t difference i n scores, however, was shown between the second and t h i r d generation. RESULTS / 112 Table 14 a One-Way ANOVA's for Acculturation Scale Scores Source of Variation DF F r a t i o F prob Between Groups - Speaking Level of Russian 4 19.75 .00 *** Education Completed Categories 2 1.50 .23 b Age Categories 2 14.10 .00 *** Generation Level 2 25.00 .00*** Whether Attend Church/ 1 .20 .66 Syn. Regularly c Length of Time i n Canada 2 5.53 .01** (n = 26) a N = 71 b Age Categories are 19 - 40, 41 - 65, & over 65 c Includes only 1st gen. immigrants plus 4 participants who immigrated before age 10 ( c l a s s i f i e d as 2nd gen. i n t h i s study. * p_ < .05 ** p < .01 •** p < .001 RESULTS / 113 Table 15 Mean Scores & Standard Deviations for Short Acculturation Scale (N = 71) Short Acculturation Scale Gen. Level M S.D. 1st (n = 22) 36.18 7.61 2nd (n = 30) 48.37 7.47 3rd (n = 18) 50.72 6.43 Speaking Level of Russian Very Good 36.76 7.74 (n = 25) Good (n = 7) 43.57 5.68 F a i r (n = 17) 47.94 5.80 Poor (n = 12) 52.92 6.47 None (n = 10) 53.90 4.79 Education Completed Elem.School 39.00 6.48 Only (n = 4) High School (n = 11) College,Univ, or other post-sec (n = 56) Age 19 - 40 (n = 27) 41 - 65 (n = 28) Over 65 (n = 13) Time i n Canada (N = 26) 2 - 1 0 yrs. (n = 7) 11 - 25 yrs. (n = 12) 26 - 66 yrs. (n = 7) RESULTS / 114 48.36 9.55 45.25 9.44 51.19 41.21 39.77 7.10 8.03 9.47 33.14 36.58 45.43 9.26 6.42 6.19 RESULTS / 115 Attend Church/ Syn. Regularly Yes (n = 23) 44.48 7.39 No (n = 47) 45.55 10.43 Maximum Possible Score on Acculturation Scale = 60 RESULTS / 116 Persons with a higher l e v e l of speaking a b i l i t y of the Russian language generally scored lower on the Short Acculturation Scale than those who were at a lower l e v e l of speaking a b i l i t y . S p e c i f i c a l l y , those persons who checked off "Very Good" scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower than those who checked off any one of "Good", "Fair", "Poor", or "None". As well, those who checked off "Very Good", "Good", or "Fair" scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower than those who checked off "Poor" or "None". The l e v e l of education completed was not s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i v e to the Short Acculturation Scale scores. However, as Table 15 shows, the group who completed only elementary school exhibited a lower mean score than either the high school or post-secondary group. The youngest group of subjects (ages 19 to 40) scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on the acculturation scale than both the 41 to 65 group and the over 65 group. There was no s i g n i f i c a n t difference i n mean scores shown between the 41 to 65 group and the over 65 group. The group of immigrants who had been i n Canada for the greatest length of time (over 25 years) scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on the acculturation scale than both RESULTS / 117 the group who had been i n Canada for 10 or less years, and the group who had been i n Canada from 11 to 25 years. Whether they attended a church or synagogue regularly, di d not have s i g n i f i c a n t relationship to the subjects' acculturation scale scores. Two-Way Analyses of Variance (Two-Way ANOVA'S) In order to investigate possible i n t e r a c t i o n e f f e c t s between variables, two-way analyses of variance were performed. The Bardis Familism Scale score (Total, Nuclear, and Extended) was the dependent variable i n one instance and the Acculturation Scale score was the dependent variable i n the other instance. The independent variables were generation l e v e l and the following factors: (1) speaking l e v e l of Russian language (2) e t h n i c i t y of close friends (question #9 on acculturation scale) (3) language usually spoken at home (question #3 on acculturation scale) (4) sex RESULTS / 118 (5) attend church regularly (6) importance of nuclear family needs versus i n d i v i d u a l needs (question #3 on Bardis Scale) (7) extended family members as referents (question #12 on Bardis Scale) (8) age (9) length of time i n Canada ( f i r s t generation subjects) (10) education completed The two-way analyses of variance were c a r r i e d out i n order to ascertain i f the two independent variables i n each case had a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the dependent variable (Bardis score or acculturation score) either separately (main effects) or i n combination with generation at p a r t i c u l a r l e v e l s . None of the combinations of independent variables showed any s i g n i f i c a n t interaction e f f e c t s on either the Bardis Familism Scale scores or the Short Acculturation Scale. The results of the two-way analyses of variance performed are shown i n Tables 16 and 17. RESULTS / 119 Some of the main effects were shown to be s i g n i f i c a n t on the two-way ANOVA'S. That i s , d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of single variables were shown to have an e f f e c t on the Bardis and the Acculturation Scale scores. These ef f e c t s were detailed i n the preceding section on one-way ANOVA's. Correlations Pearson product moment corr e l a t i o n analysis was performed to determine the magnitude of the rel a t i o n s h i p between the acculturation scores and the scores of the three subscales of the Bardis Scale. As Table 18 shows, there were s i g n i f i c a n t negative correlations between the acculturation scores and the Bardis scores, although they were not high correlations (r = -32, r = -30, p_ < .01, and r = -.36, p < .001 respectively between Nuclear, Extended and t o t a l Bardis scores and acculturation scores). Pearson product moment co r r e l a t i o n analyses were performed to determine the magnitude of the rel a t i o n s h i p between the par t i c i p a n t s ' scores on the Bardis/Acculturation scales and those demographic variables RESULTS / 120 Table 16 Two-Way ANOVA's for Bardis Familism Scale Scores (Total) Source of Variation DF F Siq. of F Main Ef f e c t s 3 1. 15 .34 Generation Level 2 1. 17 .32 Sex 1 1. 18 .28 2-way Interactions Generation Level x Sex 2 • 05 .95 Main Ef f e c t s 6 3. 43 .01 Generation Level 2 • 39 .68 Speaking Lev.of Russ. 4 4. 42 .00 2-way Interactions Gen.Level x Speaking Lev.of Russ. 5 1. 48 .21 Main E f f e c t s 3 1. 01 .39 Generation Level 2 1. 30 .28 Whether Attend Church/Syn. 1 • 16 .69 Regularly 2-way Interactions Gen.Level x Whether Attend 2 1. 26 .30 Church/Syn.Reg. Main E f f e c t s Generation Level Lang.Spoken @ Home(ques.#3 on Accul. Scale) 2-way Interactions Gen.Lev. x Lang Spk. @ Home Main Ef f e c t s Generation Level E t h n i c i t y of Close Friends (ques. #9 on Accul. Scale) 2-way Interactions Gen.Lev. x Eth. of Close Friends RESULTS / 121 6 3.32 .01 ** 2 .94 .40 4 4.26 .00 ** 6 1.56 .18 6 2.92 .02 * 2 .22 .80 4 3.68 .01 ** 4 1.67 .17 * p < .05 ** p < .01 RESULTS / 122 Table 17 Two-Way ANOVA's for Acculturation Scale : Scores Source of Variation DF F Sig. i of F Main E f f e c t s 3 16 .31 .00 *** Generation Level 2 24 .24 .00 *** Sex 1 .47 .49 2-way Interactions Generation Level x Sex 2 .24 .79 Main Ef f e c t s 6 15 .53 .00 * * * Generation Level 2 2 .90 .06 Speaking Lev.of Russ. 4 6 .02 .00 * * * 2-way Interactions a Gen.Level x Speaking Lev.of Russ. 5 2 .11 .08 Main Ef f e c t s 3 18 .28 .00 * * * Generation Level 2 27 .10 .00 * * * Whether Attend Church/Syn. 1 .12 .73 Regularly 2-way Interactions Gen.Level x Whether Attend 2 1 .38 .26 Church/Syn.Reg. RESULTS / 123 Main Ef f e c t s 6 9 .27 .00 * * * Generation Level 2 21 .02 .00 * * * Importance of Nuc.Fam.VS Indiv. 4 1 .56 .20 Needs(ques.#3 on Bardis Scale) 2-way Interactions Gen.Lev. x Importance of Nuc Fam 6 .32 .92 VS Indiv. Needs Main Ef f e c t s 6 11 .02 .00 *** Generation Level 2 21 .84 .00 * * * Extended Family as Referents 4 1 .96 .11 (ques. #12 on Bardis Scale) 2-way Interactions a Gen.Lev. x Ext.Fam.as Referents 7 2 .03 .07 a Narrowly missed significance @ .05 l e v e l * p < .05 ** p < .01 *** p < .001 RESULTS / 124 Table 18 Correlation Matrix of Bardis Scores with Accul. Scores Bardis Bardis Bardis (Nuclear) (Extended) (Total) Accul.Score -.32 * -.30 * -.36 ** * 2 < -01 ** p < .001 RESULTS / 125 measured at the i n t e r v a l l e v e l of measurement, including age at immigration, language spoken at home (question #3 on acculturation scale), length of time i n Canada, and age (see Table 19). A s i g n i f i c a n t positive c o r r e l a t i o n was found between length of time i n Canada and acculturation score (r = .48, p < .01). Therefore, the longer a f i r s t generation immigrant has been i n Canada, the higher t h e i r l e v e l of acculturation. There were also s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e correlations found between age and scores on a l l three subscales of the Bardis Familism Scale (Nuclear: r = .31, p < .01; Extended: r = .24, p < .05; Total: r = .33, p < .01). In other words, i t appears that the older the participant, the higher t h e i r l e v e l of familism. S i g n i f i c a n t negative correlations were shown between age and acculturation score (r = -.46, p < .001), as well as between age at immigration and acculturation score (r = -.70, p < .001). Thus, the younger the participant generally and the younger the age at which a f i r s t generation immigrant arrived i n Canada, the higher they scored on the acculturation scale. S i g n i f i c a n t negative correlations were also obtained between language spoken at RESULTS / 126 Table 19 Correlation Matrix of Bardis & Acculturation Scale Scores with Demographic Variables Bardis Bardis Bardis Accul. (Nuclear) (Extended) (Total) Age @ Immig. .19 .26 .28 -.70 *** (n = 26) Lang.Spoken @ -.41 *** -.25 -.41 *** Home (N = 71) Length of Time -.17 -.14 -.22 .48 ** i n Canada (n = 26) Age .31 ** .24 * .33 ** -.46 *** (N = 68) * p < .05 ** p < .01 *** p < .001 RESULTS / 127 home (question #3 on acculturation scale) and scores on the t o t a l and nuclear family aspects of the Bardis Familism Scale (r = -.41, p_ < .001 for both). That i s , the more English that was spoken at home (as opposed to Russian), the lower the l e v e l of nuclear and t o t a l familism. 128 Chapter V DISCUSSION This study was carr i e d out i n order to learn about and compare family values and acculturation lev e l s of f i r s t , second, and t h i r d generation Russian immigrants. In t h i s chapter the results obtained i n the study are discussed and compared to results obtained i n previous immigrant studies. The l i m i t a t i o n s of the study are stated, along with suggestions for further research. Perhaps most important because of t h e i r a p p l i c a b i l i t y to r e a l l i f e , the counselling implications of the current study are outlined. General Discussion of Hypotheses Tested Three hypotheses were tested i n t h i s study. F i r s t , i t was hypothesized that the higher the generation l e v e l , the lower the l e v e l of familism. The re s u l t s , however, did not show any s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n scores on the Bardis Familism Scale between any of the three generation l e v e l s . Assuming that the Bardis Familism Scale i s a v a l i d measure of familism or " t r a d i t i o n a l values," the findings were DISCUSSION / 129 somewhat puzzling. As discussed e a r l i e r i n t h i s paper, several studies i n the past have found t r a d i t i o n a l values to decrease as generation l e v e l increased (Aldwin & Greenberger,-1987; Wakil, Siddique, & Wakil, 1981; Luetgart, 1977; Rosenthal & Feldman, 1990; Woehrer, 1978; Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, & Perez-Stable, 1987; G r i f f i t h & V i l l a v i c e n c i o , 1985; Mostwin, 1980; Gerber, 1985). There are l i k e l y to be a number of reasons for the puzzling r e s u l t s i n the present study. One reason may be that the Bardis Familism Scale does not provide a v a l i d measure of t r a d i t i o n a l values. On the other hand, i t i s also possible that the sample of Russian immigrants i n the present study was simply "different" from immigrant samples i n other studies and that familism simply does not tend to strongly decrease with higher generation l e v e l s i n the sample used. Our second major hypothesis was that the higher the generation l e v e l , the higher the l e v e l of acculturation. The Pearson product moment cor r e l a t i o n analyses and the one-way ANOVA's performed both lent support to t h i s hypothesis. Interestingly, however, second and t h i r d generation participants scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on the acculturation scale than f i r s t generation par t i c i p a n t s , but DISCUSSION / 130 there was no s i g n i f i c a n t difference i n scores shown between the second and t h i r d generation. In other words, the second and t h i r d generation immigrants have a si m i l a r l e v e l of acculturation to each other, but higher than that of the f i r s t generation. Almost without exception, the l i t e r a t u r e review of previous research, which was detailed e a r l i e r , i s consistent with the findings i n the current study. However, exceptions have indeed been discovered - for instance Connor (1976) and Osako (1976) found that even t h i r d generation Japanese Americans maintained many of the same t r a d i t i o n s as f i r s t generation Japanese Americans, including strong family t i e s . Ho (1976) showed si m i l a r findings for second generation Korean Americans, and C a m i l l e r i (1983) for second generation Maghrebian immigrants i n France. In other words, i n some instances, second and t h i r d generation immigrants appear to have a much higher acculturation l e v e l than f i r s t generation immigrants, such as i n the present study. However, i t i s not possible to predict the rate of acculturation of second and t h i r d generation immigrants i n general, since as these other studies show, some groups maintain many of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l values for an undetermined number of generations. DISCUSSION / 131 Several s i g n i f i c a n t demographic variables were i d e n t i f i e d i n the current study. Some were found to have a rel a t i o n s h i p to the scores on a l l subscales of the Bardis Familism Scale, along with the Short Acculturation scores. However, others were found to have a relat i o n s h i p only on the Bardis Scale or only on the Acculturation Scale. Some variables appeared to be associated only with one or two of the subscales of the Bardis, rather than with a l l three. Russian Speaking A b i l i t y Scores on a l l three subscales of the Bardis Familism Scale scores were s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher for persons whose l e v e l of Russian speaking a b i l i t y was "Very Good." Also, a l l three subscales of the Bardis Scale scores were s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower for persons who spoke "Only English" at home. Persons with higher levels of Russian speaking a b i l i t y also scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower on the Short Acculturation Scale. These results coincide with findings by Goldscheider and Goldscheider (1988), Warner and Srole (1949), Cuellar, Harris, & Jasso (1980), and Montgomery and Orozco (1984). These researchers a l l found that persons who spoke t h e i r native language well had more t r a d i t i o n a l family values (higher familism level) and/or lower l e v e l s DISCUSSION / 132 of acculturation than those who did not. One of the reasons for t h i s fact may be that those immigrants who speak t h e i r native language well may also have minimal contact with the majority culture, thus preventing them from acguiring that culture's customs and values. Education Level The scores on a l l subscales of the Bardis Scale were s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher for those persons who had completed elementary school only, indicating that a lower education l e v e l i s associated with a higher familism l e v e l . Education l e v e l was s i m i l a r l y shown to have a s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p with family values i n studies by Woehrer (1978), Olmedo and P a d i l l a (1978), Kassees (1972), and A l d r i c h , Lipman, and Goldman (1973). In the current study, education l e v e l was found to have no s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on acculturation l e v e l , but i t was noted that the mean acculturation score was lower for the group that had completed elementary school only. The l i t e r a t u r e i s mixed regarding the relationship of education l e v e l to acculturation l e v e l . Olmedo and P a d i l l a (1978) found that persons with lower acculturation scores were indeed l i k e l y to have lower educational l e v e l s , but DISCUSSION / 133 Hanassab (1991) also found that education l e v e l did not have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on acculturation scores. Age In the present sample, older persons were shown to have s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher scores on the familism scale, as indicated on the one-way analysis of variance of Bardis scores by age. This r e s u l t supports findings by Aldwin and Greenberger (1987), Wakil, Siddique, and Wakil (1981), Marin, Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, and Perez-Stable (1987), Montgomery and Orozco (1984), and Kassees (1972). However, i n studies done by Connor (1976), Osako (1976), Ho (1976), and C a m i l l e r i (1983), i t was found that there seemed to be very l i t t l e decline i n familism i n the younger generations, es p e c i a l l y that connected with strong family t i e s (high le v e l s of v i s i t a t i o n and interdependence between family members) and deference (giving i n to the wishes of other family members, especially parents, even at the expense of one's ind i v i d u a l desires). Younger participants, s p e c i f i c a l l y the group between the ages of 19 and 40, had s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher acculturation scores i n our study. Studies by Pereda Olarte (1984), Szapocznik, Scopetta, and Kurtines (1978), DISCUSSION / 134 Burnam, T e l l e s , Karno, Hough, and Escobar (1987), and Hanassab (1991), support t h i s finding, but Montgomery and Orozco (1984) found that older persons were more acculturated than younger ones. This contradictory finding may be connected to the fact that the older persons have been i n the host country for a longer period of time. Length of Time i n Canada Length of time i n the host country was a s i g n i f i c a n t factor related to higher acculturation scores both i n the current study and i n studies by Burnam, T e l l e s , Karno, Hough, and Escobar (1987) and Hanassab (1991). The length of time i n Canada, however, did not have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on familism scores i n the present sample. Regular Church/Synagogue Attendance Regular church/synagogue attendance was not shown to have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on either the familism scores or the acculturation scores i n the present study. This was somewhat puzzling since Goldscheider and Goldscheider (1988) and Kassees (1972) showed r e l i g i o s i t y to play a major role i n high f a m i l i s t i c , t r a d i t i o n a l family values. DISCUSSION / 135 It i s possible, however, that regular church/synagogue attendance i s not synonymous with high r e l i g i o s i t y . I t i s also worth noting that 44% of the present sample claimed to have "no r e l i g i o n . " In summary, various demographic factors have been shown to have variable relationships to familism and acculturation l e v e l s , both i n the current study and i n previous studies. The sample i n the current study tended to p a r a l l e l the familism/acculturation patterns of some immigrant groups, for example, the Polish (Mostwin, 1980), the Koreans (Ho, 1976), the Ukrainians (Bociurkiw, 1971), and the East Indians (Wakil et a l , 1981), but also tended to show many differences i n patterns of familism/acculturation from some other groups, for example the Japanese (Osako, 1976 and Connor, 1976). Thus, familism and acculturation patterns vary not only within immigrant groups, but also between immigrant groups. Correlations Between Familism and Acculturation The negative c o r r e l a t i o n obtained i n the current study between acculturation scores and scores on a l l three subscales of the Bardis Familism Scale i s generally i n DISCUSSION / 136 accord with a large number of the studies previously d e t a i l e d i n t h i s paper. That i s , the higher the l e v e l of acculturation, the lower the l e v e l of familism, and the lower the l e v e l of acculturation, the higher the l e v e l of familism. However, the correlations obtained i n the present study were modest (r = -.32, -.30, & -.36). The study which most cl o s e l y relates to the present study i s the one by Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, and Perez-Stable (1987) which showed familism dimensions to be "strongly" associated with l e v e l of acculturation, unlike the modest association i n our study. Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, and Perez-Stable (1987), however, used a revised version of the Bardis scale which included items developed by Triandis, Marin, Betancourt, Lisansky, and Chang i n 1982 (Sabogal et a l , 1987). They performed a factor analysis on t h e i r familism scale items and they ended up with three clear factors accounting for 48.4% of the variance on the scale. Of the three factors, they found that f a m i l i a l obligation and the perception of family as referents decreased as the l e v e l of acculturation increased. However, the perception of family support did not show a s i g n i f i c a n t change with the l e v e l of acculturation. The fact that the current study used the DISCUSSION / 137 o r i g i n a l (unrevised) version of the Bardis Scale which did include the family support items when the analysis was done, may account for the lower l e v e l of association with l e v e l of acculturation than i n the study by Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, and Perez-Stable (1987). Limitations of the Study For any study that i s carr i e d out, i t i s important to recognize i t s l i m i t a t i o n s . This section outlines some of the l i m i t a t i o n s that are important to note r e l a t i v e to the present study. F i r s t , i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to study such a heterogeneous group of immigrants. The f i r s t generation immigrants arrived i n Canada over an enormous span of years, so p o l i t i c a l and economic conditions at the time of a r r i v a l would surely play a role i n the amount of v a r i a b i l i t y of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these immigrants. The upcoming generations would thus also be affected due to the variations i n the l i v i n g conditions of t h e i r ancestors. For instance, the starving peasant who immigrated from a small Byelorussian v i l l a g e i n the 1930's would l i k e l y produce some d i f f e r e n t values i n the second generation than would the hockey player who immigrated from a large Russian DISCUSSION / 138 c i t y i n the 1990's. The f i r s t generation immigrants i n the present sample came from a wide variety of republics i n the U.S.S.R., as well as from other nations, e.g. China, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia. Thus, there may be relevant factors (for instance customs and r e l i g i o n of the nation they l i v e d in) that the present study did not measure or control f o r . Since t h i s study required that subjects be p r o f i c i e n t enough i n English i n order to complete the questionnaire on t h e i r own, some of the acculturation scores produced i n the study may have been higher than they may have otherwise been. That i s , i f we had been able to include persons whose English prevented them from completing the questionnaire i n the current study, the f i r s t generation acculturation scores may have turned out somewhat lower than they did. Additionally, the majority of the current sample had a high l e v e l of education and many were professionals. Since previous studies have shown that a higher l e v e l of education i s associated with a higher l e v e l of acculturation, i t i s assumed that the acculturation scores obtained i n the present study were higher than they might had been i f there had been a higher proportion of subjects with lower education l e v e l s . DISCUSSION / 139 The acculturation scale was o r i g i n a l l y developed for Hispanic Americans, and although changes were minor (substitution of the word "Spanish" with "Russian" and the word "Latinos/Hispanics" with "Russians"), there has not been any independent v a l i d a t i o n data for t h i s revised scale. In addition, the scale had two questions which related to radio and t e l e v i s i o n . In the locations i n the U.S. where the Hispanic version of the scale was used, the Hispanics have access to Spanish language radio and t e l e v i s i o n . However, since most persons i n the present sample do not generally have access to Russian language radio or t e l e v i s i o n , these questions turned out to be somewhat superfluous and therefore may have skewed the acculturation scores to a higher l e v e l than they may have otherwise been. It i s also important to note that the acculturation scale used i n the present study was based larg e l y on language use, but as Berry, Trimble, and Olmedo (1986) point out, other available scales are based on other factors (for instance, s o c i a l relations - for example, who they work and play with; d a i l y practices - for example, personal dress and food habits). Since a l l of these factors are probably i n t e r r e l a t e d (Berry et a l , 1986), the DISCUSSION / 140 acculturation scores i n the present study may not represent a true picture of acculturation levels because the scale u t i l i z e d did not take many other factors into account. The present study was based on self - r e p o r t , as i s the case with many studies. That i s , there was a reliance placed on subjects to be accurate as well as t r u t h f u l i n the answers they gave on the questionnaires. For example, i f a person that said that t h e i r speaking l e v e l of Russian was "Good," i t must be questioned as to whether an outside evaluator/experimenter would also place them i n the same category of Russian speaking a b i l i t y . Unlike other studies, t h i s study did not show a strong re l a t i o n s h i p between familism and generation l e v e l , nor between familism and l e v e l of acculturation. There are several p o s s i b i l i t i e s as to why t h i s may have occurred. It i s possible that the Bardis may not have been a v a l i d measure of familism. On the other hand, the sample may have been too heterogeneous i n order to obtain an accurate comparison of differences i n familism or acculturation between generations or between familism and acculturation i n general. It must also be remembered that the present study had a highly educated sample which would, according DISCUSSION / 141 to previous studies, have a strong tendency to show a low l e v e l of familism and a high l e v e l of acculturation. Because there were more female (68%) than male (32%) partic i p a n t s , the study may not be representative of both sexes. The fact that there were similar proportions of males and females within each generation raises the question as to whether women are more l i k e l y than men to respond to questionnaires. I t also may be that women l i v e longer than men, which could possibly produce a higher number of responses by women i n the senior sector of the f i r s t generation. Replication i s an important factor i n order to confirm the findings of the present study, as well as to support the r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y of the familism and acculturation scales which were used. Since the study has been the f i r s t of i t s type to be carr i e d out (that i s , i t has been so l e l y an exploratory study) and because a random sample was not used, g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y of the study i s lim i t e d . I t can be generalized with confidence only to persons l i k e those who completed and returned the questionnaires i n the current study. DISCUSSION / 142 Suggestions For Further Research This study only begins to address the issues of acculturation and family values through generations of Russian immigrants. It i s an exploratory study which has opened up many doors to further research. On the basis of the data c o l l e c t e d and knowledge of the study's l i m i t a t i o n s , several research directions are suggested: (1) Conduct a similar study to the present one, but with a more homogeneous group of Russian immigrants, for example, (a) a group whose f i r s t generation immigrated within a narrower time period, e.g. post W.W. II or 1970's; (b) a group of immigrants from one s p e c i f i c Soviet republic, e.g. Byelorussia or Ukraine; (c) a group of immigrants whose parents immigrated to China and thus were raised l a r g e l y i n China, rather than a Soviet republic, before immigrating to Canada. (2) Study i n d e t a i l , the relationships of one or two s p e c i f i c demographic variables on familism and acculturation, e.g. knowledge of English on a r r i v a l , e f f e c t s of Russian language knowledge (second and t h i r d generation immigrants), economic conditions at time of a r r i v a l , f e e l i n g of ethnicity, ethnic regional DISCUSSION / 143 concentration, exposure to ethnic-linked organizations, education l e v e l , income l e v e l . (3) Use the revised familism scale used by Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, and Perez-Stable (1987) on a more homogeneous group of Russian immigrants and do a factor analysis on the familism items such as those researchers did. This would provide more s p e c i f i c information about the various factors involved under the dimension of "familism," for example, "family as referents," "perceived support from family," and " f a m i l i a l obligations," and how these factors relate to l e v e l of acculturation (using the revised Short Acculturation Scale once again) for Russian immigrants. It would then be possible to conclude whether the results obtained by the above authors with Hispanic Americans could be r e p l i c a t e d with a Russian immigrant sample i n Canada. (4) Study "personal choice" as a factor a f f e c t i n g acculturation and/or familism l e v e l s , as opposed to only environmental conditions and demographic variables. That i s , look at ways of investigating how immigrants may "consciously choose" what levels of acculturation and/or familism they w i l l reach. In other words, what "personal DISCUSSION / 144 choice" factors may play a part i n being exceptions to the rule of p a r t i c u l a r environmental conditions or demographic factors. An obvious example of t h i s would be an immigrant who has l i v e d i n Canada for 50 years, but who s t i l l speaks only his or her native language - t h i s i s an exception to the general finding that the longer an immigrant l i v e s i n the host country, the more l i k e l y they are to speak the language of the host country, i . e . be "more acculturated." The types of studies described above would provide more s p e c i f i c data on whether certain variables are associated with levels of familism and/or acculturation and i f so, to what degree. Once again, a more homogeneous group of immigrants than was used i n the present study should be u t i l i z e d . Counselling Implications The most important piece of knowledge that a counsellor can obtain from t h i s study i s that he or she cannot make assumptions about a c l i e n t ' s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , feelings, or thoughts just because that c l i e n t has Russian or other Slavic background. For example, some of the common stereotypical ideas about Russians are that: they DISCUSSION / 145 are a l l good b a l l e t dancers and gymnasts, a l l Russian men are good hockey players, a l l Russian grandmothers wear a kerchief, a l l Russians are d i c t a t o r i a l and are to be feared, a l l Russian immigrants are Jewish, a l l Russians are happy to have emigrated from t h e i r homeland, a l l f i r s t generation Russian immigrants have very t r a d i t i o n a l family values, a l l t h i r d generation Russian immigrants no longer have contact with t h e i r heritage, and the l i s t of various stereotypes goes on and on. It i s important for the counsellor to keep an open mind as to what t h e i r c l i e n t may be dealing with. For instance, the c l i e n t may be experiencing c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t because they are a teenager who just immigrated to Canada with t h e i r parents. However, i t may be that the parents are very open-minded to the new culture and that the c l i e n t has come to see the counsellor for some other reason. Our study showed that some f i r s t generation immigrants have very low familism and high acculturation. On the other hand, some of the t h i r d generation immigrants have very high familism and low acculturation. Although these two findings are l i k e l y not to be representative of the majority of f i r s t or t h i r d generation Russian immigrants, the exceptions cannot be overlooked. DISCUSSION / 146 Hanassab (1991) pointed out that research c a r r i e d out i n the f i e l d of s o c i a l sciences has f a i l e d to bring about a r e a l i s t i c understanding of American [and Canadian] ethnic groups. Hanassab stressed the importance of exploring the background and values of each individual c l i e n t , rather than extrapolating images that the counsellor may have of a p a r t i c u l a r culture to every i n d i v i d u a l within that culture. For instance, we may assume that Russian immigrants come from a family-oriented culture i n which strong family t i e s e x i s t and are highly valued, but a counsellor must look at the individual's feelings regarding t h i s issue, e s p e c i a l l y i f the c l i e n t i s experiencing c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t between his family and the host culture. Summary This study found that for Russian immigrants, the l e v e l of familism did not s i g n i f i c a n t l y decrease from f i r s t generation to second generation or from second generation to t h i r d generation. This finding was contrary to studies done with other immigrant groups. It was found, however, that the l e v e l of familism increased with l e v e l of Russian speaking a b i l i t y , Russian being spoken at home, having both Russian and Canadian close friends (half and h a l f ) , lower DISCUSSION / 147 education l e v e l , and higher age. Length of time i n Canada or regular attendance of a church or synagogue did not have any s i g n i f i c a n t association with the l e v e l of familism. Generation l e v e l did have a s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p to acculturation l e v e l . Second and t h i r d generation persons were shown to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y more acculturated than f i r s t generation persons. Interestingly, however, no s i g n i f i c a n t difference showed up between the second and t h i r d generations. The l e v e l of acculturation decreased with l e v e l of Russian speaking a b i l i t y and with age, but increased with length of time i n Canada ( f i r s t generation immigrants). There was a non-significant trend for those who completed only elementary school to have a lower acculturation score than those with higher education l e v e l s . Regular church or synagogue attendance did not appear to have any s i g n i f i c a n t relationship to acculturation l e v e l . A high negative c o r r e l a t i o n was found to exi s t between age at immigration and acculturation l e v e l , meaning that the lower the age at immigration, the higher the acculturation l e v e l . A s i g n i f i c a n t , but much lower negative c o r r e l a t i o n was found between scores on the three DISCUSSION / 148 subscales of the Bardis Familism Scale and Short Acculturation Scale scores. That i s , the lower the score on the Bardis Familism Scale, the higher the score on the Short Acculturation Scale. It i s d i f f i c u l t to make generalizations to the general Russian immigrant population i n the Vancouver and Lower Mainland area since t h i s study did not use a random sample. However, the sample results do suggest that the population i s extremely varied i n i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Although c e r t a i n patterns do ari s e , great care must be taken i n any attempts to generalize. It i s safe to assume that changes i n family values and acculturation le v e l s do indeed occur as Russian immigrants pass through the generations i n Canada, but we must pay close attention to many other factors before we make any conclusions. 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The acculturation of Chinese immigrants: Perceived e f f e c t s on family functioning of length of residence i n two c u l t u r a l contexts. The Journal of Genetic Psychology, 151, 495-514. / 153 Sabogal, F., Marin, G., Otero-Sabogal, R., & Marin, B. V. (1987). Hispanic familism and acculturation: What changes and what doesn't? Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 9, 397-412. Sadouski, J. (1981). A history of the Byelorussians i n Canada. B e l l e v i l l e , ON: Mika. Schumm, W. R. (1990). Intimacy and family values. In J . Touliatos, B. F. Perlmutter, & M. A. Straus (Eds.), Handbook of family measurement technigues. Newbury Park, CA.: Sage. Shlapentokh, V. (1982). The study of values as a s o c i a l phenomenon: The Soviet case. Social Forces, 61, 403-417. Szapocznik, J., Scopetta, M. A., & Kurtines, W. (1978). Theory and measurement of acculturation. International Journal of Psychology, 12, 113-130. Szyrynski, V. (1971). Ethnic integration and psychological adjustment. In C. J. Jaenen (Ed.), Slavs i n Canada: Vol. 3. Proceedings of the t h i r d national conference of Canadian Slavs (pp. 121-131). Ottawa: Inter-University Committee on Canadian Slavs. Thernstrom, S., Orlov, A., & Handlin, O. (Eds.). (1980). Harvard encyclopedia of American ethnic groups. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Wakil, S. P., Siddigue, C. M., & Wakil, F. A. (1981). Between two cultures: A study i n s o c i a l i z a t i o n of children of immigrants. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 43, 929-940. Warner, W. L., & Srole, L. (1949). The s o c i a l systems of American ethnic groups. New York: Yale University Press. Webster's ninth new c o l l e g i a t e dictionary. (1980). Toronto: Thomas Al l e n & Son. Wertsman, V. (Ed.). (1977). The Russians i n America: A chronology & fact book (Ethnic Chronology Series No. 24). Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana. / 154 Woehrer, C. E. (1978). Cultural pluralism i n American fa m i l i e s : The influence of et h n i c i t y on s o c i a l aspects of aging. Family Coordinator, 2_7(4), 329-339. World book dictionary. (1985). Chicago: Doubleday & Company. Wyspianski, J . 0., & Fournier-Ruggles, L. A. (1985). Counselling European immigrants: Issues and answers. In R. J. Samuda & A. Wolfgang (Eds.), I n t e r c u l t u r a l counselling and assessment: Global perspectives (pp. 225-234). Toronto: C. J. Hogrefe. APPENDIX B / 1 5 6 (RUSSIAN NOTE ATTACHED TO LETTER) TRANSLATION: Attention In order to complete the questionnaire, it is necessary to know the English language. It is very important that you f i l l out the questionnaire on your own, without a translator. Thank you very much! / 158 APPENDIX D (DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION) GENERAL INFORMATION Male Female 1. What i s your generation level? 1st generation (I immigrated) 2nd generation (I am the c h i l d of immigrant[s]) 3rd generation (my grandparent[s] immigrated) 4th generation (great grandparent[s] immigrated) other (please specify i f you can) 2. Date of emigration from your native country? not applicable 3. Did you f i r s t immigrate to Canada? yes no not applicable If no, did you f i r s t immigrate to an English-speaking country? yes no 4. Date of a r r i v a l i n Canada: not applicable 5. What was your primary place of residence i n your native country before immigration? (check only one) Great Russia (now known as Russian Soviet Federated S o c i a l i s t Republic) Byelorussia (including parts that were temporarily under Polish rule) Ukraine other (please specify) not applicable / 159 6. What was your primary reason for leaving your native country? (check only one) primarily p o l i t i c a l primarily economical primarily r e l i g i o u s I came with my parents, t h e i r primary reason was p o l i t i c a l . I came with my parents, t h e i r primary reason was economical. I came with my parents, t h e i r primary reason was r e l i g i o u s . other reason (please specify) not applicable 7. Who helped you at the time of a r r i v a l i n Canada? (check a l l that apply) r e l a t i v e s i n Canada friends i n Canada Russian-Canadian organizations Canadian organizations other (please specify) nobody helped me not applicable 8. What i s your year of birth? 9. How much formal education have you completed? elementary school high school university/college Bachelor degree Masters degree Ph.D. other (please specify) business or vocational school diploma other (please specify) 10. Where did you receive most of your education? (check only one) i n Canada i n another country (please specify) / 160 11. Your present occupation ( i f r e t i r e d , what was your occupation [in Canada] p r i o r to retirement?) government service ( c i v i l servant) m i l i t a r y agriculture professions (other than education) education student industrial/business white-collar manual homemaker (at home) unemployed -other (please specify) 12. Did you change occupations upon a r r i v a l from your native country? yes no not applicable 13. Do you presently l i v e i n a neighborhood which i s comprised primarily of Russian or other Slavic immigrants? yes no 14. Have you, i n the past, l i v e d i n a Canadian neighborhood which was comprised primarily of Russian or other Slavic immigrants? yes no If yes, for how long? 15. What was your knowledge of English upon a r r i v a l to Canada? none poor f a i r l y good good very good not applicable / 161 16. In what language do you dream? Russian English both Russian & English other (please specify) I do not dream i n a language 17. In what language do you count? Russian English both other (please specify) 18. Are you a Canadian c i t i z e n ? yes no If no, the primary reason i s : (check only one) not here 5 years do not have permanent resident v i s a plan to return to U.S.S.R. prefer other c i t i z e n s h i p (please specify) I plan to apply for c i t i z e n s h i p soon. 19. What i s your religion? Russian Orthodox Greek Orthodox Ukrainian Orthodox Roman Catholic Ukrainian Catholic Jewish (please specify type) Protestant (please specify) Doukhobor other (please specify) no r e l i g i o n 20. Do you presently attend a church or synagogue regularly? yes no / 162 21. What i s your marital status? single married common-law separated divorced widowed 22. What i s (was) your natural (b i o l o g i c a l / b i r t h ) mother's ethnic origin? Russian Byelorussian Ukrainian Polish German other (please specify) 23. What i s (was) your natural (biological) father's ethnic origin? Russian Byelorussian Ukrainian Polish German other (please specify) 24. What i s your ethnic origin? Russian Byelorussian Ukrainian Polish German other (please specify) 25. Which of the following categories describes your f e e l i n g of eth n i c i t y the best? (Check one only) Canadian Russian Russian Canadian Byelorussian Byelorussian Canadian Ukrainian Ukrainian Canadian Jewish Jewish Canadian other (please specify) / 163 26. What i s the ethnic o r i g i n of your spouse? Russian Byelorussian Ukrainian other (please specify) 27. Do you belong to some form of Russian-Canadian organization? yes no If yes, i s i t : (check one only) r e l i g i o u s only s o c i a l only r e l i g i o u s & s o c i a l p o l i t i c a l only p o l i t i c a l & s o c i a l r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l , & s o c i a l c u l t u r a l only c u l t u r a l & s o c i a l other (please specify) don't belong to any such organization 28. What i s your speaking l e v e l of the Russian language? very good good f a i r poor none 29. What i s your reading l e v e l of the Russian language? very good good f a i r poor none 30. What i s your writing l e v e l of the Russian language? very good good f a i r poor none / 164 APPENDIX E (BARDIS FAMILISM SCALE) FAMILY ATTITUDES Below i s a l i s t of issues concerning the family i n general, not your own. Please read a l l statements very c a r e f u l l y and respond to a l l of them on the basis of your own true b e l i e f s without consulting any other persons. Do t h i s by reading each statement and then writing, i n the space provided at i t s l e f t , only one of the following numbers: 0,1,2,3,4. The meaning of each of these figures i s : 0: Strongly disagree. 1: Disagree. 2: Undecided 3: Agree. 4: Strongly Agree 1. Children below 18 should give almost a l l t h e i r earnings to t h e i r parents. 2. Children below 18 should almost always obey t h e i r older brothers and s i s t e r s . 3. A person should always consider the needs of his family (parents and those of t h e i r children who are below 18, single, and unemployed) as a whole more important than his own. 4. A person should always be expected to defend his family (parents, brothers, and s i s t e r s ) against outsiders even at the expense of his own personal safety. 5. The family (parents and t h e i r children below 18) should have the right to control the behavior of each of i t s members completely. 6. A person should always avoid every action of which his family (parents and t h e i r children) disapproves. 7. A person should always be completely l o y a l to his family (parents and single brothers and s i s t e r s ) . 8. The members of a family (parents and t h e i r single children below 18) should be expected to hold the same p o l i t i c a l , e t h i c a l , and r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . 9. Children below 18 should always obey t h e i r parents. 10. A person should always help his parents with the support of his younger (below 18) brothers and s i s t e r s i f necessary, and i f they are single and unemployed. 11. A person should always support his uncles or aunts i f they are i n need. / 165 12. A person should consult close r e l a t i v e s (uncles, aunts, f i r s t cousins) concerning important decisions. 13. At least one married c h i l d should be expected to l i v e i n the parental home. 14. A person should always support his parents-in-law i f they are i n need. 15. A person should always share his home with his uncles, aunts, or f i r s t cousins i f they are i n need. 16. A person should always share his home with his parents-in-law i f they are i n need. APPENDIX F (SHORT ACCULTURATION SCALE) / 1 6 6 CULTURAL ATTITUDES ' Below are a number of questions or statements regarding your cultural views and preferences. Please read each item and circle only one number (1,2,3,4, or 5) that best represents what is true for you. 1. In general, what language(s) do you read and speak? 1 2 3 4 I I I I 5 ' I Cnly Russian better Both English better Russian than English Equally than Russian Only English 2. What was the language(s) you used as a child? 1 2 3 4 I I I I 5 I Cnly More Russian Both More English Russian than English Equally than Russian Cnly English 3. What language(s) do you usually speak at home? 1 2 3 4 1 1 1 1 5 I Cnly More Russian Both More English Russian than English Equally than Russian Cnly English 4. In which language(s) do you usually think? 1 2 3 4 t i l l 5 I Only More Russian Both More English Russian than English Equally than Russian Only English 5. What language(s) do you usually speak with your friends? 1 2 3 4 I I I I 5 I Cnly More Russian Both More English Russian than English Equally than Russian Only English 6. In what language(s) are the T.V. programs you usually watch? 1 2 3 4 5 I I I I I Cnly More Russian Both More English ' Russian than English Equally than Russian Only English 7. In what language(s) are the radio programs you usually listen to? 1 2 3 4 5 I I I I I Cnly More Russian Both More English Russian than English Equally than Russian Only English / 167 In general, in what language(s) are the movies, T.V. and radio programs you prefer to watch and listen to? 1 2 3 4 , 5 Only fore Russian Both fore English Only Russian than English Equally than Russian English Your close friends are: 1 2 3 4 5 All fore Russians About half fore Canadians All Russians than Canadians and half than Russians ; Canadians You prefer going to social gatherings/parties at which th,e people are: 1 2 3 4 5 All fore Russians About half fore Canadians All Russians than Canadians and half than Russians Canadians The persons you visit or who visit you are: 1 2 3 4 5 All fore Russians About half fore Canadians All Russians than Canadians and half than Russians Canadians If you could choose your children's friends, you would want them to be: 1 2 3 4 5 All fore Russians About half fore Canadians All Russians than Canadians and half than Russians Canadians APPENDIX G / 168 RAFFLE TICKET for $30.00 g i f t c e r t i f i c a t e for THE PROW RESTAURANT located at CANADA PLACE In order to be included in the drawing, please f i l l out this ticket, put it in the attached small envelope (seal it), and mail it along with the fully completed questionnaire and one signed consent form in the enclosed stamped self- addressed envelope, postmarked by ; . NAME ADDRESS TELEPHONE NUMBER

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