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The relationship between sexual abuse and juvenile prostitution in females Edney, Raymonde Janet 1990

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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SEXUAL ABUSE AND JUVENILE PROSTITUTION IN FEMALES By RAYMONDE JANET EDNEY B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971 Ed., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1980 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH March 1990 ®Raymonde Janet Edney, COLUMBIA 1990 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of / ^ yy> /1 /, The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT The r e l a t i o n s h i p between sexual abuse and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i s explored through i n t e r v i e w s with e i g h t women who had had both of these experiences i n t h e i r l i v e s . A n a l y s i s of the n a r r a t i v e data i d e n t i f i e d both s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l and i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s that played a r o l e i n l e a d i n g these sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s i n t o j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n . S o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s are d e f i n e d as the c u l t u r a l and s o c i e t a l c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n which c h i l d r e n are r a i s e d and s o c i a l i s e d and w i t h i n which they must l e a r n to f u n c t i o n . The s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s i d e n t i f i e d by t h i s study were c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , gender s t e r e o t y p i n g , the f a m i l y , the s c h o o l s , s o c i a l networks, s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies, employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s , r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , sexual abuse and entrance i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n . S o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s a f f e c t the i n d i v i d u a l at the i n t r a - p s y c h i c or p s y c h o l o g i c a l l e v e l . I n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s i d e n t i f i e d here were a l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l . S u l l i v a n ' s (1984) theory of c r i t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was used to examine the l i m i t i n g e f f e c t s of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s on the l i v e s , behavior and ch o i c e s of these women. Thi s research found that sexual abuse and the v i c t i m s ' responses to sexual abuse prepared and t r a i n e d the young g i r l s f o r p r o s t i t u t i o n . F u r t h e r , a l i e n a t i o n appeared to be a major determining f a c t o r that combined with the presence of sexual abuse i n f l u e n c e d the outcome of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n . F i n a l l y , these young women found that t h e i r p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l was l i m i t e d i i and r e s t r i c t e d by the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s that maintained s o c i a l c o n t r o l . TABLE of CONTENTS A b s t r a c t . i i L i s t of T a b l e s v i i i Acknowledgement i x I . Chapter One: I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 A. E x t e n t of J u v e n i l e P r o s t i t u t i o n 1 B. D e f i n i t i o n s of P r o s t i t u t i o n 2 C. T h e o r i e s of P r o s t i t u t i o n 4 D. Research Design 6 E. D e f i n i t i o n of Terms 7 1. P r o s t i t u t i o n 7 2. P r o s t i t u t e 8 3. J u v e n i l e 8 4. S e x u a l Abuse 8 I I . Chapter Two: L i t e r a t u r e Review 9 A. P s y c h o a n a l y t i c T h e o r i e s of P r o s t i t u t i o n 10 B. C o n s c i o u s T h e o r i e s of P r o s t i t u t i o n 14 C. S i t u a t i o n a l T h e o r i e s of P r o s t i t u t i o n 16 1. C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s 16 2. Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g 19 a. Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g of Women 19 b. T r a n s i t i o n P r o c e s s e s 21 3. P a r e n t a l Abuse and N e g l e c t 24 4. Runaway B e h a v i o r 28 5. Age 29 6. Socioeconomic S t a t u s 32 7. I n t e r v e n t i o n s . 33 D. Summary 34 i v E. Review of Methodologies 35 1. C l i n i c a l S t u d i e s 35 2. Ethnographic and F i e l d S t u d i e s 36 3. Task Forces. . 37 4. Case S t u d i e s . 39 F. The Present Study 43 1. S o c i a l - S t r u c t u r a l F a c t o r s 43 a. C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s 43 b. Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g 45 c. The Family 46 d. S o c i a l - S e r v i c e s 47. e. Sexual Abuse 48 i . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Sexual Abuse. . .48 i i . Sexual Abuse and Support Systems. . 50 2. I n t r a - P s y c h i c F a c t o r s 52 a. Self-Esteem 53 b. C o n t r o l 57 I I I . Chapter Three: Methodology 63 A. Design 63 B. Procedures 67 C. Sampling 69 D. A n a l y s i s 71 IV. Chapter Four: Case S t u d i e s 79 A. Abby 79 B. Bev 85 C. C a r o l 91 D. Debbie 97 v E. E l l e n . 103 F. Fran 108 G. Grace 113 H. Helen 120 I. C o n c l u s i o n 125 V. Chapter F i v e : Key Concepts 126 A. A l i e n a t i o n 127 1. A l i e n a t i o n and the Family 129 2. A l i e n a t i o n and the Schools 134 3. A l i e n a t i o n and S o c i a l Networks 137 4. A l i e n a t i o n and S o c i a l S e r v i c e s 139 5. A l i e n a t i o n and Sexual Abuse 144 6. C o n c l u s i o n 150 B. I d e n t i t y 153 1. I d e n t i t y and Family Roles and R e l a t i o n s h i p s . 156 2. I d e n t i t y and Sexual Abuse 165 3. I d e n t i t y and L i f e Choices and Roles 173 4. C o n c l u s i o n 178 C. Pe r s o n a l C o n t r o l 179 1. C o n t r o l and the Family 181 2. C o n t r o l and S o c i a l S e r v i c e s 184 3. C o n t r o l and A l i e n a t i o n 186 4. C o n t r o l and Guidance 187 5. C o n t r o l and Sexual Abuse 191 6. C o n t r o l and Coping S t r a t e g i e s 193 7. C o n t r o l and Learned H e l p l e s s n e s s 198 8. C o n t r o l and R e s p o n s i b i l i t y 202 v i 9. C o n c l u s i o n 204 D. D i s c u s s i o n 206 VI. Chapter S i x : D i s c u s s i o n and C o n c l u s i o n 210 A. S o c i a l C o n t r o l 211 1. The Family .212 2. The Schools 216 3. S o c i a l Networks •. 219 4. S o c i a l S e r v i c e s 220 5. Employment Market 227 6. C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s 229 B. The Research F i n d i n g s 234 C. I n t e r v e n t i o n s .240 D. The Research Process and the V o l u n t e e r s 251 E. Recommendations f o r Future Research 257 V I I . References. . . 259 V I I I . Appendix A 270 IX. Appendix B 273 X. Appendix C 274 v i i LIST OF TABLES 1. Table 1: Research S t r u c t u r e 44 2. Table 2: C a t e g o r i e s of A n a l y s i s 75 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Many individuals have been helpful and supportive of me throughout the process of this research. In p a r t i c u l a r I would l i k e to thank my supervisory committee members, Dr. Richard Young, Dr. Sharon Kahn and Dr. Jane Gaskell for their extended commitment, patience and help. I would also l i k e to mention here the names of my mother, Gwen Edney, who showed me the alternatives that were and are available to me; my father, E r i c Edney, who showed me how to maintain courage through adversity; and my partner, Wayne Moore, whose encouragement and absolute f a i t h in me inspired me to embark upon this project, and to complete i t . Of primary importance, however, i s the cooperation, assistance and the courage of the eight women who volunteered to talk to me about their l i v e s and their l i f e s t o r i e s . Without these women this work could not have been written, and I am greatly indebted to their help. ix 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION It i s not uncommon to hear p r o s t i t u t i o n r e f e r r e d to as the o l d e s t p r o f e s s i o n i n the world, a f a c t of l i f e that w i l l always be with us. Ne v e r t h e l e s s , when p r o s t i t u t i o n becomes h i g h l y v i s i b l e , as s t r e e t p r o s t i t u t i o n has become over the past few years i n Vancouver, communities and governments become concerned and annoyed by i t s presence. In a d d i t i o n , over the past few years there has been a growth i n the number and v i s i b i l i t y of p r o s t i t u t e s under the age of 19. Although the presence of these j u v e n i l e s i n p r o s t i t u t i o n i s as o l d as the p r o f e s s i o n i t s e l f (Weisberg, 1985; W e l l s , 1982), t h i s recent i n c r e a s e has been n o t i c e d i n both the United S t a t e s (Boyer & James, 1982) and Canada (Mathews, 1986; S p e c i a l Committee on Pornography and P r o s t i t u t i o n , 1983) . Extent of J u v e n i l e P r o s t i t u t i o n Due to t h e i r q u a s i - l e g a l and t r a n s i e n t nature, accurate f i g u r e s on the numbers of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s a c t i v e on our s t r e e t s are d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n . Recent changes i n Canadian law have made i t even more d i f f i c u l t to estimate the numbers of a c t i v e j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s as they must now move around i n order to avoid p r o s e c u t i o n . In 1979, a rep o r t c a r r i e d out by a l o c a l l y sponsored t a s k - f o r c e , TRACY of B.C. (Taking Responsible A c t i o n f o r C h i l d r e n and Youths) found that a " s i z e a b l e amount" of j u v e n i l e s were p r o s t i t u t i n g i n Vancouver with numbers f l u c t u a t i n g from 100 i n the winter to 300 i n the summer. These f i g u r e s agree with those c i t e d by Brenkolt-Hogarth (1981) who estimated there were 2 200 j u v e n i l e s on the s t r e e t s of Vancouver when she c a r r i e d out her study. More recent f i g u r e s c i t e d by Benjamin (1985) i n h i s report on j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i n Toronto estimate the numbers of female j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s i n Toronto to f l u c t u a t e from 500 to 2,000 s e a s o n a l l y . These f i g u r e s are s i m i l a r to those obtained i n the United S t a t e s where i n 1983 i t was estimated that there were 800 j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s , male and female, i n the S e a t t l e area. In 1982, a more gen e r a l f i g u r e estimated that there were 600,000 female p r o s t i t u t e s under the age of 18 i n the United S t a t e s as a whole (Boyer & James, 1982). Of these, some were reported to be as young as e i g h t , but most were w i t h i n the twelve to s i x t e e n age range. As a r e s u l t of the i n c r e a s e d v i s i b i l i t y of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s and the a c t i v e concern of communities, the S p e c i a l Committee on Pornography and P r o s t i t u t i o n (the F r a s e r Commission) was formed i n 1983 to look i n t o these problems i n Canada. With s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e to p r o s t i t u t i o n , t h i s Commission recommended i n i t s 1985 Summary that f u r t h e r research i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n should be encouraged and supported "...as a means of informing attempts to address i t as a s o c i a l phenomenon and to deal e f f e c t i v e l y with i t s adverse impact on those who are and who have been i n v o l v e d with i t " (p. 34). D e f i n i t i o n s of P r o s t i t u t i o n W r i t i n g i n 1937, K i n g s l e y Davis recognized that a broad d e f i n i t i o n of p r o s t i t u t i o n as the employment of sex f o r non-sexual 3 ends could i n c l u d e such r e s p e c t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s as marriage. To combat t h i s problem, e a r l y d e f i n i t i o n s of p r o s t i t u t i o n tended to i n v o l v e the c o n d i t i o n s of b a r t e r , p r o m i s c u i t y and emotional i n d i f f e r e n c e (Davis, 1937; Lemert, 1951; Pomeroy, 1965). Contemporary re s e a r c h e r s have p r e f e r r e d to omit the c o n d i t i o n of p r o m i s c u i t y and have s t r u g g l e d with the c o n d i t i o n of emotional i n d i f f e r e n c e (James, 1977; Newman & Cohen with Tobin & MacPherson, 1985). Benjamin (1985) takes i s s u e with a l l these terms, arguing that they are judgmental and suggest the "bad g i r l " imagery. He suggests a l e s s v a l u e - l a d e n d e f i n i t i o n as the p r o v i s i o n of non-marital sexual s e r v i c e s f o r m a t e r i a l g a i n . This research uses Benjamin's (1985) d e f i n i t i o n of p r o s t i t u t e as a person who p r o v i d e s non-marital sexual s e r v i c e s f o r m a t e r i a l g a i n . Although a p r o s t i t u t e may be of e i t h e r sex, a v a i l a b l e research suggests that the m o t i v a t i n g f a c t o r s , dynamics and circumstances i n v o l v e d d i f f e r f o r male and female p r o s t i t u t e s . T h i s research i s focussed on female p r o s t i t u t e s . T h e r e f o r e , where the term p r o s t i t u t e i s used i n t h i s study, i t w i l l be assumed that i t r e f e r s to female p r o s t i t u t e s unless otherwise s t a t e d . P r o s t i t u t e s a l s o vary i n how they make co n t a c t with customers. As a r e s u l t , they may be v a r i o u s l y d e f i n e d as s t r e e t p r o s t i t u t e s , c a l l - g i r l s (who use the telephone) or e s c o r t s (contacted through e s c o r t s e r v i c e s ) . The d e f i n i t i o n of p r o s t i t u t e used here does not concern i t s e l f with how the p r o s t i t u t e meets her c l i e n t s . However, i t should be noted that j u v e n i l e s g e n e r a l l y seem to use the s t r e e t to meet c l i e n t s and as the f o l l o w i n g 4 d i s c u s s i o n s w i l l show, t h i s has c e r t a i n e f f e c t s on t h e i r l i f e s t y l e s and t h e i r d e c i s i o n s to p r o s t i t u t e . Researchers who d i f f e r e n t i a t e between a d u l t and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s tend to d e f i n e j u v e n i l e a c c ording to age. Most rese a r c h e r s d e s c r i b e j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s as between the ages of 11 and 18 i n c l u s i v e (Benjamin, 1985; Boyer & James, 1982; Frank & R o s e t t i s , 1980; Weisberg, 1985). T h i s i s i n keeping with P r o v i n c i a l r e g u l a t i o n s that f i n d a c h i l d i n need of p r o t e c t i o n u n t i l the age of 19 (Kossuth & Korde, 1986). Canadian law does not r ecognize e i t h e r p r o s t i t u t e s or j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s (Report of the Committee on Sexual Offences Against C h i l d r e n & Youths, 1984) and t h e r e f o r e o f f e r s no g u i d e l i n e s on t h i s q u e s t i o n . Theories of P r o s t i t u t i o n To date research on p r o s t i t u t i o n has generated three t h e o r e t i c a l approaches. P s y c h o a n a l y t i c theory of p r o s t i t u t i o n has looked f o r unconscious causes and developmental problems such as l a t e n t homosexuality and o e d i p a l f i x a t i o n s to e x p l a i n the phenomenon (Gibbens, 1957; G l o v e r , 1969). However, many of these t h e o r i e s have been shown to be unfounded i n l i g h t of more recent data. Others r e l y on outdated and biased views and are hard to prove (James, 1976; Pomeroy, 1965). Conscious t h e o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t i o n have examined the reasons reported by the p r o s t i t u t e s themselves. These i n c l u d e need f o r money, pressure from pimps and a t t r a c t i o n to an independent and adventurous l i f e s t y l e (James, 1976). While these reasons f o r p r o s t i t u t i n g are v a l i d i n themselves, they do not e x p l a i n how 5 women and j u v e n i l e s come to the p o i n t where they must p r o s t i t u t e i n order to o b t a i n money and independence or are v u l n e r a b l e to the pressu r e s of a pimp. Current r e s e a r c h tends to focus on s i t u a t i o n a l t h e o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t i o n (Boyer & James, 1982; Lowman, 1984, 1987; Mathews, 1986;). S i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s i n c l u d e c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , gender s t e r e o t y p i n g , p a r e n t a l abuse and n e g l e c t , age, runaway s t a t u s , socioeconomic background and i n t e r v e n t i o n s . S i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s focus a t t e n t i o n away from the i n d i v i d u a l and examine the s t r u c t u r a l and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s which permit and perpetuate p r o s t i t u t i o n i n our s o c i e t y . S i t u a t i o n a l theory suggests that the " s o c i a l phenomenon" of female p r o s t i t u t i o n i s a r e s u l t of women's economically i n f e r i o r s t a t u s and sex-based i d e n t i t y i n Western s o c i e t y (Davis, 1937; S p e c i a l Committee on Pornography and P r o s t i t u t i o n , 1985). That i s , because g i r l s and women are valued p r i m a r i l y f o r t h e i r appearance and sexual q u a l i t i e s , they are l i m i t e d to a c h i e v i n g money and power through b a r t e r of these q u a l i t i e s i n one way or another. Within t h i s framework, sexual abuse and i n c e s t seem to pl a y a powerful r o l e i n p r e p a r i n g young g i r l s and women f o r a l i f e of s u r v i v a l by s e l l i n g sex (Boyer & James, 1982). Recent s t u d i e s have found high r a t e s of i n c e s t and sexual abuse i n the developmental h i s t o r i e s of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s ( R i t c h & Michaud, 1985). However, given the high i n c i d e n c e of sexual abuse i n our s o c i e t y , i t i s c l e a r that a l l sexual abuse and i n c e s t s u r v i v o r s do not p r o s t i t u t e (Benjamin, 1985). Other f a c t o r s are l i k e l y to be i n v o l v e d which i n f l u e n c e the outcome of 6 p r o s t i t u t i o n i n sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s . I t i s the purpose of t h i s r e s e a r c h to explore these f a c t o r s and the ways i n which they c o n t r i b u t e to the outcome of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n . Research Design This research e xplores the r e l a t i o n s h i p between sexual abuse and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i n order to b e t t e r understand the f a c t o r s that are i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . A review of the l i t e r a t u r e on causes of p r o s t i t u t i o n and i n f o r m a l d i s c u s s i o n s with i n d i v i d u a l s who are i n v o l v e d with these i s s u e s suggest s e v e r a l f a c t o r s that may i n f l u e n c e t h i s outcome i n j u v e n i l e g i r l s . These f a c t o r s can be d i v i d e d i n t o two major c a t e g o r i e s : s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s and i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s . S o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s i n c l u d e c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , gender s t e r e o t y p i n g , the f a m i l y , s o c i a l s e r v i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n s and sexual abuse. I n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s i n c l u d e s e l f - e s t e e m and c o n t r o l . These f a c t o r s were used as a s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r t h i s research and form the u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r e of both the i n t e r v i e w and the a n a l y s i s of the r e s u l t s . The a n a l y s i s a l s o generated a d d i t i o n a l s u b - c a t e g o r i e s of f a c t o r s which are f u l l y d i s c u s s e d i n the r e s u l t s c h a p t e r s . The a n a l y s i s i n c o r p o r a t e s S u l l i v a n ' s (1984) theory of c r i t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . S u l l i v a n (1984) s t a t e s that i n d i v i d u a l behavior i s l i m i t e d and r e s t r i c t e d by l a r g e r s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s of dominance such as c l a s s , race and gender. I f we are to understand the i n d i v i d u a l , we must examine her as she r e l a t e s to and f u n c t i o n s w i t h i n these s t r u c t u r e s of dominance. F o l l o w i n g 7 S u l l i v a n ' s (1984) approach t h i s research examines the i n f l u e n c e of s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s on the l i v e s and behavior of the i n d i v i d u a l s who p r o s t i t u t e as j u v e n i l e s . The r a m i f i c a t i o n s of the research f i n d i n g s on p r e v e n t a t i v e and remedial i n t e r v e n t i o n s i n t o the phenomenon of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n are b r i e f l y d i s c u s s e d i n the f i n a l chapter. A m u l t i p l e case-study design was chosen f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h . N a r r a t i v e s were c o l l e c t e d through open-ended i n t e r v i e w s that were conducted with e i g h t women who were v i c t i m s of sexual abuse, i n c l u d i n g i n c e s t , and who had p r o s t i t u t e d as j u v e n i l e s (that i s , under the age of 19). V o l u n t e e r s were eighteen or o l d e r so that the i n t e r v i e w s were r e t r o s p e c t i v e i n nature. The i n t e r v i e w s were designed to guide the vo l u n t e e r s through a l i f e h i s t o r y with p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on the s p e c i f i c f a c t o r s that i n f l u e n c e d the ways i n which they s t a r t e d to p r o s t i t u t e . The i n t e r v i e w was developed s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r t h i s research and p r a c t i c e i n t e r v i e w s were conducted to ensure that the d e s i r e d i n f o r m a t i o n was being accessed. Content a n a l y s i s was used and i n t e r v e n t i o n s were developed from the r e s u l t s . The a n a l y s i s and r e s u l t s were read by four of the o r i g i n a l v o l u n t e e r s , and t h e i r responses have been i n c l u d e d i n the f i n a l chapter. D e f i n i t i o n of Terms P r o s t i t u t i o n P r o s t i t u t i o n i s de f i n e d here as the p r o v i s i o n of non-marital sexual s e r v i c e s f o r m a t e r i a l g a i n ( a f t e r Benjamin, 1985). 8 P r o s t i t u t e F o l l o w i n g the d e f i n i t i o n of p r o s t i t u t i o n , a p r o s t i t u t e i s a female person who pr o v i d e s non-marital sexual s e r v i c e s f o r m a t e r i a l g a i n . J u v e n i l e For the purposes of t h i s r e s e a r c h , j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s w i l l r e f e r to female p r o s t i t u t e s between the ages of 11 and 18 i n c l u s i v e . The terms j u v e n i l e , adolescent and g i r l w i l l be used to d e s c r i b e t h i s age group. Sexual Abuse Sexual abuse i s d e f i n e d as those sexual c o n t a c t s or i n t e r a c t i o n s between a c h i l d under the age of 19 and another person where the c h i l d i s being used as the o b j e c t of g r a t i f i c a t i o n f o r the a s s a u l t e r ' s sexual needs and d e s i r e s ( a f t e r MacFarlane, 1978). For the purposes of t h i s r e s e a r c h , sexual abuse i s assumed to i n c l u d e those s i t u a t i o n s that might otherwise be d e s c r i b e d as in c e s t u o u s . While t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of sexual abuse arguably i n c l u d e s events that occur d u r i n g the course of p r o s t i t u t i n g a c t i v i t i e s , t h i s study i s p r i m a r i l y concerned with sexual abuse t h a t occurs before the commencement of p r o s t i t u t i o n as d e f i n e d above. 9 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW In responding to the in c r e a s e d presence of p r o s t i t u t e s and s p e c i f i c a l l y j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s i n our s o c i e t y , r e s e a r c h e r s and t h e o r i s t s have taken two major approaches. The f i r s t attends to the immediacy of the problem and seeks ways to a t t r a c t women and g i r l s away from p r o s t i t u t i o n and to r e h a b i l i t a t e them t o more acceptable and l e g i t i m a t e ways of l i f e . The second focus i s pr e v e n t i v e i n nature and looks at the f a c t o r s that p r e c i p i t a t e or motivate g i r l s and women to become p r o s t i t u t e s . Understanding the causes of p r o s t i t u t i o n a l s o informs and a s s i s t s the remedial work of the f i r s t f o c u s . T h i s study e x p l o r e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between sexual abuse and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n and the f a c t o r s that are in v o l v e d i n that r e l a t i o n s h i p . The focus of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e review i s on research and t h e o r i e s on p r o s t i t u t i o n . E a r l y t h e o r i s t s and re s e a r c h e r s d i d not always d i f f e r e n t i a t e between j u v e n i l e and a d u l t p r o s t i t u t e s (Davis, 1937; Greenwald, 1970; Layton, 1975; Pomeroy, 1965). Even where re f e r e n c e has been made t o the range of ages found among p o p u l a t i o n s of p r o s t i t u t e s , r e s u l t s have not always d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between age groups. As a r e s u l t , t h e o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t i o n tend to be g e n e r a l i z e d over a l l ages and c o n s i d e r a t i o n of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s as-a separate group i s r e l a t i v e l y recent and r a r e . Th i s review c o n s i d e r s a l l a v a i l a b l e theory on p r o s t i t u t i o n with a s p e c i f i c focus on North American research and theory. Where a d u l t and j u v e n i l e p o p u l a t i o n s are s p e c i f i e d i t w i l l be noted and d i s c u s s e d a c c o r d i n g l y . The l i t e r a t u r e has g e n e r a l l y t r e a t e d male and female p r o s t i t u t i o n s e p a r a t e l y and t h i s review i s only concerned with 10 theory and research on female p r o s t i t u t e s . In d i s c u s s i n g the major t h e o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t i o n , James (1976) c o n s i d e r s a v a r i e t y of p r e c i p i t a t i n g or " m o t i v a t i n g " f a c t o r s , both i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l to the i n d i v i d u a l , and develops three general c a t e g o r i e s . These are p s y c h o a n a l y t i c , conscious and s i t u a t i o n a l . I t i s h e l p f u l to f o l l o w her o u t l i n e i n reviewing the l i t e r a t u r e on causes of p r o s t i t u t i o n . P s y c h o a n a l y t i c T h e o r i e s of P r o s t i t u t i o n P s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t i o n look at the innate b i o l o g i c a l and i n t r a - p s y c h i c makeup of the i n d i v i d u a l to e x p l a i n her behavior. B i o l o g i c a l determinism suggests that bad genes cause bad women (Newman & Cohen with Tobin & MacPherson, 1985) and e a r l y t h e o r i s t s looked f o r r e t a r d a t i o n or i n h e r i t e d d i s a b i l i t i e s i n p r o s t i t u t e s (Gibbens, 1957; G l o v e r , 1969; Maerov, 1965). However, most of these s t u d i e s found lack of education and n e g l e c t , rather than a b a s i c lack of i n t e l l i g e n c e , i n the p r o s t i t u t e p o p u l a t i o n s they s t u d i e d . F u r t h e r , the s t u d i e s do not r e p o r t on e d u c a t i o n a l background or which i n t e l l i g e n c e t e s t s , i f any, were used. As a r e s u l t i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o determine the v a l i d i t y of the r e s u l t s , and i n q u i r i e s i n t o r e t a r d a t i o n and i n h e r i t e d d i s a b i l i t i e s as causes of p r o s t i t u t i o n are i n c o n c l u s i v e (James, 1976). At the i n t r a - p s y c h i c l e v e l , psychoanalysts have looked to o e d i p a l f i x a t i o n s to e x p l a i n p r o s t i t u t i o n . P s y c h o a n a l y t i c theory suggests that p r o s t i t u t e s are a c t i n g out unconscious homosexuality (Gibbens, 1957; Greenwald, 1970), unconscious hatred of men, 11 unconscious wishes to punish t h e i r mothers f o r being u n a v a i l a b l e (Newman et a l . , 1985; Maerov, 1965) or they are atoning f o r g u i l t over i n c e s t f a n t a s i e s (James, 1976). With s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e to j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s , Gibbens (1957) s t a t e s : In many ways there i s no doubt unconscious homosexuality but what we see on the s u r f a c e i s an i n a b i l i t y to f e e l any r e a l a f f e c t i o n f o r men, a f e a r of being dominated by them and a t h i n l y d i s g u i s e d h o s t i l i t y and contempt f o r them; when they [ j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s ] r e s o l v e t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s and get married, they u s u a l l y seem to be the dominant p a r t n e r , (p.7) Glover (1969) c a l l s these g i r l s " l a r v a l p r o s t i t u t e s " and suggests that t h e i r age has d i f f e r e n t r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r the p s y c h o a n a l y t i c theory. Since young adolescents normally show evidence of i n f a n t i l e s e x u a l i t y , homosexual tendencies i n j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s cannot be c onsidered p e r v e r s e . F u r t h e r , adolescence i s t y p i c a l l y marked by change and t r a n s i t i o n i n sexual development. As a r e s u l t , Glover (1969) l i k e Gibbens a s s e r t s that j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i s a t r a n s i t o r y phase. Glover (1969) s t r e s s e s that we must a l s o c o n s i d e r environmental f a c t o r s such as unstable f a m i l i e s , lack of sex i n s t r u c t i o n and lack of e a r l y f a m i l y love i n the adolescent p r o s t i t u t e ' s e v o l u t i o n . Pomeroy (1965) and James (1976) argue that the problem with p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r i e s of unconscious reasons to p r o s t i t u t e i s that they can n e i t h e r be proven nor d i s p r o v e d . New a t t i t u d e s about behaviors and s e x u a l i t y that were p r e v i o u s l y regarded as 12 p e r v e r s i o n s that represent r e g r e s s i v e sexual development c a l l i n t o q u e s t i o n some of the bases of these t h e o r i e s . In a d d i t i o n , recent f i n d i n g s and i n f o r m a t i o n may shed new l i g h t on overt behavior of p r o s t i t u t e s . For example, unconscious or conscious hatred of men i s easy to understand when the p r o s t i t u t e has a h i s t o r y of sexual abuse or i n c e s t i n her ch i l d h o o d . Although s t u d i e s have t r i e d to estimate the frequency of l e s b i a n i s m among p r o s t i t u t e s , i t i s not at a l l c l e a r whether homosexual tendencies develop a f t e r negative experiences with male customers or before e n t e r i n g i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n (Prus & I r i n i , 1980). Although s e r i o u s l y questioned, the theory of delayed psychosexual development has not been e n t i r e l y r e j e c t e d . Rather, i t has been reframed i n terms of recent f i n d i n g s on i n c e s t and sexual abuse i n the h i s t o r y of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s . Boyer and James (1980) and Tessman and Kaufman (1969) p o i n t out that i n c e s t and sexual abuse of a c h i l d may i n t e r r u p t the normal progress of psychosexual development with d i s a s t r o u s r e s u l t s on the c h i l d ' s s e l f - e s t e e m and sexual s e l f - c o n c e p t . The focus then becomes more on the ego or s e l f as opposed to the i d or impulses (Newman et a l . , 1985). To date, s t u d i e s on ego-development i n j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e p o p u l a t i o n s have been i n c o n c l u s i v e (Newman & Caplan, 1982; Newman, 1985). The f i n a l p s y c h o a n a l y t i c theory of p r o s t i t u t i o n considered here i s that of women's n a t u r a l and unconscious masochism. Glover (1969) s t a t e s that i n j u r i o u s medical and p h y s i c a l consequences of t h i s way of l i f e a t t e s t to unconscious masochism i n p r o s t i t u t e s . He does not, however, suggest that male customers who are 13 "robbed", "blackmailed" and " i n f e c t e d with v e n e r e a l d i s e a s e " (Glover, 1969, p. 12) are m a s o c h i s t i c . In r e f u t i n g the theory of female masochism, Caplan (1984) suggests that much behavior that has been l a b e l l e d m a s o c h i s t i c i n women i s learned behavior. She s t a t e s that women have been taught to be p a s s i v e , p a t i e n t and nurturant to the e x c l u s i o n of t h e i r own needs and t h e r e f o r e deny themselves p l e a s u r e and comfort i n order to take care of others f i r s t . In her study of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s , Caplan (1984) found that they had learned to put up with l e s s and to make do because they had never known anything b e t t e r . They d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y enjoy t h e i r l i f e s t y l e , and the s t r i c t d e f i n i t i o n of masochism as enjoyment of p a i n and h u m i l i a t i o n i s h a r d l y a p p l i c a b l e to these j u v e n i l e s . In f o c u s s i n g on unconscious reasons to p r o s t i t u t e , p s y c h o a n a l y t i c theory ignores s o c i e t y ' s r o l e i n the p r o s t i t u t e ' s s i t u a t i o n as w e l l as the p r o s t i t u t e ' s conscious p e r c e p t i o n s and understanding of her behavior (Newman et a l . , 1985). Pomeroy (1965) p o i n t s out that the reasons people choose l i f e s t y l e s and c a r e e r s are both conscious and unconscious. T h i s holds f o r someone choosing to become a lawyer as much as f o r someone who becomes a p r o s t i t u t e . I t i s important then to c o n s i d e r both l e v e l s of m o t i v a t i o n and not to r e j e c t conscious reasons. " I t i s time to examine p r o s t i t u t i o n from the woman's p o i n t of view r a t h e r than j u s t the t r a d i t i o n a l c l i n i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e " (James, 1976, p. 177) . 14 Conscious Theories of Pro s t i t u t i o n Conscious theories of p r o s t i t u t i o n are factors cited by the prostitutes themselves as reasons for p r o s t i t u t i n g . Under this category, James (1976) includes such factors as economic need, pimps, independence and adventure. A number of studies have considered these factors in looking for an explanation for entrance into p r o s t i t u t i o n (Boyer & James, 1982; Brown, 1979; Davis, 1937; Davis, 1971; Gray, 1973; Greenwald, 1969; Pomeroy, 1965; Rosenblum, 1975). Economic necessity has long been cited as a major cause of pr o s t i t u t i o n . Kingsley Davis (1937) was one of the f i r s t to explore this theory. He recognized that women are economically disadvantaged in Western society. However, he stated, i f we were to consider economics as the only motivation to pro s t i t u t e , we would have to ask why so few women are in fact involved. He concluded that there i s more to i t than pure economics. Most authors agree with Davis, finding that prostitutes did not c i t e dire need for money as a motivation to prostitute and/or tended to spend i t f r i v o l o u s l y when they had i t (Brown, 1979; Greenwald, 1969; Newman & Caplan, 1982). Some authors suggest that the economic factor i s linked with other issues. For example money replaces l o s t self-esteem and represents prestige (Davis, 1971), independence (Rosenblum, 1975) or love (Glover, 1969). It may be more l i k e l y that money i s a secondary factor in the outcome of p r o s t i t u t i o n . This can be seen most c l e a r l y i n the case of runaway teenagers. These juveniles run away from abusive environments, not towards p r o s t i t u t i o n . But they resort to 15 p r o s t i t u t i o n i n o r d e r t o get money to s u r v i v e or t o sup p o r t a drug h a b i t (Brown, 1979; M c C a l l , 1983; S i l b e r t , 1982; T a k i n g R e s p o n s i b l e A c t i o n f o r C h i l d r e n and Youth, 1979). S i m i l a r l y , a women who i s s t r u g g l i n g t o s u p p o r t a c h i l d on w e l f a r e may f i n d h e r s e l f f o r c e d i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n as the o n l y a v a i l a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e t o make the a d d i t i o n a l money she r e q u i r e s . S i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s such as l a c k of adequate daycare and p o o r l y p a y i n g jobs r e s t r i c t women's c a r e e r c h o i c e s and f o r c e women t o the p o i n t of d e s p e r a t i o n where p r o s t i t u t i o n becomes the o n l y way t o ear n money t o s u r v i v e (James, 1976). Need f o r money may be a c o n s c i o u s r e a s o n , but i t i s secondary t o the s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s t h a t b r i n g women t o t h i s p o i n t of need. The r o l e of pimps i n e n t i c i n g women and g i r l s t o p r o s t i t u t e i s not w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d . Most s t u d i e s have found pimps' i n f l u e n c e t o be g e n e r a l l y m i n i m a l (Gray, 1973; Mathews, 1986), and t o be secondary t o f r i e n d s i n i n t r o d u c i n g women t o p r o s t i t u t i o n (James, 1976). The r o l e of pimps, l i k e money, seems t o be secondary i n t h a t the g i r l s or women have t o be v u l n e r a b l e or on the s t r e e t s b e f o r e the pimps can t r y t o i n f l u e n c e them. Both Weisberg (1985) and Benjamin (1985) c o n c l u d e t h a t most p r o s t i t u t e s have c o n t a c t w i t h and are i n v o l v e d w i t h a pimp a t one time or a n o t h e r , but the s u g g e s t i o n i s t h a t the pimp i s m a i n l y a f a c t o r i n keep i n g the p r o s t i t u t e i n the l i f e t hrough p e r s u a s i o n , c o e r c i o n or promises of l o v e and p r o t e c t i o n (Gray, 1973; James, 1976; TRACY, 1979). James (1976) found t h a t a s u b s t a n t i a l number of women were a t t r a c t e d t o the independence a f f o r d e d by money earned through p r o s t i t u t i o n . She suggests t h a t f i n a n c i a l independence and the 16 a s s o c i a t e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s cannot be r e a l i z e d w i t h i n most t r a d i t i o n a l women's r o l e s . Her f i n d i n g s are supported by Pomeroy (1965) and Brown (1979). However, James (1976) a l s o r e p o r t s that the d e s i r e f o r independence i s r e l a t e d q u i t e s t r o n g l y to a di s p u t e with the fa m i l y and a d e s i r e to leave home. In l o o k i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y at j u v e n i l e s , some re s e a r c h e r s have found that a d o lescents from r e l a t i v e l y a f f l u e n t backgrounds have p r o s t i t u t e d f o r excitement, adventure or simply f o r the camaraderie of the s t r e e t l i f e (Boyer & James, 1982; Brown, 1979, James, 1978; TRACY, 1979). These adolescents seem to be se a r c h i n g f o r the a t t e n t i o n and acceptance that i s l a c k i n g at home (Boyer & James, 1982; Newman & Caplan, 1982) . While these and many other conscious f a c t o r s may be s i g n i f i c a n t i n p r e c i p i t a t i n g a d e c i s i o n to p r o s t i t u t e , i t seems that t h e i r e f f e c t i s secondary to the s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s that b r i n g women and g i r l s to the p o i n t where p r o s t i t u t i o n i s a r e a l i s t i c and p o s s i b l y s i n g u l a r o p t i o n . S i t u a t i o n a l T h e o r i e s of P r o s t i t u t i o n S i t u a t i o n a l t h e o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t i o n are d i s c u s s e d here under the s u b s e c t i o n s of c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , gender s t e r e o t y p i n g , p a r e n t a l abuse and n e g l e c t , runaway behavior, age, socioeconomic s t a t u s and i n t e r v e n t i o n s . Although each f a c t o r i s di s c u s s e d s e p a r a t e l y , s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s are c l o s e l y i n t e r r e l a t e d . C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s P r o s t i t u t i o n has always been a p a r t of Western s o c i a l 17 s t r u c t u r e . S o c i a l a t t i t u d e s towards i t s value have c o n f l i c t e d and v a r i e d over time. A h i s t o r i c a l review r e v e a l s c y c l i c a l attempts to r e g u l a t e , r e h a b i l i t a t e or repress p r o s t i t u t e s (Wells, 1982). I t i s a r e f l e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' s double standard that a l l these attempts were d i r e c t e d at the p r o s t i t u t e s , not at t h e i r male c l i e n t s (Lowman, 1984). Only r e c e n t l y have the laws been changed i n Canada t o allow male customers of p r o s t i t u t e s to be prosecuted as w e l l as the p r o s t i t u t e s themselves. Even so, e a r l y f i g u r e s show that i t i s s t i l l mainly the p r o s t i t u t e s who get prosecuted and c o n v i c t e d (Lowman, 1989; Uniform Crime Reporting, 1989). There has always been, and s t i l l remains, an u n d e r l y i n g t a c i t acceptance that at l e a s t i g n o r e s , i f not encourages, the customers of p r o s t i t u t e s . As a r e s u l t , p r o s t i t u t i o n continues to e x i s t as a par t of the s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y and the continued supply of p r o s t i t u t e s and demand f o r t h e i r s e r v i c e s are ensured. Another p e r s p e c t i v e on the p e r s i s t e n t presence of p r o s t i t u t i o n i s that p r o s t i t u t i o n i s a n a t u r a l outcome of a p a t r i a r c h a l s o c i e t y . W i t h i n Western s o c i e t y , women have always had and continue to have r e s t r i c t e d access to money and power. Th i s i s e a s i l y demonstrated by the f i g u r e s on poverty among women, earn i n g power of women, and the undervalued kinds of work to which women are g e n e r a l l y r e s t r i c t e d (Canadian A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l on the Status of Women, 1984b; Chapman, 1978; Davis, 1937; James, 1978; MacMillan, 1976; S p e c i a l Committee on Pornography and P r o s t i t u t i o n , 1985). Women's r e l a t i v e powerlessness i s f u r t h e r demonstrated by t h e i r v u l n e r a b i l i t y to v i o l e n c e through rape, wife b a t t e r i n g , pornography and c h i l d sexual abuse (Canadian A d v i s o r y 18 C o u n c i l on the Status of Women, 1984b). F a i l u r e of the law to countera c t v i c t i m i z a t i o n of women emphasizes women's powerlessness i n our s o c i e t y . " V i c t i m i z a t i o n i s made p o s s i b l e by powerlessness, and a v i c t i m c l a s s i s made p o s s i b l e by c h r o n i c powerlessness. E q u a l i t y and economic e q u i t y f o r women would make t h e i r v i c t i m i z a t i o n at the hands of men much l e s s i n e v i t a b l e " (Chapman, 1978, p. 267). Western s o c i e t y f u r t h e r s e t s the stage f o r p r o s t i t u t i o n through i t s : Commercialised, d e p e r s o n a l i z e d and one-sided view of s e x u a l i t y [as i t appears] i n a d v e r t i s i n g , i n f a s h i o n , and i n s u b t l e and b l a t a n t standards of beauty, a t t r a c t i v e n e s s and d e s i r a b i l i t y f o r women (standards which are not set by women and which few women can meet). P r o s t i t u t i o n i s an extreme case of t h i s , with i t s e x p l i c i t b a r g a i n i n g of p r i c e - f o r - s e r v i c e , with the emphasis upon y o u t h f u l n e s s (youth i s at a premium even though customers can be and are of any age) and upon obvious and s t e r e o t y p i c a l ideas of female a t t r a c t i v e n e s s . (Canadian A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l on the Status of Women, 1984a, p. 5) I n e q u a l i t y of women and t h e i r economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n guarantees a supply of women who must s e l l t h e i r bodies i n order to s u r v i v e . P a t r i a r c h a l a t t i t u d e s and commercialized, one-sided and d e p e r s o n a l i z e d s e x u a l i t y guarantees the demand f o r the p r o s t i t u t e and her s e r v i c e s . 19 Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g Along with c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , gender s t e r e o t y p i n g p l a y s a major r o l e i n s e t t i n g the stage f o r other s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s and f o r the eventual outcome of p r o s t i t u t i o n . T h i s d i s c u s s i o n f i r s t examines gender s t e r e o t y p i n g of women and i t s r o l e as a pr e c u r s o r to p r o s t i t u t i o n . The subsequent s e c t i o n looks at t h e o r e t i c a l models of t r a n s i t i o n processes that i n c o r p o r a t e gender s t e r e o t y p i n g i n t o a process l e a d i n g to p r o s t i t u t i o n . T h i s s e c t i o n a l s o looks at the r o l e of f a m i l y i n s t a b i l i t y and e a r l y sexual experiences i n these t r a n s i t i o n p r o c e s s e s . Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g of Women In 1937, K i n g s l e y Davis remarked that a broad d e f i n i t i o n of p r o s t i t u t i o n as the use of sex f o r u l t e r i o r motives would apply to many i n s t i t u t i o n s i n our s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g marriage. S t r u g g l i n g to s u r v i v e i n a c o m p e t i t i v e - a u t h o r i t a t i v e system, women use sex to redress the s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a l that r e s u l t s from t h e i r lack of economic v i a b i l i t y . S e v e r a l authors comment on the e f f e c t s of gender s t e r e o t y p i n g on women. Boyer and James (1980) p o i n t out that female c h i l d r e n are rewarded f o r being cute, endearing and generous. As they are rewarded f o r a t t r a c t i v e n e s s and p a s s i v i t y , they g r a d u a l l y l e a r n to b a r t e r or make exchanges with t h e i r appearance and l a t e r with sex. In t h i s way, g i r l s and women come to r e a l i z e that t h e i r value i s measured by the sexual responses of ot h e r s . These authors suggest that an important p r e c u r s o r to p r o s t i t u t i o n i s women's sexual experience and c o n d i t i o n i n g which 20 d i r e c t s them to d e f i n e t h e i r s e l f - w o r t h i n sexual terms. The sex r o l e a l t e r n a t i v e s a v a i l a b l e to women have been d e s c r i b e d on a whore-madonna continuum (James & V i t a l i a n o , 1979). Those who cro s s the s t r i c t l y d e f i n e d boundaries of acceptable sexual e x p r e s s i o n are l a b e l e d as whores and w i l l l o s e s t a t u s , p r i v i l e g e s and options which are open to 'good' women. S i m i l a r l y , Rosenblum (1975) and Lemert (1951) s t a t e that the d i f f e r e n c e between what i s considered acceptable behavior and the overt exchange of sexual favours f o r money e x h i b i t e d by p r o s t i t u t e s i s only a matter of degree. Thus p r o s t i t u t i o n i s a normal e x t e n s i o n of a g e n e r a l i z e d sexual pathology i n our c u l t u r e i n which sexual p r o m i s c u i t y and t h i n l y d i s g u i s e d commercial e x p l o i t a t i o n of sex i n i n f o r m a l contexts p l a y a l a r g e and important p a r t (Lemert, 1951). Gender s t e r e o t y p i n g r e s u l t s i n a l i m i t e d range of oc c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e s f o r women. Occupations that are g e n e r a l l y open to women tend to be p o o r l y p a i d , low s t a t u s and s e r v i c e r e l a t e d (James, 1976, 1978). In a d d i t i o n , c e r t a i n jobs that are a v a i l a b l e to l o w - s k i l l e d women r e q u i r e s u b t l e and not so s u b t l e use of p h y s i c a l appearance or sex. For example, women i n w a i t r e s s i n g jobs may be encouraged to wear r e v e a l i n g uniforms and to f l i r t with the customers i n order to s e l l more d r i n k s . These women may a l s o f i n d that f l i r t a t i o u s behavior and sexual favours are rewarded with higher t i p s , a meal or a promotion. The l i n e between such " q u a s i - p r o s t i t u t i o n experiences" (James, 1976, p. 188) and f u l l - t i m e o v e r t p r o s t i t u t i o n i s t h i n and James suggests that some women recognize t h i s and make the move to p r o s t i t u t i o n 21 because i t o f f e r s more money f o r s i m i l a r s e r v i c e s . T r a n s i t i o n Processes S e v e r a l t h e o r i s t s have suggested that the move to overt p r o s t i t u t i o n i n v o l v e s a s h i f t or d r i f t t h a t i n v o l v e s both s o c i a l s t i g m a t i z a t i o n and the adoption of a negative and l i m i t i n g s e l f - c o n c e p t (Davis, 1971; Lemert, 1951; Rosenblum, 1975). Boyer and James (1982) have developed a model of deviant d r i f t which i n c o r p o r a t e s these c o n d i t i o n s , but which a l s o takes i n t o account e a r l y sexual experiences they found to be common i n the j u v e n i l e s that they s t u d i e d . These authors s t a t e that because g i r l s and women are judged i n our s o c i e t y p r i m a r i l y on t h e i r d e s i r a b i l i t y and sexual behavior, e a r l y sexual experiences w i l l have a p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the developing s e l f - c o n c e p t . Any model that d e s c r i b e s a process of entrance i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n must i n c o r p o r a t e t h i s sex r o l e i s s u e . The Boyer and James (1982) model i n c l u d e s four stages. In the f i r s t stage of a d a p t a t i o n , the c h i l d becomes predisposed to p r o s t i t u t i o n by adopting a negative s e l f - i m a g e . Low s e l f - e s t e e m may develop as a r e s u l t of negative sexual experiences and/or a r e p u t a t i o n among her peers f o r being 'bad'. The c h i l d becomes depressed, embarrassed and withdraws p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y . The second stage i s a c c u l t u r a t i o n during which the adolescent p e r c e i v e s the sex r o l e a l t e r n a t i v e s a v a i l a b l e to women through the whore-madonna continuum. Because of her sexual experiences, she p e r c e i v e s h e r s e l f as a whore and t h i s leads to f a i l u r e s at s c h o o l , truancy and dropping out. At the same time, her f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s are v o l a t i l e and her f r i e n d s h i p s are unstable so her needs are met by 22 a new group of d e l i n q u e n t f r i e n d s . Her behavior tends to be promiscuous i n her desperate search f o r love and she runs away to escape misery at home. Involvement with the j u s t i c e system strengthens her deviant l a b e l l i n g and exposes the adolescent to p r o s t i t u t e s . P r o s t i t u t i o n becomes a means to get money, and i f the adolescent decides to stay with that l i f e , she e n t e r s the t h i r d stage of a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o the p r o s t i t u t e s ' s u b - c u l t u r e . Here she g r a d u a l l y adopts the language, behaviors and values of the ' f a s t l i f e ' and her eventual a r r e s t or apprehension i m p l i e s her formal l a b e l l i n g as a p r o s t i t u t e . Those who enter the f o u r t h stage, commitment, have d r i f t e d t o the deviant end of the spectrum of a v a i l a b l e sexual i d e n t i t i e s f o r women. Boyer and James (1982) d e s c r i b e t h i s as a s h i f t i n sex r o l e p o s i t i o n to the whore end of the madonna-whore continuum. With t h i s s h i f t comes the p e r c e i v e d l o s s of a l t e r n a t i v e s a v a i l a b l e to 'good' women and the p r o s t i t u t e becomes trapped i n her r o l e . The Boyer and James (1982) model of deviant d r i f t suggests that there i s a s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between e a r l y sexual experiences and development of a d e v i a n t i d e n t i t y that leads to d e v i a n t sexual behavior or p r o s t i t u t i o n i n a d o l e s c e n t s and a d u l t s . S t u d i e s that have explored the r e l a t i o n s h i p of e a r l y sexual experiences to developing sexual i d e n t i t y and deviant sexual behavior i n adolescents and a d u l t s have supported t h i s t h e s i s and shown that sexual experiences are of p a r t i c u l a r importance i n the developing female i d e n t i t y (Davis, 1971; James & Meyerding, 1977a, 1977b; James & V i t a l i a n o , 1979). Adolescents and c h i l d r e n who have been su b j e c t e d to sexual abuse l e a r n to 23 gauge t h e i r worth as sex o b j e c t s . Given the madonna-whore spectrum that our s o c i e t y imposes on women, sexual abuse v i c t i m s tend to l a b e l themselves as whores or bad g i r l s and women. Adolescents who are promiscuous i n t h e i r desperate search f o r love and a f f e c t i o n w i l l s i m i l a r l y be l a b e l l e d whores by t h e i r peers. The l a b e l of p r o m i s c u i t y guarantees a l o s s of s t a t u s and i s o l a t i o n t h a t leads to i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with a deviant l i f e s t y l e . I n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of deviant s e l f - c o n c e p t based on a negative sexual s e l f - i m a g e (whore) promoted primary deviance and the s t a t e of d r i f t i n the adolescents s t u d i e d by Boyer and James (1982). While i t i s not p o s s i b l e to prove a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between e a r l y rape and i n c e s t and p r o s t i t u t i o n , James and Meyerding (1977b) suggest that e a r l y sexual experiences may a f f e c t the developing s e l f - c o n c e p t i n such a way that these experiences become a p r e c i p i t a t i n g f a c t o r to p r o s t i t u t i o n . I t seems p o s s i b l e . . . that to be s e x u a l l y used at an e a r l y age i n a way that produces g u i l t , shame and l o s s of s e l f - e s t e e m on the p a r t of the v i c t i m would be l i k e l y to l e s s e n one's r e s i s t a n c e to viewing o n e s e l f as a s a l e a b l e commodity. (James & Meyerding, 1977b, pp. 40-41) These f i n d i n g s are supported by authors who repea t e d l y c i t e p r o m i s c u i t y and p r o s t i t u t i o n as common b e h a v i o r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of s e x u a l l y abused adolescents ( B e r l i n e r , B l i c k & B u l k l e y , 1982; B e r l i n e r & Stevens, 1981; Conte & B e r l i n e r , 1981; Ledray, 1984; MacFarlane, 1978; M a i l e r , 1984; Wooley & V i g i l a n t i , 1984). Other b e h a v i o r a l i n d i c a t o r s of sexual abuse i n c l u d e i s o l a t i o n from peers and non-deviant environments, runaway behavior and truancy and 24 i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h drugs and a l c o h o l ( B e r l i n e r e t a l . 1982). Each of these b e h a v i o r s may be s e c o n d a r i l y i n v o l v e d i n a d e c i s i o n t o p r o s t i t u t e i n o r d e r t o s u r v i v e or sup p o r t a drug dependency (Benjamin, 1985; M c C a l l , 1983; Wiesberg, 1985). P a r e n t a l Abuse and N e g l e c t The p r e s ence of n e g l e c t , abuse and u n s t a b l e f a m i l i e s i n the f o r m a t i v e h i s t o r y of p r o s t i t u t e s i s a major f a c t o r i n the Boyer and James (1982) model of d e v i a n t d r i f t . These s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s are f r e q u e n t l y mentioned by r e s e a r c h e r s and t h e o r i s t s i n t h i s a r e a ( B r a c e y , 1979; Brown, 1979; G l o v e r , 1969; Greenwald, 1970; Jackman, O'Toole & G e i s , 1967; L e d r a y , 1984; Newman, 1985; Newman & C a p l a n , 1982; Sheehy, 1973). R e c e n t l y , the fo c u s of r e s e a r c h has t u r n e d t o p h y s i c a l and s e x u a l abuse i n the dev e l o p m e n t a l h i s t o r y of p r o s t i t u t e s . Greenwald's (1969, 1970) study of 20 c a l l - g i r l s i s an i n t e r e s t i n g case i n p o i n t . He s t a t e s : W h i l e t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e t h a t women o f t e n f a n t a s y [ s i c ] such e a r l y s e x u a l e x p e r i e n c e , the c o n s i s t e n c y w i t h which t h i s p a t t e r n appeared i n the g i r l s ' s t o r i e s makes i t p r o b a b l e t h a t t h e s e were a c t u a l r a t h e r than f a n t a s i e d [ s i c ] e x p e r i e n c e s . (1970, pp.169-170) S e v e r a l r e s e a r c h e r s have attempted t o a s s e s s the i n c i d e n c e of p h y s i c a l and s e x u a l abuse i n the e a r l y l i v e s of p r o s t i t u t e s . Weisberg (1985), i n a r e v i e w of the l i t e r a t u r e on j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s , found the i n c i d e n c e of e a r l y s e x u a l abuse and i n c e s t t o be h i g h and t h a t most of th e s e e x p e r i e n c e s were f o r c e d or 25 coerced i n some way. She also found that physical abuse and neglect were very common in the l i v e s of young female p r o s t i t u t e s . S i m i l a r l y , Benjamin (1985) found frequent mention of dysfunctional families in the background of juvenile prostitutes. Canadian studies have produced contradictory r e s u l t s . The Report of the Committee on Sexual Offences Against Children and Youths (1984a) concluded that the rate of sexual abuse i n juvenile prostitutes was no di f f e r e n t from that of other Canadian children. However, the Canadian Advisory Council of the Status of Women (1984a) states that incidence of sexual and physical abuse in juvenile prostitutes in Canada i s similar to that found in the U.S. which has been cited as high as 80%. Lowman (1984) concurs with t h i s f i n d i n g . More l o c a l l y , a Task Force on Children Involved in the Vancouver Street Scene (Frank & Rosettis, 1980) found 53 out of 106 suffered physical abuse and 29 out of 101 experienced sexual abuse or incest at home. This study included male and female prostitutes and non-prostitutes. In a follow-up study (1981) i t was concluded that abuse, including sexual abuse, was not s t a t i s t i c a l l y related to p r o s t i t u t i n g behavior. Another l o c a l study carried out by a group calle d TRACY (Taking Responsible Action for Children and Youth, 1979) determined that there was a strong indication that sexually abusive homes were linked to entrance into p r o s t i t u t i o n by adolescents. This report c i t e s figures that show up to 50% of prostitutes have had incestuous experiences in their l i v e s at home. F i n a l l y , and most recently, in a study of juvenile prostitutes in Vancouver, Ritch and Michaud (1985) found that 80% of the g i r l s they interviewed 26 c i t e d sexual abuse as a reason f o r l e a v i n g home. The disadvantages with these s t u d i e s are many, making i t d i f f i c u l t to compare the f i n d i n g s and to draw c o n c l u s i o n s . In some cases, sexual and p h y s i c a l abuse are d e a l t with s e p a r a t e l y , but i n others they are combined. F u r t h e r , the s t u d i e s i n c l u d e v a r i o u s methods of o b t a i n i n g data, i n c l u d i n g speaking to p r o s t i t u t e s , e x - p r o s t i t u t e s , s o c i a l workers, p o l i c e , o f f i c e r s of the Court and reviewing l i t e r a t u r e . As a r e s u l t , we are l e f t with a vague impression of d y s f u n c t i o n a l f a m i l i e s , p h y s i c a l abuse and p o s s i b l e sexual abuse i n the case h i s t o r i e s of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s . I t i s not p o s s i b l e to be more s p e c i f i c . In the United S t a t e s , two rese a r c h e r s have generated more s p e c i f i c f i g u r e s on t h i s q u e s t i o n . In a study of 20 adolescent p r o s t i t u t e s , James and Meyerding (1977a), found 65% had been v i c t i m s of coerced sexual a c t i v i t i e s w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s . In a second study using 138 j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s the same authors found that 37% had been molested, 51% raped and 63% p h y s i c a l l y abused p r i o r to becoming p r o s t i t u t e s (1977a). Both s t u d i e s contacted the women and g i r l s i n j a i l s and on the s t r e e t . S i l b e r t and Pines (1981) s t u d i e d 200 s t r e e t p r o s t i t u t e s i n the Bay area of San F r a n c i s c o , 60% of whom were under 16 years and 70% under 21 years of age. These re s e a r c h e r s found that 62% of the p r o s t i t u t e s i n t e r v i e w e d had been beaten by t h e i r f a m i l i e s and 61% were v i c t i m s of i n c e s t or c h i l d sexual abuse between the ages of 3 to 16. Of these, 70% experienced repeated abuse by the same person. Both James and Meyerding (1977a) and S i l b e r t and Pines 27 (1981) looked s p e c i f i c a l l y at who the abusers were. The o v e r a l l p i c t u r e was one of sexual abuse by an ad u l t who i s at l e a s t known t o , and very l i k e l y s i g n i f i c a n t t o , or t r u s t e d by the c h i l d v i c t i m . Research i n t o p h y s i c a l and sexual abuse of p r o s t i t u t e s i s hampered by s e v e r a l f a c t o r s . The major problem i s the g e n e r a l l y taboo atmosphere that surrounds d i s c u s s i o n of sexual abuse and i n c e s t . To some extent, t h i s atmosphere has re l a x e d over the past decade and t h i s may e x p l a i n the sudden r i s e i n i n c i d e n c e reported by p r o s t i t u t e s . But the remains of t h i s taboo s t i l l a f f e c t r e p o r t i n g of sexual abuse and i n c e s t and, as a r e s u l t , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o know what the i n c i d e n c e i s i n a general p o p u l a t i o n f o r comparative purposes. With t h i s i n mind, c a u t i o n must be e x e r c i s e d i n a c c e p t i n g c o n c l u s i o n s that the i n c i d e n c e of sexual abuse and i n c e s t i s s i m i l a r i n both p r o s t i t u t e and n o n - p r o s t i t u t e p o p u l a t i o n s as suggested by the Report of the Committee on Sexual Offences A g a i n s t C h i l d r e n and Youths (1984). Some e x p l a n a t i o n of the f l u c t u a t i n g i n c i d e n c e r e p o r t s may be found i n the way abuse i s d e f i n e d by d i f f e r e n t r e s e a r c h e r s . Recent r e c o g n i t i o n of i n c e s t and sexual abuse as a p o s s i b l e p r e c u r s o r to p r o s t i t u t i o n may have prompted researchers to ask the r e l e v a n t questions and thereby y i e l d e d the in c r e a s e d i n c i d e n c e r e s u l t s . In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , however, our i n f o r m a t i o n on sexual abuse and i n c e s t w i l l always r e l y on s e l f - r e p o r t and success of t h i s method w i l l r e l y h e a v i l y on s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the researcher and the s u b j e c t . The high i n c i d e n c e reported by S i l b e r t and Pines (1981) may be r e l a t e d t o 28 t h e i r care i n developing such a r e l a t i o n s h i p . F i g u r e s t hat represent a high i n c i d e n c e of i n c e s t and sexual abuse i n the h i s t o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t e s s t i l l do not prove t h a t sexual abuse causes p r o s t i t u t i o n . Indeed, i f we accept that 10 to 20% of a l l a d o l e s c e n t s have been s e x u a l l y abused, we know that they do not a l l become p r o s t i t u t e s (Benjamin, 1985; James & Meyerding, 1977a, 1977b; S i l b e r t & Pi n e s , 1982). However, i f taken i n the context of the Boyer and James (1982) model of devia n t d r i f t , i t i s evident t h a t sexual abuse i s a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n the development of a devi a n t s e l f - c o n c e p t that i n t u r n may lead to p r o s t i t u t i o n . I t may be that the p a r t i c u l a r experiences and a t t i t u d e s that a c h i l d may have re g a r d i n g sex are important f a c t o r s i n a c h i l d ' s s u s c e p t i b i l i t y to sexual e x p l o i t a t i o n . Unstable, abusive and a l i e n a t i n g f a m i l y and community environments may i n f l u e n c e a c h i l d ' s movement toward acceptance i n a devi a n t c u l t u r e , but c o n f u s i n g and d i s t o r t e d e a r l y sexual experiences (e.g. c h i l d m o l e s t a t i o n ) may be an e s p e c i a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r that p r e d i s p o s e s the c h i l d to respond to involvement i n p r o s t i t u t i o n and pornography i n c o n t r a s t to other d e l i n q u e n t a c t i v i t i e s (TRACY, 1979, pp. 40-41). Runaway Behavior Runaway behavior, i n p a r t i c u l a r , has been l i n k e d with abusive or n e g l e c t f u l homes and eventual p r o s t i t u t i o n by many r e s e a r c h e r s . Weisberg, i n her 1985 review of l i t e r a t u r e , notes that most j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s are runaways. She i s supported i n t h i s t h e s i s by S i l b e r t (1982) who found that 96% of her sample of 200 p r o s t i t u t e s were runaways. Boyer and James (1982) and the Report of the Committee on Sexual Offences A g a i n s t C h i l d r e n and Youths (1984a) made s i m i l a r statements. Benjamin (1985) and S i l b e r t and Pines (1981) suggested adolescents run away from abusive homes because they see no other way to deal with the problems. Bracey (1979) suggests that rather than a c t u a l l y running away, many adolescents have alr e a d y been removed from t h e i r f a m i l i e s and p l a c e d i n f o s t e r care or group homes and i t i s from there that they run. A l l i n a l l , the r a t e of runaway c h i l d r e n and a d o l e s c e n t s i s r a p i d l y i n c r e a s i n g . In the United S t a t e s i n 1983, i t was estimated that one m i l l i o n male and female youngsters between the ages of 11 and 17 ran away from home, 80% of whom used p r o s t i t u t i o n to s u r v i v e ( M c C a l l , 1983). Canadian f i g u r e s from 1974, estimated that 30,000 young people were on the road (Visano, 1983). While runaway behavior i s c l e a r l y a s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r i n p r o s t i t u t i o n , i t i s not a primary cause. As s t a t e d e a r l i e r , a d o l e scents run away from abusive s i t u a t i o n s , not toward p r o s t i t u t i o n . Once they are out on the s t r e e t s , the runaway f a c t o r combines with others to make p r o s t i t u t i o n an opportune way to make the money needed to s u r v i v e . Age Runaway behavior i s a s s o c i a t e d with j u v e n i l e s t a t u s . An i n d i v i d u a l aged 19 or over may leave home to escape miserable c o n d i t i o n s but w i l l not be l a b e l l e d as a runaway, as j u v e n i l e s 30 under the age of 19 can be. In a d d i t i o n , the r a m i f i c a t i o n s of r u n n i n g away as a j u v e n i l e and l e a v i n g home at an o l d e r age are d i f f e r e n t . J u v e n i l e runaways are s u b j e c t t o a p p r e h e n s i o n s i m p l y because of t h e i r age when a d u l t s c l e a r l y are not (Benjamin, 1985) . F u r t h e r , the p o t e n t i a l f o r e a r n i n g money i n l e g i t i m a t e jobs i s f a r g r e a t e r f o r a d u l t s than i t i s f o r j u v e n i l e s . The f r e q u e n c y w i t h which runaway j u v e n i l e s r e s o r t t o p r o s t i t u t i o n t o s u r v i v e i s u n d e r s t a n d a b l e w i t h i n t h i s framework. J u v e n i l e s t a t u s a l s o has r a m i f i c a t i o n s i n terms of the laws and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s t h a t can be o f f e r e d t o them. Under Canadian law j u v e n i l e s aged 12 t o 17 y e a r s are p r o t e c t e d under the Young  O f f e n d e r s A c t ( W i l s o n & T o m l i n s o n , 1985). W h i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i s not i l l e g a l , s o l i c i t i n g i s , and a j u v e n i l e must be caught s o l i c i t i n g i n o r d e r t o be charged. However, even w i t h the r e c e n t t i g h t e n i n g of the s o l i c i t i n g l a w s , the p o l i c e have d i f f i c u l t y i n c h a r g i n g and k e e p i n g a j u v e n i l e i n c u s t o d y . Of g r e a t e r r e l e v a n c e are the p r o v i n c i a l s o c i a l s e r v i c e r e g u l a t i o n s which f i n d a c h i l d t o be i n need of p r o t e c t i o n u n t i l she i s 19 (Kossuth & Korde, 1986) . These r e g u l a t i o n s r e q u i r e t h a t the c h i l d be under someone's g u a r d i a n s h i p and have a permanent address i n o r d e r t o r e c e i v e s o c i a l s e r v i c e a s s i s t a n c e and money. However, i f the c h i l d does not choose t o s t a y i n any of these e n v i r o n m e n t s , they cannot f o r c e her t o do so. As a r e s u l t , p r e s e n t systems of i n t e r v e n t i o n and a s s i s t a n c e are not v e r y s u c c e s s f u l w i t h a d o l e s c e n t s who have found r u n n i n g away t o be an e f f e c t i v e way t o d e a l w i t h a v e r s i v e s i t u a t i o n s (Report of the Committee on S e x u a l O f f e n c e s A g a i n s t C h i l d r e n and Y o u t h s , Volume I I , 1984b). i 31 Adolescents are reported to run away from home most commonly between the ages of 11 to 14 years (Brown, 1979; Marchand, 1979; M c C a l l , 1983; Task Force on J u v e n i l e P r o s t i t u t i o n , 1980). C o i n c i d e n t a l l y , t h i s i s the age when i n c e s t and sexual abuse v i c t i m s t y p i c a l l y d i s c l o s e the abuse and/or begin to r e b e l i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s . I f the adolescent does not get any support or help at t h i s time, she may run away ( B e r l i n e r et a l . 1982). Indeed, the TRACY (1979) study of Vancouver j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s found that g i r l s whose mothers d i d not support them when they reported the abuse ran away most f r e q u e n t l y . In l i g h t of these s t a t i s t i c s , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d the t y p i c a l age of onset of p r o s t i t u t i o n i s i n the 12- to 15-year range. Of the authors reviewed here, two found the average age of onset to be 17 (Davis, 1971; Maerov, 1965). However, both noted cases as young as 14. Weisberg (1985), i n her review of the l i t e r a t u r e , found the mean age of entry to be 14. S i l b e r t (1984) found 68% of her sample were 16 or younger when they s t a r t e d p r o s t i t u t i n g and Gray (1973) found a mean age of 14.7 f o r f i r s t act of p r o s t i t u t i o n . The Report of the Committee on Sexual Offences A g a i n s t C h i l d r e n and Youths (1984a) reported that h a l f of a l l j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s have "turned t h e i r f i r s t t r i c k " at age 15 or younger, and Frank and R o s e t t i s (1981) found that 60% of the c h i l d r e n who p r o s t i t u t e made t h e i r f i r s t s t r e e t appearance by the age of 14 or 15. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , then, that Benjamin (1985) s t a t e s : "...there i s a general consensus i n the l i t e r a t u r e , that the m a j o r i t y of p r o s t i t u t e s f i r s t enter 'the l i f e ' i n adolescence" (p. 7 ) . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , i t i s the most recent s t u d i e s which f i n d the younger age of onset. T h i s f a c t o r lends credence to the 32 theory that i n recent years more p r o s t i t u t e s are s t a r t i n q at a younger age. Li k e runaway behavior, age i s not a primary p r e c i p i t a t o r of p r o s t i t u t i o n . I t i s a s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r i n j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n . Onset of adolescence b r i n g s with i t a d e s i r e f o r independence and a need to t e s t the r u l e s . As a r e s u l t , sexual abuse or i n c e s t i s o f t e n d i s c l o s e d at t h i s age or may p r e c i p i t a t e d i s r u p t i v e behavior that exaggerates f a m i l y disharmony. Adolescence may a l s o b r i n g with i t a b e l i e f that running away i s a v i a b l e p o s s i b i l i t y and an improvement over an abusive home. Furthe r j u v e n i l e s t a t u s means l i m i t e d access to means of support, h e i g h t e n i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y that runaway adolescents w i l l have to r e s o r t to p r o s t i t u t i o n . In t h i s way, age i s c l e a r l y a s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r but one that i s l i n k e d to abusive and broken homes i n much the same way as runaway behavior. Socioeconomic Status Contrary to commonly held b e l i e f s , p r o s t i t u t e s do not g e n e r a l l y come from low socioeconomic backgrounds. Both Weisberg (1985) and Benjamin (1985) i n t h e i r reviews of the l i t e r a t u r e , conclude that most j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s come from middle c l a s s f a m i l i e s but that r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from a l l s o c i a l c l a s s e s can be found i n t h i s p o p u l a t i o n . They are supported i n t h i s f i n d i n g by the Report of the Committee on Sexual Offences A g a i n s t C h i l d r e n and Youths (1984a) and S i l b e r t (1984) who found that two-thirds of her sample came from f a m i l i e s of average or higher income. The more important i s s u e as concluded by these authors i s the presence 33 of f a m i l y d y s f u n c t i o n and abusive s i t u a t i o n s . F u r t h e r , f a m i l y d y s f u n c t i o n and abuse are not r e l a t e d to socioeconomic s t a t u s (Brown, 1980; James, 1978; James & Meyerding, 1977b; S i l b e r t & P i n e s , 1981). I n t e r v e n t i o n s The f a i l u r e of i n t e r v e n t i o n s that are designed to help the v i c t i m of sexual abuse, d y s f u n c t i o n a l f a m i l i e s and runaway j u v e n i l e s may be another s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r i n p r o s t i t u t i o n . S p e c i f i c a l l y , f a i l u r e of support systems or r e j e c t i o n of the v i c t i m of abuse has been t e n t a t i v e l y l i n k e d to runaway behavior ( B e r l i n e r et a l . 1982; Bracey, 1 9 7 9 ; TRACY, 1 9 7 9 ) . I f the v i c t i m of abuse does not run away, she may be r e j e c t e d from the f a m i l y f o r d i s r u p t i v e behavior or may be apprehended. S o c i a l s e r v i c e s o f f e r f o s t e r home placements, group homes, h o s t e l s and some l i m i t e d funding f o r s u r v i v a l and s c h o o l i n g f o r j u v e n i l e s who have l e f t t h e i r homes. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , a very high rate of movement between these placements a t t e s t s to t h e i r f a i l u r e . Benjamin, (1985) and Frank and R o s e t t i s (1980) found that j u v e n i l e s who have been e v i c t e d , apprehended or have run away tend to have poor r e l a t i o n s h i p s with s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers. L i m i t e d resources, poor laws and m i s i n f o r m a t i o n about the problem makes these s e r v i c e s c l o s e to i n e f f e c t i v e (Matthews, 1986; Report of the Committee on Sexual Offences Aga i n s t C h i l d r e n and Youths, Volume I I , 1984b; Frank & R o s e t t i s , 1980). Indeed, Benjamin (1985) found that the vast m a j o r i t y of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s leave the s t r e e t s w i t h i n one to f i v e years without help from s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . 34 Summary An examination of the l i t e r a t u r e on p r e c i p i t a t i n g factors and the motivation to prostitute reveals a complex picture. Each theoreti c a l approach has contributed in some way. Psychoanalytic theory of unconscious causes has been c r i t i c i z e d for i t s dependence on out-dated value judgments and i t s resistance to measurement and proof. However, in l i g h t of more recent findings on sexual abuse and incest in the history of p r o s t i t u t e s , i t i s useful to consider their effects on the development of personality and sexual i d e n t i t y . Conscious theories of p r o s t i t u t i o n such as the need for money, pressure by pimps or desire for independence and adventure are easier to measure than unconscious causes. While they c l e a r l y do play a part i n the decision to p r o s t i t u t e , these reasons alone do not explain the s i t u a t i o n a l factors that place the individual in a position where she must make these decisions. Current research focusses on s i t u a t i o n a l theories of p r o s t i t u t i o n . Situational factors focus attention away from the individual and look instead at s t r u c t u r a l and c u l t u r a l forces that permit and perpetuate p r o s t i t u t i o n in our society. Several s i t u a t i o n a l factors have been discussed here and some have been researched. Women's i n f e r i o r economic status and their gender stereotyping set the stage for the use of sex to survive in a p a t r i a r c h a l society. Unstable and abusive fam i l i e s , runaway behavior and juvenile status a l l interact to increase the l i k e l i h o o d of turning to p r o s t i t u t i o n to survive. While i t i s 35 e v i d e n t that no s i n g l e f a c t o r can be s a i d to cause or lead to p r o s t i t u t i o n , recent f i n d i n g s on the high i n c i d e n c e of sexual abuse and i n c e s t i n the l i f e h i s t o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t e s suggest that t h i s p a r t i c u l a r f a c t o r may be a major determinant i n the outcome of p r o s t i t u t i o n . Review of Methodologies This s e c t i o n reviews the approaches that have been used to study the phenomenon of p r o s t i t u t i o n to date. T h i s review covers the type of study, instruments used, p o p u l a t i o n and samples used and the i n f o r m a t i o n that has been generated. As with the review of the l i t e r a t u r e , the focus i s on j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s where p o s s i b l e , however, s t u d i e s that have not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d age of p r o s t i t u t e s are a l s o i n c l u d e d . In a d d i t i o n , the focus remains on female p r o s t i t u t e s i n Western s o c i e t y . F u r t h e r , s i n c e the present research w i l l be based i n Vancouver, p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n i s pa i d to Canadian and Vancouver s t u d i e s and t h e i r f i n d i n g s f o r purposes of comparison and r e f e r e n c e . The s t u d i e s are reviewed here under four c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : c l i n i c a l s t u d i e s , ethnographic and f i e l d s t u d i e s , task f o r c e s and case s t u d i e s . C l i n i c a l S tudies The c l i n i c a l s t u d i e s reviewed here were c a r r i e d out with s u b j e c t s who were i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n j a i l s or c l i n i c a l care s e t t i n g s (Maerov, 1965; Newman, 1985; Newman & Caplan, 1982). These s t u d i e s used samples of 10 to 76 women, and data were c o l l e c t e d through s t a n d a r d i z e d measures, c l i n i c a l records and 36 interviews. These researchers examined ego development in adolescent g i r l s who had a history of deprivation and abuse. Both Maerov (1965) and Newman and Caplan (1982) found strong evidence of faulty ego development in the adolescents they studied. However, Newman's (1985) results were inconclusive. The advantages of c l i n i c a l studies are the a v a i l a b i l i t y of subjects and access to c l i n i c a l records. As a result, self-report data do not have to be re l i e d upon, thus eliminating many of the problems associated with se l f - r e p o r t research. Newman and Caplan (1982) are the only researchers reviewed here who did not use any self- r e p o r t data. As a resu l t , they did not report the problems that Maerov (1965) did in establishing a trusting relationship between the researcher and the subjects. The problem with these c l i n i c a l studies i s their sampling bias and the size of the groups studied. Combined with the difference in the results among the studies, these problems make i t d i f f i c u l t to reach any s i g n i f i c a n t conclusions about ego development i n adolescent p r o s t i t u t e s . Ethnographic and F i e l d Studies Ethnographic or f i e l d study involves time spent in the f i e l d with the subjects as a participant observer. Four researchers described their methodology as including this approach (Boyer & James, 1982; Mathews, 1986; Rosenblum, 1975; Sheehy, 1973). Each of these researchers spent a period of time with prostitutes in their working environments. Sheehy does not specify number of subjects or the period of time spent in the f i e l d . Rosenblum (1975) spent nine months with f i v e c a l l g i r l s and Boyer and James 37 (1982) combined ethnographic f i e l d work with interviews of 200 prostitutes over a four-year period. Of pa r t i c u l a r interest here i s Mathews1 (1986) study which was carried out with male and female juvenile prostitutes in Toronto. Using participant observation, f i e l d work, c a s e - f i l e study, surveys and personal interviews, Mathews was able to co l l e c t input from juvenile and adult pro s t i t u t e s , s o c i a l workers and po l i c e . Rejecting theories of deviance and pathology which locate the cause of p r o s t i t u t i o n within the i n d i v i d u a l , Mathews developed a so c i a l e f f e cts model that examines the individual within her s o c i a l context. By approaching the phenomenon of pros t i t u t i o n in th i s manner, Mathews was able to develop several proposals for intervention and prevention in his conclusion. The four researchers reviewed here used ethnographic approaches to develop an understanding of the prostitute's behavior in terms of the s o c i a l context in which she l i v e s . Boyer and James (1982) and Mathews (1986) were able to develop and suggest interventions from their results. While ethnographic and f i e l d work studies may be faulted, l i k e the c l i n i c a l studies reviewed here, for their sample size and bias, the information gained through these approaches i s useful i n broadening the perspectives available on the issue, in adding to s t a t i s t i c a l and demographic data gathered through other approaches, and in developing theory around the etiology of p r o s t i t u t i o n . Task Forces Another approach to gathering information on pr o s t i t u t i o n i s through task forces. These committees are sponsored by 38 governments and their agencies and respond d i r e c t l y to the s o c i a l concern expressed over the growing numbers and v i s i b i l i t y of juvenile prostitutes in our c i t i e s . The Report of the Committee on Sexual Offences Against Children and Youths (the Badgley Report, 1984) and the Special Committee on Pornography and P r o s t i t u t i o n (the Fraser Commission, 1985) are two of the better known task forces that have published their findings in recent years. Other task forces or groups presenting reports on pro s t i t u t i o n are the Canadian Advisory Council of the Status of Women (1984) and Michael Benjamin's resource document on Juvenile Pr o s t i t u t i o n (1985) which focussed on problems s p e c i f i c to Toronto. Vancouver reports include P r o s t i t u t i o n in Vancouver (Layton, 1975), The Sexual Exploitation of Children, (Taking Responsible Action for Children and Youth, 1975), Task Force on Juvenile P r o s t i t u t i o n (City of Vancouver Health Department, 1981), Children Involved in the Vancouver Street Scene (Frank & Rosettis, 1980, 1981), and A Report on Juvenile P r o s t i t u t i o n (Ritch & Michaud, 1985). Generally, the goals of these task forces are to determine the seriousness and extent of the problem, look for causes and suggest solutions. Data are gathered through interviews with the juveniles themselves, interviews with key informants such as police, s o c i a l workers, street workers and members of the j u d i c i a r y , l i t e r a t u r e reviews, case f i l e reviews where available and presentations from interested groups and members of the community. Through this method, demographic data such as age, race, education, r e l i g i o u s background and family history are 39 c o l l e c t e d . In d i s c u s s i n g the causes or p r e c i p i t a t i n g f a c t o r s to p r o s t i t u t i o n , every one of these s t u d i e s named d y s f u n c t i o n a l f a m i l i e s and p a r t i c u l a r l y , p h y s i c a l and sexual abuse as major f a c t o r s i n the l i f e h i s t o r i e s of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s . V a r y i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n s are suggested and i n c l u d e s t r e n g t h e n i n g laws to allow a r r e s t , d e t e n t i o n and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of j u v e n i l e s (Badgley Report, 1984) and major r e s t r u c t u r i n g of s o c i e t y to combat i n e q u a l i t y of women (The Canadian A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l on the Status of Women, 1984; S p e c i a l Committee on Pornography and P r o s t i t u t i o n , 1985). While the methods of c o l l e c t i n g data f o r task f o r c e s may sometimes be u n s c i e n t i f i c or haphazard, the i n c l u s i o n of so many sources of i n f o r m a t i o n can be h e l p f u l i n f u r t h e r expanding and d e v e l o p i n g the p i c t u r e of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n and the surrounding c o n d i t i o n s . The data c o l l e c t e d by the task f o r c e s reviewed here are s p e c i f i c to Canada and Vancouver. As such, they are p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l i n determining the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and extent of the l o c a l problem as w e l l as f o r comparison purposes with other North American c i t i e s . Case Stud i e s The most common form of study used to i n v e s t i g a t e the i s s u e of p r o s t i t u t i o n i s the case study. S e v e r a l v a r i e t i e s of the case study approach are represented i n t h i s f i e l d . Most commonly, case s t u d i e s of p r o s t i t u t e s have used s t r u c t u r e d (Boyer & James, 1982; James & Meyerding, 1977a, 1977b; S i l b e r t & P i n e s , 1981) or s e m i - s t r u c t u r e d (Gray, 1973; Jackman, O'Toole & G e i s , 1976) 40 i n t e r v i e w s , o c c a s i o n a l l y backed up by i n f o r m a t i o n from o f f i c i a l r ecords (Bracey, 1979; Davis, 1971; Maerov, 1965; Pomeroy, 1965). Where r e p o r t e d , s i n g l e i n t e r v i e w s have been held with s u b j e c t s l a s t i n g from two to four hours. Only S i l b e r t (1984) conducted f o l l o w - u p i n t e r v i e w s with 53 p r o s t i t u t e s a f t e r a p e r i o d of s i x to ten months to determine the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of a c o u n s e l l i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n used with these i n d i v i d u a l s . Interviews were conducted with groups of 13 (Jackman et a l . , 1967) to 200 women (Boyer & James, 1982; S i l b e r t & Pines , 1981). Subjects were obtained i n v a r i o u s ways but u s u a l l y through some cont a c t with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies of one v a r i e t y or another. Some authors used samples obtained e x c l u s i v e l y from i n s t i t u t i o n s or p r i s o n s (Davis, 1971; Gibbens, 1957; Maerov, 1965), while most combined imprisoned or i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d p r o s t i t u t e s with those contacted on the s t r e e t s or i n bars (Bracey, 1979; Bryan, 1969; Gray, 1973; Jackman et a l . , 1967; James & Meyerding, 1977a, 1977b; Pomeroy, 1965). Four r e s e a r c h e r s p a i d t h e i r s u b j e c t s f o r the in t e r v i e w s (Bracey, 1979; Gray, 1973; Newman, 1985; Pomeroy, 1965). Only S i l b e r t and Pines (1981) obtained t h e i r e n t i r e sample of 200 through v o l u n t e e r s who frequented t h e i r program and heard about the study through s t r e e t acquaintances and c o n t a c t s . Even so, t h e i r sample cannot be c a l l e d unbiased or random i n that i t rep r e s e n t s only those p r o s t i t u t e s who chose to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the study. S i m i l a r l y , a l l the samples used i n the s t u d i e s reviewed here represent biased p o p u l a t i o n s i n that they have had some co n t a c t with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies or have been chanced upon i n the s t r e e t . C l e a r l y , when d e a l i n g with a p o p u l a t i o n which i s 41 l a b e l l e d and t r e a t e d as deviant and who s u r v i v e through q u a s i - l e g a l means as p r o s t i t u t e s do, i t i s d i f f i c u l t i f not impossible to o b t a i n t r u l y unbiased, random samples. The i n f o r m a t i o n gathered through case study i n t e r v i e w s i s v a r i e d and dependent on the goal of the case study. Gibbens (1957) was p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t e d i n o e d i p a l problems i n p r o s t i t u t e s and looked f o r i n c i d e n t s of homosexuality, mental d e f i c i e n c y and f a m i l y background. Other case s t u d i e s have examined the process by which g i r l s and women become p r o s t i t u t e s . H y p o t h e s i z i n g that e a r l y l i f e experiences i n f l u e n c e s e l f - c o n c e p t and p e r c e i v e d c h o i c e s i n l i f e , these r e s e a r c h e r s have generated data on adolescent sexual experience, l a b e l l i n g and s e l f - c o n c e p t (Boyer & James, 1982; Davis, 1971; James & Meyerding, 1977a, 1977b; James & V i t a l i a n o , 1979; S i l b e r t & P i n e s , 1981). In some cases, data on p r o s t i t u t e s have been compared with s i m i l a r data on general p o p u l a t i o n s (James & Meyerding, 1977b) and d e v i a n t , n o n - p r o s t i t u t e female p o p u l a t i o n s (Gray, 1973; James & V i t a l i a n o , 1979). T h i s process has generated data on the higher r a t e s of coerced and unpleasant sexual experiences at e a r l i e r ages i n p r o s t i t u t e p o p u l a t i o n s . The case study approach has generated a wide v a r i e t y of i n f o r m a t i o n on r a t e s and i n c i d e n c e s of v a r i a b l e s i n the p r o s t i t u t e p o p u l a t i o n . The problem with such i n c i d e n c e data i s that they do not show how or why i n c e s t , f o r example, r e s u l t s i n p r o s t i t u t i o n . Some rese a r c h e r s have developed a process or p r o g r e s s i o n of stages which r e s u l t i n the eventual outcome of p r o s t i t u t i o n . Boyer and James (1982) combine t h e i r case study data with ethnographic 42 data and e x i s t i n g theory to develop t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l model of d r i f t i n t o deviance. Other small sample case s t u d i e s have c o n t r i b u t e d to the data generated by ethnographic, task f o r c e and c l i n i c a l s t u d i e s i n examining the p r o s t i t u t e i n her present s i t u a t i o n . These s t u d i e s have looked at the p r o s t i t u t e ' s p e r s o n a l i t y and her s o c i a l c ontext. With the e x c e p t i o n of three s t u d i e s , Canadian research on p r o s t i t u t i o n i s e n t i r e l y represented by task f o r c e s t u d i e s . Newman and Caplan (1982) and Newman (1985) looked at ego development i n j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s and "non-standard" a d o l e s c e n t s i n Toronto. A l s o i n Toronto, Mathews (1986) looked at the phenomenon of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n from a p s y c h o - s o c i a l p e r s p e c t i v e . In Vancouver, s t u d i e s on p r o s t i t u t i o n have been e n t i r e l y t a s k - f o r c e o r i e n t e d . As a r e s u l t , i n f o r m a t i o n on j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i n Canada and Vancouver i s s e v e r e l y l i m i t e d . Research on p r o s t i t u t i o n to date has examined p o s s i b l e antecedents to p r o s t i t u t i o n , past f a c t o r s , present circumstances and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the problem. In reviewing the l i t e r a t u r e on t h e o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t i o n , s e v e r a l s i t u a t i o n a l antecedents to p r o s t i t u t i o n were d i s c u s s e d . In p a r t i c u l a r sexual abuse i n c l u d i n g i n c e s t was suggested as a major p r e c i p i t a t i n g f a c t o r to p r o s t i t u t i o n . However, i t cannot be shown that sexual abuse causes or leads to p r o s t i t u t i o n and the f a c t that most sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s do not p r o s t i t u t e emphasizes t h i s p o i n t . I t i s the goal of t h i s research to explo r e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between sexual abuse and p r o s t i t u t i o n , and to look f o r f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e the ways i n which sexual abuse v i c t i m s become j u v e n i l e 43 p r o s t i t u t e s . The Present Study The l i t e r a t u r e and i n f o r m a l d i s c u s s i o n s with outreach workers, p r o s t i t u t e s and i n c e s t s u r v i v o r s suggested s e v e r a l f a c t o r s that may be i n f l u e n t i a l i n the ways i n which v i c t i m s of sexual abuse become p r o s t i t u t e s as j u v e n i l e s . These f a c t o r s p r ovided a s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r research and were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the i n t e r v i e w that was used to c o l l e c t n a r r a t i v e s from women who had both the experiences of sexual abuse and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n . The f a c t o r s have been d i v i d e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s and i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s (see Table 1 ) . S o c i a l - S t r u c t u r a l F a c t o r s S o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s are d e f i n e d as those s o c i e t a l and c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s that form the context w i t h i n which c h i l d r e n are r a i s e d and s o c i a l i s e d and w i t h i n which they must l e a r n to f u n c t i o n . They i n c l u d e c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , gender s t e r e o t y p i n g , the f a m i l y , s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies and sexual abuse. C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s C u l t u r a l f a c t o r s r e f l e c t values and a t t i t u d e s which are in c o r p o r a t e d i n t o and enacted through the s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y . Western s o c i e t y e x h i b i t s a double standard i n i t s a t t i t u d e towards p r o s t i t u t i o n and p r o s t i t u t e s (James, 1978). T h i s double standard i s r e f l e c t i v e of a p a t r i a r c h a l s t r u c t u r e wherein the women who p r o s t i t u t e are degraded and c r i t i c i z e d while t h e i r male customers 44 are t a c i t l y condoned and even encouraged. Table 1 The S t r u c t u r e of Research S o c i a l - S t r u c t u r a l F a c t o r s C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g The Family S o c i a l S e r v i c e Agencies Sexual Abuse I n t r a - p s y c h i c F a c t o r s S e l f Esteem C o n t r o l Our s o c i e t y has a s i m i l a r double standard when sexual abuse and i n c e s t are concerned. Rather than a t a c i t acceptance of sexual abuse or i n c e s t , the p r e v a l e n t a t t i t u d e of d e n i a l and r e f u s a l to speak of these i s s u e s allows the abuse t o continue unabated ( B u t l e r , 1982a, 1982b). The double standard i s f u r t h e r evidenced i n the tendency to blame the v i c t i m f o r her own abuse. Western c u l t u r e a l s o l i m i t s women's access to money and power by l i m i t i n g t h e i r access to jobs and undervaluing (underpaying) the jobs that are a v a i l a b l e to them. Women's economic i n f e r i o r i t y and t h e i r sex r o l e i d e n t i t y s e t s the stage 45 f o r the use of sex to s u r v i v e i n an " a u t h o r i t a t i v e - c o m p e t i t i v e " s o c i e t y . The young v i c t i m of sexual abuse may encounter these c u l t u r a l values through a t t i t u d e s that blame her f o r the abuse and that l a b e l her n e g a t i v e l y f o r her sexual experiences and behavior. She may a l s o encounter them as the easy a v a i l a b i l i t y of rewards and money f o r sexual favours and as r e s t r i c t e d access to jobs or jobs t h a t pay as w e l l as s e l l i n g sex does. Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g C u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s and values are evident i n gender s t e r e o t y p i n g of g i r l s and women i n our s o c i e t y . Young g i r l s are t r a i n e d to be p a s s i v e , to please others before themselves and to be sweet and endearing. G i r l s and women l e a r n f a s t t h a t appearance and sexual a t t r a c t i v e n e s s are rewarded and they begin to d e f i n e t h e i r s e l f - w o r t h i n sexual terms. Women's sex r o l e value i s d e s c r i b e d on a whore-madonna continuum and those who cr o s s the s t r i c t l y d e f i n e d boundaries of accept a b l e sexual conduct are l a b e l l e d as whores and w i l l l o s e s t a t u s , p r i v i l e g e s and opti o n s open to "good" women (Boyer & James, 1980; James & V i t a l i a n o , 1979). The young v i c t i m of sexual abuse may encounter these s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s through the very f a c t of her sexual abuse that d e f i n e s her sex r o l e e a r l y and a c u t e l y . She may a l s o experience these s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s as the e x p e c t a t i o n of the abuser that she w i l l accept h i s a u t h o r i t y and not attempt to r e s i s t or get help. P r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s may be expressed through l a b e l l i n g and 46 d e f i n i n g the v i c t i m as bad or promiscuous. The Family The f a m i l y may be seen as a microcosm of s o c i e t y with a h i e r a r c h i c a l and p a t r i a r c h a l s t r u c t u r e that r e f l e c t s c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l v a l u e s . While some of these assumptions are beginning to be c h a l l e n g e d i n Western s o c i e t y , the f a c t t h at the a d u l t male member of the f a m i l y i s s t i l l the major wage earner tends to give him a u t h o r i t y and power i n the f a m i l y ( B u t l e r , 1982a). Who i n f a c t makes d e c i s i o n s i n the f a m i l y along with other s t r u c t u r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s such as presence or absence of parents and other r e l a t i v e s , who works, and at what, may a l l a f f e c t the growing g i r l ' s p e r c e p t i o n s of her own r o l e and options i n s o c i e t y . The assumption that s e x u a l l y abusive f a m i l i e s must be d y s f u n c t i o n a l or broken i n some way has been c h a l l e n g e d by some res e a r c h e r s (Herman & Hirschman, 1977; L a n d i s , 1956). However some evidence of poor mother-daughter r e l a t i o n s h i p s and mother-daughter r o l e r e v e r s a l s has been found i n incestuous f a m i l i e s (Borgman, 1984; Herman & Hirschman, 1977; Ledray, 1985; Meiselman, 1979). In a d d i t i o n , Newman (1985) has found that f a t h e r absence d u r i n g middle c h i l d h o o d may be r e l a t e d to p r o s t i t u t i o n i n adolescence. While i t i s not c l e a r how t h i s r e l a t e s to sexual abuse or i n c e s t , i t may be important to con s i d e r the f a t h e r as a p o t e n t i a l support f i g u r e who d i s a p p o i n t s t h i s e x p e c t a t i o n by s e x u a l l y abusing h i s daughter and/or by d e s e r t i n g her. The s t r u c t u r e of the f a m i l y may a f f e c t the v i c t i m of sexual 47 abuse i n many ways. Poor f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s , r o l e r e v e r s a l s and l a c k of s u p p o r t f i g u r e s may d i s c o u r a g e the v i c t i m from s e e k i n g h e l p and encourage her t o ac c e p t her r o l e as a v i c t i m . When the f a m i l y f a i l s the v i c t i m , she may come i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s . S o c i a l S e r v i c e s S o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s and agents a re d e f i n e d here t o i n c l u d e s o c i a l w o r k e r s , p o l i c e , the l e g a l community, s t r e e t w o r k e r s , f o s t e r and group homes, c o u n s e l l o r s and mental h e a l t h p r o f e s s i o n a l s . These a g e n c i e s r e f l e c t c u l t u r a l v a l u e s i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e s and approach t o v i c t i m s of s e x u a l abuse and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . W h i l e a t t i t u d e s and approaches are g r a d u a l l y c h a n g i n g , many s t i l l r e f l e c t the b e l i e f t h a t the j u v e n i l e ' s word cannot be t r u s t e d , t h a t she i s somehow t o blame and t h a t f a m i l y u n i t y i s the p r i o r i t y ( B u t l e r , 1982a). These agents and a g e n c i e s may be c a l l e d upon t o h e l p and su p p o r t the v i c t i m and her f a m i l y or t o s u b s t i t u t e f o r the f a m i l y i n s u p p o r t i n g the v i c t i m . The e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the s e a g e n c i e s i s not w e l l documented but the e v i d e n c e t h a t i s a v a i l a b l e s u g g e s t s they are not p a r t i c u l a r l y s u c c e s s f u l . Indeed, s e v e r a l a u t h o r s suggest t h a t i n s e n s i t i v e h a n d l i n g by s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents may e x a c e r b a t e the trauma s u f f e r e d by the s e x u a l abuse and i n c e s t v i c t i m ( F i n k e l h o r , 1984; M a c F a r l a n e , 1978; McCaghy, 1971; Ruch & C h a n d l e r , 1982; Summit & K r y s o , 1978). F u r t h e r , j u v e n i l e s who have run away, been e v i c t e d or removed from t h e i r f a m i l i e s , tend t o have poor r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h s o c i a l s e r v i c e p e r s o n n e l (Benjamin, 1985). The v e r y h i g h 48 r a t e of movement between placements suggests that the system as i t i s set up i s not working f o r these j u v e n i l e s (Frank & R o s e t t i s , 1980). Sexual Abuse Sexual abuse i s a s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r that r e f l e c t s the values and a t t i t u d e s of our s o c i e t y . I t s presence has been found to be r e l a t e d to long-term negative outcomes i n v i c t i m s . S o c i a l responses to sexual abuse and i t s v i c t i m s are r e f l e c t e d through the presence or absence of support systems. The ways i n which the support systems respond, or do not respond, are a r e f l e c t i o n of c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s and v a l u e s , and these responses a f f e c t the v i c t i m at the i n t r a - p s y c h i c l e v e l . The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of sexual abuse. S e v e r a l r e s e a r c h e r s have s t u d i e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p of s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of sexual abuse to long-term trauma or negative outcome i n the v i c t i m . S e v e r a l s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of abuse have been suggested as i n f l u e n c i n g long-term negative outcomes. Although some of the f i n d i n g s have been d i s p a r a t e and open to debate, some general c o n c l u s i o n s can be drawn. I n t r a - f a m i l y abuse seems more l i k e l y to c r e a t e ambivalence, u n c e r t a i n t y and c o n f u s i o n i n the v i c t i m and any other person who f i n d s out about i t . Abuse by s e v e r a l abusers and/or over a long p e r i o d of time may c o n t r i b u t e to a sense of h e l p l e s s n e s s and i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of a v i c t i m s t a t u s i n the v i c t i m . D uration of abuse may a l s o be r e l a t e d to i n c r e a s i n g age of the v i c t i m and i n c r e a s e d awareness and g u i l t . Unless v i o l e n c e i s i n v o l v e d , a very young v i c t i m may not r e a c t n e g a t i v e l y to the abuse. Type of sexual a c t i v i t y ( f o r example, e x h i b i t i o n i s m , f o n d l i n g , or in t e r c o u r s e ) does not seem to be as important as the context of the abuse i n causing long-term trauma. However, use of f o r c e or vi o l e n c e and a gre a t e r age d i f f e r e n c e between the v i c t i m and abuser have been found to be h i g h l y a s s o c i a t e d with trauma. F i n a l l y , i f the v i c t i m f e e l s at a l l ambivalent about the abuse because she may have responded p o s i t i v e l y or f e e l t h a t she has co-operated with or even caused the abuse, she i s more l i k e l y to s u f f e r from long-term negative outcomes (Conti & B e r l i n e r , 1981; F i n k e l h o r , 1979; Gagnon, 1965; Groth, 1970; L a n d i s , 1956; McFarlane, 1978; McCaghy, 1971; Ruch & Chandler, 1982; S i l b e r t & Pine s , 1983; Summit & Kryso, 1978; Wooley & V i g i l a n t i , 1984). Long-term negative outcomes have been v a r i o u s l y d e s c r i b e d as emotional and p s y c h o l o g i c a l problems such as poor s e l f - e s t e e m , g u i l t , ambivalence, f e a r of intimacy, d i s t r u s t and d e p r e s s i o n which may be expressed through behaviors i n c l u d i n g i s o l a t i o n , p r o m i s c u i t y , p r o s t i t u t i o n , drug and a l c o h o l abuse, s u i c i d e and problems with long-term r e l a t i o n s h i p s and sex (Borgman, 1984; B r i e r e & Runtz, 1986; Conte & B e r l i n e r , 1981; Groth & Burgess, 1977; L a n d i s , 1956; Ledray, 1984; MacFarlane, 1978; Meiselman, 1978; Wooley & V i g i l a n t i , 1984).. Although p r o s t i t u t i o n i s o n l y one of the b e h a v i o r a l outcomes mentioned, most of these emotional and p s y c h o l o g i c a l problems are r e l a t e d and have been found i n p r o s t i t u t e s (Benjamin, 1985; B e r l i n e r & Stevens, 1982; Brown, 1979; Greenwald, 1970; Lemert, 1951; Newman & Caplan, 1982; 50 S i l b e r t , 1984). The c o n d i t i o n s i n which the sexual abuse occurs and i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e f l e c t s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l a t t i t u d e s and values t h a t t o l e r a t e sexual abuse. I f abuse occurs f r e q u e n t l y over a long p e r i o d of time and i s p e r p e t r a t e d by s e v e r a l abusers and/or by members of the f a m i l y , i t i s r e f l e c t i v e of s t r u c t u r e s and a t t i t u d e s that perpetuate sexual abuse and thereby almost normalize or condone i t . In these s i t u a t i o n s , the v i c t i m may be more l i k e l y to i n t e r n a l i z e her v i c t i m s t a t u s and accept her sex r o l e as her l o t i n l i f e . Sexual abuse and support systems. Support systems are de f i n e d here to i n c l u d e i n d i v i d u a l s and resources that v i c t i m s of sexual abuse might look to f o r help or r e l i e f . The success or f a i l u r e of these support systems are r e f l e c t i v e of the a t t i t u d e s and values that are p a r t of our c u l t u r e . Much has been w r i t t e n about responses to the v i c t i m s of sexual abuse. Emerging from a p e r i o d when i n c e s t and sexual abuse was regarded as fa n t a s y and the v i c t i m as an u n r e l i a b l e witness, c l i n i c i a n s and t h e o r i s t s now g e n e r a l l y recommend acceptance and support of the v i c t i m who d i s c l o s e s sexual abuse (Burgess, Holmstrom & McCausland, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1977; MacFarlane, 1978; S g r o i et a l . , 1982). The e f f e c t of d i s b e l i e f or a c t i v e r e j e c t i o n of the v i c t i m of abuse i s d e s c r i b e d by P h i l l i p s (1985): Taking d i r e c t a c t i o n i n the form of d i s c l o s i n g the abuse to 51 others can be a very r i s k y venture as experienced by these v i c t i m s . F e a r f u l of being blamed, expe c t i n g r e j e c t i o n , and s t r u g g l i n g to f i n d the words t o d e s c r i b e the abuse i t s e l f , time and again these v i c t i m s met with what they f e a r e d the most. Not only d i d the lack of support compound the trauma, i t e f f e c t i v e l y e l i m i n a t e d e x t e r n a l resources f o r coping, and e s t a b l i s h e d a tenacious p a t t e r n of shame, i s o l a t i o n and a l i e n a t i o n . (p. 59) P h i l l i p s (1985) found that those v i c t i m s who re c e i v e d support and comfort and were b e l i e v e d , f e l t a f f i r m e d i n t h e i r innocence and aided i n t h e i r coping attempts. Even i n t u i t i v e support by a f r i e n d or a d u l t and a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p with another s i g n i f i c a n t a d u l t , had a b e n e f i c i a l impact over time ( F i n k e l h o r , 1979; P h i l l i p s , 1985). Lack of p o s i t i v e support has been t e n t a t i v e l y l i n k e d to runaway behaviour ( B e r l i n e r et a l . , 1982; Bracey, 1979; TRACY, 1979), l o s s of t r u s t and s e l f - e s t e e m and the b e l i e f that love and acceptance are dependent on sexual favours ( B e r l i n e r & Stevens, 1982; Summit & Kryso, 1978). Each of these m a n i f e s t a t i o n s are commonly found i n the p r o s t i t u t e p o p u l a t i o n . V i c t i m s of sexual abuse and i n c e s t who do not f i n d p o s i t i v e support f r e q u e n t l y r e s o r t to s e l f help remedies i n order to cope. P h i l l i p s (1985) and F i n k e l h o r (1979) found that v i c t i m s who saw no other way out of abusive s i t u a t i o n s withdrew from the a c t u a l abusive act by pretend i n g to be asleep or d i s s o c i a t i n g themselves m e n t a l l y . Many v i c t i m s of sexual abuse run away or use drugs and a l c o h o l to gain some r e l i e f from t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y 52 these methods of coping, although i n i t i a l l y h e l p f u l , tend to lead to other s e r i o u s problems i n the long term ( P h i l l i p s , 1985; F i n k e l h o r , 1979). S e l f - h e l p coping s t r a t e g i e s may be more a c c u r a t e l y d e f i n e d under i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s , as the s t r a t e g i e s are a c t i o n s taken by the v i c t i m . They are d i s c u s s e d here because of t h e i r c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n with sexual abuse and the absence of e x t e r n a l support systems. Coping s t r a t e g i e s w i l l be f u r t h e r d i s c u s s e d under the i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r of c o n t r o l . The success or f a i l u r e of support systems are f a c t o r s t h a t represent the a t t i t u d e s and values of s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e . When support systems f a i l and the v i c t i m i s met with r e j e c t i o n by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s such as her f a m i l y and/or s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies, the abuse i s thereby condoned. If support i s p o s i t i v e and forthcoming, the v i c t i m may have a sense of her own agency and f e e l supported by s o c i e t y and the abuse i s thereby condemned. The s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s that have been d i s c u s s e d here have been i n c l u d e d as f a c t o r s that may i n f l u e n c e the outcome of p r o s t i t u t i o n i n j u v e n i l e g i r l s . These f a c t o r s represent a s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r research and do not p r e c l u d e the presence or r elevance of other s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s not d i s c u s s e d here. Interview items were designed to open d i s c u s s i o n about these and any other f a c t o r s and t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on the l i v e s of sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s who p r o s t i t u t e (see Appendix A). I n t r a - P s y c h i c F a c t o r s S o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s a f f e c t the i n d i v i d u a l at an 53 i n t r a - p s y c h i c or p s y c h o l o g i c a l l e v e l . S p e c i f i c a l l y , s e x u a l abuse has been found t o a f f e c t the v i c t i m ' s s e l f - e s t e e m and sense of c o n t r o l or agency i n her l i f e . S e l f - e s t e e m Poor s e l f - e s t e e m i s r e p e a t e d l y and commonly c i t e d as one of the n e g a t i v e l o n g - t e r m e f f e c t s of s e x u a l abuse. F u r t h e r , poor s e l f - e s t e e m i s commonly c i t e d t o be found i n p r o s t i t u t e s . D e s c r i b e d i n a v a r i e t y of ways, poor s e l f - e s t e e m i s seen as a g e n e r a l contempt f o r o n e s e l f ( F i n k e l h o r , 1983) or more s p e c i f i c a l l y , a b e l i e f t h a t one i s s e x u a l l y d e v i a n t or bad and p r i m a r i l y a sex o b j e c t (Borgman, 1984; L e d r a y , 1984; M a c F a r l a n e , 1978). These d e s c r i p t i o n s are r e m i n i s c e n t of those d e l i n e a t e d by James and Boyer (1982) i n t h e i r f i n d i n g s on how s e x u a l abuse l e a d s t o poor s e l f - e s t e e m or more s p e c i f i c a l l y a n e g a t i v e s e x u a l s e l f - i m a g e which i s e x p r e s s e d b e h a v i o r a l l y through p r o s t i t u t i o n . The t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e d e f i n e s s e l f - e s t e e m as a s u b j e c t i v e sense of s e l f t h a t r e f l e c t s s e l f - a t t i t u d e and s e l f - a p p r a i s a l s . " . . . [ S ] e l f - e s t e e m i s a p e r s o n a l judgement of w o r t h i n e s s t h a t i s e x p r e s s e d i n a t t i t u d e s the i n d i v i d u a l h o l d s towards h i m s e l f [ s i c ] " ( C o o p e r s m i t h , 1967, p. 5 ) . " S e l f - e s t e e m i s awareness of good ( e x c e l l e n c e , goods) possessed by s e l f " ( C a m p b e l l , 1984, p. 9 ) . However, the s o u r c e s of s e l f - e s t e e m and the s t a n d a r d s or s c a l e s by which the s u b j e c t i v e assessments are made may be both e x t e r n a l l y and i n t e r n a l l y based (Campbell, 1984). Thus s o c i a l v a l u e s , s t a n d a r d s and a t t i t u d e s w i l l a f f e c t s e l f - e s t e e m d i r e c t l y and i n d e f i n i n g i n t e r n a l v a l u e s , s t a n d a r d s and a t t i t u d e s . 54 Coopersmith (1967) i s f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d to as a major c o n t r i b u t i n g researcher and t h e o r i s t on s e l f - e s t e e m . In h i s book The Antecedents of Self-Esteem Coopersmith (1967) d e l i n e a t e s " s e v e r a l major c o n d i t i o n s and experiences that seem to be a s s o c i a t e d with p o s i t i v e and negative s e l f - a t t i t u d e s " (p. 38). These are successes, values and a s p i r a t i o n s and defenses, and they are a f f e c t e d by events and s i g n i f i c a n t others i n the l i f e of the i n d i v i d u a l . Success has four elements, or sources which a f f e c t s e l f - e s t e e m . Power i s "the a b i l i t y to i n f l u e n c e and c o n t r o l o t h e r s " , s i g n i f i c a n c e i s "the acceptance, a t t e n t i o n and a f f e c t i o n of o t h e r s " , v i r t u e i s "the adherence to moral and e t h i c a l standards", and competence i s " s u c c e s s f u l performance i n meeting demands f o r achievement" (p.38). The i n d i v i d u a l ' s values and a s p i r a t i o n s w i l l a f f e c t the importance the i n d i v i d u a l a t taches to success i n any area. Thus the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l only judge h e r s e l f p o o r l y i f she does not meet success i n an area or endeavour that she holds to be important. Values and a s p i r a t i o n s are f r e q u e n t l y i n t e r n a l i z e d from parents and other s i g n i f i c a n t others i n the c h i l d ' s l i f e . Coopersmith's (1967) t h i r d c o n d i t i o n of s e l f - e s t e e m i s defenses. These are the methods by which the i n d i v i d u a l defends h e r s e l f a g a i n s t a t t a c k s to her s e l f - e s t e e m . These methods are a l s o learned from parents and s i g n i f i c a n t o t h e r s , and a p o s i t i v e s e l f - e v a l u a t i o n i s dependent on t h e i r success. The r o l e of the f a m i l y , parents and s i g n i f i c a n t others i n the development of p o s i t i v e s e l f - e s t e e m i s made c l e a r through 55 Coopersmith's (1967) antecedents of s e l f - e s t e e m . Elements of h i s sources of s e l f - e s t e e m can be found i n programs that are designed to b u i l d s e l f - e s t e e m i n school c h i l d r e n . In h i s Parent's Guide to b u i l d i n g s e l f - e s t e e m , Reasoner (1982) l i s t s f i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s e l f - e s t e e m . A sense of s e c u r i t y i n v o l v e s c o n s i s t e n c y , dependency and s a f e t y so that the c h i l d always knows what i s expected and what to expect. A c h i l d who i s the v i c t i m of abuse may always be worrying about what may happen to her, and thus may not develop a sense of s e c u r i t y . A sense of i d e n t i t y or s e l f - c o n c e p t i n v o l v e s acceptance, encouragement and a f f e c t i o n , so that the c h i l d f e e l s important and s i g n i f i c a n t . Reasoner s t a t e s : " . . . [ S ] e l f - i m a g e i s formed from the impressions the c h i l d has gathered based on how others t r e a t the c h i l d , the comments others have made about the c h i l d , and how others r e a c t to the c h i l d " (p. 6). A c h i l d who i s the v i c t i m of abuse, and i s blamed rather than supported f o r the abuse w i l l not f e e l important and s i g n i f i c a n t and her i d e n t i t y w i l l be a f f e c t e d by t h i s . A sense of belonging comes from being accepted by o t h e r s . The f a m i l y p l a y s a major r o l e i n e a r l y development of t h i s f e e l i n g and " c h i l d r e n who are unsure about how others i n the f a m i l y f e e l toward them u s u a l l y f e e l uncomfortable, r e j e c t e d or l o n e l y " (Reasoner, 1982, p. 10). Thus a c h i l d who i s the v i c t i m of abuse and has not been supported by her f a m i l y w i l l not develop a sense of belonging. A sense of purpose r e q u i r e s a p o s i t i v e s e l f - c o n c e p t and a sense of s e c u r i t y . C h i l d r e n who lack a sense of purpose seem to lack d i r e c t i o n and have given up t r y i n g to succeed. A c h i l d who has been the v i c t i m of abuse i s l i k e l y to 56 f e e l i n s e c u r e and u n c e r t a i n about h e r s e l f , and thus w i l l have t r o u b l e developing a sense of purpose. F i n a l l y , a sense of p e r s o n a l competence r e s u l t s from the sense of p e r s o n a l power that comes from meeting c h a l l e n g e s s u c c e s s f u l l y . Reasoner (1982) s t a t e s that c h i l d r e n need to be given r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and allowed to handle d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n s i f they are to develop a sense of competence. Ov e r l y a u t h o r i t a t i v e approaches or absence of support and guidance r e s u l t s i n f e e l i n g s of h e l p l e s s n e s s and resentment i n c h i l d r e n . Thus a c h i l d who i s a v i c t i m of abuse, and who i s not s u p p o r t e d . i n her attempts to stop i t w i l l not develop a sense of p e r s o n a l competence or power. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of p e r s o n a l power and s e l f - e s t e e m w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r i n the s e c t i o n under c o n t r o l . I t i s c l e a r from the l i t e r a t u r e review that many of the c o n d i t i o n s and experiences that are r e q u i r e d f o r the development of p o s i t i v e s e l f - e s t e e m are not present i n the l i v e s of sexual abuse v i c t i m s and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of good or bad s e l f - e s t e e m i n an i n d i v i d u a l i s the e f f e c t i t has on her behaviour and c h o i c e s i n l i f e . "Research i n d i c a t e s that c h i l d r e n who lack s e l f - e s t e e m o f t e n become nonachievers, d e l i n q u e n t s , drug-users and s c h o o l dropouts" (Reasoner, 1982, p. 2). C e r t a i n l y t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e i s i n keeping with the research on sexual abuse and p r o s t i t u t i o n , and the suggestion that the development of a negative sexual self-image i s r e l a t e d to the outcome of p r o s t i t u t i o n . 57 C o n t r o l Another theory about sexual abuse i n c l u d i n g i n c e s t t h a t has gained c r e d i b i l i t y i n recent years i s the i s s u e of c o n t r o l . T h i s theory s t a t e s that sexual abuse and i n c e s t i s an e x p r e s s i o n of power and c o n t r o l rather than one of u n c o n t r o l l a b l e l u s t ( B u t l e r , 1982b; F i n k e l h o r , 1983; Groth, 1982; Groth & Burgess, 1977; S g r o i , 1982; S g r o i et a l . , 1982). Sexual o f f e n d e r s . . . tend to engage i n sexual behavior with c h i l d r e n i n the s e r v i c e of non-sexual needs, e s p e c i a l l y the need to f e e l powerful and i n c o n t r o l . . . . W i t h i n t h i s c ontext, i t i s more a p p r o p r i a t e to regard c h i l d sexual abuse as a power problem and to p l a n and design i n t e r v e n t i o n s t r a t e g y a c c o r d i n g l y . ( S g r o i , 1982, p. 1-2) As a major aspect of sexual abuse, then, c o n t r o l must be an i s s u e both f o r the v i c t i m and the o f f e n d e r : Issues of dominance, power, a u t h o r i t y , c o n t r o l and a g g r e s s i o n are developmental l i f e concerns, both to the v i c t i m and o f f e n d e r which are l i v e d out i n the context of the sexual o f f e n c e . (Groth & Burgess, 1977, p. 263). C o n t r o l i s a l s o reported as a concern f o r p r o s t i t u t e s . J u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t e s f r e q u e n t l y r e p o r t a s u b j e c t i v e sense of c o n t r o l gained through running away from the abusive environment and l i v i n g independently on the s t r e e t s (Lemert, 1951; MacMillan, 1976; M i l l e t , 1976; Rabkin, 1983; R i d i n g t o n , 1985; S i l b e r t , 1984; S i l b e r t S t P i n e s , 1983). Young p r o s t i t u t e s r a t i o n a l i z e that they have a choice around who to have sex with and when. T h i s c o i n c i d e s with Mathews's (1986) f i n d i n g t h a t p r o s t i t u t i o n i s a 58 s o l u t i o n r a t h e r than a problem from the p e r s p e c t i v e of these a d o l e s c e n t s . Newman (1985) suggests that the p s y c h o l o g i c a l "hook" may be the power gained over c l i e n t s i n exchange f o r sex and money. A r e l a t i o n s h i p with an abusive f a t h e r may lea d to the b e l i e f that power, not a f f e c t i o n , i s the a p p r o p r i a t e currency between men and women. An i d e n t i t y as a devalued sex-object demands that i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s with men be conducted i n terms of sexual and monetary power. F u r t h e r , the money earned gi v e s the adol e s c e n t s access to goods and rewards o f f e r e d by s o c i e t y and c o n t r i b u t e s to a sense of power and independence (Newman et a l . , 1985, Sheehy, 1973). The ways i n which sexual abuse and other events a f f e c t the sense of c o n t r o l that an i n d i v i d u a l has can be seen through a d i s c u s s i o n of learned h e l p l e s s n e s s theory (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978). Learned h e l p l e s s n e s s i s a p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e of h e l p l e s s n e s s i n which the i n d i v i d u a l l e a r n s and b e l i e v e s that she has no c o n t r o l over a v e r s i v e events that a f f e c t her. Abramson et a l . (1978) have a p p l i e d an a t t r i b u t i o n a l framework to the theory of learned h e l p l e s s n e s s which suggests that i n d i v i d u a l s make c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s about negative events and experiences which determine the g e n e r a l i t y and c h r o n i c i t y of learned h e l p l e s s n e s s and a l s o a f f e c t s e l f - e s t e e m . Abramson et a l . (1978) i d e n t i f i e d three c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s . I n t e r n a l versus e x t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n of cause w i l l determine whether the i n d i v i d u a l blames h e r s e l f ( i n t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n ) or other people or circumstances ( e x t e r n a l 59 a t t r i b u t i o n ) f o r the event. While e i t h e r a t t r i b u t i o n r e s u l t s i n a f e e l i n g of h e l p l e s s n e s s , because e i t h e r way the i n d i v i d u a l can do nothing about i t , an i n t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n w i l l r e s u l t i n lower s e l f - e s t e e m . Thus, an i n d i v i d u a l w i l l f e e l i n c r e a s i n g l y h e l p l e s s or out of c o n t r o l i f she b e l i e v e s no one, i n c l u d i n g h e r s e l f , can help her. But i f she blames h e r s e l f f o r the abuse, as sexual abuse v i c t i m s o f t e n do, her s e l f - e s t e e m w i l l be lower. The second type of a t t r i b u t i o n i s g l o b a l versus s p e c i f i c . A g l o b a l a t t r i b u t i o n leads to g e n e r a l i s e d h e l p l e s s n e s s i n a l l s i t u a t i o n s whereas -a s p e c i f i c a t t r i b u t i o n leads to h e l p l e s s n e s s i n a narrow range of s i t u a t i o n s . I f a v i c t i m b e l i e v e s that a l l men are p o t e n t i a l abusers and that no one can be t r u s t e d , her sense of h e l p l e s s n e s s w i l l be g l o b a l or g e n e r a l i s e d over a broad range of s i t u a t i o n s . F i n a l l y , c h r o n i c i t y of h e l p l e s s n e s s i s determined by s t a b l e versus t r a n s i e n t a t t r i b u t i o n s . S t a b l e a t t r i b u t i o n s r e s u l t i n long term and r e c u r r e n t h e l p l e s s n e s s whereas t r a n s i e n t a t t r i b u t i o n s r e s u l t i n s h o r t - l i v e d and non-recurrent h e l p l e s s n e s s . A b e l i e f t h a t nothing can be done to stop abusive s i t u a t i o n s and bad events from happening w i l l r e s u l t i n c h r o n i c h e l p l e s s n e s s that c o n t i n u e s over time. Peterson and Seligman (1983) have used the a t t r i b u t i o n a l model of learned h e l p l e s s n e s s to understand p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e a c t i o n s to v i c t i m i z a t i o n . These r e a c t i o n s are d e s c r i b e d as emotional numbing and maladaptive p a s s i v i t y and are reminiscent of the responses to sexual abuse and i n c e s t d e s c r i b e d by S i l b e r t (1984) i n her study of 200 p r o s t i t u t e s . Peterson and Seligman 60 suggest that c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s may p a r t i a l l y account f o r d i f f e r i n g r e a c t i o n s to v i c t i m i z a t i o n and that c e r t a i n types of v i c t i m i z a t i o n may lead to d i f f e r i n g c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s . For example, i f v i c t i m i z a t i o n i s repeated over time as sexual abuse and i n c e s t o f t e n i s , the v i c t i m i s more l i k e l y to make g l o b a l and s t a b l e a t t r i b u t i o n s and to develop a g e n e r a l i z e d b e l i e f about f u t u r e u n c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y . Her v i c t i m i z a t i o n a l s o engenders a s e l f - b e l i e f about being a person who i s vu l n e r a b l e to v i c t i m i z a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , a v i c t i m who i s a s s a u l t e d i n a s e t t i n g p r e v i o u s l y d e f i n e d as s a f e , such as her home or her bedroom, i s more l i k e l y to experience l o s s of c o n t r o l than the v i c t i m who i s as s a u l t e d i n a pl a c e she can avoid i n the f u t u r e (Scheppele & B a r t , 1983). I t can be seen how s p e c i f i c f a c t o r s i n a s e x u a l l y abusive s i t u a t i o n may decrease the v i c t i m ' s sense of c o n t r o l ( B r i e r e & Runtz, 1986). For example, use of f o r c e or v i o l e n c e and a gr e a t e r age d i f f e r e n c e between the v i c t i m and the abuser may s i g n i f i c a n t l y reduce the v i c t i m ' s a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l a s i t u a t i o n . F u r t h e r , abuse which continues over years and abuse by s e v e r a l abusers reduces the v i c t i m ' s sense of c o n t r o l because of i t s r e p e t i t i v e nature. In a d d i t i o n , i t can be seen how support systems may in c r e a s e c o n t r o l i f s u c c e s s f u l but decrease a sense of c o n t r o l i f u n s u c c e s s f u l . S e v e r a l r e s e a r c h e r s have found that support systems which are p o s i t i v e give the v i c t i m a sense of c o n t r o l over the abuser and the s i t u a t i o n (Armstrong, 1978; F i n k e l h o r , 1979; Meiselman, 1978; P h i l l i p s , 1985). S p e c i f i c a l l y , P h i l l i p s (1985) found that s t r a t e g i e s that had a b e n e f i c i a l impact over time and 61 aided i n coping r e s u l t e d i n a sense of c o n t r o l , o p t i o n s and p e r s o n a l and e x t e r n a l r e s o u r c e s . F a i l u r e of support systems hindered coping and r e s u l t e d i n p e r c e p t i o n s of no o p t i o n s , no c o n t r o l and no p e r s o n a l or environmental r e s o u r c e s . For example, the v i c t i m who i s s u c c e s s f u l i n mentally s e p a r a t i n g h e r s e l f from the abuse, st o p p i n g i t through c o n f r o n t a t i o n or o b t a i n i n g o u t s i d e help and support i s more l i k e l y t o f e e l that she i s able to c o n t r o l a v e r s i v e events. She may a l s o maintain or i n c r e a s e her s e l f - e s t e e m . "Coping with such a d v e r s i t y i n a way that makes one f e e l powerful must c e r t a i n l y be an important i n g r e d i e n t that d i s t i n g u i s h e s the s u r v i v o r s from the c a s u a l t i e s of an experience l i k e i n c e s t " ( F i n k e l h o r , 1979, p. 213). The v i c t i m who i s u n s u c c e s s f u l i n reducing the e f f e c t s or stopping the abuse may experience l o s s of c o n t r o l . F u r t h e r , and e s p e c i a l l y i f she i s r e j e c t e d , blamed or blames herself,- she w i l l s u f f e r from l o s s of s e l f - e s t e e m . The v i c t i m who r e p e a t e d l y encounters a t t i t u d e s and s t r u c t u r e s t hat deny her c o n t r o l may become convinced that the only way she can get a f f e c t i o n , money and power i s through the s a l e of her body. In e f f e c t , she i n t e r n a l i z e s her v i c t i m s t a t u s and ceases to expect any b e t t e r treatment than that which she has become used to (MacFarlane, 1978). As a r e s u l t , p r o s t i t u t i o n becomes the only a l t e r n a t i v e to an unhappy home. "The women seem to be trapped i n a p e r p e t u a l double-bind i n which to gain love they must s a c r i f i c e themselves and to g a i n c o n t r o l they must p r o s t i t u t e themselves" (Wooley & V i g i l a n t i , 1984, p. 348). C o n t r o l and s e l f - e s t e e m are i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s that may 62 i n f l u e n c e the ways i n which the v i c t i m of sexual abuse becomes a p r o s t i t u t e . The i n t e r v i e w accessed i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s through que s t i o n s around the i n d i v i d u a l ' s f e e l i n g s and s e l f - p e r c e p t i o n s d u r i n g her l i f e with her f a m i l y and i n response to events that o c c u r r e d (see Appendix A). C o n t r o l and s e l f - e s t e e m are two aspects which are d i s c u s s e d here because they emerged from reviews of the l i t e r a t u r e and i n f o r m a l c o n v e r s a t i o n s with those i n v o l v e d i n these areas. However, the i n t e r v i e w was designed to open d i s c u s s i o n on i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s i n g e n e r a l , a l l o w i n g f o r a d d i t i o n a l f a c t o r s to emerge durin g the process of data c o l l e c t i o n . F a c t o r s that may i n f l u e n c e the ways i n which sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s become p r o s t i t u t e s have been d i v i d e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s and i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s . By o r g a n i z i n g the data and i n f o r m a t i o n i n t h i s way, the i n t e r a c t i o n between these f a c t o r s and t h e i r e f f e c t s on each other can be shown. T h i s a n a l y s i s a l s o a s s i s t s an understanding of how the i n d i v i d u a l i s l i m i t e d and c o n t r o l l e d by s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s and how she f u n c t i o n s w i t h i n those c o n s t r a i n t s . 63 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY Thi s research e x p l o r e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between sexual abuse and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i n order to b e t t e r understand the f a c t o r s that are i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . A m u l t i p l e - c a s e design u s i n g i n t e r v i e w s to c o l l e c t n a r r a t i v e data was chosen as the optimum method to r e a l i s e these g o a l s . Design Rosenwald (1988) s t a t e s t h a t m u l t i p l e - c a s e research i s designed to " e n r i c h s o c i a l knowledge" and "create a new b a s i s f o r addressing s o c i a l problems" i n a p r a c t i c a l way " f o r those a f f l i c t e d " (p. 243). The use of n a r r a t i v e c o n t r i b u t e s to t h i s g oal i n that i t produces knowledge " . . . t h a t deepens and enlarges the understanding of human e x i s t e n c e " (Polkinghorne, 1988, p. 159). C o l l e c t i o n and a n a l y s i s of n a r r a t i v e data take i n t o account the p e r s o n a l experiences and p e r s p e c t i v e s of the i n d i v i d u a l s who are the focus of i n q u i r y . Through t h i s p r o c e s s , the s u b j e c t s of resear c h can c o n t r i b u t e more d i r e c t l y to the body of knowledge that i s developed about them. F u r t h e r , i n c l u s i o n of s u b j e c t i v e accounts c o n t r i b u t e s to the f u l l n e s s and depth of our understanding of the phenomenon. Mathews (1986) speaks to the importance of t h i s process i n developing and broadening understanding of the s o c i a l phenomenon of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n : In the process of ge n e r a t i n g or implementing knowledge about adolescent p r o s t i t u t i o n , the v o i c e s of the young people 64 i n v o l v e d are c o n s p i c u o u s l y absent. As a r e s u l t , the knowledge i s " c o n s t r u c t e d " or r e c o n s t r u c t e d i n terms of l i n g u i s t i c and/or methodological s p e c i f i c a t i o n s of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l or p r o f e s s i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s of r e l e v a n c e , not i n r e l a t i o n t o , or with a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of, the concrete a c t u a l c o n d i t i o n s of young people's l i v e d e x p e r i e n c e s , or to t h e i r r e l a t i o n s with o t h e r s . In t h i s " s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n and o r g a n i z a t i o n " of knowledge about adolescent p r o s t i t u t i o n , the young people are taken from t h e i r l i f e s i t u a t i o n s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s , they (the s i t u a t i o n s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s ) are l e f t , f o r the most p a r t , behind. Young people i n v o l v e d i n p r o s t i t u t i o n are then placed i n a context which i s not t h e i r s , but a p p r o p r i a t e d by the agents or agencies of t h i s knowledge-generating-and-implementing c l a s s . These young people then become the "business" of these agents or agencies (Smith, 1974). P r o s t i t u t i o n and the adolescent p r o s t i t u t e are " s u b j e c t s " c r e a t e d from c a t e g o r i e s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l or p r o f e s s i o n a l r elevance, and s o c i e t a l v a l u e s , a t t i t u d e s , and norms of behavior. The s u b j e c t s of p r o s t i t u t i o n and the adolescent p r o s t i t u t e , now c a t e g o r i z e d , f a c t u a l i z e d , and s p e c i f i e d by these i n s t i t u t i o n s or p r o f e s s i o n s as a - h i s t o r i c a l and documentable " r e a l i t i e s " , can then be made amenable to address, i n t e r v e n t i o n , and/or treatment by these same i n s t i t u t i o n s and p r o f e s s i o n s . (p. 226-227) Matthews suggests that our f a i l u r e s to date i n i n t e r v e n t i o n and p r e v e n t i o n of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n may r e s u l t from theory 65 d e v e l o p e d w i t h o u t i n p u t from the j u v e n i l e s t h e m s e l v e s . Lowman (1987) c o n c u r s and s t a t e s t h a t the f i d e l i t y of the s u b j e c t s ' a c c o u n t s must be m a i n t a i n e d i f we are t o unde r s t a n d t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n of t h e i r s i t u a t i o n . P o l k i n g h o r n e (1988) d e f i n e s n a r r a t i v e as "...the p r i m a r y form by which human e x p e r i e n c e i s made m e a n i n g f u l . N a r r a t i v e meaning i s a c o g n i t i v e p r o c e s s t h a t o r g a n i z e s human e x p e r i e n c e s i n t o t e m p o r a l l y m e a n i n g f u l e p i s o d e s " (p. 1 ) . G i v e n the o p p o r t u n i t y a l l respondents w i l l t e l l s t o r i e s or n a r r a t i v e s , as i t i s t h e i r way of "making sense o f " and " g i v i n g meaning t o " t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s ( M i s h l e r , 1986, p. 118). N a r r a t i v e s or accounts a re u s u a l l y e n l i s t e d i n r e s e a r c h t h a t seeks t o f i n d an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r some phenomenon or event. S c o t t and S a n f o r d (1968) suggest t h a t the s t u d y of a c c o u n t s , or n a r r a t i v e , i s r e l a t e d t o the st u d y of d e v i a n c e , because t h i s i s the o n l y time t h a t an e x p l a n a t i o n i s c a l l e d f o r . C l a r i f i c a t i o n or a n a l y s i s of the n a r r a t i v e s w i l l l e a d t o c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the d e v i a n t b e h a v i o u r . The p r o c e s s through which a n a l y s i s of n a r r a t i v e s t a k e s p l a c e i s d i s c u s s e d f u l l y under the s e c t i o n on a n a l y s i s i n t h i s c h a p t e r . The methodology of t h i s r e s e a r c h a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e s S u l l i v a n ' s (1984) t h e o r y of c r i t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . S u l l i v a n (1984) s t a t e s t h a t much of human a c t i o n i s o u t s i d e the c o n t r o l of human agency and i s embedded i n s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s o u t s i d e human c o n s c i o u s n e s s . These s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s r e p r e s e n t s t r u c t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s of human a c t i o n and are d e s c r i b e d as s t r u c t u r e s of d o m i n a t i o n as i n c l a s s , r a c e and gender. As a r e s u l t , S u l l i v a n (1984) s t a t e s , human freedom i s l i m i t e d and s o c i a l or s t r u c t u r a l 6 6 c o n d i t i o n s o p e r a t e as p o t e n t d e t e r m i n a n t s of human a c t i o n . Thus, i n d i v i d u a l s must be understood i n r e l a t i o n t o the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s t h a t l i m i t and dominate them. n . . . [ T ] h e p e r s o n a l p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l w o r l d of a c t o r s w i t h i n c u l t u r e s i s embedded i n the l a r g e r s t r u c t u r a l t o t a l i t i e s of c l a s s , gender, race and so f o r t h , which i n v o l v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s of power" ( S u l l i v a n , 1984, p. 25) . S u l l i v a n ' s approach r e q u i r e s t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u b j e c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e be c r i t i c a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d w i t h i n the s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y which dominate and r e s t r i c t her responses and a c t i o n s . Lowman (1987) i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of r e s e a r c h on j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i n Canada c o n c u r s , and s t a t e s t h a t the s u b j e c t ' s p e r s p e c t i v e must be framed w i t h i n the broader s t r u c t u r a l c o n t e x t w i t h i n which her d e c i s i o n s a re made. In o r d e r t o i n c o r p o r a t e t h i s c o n t e x t u a l d i m e n s i o n , the i n t e r v i e w s i n c l u d e q u e s t i o n s t h a t f o c u s on s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s t h a t may have been i n f l u e n t i a l i n the l i v e s of s e x u a l abuse s u r v i v o r s who s t a r t t o p r o s t i t u t e as j u v e n i l e s . Thus, i n d i v i d u a l e x p e r i e n c e s w i l l be i n t e r p r e t e d i n r e l a t i o n t o the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r e s i n which they o c c u r . F u r t h e r t h e s e s t r u c t u r e s of d o m i n a t i o n and c o n t r o l w i l l be examined f o r the ways i n which they form a c o n t e x t w i t h i n which the s o c i a l phenomenon of p r o s t i t u t i o n o c c u r s . One of the g o a l s of t h i s r e s e a r c h i s t o c o n t r i b u t e t o the development of p r e v e n t i v e and r e m e d i a l i n t e r v e n t i o n s i n t o the s o c i a l phenomenon of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n . C o l l e c t i o n and a n a l y s i s of n a r r a t i v e a ccounts i n c o r p o r a t e the e x p e r i e n c e s and 67 p e r s p e c t i v e s of the women who are the focus of t h i s i n q u i r y . In t h i s way i t i s hoped that the recommendations that a r i s e from t h i s r esearch w i l l c o n t r i b u t e to more e f f e c t i v e and r e l e v a n t i n t e r v e n t i o n s . Procedures R e t r o s p e c t i v e i n t e r v i e w s were conducted with i n d i v i d u a l s to c o l l e c t the data. While the i n t e r v i e w questions had a s p e c i f i c focus i n view, they were a l s o designed to allow the respondent to t e l l her own s t o r y , i n her own words, thus generating the n a r r a t i v e data that were r e q u i r e d by t h i s r e s e a r c h . The i n t e r v i e w s were designed to c o l l e c t p e r s o n a l and e x p e r i e n t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n around f a c t o r s that i n f l u e n c e d the ways i n which the i n d i v i d u a l began to p r o s t i t u t e . Subjects were asked to d e s c r i b e t h e i r l i f e h i s t o r i e s by d i v i d i n g t h e i r l i v e s i n t o f i v e - y e a r p e r i o d s (0-5, 5-10, 10-15 and 15 p l u s ) . They were asked to i n c l u d e i n c i d e n t s of sexual abuse and the onset of p r o s t i t u t i o n i n these l i f e h i s t o r y accounts along with major events they remembered. T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n was used as a b a s i s on which to develop and expand s p e c i f i c p o i n t s of i n t e r e s t to the r e s e a r c h . For example, ques t i o n s around f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e and r e l a t i o n s h i p s were asked i n r e l a t i o n to each time p e r i o d , and p o i n t s where changes were made, such as l e a v i n g home, l e d to d i s c u s s i o n around the s u b j e c t ' s frame of mind at the time, who made d e c i s i o n s around the change, and how she saw her c h o i c e s . Interview questions were developed from the l i t e r a t u r e review to access i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h i n two areas of f o c u s : 68 s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s and i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s . They are i n c l u d e d on the i n t e r v i e w schedule under these c a t e g o r i e s (see Appendix A ) . As a n t i c i p a t e d , the questions were not n e c e s s a r i l y asked i n the order shown on the schedule, but were used when r e l e v a n t to expand the d i s c u s s i o n . A l s o , the o r i g i n a l p l a n to have the v o l u n t e e r s w r i t e out a l i f e - l i n e was abandoned a f t e r the f i r s t i n t e r v i e w because subsequent v o l u n t e e r s were uncomfortable with t h i s p r o c e s s , and the w r i t t e n l i f e - l i n e d i d not add anything to the o r a l i n t e r v i e w i n the one case that i t was c a r r i e d out. Interviews were conducted by the researcher i n the v o l u n t e e r s ' homes or the home of the r e s e a r c h e r . They l a s t e d from one and a h a l f to three hours. V o l u n t e e r s were paid $20 f o r t h e i r time and c o n t r i b u t i o n . The f i r s t three i n t e r v i e w s were used as p r a c t i c e i n t e r v i e w s to assess the re s e a r c h e r ' s a b i l i t y to o b t a i n r e l e v a n t i n f o r m a t i o n . These i n t e r v i e w s were found to be s u c c e s s f u l based on the f o l l o w i n g c r i t e r i a . The v o l u n t e e r s were able to understand and respond to the questions and they were able to t a l k about p o t e n t i a l l y s e n s i t i v e i s s u e s covered by the i n t e r v i e w . F u r t h e r , i n M i s h l e r ' s (1986) terms, the i n t e r v i e w s gave the v o l u n t e e r s the o p p o r t u n i t y to t e l l s t o r i e s or n a r r a t i v e s which made "sense of t h e i r l i v e s " and i n so doing addressed the how and why questions that formed the b a s i s of t h i s r e s e a r c h . The remaining f i v e i n t e r v i e w s were conducted i n a s i m i l a r manner to the f i r s t t h r e e . A l l i n t e r v i e w s were audio-taped with the v o l u n t e e r ' s p e r m i s s i o n and were subsequently t r a n s c r i b e d i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y by the r e s e a r c h e r . 69 Once the a n a l y s i s of the data was completed and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and c o n c l u s i o n s w r i t t e n up f i v e of the o r i g i n a l e i g h t women were recontacted and asked to assess the v a l i d i t y , s i g n i f i c a n c e and r e l i a b i l i t y of the a n a l y s i s . The women were contacted p u r e l y on the b a s i s of a v a i l a b i l i t y , and w i l l i n g n e s s to p a r t i c i p a t e a second time. These women were sent a copy of t h e i r t r a n s c r i b e d i n t e r v i e w , t h e i r own case study (from Chapter Four) and Chapters F i v e and S i x . They were asked to respond g e n e r a l l y to the r e s e a r c h e r ' s a n a l y s i s and i n p a r t i c u l a r to f i v e questions (see Appendix B). Four of the women p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the second i n t e r v i e w . A d i s c u s s i o n - o f t h e i r responses and comments are in c l u d e d i n Chapter S i x . Sampling The t a r g e t p o p u l a t i o n was females, 18 or ol d e r who were s u r v i v o r s of sexual abuse and who had p r o s t i t u t e d as j u v e n i l e s . Due to the nature of t h i s p o p u l a t i o n i t was impossible to o b t a i n a random and unbiased sample of s u b j e c t s . V o l u n t e e r s were contacted through s o c i a l workers, s t r e e t workers and c o u n s e l l o r s . V o l u n t e e r s proved more d i f f i c u l t to access than had been a n t i c i p a t e d and as a r e s u l t the o r i g i n a l age maximum of 24 was withdrawn, and e i g h t i n t e r v i e w e e s were obtained as opposed to the o r i g i n a l t a r g e t of 12. M i s h l e r (1986) suggests a range of 8 to 20 su b j e c t s f o r the optimum r e s u l t s i n m u l t i p l e case study r e s e a r c h . In t h i s study e i g h t cases provided the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r comparison between s u b j e c t s and f o r developing and broadening p e r s p e c t i v e s 70 on concepts and i s s u e s . At the same time i n d i v i d u a l i t y and d i f f e r e n c e s c o u l d be d e f i n e d and maintained, and the i n d i v i d u a l s t o r i e s were not l o s t to g e n e r a l i s a t i o n s about the group. One of the concerns that was considered i n undertaking t h i s r esearch was g a i n i n g access to the data r e q u i r e d . A r e l u c t a n c e to d i s c u s s the s e n s i t i v e and p e r s o n a l s u b j e c t matter that was the focus of the resea r c h was a n t i c i p a t e d . F u r t h e r , c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n had to be given to the emotional w e l l - b e i n g of the v o l u n t e e r s i n terms of the a f t e r e f f e c t s that might r e s u l t from opening up o l d memories and p a i n f u l f e e l i n g s . The process through which the v o l u n t e e r s were accessed addressed both of these concerns, i n that the i n d i v i d u a l s who r e f e r r e d them to the researcher had a good r e l a t i o n s h i p with the v o l u n t e e r s , and onl y those women who were ready to t a l k about t h e i r experiences were r e f e r r e d . The thoroughness of t h i s process may w e l l have r e s u l t e d i n the low number of v o l u n t e e r s that were f i n a l l y i n t e r v i e w e d . A l s o , the r e f e r r i n g i n d i v i d u a l was a v a i l a b l e f o r back-up and support of the v o l u n t e e r , and the researcher made a follow-up phone c a l l a f t e r each i n t e r v i e w to ensure the w e l l - b e i n g of the v o l u n t e e r . The women who d i d volunteer to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s research were a l l w i l l i n g and able to t a l k about the s e n s i t i v e s u b j e c t s r e q u i r e d by the i n t e r v i e w . Many of them had had some c o u n s e l l i n g and a l l had gained a p e r s p e c t i v e on t h e i r l i v e s that enabled the v o l u n t e e r s to d i s c u s s t h e i r l i v e s openly. The v o l u n t e e r s had a l l l e f t the s t r e e t at the time of the 71 i n t e r v i e w s and were, with the l i m i t e d exceptions noted below, no longer p r o s t i t u t i n g or using hard drugs and a l c o h o l . Some of the women reported that they would s t i l l p r o s t i t u t e o c c a s i o n a l l y i f they wanted a l i t t l e e x t r a cash or would s t i l l have a drink or smoke marijuana once i n a wh i l e . A l l the women appeared sober and drug-free d u r i n g the i n t e r v i e w . The ages of the v o l u n t e e r s ranged from 18 to 36 with a l l but two f a l l i n g w i t h i n the age range of 18 to 22. Six of the vo l u n t e e r s had at l e a s t one c h i l d . Two of the women were married at the time of the i n t e r v i e w , four were l i v i n g with t h e i r b o y f r i e n d s and two were s i n g l e , or not i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p . One of the v o l u n t e e r s was independently employed and one was seeking employment. The r e s t were dependent on husbands or s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f o r t h e i r income. A l l but one of the v o l u n t e e r s , who l i v e d about 80 km from Vancouver, were l i v i n g i n the Vancouver/Lower Mainland area. A l l the v o l u n t e e r s had l i v e d the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r l i v e s i n Canada, so that the events d e s c r i b e d a l l o ccurred i n a Canadian c o n t e x t . A n a l y s i s The a n a l y s i s of t h i s r e s e a r c h data i s guided by the o r i g i n a l p r o p o s i t i o n s or research q u e s t i o n s . The s t r a t e g y of r e l y i n g on t h e o r e t i c a l p r o p o s i t i o n s can be used where the p r o p o s i t i o n s have shaped the data c o l l e c t i o n p l a n , and w i l l t h e r e f o r e help to focus a t t e n t i o n on c e r t a i n data. The p r o p o s i t i o n s help to organise the e n t i r e case study and t h i s approach i s p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l i n answering "how" and "why" questions ( Y i n , 1984). 72 The research p r o p o s i t i o n s provided a s t r u c t u r e of c a t e g o r i e s and themes through which the data c o u l d be organized and presented. That i s the c a t e g o r i e s of a n a l y s i s were p r i m a r i l y d e d u c t i v e l y imposed on the data. However, i t was always the i n t e n t of t h i s research to allow f o r new or unforeseen m a t e r i a l to emerge, and the i n t e r v i e w s were designed with t h i s i n mind. A c c o r d i n g l y , some of the o r i g i n a l c a t e g o r i e s were r e d e f i n e d and a d d i t i o n s and d e l e t i o n s w i t h i n c a t e g o r i e s were made as the a n a l y s i s of the data proceeded. Polkinghorne (1988) s t a t e s that research with n a r r a t i v e can be d e s c r i p t i v e or expl a n a t o r y . T h i s research uses both approaches. "The purpose of d e s c r i p t i v e research i s to present the n a r r a t i v e schemes the s t o r y t e l l e r has intended" (Polkinghorne, 1988, p. 169). In the process of t e l l i n g t h e i r s t o r i e s , i n d i v i d u a l s present a s e r i e s of u n d e r l y i n g themes. I t i s the res e a r c h e r ' s job to search out these themes and present them. " . . . [ D ] e s c r i p t i v e n a r r a t i v e research i n v o l v e s d e t e c t i o n , s e l e c t i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the data, which i n n a r r a t i v e t e x t i s the i n t e r v i e w . . . " (Polkinghorne, 1988, p. 169). A f u l l d e s c r i p t i o n should i n c l u d e elements that are unique to a s t o r y as w e l l as elements that c r o s s over s t o r i e s . Uniqueness i s as important as commonalities. Explanatory n a r r a t i v e research i s designed to " . . . c o n s t r u c t a n a r r a t i v e account e x p l a i n i n g 'why' a s i t u a t i o n or event i n v o l v i n g human a c t i o n s has happened" (Polkinghorne, 1988, p. 161). T h i s approach looks f o r e x p l a n a t i o n s and l i n k s between events, and t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e to the i n d i v i d u a l . Explanatory 73 n a r r a t i v e research looks f o r u n d e r l y i n g p a t t e r n s across s t o r i e s . The content a n a l y s i s was c a r r i e d out i n two stages and conducted a c c o r d i n g to H o l s t i ' s (1968) d i r e c t i o n s . H o l s t i (1968) d e s c r i b e s content a n a l y s i s as "...a multi-purpose research method developed s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r i n v e s t i g a t i n g a broad spectrum of problems i n which the content of communication serves as the b a s i s of i n f e r e n c e " (p. 597). Content a n a l y s i s should have o b j e c t i v i t y i n that the a n a l y s i s i s c a r r i e d out acc o r d i n g to " e x p l i c i t l y formulated r u l e s " ; system, i n that i n c l u s i o n or e x c l u s i o n of content c a t e g o r i e s are c a r r i e d out according to c o n s i s t e n t l y a p p l i e d c r i t e r i a of s e l e c t i o n ; and g e n e r a l i t y i n that the f i n d i n g s must have t h e o r e t i c a l r e l e v a n c e . C a t e g o r i e s of a n a l y s i s deal with what i s s a i d and how i t i s s a i d . C a t e g o r i e s should be d e f i n e d so as to represent elements of the i n v e s t i g a t o r ' s theory; to be exhaustive so that a l l r e l e v a n t data can be c l a s s i f i e d ; and to be mutually e x c l u s i v e so that no item can be scored more than once i n a category s e t . These g u i d e l i n e s were adhered to i n the development of c a t e g o r i e s , content u n i t s and durin g the s o r t i n g process. Alexander (1988) o u t l i n e s two methods of d e f i n i n g and developing c a t e g o r i e s . E x t r a c t i o n by s a l i e n c e i s an i n d u c t i v e method that e s s e n t i a l l y allows the data to r e v e a l i t s e l f . Examples of s a l i e n c e are primacy, frequency, uniqueness and nega t i o n . The second method of developing content c a t e g o r i e s i s through asking the data a q u e s t i o n , or through deduction. Alexander s t a t e s that t h i s method can be used i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the f i r s t , and i n t h i s case the c r i t e r i a f o r s e l e c t i o n or s a l i e n c e 74 are determined by the q u e s t i o n . The c a t e g o r i e s were developed p r i m a r i l y through the deductive method i n t h i s a n a l y s i s , although some were developed i n d u c t i v e l y . The a c t u a l process of a n a l y s i s was conducted by the researc h e r i n two phases. A l l the audio-tapes were t r a n s c r i b e d i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y . During t h i s process i t was p o s s i b l e to begin d i s c e r n i n g common themes. Next, reading and r e r e a d i n g the t r a n s c r i p t s the researcher began to make n o t a t i o n s i n the margins a c c o r d i n g to s u b j e c t and content of the m a t e r i a l . For example, where the vo l u n t e e r was t a l k i n g about her f a m i l y , a code "F" was noted i n the margin next to the statement, "SCH" was used f o r s c h o o l s , "SS" f o r s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and so on. During t h i s p r o c e s s , key phrases and statements were u n d e r l i n e d . I t soon became evi d e n t that the themes that were i d e n t i f i e d through t h i s process f e l l i n t o the o r i g i n a l s t r u c t u r e of the r e s e a r c h . Thus they were s o r t e d i n t o the c a t e g o r i e s which serve as the focus areas of t h i s r e s e a r c h : s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s and i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s . C o l o r coding was used on the n o t a t i o n s on the t r a n s c r i p t s to s i g n i f y these c a t e g o r i e s . T h i s i n i t i a l phase of the a n a l y s i s was p r i m a r i l y deductive and the c a t e g o r i e s were d e f i n e d o b j e c t i v e l y , g e n e r a t i n g d e s c r i p t i v e r e s u l t s . However, some new themes d i d emerge from the data and were i n d u c t i v e l y developed (see Table 2). S o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s now i n c l u d e c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , gender s t e r e o t y p i n g , the f a m i l y , the s c h o o l s , s o c i a l networks, s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies, the employment market, r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , sexual abuse and entrance i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n . 75 Table 2 C a t e g o r i e s of A n a l y s i s P r e i n t e r v i e w P o s t a n a l y s i s S o c i a l - S t r u c t u r a l F a c t o r s C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s C u l t u r a l F a c t o r s Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g Gender S t e r e o t y p i n g The Family The Family S o c i a l S e r v i c e Agencies The Schools Sexual Abuse S o c i a l Networks S o c i a l S e r v i c e Agencies Employment Market R e l i g i o u s I n s t i t u t i o n s Sexual Abuse P r o s t i t u t i o n I n t r a - P s y c h i c F a c t o r s Self-esteem C o n t r o l A l i e n a t i o n I d e n t i t y P e rsonal C o n t r o l The i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s of s e l f - e s t e e m and c o n t r o l were f u r t h e r developed through the second stage of a n a l y s i s . The c a t e g o r i e s and themes are f u r t h e r d e f i n e d i n the chapters that present the r e s u l t s . The f i r s t p a r t of the r e s u l t s are presented i n the case 76 s t u d i e s i n Chapter Four. A second phase of a n a l y s i s was then c a r r i e d out, which looked f o r themes and p a t t e r n s across the cases; In t h i s phase the s a l i e n t theme was r e p e t i t i o n , which i s d e f i n e d as the frequency with which s u b j e c t s or i s s u e s were brought up and returned to through the i n t e r v i e w s . For t h i s phase the n a r r a t i v e s were reread and the frequency with which u n d e r l y i n g themes appeared was counted. From t h i s a n a l y s i s , three key concepts were chosen, based on t h e i r high r a t e of occurrence w i t h i n and across i n d i v i d u a l cases, and t h e i r relevance i n terms of the l i t e r a t u r e review and the focus of the r e s e a r c h . These key concepts are' a l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l . The three concepts were a l s o chosen f o r t h e i r s u b j e c t i v e .nature, which i s i n keeping with the research design. A l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l are p e r s o n a l p e r c e p t i o n s and s u b j e c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s . Thus i t i s the women's pe r s o n a l sense of being a l i e n a t e d (or n o t ) , f i t t i n g i n t o a s p e c i f i c r o l e , and being i n c o n t r o l (or not) that i s explored and d e s c r i b e d here. Each of these concepts are a l s o experienced i n r e l a t i o n to e x t e r n a l , or o b j e c t i v e s i t u a t i o n s , or s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s , so i t i s p o s s i b l e to look f o r l i n k s between these e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s and the experiences of a l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l , as they are p e r c e i v e d by the v o l u n t e e r s . The i n f l u e n c e of the o r i g i n a l focus of the research and the s t r u c t u r e of the i n t e r v i e w s i s c l e a r i n the development of these three key concepts. However, some r e d e f i n i t i o n d i d take p l a c e as a r e s u l t of the r e r e a d i n g and r e a n a l y s i s of the data. For 77 example, the o r i g i n a l concept of s e l f - e s t e e m was r e d e f i n e d and broken down i n t o the two concepts of a l i e n a t i o n and i d e n t i t y . And w i t h i n the category of a l i e n a t i o n , the new concept of a l i e n a t i o n from the s e l f emerged as a r e s u l t of t h i s second stage of a n a l y s i s . The three key concepts are d e f i n e d and d i s c u s s e d i n the second p a r t of the r e s u l t s , i n Chapter F i v e . In the f i n a l chapter on D i s c u s s i o n and C o n c l u s i o n s , the s t r u c t u r e s of dominance and t h e i r r o l e i n the l i v e s of the vo l u n t e e r s are e x p l o r e d . I t i s here that the i n f l u e n c e of c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s and the gender s t e r e o t y p i n g i s d i s c u s s e d . A second s e c t i o n addresses the focus of the research which i s to explo r e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between sexual abuse and p r o s t i t u t i o n and to examine the f a c t o r s that are i n v o l v e d and i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . The r a m i f i c a t i o n s of these research f i n d i n g s f o r i n t e r v e n t i o n s , and the impact of t h i s research on the v o l u n t e e r s are d i s c u s s e d . F i n a l l y , recommendations f o r f u t u r e research are presented. Rosenwald (1988) s t a t e s that the emphasis i n m u l t i p l e - c a s e r e s e a r c h i s on the "generation of a s a t i s f a c t o r y c o n s t r u c t i o n " (p. 248) and he argues that knowledge i s most u s e f u l when i t serves "emancipatory rather than i n s t r u m e n t a l i n t e r e s t s " (p. 249). S u l l i v a n (1984) concurs with Rosenwald and t h e i r p o s i t i o n i s i n keeping with the goal of t h i s research to c o n t r i b u t e to i n t e r v e n t i o n s and promote change. Thus t h i s a n a l y s i s endeavours to develop the best p o s s i b l e c o n c l u s i o n s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s from the a v a i l a b l e data, which are v a l i d i n that they are well-grounded and s u p p o r t a b l e , s i g n i f i c a n t i n that they are important, and 78 r e l i a b l e i n that the meaning of the data i s not l o s t i n the t r a n s c r i p t i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n (Polkinghorne, 1988). Throughout the r e s u l t s and c o n c l u s i o n s s e c t i o n s of t h i s paper, the statements and words of the e i g h t v o l u n t e e r s are used as d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s . The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and c o n c l u s i o n s are grounded i n the o r i g i n a l data, and these data are presented i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l form. Thus the reader can assess the v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y of the a n a l y s i s as conducted by t h i s r e s e a r c h e r . In a d d i t i o n , the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and c o n c l u s i o n s that were developed by the researcher have been read and assessed by four of the women who o r i g i n a l l y p r ovided the data. Thus the r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y of the a n a l y s i s has been f u r t h e r assured, and the v o i c e s of the women who are the focus of the research have been f u r t h e r i n c l u d e d . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the a n a l y s i s can be measured by the c o n t i n u i n g a t t e n t i o n t h at the phenomenon of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n r e c e i v e s i n the media and the p o s i t i v e r e c e p t i o n that t h i s r e s e a r c h has found with those who work with these j u v e n i l e s . 79 CHAPTER FOUR: CASE STUDIES The f i r s t p a r t of the r e s u l t s are presented through case s t u d i e s whereby each v o l u n t e e r ' s s t o r y i s presented s e p a r a t e l y . P r e s e n t a t i o n of the case s t u d i e s i n t h i s manner allows f o r the i n d i v i d u a l i t y and d i f f e r e n c e s between the women to be de s c r i b e d and e x p l o r e d . Each case i s presented through a framework of the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s that the women d e s c r i b e d as i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h e i r l i v e s . The f a c t o r s that are in c l u d e d here are the f a m i l y , the s c h o o l s , s o c i a l networks, s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies, employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s , r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , sexual abuse and entrance i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n . These d e s c r i p t i v e f a c t o r s of the women's l i f e s t o r i e s form a re f e r e n c e p o i n t f o r the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n of key concepts and the f i n a l a n a l y s i s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l and the e f f e c t s of c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s and gender s t e r e o t y p i n g on the l i v e s of the v o l u n t e e r s . The women have been given f i c t i o n a l names. These names c a r r y through t h i s paper c o n s i s t e n t l y wherever re f e r e n c e i s made to a s p e c i f i c v o l u n t e e r . Double q u o t a t i o n marks d e l i n e a t e m a t e r i a l quoted from the n a r r a t i v e t e x t . S i n g l e q u o t a t i o n marks w i t h i n the double q u o t a t i o n marks are used to d e l i n e a t e d i r e c t quotes used by the vo l u n t e e r s i n t h e i r n a r r a t i v e s . Abby Abby was 20 at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . She had stopped p r o s t i t u t i n g and had been independent of drugs and a l c o h o l f o r about a year. Abby was l i v i n g i n the Lower Mainland with her 80 new baby and a b o y f r i e n d . She was dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f o r her income. Abby l i v e d with her n a t u r a l f a t h e r and mother and younger brother u n t i l she was f o u r t e e n . The f a m i l y spent a l o t of time with her grandparents and aunts and u n c l e s . Abby d e s c r i b e d her f a m i l y as "not openly loving....My f a m i l y wasn't one to t a l k t o . My aunt and my c o u s i n who watched me were the only people I f e l t comfortable with." Abby's f a t h e r held a number of b l u e - c o l l a r jobs, and the f a m i l y moved f r e q u e n t l y with h i s changing job o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Abby's mother a l s o worked as a w a i t r e s s and a bank t e l l e r , but her employment was secondary to that of Abby's f a t h e r and designed only "to help put my dad through s c h o o l " . Abby d e s c r i b e d her mother as the main a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e i n the f a m i l y : "My mum had f u l l reign....She took care of e v e r y t h i n g . " Much of her mother's a u t h o r i t y was t i e d to her s t r i c t r e l i g i o u s c o n v i c t i o n s and r e l i g i o n f i g u r e d prominently i n Abby's view of the way she was brought up. " R e l i g i o n t i e d i n t o e v e r y t h i n g . The t h i n g s I could do, the people I could see." Abby d e s c r i b e d h e r s e l f as "a shy k i d " who "took t o a u t h o r i t y very w e l l . . . . I t was j u s t a p o i n t of matter. I f they s a i d i t , you d i d i t . And t h a t ' s i t . " As a young c h i l d (under age 10) Abby became her br o t h e r ' s primary c a r e t a k e r . She a l s o took on many of the household t a s k s : "My dad would come home from work. So I'd cook dinner, c l e a n up and look a f t e r my b r o t h e r . He ended up c a l l i n g me 'mum'." "I had taken over the f a m i l y r o l e . I cooked, I 81 cleaned, I d i s c i p l i n e d . " Abby f e l t r e s t r i c t e d by her f a m i l y ' s r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s t h a t prevented her from making f r i e n d s , and from j o i n i n g i n with many of the a c t i v i t i e s at s c h o o l . "Because of my r e l i g i o n , I d i d n ' t , wasn't allowed to spend time with the k i d s . So i t was kind of l i k e keep to y o u r s e l f . " At about 13 Abby " f i n a l l y got the f i r s t f r i e n d that my mum agreed on." Abby r e c a l l e d doing w e l l a c a d e m i c a l l y and b e h a v i o r a l l y i n the f i r s t years of s c h o o l : "My teachers loved me....I was a very good student and I d i d n ' t have anything e l s e to do with my time but study. So, and then t a k i n g to d i s c i p l i n e so w e l l . " Abby's grades began to f a i l when she was 13, and at 15 she "got kicked out of sch o o l because I wouldn't go to s c h o o l . " Abby was s e x u a l l y abused by her grandfather and her f a t h e r . She b e l i e v e s the abuse s t a r t e d around age f i v e , and ended when she f i n a l l y d i s c l o s e d to her mother at age 14. Abby remembered f e e l i n g "very uncomfortable" with her grandfather and developing "paranoia" about the dark and baths and showers. Her attempts to avoid the abuse were of l i m i t e d success. Abby alr e a d y had a sense that her f a m i l y would not l i s t e n to her, and any attempts she made v e r i f i e d t h i s f e e l i n g : "My f a m i l y wasn't one to t a l k t o . . . . A t that age you don't know how to approach i t , other than I'd say I d i d n ' t want to go over there [ g r a n d f a t h e r ' s ] . . . . ' W e l l , we're going anyway.'" About her f a t h e r ' s abuse Abby s a i d : "I never t o l d her [mother] because my mum was the kind of person who j u s t never l i s t e n e d to you i n the f i r s t p l a c e . And then i f you t o l d her anyway, she had her own 82 o p i n i o n and that was the t h i n g . " Unable to prevent her f a t h e r ' s on-going sexual abuse of her, Abby " l a y there p r e t e n d i n g to s l e e p " and lear n e d to "turn i t o f f " . She a l s o began d r i n k i n g from her parents' l i q u o r c a b i n e t and using drugs at about age 12. At the same time she stopped e a t i n g and her grades went down at s c h o o l . Abby f i n a l l y d i s c l o s e d her f a t h e r ' s sexual abuse to a scho o l c o u n s e l l o r , who t o l d her mother that Abby was " r e b e l l i o u s and needed some good d i s c i p l i n e " . "So I got home, my mum s t a r t e d c a l l i n g me every name i n the book and s t a r t e d s l a p p i n g me around. And I was so mad, I j u s t screamed i t at her." The ensuing e x p u l s i o n of Abby's f a t h e r from the f a m i l y l e f t Abby with very mixed and confused f e e l i n g s : "I f e l t r e a l l y g u i l t y , because I f e l t I had broken up the r e l a t i o n s h i p . " Her g u i l t was r e i n f o r c e d by the r e a c t i o n s of r e l a t i v e s who blamed Abby f o r the problems. "My grandparents, some of my r e l a t i v e s wouldn't t a l k to me at a l l . They s a i d r i g h t to my face that my mum should get r i d of me and put me somewhere because I had a problem.... So that j u s t made i t double. I f e l t r e a l l y g u i l t y . " Abby resented her mother f o r not doing something about the abuse e a r l i e r , e s p e c i a l l y when her mother revealed that she had been s i m i l a r l y abused as a c h i l d and had suspected her husband of abusing Abby. "I s t i l l resent my mum a l o t , because she d i d know....I d i d , and I think I always w i l l hold i t a g a i n s t her." Abby was a l s o angry with her mother f o r r e j e c t i n g her f a t h e r . "[My dad] s a i d that he would move out and go to c o u n s e l l i n g i f only she would s t i c k by him, and help him. And my Mum t o l d him 83 to go to Hell....And about a week l a t e r we moved [out of p r o v i n c e ] " By t h i s stage her f e e l i n g s about her f a t h e r were r e a l l y confused. "I f e l t r e a l l y bad f o r my f a t h e r . I r e a l l y l oved my dad s t i l l . But I hated him....I f e l t g u i l t y that he got l e f t alone." On top of i t a l l , Abby had to leave her new . f r i e n d . " [ I was] r e a l l y mad. My one and only f r i e n d I ever r e a l l y had I was l e a v i n g . " For the next two years (14 - 16), Abby moved back and f o r t h between her f a t h e r and her mother. She found her mother i n c r e a s i n g l y r e s t r i c t i v e "she had to walk me to s c h o o l . . . . She 1d p i c k me up at lunch, or somebody e l s e would. And a f t e r s c h o o l . " And her f a t h e r unwelcoming: "My dad s a i d I c o u l d l i v e with him i f I wanted t o . But he d i d n ' t want me t o . " Abby drank and used drugs more and more and e v e n t u a l l y was e x p e l l e d from school f o r non-attendance and ran away from home. During t h i s phase of her l i f e , Abby came i n t o c o n t a c t with a v a r i e t y of s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies and agents. Her experiences with these s e r v i c e s v a r i e d . She c r i t i c i s e d the agencies f o r not doing enough and f o r lack of understanding and i n s i g h t i n t o the problems of k i d s l i k e her: "There r e a l l y wasn't anybody f o r me to reach out to to help me, r e a l l y , to f i n d what I wanted to do. There wasn't anybody f o r me to t a l k to about my f e e l i n g s or anything l i k e t h a t . I mean once i n a while you run i n t o a good person. But i t ' s kind of hard to go through 20 to f i n d one." "When I f i r s t s t a r t e d seeing s o c i a l workers, they were t r y i n g to convince you to stop and work i t out at home. T h e i r parents are s t i l l married 20 years down the 84 road. They've l i v e d i n the same house the la s t 20 years....And they, they don't r e a l l y pass judgement, but they don't understand. " Abby remembered p o s i t i v e l y experiences with s o c i a l services where in d i v i d u a l s , unlike her mother, gave her some freedom to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for herself, understood her problems, and were lenient and f l e x i b l e . "The lady [counsellor] was very, very nice. She was sexually abused. She knew exactly how I f e l t . " "I went to welfare, and the s o c i a l worker there was a very nice man. He gave me the option of being under care again....What they were going to do was put me i n a lenient group home, where i t was there for what you needed....It was a good t r a n s i t i o n home, because you weren't bound by rules and restrictions....And I ended up staying there." "My foster parents t r i e d to l e t me take a l o t of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for myself....But nobody r e a l l y , my mum always told me what to do, what to wear." After cycling through a number of foster homes and juvenile detentions, Abby began to support herself by pr o s t i t u t i n g . "I had no money. No place to stay. I stayed with a friend of mine for a l i t t l e while....She used to be a prostitute....And she was going to go to Edmonton for the weekend and work. And I thought, well, I was real wary of i t . But I thought, I need the money. I have no place to stay, and I can't l i v e on her. And I went with her and I ended up not coming back." Abby stated that: "Being sexually abused, I think made i t a l o t easier for me. Because you've already 85 l e a r n e d to t u r n i t o f f . I mean, i t f e l t uncomfortable, but i t got to the p o i n t where, w e l l I've al r e a d y done t h i s so what's the b i g deal i n doing i t again. L i e there and pretend that e v e r y t h i n g ' s f i n e and dandy, and you get paid f o r i t at t h a t ! " P r o s t i t u t i o n a l s o became an a t t r a c t i v e o p t i o n as Abby's attempts at l e g i t i m a t e employment f a i l e d f o r her. "I ended up q u i t t i n g because the guy was a jerk....He was always grabbing me or groping me." She knew she c o u l d make a l o t more money p r o s t i t u t i n g and she f e l t she would have more independence i n t h i s way. "I was t i r e d of being pushed around everywhere. I wanted to do something. I wanted to make my money and j u s t be happy which I thought working the s t r e e t s would be g r e a t . " However, a f t e r a w h i l e , i t became c l e a r t h at p r o s t i t u t i n g d i d not a f f o r d her the independence that she had hoped f o r : "I ended up g e t t i n g pushed around anyways.... I t ' s not r e a l l y n i c e to be working out t h e r e . " When she became pregnant, Abby decided to leave p r o s t i t u t i n g . At the end of the i n t e r v i e w , Abby expressed some sense of achievement i n having got through a l o t of bad times and i n general seemed s a t i s f i e d with her l i f e : ' "I've been through a l o t of s h i t . But my l i f e turned out to be good." Bev Bev was 20 at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . She had stopped p r o s t i t u t i n g and had been independent of drugs and a l c o h o l f o r 18 months. She was l i v i n g i n the Lower Mainland with a b o y f r i e n d , and was l o o k i n g f o r employment. 86 Bev spent the f i r s t ten years of her l i f e with her mother and s i s t e r , and a wide-ranging group of friends and r e l a t i v e s whom she ca l l e d family. "By family I mean not necessarily blood r e l a t i v e s . But people who had always been in my mother's l i f e since she was l i k e 13 or 14 on the streets." She did not know her b i o l o g i c a l father. Bev's family background gave her both a sense of how deep rooted and i n d e l i b l e her l i f e - s t y l e was "So this family l i n e ' s been going back for a few generations now", as well as a sense of rootlessness, "I don't have roots, because I don't know who my people are. I'm supposed to be part black, and supposed to be part Indian. I don't know any family of mine who are white. Except for my mother and my s i s t e r . And my s i s t e r i s the same as I am. So I f e e l r e a l l y rootless." Bev's mother depended on Social Assistance and prostituted for her income. "I've liv e d in slums and I've liv e d next to m i l l i o n a i r e s . " "There was a l o t of times when we didn't have food, so we couldn't go to school because there was nothing to eat. It was either feast or famine." There was no clear l i n e of control or authority in Bev's family. Bev's mother was very young, "She was a baby having babies" and often seemed unavailable and involved with her own struggle to survive. "We were scared to t e l l her [mother] because he [step-father] was abusing her. We didn't want to have to worry her." Bev i d e n t i f i e d herself as the care-taker and protector of her s i s t e r , and equated that role with male c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : "I sort of took on the role of the l i t t l e man 87 i n the f a m i l y . . . . I was d e f i n i t e l y the c a r e - t a k e r and I beat up the boys that beat up my s i s t e r or c a l l e d her bad names....I was very p r o t e c t i v e of her. Very p r o t e c t i v e . " Bev's r e l a t i o n s h i p with her mother was mixed. She d e s c r i b e d them as " c l o s e " but a l s o s t a t e d that she was "scared" of her mother. "I respected her more than anything e l s e i n the world, you know. Didn't l i k e her because she beat us." Bev was reared i n a c u l t u r e that introduced her e a r l y to n i g h t l i f e , bars and c l u b s and t h e i r surrounding excitment and v i o l e n c e . T h i s l i f e - s t y l e set up a c o n f l i c t i n g p u s h - p u l l or a t t r a c t i o n - r e j e c t i o n i n Bev that was r e f l e c t e d throughout the i n t e r v i e w . " L i k e , we spent our l i f e growing up i n n i g h t c l u b s . " "When I was a k i d i t was something fun. I got to be with the grownups. Got s p o i l e d , got n o t i c e d , got a t t e n t i o n , got to dance. Everyone t e l l you how cute you look." At the same time Bev became f a m i l i a r with the negative aspects of t h i s l i f e : "Things I've seen. I've seen people d i e , get stabbed and guns been held on other people." "My a u n t i e s . . . . They're a l l dead. Almost a l l of them from junk overdoses." Bev's c o n f l i c t i n g a t t i t u d e s are r e f l e c t e d i n her f e e l i n g s towards her g r a n d f a t h e r . "My grandfather was t h i s w i l d guy that I guess died about four years ago. He ended up being l i k e a r e a l l y b i g c r i m i n a l . R e a l l y major league c r i m i n a l . And I r e a l l y l i k e d him. He was weird. He was one of the bad guys i n my l i f e . " P a r t of the v i o l e n c e that always seemed to be present i n the l i f e - s t y l e Bev grew up i n was the constant sexual abuse she and her s i s t e r were subjected t o . "Through those years 88 there had been many occasions when uncles and f r i e n d s were....I don't know why, you know, they would j u s t f e e l us up. I t was always, there was always ugly s t u f f . Men were always touching me and my s i s t e r . . . . I t ' s j u s t l i k e a constant memory. Always....And not t e l l i n g anybody because not t h i n k i n g anybody would b e l i e v e me. And they were such n i c e guys." However, Bev a l s o r e c a l l e d s p e c i f i c episodes of sexual abuse and rape at the hands of male b a b y - s i t t e r s when she was f i v e and her s t e p - f a t h e r when she was e i g h t . At 11, a f t e r she began l i v i n g and working on the s t r e e t s , rape became almost a f a c t of l i f e . : " I t ' s l i k e I h i t 11 years o l d and I was raped....And i t hasn't stopped." U n l i k e her ambivalence about her f a m i l y and f r i e n d s who s e x u a l l y abused her, Bev's anger towards these a s s a i l a n t s was c l e a r . "I hated him. I hated h i s guts." "I think [he] should be k i l l e d . " Because sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n seemed to be such a f a c t of l i f e , and a l s o because her mother seemed u n a v a i l a b l e , Bev d i d not seek support or o u t s i d e help. Instead, she sought ways to escape from her p a i n through reading and w r i t i n g p o e t r y . "I've always been a v o r a c i o u s reader. That's how I went away before I found drugs." Bev experienced a l o t of "blackouts" over her l i f e , which l e f t her f e e l i n g a l i e n a t e d from h e r s e l f : " I t ' s j u s t such an a l i e n f e e l i n g to have t h i s memory that i s n ' t p a r t of me . " D r i n k i n g was almost a way of l i f e f o r Bev, and her i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of d r i n k i n g with s o c i a l i s i n g and fun continued to evoke c o n t r a d i c t o r y f e e l i n g s . "I grew up a wine and cheese 89 connoiseur. I r e a l l y miss wine....I think I was an a l c o h o l i c the f i r s t time I picked up a d r i n k . But no, the f i r s t time I picked up a dr i n k I don't even remember. Because we always drank." Bev's s e r i o u s use of drugs s t a r t e d when she began to work the s t r e e t s at age 11. Bev l e f t home to l i v e on the s t r e e t s when she was 11. The move came about as a r e s u l t of becoming i n v o l v e d with "the wrong crowd of people." "I [was] int r o d u c e d to the group [by my s i s t e r ] . And from there i t was the end f o r me. I j u s t went. I never p u l l e d back again. I j u s t went from smoking pot and g e t t i n g raped to h u s t l i n g and doing heavy drugs." Of her involvement i n p r o s t i t u t i o n , Bev s a i d : "What got me there i s I d i d n ' t think I belonged anywhere e l s e . I'd been fucked by men a l l my l i f e . Any way they could fuck me." Bev p r o s t i t u t e d u n t i l she was 14, when she resumed l i v i n g at home and attempted to r e t u r n to s c h o o l . However, her involvement with drugs and the s t r e e t l i f e made i t impossible f o r her to succeed at s c h o o l , so she dropped out. School played a minimal r o l e i n Bev's e a r l y l i f e . "We moved a l o t . We went to at l e a s t 15 elementary s c h o o l s . More, way more, 20 maybe." Bev r e c a l l e d doing w e l l a c a d e m i c a l l y at s c h o o l , even when she returned a f t e r l i v i n g on the s t r e e t s . "I got good grades. When I was i n s c h o o l , that i s . " Bev found that she was not safe from sexual a s s a u l t even i n school when she was raped by a f e l l o w student. When she complained she was l a b e l l e d "a s l u t " and e x p e l l e d from the s c h o o l . Bev remembered her experiences with the s o c i a l s e r v i c e 90 system almost e n t i r e l y n e g a t i v e l y . At age e i g h t or nine she and her s i s t e r were put i n a home f o r e m o t i o n a l l y d i s t u r b e d c h i l d r e n . Bev's d e s c r i p t i o n of how t h i s happened i l l u s t r a t e s her f e e l i n g s of abuse by the system. " A l l them p s y c h i a t r i s t s [got] r e a l l y e x c i t e d . . . . L e t ' s grab them both and s t i c k them i n the looney b i n and f u c k i n g f i g u r e them out. Right? W e l l , so we both got snatched." Bev d e s c r i b e d the home as p h y s i c a l l y abusive, and f e l t t h a t t h i s event changed her l i f e and the f a m i l y completely. "That's when l i f e changed." "That's when the f a m i l y s t a r t e d to f a l l apart because they j u s t t o r e my s i s t e r and I away from my mum. And we stopped t r u s t i n g her at that p o i n t . " A f t e r Bev s t a r t e d to l i v e on the s t r e e t s she was f r e q u e n t l y picked up by the p o l i c e and put i n t o group or f o s t e r homes. Bev found these placements u s e l e s s and r e c a l l e d the negative a t t i t u d e s of the people working t h e r e . "They were always c a t c h i n g me and p u t t i n g me i n j a i l , or p u t t i n g me i n group homes, or p u t t i n g me wherever. And I'd stay f o r a few days and leave....Nobody cared. They d i d n ' t give a f l y i n g fuck. They s a i d that to you." Bev's assessment of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s was that they were m i s d i r e c t e d and of l i t t l e help because they are run by i n d i v i d u a l s who have no r e a l understanding of the problems s t r e e t a d o l e s c e n t s l i k e her f a c e d . "I don't have any f a i t h i n r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of c h i l d molesters and r a p i s t s . . . . I don't see i t working. I've never seen i t working....I don't think a male judge and j u r y can r e a l l y know what to do [with a b u s e r s ] . . . . I t ' s 91 not a l r i g h t to spend money that should be spent on women and c h i l d r e n , the poor people, the o l d people - to spend money on them [the abusers] t h a t c o u l d be spent on us." When Bev l e f t p r o s t i t u t i n g , she f e l t that an o u t s i d e source i n t e r v e n e d and stopped her: "And why walking out my apartment I went: 'I can't work any more. I'm going to d i e ' ? L i k e I don't know i f I was doing t h a t . Maybe i t was God." At the time of the i n t e r v i e w , Bev was attempting to f i n d l e g i t i m a t e employment. Of her l i f e she s t a t e d : "I wouldn't change i t though. Because no matter what t h a t , no matter what my l i f e ' s brought me or taken away from me, i t ' s made me what I am today. And I can't be that bad because. I've got an awful l o t of good people that j u s t love me s i l l y . " C a r o l C a r o l was 36 at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . She l i v e d with her husband of 13 years and her three daughters, i n a small community j u s t o u t s i d e Vancouver. C a r o l had been independent of drugs and a l c o h o l f o r 19 y e a r s . Although she had been employed o u t s i d e the home at v a r i o u s times throughout her marriage, she was not working o u t s i d e the home at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . C a r o l was the o l d e s t of four c h i l d r e n , with one s i s t e r and two b r o t h e r s , and l i v e d with her mother and f a t h e r f o r the f i r s t 10 years of her l i f e . She and her f a m i l y a s s o c i a t e d a l o t with extended f a m i l y members, and C a r o l spent some p e r i o d s of her l i f e l i v i n g with her grandparents, aunts and an u n c l e . She d e s c r i b e d her f a t h e r as non-supportive and u n l o v i n g , 92 and her mother as h e l p l e s s : "She never j u s t d i d nothin g . L i k e she never r a i s e d her v o i c e . She never d i d anything. She never even spoke up to my Dad." C a r o l ' s f a t h e r was p h y s i c a l l y abusive to everyone i n the f a m i l y , i n c l u d i n g her mother. C a r o l f e l t r e j e c t e d by her f a t h e r r i g h t from the beginning: "I was f i r s t born. You were supposed to be a boy. You were not supposed to be a girl....Maybe i f I'd been a boy i t ( p h y s i c a l and sexual abuse) would never of happened to me....It seemed l i k e he wanted to punish me a l l the t i m e . . . . I t seemed to me l i k e I was s o r t of the o u t c a s t . The reason why, I wasn't a boy. " C a r o l ' s sense of r e j e c t i o n deepened when she was sent to l i v e with her f a t h e r and h i s new w i f e , her step-mother at age 10. "I f i g u r e d r i g h t then and there my mum never wanted me anyway." "Him [ f a t h e r ] and h i s g i r l f r i e n d , the b i t c h . She was a witch . She hated my guts." And when she f i n a l l y ran away at age 12 she remembered "You know, my dad never even looked f o r me. My f a t h e r never even looked f o r me." C a r o l ' s mother d i d not work and was dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e or male p a r t n e r s f o r her income. Her f a t h e r worked e r r a t i c a l l y i n a band and the f a m i l y was not c o n s i s t e n t l y p r o v i d e d f o r : "Half the time we had no g r o c e r i e s , anyway." C a r o l d e s c r i b e d her f a t h e r as a b s o l u t e l y i n c o n t r o l i n her f a m i l y , much of the time e x p r e s s i n g h i s w i l l through brute f o r c e and v i o l e n c e . "He d i d n ' t l i k e something my mum d i d , he'd beat the s h i t out of her." When C a r o l l i v e d with her f a t h e r and her step-mother, a u t h o r i t y was e x e r c i s e d by both p a r e n t s , e q u a l l y 93 a b u s i v e l y . C a r o l d i d p o o r l y i n s c h o o l and o n l y a c h e i v e d a Grade 6 e d u c a t i o n . "Because of e v e r y t h i n g t h a t happened, my y e a r s , I f a i l e d grade a f t e r grade a f t e r grade of c o u r s e . " F i n a l l y a t age 16 she was e x p e l l e d because she was p r e g n a n t . C a r o l s u f f e r e d c o n t i n u a l p h y s i c a l abuse a t the hands of her f a t h e r . In a d d i t i o n , she r e c a l l s him a b u s i n g her s e x u a l l y from the age of two. She a l s o was s e x u a l l y abused by a boarder i n the house and a t age e i g h t , her f a t h e r s t a r t e d s e l l i n g her t o h i s f r i e n d s . A f t e r she ran away from her f a t h e r ' s house a t age 12, C a r o l was s e x u a l l y abused by an u n c l e she l i v e d w i t h and her f a t h e r a g a i n s e x u a l l y a s s a u l t e d her on one o c c a s i o n . The s e x u a l abuse was f r e q u e n t l y accompanied by v i o l e n c e , and C a r o l r e c a l l e d a range of emotions. " I remember i t r e a l l y h u r t bad. And I remember I was r e a l l y s c a r e d . " " I ' d get so s i c k . I'd throw up, and, you know, nauseated....And I'd f e e l l i k e , I'd l o v e t o k i l l him. You know, I'd l o v e t o k i l l him....And I f e l t r e a l l y numb i n s i d e and r e a l l y g r o s s . I don't know who I hated more. The men t h a t were coming up t o see me, my mother or my f a t h e r . " C a r o l a l s o r e c a l l e d her c o n f u s i o n about her f a t h e r ' s and o t h e r s ' r e a c t i o n s t o the abuse, and the sense of r e s i g n a t i o n she was l e f t w i t h . On one o c c a s i o n her f a t h e r r e p o r t e d the boarder who s e x u a l l y abused C a r o l t o the p o l i c e . But he d i d not respond s i m i l a r l y t o h i s f r i e n d s ' abuse of h e r . A l s o C a r o l ' s mother, the p o l i c e and t e a c h e r s f a i l e d t o f o l l o w up her r e p o r t s of her f a t h e r ' s p h y s i c a l and s e x u a l abuse. "They never f o l l o w e d i t 94 up. So I f i g u r e d , I guess t h i n g s happen. I remember when I was a l i t t l e k i d I would look at other l i t t l e k i d s , my c o u s i n and s t u f f , and I'd wonder i f t h e i r dads d i d the same t h i n g to them, you know." When she was ten, C a r o l ' s f a t h e r was taken to c o u r t . He was given a p r o b a t i o n a r y sentence and he l e f t the f a m i l y . A s h o r t time l a t e r C a r o l ' s mother sent her to l i v e with him and h i s g i r l f r i e n d . Unable to get any r e l i e f from her abusive f a t h e r and step-mother, C a r o l attempted s u i c i d e a few times and e v e n t u a l l y ran away. "That night I says to my s i s t e r : 'I had enough. I can't take i t no more. Dad's going to k i l l me y e t . And that b i t c h [step-mother], I hate that f u c k i n g p i g . And I can't take i t no more and I'm running.'" The s u i c i d e attempts and running away were ac t s of d e s p a r a t i o n f o r C a r o l , taken i n a mood of d e s p a i r and hopelessness. "I d i d n ' t care any more. I mean I thought I was h a l f dead anyway. And I r e a l l y d i d n ' t c a r e . L i k e I'd taken so much abuse, a l i t t l e b i t more wouldn't matter....I l a i d on t h i s bench and I remembered what people s a i d c o u l d happen to young g i r l s i n the park. But who'd gi v e a damn i f they found my body? That's j u s t as w e l l because I don't r e a l l y c a r e . Oh I had t r i e d s u i c i d e twice i n between there a l r e a d y . Two or three times." Over the next few y e a r s , C a r o l l i v e d with v a r i o u s f a m i l y and extended f a m i l y members. She had a baby which was taken from her by s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and a l s o bore her f a t h e r ' s c h i l d . I t was d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d that she began to use drugs to deal with her depressions and l o n e l i n e s s . 95 As the sexual abuse of her f a t h e r became known, C a r o l was r e j e c t e d , blamed and l a b e l l e d i n negative sexual terms by the r e s t of the f a m i l y . "My grandfather t o l d me I was a d i s g r a c e on the f a m i l y . And he s a i d they d i d n ' t want nothing to do with me no more. They s a i d a l l I was was a s l u t and a whore." "And nobody wanted me around. I mean everybody s a i d I was a d i s g r a c e . My brother s a i d I was nothing more than a f u c k i n g whore. And you know, everybody s a i d i t , so you s t a r t b e l i e v i n g i t . " C a r o l moved to another p r o v i n c e and attempted to work as a gas jockey. But she got f i r e d because of her drug use and began p r o s t i t u t i n g to s u r v i v e and support her a d d i c t i o n . C a r o l ' s move i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n was motivated by d e s p e r a t i o n and hopelessness. "I mean, you know, I d i d n ' t give a damn, I r e a l l y d i d n ' t c a r e . That's a l l I knew, eh. I mean, a l l you know i s sex." " I t was t o t a l l y d i s g u s t i n g . But i t was a way to support my h a b i t . " C a r o l came i n t o c o n t a c t with a number of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s over her l i f e . I n i t i a l c o n t a c t s with the p o l i c e and the c o u r t s were n e i t h e r negative nor h e l p f u l to her. A f t e r she ran away from her f a t h e r her c o n t a c t s were nega t i v e , because they l e t her down or a c t i v e l y r e j e c t e d her and her needs. "I wouldn't go back to the welfar e because they d i d n ' t take my br o t h e r s away [from her f a t h e r ] . Or my s i s t e r . And I was r e a l l y mad at them." "The welfare wouldn't help me. They put him [baby son] i n a f o s t e r home where I could see him on weekends. Talk about h u r t ! " 96 However, a resource f o r drug a d d i c t s was h e l p f u l to C a r o l , g i v i n g her the time to recover from drugs and h e l p i n g her r e b u i l d her l i f e . "The Junkie's Haven helped me q u i t e good, • q u i t e w e l l . They r e a l l y helped me a l o t . They helped me get my l i f e together so to speak. Then they made me phone home." C a r o l p a r t i c u l a r l y remembered the support and understanding she f e l t from a worker t h e r e . "They wanted to take me to a mental i n s t i t u t i o n to dry me out....He wouldn't l e t them take me because he f i g u r e d , he saw t h i s g i r l and he s a i d he knew there was a l o t of t r a s h that happened i n her l i f e . " C a r o l ' s r e t r o s p e c t i v e view of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s was that they were not h e l p f u l i f they had no understanding of the s i t u a t i o n . "A person never wants to hear t e x t book, hear i t from a t e x t book. They want to know, hear i t r i g h t from l i f e . You know. Real e x p e r i e n c e . What's happened. How to deal with i t . " For C a r o l , the most important t h i n g was to have someone who would l i s t e n . "Like a l l my l i f e no-one would l i s t e n . The a u t h o r i t i e s wouldn't l i s t e n . Doctors wouldn't l i s t e n . Teachers wouldn't l i s t e n . No-one would l i s t e n .... I t ' s hard to t e l l . I t ' s hard to t e l l t h a t somebody's doing something to hurt you. I t ' s , you ache to t e l l . . . . Y o u can't t e l l because they're not going to l i s t e n . " In s p i t e of the extremes that she had been subjected to i n the p a s t , C a r o l f e l t t h a t she had been able to make some use of her experiences i n h e l p i n g other young c h i l d r e n . "And when I s i t down and t a l k to them, they know I mean i t because I been t h e r e . And when I f e e l then, that the past has been worth i t . " 97 At the end of the i n t e r v i e w , she was able to say that she f e l t l i f e had turned out a l r i g h t f o r her. "My s t o r y i s n ' t a n i c e one. A l l my l i f e i t ' s been a p r e t t y bad one. But mine has a happy ending." Debbie Debbie was 21 at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . She was l i v i n g i n Vancouver with her husband of two years and her baby daughter. Debbie was independent of drugs and a l c o h o l and was no longer p r o s t i t u t i n g . Debbie was born i n a small community about 80 km ou t s i d e Vancouver. She stayed there u n t i l coming to Vancouver when she was 15. Debbie was the youngest of three c h i l d r e n , with an ol d e r s i s t e r and b r o t h e r . She l i v e d with her mother and f a t h e r and s i b l i n g s u n t i l she was f o u r , when her f a t h e r l e f t the f a m i l y . Her mother never remarried, and never worked o u t s i d e the home. The f a m i l y was dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f o r t h e i r income a f t e r t h e i r f a t h e r l e f t . While Debbie's f a t h e r was l i v i n g with the f a m i l y , he was f r e q u e n t l y drunk and p h y s i c a l l y abusive to Debbie's mother. When he decided to leave home, Debbie somehow f e l t that she was to blame: "When I was four we were going f o r a r i d e around the garbage dump. And my Dad was s a y i n g : 'Oh, I'm l e a v i n g . ' T h i s j u s t came out of the blue....And I was j u s t l i k e , d i d I do something wrong?...You know, i s t h i s my f a u l t ? . . . . I was the only one i n the car besides my mum. I s t a r t e d , w e l l I d i d something wrong." Debbie heard from her f a t h e r very i n f r e q u e n t l y a f t e r 98 t h a t : "He never used to w r i t e me or nothing....I used to send him Father's Day cards and l e t t e r s and t h a t . And I never got a word back. So I j u s t stopped g i v i n g him, f o r g e t t h a t . " Debbie never r e a l l y f e l t c l o s e to anyone i n her f a m i l y . Her brother and s i s t e r were s i x and seven years her s e n i o r , and shared t h e i r own r e l a t i o n s h i p of which Debbie was never a p a r t : "When I grew up my s i s t e r and brother were so c l o s e . " "I was never c l o s e to my brother or s i s t e r n e i t h e r . " Once her brother and s i s t e r l e f t home, she f e l t she had nothing i n common with her mother: "I was j u s t l i v i n g with my mum. I d i d n ' t get along with her too w e l l . " With her f a t h e r absent, a u t h o r i t y i n the f a m i l y r e s t e d with her mother by d e f a u l t . "She [mother] brang us up more or l e s s . " However, Debbie f e l t t h a t her brother and s i s t e r got away with a l o t "Mum d i d n ' t know what was going on", and when she was 12 Debbie r e j e c t e d her mother's a u t h o r i t y and s t a r t e d running away and running her own l i f e : "I'd have curfews at nine o'clock at night ( s i g h ) . I cou l d n ' t go out anywhere. I mean b r i n g anyone home and she'd c r o s s examine them." S o c i a l networks and the schools played an important r o l e i n Debbie's l i f e i n d e f i n i n g her sense of d i f f e r e n c e . Debbie f e l t t h a t she was unable to dress as w e l l as her peers and the theme of "not f i t t i n g i n " at sch o o l or with her peers i n the community came up re p e a t e d l y : "I j u s t d i d n ' t f i t i n there somehow. I guess i n Grade seven people s t a r t e d p i c k i n g on me. Because I, I wouldn't say much, you know. We were, I wasn't dressed very w e l l . " "I j u s t d i d n ' t f i t i n . I d i d n ' t f i t i n . " 99 A f t e r s e v e r a l suspensions from school f o r non-attendance and smoking, Debbie was f i n a l l y e x p e l l e d at 15. The v i c e - p r i n c i p a l ' s a t t i t u d e on t h i s o c c a s i o n confirmed her sense of a l i e n a t i o n from the school system: "He [ v i c e - p r i n c i p a l ] says: 'I don't need b i t c h e s l i k e you i n t h i s s c h o o l . I run a p e r f e c t s c h o o l . ' That's what he t o l d me....That was the end of my s c h o o l . " The s o c i a l networks that Debbie d i d " f i t i n with" and f e l t comfortable with were those that she found l i v i n g on the s t r e e t s . " I t [the s t r e e t s ] j u s t seemed l i k e p l a c e where I seemed to f i t in....Yeah, you know, people would t a l k to me....Here's a p l a c e where I'm not going to get picked on." F r i e n d s a l s o provided p l a c e s to run away to and stay with: "I managed to hook up with t h i s g i r l . . . . I stayed with her f o r a w h i l e . " Debbie s t a r t e d running away l o c a l l y when she was 13 f o r b r i e f p e r i o d s . When she was 15 she began running away to Vancouver f o r longer p e r i o d s of time. Of her running away she s a i d : "I was j u s t more of a roamer, I guess. I j u s t d i d n ' t f i t i n there somehow." And l a t e r : "I f i g u r e d i t ' s time to take c o n t r o l of my l i f e . J u s t get out of t h i s town....I could take care of myself. That's why I s t a r t e d , you know." Debbie's f i r s t remembered i n c i d e n t of sexual abuse was with a summer employer. She found him "grotesque", but f e l t she needed the money and stayed f o r two summers. Debbie a l s o f e l t somewhat to blame f o r the abuse: " I f I t e l l anyone, t h e y ' l l t h i n k i t ' s my f a u l t . . . . I was wearing s h o r t s and t h a t . F i g u r e d , 100 you know, maybe i t ' s my fault....What's the use of t e l l i n g anyone. I needed the money to continue working t h e r e . " When she was 15 Debbie was v i o l e n t l y raped by a man who picked her and her f r i e n d up h i t c h - h i k i n g . Her memories of t h i s i n c i d e n t s t i l l gave her nightmares s i x years l a t e r , and she s t i l l l i v e d i n f e a r that the a s s a u l t e r would seek her out again: "I'm s t i l l scared to t h i s day. Walking down the s t r e e t . What i f t h i s guy, because he threatened me q u i t e a b i t a f t e r . " Debbie d i d press charges on t h i s a s s a u l t e r , but f e l t l e t down by the process and the f i n a l outcome: "Took one year and a h a l f before i t a c t u a l l y got to New West. Court....He got four y e a r s , and t h a t ' s i t . I t ' s d i s g u s t i n g . He was out before then." Although, at one l e v e l she was angry about the a s s a u l t , Debbie a l s o took on some of the blame: " I , I was angry. I f i g u r e d , you know, t h i s shouldn't be happening.... I a c t u a l l y was p r e t t y angry. I f i g u r e d , you know, i t was my . f a u l t . Everyone kept making me b e l i e v e i t was my f a u l t . And then on top of i t my f r i e n d ' s f a t h e r blamed i t on me too." In c o u r t , her a s s o c i a t i o n with s t r e e t a d o l e s c e n t s was used to i n v a l i d a t e her s t o r y . "That was used a g a i n s t me i n c o u r t . I mean I was going to school i n the Senator [ h o s t e l f o r s t r e e t y o u t h ] , I a l s o l i v e d i n the Senator with the kids too. That r e a l l y got used at me i n c o u r t , eh....Because they're only known f o r p r o s t i t u t e s o n l y . . . . W e l l , t h i s guy t r i e d to t e l l the c o u r t I agreed to i t . " When she was raped a second time, Debbie f e l t i t u s e l e s s to s t r u g g l e e i t h e r with her a s s a u l t e r or with the c o u r t s : "I 101 was screaming.... I thought: 'I might as w e l l give up 1, you know. 'This i s n ' t going to work.' L i k e I was trapped. J u s t get i t over with. I'm not f i g h t i n g any more." "I d i d n ' t t e l l anyone. I d i d n ' t even t e l l my mum." "What i s i t going to look l i k e going to the cops and t e l l i n g them: 'Well, I got raped again' you know....I f i g u r e d they wouldn't b e l i e v e me. You know: 'This g i r l i s making t h i n g s up 1. And c o n s i d e r i n g the p l a c e s I was l i v i n g . " A f t e r the rapes, Debbie s t a r t e d d r i n k i n g and using drugs h e a v i l y , and at about the same time she began p r o s t i t u t i n g . The drugs and a l c o h o l helped her cope with the p r o s t i t u t i n g : "I'd have to be r i g h t loaded. You have to be. And then when you wake up you got to be r i g h t loaded....I wouldn't have been able to handle i t . " Of her entrance i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n , Debbie s t a t e d : " A f t e r t h a t , a f t e r the rape, I j u s t f i g u r e d , I don't give a s h i t . T h i s i s a good way to get money, you know. Why not get paid f o r i t . . . . L e t ' s get t h i s over with. Get high, and j u s t get your mind o f f the t r o u b l e . " Debbie's experiences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies were mixed. She f e l t l e t down and blamed by the c o u r t s , and there were occasions when she f e l t the p o l i c e were p h y s i c a l l y and s e x u a l l y abusive. "This guy [ p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r ] , he was, he was t a k i n g unnecessary moves....He s a i d , i f he ever got us alone, he'd get us good, eh." "You can't even t r u s t the cops. When I was working the s t r e e t s and the cops come along, they'd want something, eh. So they wouldn't take you i n . " The i n d i v i d u a l s i n the s o c i a l s e r v i c e systems that Debbie f e l t were l e a s t h e l p f u l were those that d i d not understand her and t r i e d to impose t h e i r w i l l on her. "I was r e a l l y mad at th a t s o c i a l worker. He waited f o r something to happen. I asked so many times to get moved out to Vancouver, and f i n a l l y when something happens [the rape] he sends me out here, you know." "I went to t h i s one guy [ p s y c h i a t r i s t ] , he kept t e l l i n g me that I miss my f a t h e r and t h i s and t h a t . T r y i n g to put ideas i n my head.... I ended up g e t t i n g somebody e l s e . " Debbie f e l t t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l s who were most h e l p f u l to her were those who took the time to t a l k to her and l i s t e n to her s t o r y . "I f i n a l l y s t a r t e d t r u s t i n g her [a group home worker]....Well, we a c t u a l l y sat down and t a l k e d . I a c t u a l l y had a c o n v e r s a t i o n with her f o r a few minutes.... She was one of the b e t t e r workers." An unusual source of support f o r Debbie was d i s c jockeys. The advantage of d i s c jockeys was that they were always a v a i l a b l e , and they would l i s t e n to Debbie and reassure her. "They [the d i s c jockeys] were there 24 hours. And they d i d n ' t , l i k e they never r e a l l y met me, you know. They were j u s t t h e r e . . . . B a s i c a l l y you could j u s t t a l k to them." "I got i n t o a c o n v e r s a t i o n about the rape with one D.J. He was s a y i n g : ' I t i s n ' t your f a u l t . You don't deserve t h a t . ' " Debbie f e l t t h a t there should be more p u b l i c i t y about the r e a l i t y of s t r e e t l i f e and the dangers. With the added r i s k of AIDS, she s a i d t h at " I t ' s not r e a l l y worth i t " . 103 E l l e n E l l e n was 21 at the time of the i n t e r v i e w , s i n g l e and employed. She was l i v i n g i n Vancouver and had not p r o s t i t u t e d or abused drugs and a l c o h o l f o r s i x ye a r s . E l l e n was born the youngest of three c h i l d r e n , and l i v e d with her o l d e r brother and s i s t e r , mother and f a t h e r u n t i l she was ten . The f a m i l y spent a l o t of time with extended f a m i l y members, i n c l u d i n g c o u s i n s , grandparents and aunts and u n c l e s . E l l e n ' s f a t h e r was repl a c e d by a s t e p - f a t h e r when she was ten. A f t e r age 11 E l l e n d i d not l i v e with her f a m i l y any more. E l l e n ' s f a t h e r ran a small business and her mother worked as a house c l e a n e r . Her mother continued to work a f t e r E l l e n ' s f a t h e r l e f t . E l l e n f e l t p a r t i c u l a r l y c l o s e to her grandfather and uncle and enjoyed the s p e c i a l time and a t t e n t i o n she got from them. "They u s u a l l y were able to do t h i n g s f o r me. And they spent a l o t of time with me, doing t h i n g s with me." But her h o s t i l e r e l a t i o n s h i p with her s i s t e r and her d i s r e s p e c t f o r her mother were themes that followed throughout her l i f e - s t o r y . "I spent a l o t of time f i g h t i n g with my sister....We were r e a l enemies, you know." "My mum's a r e a l woussie, r i g h t . . . . T i m i d and always a p o l o g i s i n g f o r e v e r y t h i n g that we did....She was a s p i n e l e s s j e l l y - f i s h . " E l l e n was taught a s t r i c t sense of o b l i g a t i o n and l o y a l t y to her f a m i l y . "As a young c h i l d I learned a sense of o b l i g a t i o n and t h i n g s l i k e t h a t . L o y a l t y to the f a m i l y and th i n g s l i k e t h a t . " Her f a t h e r had c o n t r o l while he was pre s e n t : "My dad made the d e c i s i o n s . . . . He had p r e t t y much a l l 104 the c o n t r o l i n the f a m i l y . " However, E l l e n r e c a l l e d r e b e l l i n g a g a i n s t f a m i l y l i m i t s as e a r l y as e i g h t . " [ I would] stay out l a t e r than I was supposed t o . Always. And s t a r t e d i n s i s t i n g on going on h o l i d a y s on my own. L i k e going on f e r r i e s by myself to my grand, my uncle's house." When her f a t h e r l e f t , E l l e n e s s e n t i a l l y took charge of the f a m i l y . "I had a r e a l a t t i t u d e . . . . L i k e the time that I spent t r y i n g to act l i k e an a d u l t , now was my chance. So I took care of the f a m i l y . " And when her new s t e p - f a t h e r attempted to a s s e r t h i s a u t h o r i t y , E l l e n r e b e l l e d and r e s i s t e d i n every way she c o u l d . "He'd [ s t e p - f a t h e r ] t r i e d to d i s c i p l i n e me....And I j u s t wouldn't have i t . . . . E v e r y t h i n g he s a i d I d i d opposite o f , even i f I knew i t was wrong. I d i d i t j u s t to p i s s him o f f . " E l l e n ' s memory of the a d u l t s i n her l i f e was that they always l e t her down. "I always f e l t l i k e a d u l t s were l e t t i n g me down....My mum e s p e c i a l l y was the person I f e l t most l e t down by. But that was from the very beginning that I always f e l t t h a t way. And my grandfather l e t me down. You know. L i k e I was, when he di e d I was extremely angry at him." E l l e n never f e l t very s u c c e s s f u l at s c h o o l . "I never l i k e d s c h o o l . I never d i d . So I never r e a l l y d i d w e l l . " At e i g h t she was alre a d y r e b e l l i n g a g a i n s t a u t h o r i t y , and at 11, E l l e n ' s i n c r e a s e d use of drugs and truancy made i t impossible f o r her to concentrate on work. "I was never, I was never paying a t t e n t i o n to anything. And school got worse. I s t a r t e d hanging out i n the a l l e y near the school smoking drugs." E l l e n tended to a s s o c i a t e with f r i e n d s who were o l d e r than 105 her, and who were the source of her drugs, companions to be tr u a n t with and provided p l a c e s to stay when she s t a r t e d running away. "[At age e i g h t ] I l i k e d to hang out with the o l d e r k i d s at the park and smoke drugs." "I made a new f r i e n d . . . . S h e was a few grades higher than me. And we'd s k i p out." "I ran away from that [group home] and moved downtown. I l i v e d with a g i r l . " I t was a l s o a f r i e n d t h a t i n t r o d u c e d E l l e n to p r o s t i t u t i o n . "When I found out she was doing i t , then I thought: 'Well, she can make money, I can too.'" E l l e n was s e x u a l l y abused by her f a t h e r from age 6 to 10. Her f e e l i n g s about the abuse were confused and mixed. Although she knew there was something unusual about the behaviour, she a l s o accepted i t because she accepted her f a t h e r ' s a u t h o r i t y and her r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the f a m i l y . "I j u s t knew something strange was happening i n the house. And then i t s t a r t e d happening to me." "I knew i t was wrong....I wasn't r e a l l y a f r a i d of i t . L i k e i t d i d n ' t scare me." "My sense of i t was my o b l i g a t i o n and being l o y a l to my f a m i l y I would do i t . " "I j u s t s t a r t e d l e t t i n g i t happen because he's my dad." There was a l s o some sugg e s t i o n i n E l l e n ' s comments that there was some r i v a l r y between the two s i s t e r s f o r t h i s " s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n " from t h e i r f a t h e r . "She [ s i s t e r ] found out that i t was happening to me too and got r e a l l y p i s s e d off....Maybe she was j e a l o u s . L i k e I don't know." " I t [sexual abuse] s t a r t e d happening to her f i r s t . She was angry that I was g e t t i n g any kind of a t t e n t i o n . " A number of th i n g s prevented E l l e n from g e t t i n g any 106 support or help f o r the sexual abuse. At one l e v e l she had accepted i t and saw nothing to complain about: "There was r e a l l y nothing e l s e to c o n f i d e i n anybody about." She was a l s o c o n s t r a i n e d by her sense of l o y a l t y to the f a m i l y . "I was sworn to secrecy and I d i d n ' t say a word." "I d i d n ' t t e l l teachers because my mum t o l d me that i t was nobody e l s e ' s business but the f a m i l y ' s . " And E l l e n ' s sense that there was something wrong with t h i s behaviour made her f e a r what other people would think of her i f she t o l d . "I d i d n ' t want to t e l l my grandfather because I d i d n ' t want him to think that I was awful f o r l e t t i n g him, or whatever." Her f a t h e r ' s subsequent c o n f e s s i o n to the a u t h o r i t i e s and l e a v i n g the f a m i l y l e f t E l l e n more confused. " I t broke my heart [when he l e f t ] . I d i d n ' t want him to go....I l i k e d him. He was a n i c e guy." E v e n t u a l l y , E l l e n ' s f e e l i n g s about her f a t h e r were r e s o l v e d , but she remained angry with her mother. "I blamed my mother more than I blamed him." At age 11, E l l e n ' s mother admitted her i n t o the Maples [a r e s i d e n t i a l a d olescent treatment c e n t r e ] . E l l e n s t a r t e d running away from the Maples and continued to run away from the group homes she moved to a f t e r the Maples. Of her running away she s a i d : "Like my c o n t r o l was to run." "I always thought that I d i d n ' t have to be where I d i d n ' t want to be, you know. So I took i t i n t o my own hands every time." By 13, E l l e n was l i v i n g with a f r i e n d downtown who i n t r o d u c e d her i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n . Of her p r o s t i t u t i n g E l l e n s t a t e d : "I don't remember doing i t f o r l i k e any p a r t i c u l a r 1 0 7 reason. I j u s t d i d i t . . . . I t was easy. I t was easy." A f t e r s i x months, E l l e n decided to leave the s t r e e t s , and went to s o c i a l s e r v i c e s to get help i n f i n d i n g a p l a c e to l i v e . E l l e n ' s e a r l y experiences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e s were n e g a t i v e . She had learned from her f a t h e r that s o c i a l s e r v i c e s were not u s e f u l or h e l p f u l and was angry when they came to her home and questioned her a f t e r her f a t h e r turned h i m s e l f i n : "Well, my dad had a r e a l dim view of i t [ s o c i a l s e r v i c e s ] . So i t had s o r t of d r i l l e d i n t o my b r a i n . And so I had an extremely dim view of i t . And I was angry that they even considered coming i n t o my home. Que s t i o n i n g me. Que s t i o n i n g my f a m i l y . " E l l e n ' s experiences with p s y c h i a t r i s t s were e q u a l l y n e g a t i v e , because she f e l t n e g a t i v e l y l a b e l l e d . "I j u s t thought that he [ p s y c h i a t r i s t ] thought I was nuts or something.... L i k e I f e l t l i k e I was on d i s p l a y or something." Court experiences made E l l e n f e e l i n v a l i d a t e d and angry: "The times I went i n t o c o u r t . Family c o u r t . They would t a l k about me, t a l k at me, you know. Right through me. And I was, i t always made me angry." E l l e n reported p o s i t i v e experiences with i n d i v i d u a l s i n the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system who t r u s t e d her and respected her a b i l i t y to make d e c i s i o n s . "He was a good guy....Like b e t t e r than a l l the other s o c i a l workers I've ever had....He t r u s t e d me. He t r u s t e d what I, l i k e the d e c i s i o n s I made f o r myself." In r e t r o s p e c t E l l e n s t a t e d that the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system worked best f o r kids l i k e h e r s e l f when i t was not c o n t r o l l i n g , "...with me too, and with a l l the k i d s w h e n they're i n the care system or when they've been screwed around by t h e i r f a m i l y , 108 they're not going to t r u s t an a d u l t to make a d e c i s i o n f o r them. Your s o c i a l workers, p s y c h i a t r i s t s , h e l p e r s are there to inform them and l e t them make t h e i r own d e c i s i o n s . " At the time of the i n t e r v i e w , E l l e n reported a sense of achievement and p r i d e i n h e r s e l f which i s expressed i n her optimism f o r the f u t u r e . "Like I'm past i t . I t ' s over. I t happened. I wouldn't change i t you know. I wouldn't want i t to be any d i f f e r e n t . . . . I t 1 s happened and i t ' s over. And I lear n e d a l o t f o r i t and I'm a b e t t e r person f o r i t . " "I'm proud of myself. And I'm, I'm proud of what's to come too. Because I know I'm going to make a d i f f e r e n c e to somebody, somewhere." Fran Fran was 18 at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . She was r e c e n t l y separated from her b o y f r i e n d and was l i v i n g with her new baby boy i n Vancouver. Fran was no longer p r o s t i t u t i n g s t e a d i l y , although she s t a t e d she would s t i l l p r o s t i t u t e o c c a s i o n a l l y f o r e x t r a money. She was p r i m a r i l y dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f o r her income. Fran had not abused drugs and a l c o h o l f o r a year. Fran was born the youngest of three c h i l d r e n . She l i v e d with her two b r o t h e r s , her mother, f a t h e r and grandmother u n t i l she l e f t home at age 12. Fran's f a m i l y spent some time with extended f a m i l y members. Of a l l her f a m i l y members, Fran s t a t e d that she f e l t c l o s e s t to her r e l a t i v e s from the S t a t e s . "I'm r e a l l y c l o s e with [them], I can t a l k to them and s t u f f . " The r e s t of the 109 f a m i l y Fran found u n a v a i l a b l e and judgemental: "I can't r e a l l y t a l k to them [parents]....They gave me l o t s of m a t e r i a l s t u f f . But nothing, l i k e I could never t e l l her [mother] about a boy I l i k e or something, because she'd say: 'Oh you d i r t y mind.' You know." "They [ r e l a t i v e s from Vancouver] don't r e a l l y want to know what's happening to you." Fran f e l t t h a t the f a m i l y ' s r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s a f f e c t e d the way they r e l a t e d to her. "They're very, they're B a p t i s t s , they're very r e l i g i o u s . By the book....Because I'd t e l l her [mother] something once and she'd b r i n g i t back on me l a t e r . So I j u s t never bothered t e l l i n g her anything." "The ones i n the S t a t e s are more l i k e the P e n t e c o s t a l k i n d . More openness. But up here... " Fran's f a t h e r ran a c o n s t r u c t i o n company and her mother took care of the house. Her f a t h e r was the u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y although her parents shared a u t h o r i t y most of the time: "My dad kind of had the l a s t say. What he s a i d went. But I mean my mother, she was the one that ran the house. I guess both of them [made d e c i s i o n s ] . " Although Fran resented her f a m i l y ' s r i g i d i t y i n communicating with and understanding her, she was s u r p r i s e d when s o c i a l s e r v i c e s charged her parents with p h y s i c a l abuse. "They [ s o c i a l s e r v i c e s ] s a i d there was abuse and n e g l e c t . Because my, they s a i d because my dad would give me a spanking with a hose or something that wasn't the hand." "I d i d n ' t think i t was abuse, because when we got a l i c k i n ' we u s u a l l y d i d something wrong." As a young c h i l d , Fran was a f r a i d of her parents when she 110 f e l t she had done something wrong: "I was scared to go home, because I was l a t e from school. 1* And when she was e x p e l l e d from s c h o o l , Fran remembered: "I was so scared to go home. I d i d n ' t know what my parents were going to say." But Fran soon began to r e b e l and found that her parents could do nothing about i t : "I f i r s t r e b e l l e d was when I t o l d my dad I'm not going to church." "I was bad at home f o r a w h i l e . I was a r e a l l i t t l e t h i e f f o r a while." "They'd [parents] ground me and t a l k to me. But I just....They c o u l d n ' t r e a l l y do nothing to me." School s t a r t e d out w e l l f o r Fran. "I was r e a l l y good at f i r s t . I was i n a s p e c i a l c l a s s [ f o r advanced students] and e v e r y t h i n g . " But when Fran was e x p e l l e d and moved i n Grade 6 , e v e r y t h i n g changed. Fran remembered t h i s as a t u r n i n g p o i n t i n her l i f e where she f e l t v i c t i m i s e d by the power s t r u c t u r e of the system. "When I got kicked out, then e v e r y t h i n g j u s t kind of changed. And i t wasn't the same a f t e r t h a t . We had, I guess i t was a new p r i n c i p a l and I guess he f i g u r e d you got to show everyone now that you're the boss, and he kicked me out. He r e a l l y , r e a l l y shouldn't of because I probably would've s t i l l been i n school and graduated, you know." Part of the reason f o r Fran's f a i l u r e at her new school was the group of f r i e n d s that she made the r e . "When I went to that s c h o o l , i t was l i k e , i t was way d i f f e r e n t . The kids were i n t o B and E s . , . , 1 d i d n ' t get, I d i d n ' t s t a r t doing B and Es and s t u f f l i k e t h a t . But the drugs and j u s t , I j u s t l e a r n e d about a l o t more t h i n g s . " Because of her mother's r i g i d i t y and d i s a p p r o v a l of her I l l f r i e n d s , Fran stopped b r i n g i n g them home, and g r a d u a l l y her s o c i a l network replaced Fran's home and f a m i l y . "I'd b r i n g my f r i e n d s i n from s c h o o l , and my mother would g i v e them a t h i r d degree....And i f she d i d n ' t think they were good enough I had chores to do....And so f i n a l l y I j u s t s t a r t e d not b r i n g i n g my f r i e n d s there and I'd go out." "I had made f r i e n d s down town, and l i k e , I thought of them as my f a m i l y . I t was l i k e a b i g f a m i l y down town." Fran was s e x u a l l y abused by her o l d e r brother from the age of 8 u n t i l she was 13. She d i d not have any negative r e a c t i o n s to the abuse, and had no sense that there was anything wrong with i t f o r a long time. "I d i d n ' t know that you j u s t don't have sex with everybody. And I was having sex with everybody. L i k e now I look back on that I f e e l r e a l l y bad about i t . But I d i d n ' t know. I d i d n ' t know." As a r e s u l t of her experiences with her b r o t h e r , i t seemed n a t u r a l to Fran to have sex with other "guys". "I thought s i n c e I was doing i t with him [brother] i t was okay to do i t with other guys. I d i d n ' t know i t was wrong." She a l s o enjoyed the clo s e n e s s and a t t e n t i o n she got when she was with these men. "I f e l t good that somebody would want me or want to be with me that c l o s e . " At age 11 Fran s t a r t e d working at a b r o t h e l f o r young c h i l d r e n a f t e r s c h o o l . A f t e r about two years she found the house "too weird" and went out on her own working the s t r e e t s independently. Fran viewed t h i s move as g a i n i n g some c o n t r o l over her l i f e , and as a way to earn money more s e r i o u s l y . "I 112 f i g u r e d , w e l l now they're going to pay me and I ' l l t e l l them what's going to happen. No more t e l l i n g me what's going to happen." "I needed money and I s t a r t e d doing drugs and I s t a r t e d working j u s t to get the drugs." She s t a t e d that her experiences with sex made i t r e l a t i v e l y easy to p r o s t i t u t e : "I'd a l r e a d y had sex anyway, i n my mind, so i t d i d n ' t seem that bad." Fran never f e l t the need f o r help or support around the sexual abuse with her b r o t h e r . But she learned to d u l l out p a i n when she would f i g h t with her brother and when she got spankings. T h i s came i n u s e f u l when she worked at the b r o t h e l . "So I got l o t s of spankings and then with my brother when we'd f i g h t I learned to d u l l out pain....Then at the p l a c e where I, at the p l a c e where they d i d l i t t l e k i d s and t h a t . There was e r , you have to do some th i n g s and you j u s t kind of block i t out." Although she d i d not d e s c r i b e i t as a coping mechanism, Fran's use of drugs and a l c o h o l c o i n c i d e d with her i n c r e a s e d sexual a c t i v i t y . "Because when I s t a r t e d doing t h i s [sexual a c t i v i t y ] , i t ' s when I s t a r t e d doing i t with other people and I got i n t o drugs." Fran s t a r t e d l e a v i n g home at age 12. The process was a gradual one of s t a y i n g over at f r i e n d ' s homes f o r longer and longer p e r i o d s . "I can remember the f i r s t n i g ht when I stayed away f o r the whole n i g h t . And then I j u s t kept going from t h e r e . " By the time she was 13, Fran was l i v i n g on the s t r e e t s . Fran's experiences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies were 113 mixed. At times she d i d not understand the need f o r these agencies' involvement i n her l i f e . "They took me to the h o s p i t a l [ a f t e r a sexual a s s a u l t ] . . . . A n d the p o l i c e came to the h o s p i t a l . I guess the h o s p i t a l has to phone them i n that kind of case." Of the ensuing c o u r t case she s a i d : "Oh, I d i d n ' t want t o . . . . I d i d n ' t l i k e i t at a l l . " But Fran a l s o met some very s u p p o r t i v e i n d i v i d u a l s through the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s whom she c r e d i t s with h e l p i n g her a great d e a l . "But once, when I met him [ f a m i l y worker] i t was l i k e a b i g r e l i e f . Him and K. [ s o c i a l worker] because i t was the f i r s t person that I co u l d r e a l l y t a l k to and that I r e a l l y f e l t c omfortable." "He made sense to me." "He was always there to l i s t e n . " "If I hadn't met him I would have probably s t i l l been out there ....He's changed e v e r y t h i n g . " In a l l , Fran expressed a sense of acheivement, and f e l t t h a t she had l e a r n t a l o t from her l i f e t h a t would be u s e f u l to her i n the f u t u r e . "I'm glad i t happened. I mean I'm not g l a d . But I am because I r e a l l y l e a r n e d a l o t . " Grace Grace was 26 at the time of the i n t e r v i e w and l i v i n g i n Vancouver. She had two young c h i l d r e n and was l i v i n g on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . Grace had not p r o s t i t u t e d f o r s i x years and was no longer abusing drugs or a l c o h o l . Grace was the o l d e s t of fou r g i r l s i n her f a m i l y . She l i v e d most of her l i f e with her s i s t e r s and her mother and f a t h e r i n a suburb of Vancouver. When she was 10 her 114 p a t e r n a l grandfather moved i n to l i v e with the f a m i l y . Grace's f a t h e r worked i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n business and her mother worked i n s e c r e t a r i a l jobs. Her grandfather ran a small farm when he came to l i v e with the f a m i l y . Grace remembered the lack of cl o s e n e s s and co n t a c t with her f a m i l y as a c h i l d : "I remember not having a c e r t a i n bonding type with my p a r e n t s . You know, a c l o s e n e s s , communication, s t u f f l i k e t h a t . Urn, they were always working. They were always busy. You know, they d i d n ' t have much time f o r us because they were t r y i n g to make our l i v e s good." As she grew o l d e r and s t a r t e d running away, Grace f e l t r e j e c t e d by her parent s , and understood that she was somehow secondary i n t h e i r l i v e s : "My dad was p i s s e d o f f that I'd hurt my mum so much." "I c o u l d see on my mum and dad's face that they r e a l l y disagreed and they were fed up with d e a l i n g with me." Even as Grace had renewed her r e l a t i o n s h i p with her mother over recent y e a r s , she s t i l l f e l t d i s t a n c e d by her: "Even when she was saying that and she was c r y i n g , I d i d n ' t f e e l i t was here. You know, I d i d n ' t f e e l t h a t she was a l l t h e r e . . . " Grace s t a t e d that her mother was the u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y i n the f a m i l y , even though her dad sometimes resented t h a t . "My mother i s always been i n charge....My mother makes a l l f i n a l d e c i s i o n s . . . . A n d my dad f i g h t s with her about the f a c t that she doesn't stay at home and she's always out." But Grace's mother f a i l e d to r e s t r a i n her grandfather from beating and s e x u a l l y abusing Grace and her s i s t e r s : "He'd [grandfather] say: 'I don't care what your mum s a i d . You're doing t h i s . ' You know." 115 As a r e s u l t Grace f e l t s e v e r e l y l e t down by her mother and resented her f o r r e f u s i n g to face evidence of abuse or deal with i t . "I have a r e a l resentment, a d i s l i k i n g , because I f e e l she l i e d to me most of my l i f e . You know. And to me she seems phoney." As the o l d e s t of the c h i l d r e n , Grace was expected to be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r them, and she ended up c a r r y i n g a major load i n c a r i n g f o r the f a m i l y : "I was the o l d e s t , so I was appointed the s u p e r v i s o r of my thre e , the k i d s . . . . I was supposed to keep my three s i s t e r s from f i g h t i n g . " "Being the o l d e s t , I sure had a l o t of pressure and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y put on me. G e t t i n g up so e a r l y i n the morning and doing a l l my d u t i e s . And t a k i n g care of my s i s t e r s . And p r e t t y w e l l being an a d u l t . Try, being t o l d to be an a d u l t myself when I was j u s t a k i d . They put a l o t of pressure on me." But although she had a l l t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the home, Grace was given no r e c o g n i t i o n and her needs were not heard. "By t h i s time i t was r o u t i n e f o r us not to say a word when they [parents] got home, and s t u f f l i k e t h a t . " "My s i d e was not heard, or not even been, not even allowed to be s a i d . " Grace r e f e r r e d m i nimally to her years at s c h o o l . She found h e r s e l f o s t r a c i s e d by the other c h i l d r e n because of her way of l i f e : "And I was always g e t t i n g bugged: *0h the farm g i r l . Look at the farm g i r l . The f a t farm g i r l . 1 " Grace l e f t s c h o o l when she f i n a l l y l e f t home at 15. As with her peers at s c h o o l , Grace f e l t d i f f e r e n t from the ki d s she spent time with at a camp when she was nine. "I went 116 with my church on a camping t r i p . . . . I f e l t a l i t t l e out of p l a c e . Um, I'm not r e a l l y sure why." G r a d u a l l y , Grace began a s s o c i a t i n g with f r i e n d s who provided p l a c e s f o r her to run away to , drugs, and e v e n t u a l l y introduced her to p r o s t i t u t i o n . Grace's f r i e n d s on the s t r e e t s r e p l a c e d her f a m i l y f o r her. "Everybody on the s t r e e t s seemed l i k e a r e a l c l o s e t i g h t k n i t f a m i l y . As opposed to my own f a m i l y . " Grace was s e x u a l l y abused once by her f a t h e r when she was 8, and c o n s i s t e n t l y by her grandfather from the age of 10 to 14. The i n c i d e n t with her f a t h e r l e f t her confused, awkward and " f e e l i n g out of p l a c e " . When she r e s i s t e d and ran away, her f a t h e r d i d not bother her again. Grace c o u l d not as e a s i l y avoid her gra n d f a t h e r , and she f e l t "gross about the roughness and p a i n . " But Grace found that by complying with the sexual abuse, she co u l d avoid b e a t i n g s . "When he's i n a good mood he had a l o t of p h y s i c a l c o n t a c t . So I'd, you know, t r y th i n g s l i k e t h a t to get him i n a good mood, you know....So i t was l i k e a r o u t i n e to me. To get him i n a good mood and stop him be a t i n g us, to give him t h i s . " Grace used sexual b a r t e r i n g to get some c o n t r o l over her grandfather's moods and c r u e l t y to h e r s e l f and her s i s t e r s . By the time her grandfather had s t a r t e d to s e x u a l l y abuse her, Grace had long s i n c e l e a r n e d that her parents d i d not want to hear her complaints about h i s beatings or anything: "Dad and. mum....they s t a r t e d g e t t i n g n e g l i g e n t as to even l i s t e n i n g to our problems about our grandfather or s c h o o l . They d i d n ' t want to hear nothing at a l l and they'd be angry at us f o r wanting to 117 t e l l them." On one o c c a s i o n when Grace came as c l o s e as she knew how to t e l l i n g her mother about the sexual abuse, her mother chose not to f o l l o w i t up: "I had t e a r s i n my eyes. My mum asked me: 'What's wrong?"....And I s a i d : ' I f you loved me you'd keep grandpa away from me.' And my mum looked at her mum and her mum looked at her. And then they j u s t both looked at me a shook t h e i r heads and walked away....And t h a t ' s where she l e f t i t . She d i d n ' t i n v e s t i g a t e . And I thought: 'Well she's not going to t a l k t o me about i t . To h e l l with i t . ' So I never r e a l l y bothered pushing i t . " With no source of e x t e r n a l support, Grace learned to "tune out" and " t u r n o f f " the sexual abuse. She a l s o became very depressed and began u s i n g a l c o h o l and drugs to deal with her d e p r e s s i o n . "I was r e a l l y depressed a l l the time....I was j u s t i n t o i t [pot] enough that urn, i t would a l t e r my moods, you know....The days that I was r e a l l y depressed, I would go i n t o my mum and dad's l i q u o r . " E v e n t u a l l y , seeing no other escape from her oppressive r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , Grace began running away. "At 15 I s t a r t e d running away. Because I s t a r t e d g e t t i n g so bogged down with t a k i n g my baby s i s t e r to k i n d e r g a r t e n . Coming back home. Going to s c h o o l myself...." "I j u s t think i t was a matter of g e t t i n g away, g e t t i n g out and l e t t i n g me do my own t h i n g . " The f r i e n d s that Grace stayed with when she ran away int r o d u c e d her to stronger drugs and p r o s t i t u t i o n . Although she was nervous about i t at f i r s t , Grace found p r o s t i t u t i n g f a m i l i a r and m o n e t a r i l y rewarding: " I t ' s not l i k e I haven't done i t [had 118 sex] before....And I thought: 'Why not? You know, I get money f o r i t . Why not?'." "I thought, 'Well, t h i s i s n ' t so bad. I t ' s not as rough and ugly as grandpa.' So i t d i d n ' t r e a l l y bother me that much. And then I s t a r t e d making a l o t of money." Grace a l s o found that the coping s t r a t e g i e s t h a t she had learned with her grandfather, and her inc r e a s e d use of drugs were h e l p f u l i n coping with the p r o s t i t u t i n g . " I t [drugs] put me i n the mood....It was e a s i e r to j u s t shut out, you know. Shut o f f and, you know, c l o s e my eyes....I l e a r n t i t [to shut o f f ] , you know, I learned to do i t f u l l y by the time I'd gotten used t o the s t r e e t s . " For Grace, i t was as much the a c t u a l abuse by her f a t h e r and grandfather as her pa r e n t s ' d e n i a l of her problems and needs that i n f l u e n c e d her entrance i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n : "I think i t was, the two main reasons that got me i n t o the s t r e e t s was my gran d f a t h e r ' s abuse, s e x u a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y , and my f a t h e r ' s kind of a p p r o v a l . My pare n t s , both of them. They gave me the type, the approval by t h e i r u n w i l l i n g n e s s to d e a l with my problems. They had t h e i r own problems which were more important, i s how I f e l t . " Grace's encounters with s o c i a l s e r v i c e s were both negative and p o s i t i v e . Her negative experiences were with i n d i v i d u a l s and agencies that she found to be c o n t r o l l i n g , p u n i t i v e and i n s i n c e r e . "They [the p o l i c e ] i n t e r r o g a t e d me f o r the longest time....And he r e a l l y put a good scare i n t o me, because he come r i g h t up to my face and j u s t screamed i n my f a c e . " "[At a Youth D e t e n t i o n Centre] You had to f o l l o w the r u l e s , otherwise you'd 119 get p e n a l i s e d . " "She put on the r o l e of the concerned f o s t e r mum and t h a t . And I knew i t was an a c t . " The e f f e c t of these approaches on Grace was to make her even more determined to do t h i n g s her own way. "So I j u s t walked out the f r o n t door, and locked i t and went downtown." "My 17th b i r t h d a y was j u s t coming and....[the p o l i c e are] going to t r y and pi c k me up and too bad f o r them, ri g h t . . . . A n d the night of my b i r t h d a y I went out on the s t r e e t . And I thought: 'Come on you guys. I'm w a i t i n g f o r you. I'm working' and e v e r y t h i n g e l s e l i k e t h a t . " R e t r o s p e c t i v e l y , Grace e x p l a i n s : "I think I resented any type of a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e . . . . I had my mind set on doing as I pleas e d , type thing....I'm s i c k and t i r e d of being t o l d what to do." Grace's p o s i t i v e experiences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e s were with i n d i v i d u a l s who had a genuine concern f o r her, who were f l e x i b l e and who d i d not attempt to r e s t r i c t or c o n t r o l her. "Well he's [house worker] g i v i n g me a c h o i c e , which i s r i g h t on." "I r e a l l y got to know [the house worker] r e a l l y good i n t h a t . You know. He was r e a l l y f r i e n d l y . . . . H e was r e a l l y good to me. He, you know, t a l k e d to me. He helped me f e e l better....He was i n t e r e s t e d i n me." R e t r o s p e c t i v e l y , Grace s t a t e s : "Well, they've [ s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers] got to have a n a t u r a l concern. L i k e not j u s t , a, um, an a u t h o r i t y type concern. I t ' s got to be n a t u r a l , genuine. B u i l d up a t r u s t and a f r i e n d s h i p , and...A l o t of s o c i a l workers don't work on g a i n i n g t h e i r t r u s t . They work on t e l l i n g them what they can and cannot do. You know. Instead of g i v i n g them r u l e s to begin 120 with, I t h i n k , w e l l f o r me, i t was e a s i e r when they j u s t l e t me make my own d e c i s i o n s and helped me i n t h a t . " In r e t r o s p e c t , Grace f e l t t h a t she had acheived a l o t and had made the best of her l i f e . "I'm not proud of being on the s t r e e t s . Yet I'm not ashamed of i t . You know, i t was a l e a r n i n g l e s s o n f o r me i n s u r v i v a l . " Helen Helen was 20 at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . She l i v e d i n Vancouver with her mother and her new baby and was dependent on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f o r her income. Helen had stopped p r o s t i t u t i n g and had not abused drugs and a l c o h o l f o r a year, when she volunteered f o r the i n t e r v i e w . Helen was the youngest of two c h i l d r e n by three y e a r s . She l i v e d most of her l i f e with her mother and b r o t h e r . Helen's f a t h e r l i v e d with the f a m i l y s p o r a d i c a l l y f o r short p e r i o d s . Helen's mother sometimes worked as a bank c l e r k and l a t e r f o r s o c i a l s e r v i c e groups. She a l s o spent p e r i o d s of time on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . L i n e s of a u t h o r i t y and c o n t r o l were not c l e a r i n Helen's f a m i l y . When her f a t h e r was home, he b e l i e v e d he should be i n c o n t r o l . "My f a t h e r i s S c o t t i s h . He was r a i s e d S c o t t i s h where men, you know, matter and women don't. And urn, so t h i s was b a s i c a l l y h i s m e n t a l i t y . You know, g i r l s were l e f t to t h e i r mothers and i f I behaved outrageously i n f r o n t of him I was put i n my p l a c e . " Helen's brother continued t h i s t r a d i t i o n when her f a t h e r was not pr e s e n t : "My brother s t a r t e d b e a t i n g me. He was 121 being, t h a t ' s what f a t h e r s were as f a r as he was concerned." But Helen f e l t t h a t her f a t h e r was made i n e f f e c t i v e by h i s a l c o h o l i s m , and d e s c r i b e d h e r s e l f as the s t r o n g e s t member of the f a m i l y who as a r e s u l t , was f r e q u e n t l y l e f t i n c o n t r o l . "There was a l o t of s i t t i n g around w a i t i n g u n t i l he came home and watching him pass, out." "And of course, my dad was u s e l e s s . My dad was u s e l e s s . My mum was p r e t t y much u s e l e s s at the time. And because of a l l my brother's problems he was p r e t t y much u s e l e s s . . . . I was used to i t [being i n charge] from Toronto." "My bro t h e r ' s always been the emotional type. So's my mum. Not me. And I took care of t h i n g s , you know. Paid my mother's b i l l s . When she came home, I looked a f t e r her and made her din n e r . " Aside from being h e l p l e s s , Helen found her mother u n a v a i l a b l e and f e l t l e t down by her as a c h i l d . "My mum by t h i s time was working p a r t - t i m e . . . . and she j u s t d i d n ' t have a l o t of time." "When I was 12 I wouldn't even t a l k to my mum any more." "I expected my mum to know [about the sexual abuse]. And she d i d n ' t . So I had been angry at my mother f o r years and years and y e a r s . " L a t e r , Helen f e l t r e j e c t e d by her mother. "My mum drove me to the bus stop one day, and I took o f f . Apparently p o i n t i n g to me never to r e t u r n . " "According to her [mother] she and her f r i e n d s and my brother were a l l out i n t h e i r c a r s l o o k i n g f o r me and s t u f f l i k e t h i s . But I was r i g h t on Broadway'.... .And a l l these people co u l d n ' t f i n d me? I don't b e l i e v e i t . You know, I hear a l l t h i s s h i t t h a t they were l o o k i n g f o r me. I don't b e l i e v e i t . " 122 School s t a r t e d out t r a u m a t i c a l l y f o r Helen as she was s e x u a l l y abused by a teacher i n p r e - s c h o o l . Except f o r a few years i n the f i r s t grades, Helen always had t r o u b l e f i t t i n g i n i n s c h o o l and a c c e p t i n g a u t h o r i t y . "I refused to read [Jane see D i c k ] . . . . I r e f u s e d to' [ p r i n t ] . . . . I got picked on i n c l a s s , sent to the o f f i c e . Because teachers d i d n ' t know what the h e l l to do with me." By the time she reached high s c h o o l , Helen was using drugs and s k i p p i n g out r e g u l a r l y , and was e x p e l l e d s e v e r a l times. "We used to sneak o f f . . . . a n d smoke them [marijuana]....I got suspended seven more times and e v e n t u a l l y kicked out." Helen f i n a l l y l e f t s c hool permanently at 16, when her drug use and s t r e e t a c t i v i t i e s took over her l i f e . Helen always f e l t d i f f e r e n t from her peers at s c h o o l , and tended to make f r i e n d s with other " o u t c a s t s " . "I got my very f i r s t best f r i e n d . . . . T h e s o c i a l o u t c a s t at the s c h o o l . " "I proceeded to get i n with the very worst kid s i n the area." Helen was introduced to drugs and p r o s t i t u t i n g by f r i e n d s and her s o c i a l network provided p l a c e s f o r her to run away t o . But Helen was not a f o l l o w e r , and to a great extent d i d outrageous and dangerous t h i n g s i n order to impress f r i e n d s . "I was t e l l i n g everybody that I was so c o o l because, you know, I had t h i s dad i n j a i l . And fuck everybody and fuck t h i s , and I was r e a l l y c o o l as f a r as the kids were concerned. I was tough s h i t . " Helen remembered being s e x u a l l y abused at age f i v e or s i x d u r i n g her year at p r e - s c h o o l . Her abuser was a male teacher and Helen's s t r o n g e s t memories were of the way that he made her 123 b e l i e v e that her mother hated her and he was the o n l y f r i e n d she had. "A number of t h r e a t s he would use were i f you t o l d your mum she would throw you out of the house because you're d i r t y and you're d i s g u s t i n g . You know. 'I'm your best f r i e n d . ' That's the type of c o e r c i o n he used." Helen remembered her r e a c t i o n s being of anger at her abuser "I j u s t got extremely angry....I wanted him dead." and her h e l p l e s s n e s s "I want to d i e . . . . a l o t of s u i c i d a l thoughts." Her abuser s u c c e s s f u l l y cut Helen o f f from seeking o u t s i d e h e l p . As a r e s u l t , she coped by b l o c k i n g out memories of the abusive events and s h u t t i n g down her f e e l i n g s . "What I s u c c e s s f u l l y d i d was block e v e r y t h i n g , you know. I was emotionless. I d i d n ' t respond to p r a c t i c a l l y anything." By the time she was 13 Helen was using drugs and a l c o h o l and had s t a r t e d running away from home. The f i r s t time she ran away from home, Helen was escaping her b r o t h e r ' s v i o l e n c e . She went to a group home where she had f r i e n d s . A f t e r t h i s , Helen was sent to the Maples and l i v e d at v a r i o u s group homes and at home u n t i l she moved to the s t r e e t s , at age 16. Helen f i r s t t r i e d p r o s t i t u t i n g at 13, with a f r i e n d , and s e r i o u s l y s t a r t e d p r o s t i t u t i n g at age 16. She saw her p r o s t i t u t i n g behaviour as s e l f - a b u s e . " P r i m a r i l y i t was because that abuser had me convinced that I needed to be punished. That I was i n f i n i t e l y bad. And no matter what I d i d I would always be so. My brother r e a f f i r m e d t h a t . My f a t h e r r e a f f i r m e d t h a t . My mother by not p r o t e c t i n g me r e a f f i r m e d t h a t . The Maples r e a f f i r m e d t h a t . " 124 To a great extent, Helen p r o s t i t u t e d to support her drug h a b i t , which she a l s o saw as s e l f - a b u s e . "I abused [drugs] r e a l heavy f o r a w h i l e . L i k e I spent every waking moment working." "Drugs were not a way of s h u t t i n g o f f my emotions. Because I looked at i t as I chose an i n j e c t a b l e drug. I chose something that would d e f i n i t e l y b a t t e r my body." Helen's i n t e r a c t i o n s with s o c i a l s e r v i c e s were almost e n t i r e l y n e g a t i v e . She f e l t t h a t they had nothing to o f f e r her. "I got a r e a l l y bad t r i c k and I reported him to the p o l i c e . And we went to cou r t once and they l e t him out on b a i l . " "They c o u l d n ' t f i n d a p l a c e f o r me. I was saying I d i d n ' t want to go home and they were t r y i n g d e s p a r a t e l y with a s o c i a l worker, t r y i n g to f i n d me a pl a c e to s t a y , l i k e a group or f o s t e r home." Helen found s o c i a l s e r v i c e s very c o n t r o l l i n g and responded by e n t e r i n g i n t o power s t r u g g l e s and attempting t o manipulate them. "I used to d r i v e my p s y c h i a t r i s t nuts." "I was g e t t i n g p a i n k i l l e r s l e f t , r i g h t and c e n t r e , you know. I was very c o o l . I got them to b e l i e v e the most outrageous s h i t . I can't b e l i e v e i t . " "My s o r t of s o c i a l worker t r i e d to b l a c k m a i l me i n t o a group home. And he t o l d me he'd give me independent l i v i n g i f I stayed i n detox f i v e days. So I stayed e x a c t l y f i v e days and had my de a l e r v i s i t i n g me i n t h e r e . " In order to be trustworthy f o r Helen, a worker had to be s t r o n g and dependable (not easy to manipulate), but a l s o not c o n t r o l l i n g of Helen. "Well C. [worker] was not e a s i l y manipulated. I s t i l l f i n d I couldn't manipulate her. She's 125 r e a l quick and, you know....I think t h a t ' s a l o t of why I l i k e d h e r . . . . I don't l i k e M. because he screwed me around a l o t . But I co u l d n ' t beat him. And that was a c h a l l e n g e . I spent a l o t of time around him because I cou l d n ' t fuck him up....The people I c o u l d n ' t fuck around I r e a l l y l i k e d . " E v e n t u a l l y i t was a one-to-one s t r e e t worker that helped Helen q u i t drugs and leave the s t r e e t s . Of the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system Helen s t a t e d : "A l o t of times the M i n i s t r y comes across as very c o n t r o l l i n g . And i t scar e s the k i d s . And I, so I teach them, you know, how to get the upper hand over them." Although the s t r e e t l i f e worked f o r Helen f o r a whil e , because she f e l t some sense of belonging there, she e v e n t u a l l y succumbed to a h e l p l e s s and hopeless s t a t e . At one of these low p o i n t s , Helen "ended up" at a group home where she met the r i g h t i n d i v i d u a l and "cleaned up". Co n c l u s i o n The l i f e s t o r i e s of the e i g h t v o l u n t e e r s have been presented here i n d i v i d u a l l y . For each of the cases, the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s t h at they d e s c r i b e d as being i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h e i r l i v e s have been presented. While there are many s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the f a c t o r s t h at were present i n the l i v e s of these women, the i n d i v i d u a l p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e i r s t o r i e s serves to h i g h l i g h t the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of each woman and the v a r i a t i o n s among them. The next chapter e x p l o r e s the s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s through the d i s c u s s i o n of the key concepts. CHAPTER FIVE: KEY CONCEPTS In t h i s chapter, the second p a r t of the r e s u l t s are presented as the key concepts. The key concepts are the i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s which are de f i n e d as the f e e l i n g s and sense of i d e n t i t y d e s c r i b e d by the v o l u n t e e r s , and which are i n f l u e n c e d by the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s that were present i n t h e i r l i f e s t o r i e s . The key concepts were d e r i v e d through the second phase of a n a l y s i s . In reading the women's n a r r a t i v e s i n t h i s r e s e a r c h , i t became c l e a r t h at there were i s s u e s or themes that each one returned to rep e a t e d l y d u r i n g the progress of the i n t e r v i e w . T h i s p a t t e r n of r e p e t i t i o n was used as an i n d i c a t i o n of s a l i e n c y (Alexander, 1988) and themes were drawn from the data on t h i s b a s i s . Some of these themes were common across a l l the women, although t h e i r i n t e n s i t y or r e l a t i v e importance v a r i e d from i n d i v i d u a l to i n d i v i d u a l . T h i s chapter d i s c u s s e s three themes, or key concepts which have been chosen f o r t h e i r frequency i n the women's s t o r i e s and t h e i r relevance to t h i s r e s e a r c h . They are: a l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and pe r s o n a l c o n t r o l . A l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l are i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s that were i n f l u e n t i a l i n the l i v e s of the women in t e r v i e w e d here. The o r i g i n a l i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r of se l f - e s t e e m has been separated i n t o the f a c t o r s of a l i e n a t i o n and i d e n t i t y , because they are more d e s c r i p t i v e of the experiences r e l a t e d by the v o l u n t e e r s and represent t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s more a c c u r a t e l y . The concept of pe r s o n a l c o n t r o l has been chosen to represent the s u b j e c t i v e sense of c o n t r o l or 127 agency that was expressed and experienced by the v o l u n t e e r s . While they are d i s c u s s e d s e p a r a t e l y here, the three key concepts are i n f a c t c l o s e l y r e l a t e d and i n t e r a c t with each other i n the i n t r a - p s y c h i c make-up of the women i n t h i s r e s e a r c h . A l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and pe r s o n a l c o n t r o l are s u b j e c t i v e concepts, i n that they are pe r s o n a l p e r c e p t i o n s and s u b j e c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s . As such they p r o v i d e a compatible conceptual framework f o r the a n a l y s i s of these data which i s s u b j e c t i v e and based on the p e r c e p t i o n s of the women who were i n t e r v i e w e d . The p e r c e p t i o n of a l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and pers o n a l c o n t r o l i s a l s o developed and experienced i n r e l a t i o n to o b j e c t i v e or e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s . These f a c t o r s are i d e n t i f i e d here as the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s t h at form the u n d e r l y i n g theme of t h i s r e s e a r c h . Thus the v o l u n t e e r s ' p e r c e p t i o n s of the i n t e r a c t i o n s between the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s and the i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s and t h e i r i n f l u e n c e s on the way they began to p r o s t i t u t e as j u v e n i l e s can be exp l o r e d . A l i e n a t i o n "I never belonged. I was always the o u t s i d e r . So being a s t r e e t person was very important to me." Helen. The term a l i e n a t i o n i s used here to d e s c r i b e the s u b j e c t i v e sense of being d i f f e r e n t , outcast or r e j e c t e d that the women d e s c r i b e d i n r e l a t i o n to s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and s o c i a l groupings that were a p a r t of t h e i r l i v e s . I t a l s o d e s c r i b e s the sense of a l i e n a t i o n from themselves that was experienced and de s c r i b e d by the v o l u n t e e r s . 128 A l i e n a t i o n i s g e n e r a l l y d e s c r i b e d as a s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e (Geyer, 1980; Seeman, 1958; Zwerling, 1968). That i s , the experience of a l i e n a t i o n comes about as a r e s u l t of the i n t e r a c t i o n between a l i e n a t i n g s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s and the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response to them. The p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e of a l i e n a t i o n , i s de s c r i b e d as p e r s o n a l i t y and b e h a v i o r a l tendencies (Zwerling, 1968) or a p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to be a l i e n a t e d (Keniston, 1965). However, t h i s p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e develops as a r e s u l t of s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s (Geyer, 1980; K e n i s t o n , 1965; Zwerling, 1968). Thus, as Geyer (1980) s t a t e s , a l i e n a t i o n i s experienced s u b j e c t i v e l y , but i s l a r g e l y e n v i r o n m e n t a l l y or o b j e c t i v e l y determined. Seeman (1958) d e f i n e d f i v e types or concepts of a l i e n a t i o n . Powerlessness represents the s t a t e where the i n d i v i d u a l i s unable to a f f e c t outcomes and f e e l s i n e f f e c t u a l . Meaninglessness represents the i n d i v i d u a l ' s l a c k of understanding of the way s t r u c t u r e s or o r g a n i s a t i o n s work and thereby her r o l e w i t h i n them. Normlessness d e s c r i b e s the s t a t e where the i n d i v i d u a l b e l i e v e s that she must r e s o r t to unnacceptable behaviour or means i n order to access the goals that s o c i e t y holds important. I s o l a t i o n occurs when the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s separated or disconnected from the r e s t of s o c i e t y and from other i n d i v i d u a l s . Self-estrangement d e s c r i b e s the s t a t e where the i n d i v i d u a l i s a l i e n a t e d from her " r e a l " s e l f . The women i n t h i s study d e s c r i b e d t h e i r s u b j e c t i v e sense of a l i e n a t i o n , as being d i f f e r e n t , r e j e c t e d or ou t c a s t from the 129 s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r e s of t h e i r f a m i l i e s , the s c h o o l s , s o c i a l networks and s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies. T h e i r sense of a l i e n a t i o n was a l s o r e l a t e d t o t h e i r experiences with sexual abuse and the c o n d i t i o n s that surrounded the abuse. In the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n i t w i l l be shown how the women's experiences of a l i e n a t i o n , which are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the f i v e d e f i n i t i o n s o u t l i n e d above, are r e l a t e d t o these s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s . A l i e n a t i o n and the Family For some of the v o l u n t e e r s t h e i r f i r s t experiences with a l i e n a t i o n came from t h e i r own f a m i l i e s . The v o l u n t e e r s d e s c r i b e d f e e l i n g s of r e j e c t i o n , e x c l u s i o n and i n v a l i d a t i o n w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s and sometimes a sense that t h e i r f a m i l y was somehow d i f f e r e n t or a l i e n a t e d from o t h e r s . Debbie never r e a l l y seemed to belong to a f a m i l y . She f e l t g u i l t y and l e t down by her f a t h e r ' s d e s e r t i o n of the f a m i l y when she was f o u r , she f e l t excluded from her brother and s i s t e r ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p and disconnected from her mother. "He [ f a t h e r ] never used to w r i t e to me or nothing....I used to send him Father's Day cards and l e t t e r s and t h a t . And I never got a word back. So I j u s t stopped g i v i n g him...forget t h a t ! " "When I grew up my brother and s i s t e r were so c l o s e . " "I was never c l o s e to my brother or s i s t e r n e i t h e r . " "I was j u s t l i v i n g with my mum. I d i d n ' t get along with her too w e l l . We were j u s t too much a l i k e . I got on her nerves." Debbie. 1 3 0 Debbie's sense of e x c l u s i o n and r e j e c t i o n came about p a r t i a l l y from the d i s s o l u t i o n of the f a m i l y as members g r a d u a l l y l e f t . C a r o l ' s f a m i l y d i d not d i s s o l v e i n the same way, and she a l s o had some c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s with extended f a m i l y members. But C a r o l f e l t l i k e an "ou t c a s t " i n her f a m i l y , and f e l t r e j e c t e d by her f a m i l y on many o c c a s i o n s . " I t seemed l i k e he [ f a t h e r ] wanted to punish me a l l the t i m e . . . . I t seemed to me l i k e I was s o r t of the o u t c a s t . The reason why, I wasn't a boy." "I f i g u r e d r i g h t then and there my mum never wanted me anyway." "...and h i s [ f a t h e r ' s ] g i r l f r i e n d the b i t c h . She was a w i t c h . She hated my guts." "You know my dad never even looked f o r me. My f a t h e r never even looked f o r me." "My grandfather t o l d me I was a d i s g r a c e on the f a m i l y . And he s a i d they d i d n ' t want nothing to do with me no more." "I found out where my s i s t e r was. I went to see her, and she says: 'You're not...' She t o l d everybody I was her f o s t e r s i s t e r , and I was a r e a l bad egg. And she t o l d me to get out." C a r o l . In other cases, the c l o s e n e s s , or t i g h t n e s s of the f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e made the volunteer f e e l d i f f e r e n t or a l i e n a t e d from non-family members and peer groups. For Abby t h i s was t i e d i n t o the f a m i l y r e l i g i o n and i t had a negative impact on her. "Well my f a m i l y ' s very r e l i g i o u s . . . . They [ f a m i l y ] were my only f r i e n d s . . . . B e c a u s e of my r e l i g i o n I wasn't allowed to spend time with the kids [at s c h o o l ] . " "I wanted to go to 131 a show, go r o l l e r s k a t i n g with a guy, j u s t l i k e a l l the other g i r l s d i d . And because of her [mother's] r e l i g i o n , no. U n t i l I was l e g a l marriage age I c o u l d not go anywhere with a guy." Abby. E l l e n expressed a s i m i l a r sense of s e p a r a t i o n of her f a m i l y from non-family, and an accompanying sense of being somehow d i f f e r e n t which was s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l a t e d to the sexual abuse. However, f o r E l l e n t h i s d i d not seem to c a r r y negative s i d e e f f e c t s . "I j u s t knew something strange was happening i n the house. And then i t s t a r t e d happening to me." "As a young c h i l d I learned a sense of o b l i g a t i o n and things l i k e t h a t . L o y a l t y to the f a m i l y and things l i k e t h a t . " "My mum t o l d me i t ' s nobody e l s e ' s business but the f a m i l y ' s . And t h a t , um, we could work i t out. I d i d n ' t know what she was t a l k i n g about, what we had to work out. But a l l I knew was t h a t we d i d n ' t i n v o l v e anyone e l s e away from the f a m i l y . " E l l e n . E l l e n ' s commitment and sense of l o y a l t y to the f a m i l y i s expressed through her attempts to keep e v e r y t h i n g together a f t e r her f a t h e r l e f t . "So I took care of the f a m i l y . I i n s i s t e d t h at everybody stay home and..." E l l e n . Other v o l u n t e e r s expressed a sense of a l i e n a t i o n from the f a m i l y through t h e i r experiences with i n v a l i d a t i o n or not being heard. These women t a l k e d about t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to t a l k to t h e i r p a r e n t s , and t h e i r sense that t h e i r o p i n i o n s and needs 132 were not important. In e f f e c t they d i d not f e e l a p a r t of the f a m i l y , and became separated or a l i e n a t e d from i t . . " I t was j u s t a p o i n t of matter. I f they s a i d i t , you d i d i t . And t h a t ' s i t . " "My f a m i l y wasn't one to t a l k t o . " "My mum was the kind of person who j u s t never l i s t e n e d to you i n the f i r s t p l a c e . And then i f you t o l d her anyway, she had her own o p i n i o n , and that was the t h i n g . " Abby. For Abby, t h i s a t t i t u d e on her parent's p a r t represented t h e i r s t r i c t n e s s and narrow view of the world, which became the major focus of her r e b e l l i o n and need to leave her mother. "My mum and I had fought and fought f o r a year." " I t was j u s t a f i g h t over who's going to win." Abby. For Grace, her parent's r e f u s a l to l i s t e n to her represented t h e i r l a c k of c a r i n g and t h e i r s e l f i s h a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r own needs. Grace f e l t t h a t she was d r i v e n i n t o h e r s e l f , but, l i k e Abby, she experienced a s i m i l a r need to get away. "They [parents] wouldn't want to l i s t e n to us k i d s and our problems of the day....They d i d n ' t want to hear nothing at a l l . And they'd be angry at us f o r wanting to t e l l them." "My s i d e was not heard, or not even been, not even allowed to be s a i d . " "They had t h e i r own problems which were more important, i s how I f e l t . " "I'd s t a r t e d t u r n i n g i n t o myself. And I'd never r e a l l y stay downstairs and watch T.V. I s t a r t e d s t a y i n g up i n my room, you know, and t r y i n g t o do things f o r myself." Grace. In these cases the u l t i m a t e outcome f o r the v o l u n t e e r s was t h e i r a l i e n a t i o n or s e p a r a t i o n from the f a m i l y . However, the 133 f a m i l y was not always a source of a l i e n a t i o n f o r these v o l u n t e e r s . E l l e n developed a sense of d i f f e r e n c e t h a t was not always n e g a t i v e , and her s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with her grandfather r e i n f o r c e d a sense of i n d i v i d u a l i t y i n her that she rat h e r enjoyed. "My grandfather d i d l o t s of th i n g s that he knew I wasn't allowed t o do. But he taught me them anyways. Like, p l a y i n g poker and smoking a c i g a r on the porch....My mother hated how tomboyish I was. Because my s i s t e r was kind of i n the k i t c h e n cooking. Kind of p r i s s y . And I was the opposite of t h a t . I l i k e d f o o t b a l l and watching hockey games and s t u f f l i k e t h a t . " E l l e n . Bev expressed a very s t r o n g sense of community and i n c l u s i o n i n her f a m i l y when she was very young. She a l s o had a very c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p with her s i s t e r u n t i l they were 10. However, when her r e l a t i o n s h i p with her s i s t e r and mother broke down, Bev became p h y s i c a l l y and e m o t i o n a l l y separated from her f a m i l y . "The f i r s t nine years of my l i f e were j u s t my s i s t e r and I. We've always been....I have some b e a u t i f u l memories of my... c h i l d h o o d . " "My f a m i l y f o r the f i r s t twelve years of my l i f e . . . . There was always my f a m i l y : Auntie L., Auntie D. and...And so the f i r s t twelve years of my l i f e t h a t was th e r e . I had f a m i l y . And the l a s t e i g h t years I haven't. You people have s t a r t e d dying a l o t and f r e q u e n t l y . And I got i n v o l v e d i n other t h i n g s . And I d i d n ' t stay c l o s e to anybody because I guess I d i d n ' t 134 think I c o u l d . " Bev. In the end, a l l e i g h t of the v o l u n t e e r s i n t e r v i e w e d f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h became separated from t h e i r f a m i l i e s f i r s t e m o t i o n a l l y and then p h y s i c a l l y , by l e a v i n g home. For some t h i s came about as a r e s u l t of the d i s s o l u t i o n of the f a m i l y , and f o r others as a r e s u l t of an i n c r e a s i n g sense of i n v a l i d a t i o n and e x c l u s i o n w i t h i n the f a m i l y . The r o l e of the f a m i l y and the f a m i l y environment i n b r i n g i n g about the p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e of a l i e n a t i o n i s r e f e r r e d to s p e c i f i c a l l y by a l i e n a t i o n t h e o r i s t s (Geyer, 1980; K e n i s t o n , 1965) Geyer's (1980) d e s c r i p t i o n of the a l i e n a t i n g process r e f e r s to the i n f l u e n c e and e f f e c t of i n v a l i d a t i o n of the c h i l d . He s t a t e s that i t i s not so much s p e c i f i c traumatic events as i t i s a general f a m i l y atmosphere where the needs and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the c h i l d are d i s r e g a r d e d and denied that begins the a l i e n a t i o n p r o c e s s . In t h e i r v a r i o u s ways the e i g h t women intervi e w e d here f e l t a l i e n a t e d from t h e i r f a m i l i e s and began to develop a sense of t h e i r i s o l a t i o n and d i f f e r e n c e w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s and from other f a m i l i e s and c h i l d r e n i n t h e i r communities. A l i e n a t i o n and the Schools Another source of a l i e n a t i o n f o r these v o l u n t e e r s was the scho o l system. L i k e the f a m i l y , the schools represented a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e that a l l c h i l d r e n are a p a r t o f , or have experience with, i n one way or another. And, s i m i l a r l y to t h e i r e xperiences w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s , the v o l u n t e e r s ' experiences 135 with the schools were v a r i e d . For some of the v o l u n t e e r s , the s u b j e c t of school might never have come up i f i t had not been introduced by the i n t e r v i e w e r . For these women, school seemed to have l i t t l e importance or s i g n i f i c a n c e i n t h e i r e a r l y memories. Others r e c a l l e d doing w e l l a c a d e m i c a l l y i n school i n t h e i r e a r l y y e a r s , but academic success never l a s t e d , and a l l the women intervi e w e d here had dropped out or been e x p e l l e d from school before completing Grade 12. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s f a i l u r e f o r some of the women was i l l u s t r a t e d by the importance assigned to making up t h e i r missed education l a t e r i n t h e i r l i v e s . "I had to re-do my Grade 8, 9 and 10. And I d i d i t a l l i n a year. And I had about a B average. And I d i d i t , I don't know, one of the reasons I d i d i t i s I r e a l l y wanted her [ f o s t e r parent] to b e l i e v e that I can do something, you know." E l l e n . F a i l u r e to complete High School represented the i n a b i l i t y of these young g i r l s to f u n c t i o n i n another l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . T h i s experience was a l i e n a t i n g i n i t s e l f , but the most powerful sense of a l i e n a t i o n came from the a c t i v e r e j e c t i o n the v o l u n t e e r s experienced from those i n a u t h o r i t y and from t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to " f i t i n " with the other students. Abby s t a r t e d out doing w e l l a c a d e m i c a l l y at s c h o o l . But her academic success d i d not make up f o r her s o c i a l a l i e n a t i o n and her predominant memory of school was of being separate or d i f f e r e n t from the other c h i l d r e n . "I was a very good student. I d i d n ' t have anything e l s e 136 to do with my time but study. So, and then t a k i n g to d i s c i p l i n e so w e l l . " "School was b o r i n g . . . . I l i k e d going to s c h o o l , but i t wasn 1t...Because of my r e l i g i o n , I wasn't allowed to spend time with the k i d s . So i t was l i k e , keep to y o u r s e l f , and a l o t of people thought I was t e r r i b l y shy or t e r r i b l y rude." Abby. S i m i l a r l y f o r Helen, good grades and good behaviour d i d not make her f e e l accepted, and her tendency to b e f r i e n d o u t c a s t s r e f l e c t e d her e a r l y sense of deviance or i n f e r i o r i t y . "You know, I p u l l e d s t r a i g h t A's. I was a good g i r l , and you know, people d i d n ' t n o t i c e me. And I made sure people d i d n ' t n o t i c e me....I got my very f i r s t best f r i e n d i n [Name of town]. The s o c i a l o u t c a s t of the s c h o o l . " Helen. S o c i a l s t a n d i n g or acceptance seemed to a f f e c t these v o l u n t e e r s more than t h e i r academic a b i l i t y , and i t was t h e i r sense of being d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r s u c c e s s f u l peers that i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r f e e l i n g of a l i e n a t i o n . Debbie's sense of d i f f e r e n c e from the other c h i l d r e n at school was very acute. "I j u s t d i d n ' t f i t i n there somehow. I guess i n Grade 7 people s t a r t e d p i c k i n g on me." "I could not get very good i n s c h o o l . When I got i n t o Grade 10 I got kicked out of s c h o o l . L i k e I got suspended before t h a t . Smoking i n the washrooms and c u t t i n g out....I j u s t d i d n ' t f i t i n . I d i d n ' t f i t i n . I d i d n ' t f i t i n . " Debbie. Her sense of a l i e n a t i o n from s c h o o l was f i n a l i s e d when she was e x p e l l e d : "He says: 'I don't need b i t c h e s l i k e you i n the s c h o o l . 137 I run a p e r f e c t s c h o o l . ' That's what he t o l d me. That was the end of my s c h o o l . " Debbie. Fran f e l t t h a t her r e j e c t i o n from one s c h o o l was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the changed d i r e c t i o n her l i f e took. "I was r e a l l y good at f i r s t . I was i n a s p e c i a l c l a s s [ f o r advanced students] and e v e r y t h i n g . Then, when I got kicked out, e v e r y t h i n g kind of changed. And i t wasn't the same a f t e r that....He [ p r i n c i p a l ] r e a l l y , r e a l l y shouldn't of [ k icked me out] because I probably would've s t i l l been i n s chool and graduated, you know." Fran The s c h o o l s were a source of a l i e n a t i n g experiences f o r these v o l u n t e e r s as they f a i l e d a c a d e m i c a l l y , b e h a v i o u r a l l y , and s o c i a l l y , and they were e i t h e r e x p e l l e d or dropped out. The a l i e n a t i o n d e s c r i b e d by the v o l u n t e e r s i n r e l a t i o n to the schools resembles that d e f i n e d as powerlessness and i s o l a t i o n by Seeman (1958). The young g i r l s found themselves incapable of engaging i n the f u n c t i o n i n g of the school and f e l t out of c o n t a c t with i t s members. However, f o r some, schools were a l s o the source of s o c i a l networks with whom the young g i r l s c o uld i d e n t i f y , and through which they accessed drugs and a l c o h o l and the s t r e e t l i f e . A l i e n a t i o n and S o c i a l Networks As they became more and more i s o l a t e d from t h e i r f a m i l i e s and the school system, the v o l u n t e e r s i n t h i s study began to make f r i e n d s and i d e n t i f y with other young g i r l s who were i n the same p o s i t i o n as they. These f r i e n d s and c o n t a c t s supported them when they skipped school and ran away from home, and 138 i n t r o d u c e d them to drugs, the s t r e e t community and p r o s t i t u t i o n . For some of the v o l u n t e e r s , the importance of these networks was simply that they f e l t accepted and comfortable with with them. Debbie, who f e l t a l i e n a t e d everywhere e l s e , f e l t at home with these people: " I t [the s t r e e t s ] j u s t seemed l i k e a p l a c e where I seemed to f i t in....Yeah, you know, people would t a l k to me....Here's a p l a c e where I'm not going to get picked on." Debbie. Grace found the f a m i l y here that she f e l t she had lacked b e f o r e : "Everybody on the s t r e e t s seemed l i k e a r e a l t i g h t - k n i t , c l o s e f a m i l y . As opposed t o my f a m i l y . So I f e l t r e a l l y c l o s e to them." Grace. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of these s o c i a l groups was that they were as d i f f e r e n t and a l i e n a t e d from l e g i t i m a t e s t r u c t u r e s as the vo l u n t e e r s f e l t . Acceptance i n t o these groups meant i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with them and f u r t h e r a l i e n a t i o n from the l e g i t i m a t e s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y . T h i s process was most c l e a r l y d e s c r i b e d by Helen, who found that the only s u c c e s s f u l i d e n t i t y f o r her was a dev i a n t i d e n t i t y . "Because I never belonged, I was always the o u t s i d e r . So being a ' s t r e e t person' was very important to me....I belonged t h e r e , and belonging i s very important....The s o c i a l workers b l a c k - l i s t e d me. I was on top. I was one of the b l a c k - l i s t e d k i d s . The kids that s o c i a l workers dread d e a l i n g with, and that s o r t of t h i n g . And that f e l t 139 good." Helen. The process by.which g i r l s i d e n t i f y with other d e v i a n t or i l l e g i t i m a t e groups i s c e n t r a l to the process of d r i f t which Boyer and James (1982) d e s c r i b e i n t h e i r theory of d r i f t i n t o deviance i n ado l e s c e n t p r o s t i t u t e s . Through t h e i r adoption of the deviant i d e n t i t y the g i r l s become more i n c l i n e d to accept and become i n v o l v e d i n the behaviors and a c t i v i t i e s of these groups and they become s u s c e p t i b l e to p r o s t i t u t i o n . Although the s t a t e of deviance may be more s t r i c t l y d e f i n e d under the concept of i d e n t i t y , i t i s r e f e r r e d to here as i t r e l a t e s to the process of a l i e n a t i o n . The form of a l i e n a t i o n d e s c r i b e d here, i n Seeman's (1958) terms i s that of normlessness, where the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s i n c a p a b l e of reaching s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e goals through acceptable or l e g i t i m a t e means. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n with deviant or o u t s i d e r i n d i v i d u a l s and groups c o n t r i b u t e d i n a major way to the young g i r l s r e s o r t i n g to i l l e g i t i m a t e means to access s o c i a l l y a c c e p t a b l e g o a l s . Through these a s s o c i a t i o n s the young g i r l s accessed acceptance, drugs and thereby happiness, independence and money, a l l s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e g o a l s , but a l l u n a v a i l a b l e to the women i n t h i s study through l e g i t i m a t e means. Through t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n s with i l l e g i t i m a t e groups the young g i r l s became more and more a l i e n a t e d from l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . A l i e n a t i o n and S o c i a l S e r v i c e s Once the young g i r l s had l e f t home and were l i v i n g with f r i e n d s or on the s t r e e t s , s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies and agents 140 became i n v o l v e d with t h e i r l i v e s . To some extent these agencies c o n t r i b u t e to the sense of deviance i n those who d e a l with them, because by d e f i n i t i o n s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies o n l y get i n v o l v e d with people who have problems of one v a r i e t y or another. The v o l u n t e e r s i n t h i s study reported t h e i r share of a l i e n a t i n g e x p eriences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies and agents. However, the young g i r l s a l s o met i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n t h i s system who they f e l t v a l i d a t e d by and as a r e s u l t f e l t p o s i t i v e about. Some of the v o l u n t e e r s d e s c r i b e d a l i e n a t i n g experiences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies i n a s i m i l a r way to those with t h e i r f a m i l i e s . They f e l t t h a t they were not heard or l i s t e n e d to , and that t h e i r needs and op i n i o n s had no value or worth. "I was r e s e n t f u l towards i t a l l [ s o c i a l s e r v i c e s ] . Because here my parents were l i k e they were and these people were s a y i n g , you know: 'Well, i t ' s not that bad.' Well they d i d n ' t know, you know. And they t r i e d to t e l l me: 'Well, l i f e c o u l d n ' t be that bad'." Grace Grace f e l t that these workers were simply not i n touch with the r e a l i t i e s of her s i t u a t i o n . Abby expressed a s i m i l a r o p i n i o n : "When I f i r s t s t a r t e d seeing s o c i a l workers they were t r y i n g to convince you to stop and work i t out at home. Th e i r parents are s t i l l married 20 years down the road. They've l i v e d i n the same house f o r the l a s t 20 y e a r s . And t h e i r l i f e , i t hasn't been g r e a t , but I mean i t ' s been b e t t e r than most people's. And then they, they don't r e a l l y pass judgement, but they don't understand." Abby. 141 The f e e l i n g t h a t was expressed re p e a t e d l y by these v o l u n t e e r s , at one stage of t h e i r l i v e s or another, was t h at no-one would l i s t e n to t h e i r s t o r i e s , or understand t h e i r needs. "Like a l l my l i f e no-one would l i s t e n . The a u t h o r i t i e s wouldn't l i s t e n . Doctors wouldn't l i s t e n . No-one would l i s t e n . " C a r o l Where.they f e l t unheard and ignored, the young g i r l s f e l t i n v a l i d a t e d by the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and once again i s o l a t e d or a l i e n a t e d from the system. In other examples, v o l u n t e e r s f e l t l a b e l l e d and judged by the s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents they met up with. For E l l e n , j u s t having to v i s i t a p s y c h i a t r i s t meant that there was something wrong with her. "He [ p s y c h i a t r i s t ] was a l r i g h t . I j u s t thought that he thought I was nuts or something.... I thought i t was a s t u p i d t h i n g we were doing. I f e l t l i k e I was on d i s p l a y or something." E l l e n . Debbie, a l s o , f e l t u n f a i r l y diagnosed and judged by a p s y c h i a t r i s t . "I ended up seeing t h i s p s y c h o l o g i s t and t h i s p s y c h i a t r i s t . They f i g u r e d I had a l i t t l e . . . p r o b l e m . I went to t h i s one guy. He kept t e l l i n g me t h a t I miss my f a t h e r . T r y i n g to put ideas i n my head. What he was doing." Debbie. These experiences c o n t r i b u t e d to the o v e r a l l sense of being misunderstood and a l i e n a t e d from the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and i t s agents. When the young g i r l s f e l t i n v a l i d a t e d and judged, t h e i r sense of a l i e n a t i o n i n c r e a s e d and they became 142 more i s o l a t e d from the very system that was designed to help them. To some extent the type of a l i e n a t i o n expressed by the young women i n r e l a t i o n to the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s i s s i m i l a r to the the concept of powerlessness and meaninglessness o u t l i n e d by Seeman (1958). The young g i r l s f e l t unable to a f f e c t outcomes through the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system, and they a l s o expressed a sense of c o n f u s i o n and bewilderment about the o r g a n i s a t i o n s and t h e i r f u n c t i o n . Where they f e l t a l i e n a t e d from the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system, the young g i r l s d i d not understand i t s relevance to them and at times f e l t that the agents and agencies i n t e r f e r e d i n t h e i r l i v e s f o r unknown reasons. Each of the women interviewed here a l s o c i t e d p o s i t i v e experiences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents, when they f e l t v a l i d a t e d and understood. These experiences had a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the v o l u n t e e r s developing a more p o s i t i v e sense of themselves and t h e i r eventual e x i t from the s t r e e t s . For some of the women, the simple experience of being heard was v a l i d a t i n g f o r them: "Well we a c t u a l l y sat down and t a l k e d . I a c t u a l l y had a c o n v e r s a t i o n with her f o r a few minutes.... She was one of the b e t t e r workers." Debbie. "I r e a l l y got to know [house worker] r e a l l y good i n t h a t . You know, he was r e a l l y f r i e n d l y . . . . H e t a l k e d to me. He helped me f e e l better....He was i n t e r e s t e d i n me." Grace. For Debbie and Grace, the experience of being l i s t e n e d to and heard was unusual, as each came from a f a m i l y where they f e l t 143 ignored and misunderstood. Fran expressed s i m i l a r sentiments, and c r e d i t e d her movement away from the s t r e e t s to the e f f o r t s of a worker who she c o u l d t a l k t o . "I had a f a m i l y worker....When I met him i t was l i k e a b i g r e l i e f . . . .Because i t was the f i r s t person I c o u l d r e a l l y t a l k to and that I r e a l l y f e l t c omfortable." "I'd never r e a l l y had someone to t a l k to l i k e t h a t out o f , w e l l out of anywhere. Because my f a m i l y , I d i d n ' t r e a l l y t a l k to them." "He's [ f a m i l y worker] always there to l i s t e n . He's seen me through ups and downs and e v e r y t h i n g . " " I f I hadn't met him I would probably s t i l l have been out t h e r e . " Fran. For E l l e n , t r u s t was an important i s s u e , and the experience of being t r u s t e d was v a l i d a t i n g f o r her. E l l e n found that p o s i t i v e experiences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers i n f l u e n c e d how she f e l t about h e r s e l f and thereby the outcome of her l i f e . "She [ f o s t e r mother] was reasonable. She gave me the o p p o r t u n i t y to make r i g h t and wrong d e c i s i o n s , but t r u s t e d me f o r i t . . . . S h e gave me the key to the house. There was no l o c k s on her door, on her bedroom door. She t r u s t e d me with her c h i l d . " "He was a good guy, too, my s o c i a l worker. You know l i k e b e t t e r than a l l the other s o c i a l workers I've ever had. So I p a r t i c u l a r l y remember him over my l i f e and s t u f f . He t r u s t e d me. He t r u s t e d what I, the d e c i s i o n s I made f o r myself." "At the Maples I had two workers. Team workers. And, and they were an e x c e l l e n t c h o i c e . They were good f o r my l i f e . They were. 144 They made a b i g d i f f e r e n c e . And [ s o c i a l worker] made a bi g d i f f e r e n c e . And I j u s t s t a r t e d to l i k e myself. I understood that i t wasn't my f a u l t . That any of that was not my problem....I understood, s t a r t e d to understand t h a t I wasn't born r o t t e n . " E l l e n E l l e n ' s experience with v a l i d a t i o n by s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers helped her f e e l b e t t e r about h e r s e l f and l e s s d e v i a n t . V a l i d a t i n g experiences were i d e n t i f i e d by the women as occasions where they f e l t understood, respected and connected to the workers who l i s t e n e d to them. Through these connections i t became p o s s i b l e t o think of themselves d i f f e r e n t l y and to separate themselves from the s t r e e t networks. A l i e n a t i o n and Sexual Abuse A major source of a l i e n a t i o n f o r these v o l u n t e e r s was the sexual abuse that a l l of them had experienced. Sexual abuse was a l i e n a t i n g i n two ways f o r these v o l u n t e e r s . They f e l t i s o l a t e d because o f - t h e i r sense of being d i f f e r e n t from others and t h e i r i n a b i l i t y t o get help or be heard, and they a l s o became a l i e n a t e d from themselves through the coping s t r a t e g i e s that they r e s o r t e d t o . The women r e c a l l e d f e e l i n g i s o l a t e d because they were unable to communicate t h e i r f e e l i n g s and abuse to o t h e r s . T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y e v ident i n E l l e n ' s case where the sexual abuse was a f a m i l y s e c r e t , and she was not allowed t o d i s c u s s i t with anyone e l s e . "I was sworn to secrecy and I d i d n ' t say a word." E l l e n . 145 O f t e n , the g i r l s met with d i s b e l i e f or d e n i a l , so t h a t they f e l t t h a t nb-one would l i s t e n to them. "Mum looked at me strange. I think t h a t ' s the f i r s t time I t r i e d to t e l l her about my father....And i t was l i k e she d i d n ' t want to hear i t . So I shut up." C a r o l . As a r e s u l t of a s i m i l a r experience with r e j e c t i o n , Grace stopped t r y i n g to t e l l anyone about her abusive s i t u a t i o n , probably p a r t i a l l y because of her mother's r e a c t i o n , but a l s o because of a general unease about the s u b j e c t . When asked i f she c o n s i d e r e d t e l l i n g a f r i e n d who was g i v i n g her s h e l t e r when she ran away from home, Grace s a i d : "I don't know what i t was [th a t stopped me from t a l k i n g about i t ] . I never r e a l l y t a l k e d about i t [sexual abuse] u n t i l a f t e r I'd been on the s t r e e t s f o r a w h i l e . " Grace By t h i s stage Grace had i n t e r n a l i s e d the knowledge that sexual abuse was something that should not be d i s c u s s e d , even though she f e l t a l r i g h t about d i s c l o s i n g the p h y s i c a l abuse her grandfather i n f l i c t e d on her and her s i s t e r s . The sexual abuse a l s o a f f e c t e d the young g i r l s ' sense of s e l f , and made them f e e l d i f f e r e n t i n a negative way. The g u i l t and self-blame that seemed to come with the sexual abuse, c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r d eveloping sense of deviance. Deviance as an i d e n t i t y w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u l l y under the next s e c t i o n . Some of the v o l u n t e e r s d e s c r i b e d a sense of a l i e n a t i o n from themselves that r e s u l t e d from t h e i r experiences with sexual abuse and t h e i r attempts to cope with i t . Bev t a l k s about t h i s sense of a l i e n a t i o n from h e r s e l f when memories that she had 146 previously "blacked out", began to emerge. "It's just such an a l i e n f e e l i n g to have th i s memory that's something that i s n ' t part of me. That i s n ' t a part of a book I've read or a movie I've seen, or something I've heard from somebody else. This i s n ' t somebody else's memory. This i s my memory, you know. And I don't know where i t came from." Bev. Bev's sense of ali e n a t i o n from herself i s further expressed through her struggle to accept and face the abuse she had been subjected to, and to r e s i s t the temptation to s l i p back into the denial which made i t possible for her to survive these experiences. "I hate that word [sexual abuse], I hate that state of being. But l a t e l y working with [my therapist] I've been getting a l o t of flashbacks and r e a l l y getting into this state of hurt that I've never f e l t before." "It's just so damn d i f f i c u l t knowing that to ever try, that to ever be normal I've got to accept the fact that I'm not." "My brain says: 'Life has been d i f f e r e n t for you. You have had some d i f f i c u l t times, and l i f e hasn't been great. You've r e a l l y t r i e d to look through your rose coloured glasses and that's kept you a l i v e . But i t ' s a l r i g h t to admit that you've actually had a hard time.' Those are l i k e bad words to me. 'A hard time.* I f e e l stigmatised. I f e e l l i k e a leper. I f e e l l i k e ungrateful. I f e e l g u i l t y about fee l i n g bad about anything that's ever happened to me." Bev. Survival, for Bev meant downplaying and blocking the r e a l i t y of 147 the hurt and abuse she was subjected to, and in ef f e c t denying the feelings and sensations that her body experienced. In a similar way, other volunteers talked about separating themselves mentally and physically from the abuse they were suf f e r i n g . "I learned to d u l l out pain. You just kind of block i t out." Fran. "I kind of turned myself off....This i s what I t r i e d to tune out as i t was happening so i t wasn't bothering me." Grace. Fran and Grace found ways to actually numb themselves from the physical pain or discomfort of abuse. Helen and El l e n resorted to emotional numbing in order to avoid emotional pain. "I never got upset about very much. Like, you know, I was never hurting. Well I probably was, but I'd never admit i t . " E l l e n . "What I successfully did was block everything, you know. I was emotionless. I didn't respond to p r a c t i c a l l y anything." Helen. At some point in their l i v e s a l l of the volunteers used drugs and alcohol, to escape from depression and pain. "I drank a l o t of beer. Smoked a l o t of dope. Like I just t r i e d to party, party, party to get this thing out of my mind." Debbie. "It [drugs] put me in a good mood. I didn't r e a l l y have to have i t , but i t made i t better for me i f I had i t . It was. easier to, to just shut out. You know, shut o f f . You know, close my eyes and I was just laying there and i t 148 was, you know, nothing to me....and I l e a r n t i t , you know, I learned to do i t [shut o f f ] f u l l y by the time I'd gotten to the s t r e e t s . " Grace. By r e s o r t i n g to these coping s t r a t e g i e s , the young g i r l s were s u c c e s s f u l i n numbing and s e p a r a t i n g themselves from the p h y s i c a l and emotional p a i n they were subjected t o . E s s e n t i a l l y they became a l i e n a t e d from themselves i n a s t r u g g l e to s u r v i v e . These mental coping s t r a t e g i e s have been recorded by other r e s e a r c h e r s i n t o sexual abuse s u r v i v a l (Bass & Davis, 1988; B r i e r e & Runtz, 1985; F a i r t l o u g h , 1986; H a l l i d a y , 1987; P h i l l i p s 1985;), and sometimes the technique i s taken to the p o i n t of developing a separate i d e n t i t y (Bass & Davis, 1988; F a i r t l o u g h , 1986; H a l l i d a y , 1987). In t h i s way the v i c t i m can mentally separate h e r s e l f from the body who s u f f e r s the abuse, and can p r o t e c t h e r s e l f from the p h y s i c a l and emotional p a i n . In the subsequent experience of t h i s r e s e a r c h e r , i t was found that a dolescent p r o s t i t u t e s f r e q u e n t l y keep a separate name and i d e n t i t y f o r the s t r e e t (Cathy, 1987; P r i c e 1989). T h i s may represent a f u r t h e r e v o l u t i o n of t h i s s t r a t e g y f o r s u r v i v a l . Some r e f e r e n c e to separate i d e n t i t i e s was made by the vo l u n t e e r s i n t h i s r e s e a r c h . Perhaps the most extreme example was d e s c r i b e d by C a r o l , as she t a l k e d about a p e r i o d i n her l i f e when she became extremely a g g r e s s i v e and abusive to men. In t h i s r o l e C a r o l seemed to express some of the anger that she had p r e v i o u s l y r e p r e s s e d . "I hated them [men]. Sometimes a f t e r sex with one of the guys....I'd go, not r i g h t to them but i n my mind, I'd be 149 laughing i n t h e i r f a c e s . S p i t t i n g on them and t e l l i n g : 'You're a joke!' You know. 'You r e a l l y are a j o k e . ' . . . . L i k e you know I had f o r a while what they c a l l a dual p e r s o n a l i t y ? L i k e a s p l i t p e r s o n a l i t y . I d i d n ' t know what I was doing....Apparently I was going up to guys and t e l l i n g them how ugly they were and that the only t h i n g guys were good as i s a r e s p i r a t o r y system f o r a p e n i s . " C a r o l . In a s i m i l a r way, Debbie became another person when she was angry. "I got to the p o i n t where I l i k e black out. When I get mad, l i k e angry to the p o i n t where I'm shaking, I black out." "I was so freaked out....And I j u s t blacked out. Rig h t , and I j u s t blacked....I a p p a r e n t l y , I j u s t went f o r t h i s guy." Debbie. T h i s s t a t e of a l i e n a t i o n from the s e l f i s c o n s i s t e n t with the concept of self-estrangement d e s c r i b e d by Seeman (1958), and i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by the development of an i d e a l s e l f which i s used to cover up the negative f e e l i n g s a s s o c i a t e d with the r e a l s e l f . F r e q u e n t l y the negative f e e l i n g s and a s s o c i a t e d traumatic events are " f o r g o t t e n " or suppressed i n such a way that they become i n a c c e s s i b l e to the consciousness of the i n d i v i d u a l . As a r e s u l t the i n d i v i d u a l never f e e l s e n t i r e l y l e g i t i m a t e or r e a l , and she l o s e s c o n t a c t with n a t u r a l s p o n t a n e i t y or her p o s s i b i l i t y f o r s e l f - r e a l i s a t i o n (Geyer, 1980; Keniston, 1965; Seeman, 1958) . Separating themselves from the pa i n and r e a l i t y of t h e i r l i v e s i n t h i s way meant that the young g i r l s i n t h i s study 150 became a l i e n a t e d from themselves, who they were and t h e i r f e e l i n g s . These coping s t r a t e g i e s made i t e a s i e r f o r the young g i r l s to adapt to s t r e e t l i f e and s t a r t p r o s t i t u t i n g , as they were able to block out the p a i n f u l n e s s and unpleasantness of the l i f e , and to separate themselves from the r e a l i t i e s of t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s . C o n c l u s i o n The s u b j e c t i v e experience of a l i e n a t i o n was found i n v a r i o u s forms i n the s t o r i e s of each of the women intervi e w e d f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h . The v o l u n t e e r s f e l t a l i e n a t e d from the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s i n t h e i r l i v e s and from themselves, as a r e s u l t of t h e i r experiences w i t h i n these s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . The types of a l i e n a t i o n t h at the women d e s c r i b e d can a l l be found i n the f i v e d e f i n i t i o n s of a l i e n a t i o n o u t l i n e d by Seeman (1958). Powerlessness was expressed i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to a f f e c t or c o n t r o l the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s that they l i v e d w i t h i n . The young g i r l s f e l t powerless w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s , the s c h o o l s and to some extent w i t h i n the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system. T h e i r sense of powerlessness w i t h i n these s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s made the young g i r l s f e e l a l i e n a t e d from the s t r u c t u r e s and drove them away from them. Powerlessness w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r under the c a t e g o r i e s of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l . Meaninglessness i s c l o s e l y t i e d to powerlessness, because i f the i n d i v i d u a l does not understand how a system works or how she f i t s i n t o the s t r u c t u r e , she does not have the power or 151 w h e r e w i t h a l l to a f f e c t outcomes or change. The women expressed a sense of meaninglessness when they d i d not understand how they f i t i n t o the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s they had to deal with. They seemed to experience the s t a t e of meaninglessness i n p a r t i c u l a r i n r e l a t i o n to the f u n c t i o n i n g and s t r u c t u r e of the s o c i a l s e r v i c e systems when they were unable to work w i t h i n i t s parameters or to understand how that system worked. Because of t h e i r c o n f u s i o n and powerlessness w i t h i n the l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , the young g i r l s moved away from them and began to i d e n t i f y with i l l e g i t i m a t e and ou t c a s t groups. As a r e s u l t they experienced the s t a t e of a l i e n a t i o n d e s c r i b e d as normlessness. I n c r e a s i n g l y unable to achieve d e s i r a b l e s o c i a l goals through l e g i t i m a t e means, they began to accept i l l e g i t i m a t e and s o c i a l l y unacceptable means to reach these g o a l s . Running away, p r o s t i t u t i n g , and using drugs achieved f o r them the goals of independence, r e l i e f from d e p r e s s i o n and p a i n and money. The young women experienced i s o l a t i o n from most of the l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s that they were i n cont a c t with, as we l l as from the i n d i v i d u a l s t h at represented those s t r u c t u r e s . They f e l t i s o l a t e d from t h e i r f a m i l i e s , from a c c e p t a b l e peer groups, from the school system and from the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system. They d i d not f e e l i s o l a t e d from the i l l e g i t i m a t e groups that they began to i d e n t i f y with, but as members of those groups they accepted t h e i r i l l e g i t i m a c y and i s o l a t i o n from the r e s t of s o c i e t y . F i n a l l y , some of the women expressed a sense of a l i e n a t i o n 152 from themselves, which m i r r o r e d the s t a t e of self-estrangement d e s c r i b e d by Seeman (1958). T h i s self-estrangement came about as a r e s u l t of t h e i r negative experiences with sexual abuse and the f a c t o r s surrounding i t . By c u t t i n g themselves o f f from the di s c o m f o r t , p a i n and d e p r e s s i o n , the young g i r l s were able to cope with the abuse, but they a l s o ceased to deal r e a l i s t i c a l l y with dangerous, abusive and harmful s i t u a t i o n s . The c o n d i t i o n s of a l i e n a t i o n t h at a l l these women experienced i s o l a t e d and cut them o f f from the l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and l e g i t i m a t e means of s u r v i v a l . The sexual abuse was a l i e n a t i n g i n i t s e l f , but because of t h e i r i s o l a t i o n from l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , the young g i r l s were cut o f f from any means of support or help they might otherwise have been able to access. Instead, they became v u l n e r a b l e to i l l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and i l l e g i t i m a t e means of s u r v i v a l . P r o s t i t u t i o n was a major p a r t of s u r v i v a l by i l l e g i t i m a t e means, which was made e a s i e r by the c o n d i t i o n of a l i e n a t i o n from themselves which many of the women d e s c r i b e d . The a l i e n a t i o n t h at the women experienced at both l e v e l s , t h a t i s from s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and themselves, was reduced when they encountered i n d i v i d u a l s i n the l e g i t i m a t e system who v a l i d a t e d them by l i s t e n i n g t o , t r u s t i n g and v a l u i n g them. Each of the women in t e r v i e w e d here had encountered i n d i v i d u a l s who played t h i s r o l e i n t h e i r l i v e s , and who they c r e d i t e d with h e l p i n g them to leave the s t r e e t l i f e . U s u a l l y these i n d i v i d u a l s were p a r t of the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system, who came i n 153 c o n t a c t with the v o l u n t e e r s a f t e r they had l e f t the l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s of home and school and had s t a r t e d to l i v e on the s t r e e t s . The v a l i d a t i n g experiences helped the young g i r l s t r u s t and value themselves, thereby reducing t h e i r a l i e n a t i o n from themselves. They a l s o began to get a sense of connection to i n d i v i d u a l s i n the l e g i t i m a t e world, and to f e e l l e s s a l i e n a t e d from l e g i t i m a t e s t r u c t u r e s and groups. I d e n t i t y "What got me [ p r o s t i t u t i n g ] was I d i d n ' t think I belonged anywhere e l s e . " Bev. It i s common to f i n d r e f e r e n c e s to poor s e l f - e s t e e m i n the l i t e r a t u r e on sexual abuse and p r o s t i t u t i o n . Authors d e s c r i b e poor s e l f - e s t e e m i n sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s and p r o s t i t u t e s as a general contempt f o r o n e s e l f ( F i n k e l h o r , 1983) or more s p e c i f i c a l l y a b e l i e f that one i s s e x u a l l y d e v i a n t , or bad and p r i m a r i l y a sex o b j e c t (Borgman, 1984; Ledray, 1984; Macfarlane, 1978). James and Boyer (1982) t a l k about a negative sexual s e l f - i m a g e i n sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s who d r i f t i n t o a deviant l i f e - s t y l e and p r o s t i t u t i o n . Each of these terms c o u l d be a c c u r a t e l y used to d e s c r i b e c e r t a i n aspects of the sense of s e l f r e l a t e d by the e i g h t women inte r v i e w e d here. However, the v o l u n t e e r s ' n a r r a t i v e s r e f l e c t e d a broader view of t h e i r sense of s e l f , that i n c l u d e d i d e n t i t y , i d e n t i t y f o r m a t i o n , and i t s u l t i m a t e e f f e c t s on t h e i r l i f e c h o i c e s and a c t i v i t i e s . Thus the term i d e n t i t y has been chosen to i n c o r p o r a t e a l l these aspects of the sense of s e l f . The sense of i d e n t i t y i s a s u b j e c t i v e p e r c e p t i o n . But i d e n t i t y i s formed as a r e s u l t of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s with e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s and people. The s o c i a l i n f l u e n c e on the deve l o p i n g i d e n t i t y i s r e f e r r e d to by Breakwell (1986) who d e f i n e s i d e n t i t y as "a dynamic s o c i a l product, r e s i d i n g i n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l p r o cesses, which cannot be understood except i n r e l a t i o n to i t s s o c i a l context and h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . " (p. 9). Leonard (1984) names three major s o c i a l determinants of the i n d i v i d u a l . The economy a f f e c t s the ear n i n g power and type of employment a v a i l a b l e to the i n d i v i d u a l , which i n tu r n a f f e c t s her s t a t u s e s and r o l e i n l i f e . The f a m i l y e s t a b l i s h e s gender and age h i e r a r c h i e s , and the ideology of s p e c i f i c r o l e s and s t a t u s e s w i t h i n the f a m i l y . F i n a l l y , the s t a t e d e f i n e s and r e g u l a t e s norms, as w e l l as gender, c l a s s , e t h n i c and age h i e r a r c h i e s and d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s through i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s of law, s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and edu c a t i o n . Each of these s o c i a l systems determine and r e g u l a t e the i d e n t i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s through assigned r o l e s and s t a t u s e s that are r e l a t e d to t h e i r s o c i a l c l a s s , gender and e t h n i c group. Leonard's s o c i a l systems are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s which are considered i n t h i s r e s e a r c h f o r t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on the l i v e s of the v o l u n t e e r s . E r i k s o n (1968) sees i d e n t i t y as developing through a s e r i e s of c r i s e s and r e s o l u t i o n s , t h a t r e s u l t from the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r a c t i o n with s i g n i f i c a n t others and her s o c i a l environment. I d e n t i t y f ormation i s a l i f e - l o n g p r o c e s s . "The process 'begins' somewhere i n the f i r s t true 'meeting' of mother and baby as two persons who can touch and recognize each other, 155 and i t does not 'end' u n t i l a man's [ s i c ] power of mutual a f f i r m a t i o n wanes" ( E r i k s o n , 1968, p. 23). As a r e s u l t of these experiences the i n d i v i d u a l develops a mostly unconscious d e f i n i t i o n of h e r s e l f , who she i s and what she stands f o r i n the world. These s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n s may be r e f l e c t e d i n the c h o i c e s the i n d i v i d u a l makes around her f r i e n d s , i n t e r e s t s and a c t i v i t i e s , and r o l e s she adopts ( J o s s e l s o n , 1987). An i n d i v i d u a l ' s sense of i d e n t i t y at any time w i l l be dependent on what has gone before and w i l l determine what i s to f o l l o w . In t h i s sense, i d e n t i t y i s "...a way of p r e s e r v i n g the c o n t i n u i t y of the s e l f , l i n k i n g the past and the present" ( J o s s e l s o n , 1987, p. 10). In that i t i s a way of e x p l a i n i n g events and of g i v i n g meaning to one's l i f e , i d e n t i t y serves a s i m i l a r purpose to that of s t o r y - t e l l i n g or n a r r a t i v e . " S e l f i d e n t i t y becomes l i n k e d to a person's l i f e s t o r y , which connects up the a c t i o n i n t o an i n t e g r a t i n g p l o t " (Polkinghorne, 1988, p. 151). In t h i s way n a r r a t i v e lends i t s e l f to t h i s a n a l y s i s and d i s c u s s i o n of i d e n t i t y . For the purposes of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , i d e n t i t y i s d e f i n e d to i n c l u d e the process of i d e n t i t y formation, the sense of s e l f , and the r a m i f i c a t i o n s that i d e n t i t y had on the c h o i c e s and a c t i v i t i e s pursued by the women i n t h i s study. Roles and r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the f a m i l y are d i s c u s s e d as they r e l a t e to i d e n t i t y f o rmation. A l s o , the event of sexual abuse and the c o n d i t i o n s surrounding i t , such as negative and l a b e l l i n g i n t e r a c t i o n s , are explored f o r t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on i d e n t i t y f o r m a t i o n . F i n a l l y , the women's r e f l e c t e d sense of sexual and 156 d e v i a n t i d e n t i t i e s and the e f f e c t s of these on t h e i r p e r c e i v e d r o l e s and ch o i c e s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d . I d e n t i t y and Family Roles and R e l a t i o n s h i p s The formation of i d e n t i t y i s an i n t e r a c t i v e p r o c e s s . The ro l e of s i g n i f i c a n t o t h e r s , and i n p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l i e s and fa m i l y members i n t h i s process i s r e f e r r e d to by E r i k s o n (1968), J o s s e l s o n (1987), and Leonard (1984). As the v o l u n t e e r s d e s c r i b e d t h e i r r o l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l y , they t a l k e d about how they f e l t about themselves and began to develop a sense of t h e i r worth and i d e n t i t y . As de s c r i b e d i n the previous s e c t i o n , the v o l u n t e e r s developed a sense of being d i f f e r e n t and a l i e n a t e d as a r e s u l t of t h e i r experience of i n v a l i d a t i o n and e x c l u s i o n w i t h i n the f a m i l y . In a s i m i l a r way, t h e i r r o l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n the f a m i l y c o n t r i b u t e d to a f e e l i n g of devalued worth. The v i c t i m of c o n s i s t e n t p h y s i c a l and sexual abuse from her f a t h e r , C a r o l l o c a t e d the blame w i t h i n h e r s e l f at an e a r l y age. As a r e s u l t she grew up f e e l i n g g u i l t y and with a sense that she had somehow caused her own abuse. "I was the f i r s t born. You were supposed to be a boy. You were not supposed to be a girl...Maybe i f I had been a boy i t would never have happened to me....It seemed l i k e he [ f a t h e r ] wanted to punish me a l l the time." "I f e l t s o r r y f o r him [ f a t h e r ] . When he c r i e d . L i k e I guess I was t r y i n g to p r o t e c t him or something. I f e l t maybe I shouldn't have done t h i s to make my f a t h e r c r y . " "I grew 157 up with g u i l t . . . . I was always the g u i l t y p a r t y . . . . I was always blaming myself." C a r o l C a r o l ' s c o n f u s i o n around her f a t h e r c o n t r i b u t e d to her sense of g u i l t . Her g u i l t and sense of worthlessness were r e i n f o r c e d by a t t i t u d e s expressed by other f a m i l y members: "My grandfather s a i d I was a d i s g r a c e on the f a m i l y . And they s a i d they d i d n ' t want nothing t o do with me any more....And nobody wanted me around. I mean everybody s a i d I was a disgrace....And you know, everybody s a i d i t . So you s t a r t b e l i e v i n g i t . " C a r o l . Abby's r e l a t i o n s h i p with her abusive f a t h e r engendered a s i m i l a r sense of c o n f u s i o n and g u i l t i n her. A t t i t u d e s expressed by other f a m i l y members, a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to Abby's sense of devalued worth. "I r e a l l y f e l t bad f o r my f a t h e r . I r e a l l y loved my dad s t i l l . But I hated him....I f e l t g u i l t y that he got l e f t a lone." "I was a t e r r i b l e k i d . And then a f t e r my grandparents t o l d me t h a t , I j u s t f e l t that a l l t h i s time I r e a l l y was a t e r r i b l e kid....And I f e l t I had to f o l l o w through." Abby. The a c t i v e abuse and l a b e l l i n g of these young g i r l s c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r i n t e r n a l i z i n g g u i l t and t h e i r developing negative sense of s e l f . They began to l e a r n t hat they were somehow i n f e r i o r or bad. For some of the v o l u n t e e r s t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s were f u r t h e r confused by the r o l e s they were expected to p l a y w i t h i n the f a m i l y . Abby and Grace were given a great deal of 158 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the home, and i n many ways took on what might t r a d i t i o n a l l y be regarded as the mother's r o l e . What was c o n f u s i n g and f r u s t r a t i n g f o r them was the lack of r e c o g n i t i o n they r e c e i v e d f o r t h i s work and the l a c k of an accompanying r i g h t to have a say and express o p i n i o n s . "My dad would come home from work. So I'd cook dinner, c l e a n up and look a f t e r my b r o t h e r . He ended up c a l l i n g me 'mum'." "I had taken over the f a m i l y r o l e . I cooked, I cleaned, I d i s c i p l i n e d . " "Well, my mum was the kind of person who, i f one k i d d i d i t , then the other k i d ' s g u i l t y too - i s more or l e s s what i t was. And i f [my brother] got i n t r o u b l e f o r something, a l o t of the time I'd get a l i c k i n 1 too, because she'd [mother], w e l l I'm o l d e r , I should know b e t t e r . " Abby. "Being the o l d e s t , I sure had a l o t of pressure and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y put on me. G e t t i n g up so e a r l y i n the morning and doing a l l my d u t i e s , and t a k i n g care of my s i s t e r s . And p r e t t y w e l l being an a d u l t , t r y , being t o l d to be an a d u l t myself when I was j u s t a k i d . They put a l o t of pressure on me." "But I was h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r anything my s i s t e r s d i d . " "My s i d e was not heard or not even been, not even allowed to be s a i d . " Grace. Other v o l u n t e e r s found themselves t a k i n g care of the f a m i l y when t h e i r mothers seemed unable to do so. "I had a r e a l a t t i t u d e . . . . L i k e the time that I spent t r y i n g to act l i k e an a d u l t , now was my chance. So I took care of the f a m i l y . " "My mum had no c o n t r o l over 159 anybody. Not even her own l i f e . " E l l e n . "My dad was u s e l e s s . My mum was p r e t t y much u s e l e s s at the time. And because of a l l my b r o t h e r ' s problems, he was p r e t t y much u s e l e s s . " "And I took care of t h i n g s , you know. Paid my mum's b i l l s . When she came home I looked a f t e r her and made her din n e r , and that s o r t of t h i n g . Paid her b i l l s . " Helen. Having to take over f o r t h e i r mothers l e f t these women without access to a d u l t support and c a r e . Both Helen and E l l e n expressed t h e i r disappointment i n t h e i r mothers f o r l e t t i n g them down. "I expected my mother to know [about the abuse] and she d i d n ' t . So I had been angry at my mother f o r years and years and y e a r s . Because I expected her t o , I don't know, have the i n f i n i t e wisdom and r e a l i s e t h a t something was wrong, and p r o t e c t me, although I d i d n ' t t e l l her and nobody knew." Helen. "My mum e s p e c i a l l y was the person I f e l t most l e t down by. But th a t was from the very beginning that I always f e l t that way." E l l e n . S e v e r a l of the v o l u n t e e r s expressed a sense of being l e t down by t h e i r mothers i n the face of t h e i r abuse, with the u n d e r l y i n g message being that they were not important enough to warrant any e x t r a care or h e l p . For C a r o l , i t was c l e a r that her mother was simply unable to help , and her f e e l i n g s are confused by her r e t r o s p e c t i v e understanding of t h a t . But her sense of being l e t down s u r f a c e s throughout her s t o r y . 160 "She [mother] just never did nothing. Like she never raised her voice. She never, she never did anything. She never even spoke up to my dad." "I think that was the f i r s t time I t r i e d to t e l l her [mother] about my father....And i t was l i k e she didn't want to hear i t . So I shut up." "He hurt us. He hurt me and he hurt my s i s t e r . And she knew. And she made us go back to him. And she knew." "I don't know who I hated more. The men that were coming up to see me, my mother, or my father. Well my mother I loved." Carol. Bev expresses similar ambivalence about her mother's u n a v a i l a b i l i t y as in retrospect, she views the s i t u a t i o n with understanding and insight. "She was a baby having babies." "We were scared to t e l l her [mother] because he was abusing her. We didn't want to have to worry her." "I respected her more than anything else in the world, you know. Didn't l i k e her because she beat us." Bev. Abby's anger with her mother i s clearer. Even though her mother supported her when she f i n a l l y disclosed the abuse, Abby f e l t that her mother had l e t her down by refusing to see i t for a l l the years i t went on. "I s t i l l resent my mum a l o t . Because she did know....I did, and I think I always w i l l hold i t against her." Abby. For Abby i t was her mother's refusal to face the r e a l i t y of her si t u a t i o n that angered her and l e f t her with a fee l i n g of 161 resentment, even when she had r e s o l v e d her f e e l i n g s about her a b u s i v e f a t h e r . E l l e n e x p r e s s e d s i m i l a r f e e l i n g s : " I blamed my mother more than I blamed him." "My mum d i d n ' t t a l k about i t . We weren't a l l o w e d t o t a l k about i t at a l l . " E l l e n . These women f e l t unsupported and l e t down by t h e i r mothers. In t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s , t h e i r mother's i n a c t i v i t y on t h e i r b e h a l f meant t h a t the abuse c o n t i n u e d , they c o n t i n u e d t o ac c e p t the blame and g u i l t a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i t , and t h i s c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r n e g a t i v e or 'bad g i r l 1 i d e n t i t y . The impact of f e e l i n g of secondary importance t o her p a r e n t s i s a r t i c u l a t e d by Grace as she r e l a t e s her e v e n t u a l p r o s t i t u t i n g b e h a v i o u r t o t h e i r r e f u s a l t o h e l p her w i t h her problems or t o v a l i d a t e h e r . But she t o o , e x p r e s s e s a p a r t i c u l a r sense of b e i n g l e t down by her mother, because of her r e f u s a l t o c o n f r o n t Grace's r e a l i t y . "My p a r e n t s , both of them. They gave me the t y p e , the a p p r o v a l [ f o r p r o s t i t u t i n g ] by t h e i r u n w i l l i n g n e s s t o d e a l w i t h my problems. They had t h e i r own problems which were more i m p o r t a n t , i s how I f e l t . " " I have a r e a l resentment, a d i s l i k i n g , because I f e e l she [mother] l i e d t o me most of her l i f e . You know, and t o me she seems phoney." Grace. Every one of the e i g h t women i n t e r v i e w e d here had i s s u e s around t h e i r mother's a v a i l a b i l i t y t h a t a f f e c t e d t h e i r i d e n t i t y . Some were angry w i t h them f o r not i n t e r v e n i n g i n the abuse t h a t seemed so o b v i o u s , w h i l e o t h e r s s i m p l y found t h e i r mothers u n a v a i l a b l e or unable t o h e l p them i n any way because of 162 t h e i r own s t r u g g l e f o r s u r v i v a l . Whatever the reason the young g i r l s f e l t unprotected and l e t down by t h e i r mothers and thereby l e f t with the g u i l t and c o n f u s i o n around t h e i r abuse, and an u n d e r l y i n g sense of t h e i r own unimportance or worthlessness. With the i n c r e a s e d awareness of the rate of sexual abuse i n our s o c i e t y , there has been a tendency to hold the mother at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y , i f not f u l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the sexual abuse of her daughter (Mclntyre, 1981). I t has been argued that t h i s i s a r e s u l t of a f a i l u r e to analyse the p a t r i a r c h a l roots and causes of sexual abuse, and of the lack of r e c o g n i t i o n of the dependent and powerless p o s i t i o n of women and t h e r e f o r e mothers i n the f a m i l y and our s o c i e t y ( B u t l e r , 1982a; M c l n t y r e , 1981). C e r t a i n l y , there was some r e c o g n i t i o n of t h i s f a c t o r i n r e t r o s p e c t f o r some of the women interviewed here. However, t h i s d i d not help them at the time when they were s t r u g g l i n g with the abuse and i t s e f f e c t s on t h e i r developing i d e n t i t y as c h i l d r e n . Another p e r s p e c t i v e on the r o l e of the mother i s o f f e r e d by H a l l i d a y (1987) who p o i n t s out that c h i l d r e n are s t i l l r a i s e d to b e l i e v e that t h e i r mothers are all-knowing and a l l - s e e i n g , as represented i n statements l i k e : "Mothers have eyes i n the back of t h e i r heads" and "mom can t e l l by l o o k i n g at [you] what [you] have been up t o " ( H a l l i d a y , 1987, p. 111). As a r e s u l t , c h i l d r e n expect t h e i r mothers to know about the abuse. T h i s sense was c e r t a i n l y expressed by some of the women interviewed f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h , and t h e i r sense of b e t r a y a l and ne g l e c t r e s u l t e d from t h i s b e l i e f . 163 However, there seemed to be a p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e attached to r e l a t i o n s h i p s with mothers by these women, that was not as evident when t a l k i n g about t h e i r f a t h e r s . To some extent t h i s may be e x p l a i n e d by the f a c t t h a t a l l of the women had some on-going r e l a t i o n s h i p with t h e i r mothers, throughout t h e i r l i v e s , whereas f o r some, f a t h e r s came and went or were not present at a l l . Even those women who had maintained r e l a t i o n s h i p s with t h e i r f a t h e r s , seemed to have r e s o l v e d that r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a way that they had not been able to with t h e i r mothers. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s with t h e i r mothers may a l s o have been r e l a t e d to the young g i r l s ' d eveloping i d e n t i t y as females, i n t h e i r mothers' image. T h e i r tendency to i d e n t i f y with t h e i r mothers i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r comparisons of themselves to t h e i r mothers, which was not evident i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r f a t h e r s . Debbie, f o r example s t a t e s : "I d i d n ' t get along with [mother] too w e l l . We were j u s t too much a l i k e , eh." " I t ' s r e a l l y weird, l i k e , we're s i m i l a r . We've got the same ways." Debbie. Debbie accepts her s i m i l a r i t y to her mother, and i n so doing seems to accept the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of the p a t t e r n being repeated by her own daughter: "What am I going to do i f she s t a r t s running away [ l i k e I d i d ] , you know." Debbie. Other v o l u n t e e r s d e f i n e d themselves through t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s from t h e i r mothers, as they s t r o v e not to repeat the same p a t t e r n s they saw i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with t h e i r 164 mothers. "That's her [mother's] l i f e . Now I j u s t kind of say th a t ' s the way she's going to l i v e her l i f e . And t h a t ' s f i n e f o r her. I t works f o r her, but not f o r me." "For a while I was scared, because someone t o l d me once: 'You're going to r a i s e your kid s l i k e your parents r a i s e d you'. And then I was: 'Oh no, I don't want to do t h a t . ' " Grace. "My mum's a r e a l woussie....Timid and always a p o l o g i s i n g f o r e v e r y t h i n g that we did....That kind of a woman. She was a s p i n e l e s s j e l l y f i s h . " "I don't l i k e who [my mum] i s . But I do love her because she's my mother and I w i l l do what I can f o r her. So t h a t ' s the extent of i t . " E l l e n . The anger and resentment that some of these v o l u n t e e r s f e l t f o r t h e i r mothers as they s t r u g g l e d to d e f i n e themselves, may a l s o have a f f e c t e d t h e i r a b i l i t y to use t h e i r mothers as r o l e models. Thus, the young g i r l s who found themselves c a r r y i n g out t h e i r mothers' r o l e s i n the f a m i l y , and who f e l t so s e r i o u s l y l e t down by t h e i r mothers had no female that they respected to p a t t e r n themselves a f t e r . The r o l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s that these v o l u n t e e r s had with t h e i r mothers and f a t h e r s a f f e c t e d t h e i r developing i d e n t i t i e s . As young c h i l d r e n , lack of v a l i d a t i o n by t h e i r parents tended to make them f e e l unimportant, worthless and to c a r r y the g u i l t and blame f o r t h e i r abuse. T h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with t h e i r mothers, i n p a r t i c u l a r , c a r r i e d s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and f o r most of the 165 women there was a sense of being l e t down or unsupported which seemed to exacerbate t h e i r negative i d e n t i t y . A l s o , as females, the v o l u n t e e r s tended to i d e n t i f y with t h e i r mothers, and d e f i n e d themselves i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mothers, e i t h e r a c c e p t i n g or r e j e c t i n g t h e i r mother's r o l e . I d e n t i t y and Sexual Abuse The women int e r v i e w e d here a l s o i d e n t i f i e d themselves i n terms of t h e i r experiences with sexual abuse and r e l a t e d f a c t o r s . The v o l u n t e e r s t a l k e d about a sexual i d e n t i t y that they developed as a r e s u l t of t h e i r e a r l y and frequent experiences with sex, and the negative connotations that t h i s i d e n t i t y took on as they encountered s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s . Some of the women a l s o expressed a sense of deviance that was r e l a t e d to t h e i r frequent v i c t i m i s a t i o n and r e s u l t e d i n t h e i r r e s i g n a t i o n to a v i c t i m r o l e or s t a t u s . E a r l y development of a sexual i d e n t i t y was r e f l e c t e d i n statements by some v o l u n t e e r s t h a t they had "grown up too f a s t " . "Between f i v e and ten I s t a r t e d becoming l i k e sexual myself....I seemed to have more crushes on men than I d i d on boys....You know, I wore some c l o t h e s that I knew I shouldn't and do t h i n g s that I wasn't supposed to do." E l l e n . "I always looked o l d e r too. I developed a l o t e a r l i e r than most g i r l s . " Fran. Some of the women expressed a sense that i n growing up so f a s t they missed the innocence of c h i l d h o o d , and as a r e s u l t 166 faced adulthood without the maturing experiences of c h i l d h o o d . "Once you're out there you're not a k i d any more, and once you're out there you never grow up, e i t h e r . You're a k i d a l l the time." Bev. One of the l e a r n i n g experiences they missed was around the a p p r o p r i a t e e x p r e s s i o n of sex and s e x u a l i t y . "I mean my parents never t o l d me. But I know from l e a r n i n g t h a t sex i s supposed to be a b e a u t i f u l t h i n g with somebody that you l o v e . " E l l e n . "I thought at those times i t was, you know, n a t u r a l . I di d n ' t know i t was wrong to be done i n the f a m i l y and without p e r m i s s i o n . " Grace. What the young g i r l s knew about sex and s e x u a l i t y was what they learned through t h e i r abusive s i t u a t i o n s . As a r e s u l t they became used to t h e i r r o l e as sexual p a r t n e r s and e i t h e r became resigned to the r o l e , or i n some cases began to value themselves by t h e i r s e x u a l i t y . "My parents never t o l d me anything.... L i k e I d i d n ' t know much about anything." "I thought that s i n c e I was doing i t with him, i t was okay to do i t with other guys." "I d i d n ' t even enjoy i t . . . . I d i d n ' t , I d i d n ' t even know....I f e l t good that somebody would want me or want to be that c l o s e to me." Fran. " I t wasn't a p o i n t that sex was any fun, because i t wasn't. But I f e l t loved then." "I always f e l t I had to prove something....um, that I was okay....I f e l t good when a car would stop and take me out." Abby. "He d i d enjoy i t when we d i d have i t [sex] and t h a t . So 167 i t made me f e e l good." Grace. While they i d e n t i f i e d themselves through t h e i r s e x u a l i t y and f e l t good when they were a p p r e c i a t e d by men, the young women became aware of negative s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s to t h e i r behaviour. They learned about these a t t i t u d e s through l a b e l l i n g and judging they were subjected to by the people i n t h e i r l i v e s . Negative sexual l a b e l l i n g seemed to be a common experience to these women, and they encountered i t from parents and other f a m i l y members, and t e a c h e r s . "[The school c o u n s e l l o r s a i d ] that I was r e b e l l i o u s . . . That I needed some good d i s c i p l i n e . . . " Abby. "[The teacher] s a i d : 'When a c h i l d i s bad they should be expected to take the punishment f o r i t . " C a r o l . Some f e l t l a b e l l e d f o r r e l a t i v e l y innocent thoughts: "Like I could never t e l l my mum about a boy I l i k e or something. Because then she'd say: 'Oh you d i r t y mind.'" Fran. "My mum s t a r t e d c a l l i n g me every name i n the book....I had t o l d the c o u n s e l l o r that I wanted to be able to go out with my f r i e n d s and t h e i r b o y f r i e n d s . And so my mum s t a r t e d c a l l i n g me a s l u t and t h a t . " Abby. Fran and C a r o l were l a b e l l e d when the f a c t of t h e i r sexual abuse became known: "They a l l s a i d I was a s l u t and a whore....My brother s a i d I was nothing more than a f u c k i n g whore. You know, everybody s a i d i t . So you s t a r t b e l i e v i n g i t . " C a r o l . 168 "They t o l d my parents....And they were mad. They s a i d : 'Oh, d i d you enjoy i t ? ' Or: 'How could you? 1 They s a i d , accused me of a few mean t h i n g s . " Fran. Helen was l a b e l l e d by the abuser: "[The abuser t o l d me] you're d i r t y , you're d i s g u s t i n g . . . . A n d I wasn't worth two-bits .... I've c a l l e d myself d i r t or worse. Lower than d i r t . And t h a t ' s e x a c t l y how I f e l t . " Helen. C a r o l and Helen d e s c r i b e how the l a b e l l i n g a f f e c t e d t h e i r sense of s e l f or i d e n t i t i e s . Taking on the blame f o r her sexual abuse r e s u l t e d i n f e e l i n g s of worthlessness and g u i l t f o r Grace. "I used to blame myself f o r my grandfather f o r the longest time....So I thought myself as being g u i l t y f o r the l a s t , you know....Back then i t was a nightmare. Now i t ' s something I can look a t . . . . I can get r i d of the f e e l i n g s of g u i l t and worthlessness." Grace. Debbie s i m i l a r l y blamed h e r s e l f f o r her abuse and ended up c a r r y i n g the g u i l t . "I f i g u r e d i f I t e l l anyone, t h e y ' l l think i t ' s my f a u l t . Because, you know, i t was summertime. I was wearing s h o r t s and t h a t . F i g u r e d , you know, maybe i t ' s my f a u l t . " Debbie. The e f f e c t s of s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s on i d e n t i t y f ormation i s r e f e r r e d to by J o s s e l s o n (1987) i n her d e f i n i t i o n of i d e n t i t y : " . . . [ i d e n t i t y ] p r o v i d e s a match between what one regards as c e n t r a l to o n e s e l f and how one i s viewed by s i g n i f i c a n t others 169 i n one's l i f e " (p.10). As a r e s u l t of t h e i r f requent abuse, negative s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s towards t h e i r sexual experiences and the l a b e l l i n g t h a t these young g i r l s encountered, they began to develop a ne g a t i v e , or dev i a n t i d e n t i t y . The sense of deviance t h a t came with being a sexual abuse v i c t i m came about i n d i f f e r e n t ways. Abby s t a t e d i t very simply: "Back then i t wasn't a very w e l l p u b l i c i s e d s i t u a t i o n . So I f i g u r e d I was the only k i d i t happened t o . " Abby. Th i s simple f e e l i n g of being d i f f e r e n t was emphasised and made negative by her f a m i l y ' s r e a c t i o n s to Abby when she f i n a l l y d i s c l o s e d . "My grandparents, some of my r e l a t i v e s wouldn't t a l k to me at a l l . They s a i d r i g h t to my face that my mum should get r i d of me and put me somewhere because I had a problem." Abby. For C a r o l , her experiences with abuse were so v i o l e n t and fre q u e n t , she began to f e e l t h a t she was somehow s i n g l e d out f o r bad l u c k : " I t ' s l i k e a l l my l i f e bad t h i n g s have happened." "I must, f o r the longest time I thought I was running around with the words 'punching bag' w r i t t e n a l l over me. Or 'Go ahead and rape'." C a r o l . Bev expressed a s i m i l a r sense: " I t ' s l i k e , you know, most women i n the world are going to be raped one time i n t h e i r l i v e s . Then there are women l i k e me....It's l i k e I h i t 11 years o l d and I was raped....And i t hasn't stopped." "Having been abused so 170 e a r l y , you know, I think that almost made i t a groove that my s i s t e r and I got stuck i n . And somehow the abusers out there j u s t s m e l l you out. And they j u s t keep up the c y c l e of abuse." Bev. For v o l u n t e e r s whose experience with sexual abuse was not p a r t i c u l a r l y n e g a t i v e , there was i n i t i a l l y no reason f o r them to qu e s t i o n t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s . As they became aware of s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s to sexual abuse, t h e i r f e e l i n g s became confused and they g r a d u a l l y began to f e e l d e v i a n t because of t h e i r sexual e x p e r i e n c e s . Fran r e c a l l e d t h i s process most c l e a r l y : "I thought s i n c e I was doing i t with him [brother] i t was okay to do i t with other guys. I d i d n ' t know i t was wrong." "I went to t h i s church once and they s a i d something about not having sex before you're married. And I went: 'What! I d i d n ' t know t h a t . 1 And t h a t ' s when I f i r s t s t a r t e d t h i n k i n g about i t . That t h i s i s wrong." Fran. But at another l e v e l , Fran d i d have some sense that her br o t h e r ' s sexual abuse of her was wrong, because she was able to use t h e i r s e c r e t to c o n t r o l him. "When we were f i g h t i n g , I'd t r y to use that a g a i n s t him. I'd say: 'Do you know what? Do you know what? 1 But I'd never say i t . And he'd get t h i s look on h i s face and he'd leave me alone." Fran. S i m i l a r l y , E l l e n r e f l e c t e d c o n f u s i o n i n her remembered f e e l i n g s and a t t i t u d e s to her sexual abuse. At one l e v e l she knew that there was something wrong or "strange" about her 171 f a t h e r ' s sexual abuse of her, but on the other hand the experience was not unpleasant, and even got her some s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n , so there seemed no reason to q u e s t i o n i t . "I knew something strange was happening i n the house. And then i t s t a r t e d happening to me. I t d i d n ' t f e e l r i g h t . " "There was r e a l l y nothing e l s e to c o n f i d e i n anybody about." "I d i d n ' t want t o t e l l my grandfather because I d i d n ' t want him to think I was awful f o r l e t t i n g him [ f a t h e r ] or whatever." "I was one of those k i d s a t t e n t i o n s t a r v e d a l l the time....Because he had s t a r t e d [sexual abuse] with my s i s t e r , I guess. And i t always f o r me, I f e l t l i k e my brother and I were l o s i n g t h a t a t t e n t i o n that he'd g i v e n us. So when i t s t a r t e d f o r me I was kind of happy." E l l e n . As with Fran, E l l e n ' s f e e l i n g s of deviance were r e i n f o r c e d and emphasised when she came i n t o c o n t a c t with s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s : "When I f i r s t s t a r t e d f i n d i n g out about sexual abuse and s t u f f , understanding a b i t more, I f e l t r e a l l y g r o s s . D i s g u s t i n g . . . . That e v e r y t h i n g about me was d i s g u s t i n g . " E l l e n . In each of the preceding examples, the v o l u n t e e r s expressed a sense of t h e i r own deviance which was i n some way r e l a t e d to t h e i r experiences with sexual abuse. For C a r o l and Bev, t h e i r sense of being i n e v i t a b l y v i c t i m i s e d and the focus of bad luck r e s u l t e d i n t h e i r a c c e p t i n g t h i s f a t e and adopting a de v i a n t i d e n t i t y that was r e l a t e d to being a v i c t i m . E l l e n and Fran, however, d i d not re p o r t the same sense of being v i c t i m i s e d , perhaps because of t h e i r ambivalence around t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s . Rather, t h e i r sense of deviance seemed more p e r s o n a l i s e d , and developed out of i n t e r n a l i s i n g s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s to t h e i r sexual e x p e r i e n c e s . V i c t i m s of sexual abuse f r e q u e n t l y t a l k about f e e l i n g hurt or damaged by the sexual abuse they have experienced ( H a l l i d a y , 1987). T h i s "damaged goods syndrome" i s s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l a t e d to the sexual abuse that occurred, and c a r r i e s with i t a negative c o n n o t a t i o n . The deviance or v i c t i m s t a t u s that the women i n t h i s study reported seems to go deeper than t h i s "damaged goods syndrome" i n that i t i s almost d e s c r i b e d as g e n e t i c . C a r o l ' s sense that she was v i c t i m i s e d because she was born a g i r l , and Debbie's b e l i e f t h a t she i s l i k e her mother and that her daughter w i l l be the same again seem to suggest a r o l e or i d e n t i t y t h a t was inborn even before the abuse occured and may even have c o n t r i b u t e d to the abuse. A l l of the women i n t h i s study had p r o s t i t u t e d f o r some p e r i o d i n t h e i r l i v e s . To the extent that they adopted t h i s r o l e , t h e i r v i c t i m i s a t i o n had continued and t h e i r sense of being somehow dev i a n t i n c r e a s e d . While a l l the women d i d not d e s c r i b e t h e i r deviance i n as powerful and i n e v i t a b l e terms as d i d C a r o l and Debbie, t h i s may have been a f a c t o r i n t h e i r entrance i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n . James and Boyer (1982) r e f e r to a negative sexual s e l f - i m a g e i n adolescents who p r o s t i t u t e . T h e i r t h e s i s i s that women are judged on a whore-madonna continuum i n our s o c i e t y , and those who overstep the boundaries of acceptable sexual conduct and behavior are n e g a t i v e l y judged and l a b e l l e d . Young 173 g i r l s who are blamed and r e j e c t e d as a r e s u l t of t h e i r v i c t i m i z a t i o n through sexual abuse, and as a r e s u l t of t h e i r e a r l y and a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n sexual behaviour encounter these negative a t t i t u d e s and g r a d u a l l y accept the l a b e l s and adopt the negative i d e n t i t y . C e r t a i n l y t h i s process i s evident i n the women intervi e w e d f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h . Some took on the blame and g u i l t f o r t h e i r sexual abuse because there was no-one to v a l i d a t e or support them. Some were judged and l a b e l l e d i n s e x u a l l y negative terms and many of t h e i r s t o r i e s r e f l e c t e d an acceptance of themselves as sexual p a r t n e r s of men and a tendency to value themselves through t h e i r s e x u a l i t y . For a p e r i o d of time i n t h e i r l i v e s , t h i s i d e n t i t y seemed to be the predominant one. The women who i d e n t i f i e d themselves i n other ways, such as Abby as a "good student", and E l l e n as a "Brownie", d i d so only i n t h e i r e a r l y y e a r s . By the time they had l e f t home and were l i v i n g on the s t r e e t s , these a l t e r n a t i v e i d e n t i t i e s were not a v a i l a b l e to them. I d e n t i t y and L i f e Choices and Roles The sexual and deviant i d e n t i t i e s t h a t the young g i r l s i n t h i s study had developed when they l e f t home, s e v e r e l y d i m i n i s h e d t h e i r c h o i c e s and the r o l e s a v a i l a b l e to them. For most of her l i f e Bev had not considered a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e - s t y l e s f o r h e r s e l f and had j u s t accepted that there were things she co u l d not expect f o r h e r s e l f . "I d i d n ' t know that i t co u l d be d i f f e r e n t two years ago." 174 "Being a w r i t e r ....Going to u n i v e r s i t y . Being happy. Those s o r t s of dreams I wouldn't l e t myself think about because they would never happen.... They were not a p a r t of t h i s g i r l ' s l i f e . They were not what I would ever be allowed to have. They were not something that people l i k e me got to get." Bev. S i m i l a r l y , the young g i r l s d i d not co n s i d e r themselves employable i n l e g i t i m a t e jobs. For some the p o s s i b i l i t y of l e g i t i m a t e employment d i d not even occur to them, because of t h e i r c ircumstances. "I was j u s t so young that i t d i d n ' t occur to me to get a job." Fran. "I thought about [ g e t t i n g a job] once. But you need a SIN [ s o c i a l insurance number]. And then you have to have an address, r i g h t . . . . I ' d i d n 1 1 want to use i t because I was probably a mi s s i n g person." Debbie. For o t h e r s , the type of jobs they might have been able to get simply d i d not meet t h e i r needs. "I wasn't going to be able to support myself, I f i g u r e d t o , i n the way I wanted to be supported. A four d o l l a r an hour job wouldn't get me what I wanted." Abby. " I t was always j u s t the s t r e e t s are the easy way. Because you can't make as much money at a job. I co u l d make almost a month's pay i n a n i g h t . " Fran. By the time they had reached the s t r e e t s , the young g i r l s had i d e n t i f i e d with the i l l e g i t i m a t e and o u t s i d e r groups they found there and had accepted a r o l e as sexual p a r t n e r s f o r men. The young g i r l s e i t h e r d i d not c o n s i d e r themselves l e g i t i m a t e l y 175 employable, or f e l t unrewarded i n these jobs. At the same time, they found that they were valued h i g h l y f o r t h e i r sexual f a v o u r s , and t h i s economic r e a l i t y served to r e i n f o r c e t h e i r sexual i d e n t i t y . T h e i r experiences with sexual abuse and t h e i r sexual i d e n t i t y made p r o s t i t u t i o n an a c c e p t a b l e , and even f a m i l i a r , method of ear n i n g a l i v i n g and s u r v i v i n g . "What got me there [ p r o s t i t u t i n g ] was that I d i d n ' t t h i n k I belonged anywhere e l s e . I'd b a s i c a l l y been fucked by men a l l my l i f e - any way they c o u l d fuck me." Bev. "With the attempted rape t h i n g , and j u s t s o r t of with my bro t h e r , I'd alre a d y had sex anyway, i n my mind. So i t [ p r o s t i t u t i n g ] d i d n ' t seem that bad." Fran. For the women i n t h i s study, t h e i r sexual i d e n t i t y p r ovided a way of a c c e s s i n g a t t e n t i o n and money, although i t was sim u l t a n e o u s l y a source of negative l a b e l l i n g and g u i l t . In r e t r o s p e c t , the v o l u n t e e r s b e l i e v e d that they d i d not f e e l good about themselves i n the r o l e of sex - o b j e c t and o u t s i d e r . But at the time, they found acceptance, v a l i d i t y , a t t e n t i o n , s t a t u s and money f o r s u r v i v a l through the s t r e e t community and p r o s t i t u t i n g , t h a t they d i d not f i n d through the l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s of the f a m i l y and schools i n t h e i r l i v e s . For some p e r i o d of time, t h e i r s e x - r o l e i d e n t i t y worked f o r them and " f e l t good". When they got to the p o i n t of l e a v i n g the s t r e e t s the women had to deal with t h e i r negative i d e n t i t i e s . The d i f f i c u l t y of f i n d i n g a new i d e n t i t y i s a t t e s t e d to by Bev: 1 7 6 "About a year ago I wore make-up a l l the time, and high heels and s i l k d r e s s e s . And now I l i v e i n f l a t shoes. And never put on any make-up, except o c c a s i o n a l l y some l i p s t i c k . And I . . . i n jeans. And I j u s t go l i k e t h a t a l l the time. And I f e e l inadequate and I f e e l i n f e r i o r , because a l l these women walking around l o o k i n g so good and so f i n e and so r i c h . But no, i t ' s j u s t p a r t of the t h i n g of judging myself by standards that aren't mine. Standards I've been taught to judge myself by. I've been taught to be an o r i f i c e . And um, I'm t r y i n g to l e a r n to l i k e myself i n jeans." Bev. Having given up p r o s t i t u t i n g f o r a l i v i n g , Bev's s t r u g g l e i s to f i n d an i d e n t i t y f o r h e r s e l f that i s not t i e d to appearance and s e x u a l i t y . Her d i f f i c u l t y a r i s e s as she r e a l i s e s t h a t a l l women are valued i n t h i s way, and that to f i t i n she would have to accept those standards of worth again. But she has seen the s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of v a l u i n g h e r s e l f by her loo k s , and s t r i v e s to move beyond the t r a d i t i o n a l standards of s o c i e t y . "I'm so scared of being shallow. Because I judge myself by what I've been taught to judge myself. L i k e how I look, how much I wiggle my ass. How much make-up I put on. And I don't want to judge myself l i k e that any more." n[W]hat's the p o i n t that I become nothing i n a more s o c i a l l y acceptable way?" Bev. For some of the women, the way out of t h e i r negative i d e n t i t y i s to separate what they see as t h e i r own r e s p o n s i b i l i t y from that of s o c i e t y ' s . In so doing, they are 1 7 7 able to r e j e c t the judging and l a b e l l i n g they once i n t e r n a l i s e d and to accept themselves as growing, and va l u a b l e human beings. "I understood that i t wasn't my f a u l t . That any of that wasn't my problem. I t was my par e n t s . My parents were the ones that screwed me, not me. And my s t e p - f a t h e r was screwed up. Not me. And I wasn't a r o t t e n k i d . I was j u s t made to be r o t t e n . I understood, s t a r t e d to understand that I wasn't born r o t t e n , people made me r o t t e n . " "I'm proud of myself. And I'm proud of what's to come too. Because I know I'm going to make a d i f f e r e n c e to somebody somewhere." E l l e n . In g a i n i n g some p e r s p e c t i v e on the the e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s that a f f e c t e d her l i f e and c h o i c e s , E l l e n s q u a r e l y p l a c e s the blame on the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and f a c t o r s that were a p a r t of her l i f e . Grace came to see t h i n g s s i m i l a r l y . "I can get r i d of these f e e l i n g s of worthlessness and g u i l t . " "My t h e r a p i s t gave me a l i t t l e s t o r y on...and her s t o r y of abuse and p r o s t i t u t i o n and s t u f f l i k e t h a t . Her s t o r y was so s i m i l a r to mine, i t r e a l l y s e t me o f f my f e e t . L i k e , you know, I'm not the only one. That's where I r e a l l y r e a l i z e d I'm not the only one" " S o c i e t y has to open i t s eyes to the r e a l i t y of t h i s problem. They c l o s e i t t o , you know, the f a c t that i t ' s wicked, i t ' s e v i l . But they don't r e a l i z e how much i t r e a l l y detriments somebody. You know, i t r e a l l y hurts them e m o t i o n a l l y f o r l i f e . At l e a s t there are some of us that are str o n g enough to c a r r y through, you know, and make i t b e t t e r . We 178 t r y ! " Grace. The optimism that both Grace and E l l e n express as they face the f u t u r e a t t e s t s to t h e i r e f f o r t s to d i v e s t themselves of the negative i d e n t i t y that s o c i e t y imposed on them and to value themselves p o s i t i v e l y . C o n c l u s i o n The women i n t h i s study d i d not t a l k about good or bad se l f - e s t e e m . They d e s c r i b e d f e e l i n g s of g u i l t and s e l f - b l a m e , and of being o u t s i d e r s and o u t c a s t s . The concept of i d e n t i t y has been used here to i n c l u d e the women's sense of s e l f , how they developed t h i s sense and how t h i s a f f e c t e d t h e i r p e r c e i v e d r o l e s and c h o i c e s i n the world. Family r e l a t i o n s h i p s and r o l e s seemed to p l a y a major p a r t i n the developing sense of s e l f d e s c r i b e d by these v o l u n t e e r s . Lack of v a l i d a t i o n , support and understanding l e f t the young g i r l s f e e l i n g second best and unimportant. In p a r t i c u l a r confused r o l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s and t h e i r sense of b e t r a y a l by t h e i r mothers, l e f t the v o l u n t e e r s with a negative i d e n t i t y and without p o s i t i v e r o l e models f o r themselves. T h e i r sexual abuse, and the negative r e a c t i o n s of others to t h e i r e a r l y sexual development r e s u l t e d i n the young g i r l s blaming themselves and t a k i n g on the g u i l t f o r t h e i r sexual involvement. The young g i r l s were judged and l a b e l l e d n e g a t i v e l y , but they a l s o found that t h e i r s e x u a l i t y was a way to access a t t e n t i o n and money f o r s u r v i v a l . G r a d u a l l y they i n t e r n a l i s e d an i d e n t i t y that was t i e d to t h e i r s e x u a l i t y . T h i s 179 i d e n t i t y narrowed the p o t e n t i a l r o l e s and ch o i c e s of the young g i r l s and made i t p o s s i b l e f o r them to p r o s t i t u t e when they co u l d see no other way to s u r v i v e . The r e l a t i o n s h i p of gender to the development of i d e n t i t y and r o l e s can be seen i n these v o l u n t e e r s ' s t o r i e s . As di s c u s s e d e a r l i e r , Leonard (1984) argues that s t a t u s and r o l e s are assigned and re g u l a t e d by the s o c i a l systems ac c o r d i n g to gender. To a l a r g e e x t e n t , g i r l s and women are rewarded f o r being p a s s i v e and a t t r a c t i v e . G r a d u a l l y they l e a r n that b a r t e r i n g with t h e i r appearance, or s e x u a l i t y i s the only way to access money and power (Boyer and James, 1980; Davis, 1937; Rosenblum, 1975). A c t i v e sexual abuse of g i r l s simply r e i n f o r c e s these messages and emphasises t h e i r r o l e s as sexual p a r t n e r s to men. Sex r o l e c o n d i t i o n i n g a l s o r e s u l t s i n a l i m i t e d range of o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e s f o r women, and occupations that are g e n e r a l l y open to women tend to be p o o r l y p a i d , low s t a t u s and s e r v i c e r e l a t e d (James, 1976, 1978). In a d d i t i o n , c e r t a i n jobs that are a v a i l a b l e to women r e q u i r e s u b t l e , and not so s u b t l e , use of p h y s i c a l appearance and sex. Given t h i s c o n t e x t , and the s p e c i f i c experiences with sexual abuse and l a b e l l i n g t h a t the women i n t h i s study encountered, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that t h e i r i d e n t i t y was so s t r o n g l y and s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l a t e d to t h e i r s e x u a l i t y . P e r s o n a l C o n t r o l "Everybody e l s e had c o n t r o l over me." "I was always out of c o n t r o l u n t i l I got o f f junk." C a r o l . 180 C o n t r o l has been chosen as one of the key f a c t o r s t o be d i s c u s s e d here because i t has been i d e n t i f i e d as an i s s u e both i n s e x u a l abuse ( B u t l e r , 1982b; S g r o i , 1982) and p r o s t i t u t i o n ( R i d i n g t o n , 1985; S i l b e r t , 1984). P e r s o n a l c o n t r o l i s d e f i n e d here as the p e r c e i v e d a b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l t o d i r e c t the eve n t s of her l i f e or t o a f f e c t t h e i r outcomes. In t h e i r a t t r i b u t i o n a l t h e o r y of l e a r n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s , Abramson, Seligman and Tea s d a l e (1978) s t a t e t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s make c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s about the ev e n t s and e x p e r i e n c e s i n t h e i r l i v e s . I f the i n d i v i d u a l b e l i e v e s t h a t she i s a b l e t o a f f e c t the outcomes and events of her l i f e , she w i l l make i n t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n s . Having i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l means t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l has a sense of p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l over her l i f e , but a l s o t h a t she i s r e s p o n s i b l e , and t h e r e f o r e t o blame f o r n e g a t i v e e v e n t s . I f the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s t h a t she has no c o n t r o l over e v e n t s and outcomes i n her l i f e , she w i l l make e x t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n s , and t h e r e b y g i v e up p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l , as w e l l as r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and blame. E x t e r n a l c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o the s t a t e of p o w e r l e s s n e s s d e s c r i b e d by Seeman (1985) as a s t a t e of a l i e n a t i o n t h a t i s e x p e r i e n c e d when the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s she cannot c o n t r o l outcomes and e v e n t s . Abramson et a l . (1978) i d e n t i f y two o t h e r c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s make i n r e l a t i o n t o the ev e n t s i n t h e i r l i v e s . G l o b a l v e r s u s s p e c i f i c a t t r i b u t i o n s d e termine the g e n e r a l i t y of h e l p l e s s n e s s over s i t u a t i o n s , and s t a b l e v e r s u s t r a n s i e n t a t t r i b u t i o n s d e t e r m i n e the c h r o n i c i t y of h e l p l e s s n e s s over t i m e . 181 A t t r i b u t i o n a l theory of lear n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s i s s u b j e c t i v e l y based, i n that the c a u s a l a t t r i b u t i o n s t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l makes are s u b j e c t i v e and r e f l e c t only her p e r c e p t i o n s of how events occur. As such, a t t r i b u t i o n a l theory p r o v i d e s a compatible and a p p r o p r i a t e framework f o r the a n a l y s i s and d i s c u s s i o n of the n a r r a t i v e s which form the data base of t h i s r e s e a r c h . P ersonal c o n t r o l , or lack of i t , w i l l be examined as i t was r e f l e c t e d i n the v o l u n t e e r s ' experiences with the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s of the f a m i l y and the s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies. The v o l u n t e e r s ' sense of c o n t r o l w i l l a l s o be explored i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r experiences with sexual abuse, t h e i r own coping s t r a t e g i e s and p r o s t i t u t i o n . F i n a l l y , the e f f e c t of the sense of l a c k of pe r s o n a l c o n t r o l on the developing v i c t i m i d e n t i t y of the young women i n t h i s study w i l l be d i s c u s s e d . C o n t r o l and the Family The women i n t h i s study expressed t h e i r sense of being out of c o n t r o l when they f e l t unable to change or a f f e c t e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s and events. For some of the women these u n c o n t r o l l a b l e events occured w i t h i n the f a m i l y and t h e i r sense of being out of c o n t r o l i s r e f l e c t e d i n the language they used i n t e l l i n g t h e i r s t o r i e s . "My mum sent us back to l i v e with him." C a r o l . "I wasn't allowed to spend time with k i d s . " Abby. "My mum admitted me to the Maples." E l l e n . In these examples the women f e l t t h a t d e c i s i o n s were made f o r 182 them and that people i n a u t h o r i t y , i n t h i s case t h e i r p a r e n t s , took c o n t r o l of t h e i r l i v e s . They had no input or a b i l i t y to a f f e c t these d e c i s i o n s and e x t e r n a l events. Both Abby and Grace expressed a s t r o n g sense of having no say w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l y and of having to abide by s t r i c t f a m i l y r u l e s . "They [parents] wouldn't want to l i s t e n to us k i d s and our problems of the day....They d i d n ' t want to hear nothing at a l l . And they'd be angry at us f o r wanting to t e l l them." "My s i d e was not heard or not even been, not even allowed to be s a i d . " Grace. " I f they [parents] s a i d i t , you d i d i t and t h a t ' s i t . " "Nobody r e a l l y [gave me c o n t r o l ] . My mum always t o l d me what to do, what to wear." Abby. Abby and Grace f e l t t h a t they were given an i n o r d i n a t e amount of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y w i t h i n the f a m i l y as c h i l d r e n , and f e l t unable to change t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s because they had no say i n the f a m i l y . When they reached adolescence, a great p a r t of t h e i r r e b e l l i o n was d i r e c t e d at these s t r i c t o r d inances, and when they ran away i t was as much from the a u t h o r i t a r i a n c o n t r o l as i t was from the abuse. "I'd get home at f i v e and I would have to s t a r t d i n n e r . Go i n t o the barn. Do a l l the barn d u t i e s . And e r , go back i n s i d e . Watch my s i s t e r s . F i n i s h cooking supper. When my mum and dad would come home, I would make them t h e i r d r i n k s , you know. By t h i s time i t was r o u t i n e f o r us not to say a word when they got home and s t u f f l i k e t h a t . I guess we grew accustomed to i t because i t ^ r e a l l y 183 d i d n ' t bother me. And I remember one night I had an' argument with my p a r e n t s , because a f t e r supper I wanted to go out with my g i r l f r i e n d s and t h a t . And they s a i d : 'Well, no. You have your chores to do.'...And we got i n t o a f i g h t and I d i d n ' t want to do i t . And they grounded me....I remember w a i t i n g i n my room u n t i l r e a l l a t e at night and sneaking out the f r o n t door and t a k i n g o f f . " Grace. "My mum wanted me to come home. I s a i d no I had to go to work. And I j u s t walked out....But I think that was one of the g r e a t e s t r e l i e f s ever....My mum and I had fought and fought f o r a year." " I t was.just a f i g h t over who's going to win." Abby. Other v o l u n t e e r s reported growing up i n f a m i l i e s where there was l i t t l e s t r u c t u r e and l i t t l e a u t h o r i t y e x e r c i s e d over them. In some i n s t a n c e s t h i s meant that the young g i r l s e s s e n t i a l l y took over and ran t h i n g s i n the f a m i l y . "So I took care of the family....My mum had no c o n t r o l over anybody, even over her own l i f e . " E l l e n . "My dad was u s e l e s s . My mum was p r e t t y u s e l e s s at the time. And because of a l l my b r o t h e r ' s problems, he was p r e t t y much u s e l e s s . ( I n t e r v i e w e r : So i n a sense you were i n charge. You organised t h i n g s . ) Yeah. I was used to i t from Toronto." Helen. In a s i m i l a r way to that expressed by Abby and Grace, Helen and E l l e n found that i n c r e a s e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the f a m i l y d i d not c a r r y with i t u l t i m a t e c o n t r o l over t h e i r l i v e s . Helen e v e n t u a l l y ran away because of her brother's p h y s i c a l abuse, and 184 E l l e n ' s mother signed her i n t o an adolescent treatment u n i t . C o n t r o l and S o c i a l S e r v i c e s Many of the women reported experiences with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents where they f e l t powerless and unable to c o n t r o l t h e i r own l i v e s . Again, t h e i r language r e f l e c t s t h e i r sense of powerlessness i n r e l a t i o n to s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . "So he [worker] made me go back with him." N Helen. "I got stuck at Cypress House f o r two, three weeks." Grace. "Grab them both. S t i c k them i n the looney b i n and f u c k i n g f i g u r e them out. R i g h t . So we both got snatched." Bev. "I got taken away from my parents twice, through Human Resources. I got put i n t o care s i x months then." Fran. "I got picked up by the p o l i c e a number of times." Helen. To a great extent t h i s powerlessness had to do with lack of input and c o n s i d e r a t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e c o n t r o l over d e c i s i o n s which a f f e c t e d t h e i r l i v e s . Debbie expresses t h i s q u i t e c l e a r l y . "Like I was r e a l l y mad at my s o c i a l worker. He waited f o r something to happen. I asked so many times to get moved out to Vancouver, and f i n a l l y something happens, and he sends me out here [Vancouver], you know." Debbie. However, the women a l s o d e s c r i b e d p o s i t i v e experiences with the s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies, which they remembered as being h e l p f u l to them. These experiences tended to be with i n d i v i d u a l s and s i t u a t i o n s where they d i d not f e e l c o n t r o l l e d 185 and i n v a l i d a t e d . "I think C's got a good idea about her [group] homes though. L i k e i t ' s f l e x i b l e . That i s the main i d e a . " Debbie. "So I went to welfare and the worker there was a very n i c e man. He gave me the o p t i o n of being under care again." "[They] put me i n a l e n i e n t group home where i t was there f o r what you needed. I t was a good t r a n s i t i o n home because you weren't bound by r u l e s and r e s t r i c t i o n s . " Abby. The v o l u n t e e r s remembered f a v o r a b l y the s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies and agents who allowed them to make d e c i s i o n s f o r themselves and respected t h e i r r i g h t and a b i l i t y to know what was best f o r themselves. They d i d not f e e l over-powered and r e s t r i c t e d by these s i t u a t i o n s and as a r e s u l t were able to use them and accept t h e i r help and guidance. R e t r o s p e c t i v e l y Grace s t a t e s : "Well, they've [ s o c i a l workers] got to have a n a t u r a l concern. L i k e not j u s t a, urn, a u t h o r i t y type concern. I t ' s got to be n a t u r a l , genuine. B u i l d up a t r u s t and a f r i e n d s h i p and...A l o t of s o c i a l workers don't work on g a i n i n g t h e i r t r u s t . They work on t e l l i n g them what they can and cannot do. You know. They, i n s t e a d of g i v i n g them r u l e s to begin with, I t h i n k , w e l l f o r me, i t was e a s i e r when they j u s t l e t me make my own d e c i s i o n s and helped me i n t h a t . " Grace. 186 C o n t r o l and A l i e n a t i o n Powerlessness over s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and t h e i r e f f e c t s i s one type of a l i e n a t i o n d e s c r i b e d by Seeman (1958). I t i s r e l a t e d to the s t a t e of meaninglessness, where the i n d i v i d u a l does not understand how a s t r u c t u r e f u n c t i o n s and t h e r e f o r e cannot use or change i t . For some of the women, u n f a m i l i a r i t y with a system or s t r u c t u r e was r e l a t e d to t h e i r sense of being out of c o n t r o l . "They took me to the h o s p i t a l to get checked out and e v e r y t h i n g . And the p o l i c e came to the h o s p i t a l . The h o s p i t a l , I guess, has to phone them i n that kind of case....I d i d n ' t want to [go to c o u r t ] . Those other lawyers. They know how to get you. They know how to break you down up t h e r e . . . . I d i d n ' t l i k e i t at a l l . " Fran. "We t r i e d to l a y charges. And they made me go to the h o s p i t a l . And i t was too l a t e . I t was 48 hours and they s a i d I had to have, they had to have i n 24 hours. So they never even t r i e d to charge my f a t h e r . " C a r o l . Fran and C a r o l expressed a s o r t of m y s t i f i c a t i o n with the way the system worked and a f f e c t e d them. T h e i r sense was that t h e i r own heeds d i d not f i t w i t h i n the parameters of the r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s of the system, and that they were powerless to change the events that took p l a c e . From the opposite p e r s p e c t i v e , Bev d e s c r i b e s the sense of c o n t r o l which came from her f a m i l i a r i t y with the i l l e g i t i m a t e s t r e e t s o c i e t y . 187 "I f e l t power from the l i f e s t y l e . Because I was p a r t of the l i f e s t y l e , because I knew i t . . . . I knew how to work i t . I knew a l l the people I needed to know." Bev. Helen expressed a s i m i l a r b e l i e f and understood that she f e l t out of c o n t r o l when she f e l t l i k e an o u t s i d e r and was i n v a l i d a t e d . "When you're i n a s c h o o l , and you're an o u t s i d e r and the kids p i c k on you, you don't have any c o n t r o l . You don't c o n t r o l t hat s i t u a t i o n . Everybody on the other s i d e i s i n c o n t r o l . Nobody wants to l i s t e n to you. Nobody wants to hear you. And I've f e l t l i k e that a l l my l i f e . The term: 'You don't understand me' has played a major p a r t i n my l i f e . " The r e l a t i o n s h i p between a l i e n a t i o n and powerlessness, or e x t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n s of c o n t r o l can be seen i n these women's statements. When i n d i v i d u a l s f e e l a l i e n a t e d i n these ways, they f e e l unable to a f f e c t outcomes and u n f a m i l i a r with or i s o l a t e d from the s t r u c t u r e w i t h i n which they are t r y i n g to f u n c t i o n . However, when they f e e l f a m i l i a r with the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , they understand i t s f u n c t i o n i n g , and they f e e l more i n c o n t r o l of t h e i r l i v e s . C o n t r o l and Guidance Although the women i n t h i s study seemed to avoid and r e s i s t e x t e r n a l attempts to c o n t r o l them and t h e i r l i v e s , t h e i r s t o r i e s a l s o r e f l e c t e d an u n d e r l y i n g need f o r some s o r t of s t r u c t u r e or l i m i t s to t h e i r l i v e s , t h a t would o f f e r them 188 guidance, but i n a n o n - a u t h o r i t a r i a n way. Helen seemed to be i n a power s t r u g g l e with a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e s f o r much of her l i f e and her n a r r a t i v e was f u l l of examples of power s t r u g g l e s she entered i n t o with anyone she f e l t would t r y to c o n t r o l her. "I got i n t o a l l s o r t s of t r o u b l e i n the Grade I I I c l a s s . I r e f u s e d , l i k e i t ' s s i l l y , I refused to read out of the [readers]....And I refused to [ p r i n t ] . " "I used to d r i v e my p s y c h i a t r i s t nuts, because I'd s i t there and f i g u r e out a l l h i s games before he d i d them." "I got t h i s r e a l rush out of f u c k i n g the system around." Helen. But at the same time Helen seemed to be l o o k i n g f o r some l i m i t s and c o n t r o l of her l i f e . She reported s l a s h i n g h e r s e l f as a young adolescent when she f e l t she had misbehaved. "I'd do something, l i k e I'd f o r g e t to do my homework. And because my mum d i d n ' t punish me, or she wasn't t h e r e . . . I ' d punish myself. I'd take the razor blade and s l i c e up the top of my arm." Helen. The workers that Helen d e a l t with whom she f e l t most p o s i t i v e l y about were those workers who d i d not give i n to her, but who a l s o d i d not t r y to c o n t r o l her. "Well C. was not e a s i l y manipulated. I s t i l l f i n d I coul d n ' t manipulate her. She's r e a l quick, and you know....I think t h a t ' s a l o t of why I l i k e d her....I don't l i k e M. because he screwed me around a l o t . But I couldn't beat him. And that was a c h a l l e n g e . I spent a l o t of time around him because I cou l d n ' t fuck him up....The people I cou l d n ' t fuck around I r e a l l y l i k e d . " Helen. 189 Helen's s t o r y r e f l e c t s her s t r u g g l e f o r power and c o n t r o l over her own l i f e versus her need f o r boundaries and someone who would be s t r o n g enough to lean on, but not attempt to c o n t r o l her. Without s u p e r v i s i o n or guidance from her mother, or anyone e l s e , her l i f e f e l t out of c o n t r o l and she r e s o r t e d to s e l f - m u t i l a t i o n to t r y and put some l i m i t s on h e r s e l f . Helen's experience with s e l f - m u t i l a t i o n i s not an uncommon one. I t i s f r e q u e n t l y reported as a s e l f - p u n i s h i n g behavior by sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s who s t i l l c a r r y the blame and the g u i l t f o r t h e i r abuse ( H a l l i d a y , 1987). In the end, Helen's l i f e on the s t r e e t s became t o t a l l y out of c o n t r o l as her a d d i c t i o n s took over. At t h i s p o i n t i t was a worker who helped her to r i d h e r s e l f of her a d d i c t i o n s and to leave the s t r e e t s . Grace's s t o r y r e f l e c t e d a s i m i l a r c o n f l i c t over the i s s u e of c o n t r o l i n her l i f e . Once she had l e f t home, Grace was determined that she was going to run her own l i f e , and she responded r e b e l l i o u s l y to any o v e r t attempt to c o n t r o l her. "And she [ s t r e e t f r i e n d ] smacked me i n the face and s a i d : 'Get home'....She's p r o t e c t i v e of me I guess....And then I t o l d her: 'Well, to h e l l with i t . I'm going to do as I p l e a s e . ' " Grace. Experiences with the p o l i c e whom she found extremely p u n i t i v e and c o n t r o l l i n g , simply made Grace f e e l r e v e n g e f u l and motivated her r e t u r n to the s t r e e t . "My 17th b i r t h d a y was j u s t coming and....the p o l i c e are 190 going to t r y and pic k me up. To bad f o r them, rig h t . . . . A n d the night of my b i r t h d a y I went out on the s t r e e t . And I thought: 'Come on you guys. I'm w a i t i n g f o r you. I'm working' and e v e r y t h i n g e l s e l i k e t h a t . " Grace. R e t r o s p e c t i v e l y , Grace s t a t e d : "I think I resented any type of a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e . . . . I had my mind s e t on doing as I pl e a s e d , type thing....I'm s i c k and t i r e d of being t o l d what to do." Grace. But at the same time, Grace reported becoming i n v o l v e d with another young g i r l of her own age, who e s s e n t i a l l y pimped Grace f o r four y e a r s . Repeatedly, Grace r e c a l l e d d e c i d i n g t o leave the s t r e e t s and over and over again t h i s f r i e n d would manipulate her i n t o going back. "I always got caught up i n that bind....She was the type of person, she was a good con. She'd t w i s t your f e e l i n g s around so much that you would do what she wanted you to do....And we ended up hanging around together again....And I was back on the s t r e e t s and e v e r y t h i n g e l s e . " Grace. Coming from an a u t h o r i t a r i a n f a m i l y , Grace had learned to r e s i s t a u t h o r i t a r i a n c o n t r o l . But she seemed to be powerless i n the f a ce of the man i p u l a t i v e kind of p e r s u a s i o n t h i s f r i e n d used on her. At a c e r t a i n l e v e l , Grace seemed to need t h i s f r i e n d to s t r u c t u r e her l i f e i n a way that she could not accept from more o b v i o u s l y c o n t r o l l i n g people. E v e n t u a l l y , when Grace d i d leave the s t r e e t s , i t was because a r e g u l a r customer encouraged her to, not of her own d e c i s i o n . As with Helen, when Grace's l i f e seemed to be out of c o n t r o l and without boundaries, i t took 191 someone e l s e to guide her and help Grace make changes, i n a n o n - a u t h o r i t a t i v e way. The importance of boundaries and g u i d e l i n e s f o r growing c h i l d r e n i s r e f e r r e d to by Coopersmith (1967) and Reasoner (1982). These authors suggest that c o n s i s t e n t and dependable r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s give c h i l d r e n a sense of s e c u r i t y and help to make t h e i r l i v e s p r e d i c t a b l e , and c o n t r o l l a b l e . However, o v e r - a u t h o r i t a r i a n c o n t r o l , denies c h i l d r e n any sense of c o n t r o l or the o p p o r t u n i t y to l e a r n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and r e s u l t s i n h e l p l e s s n e s s and resentment of a u t h o r i t y . C o n t r o l and Sexual Abuse Se v e r a l of the v o l u n t e e r s r e c a l l e d t h e i r f e e l i n g s of powerlessness i n the face of the p h y s i c a l and sexual abuse they s u f f e r e d . "I was screaming. I thought: 'Well I might as w e l l give up, you know. T h i s i s n ' t going to work.'" Debbie. "I'm most i n touch with...not being able to save my s i s t e r . " Bev. Debbie and Bev express t h e i r sense of powerlessness over a s s a u l t e r s i n terms of t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to p h y s i c a l l y stop the abuse. Both of these women expressed an enduring sense of powerlessness over u n p r e d i c t a b l e a t t a c k s that they c a r r i e d with them s t i l l at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . "I wasn't s c a r e d . A f t e r t hat I was sc a r e d . A f t e r that man raped me. I can't go out at night by myself." Bev. "I'm s t i l l scared to t h i s day. Walking down the s t r e e t . 192 What i f t h i s guy... because he threatened me q u i t e a b i t a f t e r , you know, about t h i s c o u r t case." Debbie. The sense of powerlessness expressed by Debbie and Bev r e l a t e s to the u n p r e d i c t a b l e nature of the a t t a c k s . The vo l u n t e e r s who had s u c c e s s f u l l y l e f t or separated themselves from an abusive f a m i l y member d i d not express the same type of l i n g e r i n g f e a r of a t t a c k . Having l e f t the s i t u a t i o n where the abuse took p l a c e , and i n some cases where the abuse had been d e a l t with, these women di d not seem to f e e l powerless over those s i t u a t i o n s , any more. The sense of powerlessness that came from Helen's experiences with sexual abuse went deeper than the f e e l i n g of p h y s i c a l h e l p l e s s n e s s : "You have no c o n t r o l over y o u r s e l f or your, you know, somebody has complete dominance over you. L i k e every f a c e t of you. Even your mind, you kind of even, you know...I mean sure as the abuse progressed I was able to c l o s e my mind o f f , c l o s e my emotions o f f p r e t t y s u c c e s s f u l l y . But not enough because o b v i o u s l y i t s t i l l e f f e c t s me." Helen. For Helen, the l o s s of c o n t r o l was over her sense of s e l f and the enduring bad f e e l i n g s that s u r f a c e d when she was unable to c o n t r o l her emotions. As a r e s u l t , Helen has spent most of her l i f e attempting to c o n t r o l her emotions, thereby keeping a sense of being i n c o n t r o l of h e r s e l f and her l i f e : "What I s u c c e s s f u l l y d i d was block e v e r y t h i n g , you know, I was emotionless. I d i d n ' t respond to p r a c t i c a l l y a n y thing." "My b r o t h e r ' s always been the emotional type. 193 So's my mum. Not me. And I took care of t h i n g s , you know." Helen. C o n t r o l and Coping S t r a t e g i e s Faced with a p p a r e n t l y u n c o n t r o l l a b l e abuse and abusive s i t u a t i o n s , the young g i r l s d i d what they could to get some sense of c o n t r o l over t h e i r l i v e s . Helen, i n s h u t t i n g o f f her f e e l i n g s , r e l a t e s emotional c o n t r o l to being i n c o n t r o l of her l i f e . Other v o l u n t e e r s reported r e s o r t i n g to emotional numbness i n order to get some sense of c o n t r o l over t h e i r l i v e s . "I never got upset about very much. L i k e you know, I was never h u r t i n g . Well I probably was, but I'd never admit i t . " E l l e n . The young g i r l s a l s o used the s e p a r a t i n g techniques, r e f e r r e d to i n the pre v i o u s s e c t i o n on a l i e n a t i o n , to numb themselves a g a i n s t p h y s i c a l d i s c o m f o r t , and a l l of the v o l u n t e e r s used drugs and a l c o h o l as a way of keeping p a i n and d e p r e s s i o n under c o n t r o l . "I remember the f e e l i n g of the f i r s t time I d i d [speed]. That's why I d i d i t a second time. Because I'd stay up a l l n i g h t . I d i d n ' t f e e l depressed. I f e l t , you know, good about myself then." Grace. Some of the women were able to use the sexual abuse i t s e l f to g a i n some sense of c o n t r o l . "I'd t r y to use [the s e c r e t of the sexual abuse] a g a i n s t him. I'd say: 'D'you know what? D'you know what?' But I'd never say i t . And he'd get t h i s look on h i s face and 194 he'd leave me alone." Fran. By t h r e a t e n i n g to give away t h e i r s e c r e t , Fran was able to c o n t r o l her brother when they were f i g h t i n g . Grace used sexual favours to prevent her grandfather from b e a t i n g h e r s e l f and her s i s t e r s . "And when he's i n a good mood he had a l o t of p h y s i c a l c o n t a c t . So I'd, you know, t r y th i n g s l i k e t h a t to get him i n a good mood, you know....So i t was l i k e a r o u t i n e to me. To get him i n a good mood and stop him be a t i n g us, to give him t h i s [ s e x ] . " Grace. In t h i s way Grace was able to c o n t r o l the p h y s i c a l abuse she and her s i s t e r s were subjected t o . The v o l u n t e e r s a l s o attempted to get some c o n t r o l over t h e i r l i v e s by r e b e l l i n g and running away. As the young g i r l s reached e a r l y adolescence, they began to become aware that there were other options f o r them beyond t h e i r l i v e s with t h e i r f a m i l i e s and s c h o o l s . To a great extent t h i s knowledge came with the new f r i e n d s they were making at school and through t h e i r growing need to t e s t and push t h e i r l i m i t s . Fran, f o r example, who e a r l y i n her l i f e had been a f r a i d to go home l a t e from s c h o o l because of the t r o u b l e she would be i n , g r a d u a l l y found that there was r e a l l y nothing her parents could do to stop her from r e b e l l i n g and running away. "I f i r s t r e b e l l e d when I t o l d my dad I wasn't going to church....I was bad at home f o r a w h i l e . I was a r e a l l i t t l e t h i e f . " "They'd ground me and t a l k to me. But I just....They couldn't r e a l l y do nothing to me." Fran. 195 S i m i l a r l y , E l l e n reached a stage with her s t e p f a t h e r when she simply needed to r e b e l . " E v e r y t h i n g he s a i d I d i d opposite o f . Even i f I knew i t was wrong. I d i d i t j u s t to p i s s him o f f . . . . I ' d s t e a l h i s money r i g h t out of h i s w a l l e t while he was s l e e p i n g . " E l l e n . E v e n t u a l l y , the young g i r l s found that the l i m i t s t h a t the system could impose on them c o u l d most simply be evaded by running away. Running away and a v o i d i n g unpleasant s i t u a t i o n s became the optimum way of m a i n t a i n i n g c o n t r o l over t h e i r l i v e s : "I always thought I d i d n ' t have to be where I d i d n ' t want to be, you know. So I took i t i n t o my own hands every time." "My c o n t r o l was to run." E l l e n . "That's p a r t of the reasons I s t a r t e d to run away. I had my own c o n t r o l . " Debbie. For some of the young g i r l s , running away was a r e b e l l i o u s act which they d i d i n response to a s p e c i f i c event. "One night I had t h i s major row with my b r o t h e r . He beat me up and I took o f f . " Helen. "[My dad] j u s t about k i l l e d me....And I says to my s i s t e r : 'I had enough. I can't take i t no more. Dad's going to k i l l me y e t . . . . I can't take i t no more and I'm running." C a r o l . For o t h e r s , running away developed g r a d u a l l y and was used more p a s s i v e l y to avoid unpleasant s i t u a t i o n s . "I can remember the f i r s t n i g ht when I stayed away f o r the whole n i g h t . And I j u s t kept going from t h e r e . " Fran T h i s kind of p a s s i v e avoidance was Fran's primary way of t a k i n g c o n t r o l over her l i f e . In r e t r o s p e c t Fran recognised t h a t she had o f t e n been manipulated i n t o s i t u a t i o n s . But when she could no longer handle those s i t u a t i o n s , she simply l e f t , and found t h a t t h i s was the most expedient way to run her l i f e . "Someone w i l l t e l l me something or t e l l me to do something, and I don't r e a l l y argue much. I j u s t kind of do i t . Or i f someone says something bad, or something I don't l i k e I j u s t , i t doesn't, I don't get mad. I j u s t kind of put i t o f f . " "I j u s t kind of stopped. I j u s t d i d n ' t go back one day....I j u s t got t i r e d of i t . " "And I j u s t one day threw away a l l my numbers [of r e g u l a r customers]. Told them I'm not working any more." Fran. R e b e l l i n g a g a i n s t a u t h o r i t y and running away from s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y where they f e l t most out of c o n t r o l allowed these young g i r l s to g a i n some sense of independence and c o n t r o l over t h e i r l i v e s and s i t u a t i o n s . However, i n order to maintain t h e i r independence from the l e g i t i m a t e s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y , they had to f i n d a means of support, and p r o s t i t u t i o n became the expedient and obvious way to do t h i s . In that i t c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r sense of freedom and independence, p r o s t i t u t i o n f e l t l i k e a way of t a k i n g c o n t r o l to these young g i r l s . "I was t i r e d of being pushed around everywhere. I wanted to do something. I wanted to make my money and j u s t be happy, which I thought working the s t r e e t s would be g r e a t . " Abby. 197 "I c o u l d take care of myself. That's why I s t a r t e d [ p r o s t i t u t i n g ] you know. I ended up, I e v e n t u a l l y ended up t a k i n g care of myself." Debbie. P r o s t i t u t i n g a l s o represented a way of t a k i n g c o n t r o l over the sexual a c t i v i t y the young g i r l s seemed to accept as i n e v i t a b l e . "I wasn't taken to these people. These people were coming to me. I had the choice to say: 'I don't want to see you,' or, you know. And I co u l d say how much money and I was i n c o n t r o l . " Fran. U n f o r t u n a t e l y the coping s t r a t e g i e s that seemed to work so we l l i n the s h o r t term e v e n t u a l l y got out of c o n t r o l f o r the young g i r l s . Increased dependence on drugs and a l c o h o l developed i n to a v i c i o u s c y c l e where the young g i r l s needed the drugs i n order to p r o s t i t u t e and had to p r o s t i t u t e i n order to get enough money to buy the drugs. "I needed the money. And I s t a r t e d doing drugs and I s t a r t e d working j u s t to get my drugs." Fran "I was t o t a l l y hooked on drugs. T o t a l l y dependent on drugs." "I s t a r t e d t u r n i n g the odd t r i c k . I t was t o t a l l y d i s g u s t i n g . But i t was a way to support my h a b i t . " Bev. Grace gave up l e g i t i m a t e employment i n order t o earn enough money to buy drugs. "I worked i n the daytime. And at night I'd go home and go out to work to get some speed." "I q u i t the job....I j u s t think I q u i t because i t i n t e r f e r e d with what I wanted to do at the time." Grace. The young g i r l s a l s o found that they were not always i n c o n t r o l 198 when they were p r o s t i t u t i n g , and that t h i s type of a c t i v i t y d i d not a f f o r d them the kind of independence that they had hoped f o r . Some of the women found themselves under the c o n t r o l of pimps. "I thought working the s t r e e t s would be gr e a t . But i t wasn't. I ended up g e t t i n g pushed around anyways." "I worked f o r two pimps....[It got] to the p o i n t where I couldn't even go to the bathroom without phoning and asking....But they were the boss then. I got a few beatings to l e t i t be known that they were boss." Abby. Others ran i n t o abusive customers whom they c o u l d not c o n t r o l . "I've had so many bad dates [customers] i t ' s u n b e l i e v a b l e . In f a c t I think I got the record f o r being raped. I ' l l never ever go out to the [ s t r e e t s ] . " Fran. G r a d u a l l y , the coping s t r a t e g i e s that had given the young g i r l s some immediate sense of c o n t r o l ceased to work, and they once again found themselves unable to c o n t r o l t h e i r l i v e s . C o n t r o l and Learned H e l p l e s s n e s s Some of the v o l u n t e e r s , f i n d i n g themselves once again i n a h e l p l e s s s i t u a t i o n l i v i n g on the s t r e e t s and f e e l i n g that l i f e was again out of c o n t r o l , reached a p o i n t where they t o t a l l y gave up. "I mean I got to the p o i n t where I was at k n i f e p o i n t , eh. I mean you have people c a r r y i n g guns and t h i s and t h a t . I t d i d n ' t scare me. But I got to the p o i n t where I d i d n ' t c a r e . " Debbie. "I got attacked i n an a l l e y . . . . I t o l d him to go ahead and 199 cut my t h r o a t . You know, i t j u s t d i d n ' t matter. And there was some p o i n t where I h i t when nothing mattered." Helen. The sense of h e l p l e s s n e s s and hopelessness expressed by these women i s remi n i s c e n t of the h e l p l e s s n e s s that S i l b e r t (1984) found i n the p r o s t i t u t e s she s t u d i e d . S i l b e r t found that as a r e s u l t of repeated abusive experiences the women reached a po i n t of "learned h e l p l e s s n e s s " where they b e l i e v e d there was nothing they c o u l d do about t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s . Once they reached t h i s p o i n t , S i l b e r t found that i t became i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to reach the women and to provide s e r v i c e s f o r them. The l e a r n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s r e f e r r e d to by S i l b e r t i s that c o n d i t i o n d e s c r i b e d e a r l i e r i n the d i s c u s s i o n of a t t r i b u t i o n a l theory. Learned h e l p l e s s n e s s i s a p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e of h e l p l e s s n e s s i n which the i n d i v i d u a l b e l i e v e s she cannot c o n t r o l a v e r s i v e events (Abramson et a l . 1978). T h i s s t a t e or b e l i e f comes about as a r e s u l t of repeated a v e r s i v e events which may occur over time and across v a r y i n g circumstances thereby i n c r e a s i n g the g e n e r a l i t y and c h r o n i c i t y of the s t a t e of h e l p l e s s n e s s . Repeated and g e n e r a l i z e d v i c t i m i z a t i o n may engender i n the i n d i v i d u a l a s e l f - b e l i e f about being a person who i s v u l n e r a b l e to v i c t i m i z a t i o n (Peterson & Seligman, 1983). I f the v i c t i m blames h e r s e l f f o r the a v e r s i v e events that she i s sub j e c t e d t o , t h i s w i l l n e g a t i v e l y a f f e c t her s e l f - e s t e e m and she w i l l b e l i e v e that she i s someone who i s v u l n e r a b l e to v i c t i m i z a t i o n (Peterson & Seligman, 1983). In some cases t h i s may r e s u l t i n the development of a v i c t i m i d e n t i t y . 200 The women i n t h i s study were a l l subjected to repeated and g e n e r a l i z e d abuse. Many of them reported developing a b e l i e f about men's u n i v e r s a l need f o r sex and t h e i r own r o l e as sexual p a r t n e r s f o r men. "I j u s t f e l t i t was a t h i n g of l i f e . I t was j u s t n a t u r a l i n s t i n c t . I mean every...dad does i t . " "I've been raped 158 times.... L i k e the guys with my dad....Guys pushing me i n t o c a r s . I'm f i n d i n g myself i n the middle of nowhere and being raped.... Insane. These guys are t o t a l l y insane." C a r o l . "I thought that s i n c e I was doing i t with him, i t was okay to do i t with other guys." Fran. C a r o l and Fran g e n e r a l i z e d from t h e i r e a r l y experiences with sexual abuse to t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n s from other men. C a r o l ' s experiences with abuse at the hands of her f a t h e r and h i s f r i e n d s were v i o l e n t and extremely p a i n f u l . She came to accept that t h i s was the way a l l men wanted sex, and her experiences confirmed that b e l i e f . Fran's e a r l y experience with sex was not p a r t i c u l a r l y abusive or uncomfortable. She learned to be a sexual p a r t n e r to men from these experiences and a c c o r d i n g l y f o l l o w e d through. Debbie's e a r l y experiences with sexual abuse were with an employer. She f e l t unable to do anything about h i s advances, and came to expect that a l l employers are the same. "I was prepped when I was 13. That guy was t a l k i n g a l l these d i s g u s t i n g t h i n g s . I b e l i e v e d him. He would have. 201 He would have done something to me." "[Name of Town]'s got those same kind of people as Vancouver.... I n e a r l y got a job at the PNE. Then I heard....You hear a l l these s t o r i e s . . . . There 1 s l o t s of as s - h o l e s out th e r e . " Debbie's g e n e r a l i s e d b e l i e f was f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c e d by her experiences with the p o l i c e : "Even the cops. You can't even t r u s t the cops. When I was working on the s t r e e t s and the cops come along, they'd want something eh, so they wouldn't take you i n . " Debbie. Leaving home represented a way of t a k i n g c o n t r o l of t h e i r l i v e s to the young v o l u n t e e r s interviewed here. When these coping s t r a t e g i e s d i d not work and they found themselves s t i l l out of c o n t r o l and su b j e c t to abuse, many of the young g i r l s gave up and f e l t t o t a l l y powerless to help themselves. However, each of the e i g h t women intervi e w e d here had l e f t the s t r e e t s and were f r e e of drug and a l c o h o l a d d i c t i o n s at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . A l l but one of the women c r e d i t e d t h i s move to an e x t e r n a l power, be i t God, a baby or a s o c i a l s e r v i c e worker. "Walking out of my apartment I went: 'I can't work any more. I'm going to d i e . " L i k e I don't know i f I was doing t h a t . Maybe i t was God. I t couldn't have been anyone e l s e but God." Bev. "I don't know what happened. For some reason I ended up back at Cypress House. And t h i s guy...who was assigned to me as a one-to-one worker....He was NA [ n a r c o t i c s anonymous] and AA [ a l c o h o l i c s anonymous]. So he took me to the meetings and I cleaned up." Helen. 202 In c o n t r a s t to S i l b e r t ' s f i n d i n g s , Helen and Bev seemed to become more a c c e s s i b l e to help when they stopped t r y i n g to c o n t r o l e v e r y t h i n g themselves. In e f f e c t g i v i n g up c o n t r o l f o r these women enabled them to allow other people or f o r c e s to help them and guide them away from the s t r e e t s and the s t r e e t l i f e . C o n t r o l and R e s p o n s i b i l i t y Having l e f t the s t r e e t l i f e , the s t r u g g l e was then to re g a i n some sense of c o n t r o l over t h e i r l i v e s . For C a r o l t h i s was achieved by r e c o g n i s i n g that she co u l d make her own d e c i s i o n s and thereby t a k i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r her l i f e . "I mean i t ' s the person's d e c i s i o n . I t ' s l i k e I s a i d . Maybe a l o t of bad th i n g s have happened to me, but no-one tw i s t e d my arm to do the drugs. That was my d e c i s i o n i n l i f e . No-one f o r c e d me to be a hooker. Maybe I f e l t I had to be, but i t was my d e c i s i o n r was mixed up, I was confused, but i t was my d e c i s i o n . " " I t ' s l i k e s a ying 'Once a j u n k i e always a j u n k i e . ' Well i t ' s s o r t of t r u e . 'Once a p r o s t i t u t e , always a p r o s t i t u t e . ' " C a r o l . By t a k i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the d e c i s i o n s that she made, C a r o l accepts i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l , but a l s o seems to take on an enduring i d e n t i t y that i s r e l a t e d to her e a r l y behaviour. When she blames the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , or makes e x t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n s , she r e l i n q u i s h e s her sense of c o n t r o l . "I was f o r c e d i n t o the s i t u a t i o n where i t was the only way I could get a few d o l l a r s f o r h i s [baby's] medicine." "He wouldn't give me any more dope i f I wouldn't hook f o r 203 him. So again I was f o r c e d i n t o the s i t u a t i o n . " C a r o l . Debbie seems to give up i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l completely, thereby a c c e p t i n g her v i c t i m s t a t u s and p r o j e c t i n g i t i n t o her own and her daughter's f u t u r e . "I'm s t i l l scared to t h i s day walking down the s t r e e t . What i f t h i s guy... because he threatened me." "I j u s t hope she [baby] doesn't have to go through the s h i t that I d i d . Now I look at her, you know, I wanted a boy...What am I going to do i f she s t a r t s running away?" Debbie. As E l l e n r e f l e c t s on her sense of c o n t r o l over her l i f e , her t h i n k i n g begins s i m i l a r l y to C a r o l ' s , as she takes r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the d e c i s i o n s she made when she was young. "I knew, l i k e through my l i f e I've always known what's r i g h t and wrong from the beginning. I've j u s t , some, u s u a l l y chosen the wrong roads to take." "Even when I was doing drugs and s t u f f , i t was my choice and I knew I was was making the d e c i s i o n s . " E l l e n . However, E l l e n d i d not take on the g u i l t and blame f o r these a c t i o n s i n the same way that the other young g i r l s d i d , and she d i d not adopt a v i c t i m i d e n t i t y . Thus, as she d e s c r i b e s a p e r i o d i n her l i f e when she c o u l d n ' t c o n t r o l a l l the a c c i d e n t s happening to her, E l l e n d i d not i d e n t i f y h e r s e l f as someone s i n g l e d out f o r punishment, but r a t h e r e x p l a i n s that she wasn't "paying a t t e n t i o n " or her " b r a i n wasn't t h e r e " . "I c o uldn't c o n t r o l a l l these a c c i d e n t s were happening to me a l l the time....so l i k e a l l the time I was f a l l i n g and h u r t i n g myself. I t was l i k e my b r a i n was never th e r e . " E l l e n . 204 And when she was a s s a u l t e d , E l l e n f e l t j u s t i f i a b l y angry, rather than h e l p l e s s and e n d u r i n g l y f e a r f u l : "When I was 14 I got attacked i n a back a l l e y , from where I was l i v i n g at the time. Which i s r e a l l y weird. L i k e two guys at t a c k e d me. And they d i d n ' t r e a l l y hurt me that bad. But I, you know, I was p i s s e d o f f that i t happened." E l l e n . Although E l l e n d i d spend a short p e r i o d working as a p r o s t i t u t e , she never r e a l l y became entrenched i n the s t r e e t l i f e and when she decided to leave she took an a c t i v e r o l e i n f i n d i n g the best way to do t h i s . E l l e n ' s sense of c o n t r o l over her l i f e was r e f l e c t e d at the time of the i n t e r v i e w as she viewed her f u t u r e and her r o l e i n the f u t u r e with optimism. . "I'm proud of myself. And I'm proud of what's to come too. Because I know I'm going t o make a d i f f e r e n c e to somebody, somewhere." E l l e n . C o n c l u s i o n The l i f e s t o r i e s of the women intervi e w e d here r e f l e c t an on-going quest f o r c o n t r o l over the events that they found a v e r s i v e and unbearable. The v o l u n t e e r s reported a sense of powerlessness when e x t e r n a l a u t h o r i t i e s and agencies made d e c i s i o n s f o r them and d i r e c t e d t h e i r l i v e s ; when they f e l t u n f a m i l i a r with these agencies or unable to meet t h e i r p r e - c onceived demands; and when they f e l t i n v a l i d a t e d , ignored and devalued. They found these a u t h o r i t i e s and c o n d i t i o n s i n the l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s of t h e i r f a m i l i e s and the 205 s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies. The abuse that they s u f f e r e d f u r t h e r c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r sense of powerlessness over e x t e r n a l events, and the f a i l u r e of the l e g i t i m a t e a u t h o r i t i e s and agents i n t h e i r l i v e s to v a l i d a t e t h e i r s u f f e r i n g or do anything about the abuse c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r d i s t r u s t of those agents and a u t h o r i t i e s . Repeated and on-going a v e r s i v e events and s i t u a t i o n s c o n t r i b u t e d to c h r o n i c and g e n e r a l i s e d h e l p l e s s n e s s and i n c r e a s e d sense of powerlessness. Unable to c o n t r o l the e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s and agents i n t h e i r l i v e s , the young g i r l s developed t h e i r own coping s t r a t e g i e s , t h a t r e l i e v e d them of the emotional and p h y s i c a l p a i n that they s u f f e r e d . Through these s t r a t e g i e s they g r a d u a l l y separated themselves from the l e g i t i m a t e s t r u c t u r e s that they f e l t had f a i l e d them, and from any p o t e n t i a l help that these sources could o f f e r . In t h i s way, they a l s o took on a g r e a t e r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r l i v e s . Thus, when the s t r a t e g i e s f a i l e d , as they a l l d i d , the young g i r l s were l e f t with the blame, and t h i s a f f e c t e d t h e i r sense of s e l f i n a negative way. But i n the s h o r t term at l e a s t , the v o l u n t e e r s gained a sense of c o n t r o l from these s t r a t e g i e s , t h a t they had been unable to f i n d elsewhere. In t h e i r search f o r c o n t r o l , the young g i r l s tended to r e s i s t and evade the l e g i t i m a t e a u t h o r i t i e s and s t r u c t u r e s that they had found u n h e l p f u l , and sometimes abusive. T h e i r r e b e l l i o u s and evasive behaviour appeared to be t o t a l l y out of c o n t r o l and concerned only with f i n d i n g u n l i m i t e d freedom. But i n f a c t , t h e i r need was not to be t o t a l l y u n c o n t r o l l e d , but 206 r a t h e r to f i n d l i m i t s and boundaries that were not simul t a n e o u s l y abusive. As a r e s u l t the young g i r l s continued to get i n t o s i t u a t i o n s where someone was c o n t r o l l i n g them, and they o f t e n found these r e l a t i o n s h i p s d i f f i c u l t to l e a v e . U l t i m a t e l y , the i l l e g i t i m a t e coping s t r a t e g i e s got out of c o n t r o l , and the young g i r l s found the i l l e g i t i m a t e world of the s t r e e t s to be at l e a s t as abusive as the l e g i t i m a t e world they had l e f t . In one way or another, the e i g h t women here came to terms with the f a c t t h at they must somehow cooperate with or use the l e g i t i m a t e sources of c o n t r o l that they had o r i g i n a l l y l e a r n e d t o d i s t r u s t and r e s i s t , i n order to leave the i l l e g i t i m a t e l i f e - s t y l e s that had f a i l e d them. I n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system who o f f e r e d support and guidance i n an u n c o n t r o l l i n g way and who v a l i d a t e d and valued the v o l u n t e e r s were the ones who made t h i s process p o s s i b l e . D i s c u s s i o n T h i s chapter has focussed on the i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s of a l i e n a t i o n , i d e n t i t y and p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l as they were experienced and r e f l e c t e d i n the n a r r a t i v e s of the e i g h t women inte r v i e w e d here. These s u b j e c t i v e s t a t e s were experienced as a r e s u l t of i n t e r a c t i o n with e x t e r n a l , o b j e c t i v e f a c t o r s - that i s , they were c o n t e x t u a l l y based. F a c t o r s have been d e f i n e d as s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s that were i n f l u e n t i a l i n the l i v e s of these women. As the i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s are examined f o r t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on the outcome of p r o s t i t u t i o n i n these e i g h t v o l u n t e e r s , the i n f l u e n c e of the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s on 207 t h e i r development can a l s o be seen. A l i e n a t i o n i s de f i n e d as the f e e l i n g of powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, i s o l a t i o n and self-estrangement. The women expressed t h i s f e e l i n g i n r e l a t i o n to the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s of the f a m i l y , the s c h o o l s , s o c i a l networks and the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . Experiences with sexual abuse and r e l a t e d events a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to the sense of a l i e n a t i o n i n these young women. T h e i r sense of a l i e n a t i o n r e s u l t e d i n these young women withdrawing from l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and i d e n t i f y i n g with i l l e g i t i m a t e or o u t s i d e r groups. A l i e n a t i o n appears to be a major c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r i n the outcome of j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n i n these women who were sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s . As a r e s u l t of t h e i r i s o l a t i o n from l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , the young g i r l s were cut o f f from any source of help or support around t h e i r abusive s i t u a t i o n s , sexual and otherwise. F u r t h e r , t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with other a l i e n a t e d groups made them p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e to i l l e g i t i m a t e means of s u r v i v a l , i n c l u d i n g p r o s t i t u t i o n . In these women, a l i e n a t i o n seemed to combine with and exacerbate the sexual abuse and pl a y a major r o l e i n t h e i r entrance i n t o p r o s t i t u t i o n as j u v e n i l e s . I d e n t i t y i s de f i n e d here to i n c l u d e the developing sense of s e l f and i t s e f f e c t s on the ch o i c e s that the i n d i v i d u a l makes and the r o l e s she adopts. Of p a r t i c u l a r i n f l u e n c e on these e i g h t women's developing sense of s e l f was t h e i r f a m i l i e s . Through t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s with t h e i r f a m i l i e s and f a m i l y members, these young women began to develop a sense of 208 themselves as secondary and i n f e r i o r . Their experiences with sexual abuse contributed to an i d e n t i t y that was tied to their sexuality and their perceived roles as sexual partners for men. The young women also developed a sense of deviance that was related to their sense of a l i e n a t i o n , or difference, and to the l a b e l l i n g and judging that they encountered as a result of their sexual experiences. Their i n f e r i o r , sexual and deviant i d e n t i t i e s r e s t r i c t e d the perceived choices and roles of these young g i r l s and influenced their entrance into p r o s t i t u t i o n . Personal control i s defined here as the a b i l i t y to affect one's l i f e . The volunteers experienced a sense of personal control, or lack of i t , in r e l a t i o n to the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l factors that influenced their l i v e s . Where families or s o c i a l service organisations directed and controlled their l i v e s , the young g i r l s f e l t out of control. Their sense of alienation contributed to their sense of powerlessness, as they f e l t unable to understand or control the structures that they functioned within. Lack of support and help around abuse also contributed to the young g i r l s ' sense of loss of control. Feeling out of control within the legitimate s o c i a l structures, the young g i r l s sought control through alternative, i l l e g i t i m a t e means. Use of drugs and alcohol and psychological separation methods gave them an immediate sense of control over their depression and pain. Running away, joining i l l e g i t i m a t e groups and p r o s t i t u t i n g gave them an immediate sense of control over their l i v e s . Alienation, a deviant identity and lack of control are i n t r a - p s y c h i c f a c t o r s that are a l l i n t e r r e l a t e d and had a major e f f e c t on the young g i r l s ' i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with i l l e g i t i m a t e and o u t s i d e r groups. These f a c t o r s , i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the sexual abuse, c o n t r i b u t e d to the development of a sexual i d e n t i t y that i n f l u e n c e d the ways i n which these e i g h t women began to p r o s t i t u t e as j u v e n i l e s . 210 CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Th i s research e x p l o r e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between sexual abuse and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n with a view to broadening our understanding of the f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . The m u l t i p l e - c a s e design was chosen to access the p e r s p e c t i v e s and experiences of the i n d i v i d u a l s who are the focus of t h i s i n q u i r y . Throughout t h i s paper i t has been argued that the experiences and p e r c e p t i o n s that were reported by the v o l u n t e e r s were c o n t e x t u a l l y based, and that the context a f f e c t e d t h e i r e xperiences and p e r c e p t i o n s . In order to understand the e f f e c t of the cont e x t , or s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s on the i n d i v i d u a l , t h i s r e s e a r c h s t a r t e d from the p e r s p e c t i v e of women who had had the experiences under i n q u i r y , t h a t i s of sexual abuse and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n . These f i n d i n g s have been presented i n the previous two ch a p t e r s . T h i s chapter takes the a n a l y s i s a step f u r t h e r and f o l l o w i n g S u l l i v a n ' s (1984) theory of c r i t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n examines the ways i n which s t r u c t u r e s of dominance, or the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s , l i m i t and c o n t r o l human behavior. The second s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter reviews the f i n d i n g s of t h i s research and addresses the research questions which focus on the f a c t o r s t h a t i n f l u e n c e the ways i n which sexual abuse s u r v i v o r s begin to p r o s t i t u t e as j u v e n i l e s . The r a m i f i c a t i o n s of these research f i n d i n g s f o r i n t e r v e n t i o n s t r a t e g i e s are d i s c u s s e d . The f i n a l two s e c t i o n s of t h i s chapter d i s c u s s the r a m i f i c a t i o n s of t h i s research f o r the women who volunteered 211 t h e i r l i f e experiences f o r review, and recommendations f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h . S o c i a l C o n t r o l "You people, t h i s world, t h i s s o c i e t y , you guys are the ones that made i t impossible f o r her to do anything e l s e i n the beginning." Bev. In h i s study of "unreached youth" i n Toronto, B y l e s (1969) s t a t e s that s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s designed to o b t a i n conformity by means of p e r s u a s i o n , i n d o c t r i n a t i o n , c o e r c i o n or f o r c e , and that the bases of s o c i a l c o n t r o l are the values enshrined i n s o c i e t y . These values are taught by the agents of s o c i a l c o n t r o l , who are the i n d i v i d u a l s who make up the agencies or i n s t i t u t i o n s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . B y l e s (1969) d e f i n e s the i n s t i t u t i o n s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l to i n c l u d e the f a m i l y , the sc h o o l s , employment and the law. By l e s ' i n s t i t u t i o n s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l are c o n s i s t e n t with S u l l i v a n ' s (1984) s t r u c t u r e s of dominance and both concepts are represented i n the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s which form a focus of t h i s r e s e a r c h . T h i s s e c t i o n addresses the r o l e of the s o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s i n the l i v e s of the women who were i n t e r v i e w e d . S o c i a l - s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s are de f i n e d to i n c l u d e c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s that are i n c o r p o r a t e d i n the s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y . The s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y that were i n f l u e n t i a l i n the l i v e s of the women int e r v i e w e d are the f a m i l y , the s c h o o l s , s o c i a l networks, s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , the employment market, and i n some cases 212 r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s . The Family The family i s one of the most enduring and basic structures of society. It i s the f i r s t structure that individuals come into contact with, and much of early s o c i a l i s a t i o n and learning takes place within the family. "No other s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n plays a comparable part in shaping the motivations, the adaptations, the i n h i b i t i o n s , and the values of the young" (Keniston, 1965, p. 309). The family can assert i t s authority and control in two ways: through c o n t r o l l i n g the ch i l d ' s access to power and control, and through role modelling. Leonard (1984) states that the family i s a powerful mechanism for teaching and establishing gender and age hierarchies, and role development. In Western society, families tend to be h i e r a r c h i c a l and patriarchal in structure. The adult male member i s usually the major wage earner, and as such he tends to maintain authority and power within the family (Butler, 1982a). "The dominance of males over females, es p e c i a l l y within f a m i l i e s , and espe c i a l l y in relation to fathers and children, r e f l e c t s s o c i a l order" (VanderMey & Neff, 1986, p. 83). The patterns of authority and control within the family, in the eight cases discussed here, were not always c l e a r l y defined. In several instances the women i d e n t i f i e d their mothers as being in control within the family, even when there was an adult male present. However, their mother's authority 213 was always compromised by the f a c t that she e i t h e r appeared to d e c l i n e or was unable to c o n t r o l the sexual and p h y s i c a l abuse of her daughter. Male abusers maintained u l t i m a t e power over the young g i r l s i n t h i s r e s p e c t , and i n a v a r i e t y of ways, the f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e supported that balance of power by d i s a l l o w i n g any access to c o n t r o l or power f o r the young v i c t i m s . The f a m i l i e s of the e i g h t v o l u n t e e r s v a r i e d i n amount of a u t h o r i t y that was e x e r c i s e d over the c h i l d r e n . There were examples of extremely s t r i c t and a u t h o r i t a r i a n f a m i l i e s and examples of f a m i l i e s where l i t t l e or no c o n t r o l or a u t h o r i t y was exerted on the growing c h i l d r e n . In s e v e r e l y a u t h o r i t a r i a n f a m i l i e s , the young v i c t i m had no v o i c e and was thus disempowered from speaking out or p r o t e c t i n g h e r s e l f from abuse. Abby, f o r example, attempted to p r o t e c t h e r s e l f from her gra n d f a t h e r ' s sexual abuse by r e f u s i n g to v i s i t him: "I never r e a l l y l i k e d going over there to begin with. And my parents knew t h a t , and, i t wasn't the type of t h i n g to be b r i n g i n g up. Because at that age you don't know how to approach i t , other than I'd say I d i d n ' t want to go over t h e r e . . . . ' W e l l , we're going anyway.'" Abby. In f a m i l i e s where no one seemed to be i n c o n t r o l , there was a l s o no one a v a i l a b l e to help the young v i c t i m of abuse. "We were scared to t e l l her [mother] because he was abusing her. And we d i d n ' t want her to have to worry." Bev. "Well I d i d n ' t think i t was my mum's...I wouldn't t e l l my 214 mum because you know, she....and t h i s and t h a t . I d i d n ' t t a l k to anybody about i t [sexual abuse]." Debbie. Both o v e r l y a u t h o r i t a t i v e and o v e r l y l e n i e n t f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e s deny c h i l d r e n the op p o r t u n i t y to l e a r n how to so l v e problems or change circumstances i n t h e i r l i v e s (Coopersmith, 1967; Reasoner, 1982). These authors suggest that without g u i d e l i n e s and boundaries c h i l d r e n lack the sense of p r e d i c t a b i l i t y and s e c u r i t y , and without r e c o g n i t i o n and c o n t r o l c h i l d r e n become h e l p l e s s and r e s e n t f u l of a u t h o r i t y . Family d y s f u n c t i o n has been found to be a f a c t o r i n the l i f e - h i s t o r i e s of p r o s t i t u t e s i n s e v e r a l more recent s t u d i e s . Lack of bonding and attachment (Gray, 1973; Greenwald, 1969), and confused r o l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s (Borgman, 1984; Herman & Hirschman, 1977; Ledray, 1985; Meiselman, 1979) have been found i n the f a m i l i e s of p r o s t i t u t e s and i n c e s t s u r v i v o r s . In gen e r a l the s t o r i e s of the e i g h t women interviewed here bear out these t h e o r i e s . There was a c o n s i s t e n t p a t t e r n of poor communication, lack of support and confused r o l e s f o r these women and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . As a r e s u l t the young g i r l s found themselves without support and v a l i d a t i o n from t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and were disempowered from doing anything about the abusive events they encountered. B u t l e r (1984a) suggests that the earning power of men i s r e l a t e d to t h e i r n a t u r a l a u t h o r i t y i n the f a m i l y . The ei g h t v o l u n t e e r s i n t h i s study grew up i n f a m i l i e s where economic s e c u r i t y r e l i e d on the presence of an a d u l t male. Where there was no ad u l t male present, the f a m i l i e s s u b s i s t e d on low incomes 215 or, more f r e q u e n t l y , s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . The mothers who were employed, worked i n t r a d i t i o n a l l y low-paying, l o w - s k i l l e d jobs. Where a working f a t h e r was present, the mother's job was seen as secondary to h i s employment. In terms of earning power, the a d u l t females i n these f a m i l i e s had l i t t l e access to power. Observing t h i s p a t t e r n , young g i r l s might be expected to develop l i m i t e d e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r themselves as wage-earners. C e r t a i n l y t h i s trend was evident i n terms of employment p a t t e r n s of the mothers and daughters i n t h i s study. To a l a r g e extent when they found l e g i t i m a t e employment, the e i g h t v o l u n t e e r s f o l l o w e d t h e i r mother's p a t t e r n s of employment, most of them f i n d i n g u n s k i l l e d , p o o r l y paid jobs, or being dependent on male p a r t n e r s or s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e f o r t h e i r income. In only two in s t a n c e s d i d the v o l u n t e e r s r e p o r t working at n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l jobs, and i n n e i t h e r case d i d t h i s l a s t f o r long. The extent to which the young g i r l s f o l l o wed t h e i r mother's p a t t e r n i n terms of r o l e and i d e n t i t y i n l i f e has been d i s c u s s e d i n the s e c t i o n d e a l i n g with i d e n t i t y . For some of the v o l u n t e e r s , t h e i r l i v e s at the time of the i n t e r v i e w appeared to be s i m i l a r to t h e i r mother's, i n that they were dependent on men f o r t h e i r income and were p r i m a r i l y i n v o l v e d i n r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n . Others were c o n s c i o u s l y s t r u g g l i n g to be d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r mothers, and i n so doing attempting to empower themselves and take an a c t i v e r o l e i n d i r e c t i n g or r e - d i r e c t i n g the course of t h e i r l i v e s . In g e n e r a l , the e f f e c t of the s t r u c t u r e of the f a m i l y on these e i g h t v o l u n t e e r s was to disempower them as c h i l d r e n by r e f u s i n g to hear or v a l i d a t e them, or by being u n a v a i l a b l e to them. As a r e s u l t , the abuse was u n c o n t r o l l e d and the young g i r l s l earned t h a t they could not c o n t r o l male abusers. To the extent that these v o l u n t e e r s followed t h e i r mother's r o l e , they accepted a l i m i t e d and r e s t r i c t e d access to power, and i n some cases a v i c t i m ' s r o l e . Those who broke away from that p a t t e r n , were i n c r e a s i n g l y able to d i r e c t and take c o n t r o l of t h e i r l i v e s , and were l e s s l i k e l y to see themselves as v i c t i m s . The Schools Schools are another s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e with which every c h i l d has e a r l y and prolonged c o n t a c t . Newman (1985) and Boyer and James (1982) have found a negative c o r r e l a t i o n between f a i l u r e at school and the developing i d e n t i t y and sense of s e l f - w o r t h i n j u v e n i l e s . Schools tend to be organised i n a h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d way with c l e a r l y d e f i n e d r u l e s and s t r i c t e x p e c t a t i o n s of performance and behavior. C h i l d r e n can succeed or f a i l i n school i n three ways: a c a d e m i c a l l y , b e h a v i o r a l l y and s o c i a l l y . Academic success or f a i l u r e i s c l e a r l y demarcated by grades and percentages; b e h a v i o r a l success or f a i l u r e i s r e g u l a t e d by r u l e s and monitored by those "agents of s o c i a l c o n t r o l " who may accept or r e j e c t a student from a c l a s s or the s c h o o l ; and s o c i a l success or f a i l u r e i s measured by the groups the i n d i v i d u a l can gain acceptance t o , groups which are a l s o e v a l u a t e d f o r t h e i r l e g i t i m a c y / a c c e p t a n c e or i l l e g i t i m a c y / non-acceptance. A great deal of emphasis i s put on e d u c a t i o n a l success i n 217 our s o c i e t y . One of the f i r s t t h i n g s that the s o c i a l s e r v i c e system encourages s t r e e t a d o lescents to do i s to go back to s c h o o l , and there i s a f a i r amount of money spent on developing s p e c i a l i s e d catch-up programs f o r i n d i v i d u a l s who have not completed high s c h o o l . The importance of success at school was r e f l e c t e d i n the s t o r i e s of the v o l u n t e e r s s e v e r a l of whom were e i t h e r working on or had completed t h e i r Grade 12 equivalency at the time of the i n t e r v i e w . But to a great extent, i n the e a r l y l i v e s of the women intervi e w e d here, schools represented another s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e where they learned that they had no power and they f e l t inadequate and a l i e n a t e d . Another way that s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s maintained i s through c o n t r o l of access to i n f o r m a t i o n . Both the schools and the f a m i l y exert a great deal of c o n t r o l over the i n f o r m a t i o n that i s g iven to c h i l d r e n . Access to i n f o r m a t i o n about sex and s e x u a l i t y has long been c a r e f u l l y guarded and r e s t r i c t e d , and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of sex education i n the schools has been a slow process, fraught with c o n t r o v e r s y ( G i l l e s p i e , 1989). However, ignorance about a p p r o p r i a t e sex and s e x u a l i t y a l s o leaves c h i l d r e n v u l n e r a b l e to the r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n s and j u s t i f i c a t i o n s given them by abusive a d u l t s , so that knowing no b e t t e r , they go along with t h e i r requests or i m p o s i t i o n s ( F i n k e l h o r , 1984; VanderMey & Ne f f , 1986). S e v e r a l of the women i n t h i s study s t a t e d that i n r e t r o s p e c t they could see that they were q u i t e ignorant about a p p r o p r i a t e sex and sexual e x p r e s s i o n . Some of them learned b e l a t e d l y about the taboos around i n c e s t , and others simply 218 accepted t h e i r abusive s i t u a t i o n s because they had no other i n f o r m a t i o n by which to judge t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s . The r e s u l t of the s o c i a l c o n t r o l of i n f o r m a t i o n was to su b j e c t these young g i r l s to s e x u a l l y abusive and e x p l o i t i v e experiences, and to deny them the knowledge and t o o l s that would empower them to do something about t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s . In the l i f e experiences of the women int e r v i e w e d here, the schools a l s o played a r o l e i n p r e v e n t i n g the young g i r l s from g e t t i n g help around t h e i r abusive s i t u a t i o n s . For Abby and C a r o l , t h i s meant that i n d i v i d u a l s i n the schools f a i l e d to f o l l o w up on t h e i r t e n t a t i v e requests f o r hel p . "I got up the courage to w r i t e the l e t t e r [about the sexual abuse] and give i t to her [school c o u n s e l l o r ] . . . . S h e d i d n ' t t e l l my mum because she f i g u r e d I was ly i n g . . . . T h e c o u n s e l l o r t o l d her that I was r e b e l l i o u s . That I needed some good d i s c i p l i n e . " Abby. "When I d i d say one time that my dad hurt me, they [ t e a c h e r s ] s a i d : 'When the c h i l d i s bad they should be expected to take the punishment f o r i t . ' " C a r o l . In Helen's case, i t was a teacher who s e x u a l l y abused her and the school system subsequently blocked any i n q u i r y i n t o the i n c i d e n t . "The s o c i a l worker I had a number of years ago t r i e d to track down t h i s guy and the school board won't r e l e a s e any in f o r m a t i o n . " Helen. The s t o r i e s of the e i g h t women interviewed here r e f l e c t t h e i r sense of a l i e n a t i o n w i t h i n the school s t r u c t u r e , as w e l l 219 as a s t r o n g sense of disempowerment and an i n a b i l i t y to f u n c t i o n w i t h i n t h i s s t r u c t u r e . As a r e s u l t the young g i r l s again found themselves without i n f o r m a t i o n , support or v a l i d a t i o n when i t came to d e a l i n g with t h e i r abusive s i t u a t i o n s . The school system and those who represented i t operated i n such a way as to disempower the young g i r l s , thereby m a i n t a i n i n g the balance of power i n favour of the male abusers. S o c i a l Networks S o c i a l networks represent another s t r u c t u r e of dominance that r e f l e c t s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s and v a l u e s . S o c i a l groups are e v a l u a t e d and judged f o r t h e i r l e g i t i m a c y , a c c e p t a b i l i t y and d e s i r a b i l i t y , and members of a group c a r r y i t s i d e n t i t y and e v a l u a t i o n . S o c i a l c o n t r o l i s e x e r c i s e d through t h i s e v a l u a t i o n of groups and t h e i r members. Groups and i n d i v i d u a l s who behave d i f f e r e n t l y enough from the norm to a t t r a c t a t t e n t i o n are d e f i n e d as i l l e g i t i m a t e , unacceptable, or deviant ( B y l e s , 1969). Once they have been l a b e l l e d t h i s way, they are t r e a t e d d i f f e r e n t l y , and f r e q u e n t l y l o s e access to r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s accorded l e g i t i m a t e of a c c e p t a b l e i n d i v i d u a l s and groups ( K i t s u s e , 1964). The e v a l u a t i o n and l a b e l l i n g of behavior and i n d i v i d u a l s i s d e s c r i b e d by Boyer and James (1982) s p e c i f i c a l l y i n r e l a t i o n to sexual behavior. These authors s t a t e that women are judged on a whore/madonna continuum a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r sexual behavior. Those who c r o s s the i n v i s i b l e l i n e of a c c e p t a b i l i t y are l a b e l l e d n e g a t i v e l y , or as whores, and l o s e the options and 220 p r i v i l e g e s t h a t are open to other "good" women. The women i n t h i s study c i t e d many occasions when they were l a b e l l e d i n negative sexual terms. L a b e l l i n g was a.part of the blaming that r e s u l t e d when the f a c t of t h e i r sexual abuse became known, and i t c o n t r i b u t e d to the sexual i d e n t i t y that the young g i r l s began to develop f o r themselves. By judging and n e g a t i v e l y l a b e l l i n g g i r l s and women who c r o s s the boundaries of " a p p r o p r i a t e " sexual behaviour and e x p r e s s i o n , s o c i e t y ensures that these people are a l i e n a t e d and i l l e g i t i m i z e d thereby l i m i t i n g t h e i r access to resources and t h e i r o p t i o n s . As the next s e c t i o n i l l u s t r a t e s , working as p r o s t i t u t e s a l s o reduced the young g i r l s access to p r o t e c t i o n by the law, and i n some in s t a n c e s made them s u b j e c t to harrassment by the p o l i c e . S o c i a l networks were i n f l u e n t i a l i n the l i v e s of the women who were in t e r v i e w e d f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h . The networks that they f e l t most comfortable with were those that e x i s t e d o u t s i d e of the l e g i t i m a t e s t r u c t u r e s . These networks became a source of a l t e r n a t i v e , i l l e g i t i m a t e l i f e - s t y l e s and c o n t r i b u t e d to the d e v i a n t or o u t s i d e r i d e n t i t i e s t h a t the young g i r l s were r a p i d l y d e v e l o p i n g . As a r e s u l t of i d e n t i f y i n g with these i l l e g i t i m a t e groups and i n d i v i d u a l s , the young g i r l s became f u r t h e r a l i e n a t e d from l e g i t i m a t e sources of support or help, and t h e i r options and c h o i c e s became f u r t h e r l i m i t e d . S o c i a l S e r v i c e s S o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies make up another s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e t h a t a l l of the e i g h t women interviewed had e x t e n s i v e experience 221 and c o n t a c t w i t h . S o c i a l s e r v i c e s are de f i n e d to i n c l u d e a l l agencies that are designed to support and help j u v e n i l e s , as w e l l as the law enforcement system. P r e s e n t l y the s e r v i c e s a v a i l a b l e i n B r i t i s h Columbia to underage j u v e n i l e s who run away from home i n c l u d e a v a r i e t y of group and f o s t e r home resources which operate under v a r y i n g r e g u l a t i o n s . There i s a l s o one j u v e n i l e d e t e n t i o n c e n t r e and a residence f o r j u v e n i l e s with emotional d i s t u r b a n c e s . In a d d i t i o n there are a v a r i e t y of s t r e e t s e r v i c e s and s t r e e t youth workers who endeavour to conta c t j u v e n i l e s who are l i v i n g on the s t r e e t s and to e i t h e r reconnect them with t h e i r f a m i l i e s or to pl a c e them i n any of the above named reso u r c e s . The s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies and s t r u c t u r e s that the j u v e n i l e s i n t h i s study came i n t o c o n t a c t with operate w i t h i n a set of laws concerning j u v e n i l e s and t h e i r w e l f a r e . In B r i t i s h Columbia, a c h i l d i s con s i d e r e d i n need of p r o t e c t i o n and s u p e r v i s i o n u n t i l she or he i s 19 (Kossuth & Korde, 1986; Report of the Committee of Sexual Offences A g a i n s t C h i l d r e n and Youths, V o l . I I , 1984b). F u r t h e r , under the Young Offenders Act j u v e n i l e s aged 12 to 17 are not held accountable f o r t h e i r c r i m i n a l a c t s i n the same manner and extent as a d u l t s . T h i s • allows f o r some f l e x i b i l i t y i n a r r e s t i n g , charging and sentencing of young persons i n v o l v e d i n c r i m i n a l a c t s (Wilson & Tomlinson, 1985) . P r o s t i t u t i o n i s not i l l e g a l i n Canada, and while the laws a g a i n s t s o l i c i t i n g have been t i g h t e n e d r e c e n t l y , j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n has no s p e c i f i c s t a t u s under the law. Consequently 222 a j u v e n i l e who i s under the age of 17 and who i s caught i n the act of s o l i c i t i n g , i s most l i k e l y , under the Young Offenders  Act , to be found i n need of p r o t e c t i o n and r e f e r r e d to the c h i l d w e l f a r e a u t h o r i t i e s f o r placement. Such placements are u s u a l l y not secure, that i s they are not locked, and i t i s r e l a t i v e l y easy f o r the j u v e n i l e to run away. As the report of the committee on Sexual Offences A g a i n s t Youths and C h i l d r e n (1984b) found, i f the j u v e n i l e who s u r v i v e s by p r o s t i t u t i n g n e i t h e r seeks nor i s amenable to i n s t i t u t i o n a l help, the p r o t e c t i o n of the law i s tenuous. Previous research i n t o s t r e e t youth and j u v e n i l e p r o s t i t u t i o n has found s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies to be r e l a t i v e l y i n e f f e c t i v e i n s e r v i c i n g t h i s p o p u l a t i o n and a s s i s t i n g them to e x i t the s t r e e t (Benjamin, 1985). In f a c t , although there were many examples of negative c o n t a c t s with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies and agents i n the v o l u n t e e r s ' s t o r i e s , each one of the women i n t h i s study d i d c r e d i t a s o c i a l s e r v i c e worker of some v a r i e t y with h e l p i n g her leave the s t r e e t l i f e . From the s t o r i e s of the v o l u n t e e r s , the s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents and agencies that they d e a l t with f e l l i n t o two c l e a r groups: those who were p u n i t i v e and c o n t r o l l i n g , and whom they found to be u n h e l p f u l , and those who were s u p p o r t i v e and understanding, and thus found to be h e l p f u l . While t h i s d i v i s i o n , not s u r p r i s i n g l y , tended to f a l l along the l i n e that d i v i d e s law enforcement agencies from other s o c i a l s e r v i c e a gencies, t h i s was not always s t r i c t l y the case. The determining f a c t o r seemed to be the worker's a t t i t u d e and manner 223 of treatment of the young person, rather than the agency she or he represented. In g e n e r a l , the women remembered most p o s i t i v e l y those i n d i v i d u a l s who v a l i d a t e d them and who d e a l t with them i n a su p p o r t i v e and f l e x i b l e manner. T h e i r s u p p o r t i v e nature and f l e x i b