WOMEN AND RISK-TAKING: THE OVERLOOKED DIMENSION By JANE ELIZABETH TEMPLEMAN Dip. Ed., The University of V i c t o r i a , 1977 B.P.E., The University of A l b e r t a , 1975 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Counselling Psychology) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1990 © Jane Elizabeth Tempieman, 1990 In presenting degree this thesis in at the University of partial fulfilment British Columbia, of the I agree requirements for an advanced that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying granted of department this or thesis by for scholarly his publication of this thesis or her Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) may representatives. It be is by the head understood that for financial gain shall not be allowed without permission. Date purposes of my copying or my written ABSTRACT This research was based on the premise that research on risk-taking psychological behaviour has emphasized a one- dimensional model of instrumentality and cognitive functioning derived from male experience. The central research question "How do women experience risk-taking?" was investigated by analyzing d e f i n i t i o n s and examples of personal risk described by 44 women, and by comparing relationships between subgroups assigned by occupation and by sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n . The findings indicated that women experienced risk-taking that spanned both dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n (connection to others) and instrumentality (attainment of personal goals). A new d e f i n i t i o n of risk-taking was proposed that incorporated elements of uncertainty, emotional involvement, l o s s , and a process of change. Women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations described a similar number of a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental r i s k s , while women in non-traditional emphasized instrumental risks. occupations It was observed that the opportunity and demand for risk-taking appeared related to social context and work a c t i v i t y . Significant differences were also found between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations with respect to sex-role orientation (from the Bern Sex-Role Inventory), of c h i l d r e n . employment status, income l e v e l , and number No differences were found between sub-groups designated by occupation and by sex-role orientation with respect to estimates of risk-taking tendency from a self-estimate i i scale and the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire. The results supported a c r i t i q u e of the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire, c i t i n g an emphasis on instrumental and hypothetical r i s k - t a k i n g . Participants also reported that the CDQ was not relevant to t h e i r l i v e s . The feminist approach encouraged active p a r t i c i p a t i o n and evaluation by the women in the study. As a r e s u l t , participants reported an increased understanding of themselves and of the process of taking. iii risk- TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi i Chapter I. II. III. INTRODUCTION 1 Purpose and Organization of the Study 9 Definition of Terms 12 LITERATURE REVIEW 14 Women and Risk-Taking 15 The Domains of Femininity and Masculinity 31 Women and Psychology 39 Summary and Research Hypotheses 51 RESEARCH METHODS 55 Participants 55 Procedures IV. ; 57 Measures and Methods 59 RESULTS 69 Demographic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Participants 69 Research Questions and Results 72 1. D e f i n i t i o n and Incidents of Risk-Taking 72 2. Relationship between Sex-Role Orientation and Risk-Taking 95 iv 3. Relationship between Career Orientation and Risk-Taking 98 4. Relationship between Career Orientation and Sex-Role Orientation 5. Effect of Involvement Summary of Results V. 100 on Participants 101 104 DISCUSSION 107 Limitations 125 Implications 128 REFERENCES 132 APPENDICES 150 v LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Demographic Characteristics 70 Table 2 Risks Taken 78 Table 3 Risks Not Taken 79 Table 4 Comparison of CDQ Results by Sex-Role Orientation. 96 Table 5 ANOVA Analysis of CDQ Results by Sex-Role Orientation Table 6 96 Comparison of Self-Estimate of Risk by Sex-Role Orientation Table 7 ANOVA Analysis 97 of Self-Estimate of Risk by Sex-Role Orientation 98 Table 8 Comparison of CDQ Results by Career Orientation . . 99 Table 9 Comparison of Self-Estimate of Risk by Career Orientation Table 10 Crosstabulation 99 of Sex-Role Orientation by Career Orientation 100 vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To the women who made this study possible by sharing your experiences, insights, and courage to r i s k : a very special thank-you. The value of this study i s yours, any weaknesses are mine. To Donna Anthony for ongoing encouragement, a sense of humour and balance, a keen understanding of feminism, and e d i t o r i a l wizardry: thank-you for keeping me on track. To my advisors, Dr. Sharon Kahn and Dr. Stephen Marks: thank-you for your patience, recommendations and support. To committee members, Dr. Lorette Woolsey and Dr. William Borgen: thank-you for your welcome comments. To the wonderful people at Options for Women: your unflinching f a i t h i n , and support of, this project helped bring i t to completion. To Sandy Boychuk: your competence in typing t h i s thesis was reassuring. To my parents: thank-you for allowing me to r i s k . vi i Chapter I. INTRODUCTION This research project addresses the question of how women define and experience risk-taking in t h e i r l i v e s . It is assumed that the phenomenon of risk-taking is an essential element in the survival and growth of both women and men. question is a concern that psychological Central to t h i s research on risk-taking behaviour has focused predominantly on the behaviour of men and has overlooked aspects of risk-taking that may be relevant to women. The phenomenon of risk-taking has been a topic of considerable research since the 1950s. In a recent review of the l i t e r a t u r e on individual differences in risk-taking behaviour, Sweeney (1985) suggested that the majority of studies f a l l into three major categories: 1. Studies that investigate the relationship between achievement motivation and risk-taking (Atkinson, 1957; McLelland, 1961; McLelland & Watson, 1973; Touhey & Villemez, 1975). 2. Studies that link r i s k - t a k i n g with personality t r a i t s and/or cognitive structures (Aurich, 1976; J e l l i s o n & Riskind, 1970; Keinan, Meir, & Gome-Nemirovsky, 1984; Kogan & Wallach, 1964). 3. Studies that compare differences between individual and group r i s k - t a k i n g (Higbee, 1970; Kogan & Wallach, 1967; Newman, 1975; Stoner, 1961; Teger & P r u i t t , 1967). 1 2 Sweeney (1985) found the majority of these studies to be limited in t h e i r relevance to women's experience in that they were generally laboratory studies demanding responses to hypothetical situations activities. or performance in chance or s k i l l The studies produced controlled r e s u l t s , but "at the expense of breadth or relationship to real l i f e and the lives of women in p a r t i c u l a r " (p. 45). Sweeney observed that the researchers were exclusively men and that the samples were predominantly all-male, undergraduate college students. She concluded that " l i t t l e work has been done on risk-taking in r e a l - l i f e situations classes, or on the experiences of different social races or ethnic groups" including women (p. 49). Kogan and Wallach (1964) published the f i r s t treatment of psychological risk in Cognition and Personality. comprehensive in the book Risk-Taking: A Study In accounting for observed sex d i f f e r e n c e s , Kogan and Wallach t e n t a t i v e l y noted that women may approach risk-taking from "a more psychodynamic, motivational nature" (p. 201) while men appeared to regard risk-taking from a more cognitive perspective. Twenty-three years l a t e r , in a review of the l i t e r a t u r e into individual perception of r i s k , Brehmer (1987) concluded that psychological aspects of r i s k . research has overlooked the motivational Brehmer wrote that recent research has contributed to turning "psychological risk into an almost 3 exclusively cognitive concept . . . , [where risk-taking is measured according to] somebody's favourite formula. The motivational and emotional aspects of psychological risk have largely been ignored" (p. 26). Sweeney (1985) and Brehmer (1987) provided evidence that the accumulated research on the psychology of risk presents d e f i n i t e conceptual and methodological problems that may contribute to a misrepresentation of how women define and experience r i s k - t a k i n g . A number of research studies have recently explored the relationship of risk-taking behaviour to sex-role orientation or occupational choice amongst women. this Three themes are evident in research, conducted predominantly by women. Studies that r e l i e d upon either sex-role inventories, such as the Bern Sex-Role Inventory (Bern, 1977), or hypothetical decision making inventories, such as the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (Kogan & Wallach, 1964), as measures of risk-taking behaviour reported higher levels of risk-taking occupations for women in non-traditional (Glasgow, 1982; Steiner, 1986). Studies that u t i l i z e d s e l f - r e p o r t and interview methods link risk-taking self-concept and to the influence of the social to environment and family (Gerike, 1983; Moriarty, 1983; Sweeney, 1985). studies suggested that there may be more s i m i l a r i t i e s Three than differences in risk-taking behaviour amongst women (Brown, 1978; Glasgow, 1982; Shiendling, 1985). 4 Waites (1978) and Siegelman (1983) critiqued the psychology of risk-taking that has been based upon mathematical formulae, rational decision-making theory, and pre-defined situations risk. Both suggested that research into the nature of of risk- taking must be expanded to include personal experience and social context, "from the point of view of the person assessing the danger" (Siegelman, 1983, p. 4). This recent work has addressed narrowly defined assumptions regarding risk-taking and has contributed to an increased understanding of the personal dimensions of r i s k . The research demonstrates the need for further study and supports the hypothesis presented here. The work of Carol G i l l i g a n the present study. (1982) provided a framework for In her book, In A Different Voice, G i l l i g a n (1982) c r i t i q u e d established theories of developmental psychology and proposed that women develop moral reasoning d i f f e r e n t l y than men, yet in a manner equally mature. Gilligan "sought to discover whether something had been missed by the practice of leaving out g i r l s and women at the theory building stage of research in developmental psychology" Gilligan (p. 325). (1982, 1986) cited consistent bias in the use of all-male samples in a review of moral development research by Piaget (1932) and Kohlberg (1958, 1981), Erickson's description of i d e n t i t y development, O f f e r ' s (1969) (1950) description 5 of adolescent development, and observations about adult development by Levinson (1978) and Vaillant (1977). Kohl berg's (1958) six-stage theory of moral development was based on an empirical study of 84 boys. Gilligan (1982) noted that the results were generalized to include g i r l s and women, u n i v e r s a l i t y was claimed for the stage sequence, and women were found "to be d e f i c i e n t in moral development" (p. 18). placed women at an average stage three where morality characterized by interpersonal values. Kohlberg is Men could progress to the more mature stages four, f i v e , or six, characterized by p r i n c i p l e s of law and j u s t i c e . G i l l i g a n challenged the conclusions offered by Kohlberg that suggested women's development is i n f e r i o r . The basis for her inquiry came from the work of Nancy Choderow (1974), who attributed differences between women and men to early socialization. Choderow wrote that "in any given society, feminine personality comes to define i t s e l f in relation and connection to other people more than masculine personality does" (pp. 43-44). Results from G i l l i g a n ' s research supported the theories of Choderow and pointed to a d i s t i n c t i v e ' v o i c e ' spoken by women that was oriented towards attachment and connectedness to others while men appeared oriented towards individuation and separateness from others. G i l l i g a n concluded that women are no 6 less mature than men in t h e i r moral reasoning and that women may simply approach and experience moral questions d i f f e r e n t l y . It is evident from G i l l i g a n ' s work that research into moral development has emphasized a cognitive approach to reasoning that values separation over attachment. "Though the truth of separation is recognized in most developmental texts, the r e a l i t y of continuing connection is lost or relegated to the background where the figures of women appear" (1982, p. 155). Gilligan proposed that, instead of a single dimension of behavior which focuses on cognitive processes and separation, there also exists a second dimension that involves emotional processes and attachment. Recognition of both dimensions, G i l l i g a n wrote, w i l l allow us to " a r r i v e at a more complex rendition of human experience which sees the truth of separation and attachment in the l i v e s of women and men" (p. 174). Research into gender-role i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and the domains of femininity and masculinity supports the theory that q u a l i t a t i v e differences exist in female and male development. A tendency towards a f f i l i a t i o n , co-operation, and communion is observed in women while men exhibit a disposition towards autonomy, . competition, and agency/instrumentality (Bakan, 1966; Bern, 1974, 1978; Choderow, 1978; G i l l i g a n , 1982; M i l l e r , 1976; Parsons, 1955). Jean Baker-Miller (1976) wrote that "the parameters of the females' development are not the same as the males' and that the 7 same terms do not apply" (p. 86). M i l l e r called for a new language in psychology, one that includes women's experience of relationships and connection to others which she described as affiliation. S i m i l a r l y , G i l l i g a n called for a "care perspective" that, while i t is "neither b i o l o g i c a l l y determined nor unique to women" (1986, p. 327), has been overlooked in psychological theories and measures. Bakan (1966) described the fundamental task of to be one of balancing communion with agency. individuals Bern (1978), in postulating the concept of androgyny, described a similar balance of the expressive-feminine with the instrumental-masculine as essential for the well-being of both women and men. This study u t i l i z e d the parameters of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality for categorizing results and for discussion. conceptualization and design of most research into The risk-taking behaviour has, to date, examined and supported the cognitivejudgemental aspects of r i s k - t a k i n g within a domain of instrumentality and has overlooked the motivational-emotional aspects of r i s k - t a k i n g within a domain of a f f i l i a t i o n . It was thought that an exploration of this overlooked dimension may generate relevant new data and provide new insights into the nature of risk-taking. In the conduct of her research, G i l l i g a n (1986) i d e n t i f i e d problems in research design that may contribute to 8 misrepresentations of female experience. G i l l i g a n called for further research into areas that have been explored and defined predominantly by male researchers using male subjects, in universal norms derived from male behaviour. resulting G i l l i g a n further described the need to begin with established research tools and paradigms and to then expand upon them by exploring female behaviour using t h e i r own experience and language. There is a need to focus on the behaviour of people in real l i f e , than in hypothetical situations. The present study u t i l i z e d G i l l i g a n ' s research design. It rather recommendations for connected to previous research with the administration of an established t o o l , the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (Kogan & Wallach, 1964) as a measure of hypothetical r i s k - t a k i n g . The dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality were used as a conceptual framework for discussion and provided a link to the research on femininity and masculinity. The research design was expanded by encouraging women to describe personally relevant incidents of Gilligan risk-taking. (1986) also wrote of the need to conduct research that includes women's experience for the purpose of affirming t h e i r own values and concerns. The process of research i t s e l f may, in this way, contribute to the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s knowledge and estimation of s e l f in order to counterbalance societal expectations of women as passive and s e l f l e s s . This research was 9 designed to e l i c i t comments from participants regarding the research and i t s and perception of impact upon p a r t i c i p a n t s ' understanding of s e l f risk-taking. The approach used by G i l l i g a n to explore new dimensions of women's moral development served as a model for the present study. The rationale and design of this research into risk- taking behaviour was supported by the work of G i l l i g a n and others who have provided evidence that previous research has overlooked important aspects of behaviour relevant to the lives of both women and men. Purpose and Organization of the Study The purpose of this study was to expand our understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g as experienced by women. The topic grew out of my own experience and became focused at a time of personal discovery as I explored established patterns and b e l i e f s about myself and my relationships with others and the world. In years past, I was a c t i v e l y involved in competitive sports and taught Physical Education. I was f a m i l i a r with pushing physical l i m i t s and risking injury in adventure pursuits such as mountaineering, c y c l i n g , kayaking, and running. Over the years, those interests have decreased and I find myself risking greater involvement emotionally and with other people. In my work as a counsellor, I am continually challenged as I am touched by the l i v e s of the people I work with. In my 10 personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s , I am learning to risk the emotional openness, honesty, and connection that impacts upon our lives together. Through these personal changes and learnings from women I have known and worked with, I have come to a profound appreciation of the courage and determination demonstrated by women in t h e i r daily l i v e s . I experience this process as demonstrations of r i s k - t a k i n g . The nature of that risking takes many forms. An inquiry into incidents of risk-taking described by women could expand narrowly defined l i m i t s of risk-taking behaviour established by psychological expectations. research and by societal In p a r t i c u l a r , i t was expected that answers to the following questions would provide new information concerning the nature of women's 1. lives? risk-taking: How do women define and experience risk-taking in t h e i r Do women define and experience incidents of in terms of instrumentality or a f f i l i a t i o n , or both? risk-taking Or is risk- taking described in terms other than instrumentality and affiliation? 2. Is there a relationship between sex-role orientation as measured by the Bern Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI) and risk-taking as measured by the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (CDQ) and by a self-estimate of risk scale? 11 3. Is there a relationship between career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and risk-taking as measured by the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire and by a s e l f estimate of risk 4. scale? Is there a relationship between career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and sex-role orientation as measured by the Bern Sex-Role 5. Inventory (BSRI)? Does involvement in the research affect p a r t i c i p a n t s ' knowledge and estimation of self? The rationale for this study was informed by a feminist perspective. Chapter II provides an overview of feminist contributions to the psychology of women to demonstrate the need f o r , and assumptions of, a feminist perspective. The review of l i t e r a t u r e also presents a discussion of the psychological research into risk-taking behaviour and the domains of femininity and masculinity. Chapter III outlines the research methods, including the selection of p a r t i c i p a n t s , research t o o l s , interview procedures, and methods used for data analysis. Results of the s t a t i s t i c a l analyses and interviews with sample transcripts are presented in Chapter IV. Chapter V discusses observations drawn from the results and presents both limitations and implications of this research. 12 D e f i n i t i o n of Terms Risk-taking. Behaviour reflected by an i n c l i n a t i o n or tendency of an individual to undertake or seek out a s i t u a t i o n wherein the outcome is uncertain and the probability to remain secure and/or safe is unknown. Risk-taking as a spontaneous action without previous consideration or planning may be an aspect p a r t i c u l a r to an individual that is included in this definition. (Keinan, Meir, & Gome-Nemirovsky, 1984) Affiliation. mutually s a t i s f y i n g Behaviour designed to establish and maintain interpersonal relationships. A c t i v i t y based on co-operation, communion, and connection to others. (Bern, 1978; M i l l e r , 1976; Parsons, 1955) Instrumentality. end or goal. Behaviour designed to achieve a s p e c i f i c A c t i v i t y based on competition, mastery, autonomy, and task o r i e n t a t i o n . (Parsons, 1955) Sex-Role Orientation. participants' 1977). As c l a s s i f i e d on the basis of responses to the Bern Sex-Role Inventory (Bern, Using a median s p l i t scoring technique, participants were c l a s s i f i e d as either feminine (high feminine - low masculine scores), masculine (high masculine - low feminine scores), androgynous (high masculine - high feminine scores), or undifferentiated (low masculine - low feminine scores). Career Orientation. As c l a s s i f i e d according to percentage of female enrollment in the occupational f i e l d . Occupations with 13 at least 66% of the labour force enrollment represented by women are c l a s s i f i e d as t r a d i t i o n a l . Non-traditional occupations are those in which women represent 33% or less of the total enrollment. (Employment & Immigration Canada, 1984) Chapter II. LITERATURE REVIEW Either you w i l l go through this door or you w i l l not go through. If you go through there is always the risk of remembering your name. Things look back at you doubly and you must look back and let them happen. If you do not go through i t is possible to l i v e worthily to maintain your attitudes to hold your position to die bravely but much will blind you much w i l l evade you, at what cost who knows? the door i t s e l f makes no promises It is only a door. 14 (Rich, 1967, p. 59) 15 Three areas of psychological chapter. l i t e r a t u r e are reviewed in t h i s An exploration of women's experience of risk-taking must f i r s t concern i t s e l f with the accumulated research on r i s k taking, with p a r t i c u l a r focus on women. A review of the l i t e r a t u r e on femininity and masculinity is required for the development of a conceptual framework that u t i l i z e s the dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality for results. discussing To conclude, a review of the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the status of women in psychology demonstrates the need f o r , and contributions of, a feminist perspective in the development of psychological research relevant to women. Women And Risk-Taking L i f e consists of taking r i s k s . From the moment of b i r t h , young children risk safety and security as they struggle to deal with an ever changing environment. We need only observe the world around us and r e f l e c t on our unique experience to recognize the c e n t r a l i t y of risk-taking to our survival and growth. The concept of risk-taking has long been of interest as a study in human behaviour. mathematicians f i r s t It is l i k e l y that, centuries ago, became interested in risk-taking as they sought mathematical explanations for p r o b a b i l i t i e s chance occurrences and gambling regarding (Bern, 1980; Langer, 1980). Economists borrowed mathematical analyses to formulate theory regarding decisions made under condition of risk and uncertainty 16 (Kogan & Wallach, 1964). Philosophers have been intrigued by the relationship between s k i l l and chance (Langer, 1980). Interest in the psychology of risk-taking is r e l a t i v e l y recent and developed out of research on motivation in the 1950s (Atkinson, 1957, 1964; McLelland, Atkinson, Clark, & Lowell, 1953). Psychological risk-taking theory has since taken two d i s t i n c t courses: how people d i f f e r in risk-taking and t h e i r perception of r i s k , and how expert assessments of risk or conditions are made (Brehmer, 1987). risk situations Expert evaluations of include insurance predictions regarding the likelihood of disasters, i l l n e s s , or accidents and are not relevant to the present study which is concerned with individual differences in r i s k - t a k i n g and the perception of risk. Sweeney (1985) reviewed the l i t e r a t u r e on individual differences in r i s k - t a k i n g . She established a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system of three groups of studies which is expanded upon here to include research relevant to the present investigation. One category included studies that compared differences between individual and group r i s k - t a k i n g . Many of these studies documented a "risky s h i f t phenomenon" (Higbee, 1970; Kogan & Wallach, 1967; Newman, 1975; Stoner, 1961; Teger & P r u i t t , 1967). The phenomenon is a tendency for group decisions to s h i f t in a more risky d i r e c t i o n than individual decisions made prior to the group meeting. Sweeney noted that the majority of these studies 17 were conducted in laboratory settings, consisted of predominantly all-male samples, and were based on decision making in hypothetical dilemmas. This category of studies is not d i r e c t l y related to the questions posed by the present inquiry which focuses on individual risk-taking. A second category described by Sweeney (1985) consists of studies that investigated the relationship between achievement motivation and risk-taking (Atkinson, 1957; McLelland, 1961; McLelland, Atkinson, Clark, & Lowell, 1953; McLelland & Watson, 1973; Touhey & Villemez, 1975). Alper (1974) noted that the book, The Achievement Motive (McLelland et a l . , 1953) devoted only 8 of approximately 400 pages to studies of women. Spence and Helmreich (1978) also critiqued motivation theory for i t s biased treatment of female subjects: "Female achievement behaviors were found by early investigators to be so inconsistent and resistant to theoretical analysis that subsequent investigators (p. 29). have tended to confine t h e i r studies to males" The consideration of male behaviour as the norm and female behaviour as inconsistent and contradictory with a male norm has been a common theme in psychological research (Malmo, 1983; S i l v e i r a , 1973; Spence & Helmreich, 1978). Horner (1971, 1972) demonstrated that McLelland's research was both biased and s i m p l i s t i c . She proposed a 'fear of success' model that, while critiqued for perpetuating a t r a i t theory of 18 personality, was s i g n i f i c a n t in the development of motivation theory that took into account female values and women's social environment. Fear of success motivation acknowledges the social and economic r e a l i t y that may discriminate against women. "The g i r l who maintains high q u a l i t i e s of independence and active striving necessary for mastery defies the conventions of sex appropriate behavior, and must pay a p r i c e , a price in anxiety" Douvan, Horner, & Gutman, 1970, p. 55). Negative (Bardwick, social consequences may present p a r t i c u l a r barriers to achievement and r i s k - t a k i n g for women. Expectancy of success is another v i t a l determinant of risk-taking behaviour. Research indicates that women are l i k e l y to attribute success to external sources and f a i l u r e to personal f a u l t s . Men indicate the reverse (Jackaway, 1975; N i c h o l l s , 1975; Stake, 1979). It has been demonstrated that once success does occur in the form of clear and consistent feedback, women develop an expectancy of success equal to that of men (Jackaway, 1975; Stake, 1979). Other conditions exist that may mitigate against women's achievement and r i s k - t a k i n g . Research also indicates that women are judged to be less competent than men with equal a b i l i t y levels ( F i d e l l , 1970; Goldberg, 1968). Women are further limited by a lack of reward and opportunity (Henley, 1985; Tangri, 1975). The denial of access to success has been noted by Tangri 19 (1975) who wrote that "only the exceptional person w i l l continue to put forth a major e f f o r t in the face of a very small chance of accomplishment" (p. 241). Tangri maintained that two factors l i m i t women's expectancy of success: the awareness of gender- role stereotypes and a r e a l i s t i c assessment of the opportunity/ reward structure. The acknowledgement and assessment of limited structures and opportunities available to women marks a profound s h i f t from the e a r l i e r theories of achievement motivation that portrayed women's r i s k - t a k i n g and achievement as problematic. Kaufman and Richardson, writing in Achievement and Women (1982), together internal psychological brought factors with external environmental influences in t h e i r examination of female achievement behaviour. They concluded that i f motivation and behaviour seem f i x e d , i t is to the extent that social structures remain f i x e d , l i m i t i n g opportunity and expectations. "External factors can maintain behavior as well as internal forces" (p. 57). In l i g h t of recent research i t is evident that the studies that attempted to link achievement motivation and r i s k taking without taking into account social influences were inadequate in describing the r e a l i t y of women's Sweeney's lives. (1985) t h i r d category included studies that linked r i s k - t a k i n g with personality t r a i t s and/or cognitive decisionmaking (Aurich, 1976; J e l l i s o n & Riskind, 1970; Keinan, Meir, & 20 Gome-Nemirovsky, 1984; Kogan & Wallach, 1964). These studies attempted to measure the tendency of individuals to take predefined risks in laboratory settings using measures or performance in s p e c i f i c s k i l l paper-and-penci1 or chance a c t i v i t i e s . Kogan and Wallach (1964) developed the f i r s t comprehensive exploration of risk-taking based on economic theories of risk assessment and decision-making. Preliminary studies by Pettigrew (1958) and Wallach and Caron (1959) had c l a s s i f i e d women as more conservative in decision-making and more l i k e l y to select categories that were most f a m i l i a r than men. Females were described as narrow categorizers which was explained as "a tendency to minimize risk of error by the nay-saying route, preferring the consequences of error that come from avoiding c o n f l i c t with threatening objects" (Bruner & T a j f e l , 1961, cited in Kogan & Wallach, 1964, p. 3). In 1964, Kogan and Wallach assessed 103 female and 114 male undergraduate students on t h e i r performance in seven a c t i v i t i e s involving chance, s k i l l , gambling, and a hypothetical dilemmas questionnaire (the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire). differences were discussed substantiated) (although often not Prevalent sex statistically including differences with respect to risk-taking under conditions of chance, in the degree of confidence about decision-making, and in the personality correlates of anxiety, s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , r i g i d i t y , conformity, and independence. Women 21 were found to be less confident, higher in anxiety, r i g i d i t y , and conformity, and less l i k e l y to be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t or independent in r i s k - t a k i n g . "Rigidity in females may r e f l e c t a way of ordering l i f e so as to preclude the risk of having to cope with the unexpected" (1964, p. 204). Conservatism in females was noted when the outcome of a risk was ambiguous, yet when the outcome was more c e r t a i n , "a counterphobic release of boldness seems to occur" (p. 3). This interpretation by the authors presents a double-bind for women and a portrayal of female behaviour as problematic regardless of t h e i r actions. In accounting for sex differences, i t is s i g n i f i c a n t that Kogan and Wallach observed that risk-taking may be approached d i f f e r e n t l y by women and men. may be more motivational They suggested that risk-taking in nature for women and more cognitive in nature for men and that social norms and expectations may affect female risk-taking. Observations make i t clear that conformity and independence may have d i s t i n c t l y different meanings for men and women.... It is quite conceivable that high levels of independence in females, by running counter to prevalent sex norms, constitute a type of social risk-taking. We are led to the conclusion that the kinds of r i s k - t a k i n g we have been exploring in a laboratory context may have broad implications for social behaviours that have not usually 22 been conceptualized in risk-taking terms. (1964, pp. 181182) While reporting female behaviour as problematic, Kogan and Wallach noted that there may be d i s t i n c t reasons for the differences in performance. The acknowledgement that females might experience negative consequences for risk-taking was a s i g n i f i c a n t observation and offered a framework within which new approaches to the study of risk-taking might have been formulated. But, Kogan and Wallach did not develop new approaches to the d e f i n i t i o n and measurement of risk-taking from a perspective that would more closely relate to women's experience and perspective. Kogan and Wallach's conceptualization of risk-taking was limited to gambling behaviours involving dice throws, card games, word games, and money bets; s k i l l a c t i v i t i e s including shuffleboard; and decisions made concerning hypothetical situations. The Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (CDQ) Wallach, 1964) detailed 12 situations financial (Kogan & requiring decisions about investment, occupational choice, and sports. Respondents were asked to advise a central male character about action he should take under varying degrees of r i s k . Females t y p i c a l l y rated lower than males in 11 of the 12 s i t u a t i o n s . one situation where females scored higher in a willingness The to risk concerned a decision whether or not to marry when there were 23 problems in the relationship. This one situation was l a t e r dropped from the CDQ because the results were at odds with results from the remaining 11 situations where men scored higher. This is yet another example of research designed to f i t a male norm at the expense of female experience. The CDQ has been used extensively to measure r i s k - t a k i n g behaviour in several major studies (Brockhaus, 1980; Lamm, Trommsdorff & Kogan, 1970; Levinger & Schneiger, 1969; Teger & P r u i t t , 1967). In other research, r i s k - t a k i n g has been defined and measured by performance in competitive s k i l l driving s k i l l games (Cohen, 1960), bus (Cohen, 1960), race track horse betting ( G r i f f i t h , 1949; McGlocklin, 1956), and driving s k i l l while under the influence of alcohol (Teger, Katkin, & P r u i t t , 1969). The limited range of laboratory studies that have sought to measure individual differences in r i s k - t a k i n g have reinforced a cognitive and instrumental dimension that Kogan and Wallach suggested may be more appropriate for men. It is evident that these examples and assumptions of what constitutes risk-taking may overlook aspects of risk that are relevant to women while supporting the values of male culture and i n t e r e s t s . Individual differences in risk-taking behaviour have also been studied as personality attributes in selected populations such as high performance athletes and ' t h r i l l seekers' 1974; Farley, 1986; Frumkes, 1981; Lichenstein, 1981). (Berlin, 24 Attributes of men who seek careers in the police and m i l i t a r y have been studied (Keinan, Meir, & Gome-Nemi rovsky, 1984), as well as the attributes of successful business people and entrepreneurs (Brockhaus, 1980; Ronen, 1983; Sweeney, 1985). Frumkes (1981) reviewed research into the personality of 'thrill seekers'. Hypomanics are defined as those who demonstrate excessive confidence, and who seek elation and euphoria through high risk a c t i v i t i e s . Frumkes suggested that they operate from genetically pre-determined motivation. Stimulus addicts are defined as those who are excessively autonomous, s e l f - a s s e r t i v e , domineering, and chemically dependent upon adrenalin. Grace Lichenstein, in Machisma: Women And Daring (1981), described female daredevils as possessing a higher level of male sex hormones (androgens) than non-risk-takers. These studies contributed to the understanding of risk-taking, yet many questions remain unanswered concerning the role of biology as a determinant of behaviour. Biological arguments give rise to the 'chicken-or-egg' dilemma: do androgen or adrenalin levels produce risk-taking behaviour or does physical a c t i v i t y chemical responses? It may be argued that androgen levels are depressed in women by a s o c i a l i z a t i o n process that passivity stimulate and discourages depressed in men by social physical a c t i v i t y . encourages Estrogens may be demands for physical a c t i v i t y and 25 social aggressiveness. The interconnectedness of biology and environment continues to interest researchers in many f i e l d s . s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes change, alternate descriptions individual differences in behaviour may come to As of light. Several conclusions may be drawn from the research conducted on individual differences in r i s k - t a k i n g . It appears that women's experience has been overlooked or found to be problematic in the construction of risk-taking theory. The majority of research has been conducted by men using predominantly male subjects. Risk-taking has been defined by researchers and limited to s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s such as gambling, physically hazardous or addictive a c t i v i t i e s . a t h l e t i c s , and The research has been conducted in laboratory, not r e a l - l i f e settings. Subjects have been assessed according to performance outcomes and cognitive decision-making in hypothetical situations. The research to date has not been conclusive in establishing individual differences in risk-taking 1962). reliable (Brehmer, 1987; S l o v i c , The feminist c r i t i q u e of the treatment of women in traditional psychology can be applied to the research into individual differences in risk-taking behaviour. Another area of research on the psychology of risk-taking has focused on individual perception of risk and, in p a r t i c u l a r , on the attitudes people have regarding risk situations that may occur in l i f e (Combs & S l o v i c , 1979; Lichtenstein, S l o v i c , 26 F i s c h o f f , Layman, & Combs, 1978; Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). Combs and Slovic (1979) examined how media coverage about violent death creates the tendency for people to overestimate the l i k e l i h o o d of such incidents occurring. Lichtenstein et a l . (1978) explored how people estimate the probability of dying from d i f f e r e n t causes, such as being struck by lightning or from pneumonia. They reported that low p r o b a b i l i t y , violent events were overestimated and high probability events, such as were underestimated. illness, Tversky and Kahneman (1974) studied the h e u r i s t i c s , or f a c t o r s , people use in making decisions about p r o b a b i l i t i e s and found that a v a i l a b i l i t y , are factors influencing decision-making. recency, and vividness Events that come to mind most e a s i l y are judged to have higher probability of occurring. Brehmer (1987) reviewed this recent l i t e r a t u r e on perception of risk and found that a cognitive decision-making focus predominated the research. Brehmer's observations argument that the psychological support the research into risk-taking been one-dimensional and limited by a cognitive, has "psychosocial approach where various objects of interest have been 'measured' psychologically by having people make risk estimates" (p. 26). Brehmer concluded that the emotional and motivational aspects of risk-taking have been overlooked. He recommended that a useful approach to further research on risk-taking would 27 include examination of i n t u i t i v e value judgements of risk within a context of personal experience. The insights presented by Brehmer closely p a r a l l e l the tentative observations by Kogan and Wallach 23 years e a r l i e r . A cognitive emphasis in the d e f i n i t i o n and measurement of r i s k taking behaviour may favour a male orientation and overlook aspects of risk-taking relevant to women. It would appear that research designed to encourage participants to define and describe risk-taking relevant to t h e i r personal experience, l i f e s i t u a t i o n , and values would contribute to a more complete understanding and reduce gender bias that may have led to a misrepresentation of female r i s k - t a k i n g . Four recent studies, conducted by women, provided examples of an expanded view of risk-taking that takes into account personal experience and social context. Waites (1978) observed that studies of risk-taking were based on mathematical formulae and rational decision-making theory. She concluded that women faced barriers to risk-taking and recommended that female motivation be studied in the context of external constraints such as limited opportunities and negative social consequences. Morscher and Schindler Jones (1982) conducted interviews with women and observed that women's s o c i a l i z a t i o n creates uncertainty and fear of the unknown. Barriers to women's risk- taking are l i s t e d as conditioning, fear, lack of knowledge, and 28 inertia. While the authors advocated the value of for women, they did not explore women's strengths risk-taking in risk-taking nor did they introduce external barriers that may l i m i t risk- taking behaviour. In a comparative study of male and female managers, Gerike (1983) found that women in managerial positions were paid l e s s , had fewer informal interactions with colleagues, were less likely to credit success to t h e i r own knowledge, and reported lower levels of risk-taking than t h e i r male counterparts. Gerike suggested that gender and outgroup effects ( i . e . , lower salaries and exclusion from networks) may present s i g n i f i c a n t barriers to women and contribute to a hesitancy to take Siegelman (1983) examined the personal experience of both women and men. risks. risk-taking She maintained that social d e f i n i t i o n s of risk focus on external conditions of hazard, p e r i l , or injury. While of interest to economists and insurance brokers, this assumption of risk-taking is not relevant to the psychology of women and overlooks "the risks from the inside from the point of view of the person assessing the danger" (1983, p. 4). Siegelman critiqued theories of risk-taking that are cognitive and based on assumptions of r a t i o n a l i t y and pre-defined risk: 29 Most of these models c a l l for a rational scanning of alternatives and a calculation of probable gains and losses. Although r a t i o n a l i t y in decision-making is to be prized and striven f o r , we must also r e a l i z e i t s l i m i t a t i o n s . These limitations stem from imperfect information, human impatience, and the d i f f i c u l t y of adding into our equation the emotional components of hope and fear. (1983, p. 6) Each of these four studies has addressed narrowly defined assumptions regarding r i s k - t a k i n g and has contributed to an increased understanding of relevant personal and social contexts. This research supports the rationale in the present study and has contributed to new conceptualizations of r i s k - t a k i n g . A final selection of relevant research has explored the relationship of risk-taking behaviour to sex-role orientation and/or occupational choice amongst women. In an investigation of married and divorced women, Brown (1978) reported no s i g n i f i c a n t relationship between risk-taking and marital status and between fear of f a i l u r e and r i s k - t a k i n g . Brown c r i t i q u e d the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire for a lack of content relevant to women. Mori arty (1983) investigated the variables of risk-taking and self-esteem and concluded that working women with high r i s k taking a b i l i t i e s also reported high levels of self-esteem. Similarly, in a phenomenological study of eight 'powerful' women, 30 Bonucchi (1985) noted that r i s k - t a k i n g was consistently reported as an essential element of personal i d e n t i t y and self-esteem. Shiendling (1985) compared women employed in p r o s t i t u t i o n , as a high risk occupation, to other working women. no s i g n i f i c a n t He reported differences in risk-taking and sensation-seeking behaviour between the groups. Shiendling concluded that, on several s e l f - r e p o r t tasks, women engaged in p r o s t i t u t i o n responded in a manner similar to other women. Steiner (1986) reported a s i g n i f i c a n t relationship between a non-traditional career choice and the risk-taking of 'bold-adventurous' using the Bern Sex-Role characteristic Inventory. Glasgow (1982) compared women t r a i n i n g in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations and reported that women in trades perceived themselves to be higher in risk-taking than women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. Results from the Bern Sex-Role Inventory indicated that women in non-traditional f i e l d s were also more l i k e l y to be androgynous in gender-role orientation, while women in t r a d i t i o n a l f i e l d s were more often feminine-typed. Glasgow noted that "the women in this study were more similar than d i f f e r e n t , however many of these differences [such as age, job experience] related to c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that might overcome the stigma of working in male-dominated trades" (p. v). Sweeney (1985) conducted interviews with 18 female entrepreneurs in researching t h e i r perceptions and experiences of 31 risk-taking. The participants cited a supportive family environment, a positive s e l f concept, and encouragement from others, as s i g n i f i c a n t factors in t h e i r willingness and to engage in entrepreneurship. frequently reported were: to take risks The three risks most "taking the risk of 'being myself; taking risks to expand the scale or scope of t h e i r enterprises; and the risks involved in decisions which impacted on the welfare of others" (p. 141). A review of the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the psychology of risk- taking reveals d i s t i n c t developments in theory over the years. Original research, conducted in the 1950s and 1960s, focused on individual differences in hypothetical risk-taking behaviour and achievement motivation. Focus on individual perceptions regarding the occurrence of risk events dominated the research in the 1970s. In the past 10 years a number of researchers, mostly women, have begun to explore risk-taking that takes into account personal experience and social context. The accumulated research provides a foundation for the present study and supports the rationale that women may define and experience risk-taking ways previously overlooked in research on the psychology of in risk. The Domains of Femininity and Masculinity Many psychological theorists have explored the domains of femininity and masculinity. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , differences between women and men have been assumed to be innate, natural, and normal 32 (Cox, 1981; Greenglass, 1982). Of recent concern has been the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between biological social factors and environmental or factors that influence differences in behaviour between the sexes. distinctions Confusion in vocabulary has often blurred between these two sets of influence (Graham & Stark- Adamec, 1980). with " b i o l o g i c a l Greenglass (1982) defined 'sex' as status, while 'gender' learned or cultural status" (p. 10). associated refers to a person's Sex and sex-role relate to the functions of an individual as either female or male. Gender and gender-role relate to the prescribed behaviours and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that are learned and assigned to an individual by cultural norms and expectations. While reproduction is a function of sex, parenting roles are a function of gender. Prior to the 1970's, femininity and masculinity were closely linked to differences in sex and were viewed as opposite poles of a single dimension or continuum (Constable, 1987). Psychological well-being was equated, by theorists such as Freud, with conformity to sex and sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n . Healthy individuals were those who conformed to conventional male-as-masculine and female-as-feminine stereotypes (Constable, 1987; Greenglass, 1982; Whitley, 1983, 1984). Jungian theory postulated that the nature of women and men was determined by sex but held that feminine and masculine t r a i t s were possessed by both women and men. According to Jung (1953), 33 the anima represents the inner feminine personality and the animus represents the inner masculine personality in both sexes. Goldenberg (1976) credited Jungian theory with acknowledgement of a two-dimensional quality to femininity-masculinity but noted that Jungian theory is limited by i t s devaluation of the female animus. While men are encouraged to develop t h e i r counterpart anima, women are encouraged to develop the animus only within certain l i m i t s . Women are further bound by a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to assist men in developing t h e i r feminine nature. The inadequacy of a single dimension to describe the feminine-masculine dichotomy has been substantiated by research into gender-role orientation (Bern, 1974; Constantinople, 1973; Parsons, 1955). Sociologist Talcott Parsons (1955) f i r s t introduced the two dimensions of 'expressiveness' and 'instrumentality' to describe roles and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s within a culture: The area of instrumental function concerns relations of the system to i t s situation outside the system, to meet the adaptive conditions of i t s maintenance and equilibrium and instrumentally establishing the desired relations to external goal objects. The expressive area concerns the internal a f f a i r s of the system, and the maintenance of integrative relations between the members, and regulation of the patterns and tension levels of i t s component units, (p. 47) 34 The expressive-instrumental dichotomy was originally described as functional and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l members of a social system ( E i c h l e r , 1980). When later used to describe behaviours within family systems there emerged a gender-specific designation of women as expressive and men as instrumental. Eichler (1980) cited Mussen (1969) to demonstrate this evolving cultural norm: . . . the majority of societies around the world organize t h e i r social institutions around males, and in most cultures men are more aggressive and dominating, have greater authority and are more deferred to than women. They are generally assigned the physically strenuous, dangerous tasks and those requiring long periods of t r a v e l . Women, on the other hand generally carry out established routines, ministering to the needs of others, cooking and carrying water. The husband-father role is instrumental, i . e . task- oriented and emotion-inhibited in nearly a l l cultures, and the wife-mother-role is customarily more expressive, i . e . emotional, nurturant, and responsible. (Mussen, 1969, pp. 707-708, cited in E i c h l e r , 1980, p. 29) It is s i g n i f i c a n t to note that, while Parsons introduced the terms expressive and instrumental to describe social his sociological position is that of structural functions, functionalism. His research was descriptive in nature only and did not analyze 35 the causes or implications of these social functions. Feminist theory critiques this approach for i t s f a i l u r e to account for the underlying s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l dimensions of the d i v i s i o n of labour and s o c i a l i z a t i o n linked to sex. Within the social sciences, including psychology, there has developed a d i s t i n c t p o l a r i t y between the characteristics of femininity and masculinity derived from biological differences of sex. Feminist scholar Shulamith Firestone (1970) linked t h i s p o l a r i t y within the family and society to the biological r e a l i t i e s of female reproductive capacity. that once divisions Firestone asserted of labour arising from reproductive functions were established in the family they created an imbalance of power which was maintained by social structures and conditioning. Feminist theory maintains that differences between feminine and masculine roles are not innate but rather s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l in o r i g i n and are created by unequal access to power (Cox, 1981). Recent research in psychology has attempted to bridge the p o l a r i t i e s between femininity and masculinity. Bakan (1966) described the fundamental task of individuals to be that of balancing I. 'agency' (masculine) with 'communion' (feminine). Broverman, D. M. Broverman, Clarkson, Rosenkrantz, and Vogel (1970) c r i t i q u e d early models of mental health which defined the healthy male as a c t i v e , independent, and logical female as dependent, passive, and i l l o g i c a l . and the healthy This c l a s s i c study 36 exposed a double standard of mental health that c l a s s i f i e d women as less healthy than men. Maccoby and J a c k l i n (1974) conducted a comprehensive analysis of approximately 1600 studies related to sex differences and concluded that there were a number of "unfounded b e l i e f s about sex differences" (p. 349) including: s o c i a l , suggestible, that g i r l s were more a u d i a l , and affected by heredity, with lower self-esteem and achievement motivation, while boys were more a n a l y t i c a l , v i s u a l , and affected by environment. They reported well-established differences in only four areas. G i r l s were consistently found to excel in verbal a b i l i t y . visual-spatial aggressive. Boys excelled in and mathematical a b i l i t i e s and were more Maccoby and J a c k l i n have been critiqued for inconsistency in study selection and methodological weaknesses (Block, 1976, 1981), yet t h e i r results continue to be cited as evidence of the lack of r e l i a b l e and conclusive differences between the sexes. Evidence increasingly indicates that there may be more s i m i l a r i t i e s than differences between women and men than was previously assumed (Greenglass, 1982). Bern (1974) argued that individuals possess both feminine and masculine q u a l i t i e s , which she termed expressive and instrumental. Androgyny, described by Bern as a balance of both expressive and instrumental q u a l i t i e s , was formulated as a new concept of psychological well-being. Bern suggested that sex- 37 typed i n d i v i d u a l s , that i s masculine males and feminine females, might be limited in the range of behaviours available to them. Androgynous individuals would be freer to engage in both masculine and feminine behaviours and would be more f l e x i b l e and adaptable in a variety of s i t u a t i o n s . Bern constructed an empirical measure, the Bern Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI) that treats masculinity and femininity as separate dimensions study, (consistent with the d e f i n i t i o n s used in this ' s e x - r o l e ' is actually gender-role). score that c l a s s i f i e s androgynous, studies The BSRI provides a individuals as one of feminine, masculine, or undifferentiated. Bern conducted a series of (1974, 1978) using the inventory and concluded that sex- typing does r e s t r i c t behaviour and that androgynous females and males were more f l e x i b l e and comfortable in cross-sex behaviours. Recent research has contradicted Bern's hypothesis that sextyped individuals are less psychologically adjusted (Deutsch & G i l b e r t , 1976; Jones, Cherovetz, & Hansson, 1978; Orlofsky, 1981; Silvern & Ryan, 1979). Bern's conceptualization of two d i s t i n c t dimensions of femininity and masculinity has also been challenged. Lott (1981) cautioned that a two dimensional approach may further encourage stereotypical behaviour. "To label some behaviors as feminine and some as masculine is to reinforce verbal habits which undermine the p o s s i b i l i t y of degenderizing behavior" (p. 178). 38 In support of her e a r l i e r work, Bern wrote that "this concept (of androgyny) can be applied equally to both women and men, and i t encourages individuals to embrace both the feminine and the masculine within themselves" (1987, p. 245). Bern has recently begun to reconsider the concept of d i s t i n c t masculine and feminine dimensions. She cited problems that arise from a prescription of androgyny that requires individuals to conform to yet another mode of behaviour that is both feminine and masculine. In developing a new paradigm, gender schema theory, Bern suggested that femininity and masculinity are learned phenomena and are products of society and culture. argues that gender influences are social "In Bern now and p o l i t i c a l in o r i g i n . short, human behaviors and personality attributes should no longer be linked with gender and society should stop projecting gender into situations irrelevant to g e n i t a l i a " (1987, p. 245). The development of theory related to the dimensions of femininity and masculinity has progressed rapidly over the past twenty years as demonstrated by the revisions research. in Bern's original Emphasis on sex and sex-differences determined by biology has shifted towards a focus on the influences of learned s o c i a l i z a t i o n and culture. New theory in the area of sex and gender continues to shape our understanding of s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences between women and men. 39 Women and Psychology "The female is a female by virtue of a certain lack of qualities. We should regard the female nature as a f f l i c t e d with a natural defectiveness" ( A r i s t o t l e , translated by S i n c l a i r , 1962, p. 1259). Psychology, loosely defined as the study of human behaviour, concerns i t s e l f with how the individual f e e l s , thinks, behaves, develops, and perceives the world. A r e l a t i v e l y young d i s c i p l i n e , psychology grew out of the study of philosophy and inherited ancient b e l i e f s about the nature of women and men that influenced the development of psychological theory. The study of differences between women and men has been a predominant theme in psychology as Esther Greenglass (1982) noted: Throughout the centuries, the differences between women and men have been a source of mystery and i n t r i g u e . . . . Women have been viewed as mysterious creatures, and folk wisdom is replete with attempts to explain t h e i r nature. philosophers Ancient regarded women as e s s e n t i a l l y creatures of emotion and men as r a t i o n a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l beings. Men, then, were seen as having to exert authority over women and control them. (1982, p. 1) The b i r t h of contemporary psychology is often marked by the opening of the f i r s t psychological Germany. laboratory in 1879, in Sigmund Freud, the 'father of psychoanalysis', began 40 publishing material shortly thereafter. It is l i k e l y that no single theorist had as pervasive an influence on the development of the psychology of women, and psychology in general, as did Freud (Walsh, 1987). Psychoanalytic theory explains behaviour in terms of unconscious motivation and c o n f l i c t (Chaplin, 1975). conceptualization of the development of sexual Freud's identity for normal adult femininity has been summarized by Kaplan and Yasinski (1980). As young g i r l s discover the existence of the male penis, they develop penis envy which creates c o n f l i c t and feelings of i n f e r i o r i t y , jealousy, and shame. Feeling castrated, young g i r l s relinquish sexual stimulation of the c l i t o r i s and become characterized by a self-focused concern with the body (narcissism) and a tendency to derive pleasure from pain (masochism). At adolescence, sexual focus s h i f t s to vaginal sexuality, associated with a t r a n s i t i o n from a c t i v i t y to passivity, for a baby. and a replacement of a wish for a penis with a desire The course of gender i d e n t i f i c a t i o n leaves women with lesser moral development, social i n t e r e s t , and capacity for refocusing inappropriate i n s t i n c t s than men. A f a i l u r e to resolve penis-envy c o n f l i c t results in neurosis (sexual i n h i b i t i o n ) or the development of a masculinity complex. Female personality development, according to Freudian theory, is determined by biology and reproductive function. Male 41 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are viewed as the norm and women, by comparison, are found to be i n f e r i o r to men p h y s i c a l l y , emotionally, and e t h i c a l l y (Ruth, 1980). Freud based his theories of female development on observation and descriptive case studies of selected upper-middle and middle class patients. Janeway (1971) and others have c r i t i q u e d Freud's sample for not being representative of a normal, or healthy, population. Freud's theories have been examined for cultural and h i s t o r i c a l biases. that he wrote in a social It has been noted context that was V i c t o r i a n , highly oppressive, and sexually repressive (Chesler, 1972; Lerman, 1987). Psychoanalytic theory was widely accepted without objective evidence or proof of Freud's insights (Fisher & Greenberg, 1977). Despite these c r i t i c i s m s , psychoanalytic concepts have profoundly influenced the psychology of women for over one hundred years. However, r e s i l i e n t as they are, psychoanalytic views did not go unchallenged in the early 1900's. A psychology of women by women emerged in the work of Thompson [Wooley] (1903), Hollingworth (1926/1981). (1914, 1916), and Horney In a detailed study of 50 male and female students, Helen Thompson [Wooley] concluded that there were more intellectual s i m i l a r i t i e s between the sexes than differences. Leta Hollingworth critiqued social expectations and structures that pressured women into what has come to be labelled as 'the 42 motherhood mandate' (Hoilingworth, 1916; Russo, 1979). Hollingworth contributed to the c r e d i b i l i t y of women's psychology when she foresaw that perhaps one day the psychology of women would be "based on t r u t h , not opinion; on precise, not on anecdotal evidence; on accurate data, rather than on remnants of magic" (1914, p. 99). Karen Homey, trained in psychoanalysis, view of women as biased. critiqued Freud's In A F l i g h t From Womanhood (1926), Horney wrote: Like a l l sciences and a l l valuations, the psychology of women has hitherto been considered only from the point of view of men . . . the psychology of women hitherto actually represents a deposit of the desires and disappointments men. of An additional and very important factor in the s i t u a t i o n is that women have adapted themselves to the wishes of men and f e l t as i f t h e i r adaptation were t h e i r true nature. (1926, cited in Cox, 1981, p. 61) Horney suggested that i t might be men who suffered from 'womb envy' (1926/1981, 1930/1967). Both Horney and Clara Thompson (1942, 1950) concurred with Freud that women may indeed envy men but, rather than the penis, the object of the envy was men's power and status in society. The debate surrounding Freudian theory continued a f t e r his death in 1939. Both Horney and Clara Thompson were expelled from 43 the New York Psychoanalytic Institute for t h e i r dissenting Others supported and expanded his theories. views. Helene Deutsch published the f i r s t comprehensive treatment of female psychology in 1944. The Psychology of Women: A Psychoanalytic Interpretation, a two volume work, characterized the female personality as passive, masochistic, and n a r c i s s i s t i c . The book was highly i n f l u e n t i a l throughout the 1950s. The 1960s, in North America, were characterized by intense social unrest. dissatisfaction the c i v i l A renewed feminist movement grew out of about the continued oppression of women during rights campaign in the United States. A new approach to the psychology of women was demanded by feminist scholars. landmark essay by psychologist A Naomi Weisstein (1968) e n t i t l e d "Kinder, Kuche, Kirche (Children, Kitchen, Church) As S c i e n t i f i c Law: Psychology Constructs the Female" presented a new feminist challenge to t r a d i t i o n a l psychology. "Psychology has nothing to say about what women are r e a l l y l i k e , what they need and what they want, e s s e n t i a l l y because psychology does not know" (p. 135). Weisstein cited the following f a u l t s in t r a d i t i o n a l psychology. Women were infrequently studied. Theories viewed male behaviour as the norm and female behaviour as deviant from the norm. Assumptions about women were viewed as accurate portrayals of female behaviour. Only women who f u l f i l l e d the feminine stereotype were healthy and happy, yet not as healthy as 44 men. Differences in male and female behaviour were seen to be due to biology. The social context of women's (and men's) l i v e s had been ignored and theory had been accepted without supporting evidence. Weisstein concluded with a typical psychological p r o f i l e of women as: . . . inconsistent, emotionally unstable, lacking in a strong conscience or superego, weaker, nurturant rather than i n t e l l i g e n t , and i f they are at a l l normal, suited to the home and the family. In short, the l i s t adds up to a t y p i c a l minority group stereotype of i n f e r i o r i t y : i f women know t h e i r place, which is in the home, they are r e a l l y quite lovable, happy, c h i l d l i k e , loving creatures. (1968, p. 144) The early 1970s witnessed a major change as a new wave of feminist psychologists and psychiatrists (Bardwick, 1971; Chesler, 1972; Horner, 1972; Maccoby & J a c k l i n , 1974; M i l l e r , 1973, 1976; M i t c h e l l , 1974; Sherman, 1971) began reconstructing theories to challenge what Nancy Henley called against women" (1974, p. 20). scholars "psychology While diverse in approach, these l a i d the groundwork for a new psychology of women that developed hand-in-hand with p o l i t i c a l feminism. This modern feminist ideology was i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y , encompassing analysis from psychology, sociology, anthropology, h i s t o r y , l i t e r a t u r e , medicine, and economics (Choderow, 1974; Firestone, 1970; 45 Friedan, 1963, 1977; Greer, 1971; M i l l e t t , 1970). The development of an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y perspective contributed s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the study of women and "led to a re-evaluation of existing theory and research, to a questioning of basic assumptions, and to analyses that have demonstrated how each aspect of our d i s c i p l i n e (psychology) has supported a functional social mythology about women" (Mednick, 1981, p. 91). The f i e l d of women's psychology informed by feminist scholarship continues to influence psychology in general. theory and treatment strategies New have developed out of feminist concerns including violence towards women, sexual and emotional abuse, and women in the labour force. Traditional theory and treatment approaches have been r a d i c a l l y challenged, revised and, at times, dismissed. Psychoanalysis provides an excellent example. Feminist theorists have made e f f o r t s to integrate psychoanalytic and feminist approaches to psychology 1986; Lewis, 1986; M i t c h e l l , 1974; Sayers, 1986). Chehrazi (1986) reviewed recent developments in psychoanalysis for i t s relevance to women. (Chehrazi, and argued Lerman (1987) in a review of feminist psychoanalytic theorists (Choderow, 1978; Greenspan, 1983; M i l l e r , 1976), established a preliminary set of c r i t e r i a upon which woman-based theories of personality might be evaluated. The c r i t e r i a articulated the following requirements: 46 clinical usefulness; recognition of the d i v e r s i t y of women; a positive view of women; relevance to women's r e a l - l i f e experience; recognition of the connection between internal (personal) and external (social) f a c t o r s ; inclusive language; and support for non-sexist psychoanalysis interpretations and therapy. In reviewing using the c r i t e r i a , Lerman concluded that psychoanalytic theory was "so fundamentally flawed in its thinking about women that i t cannot be repaired, however extensive the tinkering with i t " (Lerman, 1987, p. 44). While the debate around psychoanalytic theory is ongoing, feminist research continues to change the d i s c i p l i n e of psychology in many ways: revising established theory, discovering new data, and challenging methodology that r e f l e c t s bias and inconsistency in the treatment of female subjects (Horner, 1971; Mednick, 1981). Carol G i l l i g a n (1982) forced a re-examination of moral development theory in her c r i t i q u e of the assumptions, methodology, and conclusions of Lawrence Kohlberg (1958, 1981). Kohl berg's study of young boys was based upon subjects' cognitive and judgemental evaluations of hypothetical moral dilemmas. In an e f f o r t to discover whether this approach had overlooked significant f a c t o r s , G i l l i g a n conducted studies that were intended to "expand the usual design of research on moral development by asking how people defined moral problems and what 47 experiences they construed as moral c o n f l i c t s in t h e i r l i v e s , rather than by focusing on t h e i r thinking about problems presented to them for resolution" (1982, p. 3). In a series of three studies with both women and men, G i l l i g a n asked participants to describe experiences concerning personal decisions of morality, c o n f l i c t , and choice. In one study on abortion decisions, G i l l i g a n traced the experiences of women to develop a phenomenological p o r t r a i t of female moral development that included emotional as well as cognitive of moral decision making. aspects G i l l i g a n contributed to an expansion and revision of moral development theory by acknowledging the dimension of attachment and emotion described by women as equally valuable and mature as the dimension of separateness and cognition explored by Kohlberg. Since publication, G i l l i g a n ' s extensive debate. Gilligan's research has been subject to Greeno and Maccoby (1986) argued that results contradict l a t e r studies based on Kohlberg's scale with both male and female samples that showed no difference between the sexes in moral development. Weaknesses in methodology, including inadequate sample s i z e , a lack of an objective scoring system, and lack of empirical data to support conclusions, have been cited (Colby & Damon, 1987; L u r i a , 1986; Greeno & Maccoby, 1986). Carol Stack (1986) c r i t i q u e d G i l l i g a n for not attending to differences in race, culture, and c l a s s . 48 G i l l i g a n has been supported for challenging the tendency to establish norms based on all-male experience (Kerber, 1986; Walsh, 1987). Gilligan's claim of d i f f e r e n t i a l development of males and females has been documented by other researchers (Bakan, 1966; Bern, 1974; Broverman et a l . , 1970; Choderow, 1978). Colby and Damon (1987) credited G i l l i g a n for her extension of research design and theory on moral development: of situations " . . . her use in which real moral decisions are made could constitute an advance over the use of hypothetical moral dilemmas" (p. 327). The c r i t e r i a proposed by Lerman (1987) may be used to review woman-based theories of development. Gilligan's contributions s a t i s f y most of these c r i t e r i a in that her results are c l i n i c a l l y useful, they view women p o s i t i v e l y , arise from women's experience, and contribute to an increased understanding of both men and women. G i l l i g a n acknowledged the social circumstances that affect women as well as t h e i r inner psychological make-up and allowed women to take an active role in r e l a t i n g t h e i r experience. According to Lerman's c r i t e r i a , G i l l i g a n may be critiqued for not including a broad range of female subgroups and for generalizing from a small sample s i z e . In defense of her work, G i l l i g a n (1986) suggested that c r i t i c s , who argue that her results do not match the findings psychological of research, accept the very research that she c a l l s 49 into question. G i l l i g a n asserted that in order to demonstrate that women experience l i f e d i f f e r e n t l y from portrayals established psychological in theory, only one example is needed. To claim that common themes appear in female experience requires "a series of i l l u s t r a t i o n s " (p. 328). G i l l i g a n provided both. G i l l i g a n has also, on two occasions, reported no sex differences using Kohl berg's scale. G i l l i g a n argued that such results do not detract from her e a r l i e r work. . . . the fact that educated women are capable of high levels of j u s t i c e reasoning has no bearing on the question of whether they would spontaneously choose to frame moral problems in this way. My interest in the way people define moral problems is reflected in my research methods, which have centered on f i r s t - p e r s o n accounts of moral c o n f l i c t . (1986, p. 328) G i l l i g a n was deliberate in her claim that the dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n found in her research is not exclusively a female perspective, nor is i t b i o l o g i c a l l y determined. She further stated that her results were based on research with both men and women. However, the developmental theory G i l l i g a n articulated was " d i f f e r e n t from that currently embedded in psychological theories and measures" is s i g n i f i c a n t (1986, p. 329). for both women and men. offers the potential for psychological Gilligan's contribution Her feminist perspective research to be gender- 50 f r e e , " y i e l d i n g a more encompassing view of the l i v e s of both of the sexes" (Gilligan, 1982, p. 4). A feminist perspective embodies a complexity of views that includes p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , economic, s p i r i t u a l , and personal values and theory. Within psychology, a feminist perspective incorporates several assumptions, one of which is the necessity to make e x p l i c i t those assumptions. women's experience. The perspective values Feminism maintains that the present subordinate position of women is a product of p o l i t i c a l structures, culture, and societal expectations, not of i n t r i n s i c biological inferiority. The treatment of women in t r a d i t i o n a l psychology results from women's subordinate condition, is entrenched by h i s t o r i c a l and class context, and is s o c i o p o l i t i c a l in origin ( T i e f e r , 1981). amenable to change. Hence the condition of women is A feminist psychological perspective seeks to promote that change by focusing upon the need for change in the norms and expectations in psychology and in society, rather than on the need for women to adapt to a stereotypical norm. The purpose of a feminist inquiry, such as this present study, has been summarized by Margaret E i c h l e r (1980). At i t s best feminist writing f u l f i l l s three functions: it is c r i t i c a l of existent social structures and ways to perceive them, i t serves as a corrective mechanism by providing an alternative viewpoint and data to substantiate 51 i t , and i t starts to lay the groundwork for a transformation of social science and society, (p. 9) Summary and Research Hypotheses The review of l i t e r a t u r e into women and risk-taking behaviour provides this research with hypotheses germane to the research questions posed in Chapter 1. These hypotheses, or anticipated outcomes, arise from l i t e r a t u r e that includes a feminist c r i t i q u e of t r a d i t i o n a l psychological research. This feminist contribution has s i g n i f i c a n t influence upon both the research questions and hypotheses. The anticipated outcomes within a feminist framework d i f f e r from those hypotheses that would arise from a review limited to the t r a d i t i o n a l research into risk-taking behaviour. The basic question explored in t h i s research concerned personal experience of r i s k - t a k i n g . Within the t r a d i t i o n a l psychology of r i s k , that question has yet to be posed. Rather, assumptions of what constitutes risk-taking have been tested by laboratory experiments and hypothetical decision making inventories. Research question 1 explored the d e f i n i t i o n and nature of r i s k - t a k i n g described by women: How do women define and experience risk-taking in t h e i r l i v e s ? Do women define and experience incidents of risk-taking in terms of instrumentality, or a f f i l i a t i o n , or both? Or, is risk-taking described in terms other than instrumentality and a f f i l i a t i o n ? The l i t e r a t u r e 52 suggests that an exploration of such personal experience within a social context may lead to new conceptualizations of risk-taking (Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985). It was hypothesized that women in the study would provide examples of risk-taking that relate to both the dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality 1982; Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985). (Gilligan, Support for t h i s hypothesis is found in research on the psychology of r i s k . There is evidence that t r a d i t i o n a l conceptualizations of risk have not accounted f o r emotional and motivational aspects of risk-taking (Brehmer, 1987; Kogan & Wallach, 1964). Research question 2 explored the relationship between sexrole orientation and r i s k - t a k i n g : Is there a relationship between sex-role orientation as measured by the BSRI and r i s k taking as measured by the CDQ and by a self-estimate of risk scale? One study found that women c l a s s i f i e d as androgynous were more l i k e l y to score higher on measures of risk-taking behaviour than women c l a s s i f i e d as feminine (Glasgow, 1982). Three studies have linked high levels of s e l f esteem to high levels of r i s k taking (Bonucchi, 1985; Mori a r t y , 1983; Sweeney, 1985). Bern (1974, 1978) has linked androgynous sex-role orientation in women to greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n in cross-sex behaviours and to higher levels of mental health. A link has been reported between androgynous sex role orientation and higher scores on the " b o l d adventurous" item of the BSRI (Steiner, 1986). Yet, the 53 l i t e r a t u r e has also cautioned that more s i m i l a r i t i e s than differences may exist amongst women r e l a t i v e to sex-role orientation and r i s k - t a k i n g behaviour (Brown, 1978; Glasgow, 1982; Schiendling, 1985). Given the c o n f l i c t i n g nature of e a r l i e r research, the present study tests the following null hypothesis: There w i l l be no s i g n i f i c a n t difference among groups assigned by sex-role orientation on mean scores obtained on two measures of r i s k taking (the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk Research question 3 asked: scale). Is there a relationship between career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and risk-taking as measured by the CDQ and by a self-estimate of risk scale? Support was found in two previous studies (Glasgow, 1982; Steiner, 1986) for the following hypothesis tested in t h i s study: women in non-traditional occupations w i l l score s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on two measures of risk-taking (the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk scale) than women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. In both research questions 2 and 3, the tested hypotheses assumed that the CDQ is an accurate measure of women's taking behaviour. risk- There is considerable evidence in the l i t e r a t u r e that challenges the appropriateness of the CDQ and other hypothetical decision-making inventories (Brehmer, 1987; Brown, 1978; Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985; Waites, 1978). It 54 was thought that results a r i s i n g from the hypotheses posed in questions 2 and 3 may provide further insight into the appropriateness of the CDQ as a measure of women's Research question 4 asked: risk-taking. Is there a relationship between career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and sex-role orientation as measured by the BSRI? reported links between androgynous Glasgow (1982) sex-role orientation and non- t r a d i t i o n a l occupational choice and between feminine sex-role orientation and t r a d i t i o n a l occupational choice. hypothesized that a s i g n i f i c a n t It may be difference w i l l exist between the two occupational groups with respect to sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n . S p e c i f i c a l l y , i t was hypothesized that women in non-traditional occupations are more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as masculine or androgynous in t h e i r sex-role orientation than women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. Also, women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations are more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as feminine in t h e i r sex-role orientation than women in the non-traditional Research question 5 asked: group. Does involvement in the research affect p a r t i c i p a n t s ' knowledge and estimation of s e l f ? upon the contributions of feminist scholars (Gilligan, Lerman, 1987; Oakley, 1981), i t was hypothesized that participants would report an increase in knowledge and understanding of risk-taking. Based 1982; Chapter III. RESEARCH METHODS This investigation was a survey designed to explore the d e f i n i t i o n and description of risk-taking behaviour as experienced by women and to analyze s i g n i f i c a n t between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional fields. differences occupational Both q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative research methods were employed. This chapter describes the p a r t i c i p a n t s , research procedures, measures, and methods of data analysis. Participants Forty-four volunteers participated in t h i s study. The sample was drawn from four community groups representing a crosssection of t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations. The t r a d i t i o n a l c l u s t e r consisted of 15 women who were c l i e n t s at Options for Women (a career counselling agency), and 7 women who were members of the Kenilworth Play School Association. traditional The non- cluster was represented by 11 women who were members of the National Association of Women in Construction, 7 women who were members of Women in Scholarship, Engineering, Sciences, and Technology (W.I.S.E.S.T.), and 4 women who were attending Options for Women. The four groups had been i d e n t i f i e d through women's d i r e c t o r i e s and recommendations from personal contacts made following a recent a r r i v a l in Edmonton. 55 The groups were chosen 56 on the basis of t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y and voluntary membership. Each provided access to a variety of women engaged in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations. A total of seven groups were contacted, but three declined due to time commitments or a lack of i n t e r e s t . Fifty-one women volunteered. Seven were not available due to scheduling problems or personal choice, resulting in a p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate of 86%. The volunteers were assigned to one of two occupational groups, t r a d i t i o n a l or n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l , as defined by Employment and Immigration Canada (1984), on the basis of employment, vocational goal, or work a c t i v i t y (e.g. homemaking). These occupational groups were selected for the purposes of comparing descriptions of r i s k - t a k i n g and analyzing significant relationships between the two groups. The non-traditional c l u s t e r was represented by 22 women working or t r a i n i n g in a variety of occupations: 11 in the construction industry; 7 in engineering or technical sciences; and 4 in non-traditional self-employment or service occupations. The t r a d i t i o n a l c l u s t e r included 22 women engaged i n , or seeking, the following work a c t i v i t i e s : teaching or the social 6 in c l e r i c a l occupations; 5 in sciences; 5 in f u l l - t i m e homemaking; 4 in sales or marketing; and 2 in the fine arts (see Appendix A). The women represented a variety of backgrounds with respect to age, marital status, number of c h i l d r e n , employment status, 57 and income and education l e v e l s . an average age of 38. Ages ranged from 22 to 61, with Thirty women lived with a partner, 9 l i v e d alone, 2 were single parents, and 3 lived with friends or parents. Twenty participants had no c h i l d r e n , 16 women had one or two c h i l d r e n , and 8 women had three or more c h i l d r e n . At the time of the interviews, 23 women worked f u l l - t i m e , 2 part-time, 8 women were unemployed and 4 were students. Seven women worked primarily as homemakers, although two were also employed parttime. Income levels ranged from no income to over $40,000, with an average range of $15,000 - $25,000. Among those married, the average income of partners was over $30,000. Levels of education ranged from incomplete High School to Ph.D. Procedures The recruitment of participants was conducted through contact with the four community groups. Letters of introduction were sent to each group outlining the research proposal and requesting permission to recruit volunteers from the membership (see Appendix B). Telephone conversations and meetings with representatives of the four groups resulted in confirmation l e t t e r s granting permission to recruit volunteers. A 30 minute presentation was conducted with potential volunteers from each group outlining the research t o p i c , interview procedures, e t h i c s , and c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y (see Appendix C). Volunteers signed a contact sheet and were given a l e t t e r 58 d e t a i l i n g the research questions for t h e i r consideration prior to the interviews (Appendix D). Follow-up telephone c a l l s were made within 10 days of the presentation to schedule interview time and location with those women who expressed a continued interest in volunteering. The interviews were conducted either in the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s home, an o f f i c e rented for the purpose of interviewing, or my home, whichever was most convenient for p a r t i c i p a n t s . The location of the interview was seen as important in order to ensure comfort and privacy. Care was taken to provide an atmosphere of informality and safety. with couches and chairs. The rented o f f i c e space was arranged Tea or coffee was a v a i l a b l e . The interviews averaged approximately one hour in length. Handwritten notes and audiotapes were u t i l i z e d to record interview responses. study. Tapes were destroyed upon completion of the Some women expressed concern about the recording and were assured that the tape recorder would be turned off upon request. One request was made and respected. The interview began with a standardized introduction to the purpose and format of the interview. what would happen with the results Each participant was t o l d (see Appendix E). Participants then signed a consent form and those wanting a summary of results provided an address (see Appendix F ) . Participants were encouraged to voice any concerns or questions 59 regarding the interview and these were answered as f u l l y as possible without jeopardizing the r e s u l t s . The interview proceeded in the following sequence: completion of a demographic p r o f i l e , interview questions, administration of the BSRI and the CDQ, concluding interview questions and comments, and appreciations. Member groups were sent thank-you l e t t e r s . A l l groups expressed an interest in the research and, where possible, a follow-up presentation was held to discuss r e s u l t s . were sent a summary of overall findings, Individuals and individual scores on the inventories were available to women who requested them. Measures and Methods Four p i l o t interviews were conducted to determine the appropriateness Revisions of the research procedures and measures. were made as necessary. The f i n a l i z e d protocols and instruments completed by participants were administered in the following sequence: Demographic P r o f i l e . living (marital) status, Information was collected on age, number of children, employment status and occupation, level of education, income l e v e l , and, i f applicable, income level of partner. The demographic p r o f i l e was used to describe the research sample and to assess and differences between t r a d i t i o n a l occupational similarities and non-traditional groups (see Appendix G). 60 Interview Format. The interview questions and inventories were administered in the following sequence (see Appendix H): 1. If you were to think of ' r i s k - t a k i n g ' in your own l i f e and experience, what would be your personal understanding or d e f i n i t i o n of the term 2. I'd 'risk-taking'? now l i k e you to focus on that personal understanding. Can you think of recent s p e c i f i c incidents that have been meaningful risk-taking situations for yourself? B r i e f l y describe up to f i v e examples. 3. those What, s p e c i f i c a l l y , was the risk for you in each of situations? 4. Can you now think of recent s p e c i f i c incidents where you decided NOT to take a r i s k ? B r i e f l y describe up to f i v e examples. 5. those Again, what s p e c i f i c a l l y was the risk for you in each of situations? 6. risks, If you were to rate yourself on your willingness to take using your own d e f i n i t i o n of the term, where would you place yourself on a 7-point scale? (1 - never take a r i s k : 7 - always take a r i s k ) 7. Administration of the Bern Sex-Role 8. Administration of the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire 9. The inventory you have just completed measured a tendency to take risks Inventory in situations where the outcome is 61 unknown. 10. What was your reaction to that inventory? In closing, has what we have talked about here affected your understanding of risk-taking in any way? 11. Comment: Have you anything to comment on about t h i s session or the research? Have you any suggestions as to how this research might be useful? 12. Would you l i k e to hear about the results? The f i r s t f i v e interview questions were designed to encourage participants to define and describe risk-taking has been meaningful in t h e i r l i v e s . that These questions related d i r e c t l y to the central theme of this study as posed in the f i r s t research question (see Chapter I). It was thought that asking participants to describe s p e c i f i c incidents would assist in the conceptualization of risk-taking instrumentality. in terms of a f f i l i a t i o n and It was assumed that both risks taken and risks not taken were important to determine the nature of risk-taking relevant to p a r t i c i p a n t s . Interview items s i x , seven, and eight were designed to address the second research question that explores the relationship between sex-role orientation and r i s k - t a k i n g . Results from the BSRI (#7) role o r i e n t a t i o n . provided subgroups according to sex- Significant relationships between subgroups could then be analyzed on the basis of results of the CDQ (#8) and a self-estimate of risk-taking (#6). 62 Results from the self-estimate of risk-taking CDQ (#8) (#6) and the also addressed the t h i r d research question concerning the relationship between career orientation and r i s k - t a k i n g . Traditional and non-traditional sub-groups were analyzed for s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences based upon results from the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk-taking. The fourth research question sought to determine whether a relationship existed between career orientation and sex-role orientation. Analysis of the results from the BSRI (#7) were compared between t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupation groups. Upon completion of the CDQ, participants were asked, in question nine, to describe t h e i r reaction to that inventory. was thought that responses might demonstrate whether scales on hypothetical s i t u a t i o n s , risk-taking based such as the CDQ, accurately r e f l e c t relevant to the p a r t i c i p a n t s . crucial to the concern that psychological Question nine was research has not f u l l y explored risk-taking that takes into account women's experience. It With reference to G i l l i g a n life (1982), the development of risk-taking theory requires a review of established measures, such as the CDQ, and new approaches in methodology to capture a more accurate portrayal of human behaviour. It was thought that the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' observations might contribute to a c r i t i q u e of the CDQ and to p a r t i c i p a n t s ' active involvement in the research process. 63 Interview Question 10 was designed to encourage participants to r e f l e c t upon changes in t h e i r understanding of risk-taking as a result of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the study. In conducting t h i s project from a feminist perspective, i t was important that the research generate information and insight for both interviewee and interviewer (Oakley, 1981). This question provided the opportunity to discuss whether the design and process of the research contributed to p a r t i c i p a n t s ' self-knowledge as posed in the f i f t h research question. Interview questions 11 and 12 provided similar opportunities for each participant to have an active role in the research through evaluation, recommendations, and feedback. The interview questions were designed to involve two levels of inquiry. The generation of data relevant to risk-taking was the primary emphasis in the f i r s t eight questions. Participants were encouraged to comment on the research i t s e l f in the l a s t four questions. It was thought that these self-reported observations would support the research findings and a c t i v e l y engage participants in the research process. Bern Sex-Role Inventory (Bern, 1978) (See Appendix I). The BSRI consists of 60 adjectives used as personality or character descriptors. Twenty items are considered feminine, 20 masculine, and 20 neutral. Respondents rated themselves on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 (never or almost never true) to 7 (always or 64 almost always t r u e ) . Individuals receive a masculinity score and a femininity score based on the endorsement of the appropriate descriptors. classify A split-median technique was used to further respondents into one of four categories; feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated. The median masculine score for the sample was 100 and the median feminine score was 96. Feminine: The resulting categories were: femininity score > 96, masculinity score < 100. Masculine: Androgynous: femininity score < 96, masculinity score > 100. femininity score > 96, masculinity score > 100. Undifferentiated: femininity score < 96, masculinity score < 100. Women scoring high on femininity and low on masculinity are, according to Bern, sex-typed. Women with high masculinity and low femininity scores are sex-reversed. Women with high masculinity and femininity are androgynous, while women with low scores on both scales are undifferentiated in gender-role o r i e n t a t i o n . Bern reported good internal consistency with c o e f f i c i e n t alphas of .78, .86, and .82 for the respective femininity, masculinity, and androgyny scores in the normative sample (816 male and female students at Stanford University, 1978). Test- retest r e l i a b i l i t y correlations were .80, .94, and .86 for the same scales administered twice, 4 weeks apart. 65 The BSRI was chosen for this study to demonstrate whether any relationships existed between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and nontraditional career groups and t h e i r gender-role orientation. The use of the BSRI also permitted comparisons between groups of women with d i f f e r e n t gender-role orientations and t h e i r respective risk-taking estimations of r i s k . on the CDQ and self-estimate The popularity of the BSRI made i t an appropriate tool in this study as a basis from which s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences in r i s k - t a k i n g might be described. The Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (Kogan & Wallach, 1964) (See Appendix I). or situations The CDQ consists of 12 hypothetical dilemmas that are described by the authors as " l i k e l y to occur in daily l i f e " include decisions (Kogan & Wallach, 1964, p. 257). Situations regarding career, p o l i t i c s , f i n a n c i a l investments, sports, escape from prison, and marriage. Respondents are asked to choose between alternatives with varying levels of probability in advising a central male character. The scale ranges from recommending the alternative with 1 chance in 10 of success (high r i s k ) to recommending the alternative with no action taken, no matter what the chance of success Respondents (low r i s k ) . received a score that, s t a t i s t i c a l l y transcribed, reflected a total out of a maximum 108 points. The higher the transcribed score, the greater the assumed risk-taking tendency of the i n d i v i d u a l . 66 Wallach and Kogan (1961) reported satisfactory for the CDQ. reliability Using the Spearman-Brown formula to predict the r e l i a b i l i t y of the test i f i t were lengthened, they reported r e l i a b i l i t y c o - e f f i c i e n t s of .62 for women and .53 for men. is viewed as s a t i s f a c t o r y for a 12 item t e s t . This The CDQ was chosen over other measures of risk-taking because of i t s consistent use over the years. One item regarding marriage decisions was found to be inconsistent with results from the other 11 items in Kogan and Wallach's research because women scored higher than men. item was eliminated from l a t e r studies. all The For the present study, 12 items were included and the central male character was replaced by a female in one-half of the situations to reduce gender bias. Women who participated in the study were asked to comment on t h e i r reaction to the CDQ in order to test relevance to women and events in t h e i r daily Data Analyses. in t h i s study. its lives. Two types of data analyses were undertaken Statistical analyses were conducted on the demographic p r o f i l e and inventory results in order to provide a basis for comparison between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and nontraditional careers and between women of d i f f e r i n g sex-role orientations. Interview data were analyzed using q u a l i t a t i v e coding procedures in order to describe the d e f i n i t i o n s and incidents of r i s k - t a k i n g , comments, and recommendations reported 67 by p a r t i c i p a n t s . Statistical Analyses. Descriptive s t a t i s t i c s used to summarize and translate data included the calculation of frequencies, percentages, means, and standard deviations for the demographic variables. Results from the CDQ were transcribed to r e f l e c t attained scores out of a maximum total of 108 points. On the basis of responses to the BSRI, participants were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated using a split-median technique. Correlational statistics relationship between groups. were used to describe the Cross tabulations using chi-squares or t - t e s t s , as appropriate, were performed on demographic variables and inventory results to test relationships between traditional and non-traditional occupation groups. One-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) tests were conducted to determine whether there were any s i g n i f i c a n t differences between individuals c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated on the results from the CDQ and the s e l f estimate of risk. Qualitative Analysis. Interview responses were recorded by audio-tape and by b r i e f hand-written notes. Tapes were reviewed, and additional notes were taken to confirm relevant content and provide sample quotations. Comparisons between taped conversations and interviewer notes were made to verify hand-written comments. 68 From the v e r i f i e d written notes, l i s t s and charts were compiled to categorize and compare p a r t i c i p a n t s ' each question. subgroup. responses for L i s t s of responses were developed for each career Themes a r i s i n g from the responses were collected by a coding procedure to develop preliminary categories. The coding of responses hypothetical involved the development of response categories, examination of the responses, refinement of categories, and further examination of the responses to place them in the appropriate category (Orenstein & P h i l l i p s , 1978). A t o t a l of four coding procedures were conducted by one coder, over a period of 18 months, to confirm and f i n a l i z e the categories, themes, and comments a r i s i n g from the interview questions. The degree of accuracy in the r e p l i c a t i o n of coding was satisfactory with estimates of agreement ranging from .92 to 1.0 (Borg & G a l l , 1983). Chapter IV. RESULTS This chapter presents an analysis of the results from three sources: the demographic p r o f i l e s ; measures of risk-taking and sex-role orientation (BSRI); and personal (CDQ) interviews. Demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are analyzed, using chi squares and t-tests, as appropriate, to describe the sample and provide a comparative framework for discussion of inventory and interview results. The research questions are then restated with presented for each question. highlight the r e s u l t s . findings Sample quotations are included to To assure c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , l e t t e r s of the alphabet were assigned to replace names of the participants. The chapter concludes with a summary of the research Demographic Characteristics of findings. Participants Of the 44 study p a r t i c i p a n t s , 22 were engaged in t r a d i t i o n a l occupational f i e l d s and 22 in non-traditional occupations as defined by Employment and Immigration Canada (1984). Table 1 summarizes the demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of participants and demonstrates differences between the two groups. Occupation groups were found to d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y number of c h i l d r e n , employment status, and personal income. Women in the t r a d i t i o n a l group reported a s i g n i f i c a n t l y number of children than women in the non-traditional = 4.39, p<.001). A significant greater group (t(42) relationship was supported 69 in 70 Table 1 Demographic Characteristics Characteristic - Traditional (22) Non-Traditional (22) Total (44) Age M: SD: 39.1 9.12 36.7 9.05 37.9 9.05 Children M: SD: 2.23 1.60 0.50 0.91 1.36 1.56 Frequency Percent Living status With partner Single With friend or parent With children Employment status Ful1-time Part-time Unemployed Homemaker Student Personal income No income $0 - $10,000 $10,000 - $20,000 $20,000 - $30,000 $30,000 + No response Education completed Incomplete High School High School Vocational/Col lege Undergraduate degree Graduate degree Frequency Percent Frequency Percent 17 2 1 2 77.3 9.1 4.5 9.1 13 7 2 0 59.1 31.8 9.1 30 9 3 2 68.2 20.5 6.8 4.5 4 3 8 5 2 18.2 13.6 36.4 22.7 9.1 19 1 0 0 2 86.4 4.5 23 4 8 5 4 52.3 9.1 18.2 11.3 9.1 3 10 4 1 1 3 13.6 45.5 18.2 4.5 4.5 13.6 0 2 5 6 9 0 9.1 22.7 27.3 40.9 3 12 9 7 10 3 6.8 27.3 20.5 15.9 22.7 6.8 2 8 3 7 2 9.1 36.4 13.6 31.8 9.1 2 5 4 6 5 9.1 22.7 18.2 27.3 22.7 4 13 7 13 7 9.1 29.5 15.9 29.5 15.9 9.1 71 between employment status 26.12, p<.001). and occupational f i e l d (X^ (7,N=44) = More women in the non-traditional f i e l d were engaged in f u l l - t i m e employment (86.4%) than women in the traditional f i e l d (18.2%). A l l women who were either engaged in f u l l - t i m e homemaking or unemployed (59.1%) were in the traditional group. A significant relationship was found between personal income levels and occupation group (X^ (5, N=44) = 21.42, p<.001). A large percentage of women in non-traditional occupations earned in excess of $30,000 (40.9%) whereas the majority of women in the t r a d i t i o n a l group earned less $10,000 or had no income (59.1%). significant than There was no evidence of differences or relationships between the two groups with respect to age, l i v i n g status, or levels of education completed. The differences between the two groups appear to relate more d i r e c t l y to a c t i v i t y than to personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . When homemaking is considered a primary work a c t i v i t y , the differences with respect to childrearing and employment status are to be expected. traditional For women active in the labour market, the nongroup was engaged in greater f u l l - t i m e employment (19 out of 20). The t r a d i t i o n a l group reported higher unemployment and part-time work (11 out of 15). Women in non-traditional occupations also fared significantly better in terms of income than women engaged in 72 t r a d i t i o n a l work. traditional Of women reporting income, 68.2% of non- incomes were in excess of $20,000 per year, compared to only 9.0% of t r a d i t i o n a l incomes. for women in 1986 was $12,615. statistics The national average income The findings lend support to the indicating higher income levels for women in non- traditional occupations. Research Questions and Results 1. How do women define and experience risk-taking lives? in t h e i r Do women define and experience incidents of risk- taking in terms of instrumentality or a f f i l i a t i o n , or both? Or, is risk-taking described in terms other than instrumentality and a f f i l i a t i o n ? A. Definition Each of the participants was asked to think of risk-taking in her own l i f e and to state what would be her personal understanding or d e f i n i t i o n of the term. described in two d i s t i n c t ways: The findings are Four themes which emerged from words or b r i e f phrases repeated by many women are presented and a variety of metaphors, or word-pictures, mentioned by participants are included to enhance the d e f i n i t i o n s of risk-taking. The theme most frequently mentioned (20 responses) was that risk-taking involved an element of u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y or uncertainty regarding the outcome: T: That's hard to answer. You can't p r e d i c t . Sometimes 73 you just don't know. It's l i k e getting married, depending on the other person for things and needs; they may not be met. In several d e f i n i t i o n s the risk-taking event or action i t s e l f was not the s i g n i f i c a n t "it's factor. Rather, as W. stated: not knowing what w i l l evolve" from the action that was of central concern. The uncertainty of d a i l y l i f e was described by two women: D: L i f e is r i s k . It's the story of my l i f e . The emotional, p h y s i c a l , f i n a n c i a l ; a l l f i t together for me. There are levels of uncertainty where you just don't know the outcome. C: Risk-taking is when the outcome is unknown in a situation and you take a route of action. of l i f e . It's Like the course serious with l i f e , marriage, career. It's d i f f e r e n t from sports. The emphasis on an element of u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y suggests that the risk action or behaviour cannot be separated from the outcome and the relationship of the risk to the person's l i f e context. Fourteen women i d e n t i f i e d an emotional element involved in risk-taking. This second major theme was referred to by B: When you go into something you run the risk of physical and emotional types of hurt. wasn't going to l i v e . I married my f i r s t husband knowing he It was emotionally very hard but there 74 were things happening that made i t worth i t . The emotional connection to risk-taking was often described as involving strong f e e l i n g s , D: such as fear: In taking a risk there's fear for sure. emotional response t h a t ' s including: something missing"; "it's a real hard to go through. Other women described the emotional feelings It's response as a range of hot and cold. both "tangible If not, there's and i n t a n g i b l e " ; and as something that "we don't r e a l l y know—logical l y . There's an exuberance quality to i t . " The element of emotional involvement was described, not simply in positive or negative terms, but as a complex and fundamental aspect of r i s k - t a k i n g . complexity in her d e f i n i t i o n of B: For me, i t ' s One woman captured this risk: pushing my own l i m i t s of comfort-- emotionally, sexually, p o l i t i c a l l y , and s o c i a l l y . We need to risk to better our l i v e s emotionally and s o c i a l l y , just materially. It's not win or lose, i t is not fundamental. The theme of loss as an element in risk-taking emerged as a factor in another 14 responses. variety of ways including: The loss was specified in a loss of personal or f i n a n c i a l s e c u r i t y ; loss due to potential harm to s e l f and/or others; and loss of reputation, esteem, or career. potential The interplay of loss and gain mentioned by several women is exemplified 75 by K's comment: Risk-taking is any situation where your path or choice can lead to some loss or the p o s s i b i l i t y for bettering the decision. It has a big e f f e c t . Women in non-traditional careers were p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned with the element of loss and i d e n t i f i e d this theme in 10 of t h e i r 14 responses. L: Loss of success or c r e d i b i l i t y was a concern: Risk-taking is a situation where you could jeopardize your success achieved to this point. It's not only financial, it's also personal. N: involves putting yourself on the l i n e ; your Risk-taking reputation and c r e d i b i l i t y . It's baring y o u r s e l f . You're wide open to c r i t i c i s m and r e j e c t i o n . The theme of loss was also associated with potential harm or danger to s e l f , others, or things: C: Risk-taking is what might cause loss or injury - It be f i n a n c i a l or physical danger. A decision that can is devastating, that can destroy the environment or relationships. The fourth theme, present in 13 responses, was the view of r i s k - t a k i n g as a change process involving new experiences and an expansion of personal norms or boundaries. The process was seen as an essential element in personal growth and development: P: Risk-taking is stepping outside the bonds of the norm 76 that is set by each i n d i v i d u a l . I: It's to step outside the everyday, secure world. What was comfortable becomes uncomfortable then another step i s required. Boundaries change as we grow and hopefully expand. G: Risk-taking is not a l i s t i n g of pro's and con's, not weighing out of things. It is a process; the whole t h i n g , considering everything involved. Even worrying about i t is part of the process. The four themes that participants i d e n t i f i e d contributed to a d e f i n i t i o n of r i s k - t a k i n g that connects elements of uncertainty regarding the outcome, emotional involvement, l o s s , and a process of change. These themes appeared to be i n t e r r e l a t e d and suggested a highly personal response to risk-taking that was experienced as a process, and not as an isolated event or i ncident. This section concludes with metaphors used by participants as they sought to describe t h e i r personal understanding of the term. These metaphors enhance the descriptions and are included to highlight Risk-Taking the personal nature of is risk-taking: ... I: stepping outside the everyday secure world S: jumping off the fence T: stepping into unchartered ground 77 N: putting s e l f on the l i n e E: stepping out; t r u s t i n g my i n t u i t i v e s e l f , following my heart C: a leap of f a i t h R: being on the edge of the abyss C: the course of M: going out on a limb without something to f a l l back on; you life can't step back S: going against the grain L: a leap, a death. These metaphors, c i t e d by several of the p a r t i c i p a n t s , contain images of personal challenge and an expansion of personal l i m i t s beyond what may be f a m i l i a r . These images support the themes that emerged in the d e f i n i t i o n s of risk-taking provided by participants. B. Incidents of Risk-Taking To identify incidents of risk-taking relevant to women's experience, each participant was asked to describe approximately f i v e examples of meaningful specify what f e l t risk-taking s i t u a t i o n s , and to 'at r i s k ' to her in each of the s i t u a t i o n s . The 44 participants i d e n t i f i e d a total of 240 incidents. Each woman was also asked to i d e n t i f y up to 5 incidents where she decided to not take a r i s k . Fewer incidents were specified as risks avoided for a t o t a l of 71. Summary categories of taken and not taken are detailed in Tables 2 and 3. risks 78 Table 2 Risks Taken (N = 240, # Participants = 44) Risk Category Career/Employment Job confrontations/res p o n s i b i l i t i e s New, or return t o , work Self employment Loss of employment Interpersonal/Relationship Marriage, entering relationship Divorce, leaving relationship C h i l d b i r t h , childrearing Challenges with family of o r i g i n Challenges with partner, others Education: New, or return to Personal Risks Personal growth, counselling Being on own Relocation Risks Other Risks Travel Financial Physical Adventure Driving Medical Health Legal TOTAL RISKS Traditional Non-Traditional Total 57 (44%) 83 (35%) 26 18 8 5 30 26 14 13 36 (33%) 34 (26%) 70 (29%) 11 8 10 4 3 15 7 3 6 3 26 15 13 10 6 12 (11%) 13 (10%) 25 (10%) 16 (15%) 4 (3%) 20 (8%) 14 2 3 1 17 3 8 (7%) 4 (3%) 12 (5%) 12 (11%) 18 (14%) 26 (23%) 4 8 6 8 3 1 2 4 1 1 110 (100%) 5 6 3 1 3 0 130 (100%) 30 (13%) 8 7 5 5 4 1 240 (100%) 79 Table 3 Risks Not Taken (N = 71, # Participants = 32*) Risk Category Traditional Career/Employment Change in career/job Job confrontations, r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s Interpersonal/Relationship Non-Traditional Total 5 (12%) 12 (32%) 17 (24%) 3 2 10 2 13 4 17 (52%) 9 (24%) 26 (37%) 2 2 5 4 4 6 1 1 0 1 8 3 6 4 5 3 (9%) 6 (16%) 9 (13%) 2 (6%) 0 2 (3%) Relocation Risks: 1 (3%) 2 (5%) 3 (4%) Other Risks: 5 (15%) 9 (24%) 14 (20%) 2 2 1 0 1 3 4 1 Marriage, enter relationship Divorce, leave relationship C h i l d b i r t h , safety of children Challenge family of o r i g i n Challenge partner, others Education: Personal Return or continue Risks: Travel Fi nancial Physical Adventure Driving TOTAL RISKS NOT TAKEN 33 (100%) * 12 participants reported no risks not taken. 38 (100%) 3 5 5 1 71 (100% 80 The results from Table 2 indicate that women described significant risk-taking incidents that were personal and connected to t h e i r l i f e experience and context. 240 r i s k s : From a total of 35% related to career and employment, both paid and unpaid; 29% were risks that were interpersonal in nature; 10% concerned education; and 8% involved risk-taking personal growth. related to The remaining 18% described a variety of taking experiences including r e l o c a t i o n , f i n a n c i a l risk- concerns, t r a v e l , adventure, health, and d r i v i n g . The findings from Table 3 are compatible with the descriptions of risk-taking detailed in Table 2. categories The same of risk apply to both risks taken and avoided, suggesting that the categories are adequate in portraying a comprehensive view of risk-taking described by p a r t i c i p a n t s . In the sections that follow, each category of from Table 2 is examined and highlighted risk-taking by quotations from the participants. Career/Employment Risks. A total of 83 incidents of taking were related to career and employment. traditional The women in non- occupations emphasized t h i s category of i d e n t i f y i n g 57 incidents (44%). risk- risk-taking, This group also placed greater emphasis on career/employment risk-taking than did the women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations, who described 26 incidents (23%). finding is consistent with the s i g n i f i c a n t This differences found in 81 both employment status, traditional and number of children: women in non- occupations were engaged in greater f u l l - t i m e employment; and women in the t r a d i t i o n a l occupation group were engaged more f u l l y in c h i l d r e a r i n g . An interesting difference appeared between the two groups in the number of reported incidents of confrontation and taking on r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s at work. Women in non-traditional occupations described a greater number of incidents requiring risk-taking on the job (26). A woman who worked in the construction industry described the following example: N: I face risks daily in my job. everyday thing. I'm on the l i n e , i t ' s an Being in control of my own d i v i s i o n , either sink or swim. If I screw up, i t ' s on my shoulders. What we hear of women in the workplace is misguided; more than getting equal pay. I it's I'm on the job s i t e to do a job and some men get t h e i r backs up and I have to co-operate with them. There's some tough general contractors who try to scare you as a woman more than they would to men. not a rookie; i f push comes to shove, I ' l l I'm shove back. Accepting new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s at work was described by many women in non-traditional careers, such as this example by R., who worked in trade show management: My boss asked me to take on being general manager for a new international trade show. I did i t from scratch with no 82 experience. interview. risks. I had to hire a secretary; I set up an o f f i c e . was scared in the A l l were new areas, new What was at risk i s I didn't know i f I could do i t . Each time I b u i l t some confidence and realized my career must be e x c i t i n g . Returning to work after several years absence was also a major r i s k - t a k i n g experience. B., who returned to work after r a i s i n g three c h i l d r e n , reported that her risk-taking had decreased during her time at home: People don't have a lot of respect for being ' j u s t a Mom' and staying home. And then I started imposing those feelings on myself and f e e l i n g not i n t e l l i g e n t . constant whenever I go out. being smothered as a mother. to expose myself and say 'I learning. It's a And that adds to that sense of As I go back (to work) I have don't know' and be open to And t h a t ' s hard for me to do. I had worked long enough before that I had mastered the basics and i t ' s threatening to go back and start again. Searching f o r , and accepting, a new job was also i d e n t i f i e d as r i s k - t a k i n g . One woman, a f t e r running her own business for several years, lost the company due to unpaid contracts and was forced to re-establish her career goals: S: I decided to ask a peer for a job at another company. I hadn't worked for anyone else in a long time. I was 83 scared and kept my mouth shut. others. I didn't want to intimidate I just did what was asked and worked to gain the respect of fellow employees. Now I've as the men d i d , learning on the job. worked my way up, I'll try to do most anything. A loss of employment, either chosen or forced, was cited 13 times. It was viewed as s i g n i f i c a n t to both occupational groups. M. described the risks to her career advancement, sense of achievement, and f i n a n c i a l security in choosing to quit a job: I walked out of a f u l f i l l i n g job in Edmonton doing advertising layouts. success. I helped to make the magazine a But there were unethical pressures compromising my principles. I said 'No, I'm going to do i t and do i t now.' It was more risky to stay, for my values and i n t e g r i t y . It was do or d i e . The demands of being forced out of a job, due to an economic slowdown, became the greatest risk N. reported taking in her life. Losing my job as a supervisor after nearly 20 years was the biggest of a l l . I had to deal with my own self-confidence and I lost financial s t a b i l i t y . risk. The adjustment was a big I had to face mental depression and build emotional s t a b i l i t y to deal with i t . I had to learn how to compete and then retrain for employment. It forced me to increase 84 my r i s k - t a k i n g in the last four years; some have been forced, others chosen. I've made a better person of myself. A f i n a l example of risk-taking related to career and work c i t e d by participants was the risk of self-employment or s t a r t i n g a business, either i n d i v i d u a l l y or with a partner. G. described taking a risk to work with her husband: I got involved with my husband's business. on our personal r e l a t i o n s h i p ; that was the r i s k , not so much the work i t s e l f . him. money. It put pressure I had to have the hammer, had to pressure It was f i n a n c i a l . . . I got involved to organize the The outcome was good; the money got better and i t evened out our dynamics, me not being the bully and him not s l i d i n g away. Interpersonal/Relationship Risks. Second only to the incidence of career/employment r i s k s , the participants reported a significant number of risk-taking incidents that related to relationships with others, including partners, family members, c h i l d r e n , and f r i e n d s . A total of 70 interpersonal risks were described, 29% of the total to women in both t r a d i t i o n a l response. While equally significant (36 responses) and non-traditional (34 responses) occupations, this category accounted for the largest percentage (33%) of risk-taking women in the t r a d i t i o n a l c l u s t e r . incidents described by Risks of entering and leaving 85 relationships with intimate partners (including marriage and divorce) was given greatest emphasis, accounting for 41 of the 70 responses. A variety of risk factors emerged as women considered marriage or beginning an intimate relationship including; loss of personal and/or f i n a n c i a l independence, loss of identity and name, loss of c r e d i b i l i t y with i n s t i t u t i o n s loss of emotional well-being. such as banks, and N. detailed many of these risk factors as she recalled her decision to marry: Marriage in. is always a r i s k , both to get (married) and to stay I have to work at i t to stay with i t . s o c i e t y , I was a threat to my f r i e n d s . independence and f i n a n c i a l independence. with the bank. It's It is a singles At risk was my Even c r e d i b i l i t y not so much freedom; my marriage f l e x i b l e , but I lost some f l e x i b i l i t y . is There's some loss and some gain. For women who had experienced more than one intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p , or marriage, the r i s k - t a k i n g was divided between entering and leaving the r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In the experience of S., the risks began to escalate: I divorced when I was 28 and wasn't sure where I would go. I got into another relationship and remarried soon.... backtracked and took a second seat to my husband. l i k e I became a d i f f e r e n t person. I It was It was hard to deal with. 86 I divorced 7 years l a t e r , I wanted out of the same p a t t e r n s . . . . I remarried for a t h i r d time and moved onto a farm. I ran the farm . . . I had no support, I was new to Alberta. My friends and family backed o f f . I was very alone and f e l t drowned... I had a sense of a problem but not knowing where to go. was a switch. (I That was f i v e years ago.... Then there began to f e e l ) I'm right, I'm not stupid, I need changes. For S., the "switch" came when she recalled the trauma of incest abuse as a young c h i l d which led her into seeking counselling assistance. Taking the risk to begin a r e l a t i o n s h i p , separate from marriage, was s i g n i f i c a n t for many women. The two experiences that follow are d i f f e r e n t , yet each woman described similar feelings of emotional K: vulnerability: I took a chance to get emotionally involved after being hurt in a previous relationship and swearing off men.... My emotional well-being was at risk and the fear of being hurt and of t r u s t . J: Last year my risk-taking was on an emotional I t o l d another woman I loved her. courage.... It She responded. has to do with who I am, my sexual level. It took identity. Opening up to face that in myself and not be afraid of i t . . . . There's a change in my risk-taking emotional. I am re-examining old s c r i p t s . from physical to 87 Risk-taking to leave a relationship or to divorce was mentioned in 15 responses. They described r i s k i n g f i n a n c i a l s t a b i l i t y , the support of friends and/or family, and the insecurity of an uncertain future: T: Three years ago I decided to separate from my husband. I was supporting him emotionally at the t i m e . . . . I had support from friends and God, but I d i d n ' t know i f I could support myself. I hadn't worked for a long time. At the same time I had to struggle to keep the house, i t was in foreclosure. Another woman, who divorced a f t e r 25 years of marriage, described the risks of s t a r t i n g a new l i f e on her own: N: To go out on my own and start new relationships. would I be accepted in public? I was older. How There are d i f f e r e n t standards and moral accountability. I d i d n ' t know i f people would make judgements. For yet another woman, the risk involved in leaving her marriage was described b r i e f l y , yet powerfully: 0: I was l e f t with nothing. husband. My kids stayed with my I resent the lost time with the kids. In the teen years we grew apart. The decision to have and raise children was s i g n i f i c a n t 13 responses. in For W, the decision f e l t p a r t i c u l a r l y complex because i t involved the influences of other people as well as her own struggle: 88 W: The biggest ( r i s k ) was to have children and have them early. It was a choice between school and career or kids. I wanted to be young with them. myself. Yet I was not yet grown up My friends were putting off having families and my husband was not too sure about i t . Ten incidents of r i s k - t a k i n g were related to challenges or confrontations with family of o r i g i n members. For B., the r i s k - taking involved the disclosure of her sexual orientation: Coming out to my mother is the r i s k - t a k i n g I want to talk about. It was verbalizing what we both knew. to verbalize i t . The risk was I f e l t 99% certain that she'd be OK. But even i f I d i d n ' t know the outcome i t was time to be honest with myself. Even i f she rejected me, i t was important for me to do to be honest. risk. Honesty was the p r i n c i p l e and the The outcome; Mom was supportive. It was the beginning of a more positive r e l a t i o n s h i p . It had great meaning to i t - - h i g h r i s k - - h e r possible rejection and verbalizing who I am to someone. For S, the risk involved confronting her father who had sexually abused her, repeatedly, as a c h i l d : I went home this summer and confronted Dad about the abuse. I had some pity for him. with s i l e n c e . When I t o l d my s i s t e r s They said ' n o - - l e t i t be.' need and anger to share i t . I was met But i t was my His response was ' i t ' s all in 89 your head, not my f a u l t , I'm old and s i c k . ' He hugged me when I l e f t . . . . I r e a l i z e d I can't make changes there, but I can deal with i t . It lightened my load. I'm r e a l i z i n g the v a l i d i t y in my own being, that I am O.K. Another type of interpersonal r i s k - t a k i n g described in six responses, involved challenges or confrontations with partners, f r i e n d s , or other people. One woman confronted her husband who had become addicted to a medication: 0: I took p i l l s away from my husband. i n f e c t i o n and was very i l l . He had an ear I threw them away. risking his health and his l i f e . I asked myself 'should I do t h i s ' ? He was He was hooked on them. What was at risk was f i g h t i n g with myself and f i g h t i n g with him, but I was in fear for his l i f e . . . . He got better in a few months. Developing relationships with other people was viewed as important by D., who had l i v e d and worked for many years on a remote farm. She described the changes in her risk-taking a f t e r a move into the c i t y : It's risky to be in the c i t y , i t was safe in the country. I now take risks in interpersonal relationships, getting to know people. It's d i f f e r e n t with animals, things seem clear with 600 head of stock. You can deal with them as problem solving--it's With people what's risky is the physical. rejection and hurt other people can i n f l i c t on us. It's not 90 just myself. You can't control i t and can't always problem solve. Education Risks. groups, r i s k - t a k i n g Equally important to both occupation related to education or t r a i n i n g was described 25 times, for a total response rate of 10%. A return to educational i n s t i t u t i o n s to complete a course of study was considered a risk by several women, one of whom described her experience as follows: G: Four years ago I chose to go into an M.A. program. was the f i r s t and only time I've and cons. It sat down to weigh the pros I had to consider whether I was avoiding the real world, and was i t above my a b i l i t i e s . because I can learn something here. pregnant then married. I decided to (go) So I went, then I got The M.A. was low on my l i s t , my focus was away from studies and I l e t i t go for two years. My husband pressured me to f i n i s h and a professor convinced me. So I got back to i t and f i n i s h e d . The decision to return to school in order to upgrade academic standing a f t e r many years absence from formal education was also described as a major risk-taking event: A: I went back to school for grades 8 and 9 together. had always wanted to do i t . I Options for Women (a career counselling agency) motivated me. I had quit in Grade 8. was t o l d I was dumb, and went hairdressing. I I want to go at 91 my speed. I'm w i l l i n g to do i t u n t i l i t ' s right. My s e l f - esteem is high now. For some women, the decision to leave home for the f i r s t time to pursue education beyond high school presented a combination of r i s k s , as described by R: I l e f t home in a small town to go to Mt. Royal for design. Women didn't do non-traditional work there, only teaching and nursing. I moved away from the mold of the community and can't go back. It's a loss. People think you've changed. Personal Risks. Twenty incidents of risk-taking that involved personal challenges or change were reported. One woman described reaching a point in her l i f e where she experienced a change in her understanding of herself: H: Five years ago there was a change in my l i f e s t y l e and attitude. The kids had l e f t , money wasn't needed. Looking back over, i t was l i k e I was waiting, f e e l i n g i s o l a t e d , and l i v i n g for others. There was a major s h i f t into and discovery of myself. risk-taking It was noticeable and attached to being fed up with i s o l a t i o n and emptiness. I'm now going with my feelings and not waiting passive for others. It is e x c i t i n g and scary. Personal changes described as risk-taking were frequently linked to increased emotional understanding and expression of s e l f : 92 C: I am now allowing strong feelings to come up and out. I'm choosing i t more and more. It's creative. When i t ' s denied i t hurts to s i t on i t . . . . There's an assumption that risk is physical. I never put my body at r i s k , yet I risk. I'm a f e e l i n g junkie; wanting to push and risk in emotional s i t u a t i o n s , pushing emotional l i m i t s . There is a hunger for intensity. It requires risk-taking to break from the safe places. Seeking counselling assistance for personal change and growth was reported by eight women who viewed counselling as a significant S: risk-taking process: For me, i t was going to Heritage House for counselling and acceptance of my incestuous family. from my family. I had no support I only got drugs from my p s y c h i a t r i s t — there was no support from him. I was at a dead end. I had nothing to lose. For three women, learning to l i v e and to be on t h e i r own a f t e r marriage was yet another personal r i s k . L. described her experience following the death of her husband: A big risk was survival without my husband. Being on my own, having to make decisions and take action a l l on my own, to make a new l i f e s t y l e and new f r i e n d s . was hard but I did i t . I went ahead. There are new stages in my l i f e , have a whole new outlook on l i f e . It I 93 Relocation Risks. Fourteen incidents of risk-taking concerned relocation to take a job, to accommodate a partner, or for personal reasons. I. described her sense of loss from moving twice in a short period of time: I relocated to Edmonton in 1985. my job, my home, my f r i e n d s . There was a lot to l o s e - - It was hard to find a new job. Also when I moved from England to Toronto I had no money and no job. Other Risks. Thirty (13%) of the total responses described a variety of risk-taking incidents that related to t r a v e l , financial investments, physical adventure a c t i v i t i e s , health, d r i v i n g , and a legal challenge. Travel, p a r t i c u l a r l y t r a v e l l i n g alone, was mentioned in eight responses. J: I've my own. One example follows: t r a v e l l e d a l o t in out of the way places, some on It's not that dangerous, but i t is adventurous. I got a new perception of what I could do and new s k i l l s . I got to know people. Seven incidents of f i n a n c i a l risk-taking included major purchases such as a house or car, investments and stock market speculation, and lending money: M: I lent money to someone. I might not get i t back. C: It was a single mom and I knew The money was at risk. Right now I'm buying company shares; t h a t ' s personal. And also a j o i n t risk with my husband to buy a house. Money 94 is at risk and also t r u s t i n g him to invest; our relationship i s at risk. Adventure pursuits were cited in f i v e responses and included skydiving, rockclimbing, s a i l i n g in storm conditions, ski jumping and s k i i n g . One example portrays the risk-taking involved in skydi vi ng: E: I learned to skydive. scary and b e a u t i f u l . I just wanted to do i t . I would do i t again. It was My safety was at r i s k , but i t d i d n ' t seem risky or an issue until I was out on the wing s t r u t . Risks involving medical or health concerns were reported by four women, one of whom described a d i f f i c u l t decision: K: I decided to have e l e c t i v e surgery - just to have i t done. It was a choice of health and l i f e , or death on the operating t a b l e . I had fears of a general anesthesia, or i f not, then possible cancer. Risk-taking that involved automobile safety and driving was reported f i v e times. The risks included learning to d r i v e , driving under severe weather conditions, and driving at night alone or with c h i l d r e n : I: I took driving lessons 8 years ago and started to drive t h i s summer. It was scary and driving on my own is frightening. But i t ' s still now 90% overcome and I'm driving at night, but not in foul weather. accidents, of hurting someone. The risk is a fear of 95 The category of 'other r i s k s ' included a total of 30 responses, or 13% of the total response. Only 12 responses, 5% of the t o t a l , described physical adventure and f i n a n c i a l taking. risk- Games of chance, gambling, the use of addictive substances, and team sport a c t i v i t i e s were not mentioned. these situations were assumed to represent risk-taking Yet in previous research that used hypothetical dilemmas or laboratory experiments to measure risk-taking tendencies. 2. Is there a relationship between sex-role orientation as measured by the Bern Sex-Role Inventory and risk-taking as measured by the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire and by a s e l f estimate of risk scale? The BSRI was used to measure the degree to which participants c l a s s i f i e d themselves as having either more t r a d i t i o n a l l y feminine stereotypical q u a l i t i e s or as having more t r a d i t i o n a l l y masculine stereotypical q u a l i t i e s . Using a s p l i t median technique, respondents were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated. The results indicate that 29.5% of participants were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, 29.5% as masculine, 23% as androgynous, and 18% as undi f f e r e n t i a t e d . The CDQ was used to measure levels of risk-taking based upon responses to 12 hypothetical situations selected a level of risk involvement. in which participants Forty-two participants 96 responded, producing a mean score of 56.95 and a standard deviation of 14.17. The summary of results from the CDQ according to sex-role c l a s s i f i c a t i o n on the BSRI i s presented i n Table 4. Table 4 Comparison of CDQ Results By Sex-Role Orientation BSRI C l a s s i f i c a t i o n Frequency Feminine Masculine . Androgynous Undifferentiated Total 13 12 9 8 42 CDQ Mean SD 58.31 54.00 58.44 57.50 56.95 12.83 14.00 17.30 14.92 14.17 One-way analysis of variance was conducted to test the null hypothesis that there would be no s i g n i f i c a n t difference among groups assigned by sex-role orientation on mean scores obtained on the CDQ. The results are summarized i n Table 5. Table 5 ANOVA Analysis of CDQ Results by Sex-Role Orientation Source df SS Between groups 3 150.91 50.30 Within groups 38 8082.99 212.71 Total 41 8233.91 F >05 (3,38df) = 2.85 MS f p 0.24 .87 97 With an obtained F value less than 2.85, the null hypothesis was retained. No s i g n i f i c a n t difference was found among the sub- groups on mean scores of risk-taking measured by the CDQ at the 0.05 level of s i g n i f i c a n c e . In addition to responding to the CDQ, participants were asked to rate themselves on a 7-point scale as a measure of s e l f estimated r i s k - t a k i n g . Forty-one participants responded, producing a mean score of 5.20 and a standard deviation of 1.12 as summarized in Table 6. Table 6 Comparison of Self-Estimate of Risk by Sex-Role Orientation BSRI C l a s s i f i c a t i o n Frequency Self-Estimate Mean SD 11 12 10 8 5.55 4.92 5.50 4.75 1.37 1.16 0.71 1.04 Total 41 5.20 1.12 Again, one-way analysis of variance was conducted to Feminine Masculine Androgynous Undifferentiated determine whether s i g n i f i c a n t differences existed among the four subgroups on the self-estimate of r i s k . The null hypothesis stated that there would be no s i g n i f i c a n t difference among subgroups on mean scores obtained on the self-estimate of risk scale. Results are presented in Table 7. 98 Table 7 ANOVA Analysis of Self-Estimate of Risk by Sex-Role Orientation Source df SS MS Between groups 3 4.80 1.59 Within groups 37 45.64 1.23 Total 40 50.44 F >05 (3,36df) f 1.29 P .29 = 2.86 Again, with an obtained F value less than 2.86, the null hypothesis was retained. No s i g n i f i c a n t difference was found among any two groups assigned by sex-role orientation on s e l f estimates of risk-taking at the 0.05 level of s i g n i f i c a n c e . 3. Is there a relationship between career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and risk-taking as measured by the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire and by a s e l f estimate of risk scale? The risk-taking of participants was further investigated by comparison between the two occupational groups on mean scores obtained by each group on the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk scale. It was hypothesized that women in non-traditional occupations would score s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on these two measures of r i s k - t a k i n g than women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. 99 The results from completion of the CDQ are summarized in Table 8. Table 8 Comparison of CDQ Results by Career Orientation Career Orientation Traditional Non-Traditional Frequency CDQ Mean SD 59.95 53.65 11.96 15.92 22 20 C r i t i c a l t . 0 5 ( ° ) = 2.02 obtained t .152^ ^ = 1.46 4 40 With an obtained t value less than 2.02, no support was found for any s i g n i f i c a n t traditional CDQ. difference between t r a d i t i o n a l and non- groups on mean scores of risk-taking measured by the The results from the self-estimate of risk scale are summarized in Table 9. Table 9 Comparison of Self-Estimate of Risk by Career Orientation Career Orientation Traditional Non-Traditional Critical t 5 ( 3 9 ) = 2.02 #0 Frequency Self-Estimate Mean SD 20 21 5.15 5.24 1.23 1.04 obtained t < 8 1 ( 3 9 ) = -0.25 100 Again, with an obtained t value less than 2.02, no support was found for any s i g n i f i c a n t difference between the two occupational groups on self-estimates of r i s k - t a k i n g . 4. Is there a relationship between career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and sex-role orientation as measured by the Bern Sex-Role Inventory(BSRI)? The two occupational groups were analysed for differences i n sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n . It was hypothesized that women in non- t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as masculine or androgynous, while women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI. The crosstabulation of BSRI categories by occupational group is summarized in Table 10. Table 10 Crosstabulation of Sex-Role Orientation by Career Orientation Frequency Sex-Role Orientation Traditional Non-Traditional Total Feminine 11 2 13 Masculine 2 11 13 Androgynous 4 6 10 Undifferentiated _5 _3 8 22 22 44 Total Critical X (3) = 7.82, p<.05 2 Obtained X (3) = 13.36, p<.01 2 101 With an obtained chi square value greater than the c r i t i c a l value of 7.82, support was found for the hypothesis. concluded that a s i g n i f i c a n t It was relationship was supported between sex-role orientation and occupation. A significantly greater number of women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI and a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater number of women in non-traditional occupations were c l a s s i f i e d as masculine on the BSRI. 5. Does involvement in the study affect p a r t i c i p a n t s ' knowledge and estimation of s e l f ? Participants were asked, in interview question nine, to comment on t h e i r reaction to the CDQ as a measure of r i s k - t a k i n g . The question was designed to generate self-reported information on the relevance of the CDQ and to a c t i v e l y involve participants in the research process. It was hypothesized that participants would report an increase in knowledge and understanding of r i s k taking. The results were s i m i l a r for both occupational groups and are reported on the overall response from 40 of the 44 participants: Thirty (75%) of the women indicated a negative reaction to the inventory; 6 (15%) of the responses were p o s i t i v e ; and 4 (10%) were neutral. Most of the responses contained several comments about the CDQ. A total of 115 negative comments were recorded. The following statements were developed to summarize the comments: 102 1. The dilemmas do not provide enough information about the people, s i t u a t i o n , or context (33%). 2. The CDQ is not relevant t o , or r e f l e c t , my l i f e , i n t e r e s t s , or style of decision making (18%). 3. It is not possible to choose for others. The important factor is what course of action is appropriate for the person at risk (17%). 4. The CDQ i s too r i g i d , s i m p l i s t i c , or black and white (13%). 5. The CDQ measures p o l i t i c a l values and ethics more than risk-taking 6. (12%). The CDQ is out of date, sexist, and/or biased (7%). The six women who responded favourably to the CDQ provided 12 positive comments including: l e a s t , some of the situations the variety of situations i t was possible to relate t o , at (6); the CDQ was enjoyable (4); and was good (2). A l l four women who reported a neutral reaction provided the similar comment that they answered according to how they would behave in the s i t u a t i o n . The affect of involvement in the research design on p a r t i c i p a n t s ' knowledge and estimation of s e l f was also explored in interview question 10. Participants were asked i f t h e i r involvement in the research affected t h e i r understanding of taking in any way. risk- Forty-one women responded to the question: 30 (73%) answered ' y e s ' ; 7 (17%) answered ' n o ' ; and 4 (10%) of the women were uncertain. 103 Of the 30 women who reported a change, 29 described t h e i r involvement as p o s i t i v e , with the following e f f e c t s : increased self-awareness and confidence (12); a clearer understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g as a process in daily l i f e (10); increased appreciation of the value and number of risks taken (7); and new ideas about risk-taking (7). One woman stated that the effect of the research was discouraging; i t reinforced her sense of herself as someone who d i d n ' t l i k e to take r i s k s . Seven women reported no change in t h e i r understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g ; they described themselves as being risk-takers throughout t h e i r l i v e s . Four participants f e l t uncertain about changes in t h e i r understanding of r i s k . They cited f e e l i n g "puzzled," "uncertain," or "increased in self-awareness, but not r i s k - t a k i n g . " At the conclusion of the interview, participants were asked to suggest how the research might prove useful. Recommendations for counselling included use of the results in depression management, alcohol treatment, self-esteem and c a r e e r / l i f e planning programs. Research recommendations included further c r i t i q u e of established tests and inventories, similar research with male p a r t i c i p a n t s , and analysis of the counselling process as a r i s k . Recommendations for use of the results in education included consciousness r a i s i n g , challenging stereotypes, teaching young g i r l s about non-traditional careers, and writing a book about women's risk-taking. 104 Summary of Results This study proposed that an exploration of women's risk- taking behaviour would expand narrowly defined assumptions found in previous research that have emphasized the dimension of instrumental risk-taking. supported this The results of the data analyses position. Definitions of risk-taking provided by participants i d e n t i f i e d four related elements: a degree of uncertainty about possible outcomes; emotional, as well as i n t e l l e c t u a l and physical involvement; the risk of potential l o s s ; and a view of risk-taking as a personal and fundamental change process, rather than an isolated event. Categories of risks taken by participants were: career and employment (35%); interpersonal and relationship (29%); education (10%); personal (8%); relocation (5%), and other (13%). The examples of risk described by participants demonstrated that women a c t i v e l y engaged in r i s k - t a k i n g that was linked to t h e i r personal l i f e context and that involved both personal and interpersonal considerations. Significant differences in demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were found between the t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupation groups in number of c h i l d r e n , employment status, and income level. Women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations had a greater number of c h i l d r e n , and reported higher unemployment. Women in non- 105 t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were engaged in more f u l l - t i m e employment and reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher levels of personal income. No differences were found between the two groups with respect to age, education, and l i v i n g status. Analyses were conducted to investigate differences between groups regarding differences in risk-taking behaviour. No s i g n i f i c a n t differences were found between occupation groups on r i s k - t a k i n g tendency measured by two scales; the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire and a 7-point self-estimate of risk scale. Participants were also divided into four sub-groups according to sex-role orientation measured by the Bern Sex-Role Again, no s i g n i f i c a n t Inventory. differences were found between women c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated on risk-taking tendency measured by the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk scale. An analysis was also conducted to investigate the relationship between career orientation and sex-role orientation. A significantly occupations greater number of women in t r a d i t i o n a l were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI. A significantly greater number of women in non-traditional occupations were c l a s s i f i e d as masculine on the BSRI. It appeared that sex-role orientation and career orientation were related. The structure of the interview was designed to actively involve participants i n the research. Participants were asked to 106 evaluate the CDQ, to describe changes in t h e i r understanding of risk-taking as a result of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the research, and to recommend uses for the research r e s u l t s . Participant reaction to the CDQ was predominantly negative (75% of total response). Women c r i t i c i z e d the inventory for a lack of contextual information and relevance, r i g i d i t y , bias, and assumptions regarding the estimate of risk-taking based upon recommendations to other people and the existence of concrete solutions complex human dilemmas. to Participants also reported that t h e i r involvement in the research contributed to an increased understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g and self-knowledge. percent of the participants reported the following increased self-awareness Seventy-three affects: or confidence; new or increased understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g as a process; and an increased appreciation of the value and number of risks taken. Recommendations for use of the results included applications counselling, research, and education. for Chapter V. DISCUSSION Feminist scholars ( E i c h l e r , 1980; G i l l i g a n , 1986; Lerman, 1987) have i d e n t i f i e d the need for social and psychological research to evaluate, r e v i s e , and expand established theory by exploring behaviour from the perspective of the individual within a social context. The purpose of such inquiry is to correct misrepresentations of women's development and to provide new insights into behaviour that are grounded in women's lived experience. The present study was based upon this feminist approach. Modelled after the work of Carol G i l l i g a n (1982), who forced a re-examination of moral development theory (Kohlberg, 1958, 1981), t h i s research has re-examined the theory related to behaviour. The question 'How do women experience risk-taking risk-taking?' was investigated by analysing d e f i n i t i o n s and examples of personal risk-taking described by 44 women, and by comparing relationships between subgroups assigned by occupation and sexrole o r i e n t a t i o n . Gilligan (1982) argued that we have not heard the stories of women in t h e i r own voices. explore risk-taking The purpose of this study has been to in women's lives and to infuse that exploration with the contribution of women's own stories and voice. This chapter presents a discussion of the research 107 108 f i n d i n g s , l i m i t a t i o n s , and implications. Discussion In asking participants to define and describe incidents of r i s k - t a k i n g , i t was hypothesized that a broader understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g might emerge. The interview questions explored whether the participants described risk-taking in terms of a f f i l i a t i o n and/or instrumentality. The dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n refers to behaviour directed at the maintenance of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , concern for and attachment to others, and co-operation (Bern, 1978; M i l l e r , 1976; Parsons, 1955). The dimension of instrumentality describes behaviour directed at attainment of individual goals, mastery, individuation, and competition (Parsons, 1955). It has been suggested that the psychology of risk-taking has developed with emphasis on a one-dimensional model of instrumentality and cognitive functioning (Brehmer, 1987; Kogan & Wallach, 1964; Sweeney, 1985). This focus has overlooked the dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n and emotional involvement (Brehmer, 1987; Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985). Results of the study suggested that there is support for a new model of risk-taking that incorporates both the dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality. The categories of risk-taking described by participants included career/employment, education, i n t e r p e r s o n a l / r e l a t i o n s h i p , personal, r e l o c a t i o n , and other risks including t r a v e l , f i n a n c i a l , physical adventure, d r i v i n g , health, 109 and legal risks. These risk-taking categories have been c l a s s i f i e d as a f f i l i a t i v e , instrumental, or both. Risk-taking designated as a f f i l i a t i v e in nature included the categories interpersonal/relationship Risk-taking risks and personal growth designated as instrumental risks. in nature included the categories of career/employment, education, and other Risk-taking of risks. designated as both a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental in nature included the category of relocation risks because the relocations involved either the attainment of personal the accommodation of the needs of a partner. incidents of risk-taking goals or Of the 240 described by the p a r t i c i p a n t s , 38% are c l a s s i f i e d as a f f i l i a t i v e , 57% as instrumental, and 5% as relocation risks involving both a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental factors. The findings support the thesis that women describe significant experiences of r i s k - t a k i n g within the dimension of affiliation (relationships and attachment to others) as well as within the dimension of instrumentality individual (the achievement of goals). In proposing a model that describes women's risk-taking as both a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental, i t must be understood that these dimensions personal are incomplete descriptors of the complex and nature of risk-taking behaviour. The dimensions are not mutually exclusive, nor are they opposing and contradictory. examples provided by the participants were neither t o t a l l y The 110 a f f i l i a t i v e nor t o t a l l y instrumental. Elements of instrumental motivation and behaviour were evident in risk-taking as a f f i l i a t i v e . The risk-taking of S., classified in confronting her father for sexually abusing her, demonstrated both a concern for him and her family, and for the attainment of her personal goal individuation. of Elements of a f f i l i a t i o n were found in risks c l a s s i f i e d as instrumental. When G. began to work with her partner in his business, both the relationship with him and the financial success of the business were at r i s k . interrelate. The dimensions Women a c t i v e l y engaged in risk-taking that spanned both dimensions: they risked the maintenance of interpersonal relationships and the attainment of personal goals. The results of this research suggest that risk-taking both a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental in nature. is These dimensions were used to conceptualize risk-taking behaviour and motivation, and to present support for the argument that the majority of research, to date, has overlooked the a f f i l i a t i v e aspects of risk-taking in favour of the instrumental aspects. A model that incorporates both a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality increases our understanding of the nature and significance of risk-taking women's in lives. A model of risk-taking that values both personal goal attainment and connection to others supports the work of Siegelman (1983) and Sweeney (1985). Both researchers reported Ill s i g n i f i c a n t incidents of r i s k - t a k i n g related to the maintenance of interpersonal relationships and to the achievement of personal goals. Siegelman (1983) wrote of s e l f - d e f i n e d risks cited by 294 p a r t i c i p a n t s , 70% of whom were women. Approximately 42% described risks connected with work; 21% described interpersonal r i s k s , and 21% described the risk of relocation involving both interpersonal and vocational f a c t o r s . the three most s i g n i f i c a n t as risks of 'being myself,' Sweeney (1985) documented risks cited by 18 female entrepreneurs risks concerning work, and risks involving the welfare of others. The results of both studies support the conceptualization of risk-taking in terms of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality. The results of this study also support the observations of Kogan and Wallach (1964) and Brehmer (1987) who suggested that risk-taking may also be emotional and motivational in nature and based upon real l i f e experience, rather than s t r i c t l y cognitive and based upon rational decisionmaking in hypothetical situations. this The r i s k - t a k i n g experiences of women reported in research supports Brehmer's observation that psychological research into risk-taking has been limited by a one-dimensional, cognitive approach. Carol G i l l i g a n (1982) expanded an understanding of moral development that had previously emphasized a cognitive approach to reasoning that valued separation and individuation 112 (instrumentality) over attachment ( a f f i l i a t i o n ) . Her research demonstrated that both the dimensions of separation, or instrumentality, and attachment, or a f f i l i a t i o n , are relevant to the moral reasoning of both women and men. The results found in this study of women's risk-taking lend support to the work of G i l l i g a n and others (Bern, 1978; Choderow, 1974; M i l l e r , 1976) who have i d e n t i f i e d the importance of a f f i l i a t i o n in women's Participants lives. in this study defined risk-taking in ways that further our understanding and support the conceptualization of risk-taking in terms of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality. Traditional d e f i n i t i o n s have emphasized elements of physical safety or u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y (Guralnik, Nemirovsky, 1984). 1979; Keinan, Meir, & Gome- Defined by the Webster New World Dictionary (1979), risk is "the chance of i n j u r y , damage, or loss" (p. 516). The emphasis in this d e f i n i t i o n relates to the consequences of an action or event. Results from the present study suggested that r i s k - t a k i n g is more complex. Participants emphasized elements of emotional, as well as i n t e l l e c t u a l and p h y s i c a l , involvement, potential loss, uncertainty regarding the outcome, and a personal process of change. Risk-taking was viewed as a process that involved concern for both the attainment of a goal and for the connection of s e l f to the social and physical environment. d e f i n i t i o n s incorporated elements of instrumentality and affiliation. The 113 The themes i d e n t i f i e d in the present study support the work of Siegelman (1983). Siegelman wrote that personal characterized by four elements: the p o s s i b i l i t y of s i g n i f i c a n t risk is uncertainty about the outcome, losses as well as gains, the permanence of consequences, and a high degree of personal significance. There are strong p a r a l l e l s between the themes i d e n t i f i e d by Siegelman (1983) and those i d e n t i f i e d in the present study. In considering the themes described by the p a r t i c i p a n t s , traditional d e f i n i t i o n s of the term r i s k - t a k i n g , which have focussed on physical safety or u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y , appear to offer a limited understanding of the process involved in risk-taking. A more complete d e f i n i t i o n of the term r i s k - t a k i n g , arising from t h i s research, might be as follows: Risk-taking is a personal and fundamental change process that engages levels of emotional, p h y s i c a l , and i n t e l l e c t u a l involvement, as the individual encounters potential loss or gain, and uncertainty regarding the outcome. Analysis of the interview results supports the supposition that a relationship exists between social context and r i s k taking. Women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations focussed on the a f f i l i a t i v e dimension of risk-taking to a greater extent that women in non-traditional occupations. The t r a d i t i o n a l reported a balance of a f f i l i a t i v e risks (48% of group group response) 114 and instrumental risks (45%). Women in non-traditional occupations emphasized instrumental a f f i l i a t i v e risk-taking (29%). risk-taking (68%) over Relocation risks, involving both dimensions, accounted for the remainder; 7% of the response for the t r a d i t i o n a l group and 3% for the non-traditional Differences between t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional group. occupation groups with respect to working environment appeared to be related to differences in emphasis upon a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental risk-taking. The differences in work environment and demographic variables between the two occupational groups provide insight into the observed differences in the emphasis placed on r i s k taking. Significant differences were found in employment personal income, and number of c h i l d r e n . status, The non-traditional group was more a c t i v e l y engaged in f u l l - t i m e employment (86.4%) than the t r a d i t i o n a l group (18.4%). The t r a d i t i o n a l group was more a c t i v e l y engaged in homemaking and/or part-time employment (72.7%) than the non-traditional of the women in non-traditional group (4.5%). Forty-one percent employment earned at least $30,000 annually, whereas 59% of the women in the t r a d i t i o n a l group earned less than $10,000. Women in the t r a d i t i o n a l group reported having an average of 2.3 c h i l d r e n , greater than the average of 0.50 children for the non-traditional The two groups did not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y group of women. with respect to age, 115 l i v i n g status, and level of education. the non-traditional By d e f i n i t i o n , women in group were engaged in occupations h i s t o r i c a l l y held by men, in which they represented less than one-third of the labour force. Tentative conclusions, related to the interplay of social context and r i s k - t a k i n g , arise from the observed differences between the two groups. It would appear that work a c t i v i t y , personal circumstance, and social context may be related to the opportunity, motivation, and demand for risk-taking behaviour. While no evidence of a cause-effect relationship can be claimed, the results suggest that non-traditional work a c t i v i t y and more t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t y , including homemaking and c h i l d - r e a r i n g , might be linked to differences in the emphasis placed on a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental employment in non-traditional risk-taking. occupations or predisposition for instrumental engagement in t r a d i t i o n a l It may be that is linked to a demand risk-taking and that a c t i v i t i e s is linked to a greater demand or predisposition for a f f i l i a t i v e risk-taking. Income l e v e l , employment status and childrearing a c t i v i t y may be related to risk-taking as w e l l . Further study would be required to provide a greater understanding of the relationship between social context, a c t i v i t y , and risk-taking. The influence of external factors or social context upon human behaviour has been documented (Cox, 1981; Firestone, 1970; 116 Kaufman & Richardson, 1982; Tangri, 1975). Firestone (1970) linked the differences between feminine and masculine roles to differences in social and biological function. In p a r t i c u l a r , she asserted that reproduction and childrearing influenced and limited feminine role behaviour. The significance of social context with respect to taking behaviour has been a r t i c u l a t e d as w e l l . risk- Several researchers have described the need for further exploration of r i s k - t a k i n g within a framework of r e a l - l i f e experience and social context (Brehmer, 1987; Siegelman, 1983, Sweeney, 1985). Others have provided evidence of external, as well as personal, factors influencing women's r i s k - t a k i n g , negative social including limited opportunity, consequences, gender and outgroup effects in the workplace, and s o c i a l i z a t i o n (Gerike, 1983; Morscher & Schindler Jones, 1982; Waites, The observation of differences in 1978). the nature of risk-taking described by the women in this supports the accumulated research l i n k i n g social risk-taking study context and behaviour. Another observation of difference between the two occupational groups contributes to this discussion. found that a s i g n i f i c a n t l y traditional This study higher number of women in the group (11) were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI, compared to women in the non-traditional group (2). results showed that there was a s i g n i f i c a n t l y Further, greater number of 117 women c l a s s i f i e d as masculine in the non-traditional than in the t r a d i t i o n a l group (2). group (11) These results contradict, in part, the findings of Glasgow (1982) who reported a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater number of women c l a s s i f i e d as androgynous t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. in non- The present study supports Glasgow's finding that women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI. The interview results provided support for a tentative link between occupational a c t i v i t y , sex role orientation and r i s k taking behaviour. It appeared that women in t r a d i t i o n a l activity were more l i k e l y to identify with feminine characteristics and reported a greater number of a f f i l i a t i v e r i s k s , whereas women in non-traditional a c t i v i t y were more l i k e l y to identify with masculine c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and reported a greater number of instrumental risks. Further study is required to provide a better understanding of the relationships between sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n , r i s k - t a k i n g behaviour, and occupational a c t i v i t y . For example, an exploration of possible relationships between masculinity and instrumental risk-taking and between femininity and a f f i l i a t i v e risk-taking might be of benefit. Potentially, the inclusion of men in a s i m i l a r study might shed further l i g h t on the dimensions of r i s k - t a k i n g explored with the women in this study. In postulating the existence of a ' d i f f e r e n t voice' 118 a r t i c u l a t e d by women in descriptions of moral Gilligan decision-making, (1982) cautioned that generalizations based upon gender- s p e c i f i c differences were inappropriate. It would be misleading to suggest that the dimension of instrumentality represents male behaviour or that the dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n represents female behaviour. The voices of the women in this study a r t i c u l a t e d a complex range of experiences, both instrumental and a f f i l i a t i v e . The significance of the present study comes from these results and supports the observation that the dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n has been largely overlooked in the psychology of risk-taking. Evidence of the dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality operating within a contextual framework may contribute to a greater understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g behaviour in the l i v e s of both women and men. The relationship between sex-role orientation and r i s k taking was also explored through analysis of the results from the BSRI, the CDQ and a self-estimate of risk scale. It was hypothesized that a positive relationship would exist between risk-taking behaviour, as measured by the inventories, and androgynous sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n . The results indicated that participants c l a s s i f i e d by sex-role orientation (feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated) did not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y on results from either the CDQ or the s e l f estimated risk scale. These results contradict the findings of 119 Glasgow (1982) who reported that women c l a s s i f i e d as androgynous on the BSRI scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than other women on s e l f estimated r i s k - t a k i n g . The findings support the work of Shiendling (1985) who reported no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between sex-role orientation and results from the CDQ. The lack of support for a relationship between sex-role orientation and measures of r i s k taking suggests that s i m i l a r i t i e s exist in women's estimates of r i s k - t a k i n g , i r r e s p e c t i v e of sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n . The relationship between career orientation and risk-taking as measured by the CDQ and a self-estimate of risk was also examined. It was hypothesized that a positive relationship would be supported between non-traditional occupational a c t i v i t y and higher scores of r i s k - t a k i n g on the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk scale. Again, the results did not support this hypothesis as no s i g n i f i c a n t differences were found between occupational groups and estimates of risk-taking. The results contradicted two studies which reported that women in non-traditional occupations scored higher on the CDQ or on self-reported estimates of risk-taking than women in t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t y (Glasgow, 1982; Steiner, 1986). The present findings suggested that women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations respond to estimates of risk-taking in a manner more s i m i l a r than might have been expected. This observation supports the findings of Brown (1978), who compared risk-taking between 120 married and divorced women, and Shiendling (1985), who compared r i s k - t a k i n g between women engaged in p r o s t i t u t i o n and women engaged in occupations perceived as less risky. found no support for s i g n i f i c a n t Both researchers differences between groups on r i s k - t a k i n g measures, including the CDQ and s e l f - r e p o r t estimates. Glasgow (1982) also noted that women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations appeared more similar than different. The women in t h i s study recorded no s i g n i f i c a n t differences in responding to a self-estimate of risk scale and the CDQ. Results from the 12-item CDQ averaged 57 out of a maximum 108 points. This average indicated a willingness to risk in each hypothetical situation only i f the chance for a successful outcome was between 5 and 6 out of 10, which is a reasonably conservative estimate of r i s k - t a k i n g . Results from the 7 point self-estimate of risk scale averaged 5.2, which indicates that participants rated themselves as often w i l l i n g to take a risk t h e i r own l i v e s . in While comparisons between the two scales cannot be s t a t i s t i c a l l y substantiated, i t is interesting to speculate whether the women were more w i l l i n g to risk in r e a l - l i f e situations than in hypothetical s i t u a t i o n s . Further study into t h i s question may prove b e n e f i c i a l . A second observation arises from t h i s speculation. The CDQ asked respondents to respond on the basis of advice they would 121 give to the person named in each s i t u a t i o n , rather than on how they would behave in the s i t u a t i o n . It would be of interest to explore differences in willingness to advise others and willingness to personally engage in r i s k - t a k i n g . speculate that the CDQ does not measure personal One might risk-taking, but rather measures a willingness to give advice to others. The interview and s t a t i s t i c a l results suggest that the CDQ does not f u l l y capture the experiences of risk-taking described by the women in the study. The original inventory consisted of 12 s i t u a t i o n s , each with a male central character faced with a decision involving r i s k - t a k i n g . For the purpose of this study, one-half of the items were altered to include a central female character. Of the 12 items, 11 consisted of risk-taking situations that can be c l a s s i f i e d as instrumental in nature, involving career, sports, education, and f i n a n c i a l risk-taking. Only one s i t u a t i o n , involving a marriage d e c i s i o n , can be c l a s s i f i e d as a f f i l i a t i v e in nature. In light of the interview results which highlighted the importance of a f f i l i a t i v e r i s k taking in women's l i v e s , there is support for the observation that the CDQ does not accurately r e f l e c t situations women's experience of r i s k - t a k i n g . relevant to This observation supports the work of Brown (1978) and Sweeney (1985) who c r i t i c i z e d the CDQ for a lack of content relevant to women. Gilligan (1986) described the need for research on the 122 psychology of women to begin with established research tools and paradigms and to then expand the research to include an exploration of women's experience in real l i f e rather than in artificial or hypothetical s i t u a t i o n s . The present study used the administration of the CDQ as a bridge, connecting i t to the previous research on r i s k - t a k i n g . The results a r i s i n g from i t s use suggested that the participants did not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y in t h e i r estimations of hypothetical r i s k - t a k i n g . The research was expanded by an analysis of self-reported incidents of r i s k taking. The results generated from the interviews furthered an understanding of women's risk-taking beyond the results demonstrated from analysis of the CDQ r e s u l t s . The significance of personal experience, social context, and r e a l - l i f e experience that arose from the personal descriptions and d e f i n i t i o n s of r i s k taking provided by participants broadened an understanding of risk-taking relevant to women. The richness and complexity of p a r t i c i p a n t s ' personal descriptions of risk-taking supports the observations of researchers who called for further study into the r e a l - l i f e experience of r i s k - t a k i n g (Brehmer, 1987; Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985; Waites, 1978). The c r i t i q u e of the CDQ as a measure of risk-taking was supported by comments from the participants who were asked to give t h e i r reaction to the inventory. participants were c r i t i c a l of the CDQ. The majority (73%) of It is c r i t i c i z e d for 123 biased and inappropriate s i t u a t i o n s , a lack of social context, the assumption that advice given to another person r e f l e c t s personal r i s k - t a k i n g , and for the assumption that absolute solutions exist for complex human dilemmas. These c r i t i c a l comments demonstrated p a r t i c i p a n t s ' concern for the individuals mentioned in the dilemmas, for personal and social factors influencing the s i t u a t i o n s , and for the imposition of advice-giving upon others. These observations supported the research findings that participants approached risk-taking from a perspective that valued a f f i l i a t i o n as well as instrumentality, that social context is linked to risk-taking a c t i v i t y , and that the CDQ does not provide a complete portrayal of risk-taking relevant to p a r t i c i p a n t s ' l i f e experiences. Feminist scholars ( G i l l i g a n , 1982; Lerman, 1987; Oakley, 1981) have documented the need for research into the psychology of women to a c t i v e l y engage women in the process of research and interviewing. Inclusion of participants is c a l l e d for in order to counter the treatment of research participants as passive objects and to further the validation of p a r t i c i p a n t s ' subjective experience. It was hypothesized that the conduct of the present study, which encouraged comments about the research, would contribute to an increased understanding of risk-taking by participants. Support was found for this hypothesis. By s e l f - reported comments, the majority (73%) of participants indicated 124 that t h e i r involvement in the study had increased t h e i r understanding of risk-taking increased self-awareness, and perception of s e l f . They cited confidence, and knowledge about the risks they encountered in daily l i f e . This research has provided both theoretical insights relevant to the nature of women's risk- taking and personal insights for participants to the extent that they reported an increase in t h e i r self-esteem and knowledge. Lerman (1987) proposed a preliminary set of c r i t e r i a by which models of personality and behaviour describing female experience might be evaluated. following requirements: The c r i t e r i a articulated the c l i n i c a l usefulness, recognition of the d i v e r s i t y of women, a positive view of women, relevance to women's experience, recognition of the connection between internal (personal) and external (social) f a c t o r s , language, and support for non-sexist therapy. inclusive interpretations and This investigation has attempted to s a t i s f y these c r i t e r i a by respecting and exploring women's lived experience within a social context and by u t i l i s i n g methods and language that support non-sexist values. ( E i c h l e r , 1980). Research is not values free The design and conduct of this research has been influenced by my understanding of feminist p r i n c i p l e s . The limitations and implications of this study are discussed with Lerman's c r i t e r i a in mind. 125 Limitations Evident in this study are methodological limitations concerning the sample, the type of design chosen, data analyses, and the theoretical constructs presented. The sample size (44) was large and varied enough to demonstrate a broad range of taking, but had limited s t a t i s t i c a l risk- power, r e s t r i c t i n g generalizations to the general population. The women were diverse in age, education, employment status, income l e v e l , and l i v i n g status, but were predominantly white and anglophone. Women from d i f f e r e n t ethnic and cultural backgrounds were underrepresented. No attempt was made to recruit women with d i s a b i l i t i e s or native, francophone, and immigrant women. The sample was chosen from groups i d e n t i f i e d through personal contacts of the researcher, rather than randomly selected. participants were volunteers. All The sample, therefore, was not representative of the general female population. It is acknowledged that, while t h i s study is meant to be accessible to non-academics, some terminology is exclusive and p a r t i c u l a r to those versed in psychology and s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. The design of this study was broad and incorporated both survey and causal-comparative methods. descriptive rather than analytical The research was in nature. In-depth analysis of the process, motivation, and cause-and-effeet of women's risk- 0 126 taking was beyond the scope and intent of this study. statistical The and content analysis techniques used in this study permitted descriptions of r i s k - t a k i n g and relationships between subgroups only. No causal inferences may be drawn from the observed r e s u l t s . Quantitative research derives i t s potency from the demonstration of s t a t i s t i c a l l y significant differences. As evidenced in the work of Maccoby and J a c k l i n (1974) there is a tendency within psychology to stress sex and gender differences rather than s i m i l a r i t i e s . Statistical evidence of 'no sex d i f f e r e n c e ' is often dismissed as i n s i g n i f i c a n t Emphasis on differences and dismissal ( E i c h l e r , 1980). of s i m i l a r i t i e s can d i s t o r t the interpretation of research r e s u l t s . This study has attempted to recognize the existence of s i m i l a r i t i e s as well as differences in the risk-taking experience of p a r t i c i p a n t s . S i m i l a r i t i e s were i d e n t i f i e d through discussion of hypotheses that were not supported in the analysis of results. The data analysis was further limited by two f a c t o r s . Five years elapsed between the start and completion of the study and only one person was used to code information and generate categories in the analysis of the interview data. The use of two coders and an abbreviated time frame would strengthen the research design. The theoretical constructs supporting this research arise 127 from a feminist approach to psychology. Modern feminism embodies a variety of approaches and has developed from a broad spectrum of personal experiences and scholarship. Feminist psychology presents a challenge for scholars to be informed by a m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y perspective while remaining close to the richness of women's lived experience. psychological study. This challenge requires researchers to be f a m i l i a r with many areas of This may present problems in the analysis of theory generated from d i s c i p l i n e s unfamiliar to the researcher. In t h i s research, for example, a concern was i d e n t i f i e d regarding the use of a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental dimensions that originated in the work of Parsons (1955), a s o c i o l o g i s t . This e a r l i e r work is limited in feminist a p p l i c a b i l i t y for i t s assumption of sex or gender based behaviour and i t s f a i l u r e to c r i t i q u e the social structures that maintain a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental roles. Research can be severely limited without a h i s t o r i c a l and m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y context within which concepts can be evaluated. It is a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of researchers to identify c o n f l i c t i n g perspectives, to evaluate e a r l i e r findings, and to develop new theoretical constructs. While the preceding considerations in methodology l i m i t the extent to which the results may be interpreted and generalized, the research design corresponded with the intent and focus of the study. In retrospect, were t h i s study to be r e p l i c a t e d , a 128 phenomenological approach might be employed. a critical The exploration of incident of r i s k - t a k i n g with fewer participants and a less structured interview format might generate similar themes. Implications This research explored the question of how women define and experience r i s k - t a k i n g in t h e i r l i v e s . Throughout the discussion of r e s u l t s , the significance of risk-taking within a dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n , or connection to others, as well as a dimension of instrumentality, or attainment of personal goals, was i d e n t i f i e d . The women who participated in this study also i d e n t i f i e d the significance of social context and personal circumstance as factors related to t h e i r risk-taking behaviour. The views offered by participants are consistent with the work of feminist developmental theorists such as G i l l i g a n (1982), M i l l e r (1976), and Choderow (1974) who provided evidence that women develop in r e l a t i o n to others and experience t h e i r l i v e s within a relational and contextual framework. findings The research also support the observations of theorists in the area of psychological risk such as Brehmer (1987), Siegelman (1983), and Sweeney (1985) who a r t i c u l a t e d the bias in risk-taking theory that has emphasized a one-dimensional, cognitive focus removed from r e a l - l i f e experience. The present study has contributed to an increased understanding of the importance of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality 129 in women's risk-taking and has provided support for a twodimensional model of r i s k - t a k i n g that incorporates personal and social circumstances. These findings suggest implications for research and practical applications f o r counselling and education. Research implications relate to further study into the psychology of risk-taking and of women's development. Research addressing the r i s k - t a k i n g of groups underrepresented or not included in t h i s study, such as native, francophone, immigrant, and handicapped women, would be appropriate. Exploration of the personal experiences of men would p o t e n t i a l l y extend the conceptualization of a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental risk-taking. Further examination of the differences between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations, and between women with d i f f e r i n g sex-role orientations, with respect to the demand or predisposition for risk-taking would expand upon the findings of this study. It has been noted that further study would be required to analyze the process and motivational aspects of r i s k taking. My personal observations suggest that an exploration of possible changes in risk-taking behaviour over the l i f e span may provide additional insights into r i s k - t a k i n g . I also anticipate that a relationship might exist between one's l i f e values and risk-taking. 130 It has also been noted that a need exists for further research on women's development that respects and explores life experience, challenges established theories and methodology, encourages the active involvement of women in the research, and analyzes social as well as personal behaviour. r e a l i t i e s that may affect In addition, assessment t o o l s , such as the CDQ, require examination concerning t h e i r appropriateness for use with women. F i n a l l y , research that explores other aspects of behaviour u t i l i s i n g the constructs of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality may enhance our understanding of the importance of relationships and the achievement of personal goals in the l i v e s of both women and men. Practical applications of the findings discussed in this research relate to implications for counselling and education. Feminist counselling encourages positive evaluation and development of women, social analysis, and the active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in the counselling process, to f a c i l i t a t e personal change (Russell, 1984). This study encouraged participants to describe t h e i r own experience and to be actively engaged in the interview process. As a r e s u l t , the majority of participants reported an increase in knowledge and self-esteem with respect to r i s k - t a k i n g . The results also supported the existence of a relationship between social context and personal experience of r i s k - t a k i n g . These findings support the value of a 131 feminist approach to research and counselling with women. The results also highlighted s p e c i f i c implications counselling p r a c t i c e . The significance of a f f i l i a t i o n , as well as instrumentality, deserves recognition in therapeutic including career counselling. counselling assistance Participants involved r i s k - t a k i n g . counselling issue. settings, reported that seeking The loss experienced by many participants in the process of may be a s i g n i f i c a n t for risk-taking The results inform counselling practice about the risks involved in returning to employment or education a f t e r an absence. The risks encountered by women on the job, p a r t i c u l a r l y by women in non-traditional occupations, may emerge as counselling concerns. 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Victimology: An International Journal, 3-4, 535-544. Wallach, M. A., & Caron, A. J . (1959). Attribute c r i t e r i a l i t y and sex linked conservatism as determinants of psychological 149 s i m i l a r i t y . Journal of Abnormal Social Psychology, 59, 43-50. Wallach, M. A., & Kogan, N. (1961). Aspects of judgement and decisionmaking: Interrelationships Behavioral Science, Walsh, M. R. (Ed.). and changes with age. 23-26. (1987). The psychology of women: Ongoing debates. New Haven: Yale University Press. Weisstein, N. (1968). "Kinder, Kuche, Kirche" as s c i e n t i f i c law: Psychology constructs the female. Paper presented at the American Studies Association Meeting, University of C a l i f o r n i a , Davis. Reprinted in V. Gornick & B. E. Moran (Eds.). Women in Sexist Society (pp. 133-146). 1971. New York: Basic Books. Whitley, B. E., J r . (1983). Sex-role orientation and self-esteem: A c r i t i c a l meta-analytic review. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 44, 765-778. Whitley, B. E., J r . (1984). Sex-role orientation and psychological well-being: Two meta-analyses. Sex Roles, 12, 207-225. 150 Appendix A Occupations of Participants Traditional Non-Traditional Clerical: Construction Industry: - Bookkeeper - Estimator - Clerk/Typist - General Manager - Word Processor - Project Manager - Office Manager - Owner - Commercial Representative Teaching And Social Services: Engineering And Technical Services: - Teacher - Chemist - Librarian - Biochemist - Social Services Administrator - Employment Counsellor - Science Faculty Member - Meteorologist - Process Engineer - Agriculture Marketing And Sales: Self Employment: - Sales Representative - Farmer - Marketing - Freelance Photographer Consultant - Bartender - Tailor Fine Arts: - Potter - Writer Full-Time Homemaker 151 Appendix B Letter of Introduction To: Dear: My name is Jane Tempieman. I am a graduate student in the Department of Counselling Psychology at U.B.C. I am conducting a research project that is concerned s p e c i f i c a l l y with determining how women approach and experience risk-taking situations in t h e i r l i v e s . The results of the study may help to broaden the understanding of women's development and to design better counselling and career planning services for women. I am interested in r e c r u i t i n g volunteers from your membership. Completion of the study would take approximately 60 minutes and involves responding to a risk-taking inventory, a personal p r o f i l e , and a b r i e f interview. Participants are free to choose to not answer s p e c i f i c questions or to withdraw at any time without penalty. The purpose of the study and an outline of the interview questions would be presented to potential volunteers at possibly a members' meeting, or as seen to be most appropriate. C o n f i d e n t i a l i t y w i l l be insured and participants w i l l receive a summary of the results i f they desire. Your co-operation in consenting to the conduct of this study would be appreciated. A reply at your e a r l i e s t convenience would permit me to carry out the next phase of the project. I would be most w i l l i n g to answer any questions you might have about the research. Please feel free to contact me at: My address is as follows: Thank-you for your consideration. Sincerely, Jane Tempieman 152 Appendix C Group Presentation Protocol Hello. My name is Jane Tempieman. I am completing my degree in Counselling Psychology at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Part of that work involves the conduct of this research thesis e n t i t l e d , "Women and Risk-taking." I am here today to ask for your assistance in that project. In approaching the research, my interest is twofold; f i r s t in the t o p i c , women and the risks they encounter in t h e i r l i v e s ; and secondly, I am interested in the participants themselves and your personal understanding and experience of r i s k - t a k i n g . Let me b r i e f l y explain the purpose of t h i s study. I hope to learn and write about how we, as women, define and experience risks in our l i v e s . What risks have we taken? Not taken? What might each of us view to be a risk? And what might be the s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences amongst us in the risks that we encounter and take? No one has yet to ask those questions of women and I believe i t is important to do so, to help broaden our understanding of women's l i v e s and development. The results of the study w i l l be used to further than understanding and to help design better counselling services for women. Quite simply, your choosing to participate would involve about 60 minutes of your time spent in an interview that could be arranged to suit a time and place most convenient for you. The interview i t s e l f consists of two parts: 1. 5 open questions exploring the risks you may have encountered in your l i f e , and 2. 2 b r i e f questionnaires. Your p a r t i c i p a t i o n would be; - completely voluntary - completely confidential and anonymous I would audiotape the interview to minimize notetaking. Those tapes would be heard by myself only to record the information. They would then be destroyed. A l l data is grouped together. No one person is i d e n t i f i e d . You would be free to choose to not respond to any item and to withdraw from the study at any time should you desire, without penalty. I plan to interview 44 women, hoping to draw from a cross-section of women working in both t r a d i t i o n a l , and non-traditional occupations, women in t r a i n i n g for future work, women working f u l l time to maintain home and/or f a m i l i e s , and women who are currently unemployed. I believe that the interview can be both informative and fun. I am convinced that your contribution w i l l be of benefit to many women. Thank-you for your attention. 153 I would l i k e to give each of you a handout that d e t a i l s the interview questions so you have an idea of what we would discuss. Also, a sign up sheet that you may sign with your name and phone number i f you are w i l l i n g to p a r t i c i p a t e . It would permit me to c a l l within the next 10 days to confirm your interest and to schedule an interview time and place that is good for you. If you would l i k e to decide l a t e r , please take the handout; my name and phone no. are l i s t e d , feel free to c a l l me in the coming week. Thank-you . . . . are there any questions? 155 Appendix E Interview Protocol To be read to each participant p r i o r to the interview questions. Thank-you for agreeing to p a r t i c i p a t e in this study. To begin, I would l i k e to take a moment to outline the purpose of the study and to explain what w i l l happen during the interview. The interview is in two parts. The f i r s t consists of a series of questions which deal with your own b e l i e f s and experiences in risktaking; more s p e c i f i c a l l y , about examples in your l i f e where you have chosen to take, and not to take, a r i s k . These interview-type questions w i l l be audio-taped to cut down on the necessity of notetaking. The second half consists of 2 b r i e f questionnaires that ask you to describe yourself and to make choices in hypothetical, or made-up, s i t u a t i o n s . Your responses w i l l be combined in a s t a t i s t i c a l report that compiles information about a l l the women interviewed. In no way w i l l you be i d e n t i f i e d or singled out. Tapes w i l l be destroyed upon analysis. There are no right or wrong answers. Please feel free to give whatever responses you are comfortable with and believe are most appropriate. You are free to not respond to any item or to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Please feel free to do so without embarrassment. It is assumed that your attendance here implies your consent to p a r t i c i p a t e . Results w i l l form the basis of my thesis report and may possibly be published. I therefore ask that you give honest and serious consideration to the items. Have you any questions before we begin? I i n i t i a l l y w i l l ask you to answer a few questions that w i l l provide some essential background i n f o r m a t i o n . . . . Interview Sequence: 1. Demographic P r o f i l e 2. Interview Items 3. Bern Sex-Role 4. Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire 5. Concluding Questions and Comments, sign form i f interested in receiving a summary of results 6. Thank-you Inventory 156 Appendix F Consent Form I understand the purposes and nature of this study, and have been informed that my p a r t i c i p a t i o n is voluntary and that I am free to choose to not respond to any item, and may withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Further, that a l l information w i l l be s t r i c t l y confidential and that I w i l l not be i d e n t i f i e d with the information in any way. I hereby sign my consent to participate in the study. signature date I would l i k e to receive a summary of results upon completion of the study. NAME: ADDRESS: 157 Appendix G Demographic P r o f i l e ID# 1. AGE: 2. LIVING STATUS: A) B) C) D) LIVING LIVING LIVING LIVING WITH PARTNER: ALONE: WITH FRIENDS: WITH FAMILY: PARENTS: 3. NUMBER OF CHILDREN: 4. EMPLOYMENT STATUS: A) CURRENTLY EMPLOYED: B) CURRENTLY UNEMPLOYED: C) STUDENT: CHILDREN: OCCUPATION: FULL TIME: OCCUPATION: FIELD OF STUDY: D) FULL TIME HOME AND/OR FAMILY MAINTENANCE 5. ANNUAL INCOME: UNDER $10,000 $10,000 - $20,000 $20,000 - $30,000 OVER $30,000 6. EDUCATION: COMPLETED: a) b) c) d) HIGH SCHOOL VOCATIONAL SCHOOL OR COLLEGE UNDERGRADUATE GRADUATE PART-TIME: 158 Appendix H Interview Questions The following standardized items w i l l be presented to each p a r t i c i p a n t . 1. If you were to think of ' r i s k - t a k i n g ' in your own l i f e and experience, what would be your personal understanding or d e f i n i t i o n of the term ' r i s k - t a k i n g ' ? 2. I'd l i k e now to focus on that personal understanding. Can you think of recent s p e c i f i c incidents that have been meaningful r i s k - t a k i n g situations for you? B r i e f l y l i s t up to 5 examples. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 3. What, s p e c i f i c a l l y , was the risk for you in each of those situations? 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 4. Can you now think of recent s p e c i f i c incidents where you decided NOT to take a risk? B r i e f l y l i s t up to 5 examples. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 5. Again, what s p e c i f i c a l l y was the risk for you in each of those situations? 1. 2. 159 6. If you were to rate yourself on your willingness to take r i s k s , using your own d e f i n i t i o n of the term, where would you place yourself on a 7-point scale? Never take a risk 1 2 3 4 5 Always take a risk 6 7 7. BSRI 8. CDQ 8. The inventory you have just completed measured a tendency to take risks in situations where the outcome is unknown. Many of the situations described f i n a n c i a l , occupational, s u r v i v a l , and sporting r i s k s . What was your reaction to that inventory? 9. In c l o s i n g , has what we've talked about here effected your understanding of risk-taking in any way? NO YES 10. In what ways? Have you anything to comment on about this session or the research? Suggestions as to how t h i s research might be useful? 11. Would you l i k e to hear about the results? YES NO CONTACT: Comments on Session: Date: Length: 160 Appendix I BSRI SANDRA LIPSITZ BEM In t h i s i n v e n t o r y , you w i l l be presented with s i x t y p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . You are t o use those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n order to d e s c r i b e y o u r s e l f . That i s , you are t o i n d i c a t e , on a s c a l e from 1 to 7, how true of you these various c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e . P l e a s e do not leave any c h a r a c t e r i s t i c unmarked. Example: Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Sly a a a a a a a 1 2 3 k 5 6 7 i i i i i i i fi fi fi fi fi fi fi tis tis tis tis tis tis tis never o r almost never true that you are s l y . u s u a l l y not true that you are s l y . sometimes but I n f r e q u e n t l y true that you are s l y . o c c a s i o n a l l y t r u e that you are s l y . o f t e n t r u e that you a r e s l y . u s u a l l y t r u e that you are s l y . always o r almost always true that you are s l y . Thus, i f you f e e l i t i s sometimes but i n f r e q u e n t l y t r u e that you a r e " s l y " , never o r almost never t r u e that you are " m a l i c i o u s " , always o r almost always t r u e that you are " i r r e s p o n s i b l e , " and o f t e n t r u e that you a r e " c a r e f r e e " , you would r a t e these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as f o l l o w s : 3 sly 1~~ M a l i c i o u s Describe y o u r s e l f according Never or a l most never true 1. 2. 3. k. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 1315. 16. 17. 18. 1920. 21. 22. 232k. 25. 26. 27. 28. 2930. U s u a l l y not true Irresponsible Carefree t o the f o l l o w i n g s c a l e : 2 1 7 5 3 Sometimes but infrequently true Self-reliant Yielding Helpful Defends own b e l i e f s Cheerful Moody Independent Shy Conscientious Athletic Affectionate Theatrical Assertive Flatterable Happy Has strong p e r s o n a l i t y Loyal Unpredictable Forceful Feminine Reliable Analytical Sympathetic Jealous Has l e a d e r s h i p a b i l i t i e s S e n s i t i v e to the needs of others Truthful W i l l i n g to take r i s k s Understanding Secretive 14 5 6 Occasiona l l y true Often true Usually true 3132. 33. 3k. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. »*0. 1»1. 1*2. >»3. kk. 1(6. 1)7. »»8- k9. 50. 51. 52. 53. 5k. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 7 Always or almost a l - . ways true Makes d e c i s i o n s e a s i l y Compassionate Sincere Self-sufficient Eager to soothe h u r t f e e l i n g s Conceited Dominant Soft-spoken Likable Masculine' Warm Solemn W i l l i n g to take a stand Tender Friendly Aggressive Gullible Inefficient Acts as a l e a d e r Childlike Adaptable Individualistic Does not use harsh language Unsystematic Competitive Loves c h i l d r e n Tactful Ambitious Gentle Conventional 161 Appendix J Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire I n s t r u c t i o n s . On the f o l l o w i n g pages, you w i l l f i n d a s e r i e s of s i t u a t i o n s that are l i k e l y to occur i n d a i l y l i f e . The c e n t r a l person i n each s i t u a t i o n i s faced with a choice between two a l t e r n a t i v e courses of a c t i o n , which we might c a l l X and Y. A l t e r n a t i v e X i s more d e s i r a b l e and a t t r a c t i v e than a l t e r n a t i v e Y, but the p r o b a b i l i t y of a t t a i n i n g or achieving X i s l e s s than Y. For each s i t u a t i o n on the f o l l o w i n g pages, you w i l l be asked to i n d i c a t e the minimum odds of success you would demand before recommending that the more a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e , X, be chosen. Read each s i t u a t i o n c a r e f u l l y before g i v i n g your judgement. Try to place y o u r s e l f i n the p o s i t i o n of the c e n t r a l person i n each of the s i t u a t i o n s . There are 12 s i t u a t i o n s i n a l l . Please do not omit any of them. 1. Ms. A, an e l e c t r i c a l engineer, who i s married and has one c h i l d , has been working f o r a l a r g e e l e c t r o n i c s f i r m since graduating from c o l l e g e f i v e years ago. She i s assured of a l i f e t i m e job with a modest, although adequate, income, and l i b e r a l pension b e n e f i t s upon retirement. On the other hand, i t i s very u n l i k e l y that her s a l a r y w i l l increase much before she r e t i r e s . While attending a convention, Ms. A i s o f f e r e d a job with a small, newly formed company which has a h i g h l y uncertain f u t u r e . The new job would pay more to s t a r t and o f f e r s the p o s s i b i l i t y of a share i n the ownership i f the company survived the competition of the l a r g e r f i r m s . Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Ms. A. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds of the new company proving f i n a n c i a l l y sound. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable to make i t worthwhile f o r Ms. A to take the new job. The The The The The Ms. chances chances chances chances chances a should are 1 i n 10 that are 3 i n 10 that are 5 i n 10 that are 7 i n 10 that are 9 i n 10 that not take the new the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y job no matter what the chances. sound. sound. sound. sound. sound. 2. Mr. B, a 45-year-old accountant, has r e c e n t l y been informed by h i s p h y s i c i a n that he has developed a s e r i o u s heart ailment. The disease would be s u f f i c i e n t l y s e r i o u s to f o r c e Mr. B t o change many of h i s strongest l i f e h a b i t s : reducing h i s work load, d r a s t i c a l l y changing h i s d i e t , g i v i n g up f a v o u r i t e l e i s u r e p u r s u i t s . The p h y s i c i a n suggests t h a t a d e l i c a t e medical operation could be attempted which, i f s u c c e s s f u l , would completely r e l i e v e the heart c o n d i t i o n . But i t s success could not be assured, and i n f a c t , the operation might prove f a t a l . Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. B. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that the operation w i l l prove s u c c e s s f u l . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r the operation to be performed. Mr. The The The The The B should chances chances chances chances chances not have the operation no matter what are 9 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be are 7 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be are 5 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be are 3 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be are 1 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be the chances. a success. a success. a success. a success. a success. 162 3. Mr.C, a married man with two c h i l d r e n , has a steady j o b that pays him about $26,000 per year. He can e a s i l y a f f o r d the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e , but few of the l u x u r i e s . Mr. C's father, who died r e c e n t l y , c a r r i e d a $24,000 l i f e insurance p o l i c y . Mr. C would l i k e t o invest t h i s money i n stocks. He i s w e l l aware of the secure 'blue c h i p ' stocks and bonds that would pay approximately 9% on h i s investment. On the other hand, Mr. C has heard that the stocks of a r e l a t i v e l y unknown company X might double t h e i r present value i f a new product c u r r e n t l y i n production i s favourably received by the p u b l i c . However, i f the product i s not favourably r e c e i v e d , the stocks would d e c l i n e i n value. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. C. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that company X stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r Mr. C to i n v e s t i n company X stocks. The The The The The Mr. chances chances chances chances chances C should are 1 i n 10 are 3 i n 10 are 5 i n 10 are 7 i n 10 are 9 i n 10 not invest that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. i n company X stocks no matter what the chances. 4. Mr. D i s c a p t a i n of c o l l e g e X's f o o t b a l l team. College X i s p l a y i n g i t s r i v a l , c o l l e g e Y, i n the f i n a l game of the season. The game i s i n i t s f i n a l seconds, and Mr.D' team (X) i s behind. College X has time to run one more play. Mr. D, the c a p t a i n , must decide whether i t would be best t o s e t t l e f o r a t i e score with a play which would be almost c e r t a i n to work or, on the other hand, should he t r y a more complicated and r i s k y play which could b r i n g v i c t o r y i f s u c c e s s f u l , but defeat i f not. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. D. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that the r i s k y play w i l l work. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r the r i s k y play to be attempted. Mr. The The The The The D should chances chances chances chances chances not attempt the are 9 i n 10 that are 7 i n 10 that are 5 i n 10 that are 3 i n 10 that are 1 i n 10 that r i s k y play no matter what the chances. the r i s k y play w i l l work. the r i s k y p l a y w i l l work. the r i s k y play w i l l work. the r i s k y play w i l l work. the r i s k y play w i l l work. 5. Ms. E i s p r e s i d e n t of a l i g h t metals f i r m i n Canada. The f i r m i s q u i t e prosperous, and has s t r o n g l y considered the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of business expansion by b u i l d i n g an a d d i t i o n a l p l a n t i n a new l o c a t i o n . The choice i s between b u i l d i n g another p l a n t i n Canada, where there would be moderate r e t u r n on the i n i t i a l investment, or b u i l d i n g a p l a n t i n a f o r e i g n country. Lower labour c o s t s and easy access to raw m a t e r i a l s i n that country would mean a much higher r e t u r n on the i n i t i a l investment. On the other hand, there i s a h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y and r e v o l u t i o n i n the f o r e i g n country under consideration. In f a c t the leader of a small minority party i s committed to n a t i o n a l i z i n g , t h a t i s taking over, a l l f o r e i g n investments. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Ms. E. L i s t e d are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds of continued p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y i n the f o r e i g n country under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r Ms. E's f i r m to b u i l d a p l a n t i n that country. 163 The chances are 1 i n 10 The chances are 3 i n 10 The chances are 5 i n 10 The chances are 7 i n 10 The chances are 9 i n 10 Ms. E's f i r m should not what the chances. that the country w i l l remain that the country w i l l remain that the country w i l l remain that the country w i l l remain that the country w i l l remain b u i l d a p l a n t i n the f o r e i g n p o l i t i c a l l y stable. p o l i t i c a l l y stable. p o l i t i c a l l y stable. p o l i t i c a l l y stable. p o l i t i c a l l y stable. country no matter 6. Mr. F i s c u r r e n t l y a c o l l e g e s e n i o r who i s very eager t o pursue graduate study i n chemistry l e a d i n g t o a Doctor o f Philosophy degree. He has been accepted by both U n i v e r s i t y X and Y. U n i v e r s i t y X has a world-wide r e p u t a t i o n f o r e x c e l l e n c e i n chemistry. While a degree from U n i v e r s i t y X would s i g n i f y outstanding t r a i n i n g i n t h i s f i e l d , the standards are so rigorous that only a f r a c t i o n o f the degree candidates a c t u a l l y r e c i e v e the degree. U n i v e r s i t y Y, on the other hand, has much l e s s o f a r e p u t a t i o n i n chemistry, but almost everyone admitted i s awarded the degree, although the degree has much l e s s p r e s t i g e than the corresponding degree from U n i v e r s i t y X. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. F. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that Mr. F would be awarded a degree a t U n i v e r s i t y X, the one w i t h the g r e a t e r p r e s t i g e . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t you would consider acceptable t o make i t worthwhile f o r Mr. F t o e n r o l l i n U n i v e r s i t y X r a t h e r than U n i v e r s i t y Y. Mr.F should The chances The chances The chances The chances The chances not are are are are are e n r o l l i n U n i v e r s i t y X no matter 9 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e 7 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e 5 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e 3 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e 1 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e what the a degree a degree a degree a degree a degree chances. from X. from X. from X. from X. from X. 7. Ms. G, a competent chess p l a y e r , i s p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a n a t i o n a l chess tournament. In an e a r l y match she draws the t o p favoured player i n the tournament as her opponent. Ms. G has been given a r e l a t i v e l y low ranking i n view of her performance i n previous tournaments. During the course of her p l a y with the top ranked p l a y e r , Ms G notes the p o s s i b i l i t y o f a deceptive though r i s k y manoeuvre which might b r i n g her a quick v i c t o r y . At the same time, i f the attempted manoeuvre should f a i l , Ms. G would be l e f t i n an exposed p o s i t i o n and defeat would almost c e r t a i n l y f o l l o w . Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Ms. G. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that Ms. G's deceptive play would succeed. Please chech the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r the r i s k y play i n question to be attempted. The The The The The Ms. chances are 1 i n 10 that chances are 3 i n 10 that chances are 5 i n 10 that chances a r e 7 i n 10 that chances are 9 i n 10 that G should not attempt the the play would succeed. the r i s k l y play would succeed. the r i s k y play would succeed. the r i s k y play would succeed. the r i s k y play would succeed. r i s k y play no matter what the chances. 164 8. Ms. H, a c o l l e g e senior, has studied the piano since e a r l y childhood. She has won amateur p r i z e s and given small r e c i t a l s , suggesting that Ms. H has considerable musical t a l e n t . As graduation approaches, Ms. H has the choice of going t o medical school t o become a p h y s i c i a n , a p r o f e s s i o n which would b r i n g c e r t a i n p r e s t i g e and f i n a n c i a l awards; o r entering a conservatory of music f o r advanced t r a i n i n g with a well-known p i a n i s t . Ms. H r e a l i z e s that even upon completion of her piano s t u d i e s , which would take many more years and a l o t o f study, success as a concert p i a n i s t would not be assured. Imagine that you a r e a d v i s i n g Ms. H. Below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that Ms. H would succeed as a concert p i a n i s t . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r Ms. H t o continue with her musical t r a i n i n g . Ms. H should not pursue what the chances. The chances are 9 i n 10 The chances are 7 i n 10 The chances are 5 i n 10 The chances are 3 i n 10 The chances are 1 i n 10 her musical that that that that that Ms. Ms. Ms. Ms. Ms. H H H H H t r a i n i n g no matter would would would would would succeed succeed succeed succeed succeed as as as as as a a a a a pianist. pianist. pianist. pianist. pianist. 9. Ms J i s captured by the enemy i n World War I I and placed i n a p r i s o n e r of-war camp. Conditions i n the camps are q u i t e bad with long hours of hard p h y s i c a l labour and a b a r e l y s u f f i c i e n t d i e t . A f t e r spending s e v e r a l months i n t h i s camp, Ms. J noted the p o s s i b i l i t y of escape by concealing h e r s e l f i n a supply truck that s h u t t l e s i n and out o f the camp. Of course there i s no guarantee that the escape would prove s u c c e s s f u l . Recapture by the enemy could w e l l mean execution. Imagine that you a r e a d v i s i n g Ms. J . L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds of a s u c c e s s f u l escape from the prisoner-of-war camp. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r an escape t o be attempted. The The The The The Ms. chances chances chances chances chances J should are 1 i n 10 are 3 i n 10 are 5 i n 10 are 7 i n 10 are 9 i n 10 not t r y t o that the escape would that the escape would that the escape would that the escape would that the escape would escape no matter what succeed. succeed. succeed. succeed. succeed. the chances. 10. Mr. K i s a s u c c e s s f u l businessman who has p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a number of c i v i c a c t i v i t i e s o f considerable value t o the community. Mr. K has been approached by the leaders of h i s p o l i t i c a l party as a p o s s i b l e f e d e r a l candidate i n the next e l e c t i o n . Mr. K's party i s a m i n o r i t y party i n the d i s t r i c t , although the party has won o c c a s i o n a l e l e c t i o n s i n the past. Mr. K would l i k e t o hold p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e , but t o do so would involve a serious f i n a n c i a l s a c r i f i c e , s i n c e the party has i n s u f f i c i e n t campaign funds. He would a l s o have t o endure the a t t a c k s of h i s p o l i t i c a l opponents i n a hot campaign. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. K. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds o f Mr. K's winning the e l e c t i o n i n h i s d i s t r i c t . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t you would consider acceptable t o make i t worthwhile f o r Mr. K t o run f o r p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e . 165 Mr. The The The The The K should not run chances are 9 i n chances are 7 i n chances are 5 i n chances are 3 i n chances are 1 i n for political 10 that Mr. K 10 that Mr. K 10 that Mr. K 10 that Mr. K 10 that Mr. K o f f i c e no would win would win would win would win would win matter what the chances. the e l e c t i o n . the e l e c t i o n . the e l e c t i o n . the e l e c t i o n . the e l e c t i o n 11. Mr. L, a married 30 year o l d research p h y s i c i s t , has been given a 5 year appointment by a major u n i v e r s i t y laboratory. As he contemplates the next 5 years, he r e a l i z e s that he might work on a d i f f i c u l t , long-term problem which, i f a s o l u t i o n could be found would r e s o l v e b a s i c s c i e n t i f i c issues i n the f i e l d and b r i n g high s c i e n t i f i c honours. I f no s o l u t i o n were found, however, Mr. L would have l i t t l e t o show f o r h i s 5 years i n the laboratory, and t h i s would make i t d i f f i c u l t f o r him to get a job afterwards. On the other hand, he could, as most of h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l associates are doing, work on a s e r i e s of short-term problems where s o l u t i o n s would be e a s i e r t o f i n d , but where the problems are of l e s s e r s c i e n t i f i c s i g n i f i c a n c e . Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. L. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that a s o l u t i o n would be found t o the d i f f i c u l t , long-term problem that Mr. L has i n mind. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t you would consider acceptable t o make i t worthwhile f o r Mr. L t o work on the more d i f f i c u l t , long-term problem. The chances are 1 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term The chances are 3 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term The chances are 5 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term The chances are 7 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term The chances are 9 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term Mr. L should not choose the d i f f i c u l t , l o n g - t e r problem no matter what the chances. problem. problem. problem. problem. problem. 12. Ms. M i s contemplating marriage t o Mr. T, a man whom she has known f o r l i t t l e more than a year. Recently, however, a number of arguments have occurred between them, suggesting some sharp d i f f e r e n c e s of o p i n i o n i n the way each view c e r t a i n matters. Indeed, they decide t o seek p r o f e s s i o n a l advice from a marriage c o u n s e l l o r as t o whether i t would be wise f o r them t o marry. On the b a s i s of these meetings with the marriage c o u n s e l l o r , they r e a l i z e that a happy marriage, while p o s s i b l e , would not be assured. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Ms. M and Mr. T. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds t h a t t h e i r marriage would prove t o be a happy and s u c c e s s f u l one. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r Ms. M and Mr. T to get married. Ms. The The The The The M and Mr. T chances are chances are chances are chances are chances are should not marry 9 i n 10 that the 7 i n 10 that the 5 i n 10 that the 3 i n 10 that the 1 i n 10 that the no matter what marriage would marriage would marriage would marriage would marriage would the chances. be s u c c e s s f u l . be s u c c e s s f u l . be s u c c e s s f u l . be s u c c e s s f u l . be s u c c e s s f u l .
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UBC Theses and Dissertations
Women and risk-taking : the overlooked dimension Templeman, Jane Elizabeth 1990-12-31
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