UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Women and risk-taking : the overlooked dimension Templeman, Jane Elizabeth 1990-12-31

You don't seem to have a PDF reader installed, try download the pdf

Item Metadata

Download

Media
UBC_1991_A8 T45.pdf [ 6.11MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 1.0053685.json
JSON-LD: 1.0053685+ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 1.0053685.xml
RDF/JSON: 1.0053685+rdf.json
Turtle: 1.0053685+rdf-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 1.0053685+rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 1.0053685 +original-record.json
Full Text
1.0053685.txt
Citation
1.0053685.ris

Full Text

WOMEN AND RISK-TAKING:  THE OVERLOOKED DIMENSION By  JANE ELIZABETH TEMPLEMAN Dip. Ed., The University of V i c t o r i a , 1977 B.P.E., The University of A l b e r t a , 1975 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Counselling Psychology)  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1990 ©  Jane Elizabeth Tempieman, 1990  In  presenting  degree  this  thesis  in  at the University of  partial  fulfilment  British Columbia,  of  the  I agree  requirements  for  an  advanced  that the Library shall make it  freely available for reference and study. I further agree  that permission for extensive  copying  granted  of  department  this or  thesis by  for scholarly  his  publication of this thesis  or  her  Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  DE-6 (2/88)  may  representatives.  It  be is  by the head  understood  that  for financial gain shall not be allowed without  permission.  Date  purposes  of  my  copying  or  my written  ABSTRACT This research was based on the premise that research on risk-taking  psychological  behaviour has emphasized a one-  dimensional model of instrumentality and cognitive functioning derived from male experience.  The central research question "How  do women experience risk-taking?"  was investigated by analyzing  d e f i n i t i o n s and examples of personal risk described by 44 women, and by comparing relationships between subgroups assigned by occupation and by sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n .  The findings  indicated  that women experienced risk-taking that spanned both dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n (connection to others) and instrumentality (attainment of personal goals).  A new d e f i n i t i o n of  risk-taking  was proposed that incorporated elements of uncertainty, emotional involvement, l o s s , and a process of change.  Women in t r a d i t i o n a l  occupations described a similar number of a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental  r i s k s , while women in non-traditional  emphasized instrumental  risks.  occupations  It was observed that the  opportunity and demand for risk-taking appeared related to social context and work a c t i v i t y .  Significant  differences were also  found between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations with respect to sex-role orientation (from the Bern Sex-Role  Inventory),  of c h i l d r e n .  employment status,  income l e v e l , and number  No differences were found between sub-groups  designated by occupation and by sex-role orientation with respect to estimates of risk-taking tendency from a self-estimate  i i  scale  and the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire.  The results supported a  c r i t i q u e of the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire, c i t i n g an emphasis on instrumental and hypothetical r i s k - t a k i n g .  Participants also  reported that the CDQ was not relevant to t h e i r l i v e s .  The  feminist approach encouraged active p a r t i c i p a t i o n and evaluation by the women in the study.  As a r e s u l t , participants  reported an  increased understanding of themselves and of the process of taking.  iii  risk-  TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT  ii  LIST OF TABLES  vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  vi i  Chapter I.  II.  III.  INTRODUCTION  1  Purpose and Organization of the Study  9  Definition of Terms  12  LITERATURE REVIEW  14  Women and Risk-Taking  15  The Domains of Femininity and Masculinity  31  Women and Psychology  39  Summary and Research Hypotheses  51  RESEARCH METHODS  55  Participants  55  Procedures  IV.  ;  57  Measures and Methods  59  RESULTS  69  Demographic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Participants  69  Research Questions and Results  72  1. D e f i n i t i o n and Incidents of Risk-Taking  72  2. Relationship between Sex-Role Orientation and Risk-Taking  95  iv  3. Relationship between Career Orientation and Risk-Taking  98  4. Relationship between Career Orientation and Sex-Role Orientation 5. Effect of Involvement Summary of Results V.  100 on Participants  101 104  DISCUSSION  107  Limitations  125  Implications  128  REFERENCES  132  APPENDICES  150  v  LIST OF TABLES Table 1  Demographic Characteristics  70  Table 2  Risks Taken  78  Table 3  Risks Not Taken  79  Table 4  Comparison of CDQ Results by Sex-Role Orientation.  96  Table 5  ANOVA Analysis  of CDQ Results by Sex-Role  Orientation Table 6  96  Comparison of Self-Estimate  of Risk by Sex-Role  Orientation Table 7  ANOVA Analysis  97 of Self-Estimate of Risk by  Sex-Role Orientation  98  Table 8  Comparison of CDQ Results by Career Orientation . .  99  Table 9  Comparison of Self-Estimate  of Risk by Career  Orientation Table 10  Crosstabulation  99 of Sex-Role Orientation by Career  Orientation  100  vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  To the women who made this study possible by sharing your experiences, insights,  and courage to r i s k :  a very special thank-you.  The value  of this study i s yours, any weaknesses are mine.  To Donna Anthony for ongoing encouragement, a sense of humour and balance, a keen understanding of feminism, and e d i t o r i a l wizardry: thank-you for keeping me on track.  To my advisors, Dr. Sharon Kahn and Dr. Stephen Marks:  thank-you for  your patience, recommendations and support.  To committee members,  Dr. Lorette Woolsey and Dr. William Borgen:  thank-you for your welcome  comments.  To the wonderful people at Options for Women:  your unflinching f a i t h  i n , and support of, this project helped bring i t to completion.  To Sandy Boychuk:  your competence in typing t h i s thesis was  reassuring.  To my parents:  thank-you for allowing me to r i s k .  vi i  Chapter  I.  INTRODUCTION This research project addresses the question of how women define and experience risk-taking in t h e i r l i v e s .  It  is assumed  that the phenomenon of risk-taking is an essential element in the survival and growth of both women and men. question is a concern that psychological  Central to t h i s  research on risk-taking  behaviour has focused predominantly on the behaviour of men and has overlooked aspects of risk-taking that may be relevant to women. The phenomenon of risk-taking has been a topic of considerable research since the 1950s.  In a recent review of the  l i t e r a t u r e on individual differences in risk-taking behaviour, Sweeney (1985) suggested that the majority of studies f a l l  into  three major categories: 1.  Studies that investigate the relationship between  achievement motivation and risk-taking  (Atkinson, 1957; McLelland,  1961; McLelland & Watson, 1973; Touhey & Villemez, 1975). 2.  Studies that link r i s k - t a k i n g with personality t r a i t s  and/or cognitive structures (Aurich, 1976; J e l l i s o n & Riskind, 1970; Keinan, Meir, & Gome-Nemirovsky, 1984; Kogan & Wallach, 1964). 3.  Studies that compare differences between individual and  group r i s k - t a k i n g  (Higbee, 1970; Kogan & Wallach, 1967; Newman,  1975; Stoner, 1961; Teger & P r u i t t , 1967).  1  2 Sweeney (1985) found the majority of these studies to be limited in t h e i r relevance to women's experience in that they were generally laboratory studies demanding responses to hypothetical situations activities.  or performance in chance or s k i l l  The studies produced controlled r e s u l t s , but "at the  expense of breadth or relationship to real l i f e and the lives of women in p a r t i c u l a r "  (p. 45).  Sweeney observed that the  researchers were exclusively men and that the samples were predominantly all-male, undergraduate college students.  She  concluded that " l i t t l e work has been done on risk-taking  in r e a l -  l i f e situations classes,  or on the experiences of different social  races or ethnic groups"  including women (p. 49).  Kogan and Wallach (1964) published the f i r s t treatment of psychological  risk  in Cognition and Personality.  comprehensive  in the book Risk-Taking:  A Study  In accounting for observed sex  d i f f e r e n c e s , Kogan and Wallach t e n t a t i v e l y noted that women may approach risk-taking from "a more psychodynamic, motivational nature" (p. 201) while men appeared to regard risk-taking  from a  more cognitive perspective. Twenty-three years l a t e r , in a review of the l i t e r a t u r e into individual perception of r i s k , Brehmer (1987) concluded that psychological aspects of r i s k .  research has overlooked the motivational Brehmer wrote that recent research has  contributed to turning "psychological  risk  into an almost  3 exclusively cognitive concept . . . , [where risk-taking  is  measured according to] somebody's favourite formula.  The  motivational  and emotional aspects of psychological  risk have  largely been ignored" (p. 26). Sweeney (1985) and Brehmer (1987) provided evidence that the accumulated research on the psychology of risk presents d e f i n i t e conceptual and methodological  problems that may contribute to a  misrepresentation of how women define and experience r i s k - t a k i n g . A number of research studies have recently explored the relationship of risk-taking behaviour to sex-role orientation or occupational choice amongst women. this  Three themes are evident in  research, conducted predominantly by women.  Studies  that  r e l i e d upon either sex-role inventories, such as the Bern Sex-Role Inventory  (Bern, 1977), or hypothetical decision making  inventories, such as the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (Kogan & Wallach, 1964), as measures of risk-taking behaviour reported higher levels of risk-taking occupations  for women in non-traditional  (Glasgow, 1982; Steiner, 1986).  Studies  that  u t i l i z e d s e l f - r e p o r t and interview methods link risk-taking self-concept and to the influence of the social  to  environment and  family (Gerike, 1983; Moriarty, 1983; Sweeney, 1985). studies suggested that there may be more s i m i l a r i t i e s  Three than  differences in risk-taking  behaviour amongst women (Brown, 1978;  Glasgow, 1982; Shiendling,  1985).  4 Waites  (1978) and Siegelman (1983) critiqued the psychology  of risk-taking that has been based upon mathematical formulae, rational decision-making theory, and pre-defined situations risk.  Both suggested that research into the nature of  of  risk-  taking must be expanded to include personal experience and social context, "from the point of view of the person assessing the danger"  (Siegelman,  1983, p. 4).  This recent work has addressed narrowly defined  assumptions  regarding risk-taking and has contributed to an increased understanding of the personal dimensions of r i s k .  The research  demonstrates the need for further study and supports the hypothesis presented here. The work of Carol G i l l i g a n the present study.  (1982) provided a framework for  In her book, In A Different Voice, G i l l i g a n  (1982) c r i t i q u e d established theories of developmental  psychology  and proposed that women develop moral reasoning d i f f e r e n t l y than men, yet in a manner equally mature.  Gilligan  "sought to  discover whether something had been missed by the practice of leaving out g i r l s and women at the theory building stage of research in developmental psychology" Gilligan  (p. 325).  (1982, 1986) cited consistent bias  in the use of  all-male samples in a review of moral development research by Piaget  (1932) and Kohlberg (1958, 1981), Erickson's  description of i d e n t i t y development, O f f e r ' s (1969)  (1950) description  5 of adolescent development, and observations  about adult  development by Levinson (1978) and Vaillant  (1977).  Kohl berg's  (1958) six-stage theory of moral development was  based on an empirical study of 84 boys.  Gilligan  (1982) noted  that the results were generalized to include g i r l s and women, u n i v e r s a l i t y was claimed for the stage sequence, and women were found "to be d e f i c i e n t in moral development" (p. 18). placed women at an average stage three where morality characterized by interpersonal values.  Kohlberg is  Men could progress to the  more mature stages four, f i v e , or six, characterized by p r i n c i p l e s of law and j u s t i c e . G i l l i g a n challenged the conclusions offered by Kohlberg that suggested women's development is i n f e r i o r .  The basis for her  inquiry came from the work of Nancy Choderow (1974), who attributed differences between women and men to early socialization.  Choderow wrote that "in any given society,  feminine personality comes to define i t s e l f in relation and connection to other people more than masculine personality does" (pp. 43-44). Results  from G i l l i g a n ' s  research supported the theories of  Choderow and pointed to a d i s t i n c t i v e  ' v o i c e ' spoken by women  that was oriented towards attachment and connectedness to others while men appeared oriented towards individuation and separateness from others.  G i l l i g a n concluded that women are no  6 less mature than men in t h e i r moral reasoning and that women may simply approach and experience moral questions d i f f e r e n t l y . It  is evident from G i l l i g a n ' s  work that research into moral  development has emphasized a cognitive approach to reasoning that values separation over attachment.  "Though the truth of  separation is recognized in most developmental texts, the r e a l i t y of continuing connection is lost or relegated to the background where the figures of women appear" (1982, p. 155).  Gilligan  proposed that, instead of a single dimension of behavior which focuses on cognitive processes and separation, there also exists a second dimension that involves emotional processes and attachment.  Recognition of both dimensions, G i l l i g a n wrote, w i l l  allow us to " a r r i v e at a more complex rendition of human experience which sees the truth of separation and attachment in the l i v e s of women and men" (p. 174). Research into gender-role i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and the domains of femininity and masculinity supports the theory that q u a l i t a t i v e differences exist in female and male development.  A tendency  towards a f f i l i a t i o n , co-operation, and communion is observed in women while men exhibit a disposition towards autonomy, . competition, and agency/instrumentality (Bakan, 1966; Bern, 1974, 1978; Choderow, 1978; G i l l i g a n , 1982; M i l l e r , 1976; Parsons, 1955). Jean Baker-Miller (1976) wrote that "the parameters of the females' development are not the same as the males' and that the  7 same terms do not apply"  (p. 86).  M i l l e r called for a new  language in psychology, one that includes women's experience of relationships and connection to others which she described as affiliation.  S i m i l a r l y , G i l l i g a n called for a "care perspective"  that, while i t is  "neither b i o l o g i c a l l y determined nor unique to  women" (1986, p. 327), has been overlooked in psychological theories and measures. Bakan (1966) described the fundamental task of to be one of balancing communion with agency.  individuals  Bern (1978),  in  postulating the concept of androgyny, described a similar balance of the expressive-feminine with the instrumental-masculine as essential  for the well-being of both women and men.  This study u t i l i z e d the parameters of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality for categorizing results and for discussion. conceptualization and design of most research into  The  risk-taking  behaviour has, to date, examined and supported the cognitivejudgemental aspects of r i s k - t a k i n g within a domain of instrumentality and has overlooked the motivational-emotional aspects of r i s k - t a k i n g within a domain of a f f i l i a t i o n .  It was  thought that an exploration of this overlooked dimension may generate relevant new data and provide new insights into the nature of  risk-taking.  In the conduct of her research, G i l l i g a n  (1986) i d e n t i f i e d  problems in research design that may contribute to  8 misrepresentations of female experience.  G i l l i g a n called for  further research into areas that have been explored and defined predominantly by male researchers using male subjects, in universal norms derived from male behaviour.  resulting  G i l l i g a n further  described the need to begin with established research tools and paradigms and to then expand upon them by exploring female behaviour using t h e i r own experience and language.  There is a  need to focus on the behaviour of people in real l i f e , than in hypothetical  situations.  The present study u t i l i z e d G i l l i g a n ' s research design.  It  rather  recommendations for  connected to previous research with the  administration of an established t o o l , the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (Kogan & Wallach, 1964) as a measure of hypothetical r i s k - t a k i n g .  The dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and  instrumentality were used as a conceptual framework for discussion and provided a link to the research on femininity and masculinity.  The research design was expanded by encouraging  women to describe personally relevant incidents of Gilligan  risk-taking.  (1986) also wrote of the need to conduct research  that includes women's experience for the purpose of affirming t h e i r own values and concerns.  The process of research i t s e l f  may, in this way, contribute to the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s knowledge and estimation of s e l f in order to counterbalance societal expectations of women as passive and s e l f l e s s .  This research was  9 designed to e l i c i t comments from participants regarding the research and i t s and perception of  impact upon p a r t i c i p a n t s ' understanding of s e l f risk-taking.  The approach used by G i l l i g a n to explore new dimensions of women's moral development served as a model for the present study.  The rationale and design of this  research into  risk-  taking behaviour was supported by the work of G i l l i g a n and others who have provided evidence that previous research has overlooked important aspects of behaviour relevant to the lives of both women and men. Purpose and Organization of the Study The purpose of this study was to expand our understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g as experienced by women.  The topic grew out of my  own experience and became focused at a time of personal discovery as I explored established patterns and b e l i e f s about myself and my relationships with others and the world.  In years past, I was  a c t i v e l y involved in competitive sports and taught Physical Education.  I was f a m i l i a r with pushing physical l i m i t s and  risking injury in adventure pursuits such as mountaineering, c y c l i n g , kayaking, and running. Over the years, those interests have decreased and I find myself risking greater involvement emotionally and with other people.  In my work as a counsellor, I am continually challenged  as I am touched by the l i v e s of the people I work with.  In my  10 personal  r e l a t i o n s h i p s , I am learning to risk the emotional  openness, honesty, and connection that impacts upon our lives together. Through these personal changes and learnings from women I have known and worked with, I have come to a profound appreciation of the courage and determination demonstrated by women in t h e i r daily l i v e s .  I experience this process as  demonstrations of r i s k - t a k i n g .  The nature of that risking takes  many forms. An inquiry into incidents of risk-taking described by women could expand narrowly defined l i m i t s of risk-taking behaviour established by psychological expectations.  research and by societal  In p a r t i c u l a r , i t was expected that answers to the  following questions would provide new information concerning the nature of women's 1. lives?  risk-taking:  How do women define and experience risk-taking in t h e i r Do women define and experience incidents of  in terms of instrumentality or a f f i l i a t i o n , or both?  risk-taking Or is  risk-  taking described in terms other than instrumentality and affiliation? 2.  Is there a relationship between sex-role orientation as  measured by the Bern Sex-Role Inventory  (BSRI) and risk-taking as  measured by the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (CDQ) and by a self-estimate of risk scale?  11 3.  Is there a relationship between career orientation that  is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and risk-taking  as  measured by the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire and by a s e l f estimate of risk 4.  scale?  Is there a relationship between career orientation that  is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and sex-role orientation as measured by the Bern Sex-Role 5.  Inventory  (BSRI)?  Does involvement in the research affect p a r t i c i p a n t s '  knowledge and estimation of self? The rationale for this study was informed by a feminist perspective.  Chapter II  provides an overview of feminist  contributions to the psychology of women to demonstrate the need f o r , and assumptions  of, a feminist perspective.  The review of  l i t e r a t u r e also presents a discussion of the psychological research into risk-taking behaviour and the domains of femininity and masculinity. Chapter III  outlines the research methods, including the  selection of p a r t i c i p a n t s , research t o o l s , interview procedures, and methods used for data analysis.  Results of the s t a t i s t i c a l  analyses and interviews with sample transcripts are presented in Chapter IV.  Chapter V discusses  observations drawn from the  results and presents both limitations and implications of this research.  12 D e f i n i t i o n of Terms Risk-taking.  Behaviour reflected by an i n c l i n a t i o n or  tendency of an individual to undertake or seek out a s i t u a t i o n wherein the outcome is uncertain and the probability to remain secure and/or safe is unknown.  Risk-taking  as a spontaneous  action without previous consideration or planning may be an aspect p a r t i c u l a r to an individual that is included in this definition.  (Keinan, Meir, & Gome-Nemirovsky, 1984)  Affiliation. mutually s a t i s f y i n g  Behaviour designed to establish and maintain interpersonal relationships.  A c t i v i t y based  on co-operation, communion, and connection to others.  (Bern,  1978; M i l l e r , 1976; Parsons, 1955) Instrumentality. end or goal.  Behaviour designed to achieve a s p e c i f i c  A c t i v i t y based on competition, mastery, autonomy,  and task o r i e n t a t i o n .  (Parsons, 1955)  Sex-Role Orientation. participants' 1977).  As c l a s s i f i e d on the basis of  responses to the Bern Sex-Role Inventory (Bern,  Using a median s p l i t scoring technique, participants were  c l a s s i f i e d as either feminine (high feminine - low masculine scores), masculine (high masculine - low feminine scores), androgynous  (high masculine - high feminine scores), or  undifferentiated (low masculine - low feminine scores). Career Orientation.  As c l a s s i f i e d according to percentage  of female enrollment in the occupational f i e l d .  Occupations with  13 at least 66% of the labour force enrollment represented by women are c l a s s i f i e d as t r a d i t i o n a l .  Non-traditional  occupations are  those in which women represent 33% or less of the total enrollment.  (Employment & Immigration Canada, 1984)  Chapter  II.  LITERATURE REVIEW Either you w i l l go through this door or you w i l l not go through.  If you go through there is always the risk of remembering your name. Things look back at you doubly and you must look back and let them happen. If you do not go through i t is possible to l i v e worthily to maintain your attitudes to hold your position to die bravely but much will blind you much w i l l evade you, at what cost who knows? the door i t s e l f makes no promises It  is only a door. 14  (Rich, 1967, p. 59)  15 Three areas of psychological chapter.  l i t e r a t u r e are reviewed in t h i s  An exploration of women's experience of  risk-taking  must f i r s t concern i t s e l f with the accumulated research on r i s k taking, with p a r t i c u l a r focus on women.  A review of the  l i t e r a t u r e on femininity and masculinity is required for the development of a conceptual framework that u t i l i z e s the dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality for results.  discussing  To conclude, a review of the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the  status of women in psychology demonstrates the need f o r , and contributions of, a feminist perspective in the development of psychological  research relevant to women.  Women And Risk-Taking L i f e consists  of taking r i s k s .  From the moment of b i r t h ,  young children risk safety and security as they struggle to deal with an ever changing environment.  We need only observe the  world around us and r e f l e c t on our unique experience to recognize the c e n t r a l i t y of risk-taking to our survival  and growth.  The concept of risk-taking has long been of interest as a study in human behaviour. mathematicians f i r s t  It  is l i k e l y that, centuries ago,  became interested in risk-taking as they  sought mathematical explanations for p r o b a b i l i t i e s chance occurrences and gambling  regarding  (Bern, 1980; Langer, 1980).  Economists borrowed mathematical analyses to formulate theory regarding decisions made under condition of risk and uncertainty  16 (Kogan & Wallach, 1964).  Philosophers have been intrigued by the  relationship between s k i l l  and chance (Langer, 1980).  Interest in the psychology of risk-taking is r e l a t i v e l y recent and developed out of research on motivation in the 1950s (Atkinson, 1957, 1964; McLelland, Atkinson, Clark, & Lowell, 1953).  Psychological  risk-taking theory has since taken two  d i s t i n c t courses: how people d i f f e r in risk-taking and t h e i r perception of r i s k , and how expert assessments of risk or conditions are made (Brehmer, 1987). risk  situations  Expert evaluations of  include insurance predictions regarding the likelihood of  disasters,  i l l n e s s , or accidents and are not relevant to the  present study which is concerned with individual differences in r i s k - t a k i n g and the perception of  risk.  Sweeney (1985) reviewed the l i t e r a t u r e on individual differences in r i s k - t a k i n g .  She established a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  system of three groups of studies which is expanded upon here to include research relevant to the present investigation. One category included studies that compared differences between individual and group r i s k - t a k i n g .  Many of these studies  documented a "risky s h i f t phenomenon" (Higbee, 1970; Kogan & Wallach, 1967; Newman, 1975; Stoner, 1961; Teger & P r u i t t , 1967). The phenomenon is a tendency for group decisions to s h i f t in a more risky d i r e c t i o n than individual decisions made prior to the group meeting.  Sweeney noted that the majority of these studies  17 were conducted in laboratory settings, consisted of predominantly all-male samples, and were based on decision making in hypothetical dilemmas.  This category of studies is not d i r e c t l y  related to the questions posed by the present inquiry which focuses on individual  risk-taking.  A second category described by Sweeney (1985) consists of studies that investigated the relationship between achievement motivation and risk-taking  (Atkinson, 1957; McLelland, 1961;  McLelland, Atkinson, Clark, & Lowell, 1953; McLelland & Watson, 1973; Touhey & Villemez, 1975).  Alper (1974) noted that the  book, The Achievement Motive (McLelland et a l . , 1953) devoted only 8 of approximately 400 pages to studies of women.  Spence  and Helmreich (1978) also critiqued motivation theory for i t s biased treatment of female subjects: "Female achievement behaviors were found by early investigators to be so inconsistent and resistant to theoretical analysis that subsequent investigators (p. 29).  have tended to confine t h e i r studies to males"  The consideration of male behaviour as the norm and  female behaviour as inconsistent and contradictory with a male norm has been a common theme in psychological  research (Malmo,  1983; S i l v e i r a , 1973; Spence & Helmreich, 1978). Horner (1971, 1972) demonstrated that McLelland's research was both biased and s i m p l i s t i c .  She proposed a 'fear of success'  model that, while critiqued for perpetuating a t r a i t theory of  18 personality, was s i g n i f i c a n t  in the development of motivation  theory that took into account female values and women's  social  environment. Fear of success motivation acknowledges the social and economic r e a l i t y that may discriminate against women.  "The g i r l  who maintains high q u a l i t i e s of independence and active  striving  necessary for mastery defies the conventions of sex appropriate behavior, and must pay a p r i c e , a price in anxiety" Douvan, Horner, & Gutman, 1970, p. 55).  Negative  (Bardwick,  social  consequences may present p a r t i c u l a r barriers to achievement and r i s k - t a k i n g for women. Expectancy of success is another v i t a l determinant of risk-taking behaviour.  Research indicates that  women are l i k e l y to attribute success to external sources and f a i l u r e to personal f a u l t s .  Men indicate the reverse (Jackaway,  1975; N i c h o l l s , 1975; Stake, 1979).  It  has been demonstrated  that once success does occur in the form of clear and consistent feedback, women develop an expectancy of success equal to that of men (Jackaway, 1975; Stake, 1979).  Other conditions exist that  may mitigate against women's achievement and r i s k - t a k i n g . Research also indicates that women are judged to be less competent than men with equal a b i l i t y levels ( F i d e l l , 1970; Goldberg, 1968).  Women are further limited by a lack of reward  and opportunity (Henley, 1985; Tangri, 1975). The denial of access to success has been noted by Tangri  19 (1975) who wrote that "only the exceptional person w i l l continue to put forth a major e f f o r t in the face of a very small chance of accomplishment"  (p. 241).  Tangri maintained that two factors  l i m i t women's expectancy of success:  the awareness of gender-  role stereotypes and a r e a l i s t i c assessment of the opportunity/ reward structure. The acknowledgement and assessment of limited structures and opportunities available to women marks a profound s h i f t from the e a r l i e r theories of achievement motivation that portrayed women's r i s k - t a k i n g and achievement as problematic.  Kaufman and  Richardson, writing in Achievement and Women (1982), together internal psychological  brought  factors with external  environmental influences in t h e i r examination of female achievement behaviour.  They concluded that i f motivation and  behaviour seem f i x e d , i t is to the extent that social  structures  remain f i x e d , l i m i t i n g opportunity and expectations.  "External  factors can maintain behavior as well as internal forces" (p. 57).  In l i g h t of recent research i t is evident that the  studies that attempted to link achievement motivation and r i s k taking without taking into account social  influences were  inadequate in describing the r e a l i t y of women's Sweeney's  lives.  (1985) t h i r d category included studies that linked  r i s k - t a k i n g with personality t r a i t s and/or cognitive decisionmaking (Aurich, 1976; J e l l i s o n & Riskind, 1970; Keinan, Meir, &  20 Gome-Nemirovsky,  1984; Kogan & Wallach, 1964).  These studies  attempted to measure the tendency of individuals to take predefined risks in laboratory settings using measures or performance in s p e c i f i c s k i l l  paper-and-penci1 or chance a c t i v i t i e s .  Kogan and Wallach (1964) developed the f i r s t  comprehensive  exploration of risk-taking based on economic theories of risk assessment and decision-making.  Preliminary studies by Pettigrew  (1958) and Wallach and Caron (1959) had c l a s s i f i e d women as more conservative in decision-making and more l i k e l y to select categories that were most f a m i l i a r than men.  Females were  described as narrow categorizers which was explained as "a tendency to minimize risk of error by the nay-saying  route,  preferring the consequences of error that come from avoiding c o n f l i c t with threatening objects" (Bruner & T a j f e l , 1961, cited in Kogan & Wallach, 1964, p. 3). In 1964, Kogan and Wallach assessed 103 female and 114 male undergraduate students on t h e i r performance in seven a c t i v i t i e s involving chance, s k i l l , gambling,  and a hypothetical dilemmas  questionnaire (the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire). differences were discussed substantiated)  (although often not  Prevalent sex  statistically  including differences with respect to  risk-taking  under conditions of chance, in the degree of confidence about decision-making, and in the personality correlates of anxiety, s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , r i g i d i t y , conformity, and independence.  Women  21 were found to be less confident, higher in anxiety, r i g i d i t y , and conformity, and less l i k e l y to be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t or independent in r i s k - t a k i n g .  "Rigidity  in females may r e f l e c t a way of  ordering l i f e so as to preclude the risk of having to cope with the unexpected" (1964, p. 204).  Conservatism in females was  noted when the outcome of a risk was ambiguous, yet when the outcome was more c e r t a i n , "a counterphobic release of boldness seems to occur" (p. 3).  This interpretation by the authors  presents a double-bind for women and a portrayal of female behaviour as problematic regardless  of t h e i r actions.  In accounting for sex differences, i t is s i g n i f i c a n t  that  Kogan and Wallach observed that risk-taking may be approached d i f f e r e n t l y by women and men. may be more motivational  They suggested that  risk-taking  in nature for women and more cognitive  in nature for men and that social norms and expectations may affect female  risk-taking.  Observations make i t clear that conformity and independence may have d i s t i n c t l y different meanings for men and women.... It  is quite conceivable that high levels of independence in  females, by running counter to prevalent sex norms, constitute a type of social  risk-taking.  We are led to the  conclusion that the kinds of r i s k - t a k i n g we have been exploring in a laboratory context may have broad implications for social  behaviours that have not usually  22 been conceptualized in risk-taking terms. (1964, pp. 181182) While reporting female behaviour as problematic, Kogan and Wallach noted that there may be d i s t i n c t reasons for the differences in performance.  The acknowledgement that females  might experience negative consequences for risk-taking was a s i g n i f i c a n t observation and offered a framework within which new approaches to the study of risk-taking might have been formulated.  But, Kogan and Wallach did not develop new  approaches to the d e f i n i t i o n and measurement of risk-taking from a perspective that would more closely relate to women's experience and perspective. Kogan and Wallach's conceptualization of risk-taking was limited to gambling behaviours involving dice throws, card games, word games, and money bets; s k i l l  a c t i v i t i e s including  shuffleboard; and decisions made concerning hypothetical situations.  The Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (CDQ)  Wallach, 1964) detailed 12 situations financial  (Kogan &  requiring decisions about  investment, occupational choice, and sports.  Respondents were asked to advise a central male character about action he should take under varying degrees of r i s k .  Females  t y p i c a l l y rated lower than males in 11 of the 12 s i t u a t i o n s . one situation where females scored higher in a willingness  The  to  risk concerned a decision whether or not to marry when there were  23 problems in the relationship.  This one situation was l a t e r  dropped from the CDQ because the results were at odds with results from the remaining 11 situations where men scored higher. This is yet another example of research designed to f i t a male norm at the expense of female experience.  The CDQ has been used  extensively to measure r i s k - t a k i n g behaviour in several major studies  (Brockhaus, 1980; Lamm, Trommsdorff & Kogan, 1970;  Levinger & Schneiger, 1969; Teger & P r u i t t , 1967). In other research, r i s k - t a k i n g has been defined and measured by performance in competitive s k i l l driving s k i l l  games (Cohen, 1960), bus  (Cohen, 1960), race track horse betting ( G r i f f i t h ,  1949; McGlocklin, 1956), and driving s k i l l while under the influence of alcohol  (Teger, Katkin, & P r u i t t , 1969).  The  limited range of laboratory studies that have sought to measure individual differences in r i s k - t a k i n g have reinforced a cognitive and instrumental dimension that Kogan and Wallach suggested may be more appropriate for men.  It  is evident that these examples  and assumptions of what constitutes risk-taking may overlook aspects of risk that are relevant to women while supporting the values of male culture and i n t e r e s t s . Individual  differences in risk-taking behaviour have also  been studied as personality attributes in selected populations such as high performance athletes and ' t h r i l l  seekers'  1974; Farley, 1986; Frumkes, 1981; Lichenstein, 1981).  (Berlin,  24 Attributes of men who seek careers in the police and m i l i t a r y have been studied (Keinan, Meir, & Gome-Nemi rovsky, 1984), as well as the attributes of successful  business  people and  entrepreneurs (Brockhaus, 1980; Ronen, 1983; Sweeney, 1985). Frumkes (1981) reviewed research into the personality of 'thrill  seekers'.  Hypomanics are defined as those who  demonstrate excessive confidence, and who seek elation and euphoria through high risk a c t i v i t i e s .  Frumkes suggested that  they operate from genetically pre-determined motivation. Stimulus  addicts are defined as those who are excessively  autonomous, s e l f - a s s e r t i v e , domineering, and chemically dependent upon adrenalin. Grace Lichenstein, in Machisma:  Women And Daring  (1981),  described female daredevils as possessing a higher level of male sex hormones (androgens) than non-risk-takers.  These studies  contributed to the understanding of risk-taking, yet many questions  remain unanswered concerning the role of biology as a  determinant of behaviour.  Biological  arguments give rise to the  'chicken-or-egg' dilemma:  do androgen or adrenalin levels  produce risk-taking behaviour or does physical a c t i v i t y chemical responses?  It may be argued that androgen levels are  depressed in women by a s o c i a l i z a t i o n process that passivity  stimulate  and discourages  depressed in men by social  physical a c t i v i t y .  encourages  Estrogens may be  demands for physical a c t i v i t y and  25 social  aggressiveness.  The interconnectedness of biology and  environment continues to interest researchers in many f i e l d s . s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes  change, alternate descriptions  individual differences in behaviour may come to  As  of  light.  Several conclusions may be drawn from the research conducted on individual differences in r i s k - t a k i n g .  It  appears  that  women's experience has been overlooked or found to be problematic in the construction of risk-taking  theory.  The majority of  research has been conducted by men using predominantly male subjects.  Risk-taking  has been defined by researchers and  limited to s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s such as gambling, physically hazardous or addictive a c t i v i t i e s .  a t h l e t i c s , and  The research has  been conducted in laboratory, not r e a l - l i f e settings.  Subjects  have been assessed according to performance outcomes and cognitive decision-making  in hypothetical situations.  The  research to date has not been conclusive in establishing individual differences in risk-taking 1962).  reliable  (Brehmer, 1987; S l o v i c ,  The feminist c r i t i q u e of the treatment of women in  traditional  psychology  can be applied to the research into  individual differences in risk-taking  behaviour.  Another area of research on the psychology of  risk-taking  has focused on individual perception of risk and, in p a r t i c u l a r , on the attitudes people have regarding risk situations  that may  occur in l i f e (Combs & S l o v i c , 1979; Lichtenstein, S l o v i c ,  26 F i s c h o f f , Layman, & Combs, 1978; Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). Combs and Slovic  (1979) examined how media coverage about violent  death creates the tendency for people to overestimate the l i k e l i h o o d of such incidents occurring.  Lichtenstein et a l .  (1978) explored how people estimate the probability of dying from d i f f e r e n t causes, such as being struck by lightning or from pneumonia.  They reported that low p r o b a b i l i t y , violent events  were overestimated and high probability events, such as were underestimated.  illness,  Tversky and Kahneman (1974) studied the  h e u r i s t i c s , or f a c t o r s , people use in making decisions about p r o b a b i l i t i e s and found that a v a i l a b i l i t y , are factors influencing decision-making.  recency, and vividness Events that come to  mind most e a s i l y are judged to have higher probability of occurring. Brehmer (1987) reviewed this  recent l i t e r a t u r e on perception  of risk and found that a cognitive decision-making focus predominated the research.  Brehmer's observations  argument that the psychological  support the  research into risk-taking  been one-dimensional and limited by a cognitive,  has  "psychosocial  approach where various objects of interest have been 'measured' psychologically by having people make risk estimates"  (p. 26).  Brehmer concluded that the emotional and motivational aspects of risk-taking have been overlooked.  He recommended that  a useful approach to further research on risk-taking would  27 include examination of i n t u i t i v e value judgements of risk within a context of personal experience. The insights presented by Brehmer closely p a r a l l e l the tentative observations by Kogan and Wallach 23 years e a r l i e r . A cognitive emphasis in the d e f i n i t i o n and measurement of r i s k taking behaviour may favour a male orientation and overlook aspects of risk-taking relevant to women.  It would appear that  research designed to encourage participants to define and describe risk-taking relevant to t h e i r personal experience, l i f e s i t u a t i o n , and values would contribute to a more complete understanding and reduce gender bias that may have led to a misrepresentation of female r i s k - t a k i n g . Four recent studies, conducted by women, provided examples of an expanded view of risk-taking that takes into account personal experience and social context.  Waites (1978) observed  that studies of risk-taking were based on mathematical formulae and rational decision-making theory.  She concluded that women  faced barriers to risk-taking and recommended that female motivation be studied in the context of external constraints such as limited opportunities and negative social consequences. Morscher and Schindler Jones (1982) conducted interviews with women and observed that women's s o c i a l i z a t i o n creates uncertainty and fear of the unknown.  Barriers to women's  risk-  taking are l i s t e d as conditioning, fear, lack of knowledge, and  28 inertia.  While the authors advocated the value of  for women, they did not explore women's strengths  risk-taking in risk-taking  nor did they introduce external barriers that may l i m i t  risk-  taking behaviour. In a comparative study of male and female managers, Gerike (1983) found that women in managerial positions were paid l e s s , had fewer informal interactions with colleagues, were less  likely  to credit success to t h e i r own knowledge, and reported lower levels of risk-taking than t h e i r male counterparts.  Gerike  suggested that gender and outgroup effects ( i . e . , lower salaries and exclusion from networks) may present s i g n i f i c a n t barriers to women and contribute to a hesitancy to take Siegelman (1983) examined the personal experience of both women and men.  risks. risk-taking  She maintained that social  d e f i n i t i o n s of risk focus on external conditions of hazard, p e r i l , or injury.  While of interest to economists and insurance  brokers, this assumption of risk-taking is not relevant to the psychology of women and overlooks "the risks from the inside from the point of view of the person assessing the danger"  (1983,  p. 4). Siegelman critiqued theories of risk-taking that are cognitive and based on assumptions of r a t i o n a l i t y and pre-defined risk:  29 Most of these models c a l l for a rational scanning of alternatives and a calculation of probable gains and losses. Although r a t i o n a l i t y in decision-making is to be prized and striven f o r , we must also r e a l i z e i t s l i m i t a t i o n s .  These  limitations stem from imperfect information, human impatience, and the d i f f i c u l t y of adding into our equation the emotional components of hope and fear. (1983, p. 6) Each of these four studies has addressed narrowly defined assumptions  regarding r i s k - t a k i n g and has contributed to an  increased understanding of relevant personal and social  contexts.  This research supports the rationale in the present study and has contributed to new conceptualizations of r i s k - t a k i n g .  A final  selection of relevant research has explored the relationship of risk-taking behaviour to sex-role orientation and/or occupational choice amongst women. In an investigation  of married and divorced women, Brown  (1978) reported no s i g n i f i c a n t  relationship between risk-taking  and marital status and between fear of f a i l u r e and r i s k - t a k i n g . Brown c r i t i q u e d the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire for a lack of content relevant to women. Mori arty (1983) investigated the variables of  risk-taking  and self-esteem and concluded that working women with high r i s k taking a b i l i t i e s also reported high levels of self-esteem. Similarly,  in a phenomenological study of eight  'powerful' women,  30 Bonucchi  (1985) noted that r i s k - t a k i n g was consistently reported  as an essential element of personal i d e n t i t y and self-esteem. Shiendling  (1985) compared women employed in p r o s t i t u t i o n ,  as a high risk occupation, to other working women. no s i g n i f i c a n t  He reported  differences in risk-taking and sensation-seeking  behaviour between the groups.  Shiendling concluded that, on  several s e l f - r e p o r t tasks, women engaged in p r o s t i t u t i o n responded in a manner similar to other women. Steiner (1986) reported a s i g n i f i c a n t  relationship between a  non-traditional career choice and the risk-taking of 'bold-adventurous'  using the Bern Sex-Role  characteristic  Inventory.  Glasgow (1982) compared women t r a i n i n g in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations and reported that women in trades perceived themselves to be higher in risk-taking than women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations.  Results  from the Bern Sex-Role  Inventory  indicated that women in non-traditional f i e l d s were also more l i k e l y to be androgynous  in gender-role orientation, while women  in t r a d i t i o n a l f i e l d s were more often feminine-typed.  Glasgow  noted that "the women in this study were more similar than d i f f e r e n t , however many of these differences [such as age, job experience] related to c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that might overcome the stigma of working in male-dominated trades"  (p. v).  Sweeney (1985) conducted interviews with 18 female entrepreneurs in researching t h e i r perceptions and experiences of  31 risk-taking.  The participants cited a supportive family  environment, a positive s e l f concept, and encouragement from others, as s i g n i f i c a n t  factors in t h e i r willingness  and to engage in entrepreneurship. frequently reported were:  to take  risks  The three risks most  "taking the risk of 'being  myself;  taking risks to expand the scale or scope of t h e i r enterprises; and the risks  involved in decisions which impacted on the welfare  of others" (p. 141). A review of the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the psychology of  risk-  taking reveals d i s t i n c t developments in theory over the years. Original  research, conducted in the 1950s and 1960s, focused on  individual differences in hypothetical risk-taking behaviour and achievement motivation.  Focus on individual perceptions  regarding the occurrence of risk events dominated the research in the 1970s.  In the past 10 years a number of researchers, mostly  women, have begun to explore risk-taking that takes into account personal experience and social context.  The accumulated research  provides a foundation for the present study and supports the rationale that women may define and experience risk-taking ways previously overlooked in research on the psychology of  in risk.  The Domains of Femininity and Masculinity Many psychological  theorists have explored the domains of  femininity and masculinity.  T r a d i t i o n a l l y , differences between  women and men have been assumed to be innate, natural, and normal  32 (Cox, 1981; Greenglass,  1982).  Of recent concern has been the  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between biological social  factors and environmental or  factors that influence differences in behaviour between  the sexes. distinctions  Confusion in vocabulary has often blurred between these two sets of influence (Graham & Stark-  Adamec, 1980). with " b i o l o g i c a l  Greenglass  (1982) defined 'sex' as  status, while 'gender'  learned or cultural status"  (p. 10).  associated  refers to a person's  Sex and sex-role relate to  the functions of an individual as either female or male.  Gender  and gender-role relate to the prescribed behaviours and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that are learned and assigned to an individual by cultural norms and expectations.  While reproduction is a  function of sex, parenting roles are a function of gender. Prior to the 1970's, femininity and masculinity were closely linked to differences in sex and were viewed as opposite poles of a single dimension or continuum (Constable, 1987).  Psychological  well-being was equated, by theorists such as Freud, with conformity to sex and sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n .  Healthy  individuals  were those who conformed to conventional male-as-masculine and female-as-feminine stereotypes (Constable, 1987; Greenglass, 1982; Whitley, 1983, 1984). Jungian theory postulated that the nature of women and men was determined by sex but held that feminine and masculine t r a i t s were possessed by both women and men.  According to Jung  (1953),  33 the anima represents the inner feminine personality and the animus represents the inner masculine personality in both sexes. Goldenberg (1976) credited Jungian theory with acknowledgement of a two-dimensional  quality to femininity-masculinity but noted  that Jungian theory is limited by i t s devaluation of the female animus.  While men are encouraged to develop t h e i r counterpart  anima, women are encouraged to develop the animus only within certain l i m i t s .  Women are further bound by a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to  assist men in developing t h e i r feminine nature. The inadequacy of a single dimension to describe the feminine-masculine dichotomy has been substantiated by research into gender-role orientation (Bern, 1974; Constantinople, 1973; Parsons, 1955).  Sociologist Talcott Parsons (1955) f i r s t  introduced the two dimensions of 'expressiveness'  and  'instrumentality' to describe roles and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s within a culture: The area of instrumental function concerns relations of the system to i t s situation outside the system, to meet the adaptive conditions of i t s maintenance and equilibrium and instrumentally establishing the desired relations to external goal objects.  The expressive area concerns the internal  a f f a i r s of the system, and the maintenance of integrative relations between the members, and regulation of the patterns and tension levels of i t s component units,  (p. 47)  34 The expressive-instrumental  dichotomy was  originally  described as functional and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l members of a social  system ( E i c h l e r , 1980).  When later used to describe  behaviours within family systems there emerged a gender-specific designation of women as expressive and men as instrumental. Eichler (1980) cited Mussen (1969) to demonstrate this  evolving  cultural norm: . . . the majority of societies around the world organize t h e i r social  institutions  around males, and in most cultures  men are more aggressive and dominating, have greater authority and are more deferred to than women.  They are  generally assigned the physically strenuous, dangerous tasks and those requiring long periods of t r a v e l .  Women, on the  other hand generally carry out established routines, ministering to the needs of others, cooking and carrying water.  The husband-father role is instrumental, i . e . task-  oriented and emotion-inhibited in nearly a l l cultures, and the wife-mother-role is customarily more expressive, i . e . emotional, nurturant, and responsible. (Mussen, 1969, pp. 707-708, cited in E i c h l e r , 1980, p. 29) It  is s i g n i f i c a n t  to note that, while Parsons introduced the  terms expressive and instrumental to describe social his sociological  position is that of structural  functions,  functionalism.  His research was descriptive in nature only and did not analyze  35 the causes or implications of these social  functions.  Feminist  theory critiques this approach for i t s f a i l u r e to account for the underlying s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l dimensions of the d i v i s i o n of labour and s o c i a l i z a t i o n linked to sex. Within the social  sciences, including psychology, there has  developed a d i s t i n c t p o l a r i t y between the characteristics of femininity and masculinity derived from biological differences of sex.  Feminist scholar Shulamith Firestone (1970) linked t h i s  p o l a r i t y within the family and society to the biological r e a l i t i e s of female reproductive capacity. that once divisions  Firestone asserted  of labour arising from reproductive functions  were established in the family they created an imbalance of power which was maintained by social  structures and conditioning.  Feminist theory maintains that differences between feminine and masculine roles are not innate but rather s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l  in  o r i g i n and are created by unequal access to power (Cox, 1981). Recent research in psychology has attempted to bridge the p o l a r i t i e s between femininity and masculinity.  Bakan (1966)  described the fundamental task of individuals to be that of balancing I.  'agency'  (masculine) with 'communion'  (feminine).  Broverman, D. M. Broverman, Clarkson, Rosenkrantz, and Vogel  (1970) c r i t i q u e d early models of mental health which defined the healthy male as a c t i v e , independent, and logical female as dependent, passive, and i l l o g i c a l .  and the healthy  This c l a s s i c  study  36 exposed a double standard of mental health that c l a s s i f i e d women as less healthy than men. Maccoby and J a c k l i n (1974) conducted a comprehensive analysis of approximately 1600 studies related to sex differences and concluded that there were a number of "unfounded b e l i e f s about sex differences" (p. 349) including: s o c i a l , suggestible,  that g i r l s were more  a u d i a l , and affected by heredity, with lower  self-esteem and achievement motivation, while boys were more a n a l y t i c a l , v i s u a l , and affected by environment.  They reported  well-established differences in only four areas.  G i r l s were  consistently found to excel in verbal a b i l i t y . visual-spatial aggressive.  Boys excelled in  and mathematical a b i l i t i e s and were more  Maccoby and J a c k l i n have been critiqued for  inconsistency in study selection and methodological  weaknesses  (Block, 1976, 1981), yet t h e i r results continue to be cited as evidence of the lack of r e l i a b l e and conclusive differences between the sexes.  Evidence increasingly indicates that there  may be more s i m i l a r i t i e s than differences between women and men than was previously assumed (Greenglass,  1982).  Bern (1974) argued that individuals possess both feminine and masculine q u a l i t i e s , which she termed expressive and instrumental.  Androgyny, described by Bern as a balance of both  expressive and instrumental q u a l i t i e s , was formulated as a new concept of psychological  well-being.  Bern suggested that sex-  37 typed i n d i v i d u a l s , that i s masculine males and feminine females, might be limited in the range of behaviours available to them. Androgynous  individuals would be freer to engage in both  masculine and feminine behaviours and would be more f l e x i b l e and adaptable in a variety of s i t u a t i o n s . Bern constructed an empirical measure, the Bern Sex-Role Inventory  (BSRI) that treats masculinity and femininity as  separate dimensions study,  (consistent with the d e f i n i t i o n s used in this  ' s e x - r o l e ' is actually gender-role).  score that c l a s s i f i e s androgynous, studies  The BSRI provides a  individuals as one of feminine, masculine,  or undifferentiated.  Bern conducted a series of  (1974, 1978) using the inventory and concluded that sex-  typing does r e s t r i c t behaviour and that androgynous females and males were more f l e x i b l e and comfortable in cross-sex  behaviours.  Recent research has contradicted Bern's hypothesis that sextyped individuals are less psychologically  adjusted (Deutsch &  G i l b e r t , 1976; Jones, Cherovetz, & Hansson, 1978; Orlofsky, 1981; Silvern & Ryan, 1979).  Bern's conceptualization of two d i s t i n c t  dimensions of femininity and masculinity has also been challenged.  Lott (1981) cautioned that a two dimensional  approach may further encourage stereotypical behaviour.  "To  label some behaviors as feminine and some as masculine is to reinforce verbal habits which undermine the p o s s i b i l i t y of degenderizing behavior" (p. 178).  38 In support of her e a r l i e r work, Bern wrote that "this concept (of androgyny) can be applied equally to both women and men, and i t encourages individuals to embrace both the feminine and the masculine within themselves"  (1987, p. 245).  Bern has recently  begun to reconsider the concept of d i s t i n c t masculine and feminine dimensions.  She cited problems that arise from a  prescription of androgyny that requires individuals to conform to yet another mode of behaviour that is both feminine and masculine.  In developing a new paradigm, gender schema theory,  Bern suggested that femininity and masculinity are learned phenomena and are products of society and culture. argues that gender influences are social "In  Bern now  and p o l i t i c a l in o r i g i n .  short, human behaviors and personality attributes should no  longer be linked with gender and society should stop projecting gender into situations  irrelevant to g e n i t a l i a "  (1987, p. 245).  The development of theory related to the dimensions of femininity and masculinity has progressed rapidly over the past twenty years as demonstrated by the revisions research.  in Bern's original  Emphasis on sex and sex-differences determined by  biology has shifted towards a focus on the influences of learned s o c i a l i z a t i o n and culture.  New theory in the area of sex and  gender continues to shape our understanding of s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences between women and men.  39 Women and Psychology "The female is a female by virtue of a certain lack of qualities.  We should regard the female nature as a f f l i c t e d with  a natural defectiveness" ( A r i s t o t l e , translated by S i n c l a i r , 1962, p. 1259). Psychology, loosely defined as the study of human behaviour, concerns i t s e l f with how the individual f e e l s , thinks, behaves, develops, and perceives the world.  A r e l a t i v e l y young  d i s c i p l i n e , psychology grew out of the study of philosophy and inherited ancient b e l i e f s about the nature of women and men that influenced the development of psychological  theory.  The study of  differences between women and men has been a predominant theme in psychology as Esther Greenglass  (1982) noted:  Throughout the centuries, the differences between women and men have been a source of mystery and i n t r i g u e . . . . Women have been viewed as mysterious creatures, and folk wisdom is replete with attempts to explain t h e i r nature. philosophers  Ancient  regarded women as e s s e n t i a l l y creatures of  emotion and men as r a t i o n a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l beings.  Men,  then, were seen as having to exert authority over women and control them. (1982, p. 1) The b i r t h of contemporary psychology is often marked by the opening of the f i r s t psychological Germany.  laboratory in 1879, in  Sigmund Freud, the 'father of psychoanalysis',  began  40 publishing material shortly thereafter.  It  is l i k e l y that no  single theorist had as pervasive an influence on the development of the psychology of women, and psychology in general, as did Freud (Walsh, 1987). Psychoanalytic theory explains behaviour in terms of unconscious motivation and c o n f l i c t (Chaplin, 1975). conceptualization of the development of sexual  Freud's  identity for  normal adult femininity has been summarized by Kaplan and Yasinski  (1980).  As young g i r l s discover the existence of the  male penis, they develop penis envy which creates c o n f l i c t and feelings of i n f e r i o r i t y , jealousy, and shame.  Feeling castrated,  young g i r l s relinquish sexual stimulation of the c l i t o r i s and become characterized by a self-focused concern with the body (narcissism) and a tendency to derive pleasure from pain (masochism).  At adolescence, sexual focus s h i f t s to vaginal  sexuality, associated with a t r a n s i t i o n from a c t i v i t y to passivity, for a baby.  and a replacement of a wish for a penis with a desire The course of gender i d e n t i f i c a t i o n leaves women  with lesser moral development, social  i n t e r e s t , and capacity for  refocusing inappropriate i n s t i n c t s than men.  A f a i l u r e to  resolve penis-envy c o n f l i c t results in neurosis  (sexual  i n h i b i t i o n ) or the development of a masculinity complex. Female personality development, according to Freudian theory, is determined by biology and reproductive function.  Male  41 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are viewed as the norm and women, by comparison, are found to be i n f e r i o r to men p h y s i c a l l y , emotionally, and e t h i c a l l y (Ruth, 1980). Freud based his theories of female development on observation and descriptive case studies of selected upper-middle and middle class patients.  Janeway (1971) and others have  c r i t i q u e d Freud's sample for not being representative of a normal, or healthy, population.  Freud's theories have been  examined for cultural and h i s t o r i c a l biases. that he wrote in a social  It has been noted  context that was V i c t o r i a n , highly  oppressive, and sexually repressive (Chesler, 1972; Lerman, 1987).  Psychoanalytic theory was widely accepted without  objective evidence or proof of Freud's insights (Fisher & Greenberg, 1977).  Despite these c r i t i c i s m s ,  psychoanalytic  concepts have profoundly influenced the psychology of women for over one hundred years.  However, r e s i l i e n t as they are,  psychoanalytic views did not go unchallenged in the early 1900's. A psychology of women by women emerged in the work of Thompson [Wooley] (1903), Hollingworth (1926/1981).  (1914, 1916), and Horney  In a detailed study of 50 male and female students,  Helen Thompson [Wooley] concluded that there were more intellectual  s i m i l a r i t i e s between the sexes than differences.  Leta Hollingworth critiqued social expectations and structures that pressured women into what has come to be labelled as  'the  42 motherhood mandate'  (Hoilingworth,  1916; Russo, 1979).  Hollingworth contributed to the c r e d i b i l i t y of women's  psychology  when she foresaw that perhaps one day the psychology of women would be "based on t r u t h , not opinion; on precise, not on anecdotal evidence; on accurate data, rather than on remnants of magic"  (1914, p. 99).  Karen Homey, trained in psychoanalysis, view of women as biased.  critiqued Freud's  In A F l i g h t From Womanhood (1926),  Horney wrote: Like a l l sciences and a l l valuations, the psychology of women has hitherto been considered only from the point of view of men . . . the psychology of women hitherto actually represents a deposit of the desires and disappointments men.  of  An additional and very important factor in the  s i t u a t i o n is that women have adapted themselves to the wishes of men and f e l t as i f t h e i r adaptation were t h e i r true nature. (1926, cited in Cox, 1981, p. 61) Horney suggested that i t might be men who suffered from 'womb envy'  (1926/1981, 1930/1967).  Both Horney and Clara  Thompson (1942, 1950) concurred with Freud that women may indeed envy men but, rather than the penis, the object of the envy was men's power and status in society. The debate surrounding Freudian theory continued a f t e r his death in 1939.  Both Horney and Clara Thompson were expelled from  43 the New York Psychoanalytic Institute  for t h e i r dissenting  Others supported and expanded his theories.  views.  Helene Deutsch  published the f i r s t comprehensive treatment of female psychology in 1944.  The Psychology of Women: A Psychoanalytic  Interpretation, a two volume work, characterized the female personality as passive, masochistic, and n a r c i s s i s t i c .  The book  was highly i n f l u e n t i a l throughout the 1950s. The 1960s, in North America, were characterized by intense social  unrest.  dissatisfaction the c i v i l  A renewed feminist movement grew out of about the continued oppression of women during  rights campaign in the United States.  A new approach  to the psychology of women was demanded by feminist scholars. landmark essay by psychologist  A  Naomi Weisstein (1968) e n t i t l e d  "Kinder, Kuche, Kirche (Children, Kitchen, Church) As S c i e n t i f i c Law:  Psychology Constructs the Female" presented a new feminist  challenge to t r a d i t i o n a l psychology.  "Psychology has nothing to  say about what women are r e a l l y l i k e , what they need and what they want, e s s e n t i a l l y because psychology does not know" (p. 135). Weisstein cited the following f a u l t s in t r a d i t i o n a l psychology.  Women were infrequently studied.  Theories viewed  male behaviour as the norm and female behaviour as deviant from the norm.  Assumptions  about women were viewed as accurate  portrayals of female behaviour.  Only women who f u l f i l l e d the  feminine stereotype were healthy and happy, yet not as healthy as  44 men.  Differences in male and female behaviour were seen to be  due to biology.  The social context of women's (and men's) l i v e s  had been ignored and theory had been accepted without  supporting  evidence. Weisstein concluded with a typical psychological  p r o f i l e of  women as: . . . inconsistent, emotionally unstable, lacking in a strong conscience or superego, weaker, nurturant rather than i n t e l l i g e n t , and i f they are at a l l normal, suited to the home and the family. In short, the l i s t adds up to a t y p i c a l minority group stereotype of i n f e r i o r i t y :  i f women know  t h e i r place, which is in the home, they are r e a l l y quite lovable, happy, c h i l d l i k e , loving creatures. (1968, p. 144) The early 1970s witnessed a major change as a new wave of feminist psychologists  and psychiatrists  (Bardwick, 1971;  Chesler, 1972; Horner, 1972; Maccoby & J a c k l i n , 1974; M i l l e r , 1973, 1976; M i t c h e l l , 1974; Sherman, 1971) began reconstructing theories to challenge what Nancy Henley called against women" (1974, p. 20). scholars  "psychology  While diverse in approach, these  l a i d the groundwork for a new psychology of women that  developed hand-in-hand with p o l i t i c a l feminism.  This modern  feminist ideology was i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y , encompassing analysis from psychology,  sociology,  anthropology, h i s t o r y , l i t e r a t u r e ,  medicine, and economics (Choderow, 1974; Firestone, 1970;  45 Friedan, 1963, 1977; Greer, 1971; M i l l e t t , 1970).  The  development of an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y perspective contributed s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the study of women and "led to a re-evaluation of existing theory and research, to a questioning of basic assumptions,  and to analyses that have demonstrated how each  aspect of our d i s c i p l i n e (psychology) has supported a functional social mythology about women" (Mednick, 1981, p. 91). The f i e l d of women's psychology informed by feminist scholarship continues to influence psychology in general. theory and treatment strategies  New  have developed out of feminist  concerns including violence towards women, sexual and emotional abuse, and women in the labour force.  Traditional theory and  treatment approaches have been r a d i c a l l y challenged, revised and, at times, dismissed.  Psychoanalysis  provides an excellent  example. Feminist theorists have made e f f o r t s to integrate psychoanalytic and feminist approaches to psychology 1986; Lewis, 1986; M i t c h e l l , 1974; Sayers, 1986).  Chehrazi  (1986) reviewed recent developments in psychoanalysis for i t s  relevance to women.  (Chehrazi,  and argued  Lerman (1987) in a review of  feminist psychoanalytic theorists  (Choderow, 1978; Greenspan,  1983; M i l l e r , 1976), established a preliminary set of c r i t e r i a upon which woman-based theories of personality might be evaluated.  The c r i t e r i a articulated the following requirements:  46 clinical  usefulness; recognition of the d i v e r s i t y of women; a  positive view of women; relevance to women's r e a l - l i f e experience; recognition of the connection between internal (personal)  and external (social) f a c t o r s ; inclusive language; and  support for non-sexist psychoanalysis  interpretations and therapy.  In reviewing  using the c r i t e r i a , Lerman concluded that  psychoanalytic theory was "so fundamentally flawed in  its  thinking about women that i t cannot be repaired, however extensive the tinkering with i t "  (Lerman, 1987, p. 44).  While the debate around psychoanalytic theory is  ongoing,  feminist research continues to change the d i s c i p l i n e of psychology  in many ways:  revising established theory,  discovering new data, and challenging methodology that r e f l e c t s bias and inconsistency in the treatment of female subjects (Horner, 1971; Mednick, 1981). Carol G i l l i g a n  (1982) forced a re-examination of moral  development theory in her c r i t i q u e of the assumptions, methodology, and conclusions of Lawrence Kohlberg (1958, 1981). Kohl berg's study of young boys was based upon subjects'  cognitive  and judgemental evaluations of hypothetical moral dilemmas.  In  an e f f o r t to discover whether this approach had overlooked significant  f a c t o r s , G i l l i g a n conducted studies that were  intended to "expand the usual design of research on moral development by asking how people defined moral problems and what  47 experiences they construed as moral c o n f l i c t s in t h e i r l i v e s , rather than by focusing on t h e i r thinking about problems presented to them for resolution" (1982, p. 3). In a series of three studies with both women and men, G i l l i g a n asked participants to describe experiences concerning personal decisions of morality, c o n f l i c t , and choice.  In one  study on abortion decisions, G i l l i g a n traced the experiences of women to develop a phenomenological p o r t r a i t of female moral development that included emotional as well as cognitive of moral decision making.  aspects  G i l l i g a n contributed to an expansion  and revision of moral development theory by acknowledging the dimension of attachment and emotion described by women as equally valuable and mature as the dimension of separateness and cognition explored by Kohlberg. Since publication, G i l l i g a n ' s extensive debate. Gilligan's  research has been subject to  Greeno and Maccoby (1986) argued that  results contradict l a t e r studies based on Kohlberg's  scale with both male and female samples that showed no difference between the sexes in moral development.  Weaknesses in  methodology, including inadequate sample s i z e , a lack of an objective scoring system, and lack of empirical data to support conclusions, have been cited (Colby & Damon, 1987; L u r i a , 1986; Greeno & Maccoby, 1986).  Carol Stack (1986) c r i t i q u e d G i l l i g a n  for not attending to differences in race, culture, and c l a s s .  48 G i l l i g a n has been supported for challenging the tendency to establish norms based on all-male experience (Kerber, 1986; Walsh, 1987).  Gilligan's  claim of d i f f e r e n t i a l development of  males and females has been documented by other researchers (Bakan, 1966; Bern, 1974; Broverman et a l . , 1970; Choderow, 1978). Colby and Damon (1987) credited G i l l i g a n  for her extension of  research design and theory on moral development: of situations  " . . . her use  in which real moral decisions are made could  constitute an advance over the use of hypothetical moral dilemmas" (p. 327). The c r i t e r i a proposed by Lerman (1987) may be used to review woman-based theories of development.  Gilligan's  contributions  s a t i s f y most of these c r i t e r i a in that her results are c l i n i c a l l y useful, they view women p o s i t i v e l y , arise from women's experience, and contribute to an increased understanding of both men and women.  G i l l i g a n acknowledged the social  circumstances  that affect women as well as t h e i r inner psychological  make-up  and allowed women to take an active role in r e l a t i n g t h e i r experience.  According to Lerman's c r i t e r i a , G i l l i g a n may be  critiqued for not including a broad range of female subgroups and for generalizing from a small sample s i z e . In defense of her work, G i l l i g a n  (1986) suggested that  c r i t i c s , who argue that her results do not match the findings psychological  of  research, accept the very research that she c a l l s  49 into question.  G i l l i g a n asserted that in order to demonstrate  that women experience l i f e d i f f e r e n t l y from portrayals established psychological  in  theory, only one example is needed.  To  claim that common themes appear in female experience requires "a series of i l l u s t r a t i o n s "  (p. 328).  G i l l i g a n provided both.  G i l l i g a n has also, on two occasions, reported no sex differences using Kohl berg's scale.  G i l l i g a n argued that such results do not  detract from her e a r l i e r work. . . . the fact that educated women are capable of high levels of j u s t i c e reasoning has no bearing on the question of whether they would spontaneously choose to frame moral problems in this way.  My interest in the way people define  moral problems is reflected in my research methods, which have centered on f i r s t - p e r s o n accounts of moral c o n f l i c t . (1986, p. 328) G i l l i g a n was deliberate in her claim that the dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n found in her research is not exclusively a female perspective, nor is i t b i o l o g i c a l l y determined.  She further  stated that her results were based on research with both men and women.  However, the developmental theory G i l l i g a n  articulated  was " d i f f e r e n t from that currently embedded in psychological theories and measures" is s i g n i f i c a n t  (1986, p. 329).  for both women and men.  offers the potential for psychological  Gilligan's  contribution  Her feminist perspective research to be gender-  50 f r e e , " y i e l d i n g a more encompassing view of the l i v e s of both of the sexes"  (Gilligan,  1982, p. 4).  A feminist perspective embodies a complexity of views that includes p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , economic, s p i r i t u a l , and personal values and theory.  Within psychology, a feminist perspective  incorporates several assumptions,  one of which is the necessity  to make e x p l i c i t those assumptions. women's experience.  The perspective values  Feminism maintains that the present  subordinate position of women is a product of p o l i t i c a l structures, culture, and societal expectations, not of i n t r i n s i c biological  inferiority.  The treatment of women in t r a d i t i o n a l  psychology  results from women's subordinate condition, is  entrenched by h i s t o r i c a l and class context, and is s o c i o p o l i t i c a l in origin  ( T i e f e r , 1981).  amenable to change.  Hence the condition of women is  A feminist psychological  perspective seeks  to promote that change by focusing upon the need for change in the norms and expectations in psychology and in society, rather than on the need for women to adapt to a stereotypical norm. The purpose of a feminist inquiry, such as this present study, has been summarized by Margaret E i c h l e r (1980). At i t s best feminist writing f u l f i l l s three functions:  it  is c r i t i c a l of existent social structures and ways to perceive them, i t serves as a corrective mechanism by providing an alternative viewpoint and data to  substantiate  51 i t , and i t starts to lay the groundwork for a transformation of social science and society, (p. 9) Summary and Research Hypotheses The review of l i t e r a t u r e into women and risk-taking behaviour provides this research with hypotheses germane to the research questions posed in Chapter 1.  These hypotheses, or  anticipated outcomes, arise from l i t e r a t u r e that includes a feminist c r i t i q u e of t r a d i t i o n a l psychological  research.  This  feminist contribution has s i g n i f i c a n t influence upon both the research questions and hypotheses.  The anticipated outcomes  within a feminist framework d i f f e r from those hypotheses that would arise from a review limited to the t r a d i t i o n a l research into risk-taking behaviour.  The basic question explored in t h i s  research concerned personal experience of r i s k - t a k i n g .  Within  the t r a d i t i o n a l psychology of r i s k , that question has yet to be posed.  Rather, assumptions of what constitutes risk-taking have  been tested by laboratory experiments and hypothetical decision making inventories. Research question 1 explored the d e f i n i t i o n and nature of r i s k - t a k i n g described by women:  How do women define and  experience risk-taking in t h e i r l i v e s ?  Do women define and  experience incidents of risk-taking in terms of instrumentality, or a f f i l i a t i o n , or both?  Or, is risk-taking described in terms  other than instrumentality and a f f i l i a t i o n ?  The l i t e r a t u r e  52 suggests that an exploration of such personal experience within a social context may lead to new conceptualizations of risk-taking (Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985).  It was hypothesized that women  in the study would provide examples of risk-taking that relate to both the dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality 1982; Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985).  (Gilligan,  Support for t h i s  hypothesis is found in research on the psychology of r i s k .  There  is evidence that t r a d i t i o n a l conceptualizations of risk have not accounted f o r emotional and motivational aspects of risk-taking (Brehmer, 1987; Kogan & Wallach, 1964). Research question 2 explored the relationship between sexrole orientation and r i s k - t a k i n g :  Is there a relationship  between sex-role orientation as measured by the BSRI and r i s k taking as measured by the CDQ and by a self-estimate of risk scale?  One study found that women c l a s s i f i e d as androgynous were  more l i k e l y to score higher on measures of risk-taking behaviour than women c l a s s i f i e d as feminine (Glasgow, 1982).  Three studies  have linked high levels of s e l f esteem to high levels of r i s k taking (Bonucchi, 1985; Mori a r t y , 1983; Sweeney, 1985).  Bern  (1974, 1978) has linked androgynous sex-role orientation in women to greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n in cross-sex behaviours and to higher levels of mental health.  A link has been reported between  androgynous sex role orientation and higher scores on the " b o l d adventurous" item of the BSRI (Steiner, 1986).  Yet, the  53 l i t e r a t u r e has also cautioned that more s i m i l a r i t i e s than differences may exist amongst women r e l a t i v e to sex-role orientation and r i s k - t a k i n g behaviour (Brown, 1978; Glasgow, 1982; Schiendling, 1985). Given the c o n f l i c t i n g nature of e a r l i e r research, the present study tests the following null hypothesis:  There w i l l be  no s i g n i f i c a n t difference among groups assigned by sex-role orientation on mean scores obtained on two measures of r i s k taking (the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk Research question 3 asked:  scale).  Is there a relationship between  career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and risk-taking as measured by the CDQ and by a self-estimate of risk scale?  Support was found in two previous studies  (Glasgow,  1982; Steiner, 1986) for the following hypothesis tested in t h i s study:  women in non-traditional occupations w i l l score  s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on two measures of risk-taking  (the CDQ and  the self-estimate of risk scale) than women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. In both research questions 2 and 3, the tested hypotheses assumed that the CDQ is an accurate measure of women's taking behaviour.  risk-  There is considerable evidence in the  l i t e r a t u r e that challenges the appropriateness of the CDQ and other hypothetical decision-making inventories (Brehmer, 1987; Brown, 1978; Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985; Waites, 1978).  It  54 was thought that results a r i s i n g from the hypotheses posed in questions 2 and 3 may provide further insight into the appropriateness of the CDQ as a measure of women's Research question 4 asked:  risk-taking.  Is there a relationship between  career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and sex-role orientation as measured by the BSRI? reported links between androgynous  Glasgow (1982)  sex-role orientation and non-  t r a d i t i o n a l occupational choice and between feminine sex-role orientation and t r a d i t i o n a l occupational choice. hypothesized that a s i g n i f i c a n t  It may be  difference w i l l exist between the  two occupational groups with respect to sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n . S p e c i f i c a l l y , i t was hypothesized that women in non-traditional occupations are more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as masculine or androgynous  in t h e i r sex-role orientation than women in  t r a d i t i o n a l occupations.  Also, women in t r a d i t i o n a l  occupations  are more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as feminine in t h e i r sex-role orientation than women in the non-traditional Research question 5 asked:  group.  Does involvement in the research  affect p a r t i c i p a n t s ' knowledge and estimation of s e l f ? upon the contributions of feminist scholars  (Gilligan,  Lerman, 1987; Oakley, 1981), i t was hypothesized that participants would report an increase in knowledge and understanding of  risk-taking.  Based 1982;  Chapter  III.  RESEARCH METHODS This investigation was a survey designed to explore the d e f i n i t i o n and description of risk-taking behaviour as experienced by women and to analyze s i g n i f i c a n t between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional fields.  differences occupational  Both q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative research methods were  employed.  This chapter describes the p a r t i c i p a n t s , research  procedures, measures, and methods of data  analysis.  Participants Forty-four volunteers participated in t h i s study.  The  sample was drawn from four community groups representing a crosssection of t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations.  The  t r a d i t i o n a l c l u s t e r consisted of 15 women who were c l i e n t s at Options for Women (a career counselling agency), and 7 women who were members of the Kenilworth Play School Association. traditional  The non-  cluster was represented by 11 women who were members  of the National Association of Women in Construction, 7 women who were members of Women in Scholarship, Engineering, Sciences, and Technology (W.I.S.E.S.T.), and 4 women who were attending Options for Women. The four groups had been i d e n t i f i e d through women's d i r e c t o r i e s and recommendations from personal contacts made following a recent a r r i v a l  in Edmonton.  55  The groups were chosen  56 on the basis of t h e i r a c c e s s i b i l i t y and voluntary membership. Each provided access to a variety of women engaged in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations.  A total of seven groups were  contacted, but three declined due to time commitments or a lack of i n t e r e s t .  Fifty-one women volunteered.  Seven were not  available due to scheduling problems or personal choice, resulting in a p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate of 86%. The volunteers were assigned to one of two occupational groups, t r a d i t i o n a l or n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l , as defined by Employment and Immigration Canada (1984), on the basis of employment, vocational goal, or work a c t i v i t y (e.g. homemaking).  These  occupational groups were selected for the purposes of comparing descriptions of r i s k - t a k i n g and analyzing  significant  relationships between the two groups. The non-traditional c l u s t e r was represented by 22 women working or t r a i n i n g in a variety of occupations:  11 in the  construction industry; 7 in engineering or technical sciences; and 4 in non-traditional  self-employment or service occupations.  The t r a d i t i o n a l c l u s t e r included 22 women engaged i n , or seeking, the following work a c t i v i t i e s : teaching or the social  6 in c l e r i c a l  occupations; 5 in  sciences; 5 in f u l l - t i m e homemaking; 4 in  sales or marketing; and 2 in the fine arts  (see Appendix A).  The women represented a variety of backgrounds with respect to age, marital status, number of c h i l d r e n , employment  status,  57 and income and education l e v e l s . an average age of 38.  Ages ranged from 22 to 61, with  Thirty women lived with a partner, 9 l i v e d  alone, 2 were single parents, and 3 lived with friends or parents.  Twenty participants had no c h i l d r e n , 16 women had one  or two c h i l d r e n , and 8 women had three or more c h i l d r e n .  At the  time of the interviews, 23 women worked f u l l - t i m e , 2 part-time, 8 women were unemployed and 4 were students.  Seven women worked  primarily as homemakers, although two were also employed parttime.  Income levels ranged from no income to over $40,000, with  an average range of $15,000 - $25,000.  Among those married, the  average income of partners was over $30,000.  Levels of education  ranged from incomplete High School to Ph.D. Procedures The recruitment of participants was conducted through contact with the four community groups.  Letters of introduction  were sent to each group outlining the research proposal and requesting permission to recruit volunteers from the membership (see Appendix B).  Telephone conversations and meetings with  representatives of the four groups resulted in confirmation l e t t e r s granting permission to recruit volunteers. A 30 minute presentation was conducted with potential volunteers from each group outlining the research t o p i c , interview procedures, e t h i c s , and c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y (see Appendix C).  Volunteers signed a contact sheet and were given a l e t t e r  58 d e t a i l i n g the research questions for t h e i r consideration prior to the interviews (Appendix D). Follow-up telephone c a l l s were made within 10 days of the presentation to schedule interview time and location with those women who expressed a continued interest in volunteering.  The  interviews were conducted either in the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s home, an o f f i c e rented for the purpose of interviewing, or my home, whichever was most convenient for p a r t i c i p a n t s .  The location of  the interview was seen as important in order to ensure comfort and privacy.  Care was taken to provide an atmosphere of  informality and safety. with couches and chairs.  The rented o f f i c e space was arranged Tea or coffee was a v a i l a b l e .  The interviews averaged approximately one hour in length. Handwritten notes and audiotapes were u t i l i z e d to record interview responses. study.  Tapes were destroyed upon completion of the  Some women expressed concern about the recording and were  assured that the tape recorder would be turned off upon request. One request was made and respected. The interview began with a standardized introduction to the purpose and format of the interview. what would happen with the results  Each participant was t o l d  (see Appendix E).  Participants then signed a consent form and those wanting a summary of results provided an address (see Appendix F ) . Participants were encouraged to voice any concerns or questions  59 regarding the interview and these were answered as f u l l y as possible without jeopardizing the r e s u l t s . The interview proceeded in the following sequence: completion of a demographic p r o f i l e , interview questions, administration of the BSRI and the CDQ, concluding interview questions  and comments, and appreciations.  Member groups were sent thank-you l e t t e r s .  A l l groups  expressed an interest in the research and, where possible, a follow-up presentation was held to discuss r e s u l t s . were sent a summary of overall findings,  Individuals  and individual  scores on  the inventories were available to women who requested them. Measures and Methods Four p i l o t interviews were conducted to determine the appropriateness Revisions  of the research procedures and measures.  were made as necessary.  The f i n a l i z e d protocols and  instruments completed by participants were administered in the following sequence: Demographic P r o f i l e . living  (marital)  status,  Information was collected on age, number of children, employment status  and occupation, level of education, income l e v e l , and, i f applicable, income level of partner.  The demographic p r o f i l e was  used to describe the research sample and to assess and differences between t r a d i t i o n a l occupational  similarities  and non-traditional  groups (see Appendix G).  60 Interview Format.  The interview questions and inventories  were administered in the following sequence (see Appendix H): 1.  If you were to think of ' r i s k - t a k i n g '  in your own l i f e  and experience, what would be your personal understanding or d e f i n i t i o n of the term 2.  I'd  'risk-taking'?  now l i k e you to focus on that personal  understanding.  Can you think of recent s p e c i f i c incidents that  have been meaningful  risk-taking  situations  for yourself?  B r i e f l y describe up to f i v e examples. 3. those  What, s p e c i f i c a l l y , was the risk for you in each of  situations? 4.  Can you now think of recent s p e c i f i c incidents where you  decided NOT to take a r i s k ?  B r i e f l y describe up to f i v e  examples. 5. those  Again, what s p e c i f i c a l l y was the risk for you in each of  situations? 6.  risks,  If you were to rate yourself on your willingness  to take  using your own d e f i n i t i o n of the term, where would you  place yourself on a 7-point scale?  (1 - never take a r i s k :  7 - always take a r i s k ) 7.  Administration of the Bern Sex-Role  8.  Administration of the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire  9.  The inventory you have just completed measured a  tendency to take risks  Inventory  in situations where the outcome is  61 unknown. 10.  What was your reaction to that  inventory?  In closing, has what we have talked about here affected  your understanding of risk-taking in any way? 11.  Comment:  Have you anything to comment on about t h i s session or  the research?  Have you any suggestions as to how this  research  might be useful? 12.  Would you l i k e to hear about the  results?  The f i r s t f i v e interview questions were designed to encourage participants to define and describe risk-taking has been meaningful  in t h e i r l i v e s .  that  These questions related  d i r e c t l y to the central theme of this study as posed in the f i r s t research question (see Chapter I).  It was thought that  asking  participants to describe s p e c i f i c incidents would assist in the conceptualization of risk-taking instrumentality.  in terms of a f f i l i a t i o n and  It was assumed that both risks taken and risks  not taken were important to determine the nature of  risk-taking  relevant to p a r t i c i p a n t s . Interview items s i x , seven, and eight were designed to address the second research question that explores the relationship between sex-role orientation and r i s k - t a k i n g . Results from the BSRI (#7) role o r i e n t a t i o n .  provided subgroups according to sex-  Significant  relationships between subgroups  could then be analyzed on the basis of results of the CDQ (#8) and a self-estimate of risk-taking  (#6).  62 Results from the self-estimate of risk-taking CDQ (#8)  (#6) and the  also addressed the t h i r d research question concerning  the relationship between career orientation and r i s k - t a k i n g . Traditional and non-traditional  sub-groups were analyzed for  s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences based upon results from the CDQ and the self-estimate of  risk-taking.  The fourth research question sought to determine whether a relationship existed between career orientation and sex-role orientation.  Analysis of the results from the BSRI (#7) were  compared between t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupation groups. Upon completion of the CDQ, participants were asked, in question nine, to describe t h e i r reaction to that inventory. was thought that responses might demonstrate whether scales on hypothetical s i t u a t i o n s , risk-taking  based  such as the CDQ, accurately r e f l e c t  relevant to the p a r t i c i p a n t s .  crucial to the concern that psychological  Question nine was research has not f u l l y  explored risk-taking that takes into account women's experience.  It  With reference to G i l l i g a n  life  (1982), the development  of risk-taking theory requires a review of established measures, such as the CDQ, and new approaches in methodology to capture a more accurate portrayal of human behaviour.  It was thought that  the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' observations might contribute to a c r i t i q u e of the CDQ and to p a r t i c i p a n t s ' active involvement in the research process.  63 Interview Question 10 was designed to encourage participants to r e f l e c t upon changes in t h e i r understanding of risk-taking as a result of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the study.  In conducting t h i s  project from a feminist perspective, i t was important that the research generate information and insight for both interviewee and interviewer (Oakley, 1981).  This question provided the  opportunity to discuss whether the design and process of the research contributed to p a r t i c i p a n t s ' self-knowledge as posed in the f i f t h research question.  Interview questions 11 and 12  provided similar opportunities for each participant to have an active role in the research through evaluation, recommendations, and feedback. The interview questions were designed to involve two levels of inquiry.  The generation of data relevant to risk-taking was  the primary emphasis in the f i r s t eight questions.  Participants  were encouraged to comment on the research i t s e l f in the l a s t four questions.  It was thought that these self-reported  observations would support the research findings and a c t i v e l y engage participants in the research process. Bern Sex-Role Inventory  (Bern, 1978) (See Appendix I).  The  BSRI consists of 60 adjectives used as personality or character descriptors.  Twenty items are considered feminine, 20 masculine,  and 20 neutral.  Respondents rated themselves on a 7-point scale  ranging from 1 (never or almost never true) to 7 (always or  64 almost always t r u e ) .  Individuals receive a masculinity score and  a femininity score based on the endorsement of the appropriate descriptors. classify  A split-median technique was used to further  respondents into one of four categories; feminine,  masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated.  The median  masculine score for the sample was 100 and the median feminine score was 96. Feminine:  The resulting categories were: femininity score > 96, masculinity score < 100.  Masculine: Androgynous:  femininity score < 96, masculinity score > 100. femininity score > 96, masculinity score > 100.  Undifferentiated:  femininity score < 96, masculinity score  < 100. Women scoring high on femininity and low on masculinity are, according to Bern, sex-typed.  Women with high masculinity and low  femininity scores are sex-reversed.  Women with high masculinity  and femininity are androgynous, while women with low scores on both scales are undifferentiated in gender-role o r i e n t a t i o n . Bern reported good internal consistency with c o e f f i c i e n t alphas of .78, .86, and .82 for the respective femininity, masculinity, and androgyny scores in the normative sample (816 male and female students at Stanford University, 1978).  Test-  retest r e l i a b i l i t y correlations were .80, .94, and .86 for the same scales administered twice, 4 weeks apart.  65 The BSRI was chosen for this study to demonstrate whether any relationships existed between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and nontraditional  career groups and t h e i r gender-role orientation. The  use of the BSRI also permitted comparisons between groups of women with d i f f e r e n t gender-role orientations and t h e i r respective risk-taking estimations of r i s k .  on the CDQ and self-estimate  The popularity of the BSRI made i t an appropriate tool  in this study as a basis from which s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences in r i s k - t a k i n g might be described. The Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire (Kogan & Wallach, 1964) (See Appendix I). or situations  The CDQ consists  of 12 hypothetical dilemmas  that are described by the authors as " l i k e l y to  occur in daily l i f e " include decisions  (Kogan & Wallach, 1964, p. 257).  Situations  regarding career, p o l i t i c s , f i n a n c i a l  investments, sports, escape from prison, and marriage. Respondents are asked to choose between alternatives with varying levels of probability in advising a central male character. The scale ranges from recommending the alternative with 1 chance in 10 of success  (high r i s k ) to recommending the alternative with no  action taken, no matter what the chance of success Respondents  (low r i s k ) .  received a score that, s t a t i s t i c a l l y transcribed,  reflected a total out of a maximum 108 points.  The higher the  transcribed score, the greater the assumed risk-taking tendency of the i n d i v i d u a l .  66 Wallach and Kogan (1961) reported satisfactory for the CDQ.  reliability  Using the Spearman-Brown formula to predict the  r e l i a b i l i t y of the test i f i t were lengthened, they reported r e l i a b i l i t y c o - e f f i c i e n t s of .62 for women and .53 for men. is viewed as s a t i s f a c t o r y for a 12 item t e s t .  This  The CDQ was chosen  over other measures of risk-taking because of i t s consistent use over the years. One item regarding marriage decisions was found to be inconsistent with results from the other 11 items in Kogan and Wallach's  research because women scored higher than men.  item was eliminated from l a t e r studies. all  The  For the present study,  12 items were included and the central male character was  replaced by a female in one-half of the situations to reduce gender bias.  Women who participated in the study were asked to  comment on t h e i r reaction to the CDQ in order to test relevance to women and events in t h e i r daily Data Analyses. in t h i s study.  its  lives.  Two types of data analyses were undertaken  Statistical  analyses were conducted on the  demographic p r o f i l e and inventory results in order to provide a basis for comparison between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and nontraditional  careers and between women of d i f f e r i n g sex-role  orientations.  Interview data were analyzed using q u a l i t a t i v e  coding procedures in order to describe the d e f i n i t i o n s and incidents of r i s k - t a k i n g , comments, and recommendations reported  67 by p a r t i c i p a n t s . Statistical  Analyses.  Descriptive s t a t i s t i c s  used to  summarize and translate data included the calculation of frequencies, percentages, means, and standard deviations for the demographic variables.  Results from the CDQ were transcribed to  r e f l e c t attained scores out of a maximum total of 108 points.  On  the basis of responses to the BSRI, participants were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated using a split-median technique. Correlational  statistics  relationship between groups.  were used to describe the Cross tabulations using  chi-squares  or t - t e s t s , as appropriate, were performed on demographic variables and inventory results to test relationships between traditional  and non-traditional occupation groups.  One-way  analysis of variance (ANOVA) tests were conducted to determine whether there were any s i g n i f i c a n t differences between individuals c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated on the results from the CDQ and the s e l f estimate of  risk.  Qualitative Analysis.  Interview responses were recorded by  audio-tape and by b r i e f hand-written notes.  Tapes were reviewed,  and additional notes were taken to confirm relevant content and provide sample quotations.  Comparisons  between taped conversations  and interviewer notes were made to verify hand-written comments.  68 From the v e r i f i e d written notes, l i s t s and charts were compiled to categorize and compare p a r t i c i p a n t s ' each question. subgroup.  responses  for  L i s t s of responses were developed for each career  Themes a r i s i n g from the responses were collected by a  coding procedure to develop preliminary categories. The coding of responses hypothetical  involved the development of  response categories, examination of the responses,  refinement of categories, and further examination of the responses to place them in the appropriate category (Orenstein & P h i l l i p s , 1978).  A t o t a l of four coding procedures were  conducted by one coder, over a period of 18 months, to confirm and f i n a l i z e the categories, themes, and comments a r i s i n g from the interview questions.  The degree of accuracy in the  r e p l i c a t i o n of coding was satisfactory with estimates of agreement ranging from .92 to 1.0 (Borg & G a l l , 1983).  Chapter  IV.  RESULTS This chapter presents an analysis of the results from three sources:  the demographic p r o f i l e s ; measures of risk-taking  and sex-role orientation (BSRI); and personal  (CDQ)  interviews.  Demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are analyzed, using chi squares and t-tests,  as appropriate, to describe the sample and provide a  comparative framework for discussion of inventory and interview results.  The research questions are then restated with  presented for each question. highlight  the r e s u l t s .  findings  Sample quotations are included to  To assure c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , l e t t e r s of the  alphabet were assigned to replace names of the participants. The chapter concludes with a summary of the research Demographic Characteristics of  findings.  Participants  Of the 44 study p a r t i c i p a n t s , 22 were engaged in t r a d i t i o n a l occupational f i e l d s and 22 in non-traditional occupations as defined by Employment and Immigration Canada (1984).  Table 1  summarizes the demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of participants and demonstrates differences between the two groups. Occupation groups were found to d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y number of c h i l d r e n , employment status,  and personal income.  Women in the t r a d i t i o n a l group reported a s i g n i f i c a n t l y number of children than women in the non-traditional = 4.39, p<.001).  A significant  greater  group (t(42)  relationship was supported  69  in  70  Table 1 Demographic  Characteristics  Characteristic  -  Traditional  (22)  Non-Traditional  (22)  Total  (44)  Age  M: SD:  39.1 9.12  36.7 9.05  37.9 9.05  Children  M: SD:  2.23 1.60  0.50 0.91  1.36 1.56  Frequency Percent  Living status With partner Single With friend or parent With children Employment status Ful1-time Part-time Unemployed Homemaker Student Personal income No income $0 - $10,000 $10,000 - $20,000 $20,000 - $30,000 $30,000 + No response Education completed Incomplete High School High School Vocational/Col lege Undergraduate degree Graduate degree  Frequency Percent  Frequency Percent  17 2 1 2  77.3 9.1 4.5 9.1  13 7 2 0  59.1 31.8 9.1  30 9 3 2  68.2 20.5 6.8 4.5  4 3 8 5 2  18.2 13.6 36.4 22.7 9.1  19 1 0 0 2  86.4 4.5  23 4 8 5 4  52.3 9.1 18.2 11.3 9.1  3 10 4 1 1 3  13.6 45.5 18.2 4.5 4.5 13.6  0 2 5 6 9 0  9.1 22.7 27.3 40.9  3 12 9 7 10 3  6.8 27.3 20.5 15.9 22.7 6.8  2 8 3 7 2  9.1 36.4 13.6 31.8 9.1  2 5 4 6 5  9.1 22.7 18.2 27.3 22.7  4 13 7 13 7  9.1 29.5 15.9 29.5 15.9  9.1  71 between employment status 26.12, p<.001).  and occupational f i e l d (X^ (7,N=44) =  More women in the non-traditional f i e l d were  engaged in f u l l - t i m e employment (86.4%) than women in the traditional  f i e l d (18.2%).  A l l women who were either engaged in  f u l l - t i m e homemaking or unemployed (59.1%) were in the traditional  group.  A significant  relationship was found between  personal income levels and occupation group (X^ (5, N=44) = 21.42, p<.001).  A large percentage of women in non-traditional  occupations earned in excess of $30,000 (40.9%) whereas the majority of women in the t r a d i t i o n a l group earned less $10,000 or had no income (59.1%). significant  than  There was no evidence of  differences or relationships between the two groups  with respect to age, l i v i n g status,  or levels of education  completed. The differences between the two groups appear to relate more d i r e c t l y to a c t i v i t y than to personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  When  homemaking is considered a primary work a c t i v i t y , the differences with respect to childrearing and employment status are to be expected. traditional  For women active in the labour market, the nongroup was engaged in greater f u l l - t i m e employment (19  out of 20).  The t r a d i t i o n a l  group reported higher unemployment  and part-time work (11 out of 15). Women in non-traditional occupations also fared significantly  better in terms of income than women engaged in  72 t r a d i t i o n a l work. traditional  Of women reporting income, 68.2% of non-  incomes were in excess of $20,000 per year, compared  to only 9.0% of t r a d i t i o n a l  incomes.  for women in 1986 was $12,615. statistics  The national average income  The findings  lend support to the  indicating higher income levels for women in non-  traditional  occupations.  Research Questions and Results 1.  How do women define and experience risk-taking lives?  in t h e i r  Do women define and experience incidents of  risk-  taking in terms of instrumentality or a f f i l i a t i o n , or both? Or, is  risk-taking described in terms other than  instrumentality and a f f i l i a t i o n ? A.  Definition Each of the participants was asked to think of  risk-taking  in her own l i f e and to state what would be her personal understanding or d e f i n i t i o n of the term. described in two d i s t i n c t ways:  The findings  are  Four themes which emerged from  words or b r i e f phrases repeated by many women are presented and a variety of metaphors, or word-pictures, mentioned by participants are included to enhance the d e f i n i t i o n s of  risk-taking.  The theme most frequently mentioned (20 responses) was that risk-taking  involved an element of u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y or  uncertainty regarding the outcome: T:  That's hard to answer.  You can't p r e d i c t .  Sometimes  73 you just don't know.  It's  l i k e getting married, depending  on the other person for things and needs; they may not be met. In several d e f i n i t i o n s the risk-taking event or action i t s e l f was not the s i g n i f i c a n t "it's  factor.  Rather, as W. stated:  not knowing what w i l l evolve" from the action that was of  central concern. The uncertainty of d a i l y l i f e was described by two women: D:  L i f e is r i s k .  It's  the story of my l i f e .  The  emotional, p h y s i c a l , f i n a n c i a l ; a l l f i t together for me. There are levels of uncertainty where you just don't know the outcome. C:  Risk-taking  is when the outcome is unknown in a  situation and you take a route of action. of l i f e .  It's  Like the course  serious with l i f e , marriage, career.  It's  d i f f e r e n t from sports. The emphasis on an element of u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y suggests that the risk action or behaviour cannot be separated from the outcome and the relationship of the risk to the person's l i f e context. Fourteen women i d e n t i f i e d an emotional element involved in risk-taking.  This second major theme was referred to by B:  When you go into something you run the risk of physical and emotional types of hurt. wasn't going to l i v e .  I married my f i r s t husband knowing he  It was emotionally very hard but there  74 were things happening that made i t worth i t . The emotional connection to risk-taking was often described as involving strong f e e l i n g s , D:  such as fear:  In taking a risk there's fear for sure.  emotional  response t h a t ' s  including:  something missing";  "it's  a real  hard to go through.  Other women described the emotional feelings  It's  response as a range of  hot and cold.  both "tangible  If  not, there's  and i n t a n g i b l e " ; and as  something that "we don't r e a l l y know—logical l y .  There's an  exuberance quality to i t . " The element of emotional  involvement was described, not  simply in positive or negative terms, but as a complex and fundamental  aspect of r i s k - t a k i n g .  complexity in her d e f i n i t i o n of B:  For me, i t ' s  One woman captured this  risk:  pushing my own l i m i t s of comfort--  emotionally, sexually, p o l i t i c a l l y , and s o c i a l l y .  We need  to risk to better our l i v e s emotionally and s o c i a l l y , just materially.  It's  not win or lose, i t is  not  fundamental.  The theme of loss as an element in risk-taking emerged as a factor in another 14 responses. variety of ways including:  The loss was specified in a  loss of personal or f i n a n c i a l  s e c u r i t y ; loss due to potential harm to s e l f and/or others; and loss of reputation, esteem, or career. potential  The interplay of  loss and gain mentioned by several women is exemplified  75 by K's  comment:  Risk-taking  is any situation where your path or choice can  lead to some loss or the p o s s i b i l i t y for bettering the decision.  It has a big e f f e c t .  Women in non-traditional careers were p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned with the element of loss and i d e n t i f i e d this theme in 10 of t h e i r 14 responses. L:  Loss of success or c r e d i b i l i t y was a concern:  Risk-taking  is a situation where you could jeopardize  your success achieved to this point.  It's  not only  financial, it's  also personal.  N:  involves putting yourself on the l i n e ; your  Risk-taking  reputation and c r e d i b i l i t y .  It's  baring y o u r s e l f .  You're  wide open to c r i t i c i s m and r e j e c t i o n . The theme of loss was also associated with potential harm or danger to s e l f , others, or things: C:  Risk-taking  is what might cause loss or injury - It  be f i n a n c i a l or physical danger.  A decision that  can  is  devastating, that can destroy the environment or relationships. The fourth theme, present in 13 responses, was the view of r i s k - t a k i n g as a change process involving new experiences and an expansion of personal norms or boundaries.  The process was seen  as an essential element in personal growth and development: P:  Risk-taking  is stepping outside the bonds of the norm  76 that is set by each i n d i v i d u a l . I:  It's  to step outside the everyday, secure world.  What  was comfortable becomes uncomfortable then another step i s required.  Boundaries change as we grow and hopefully  expand. G:  Risk-taking  is not a l i s t i n g of pro's and con's, not  weighing out of things.  It  is a process; the whole t h i n g ,  considering everything involved.  Even worrying about i t  is  part of the process. The four themes that participants i d e n t i f i e d contributed to a d e f i n i t i o n of r i s k - t a k i n g that connects elements of uncertainty regarding the outcome, emotional involvement, l o s s , and a process of change.  These themes appeared to be i n t e r r e l a t e d and  suggested a highly personal  response to risk-taking that was  experienced as a process, and not as an isolated event or i ncident. This section concludes with metaphors used by participants as they sought to describe t h e i r personal understanding of the term.  These metaphors enhance the descriptions and are included  to highlight Risk-Taking  the personal nature of is  risk-taking:  ...  I:  stepping outside the everyday secure world  S:  jumping off the fence  T:  stepping into unchartered ground  77 N:  putting s e l f on the l i n e  E:  stepping out; t r u s t i n g my i n t u i t i v e s e l f , following my heart  C:  a leap of f a i t h  R:  being on the edge of the abyss  C:  the course of  M:  going out on a limb without something to f a l l back on; you  life  can't step back S:  going against the grain  L:  a leap, a death. These metaphors, c i t e d by several of the p a r t i c i p a n t s ,  contain images of personal challenge and an expansion of personal l i m i t s beyond what may be f a m i l i a r .  These images support the  themes that emerged in the d e f i n i t i o n s of risk-taking provided by participants. B.  Incidents  of  Risk-Taking  To identify incidents of risk-taking  relevant to women's  experience, each participant was asked to describe approximately f i v e examples of meaningful specify what f e l t  risk-taking  s i t u a t i o n s , and to  'at r i s k ' to her in each of the s i t u a t i o n s .  The 44 participants i d e n t i f i e d a total of 240 incidents.  Each  woman was also asked to i d e n t i f y up to 5 incidents where she decided to not take a r i s k .  Fewer incidents were specified as  risks avoided for a t o t a l of 71.  Summary categories of  taken and not taken are detailed in Tables 2 and 3.  risks  78 Table 2 Risks Taken (N = 240, # Participants = 44)  Risk Category Career/Employment Job confrontations/res p o n s i b i l i t i e s New, or return t o , work Self employment Loss of employment Interpersonal/Relationship Marriage, entering relationship Divorce, leaving relationship C h i l d b i r t h , childrearing Challenges with family of o r i g i n Challenges with partner, others Education:  New, or return to  Personal Risks Personal growth, counselling Being on own Relocation Risks Other Risks Travel Financial Physical Adventure Driving Medical Health Legal TOTAL RISKS  Traditional  Non-Traditional  Total  57 (44%)  83 (35%)  26 18 8 5  30 26 14 13  36 (33%)  34 (26%)  70 (29%)  11 8 10 4 3  15 7 3 6 3  26 15 13 10 6  12 (11%)  13 (10%)  25 (10%)  16 (15%)  4 (3%)  20 (8%)  14 2  3 1  17 3  8 (7%)  4 (3%)  12 (5%)  12 (11%)  18 (14%)  26 (23%) 4 8 6 8  3 1 2 4 1 1 110 (100%)  5 6 3 1 3 0 130 (100%)  30 (13%) 8 7 5 5 4 1 240 (100%)  79 Table 3 Risks Not Taken (N = 71, # Participants = 32*)  Risk Category  Traditional  Career/Employment Change in career/job Job confrontations, r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s Interpersonal/Relationship  Non-Traditional  Total  5 (12%)  12 (32%)  17 (24%)  3 2  10 2  13 4  17 (52%)  9 (24%)  26 (37%)  2 2 5 4 4  6 1 1 0 1  8 3 6 4 5  3 (9%)  6 (16%)  9 (13%)  2 (6%)  0  2 (3%)  Relocation Risks:  1 (3%)  2 (5%)  3 (4%)  Other Risks:  5 (15%)  9 (24%)  14 (20%)  2 2 1 0  1 3 4 1  Marriage, enter relationship Divorce, leave relationship C h i l d b i r t h , safety of children Challenge family of o r i g i n Challenge partner, others Education: Personal  Return or continue  Risks:  Travel Fi nancial Physical Adventure Driving TOTAL RISKS NOT TAKEN  33 (100%)  * 12 participants reported no risks not taken.  38 (100%)  3 5 5 1 71 (100%  80 The results from Table 2 indicate that women described significant  risk-taking  incidents that were personal and  connected to t h e i r l i f e experience and context. 240 r i s k s :  From a total  of  35% related to career and employment, both paid and  unpaid; 29% were risks that were interpersonal in nature; 10% concerned education; and 8% involved risk-taking personal growth.  related to  The remaining 18% described a variety of  taking experiences including r e l o c a t i o n , f i n a n c i a l  risk-  concerns,  t r a v e l , adventure, health, and d r i v i n g . The findings  from Table 3 are compatible with the  descriptions of risk-taking detailed in Table 2. categories  The same  of risk apply to both risks taken and avoided,  suggesting that the categories are adequate in portraying a comprehensive view of risk-taking described by p a r t i c i p a n t s . In the sections that follow, each category of from Table 2 is examined and highlighted  risk-taking  by quotations  from the  participants. Career/Employment Risks.  A total of 83 incidents of  taking were related to career and employment. traditional  The women in non-  occupations emphasized t h i s category of  i d e n t i f y i n g 57 incidents  (44%).  risk-  risk-taking,  This group also placed greater  emphasis on career/employment risk-taking than did the women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations, who described 26 incidents (23%). finding is consistent with the s i g n i f i c a n t  This  differences found in  81 both employment status, traditional  and number of children:  women in non-  occupations were engaged in greater f u l l - t i m e  employment; and women in the t r a d i t i o n a l occupation group were engaged more f u l l y in c h i l d r e a r i n g . An interesting difference appeared between the two groups  in  the number of reported incidents of confrontation and taking on r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s at work.  Women in non-traditional  occupations  described a greater number of incidents requiring risk-taking on the job (26).  A woman who worked in the construction industry  described the following example: N:  I face risks daily in my job.  everyday thing.  I'm on the l i n e , i t ' s an  Being in control of my own d i v i s i o n ,  either sink or swim.  If  I screw up, i t ' s  on my shoulders.  What we hear of women in the workplace is misguided; more than getting equal pay.  I  it's  I'm on the job s i t e to do a  job and some men get t h e i r backs up and I have to co-operate with them.  There's some tough general contractors who try  to scare you as a woman more than they would to men. not a rookie; i f push comes to shove, I ' l l  I'm  shove back.  Accepting new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s at work was described by many women in non-traditional careers, such as this example by R., who worked in trade show management: My boss asked me to take on being general manager for a new international trade show.  I did i t from scratch with no  82 experience. interview. risks.  I had to hire a secretary; I set up an o f f i c e .  was scared in the  A l l were new areas, new  What was at risk i s I didn't know i f I could do i t .  Each time I b u i l t some confidence and realized my career must be e x c i t i n g . Returning to work after several years absence was also a major r i s k - t a k i n g experience.  B., who returned to work after  r a i s i n g three c h i l d r e n , reported that her risk-taking had decreased during her time at home: People don't have a lot of respect for being ' j u s t a Mom' and staying home.  And then I started imposing those  feelings on myself and f e e l i n g not i n t e l l i g e n t . constant whenever I go out. being smothered as a mother. to expose myself and say 'I learning.  It's  a  And that adds to that sense of As I go back (to work) I have don't know' and be open to  And t h a t ' s hard for me to do.  I had worked long  enough before that I had mastered the basics and i t ' s threatening to go back and start  again.  Searching f o r , and accepting, a new job was also i d e n t i f i e d as r i s k - t a k i n g .  One woman, a f t e r running her own business for  several years, lost the company due to unpaid contracts and was forced to re-establish her career goals: S:  I decided to ask a peer for a job at another company.  I hadn't worked for anyone else in a long time.  I was  83 scared and kept my mouth shut. others.  I didn't want to intimidate  I just did what was asked and worked to gain the  respect of fellow employees.  Now I've  as the men d i d , learning on the job.  worked my way up, I'll  try to do most  anything. A loss of employment, either chosen or forced, was cited 13 times.  It was viewed as s i g n i f i c a n t to both occupational  groups.  M. described the risks to her career advancement, sense of achievement, and f i n a n c i a l security in choosing to quit a job: I walked out of a f u l f i l l i n g job in Edmonton doing advertising layouts. success.  I helped to make the magazine a  But there were unethical pressures compromising my  principles.  I said 'No, I'm going to do i t and do i t now.'  It was more risky to stay, for my values and i n t e g r i t y .  It  was do or d i e . The demands of being forced out of a job, due to an economic slowdown, became the greatest risk N. reported taking in her life. Losing my job as a supervisor after nearly 20 years was the biggest of a l l .  I had to deal with my own self-confidence  and I lost financial s t a b i l i t y . risk.  The adjustment was a big  I had to face mental depression and build emotional  s t a b i l i t y to deal with i t .  I had to learn how to compete  and then retrain for employment.  It forced me to increase  84 my r i s k - t a k i n g  in the last four years; some have been  forced, others chosen.  I've  made a better person of  myself. A f i n a l example of risk-taking  related to career and work  c i t e d by participants was the risk of self-employment or s t a r t i n g a business, either i n d i v i d u a l l y or with a partner.  G. described  taking a risk to work with her husband: I got involved with my husband's business. on our personal  r e l a t i o n s h i p ; that was the r i s k , not so much  the work i t s e l f . him. money.  It put pressure  I had to have the hammer, had to pressure  It was f i n a n c i a l  . . . I got involved to organize the  The outcome was good; the money got better and i t  evened out our dynamics, me not being the bully and him not s l i d i n g away. Interpersonal/Relationship  Risks.  Second only to the  incidence of career/employment r i s k s , the participants reported a significant  number of risk-taking  incidents that related to  relationships with others, including partners, family members, c h i l d r e n , and f r i e n d s .  A total of 70 interpersonal risks were  described, 29% of the total to women in both t r a d i t i o n a l  response.  While equally  significant  (36 responses) and non-traditional  (34 responses) occupations, this category accounted for the largest percentage (33%) of risk-taking women in the t r a d i t i o n a l c l u s t e r .  incidents described by  Risks of entering and leaving  85 relationships with intimate partners (including marriage and divorce) was given greatest emphasis, accounting for 41 of the 70 responses. A variety of risk factors emerged as women considered marriage or beginning an intimate relationship including; loss of personal and/or f i n a n c i a l independence, loss of identity and name, loss of c r e d i b i l i t y with i n s t i t u t i o n s loss of emotional well-being.  such as banks, and  N. detailed many of these risk  factors as she recalled her decision to marry: Marriage in.  is always a r i s k , both to get (married) and to stay  I have to work at i t to stay with i t .  s o c i e t y , I was a threat to my f r i e n d s . independence and f i n a n c i a l independence. with the bank.  It's  It  is a singles  At risk was my Even c r e d i b i l i t y  not so much freedom; my marriage  f l e x i b l e , but I lost some f l e x i b i l i t y .  is  There's some loss  and some gain. For women who had experienced more than one intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p , or marriage, the r i s k - t a k i n g was divided between entering and leaving the r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  In the experience of  S.,  the risks began to escalate: I divorced when I was 28 and wasn't sure where I would go. I got into another relationship and remarried soon.... backtracked and took a second seat to my husband. l i k e I became a d i f f e r e n t person.  I  It was  It was hard to deal with.  86 I divorced 7 years l a t e r , I wanted out of the same p a t t e r n s . . . . I remarried for a t h i r d time and moved onto a farm.  I ran the farm . . . I had no support, I was new to  Alberta.  My friends and family backed o f f .  I was very  alone and f e l t drowned... I had a sense of a problem but not knowing where to go. was a switch.  (I  That was f i v e years ago.... Then there  began to f e e l ) I'm  right,  I'm not stupid,  I need changes. For S.,  the "switch" came when she recalled the trauma of incest  abuse as a young c h i l d which led her into seeking counselling assistance. Taking the risk to begin a r e l a t i o n s h i p , separate from marriage, was s i g n i f i c a n t  for many women.  The two experiences  that follow are d i f f e r e n t , yet each woman described similar feelings of emotional K:  vulnerability:  I took a chance to get emotionally involved after being  hurt in a previous relationship and swearing off men.... My emotional well-being was at risk and the fear of being hurt and of t r u s t . J:  Last year my risk-taking was on an emotional  I t o l d another woman I loved her. courage....  It  She responded.  has to do with who I am, my sexual  level. It  took  identity.  Opening up to face that in myself and not be afraid of i t . . . . There's a change in my risk-taking emotional.  I am re-examining old s c r i p t s .  from physical  to  87 Risk-taking to leave a relationship or to divorce was mentioned in 15 responses.  They described r i s k i n g f i n a n c i a l  s t a b i l i t y , the support of friends and/or family, and the insecurity of an uncertain future: T:  Three years ago I decided to separate from my husband.  I was supporting him emotionally at the t i m e . . . . I had support from friends and God, but I d i d n ' t know i f I could support myself.  I hadn't worked for a long time.  At the  same time I had to struggle to keep the house, i t was in foreclosure. Another woman, who divorced a f t e r 25 years of marriage, described the risks of s t a r t i n g a new l i f e on her own: N:  To go out on my own and start new relationships.  would I be accepted in public?  I was older.  How  There are  d i f f e r e n t standards and moral accountability.  I d i d n ' t know  i f people would make judgements. For yet another woman, the risk involved in leaving her marriage was described b r i e f l y , yet powerfully: 0:  I was l e f t with nothing.  husband.  My kids stayed with my  I resent the lost time with the kids.  In the teen  years we grew apart. The decision to have and raise children was s i g n i f i c a n t 13 responses.  in  For W, the decision f e l t p a r t i c u l a r l y complex  because i t involved the influences of other people as well as her own struggle:  88 W:  The biggest ( r i s k ) was to have children and have them  early.  It was a choice between school and career or kids.  I wanted to be young with them. myself.  Yet I was not yet grown up  My friends were putting off having families and my  husband was not too sure about i t . Ten incidents of r i s k - t a k i n g were related to challenges or confrontations with family of o r i g i n members.  For B., the r i s k -  taking involved the disclosure of her sexual orientation: Coming out to my mother is the r i s k - t a k i n g I want to talk about.  It was verbalizing what we both knew.  to verbalize i t .  The risk was  I f e l t 99% certain that she'd be OK.  But  even i f I d i d n ' t know the outcome i t was time to be honest with myself.  Even i f she rejected me, i t was important for  me to do to be honest. risk.  Honesty was the p r i n c i p l e and the  The outcome; Mom was supportive.  It was the  beginning of a more positive r e l a t i o n s h i p .  It had great  meaning to i t - - h i g h r i s k - - h e r possible rejection and verbalizing who I am to someone. For S, the risk involved confronting her father who had sexually abused her, repeatedly, as a c h i l d : I went home this summer and confronted Dad about the abuse. I had some pity for him. with s i l e n c e .  When I t o l d my s i s t e r s  They said ' n o - - l e t i t be.'  need and anger to share i t .  I was met  But i t was my  His response was ' i t ' s  all  in  89 your head, not my f a u l t , I'm old and s i c k . '  He hugged me  when I l e f t . . . . I r e a l i z e d I can't make changes there, but I can deal with i t .  It lightened my load.  I'm  r e a l i z i n g the  v a l i d i t y in my own being, that I am O.K. Another type of interpersonal r i s k - t a k i n g described in six responses, involved challenges or confrontations with partners, f r i e n d s , or other people.  One woman confronted her husband who  had become addicted to a medication: 0:  I took p i l l s away from my husband.  i n f e c t i o n and was very i l l .  He had an ear  I threw them away.  risking his health and his l i f e . I asked myself 'should I do t h i s ' ?  He was  He was hooked on them. What was at risk was  f i g h t i n g with myself and f i g h t i n g with him, but I was in fear for his l i f e . . . . He got better in a few months. Developing relationships with other people was viewed as important by D., who had l i v e d and worked for many years on a remote farm.  She described the changes in her risk-taking a f t e r  a move into the c i t y : It's  risky to be in the c i t y , i t was safe in the country.  I now take risks in interpersonal relationships, getting to know people.  It's  d i f f e r e n t with animals, things seem clear  with 600 head of stock.  You can deal with them as problem  solving--it's  With people what's risky is the  physical.  rejection and hurt other people can i n f l i c t on us.  It's  not  90 just myself.  You can't control i t and can't always problem  solve. Education Risks. groups, r i s k - t a k i n g  Equally important to both occupation  related to education or t r a i n i n g was  described 25 times, for a total  response rate of 10%.  A return  to educational i n s t i t u t i o n s to complete a course of study was considered a risk by several women, one of whom described her experience as follows: G:  Four years ago I chose to go into an M.A. program.  was the f i r s t and only time I've and cons.  It  sat down to weigh the pros  I had to consider whether I was avoiding the real  world, and was i t above my a b i l i t i e s . because I can learn something here. pregnant then married.  I decided to  (go)  So I went, then I got  The M.A. was low on my l i s t , my  focus was away from studies and I l e t i t go for two years. My husband pressured me to f i n i s h and a professor convinced me.  So I got back to i t and f i n i s h e d .  The decision to return to school in order to upgrade academic standing a f t e r many years absence from formal education was also described as a major risk-taking event: A:  I went back to school for grades 8 and 9 together.  had always wanted to do i t .  I  Options for Women (a career  counselling agency) motivated me.  I had quit in Grade 8.  was t o l d I was dumb, and went hairdressing.  I  I want to go at  91 my speed.  I'm w i l l i n g to do i t u n t i l i t ' s  right.  My s e l f -  esteem is high now. For some women, the decision to leave home for the f i r s t time to pursue education beyond high school presented a combination of r i s k s , as described by R: I l e f t home in a small town to go to Mt. Royal for design. Women didn't do non-traditional work there, only teaching and nursing.  I moved away from the mold of the community  and can't go back.  It's  a loss.  People think you've  changed. Personal Risks.  Twenty incidents of risk-taking  that  involved personal challenges or change were reported.  One woman  described reaching a point in her l i f e where she experienced a change in her understanding of herself: H:  Five years ago there was a change in my l i f e s t y l e and  attitude.  The kids had l e f t , money wasn't needed.  Looking  back over, i t was l i k e I was waiting, f e e l i n g i s o l a t e d , and l i v i n g for others.  There was a major s h i f t into  and discovery of myself.  risk-taking  It was noticeable and attached to  being fed up with i s o l a t i o n and emptiness.  I'm now going  with my feelings and not waiting passive for others.  It  is  e x c i t i n g and scary. Personal changes described as risk-taking were frequently linked to increased emotional understanding and expression of s e l f :  92 C:  I am now allowing strong feelings to come up and out.  I'm choosing i t more and more.  It's  creative.  When i t ' s  denied i t hurts to s i t on i t . . . . There's an assumption that risk is physical.  I never put my body at r i s k , yet I  risk.  I'm a f e e l i n g junkie; wanting to push and risk in emotional s i t u a t i o n s , pushing emotional l i m i t s . There is a hunger for intensity.  It  requires risk-taking to break from the safe  places. Seeking counselling assistance for personal change and growth was reported by eight women who viewed counselling as a significant S:  risk-taking process:  For me, i t was going to Heritage House for counselling  and acceptance of my incestuous family. from my family.  I had no support  I only got drugs from my p s y c h i a t r i s t —  there was no support from him.  I was at a dead end.  I had  nothing to lose. For three women, learning to l i v e and to be on t h e i r own a f t e r marriage was yet another personal r i s k .  L. described her  experience following the death of her husband: A big risk was survival without my husband.  Being on my  own, having to make decisions and take action a l l on my own, to make a new l i f e s t y l e and new f r i e n d s . was hard but I did i t .  I went ahead.  There are new stages in my l i f e ,  have a whole new outlook on l i f e .  It I  93 Relocation Risks.  Fourteen incidents of  risk-taking  concerned relocation to take a job, to accommodate a partner, or for personal reasons.  I.  described her sense of loss from moving  twice in a short period of time: I relocated to Edmonton in 1985. my job, my home, my f r i e n d s .  There was a lot to l o s e - -  It was hard to find a new job.  Also when I moved from England to Toronto I had no money and no job. Other Risks.  Thirty (13%) of the total  responses described  a variety of risk-taking incidents that related to t r a v e l , financial  investments, physical adventure a c t i v i t i e s , health,  d r i v i n g , and a legal challenge.  Travel, p a r t i c u l a r l y t r a v e l l i n g  alone, was mentioned in eight responses. J:  I've  my own.  One example follows:  t r a v e l l e d a l o t in out of the way places, some on It's  not that dangerous, but i t is adventurous.  I got a new perception of what I could do and new s k i l l s . I got to know people. Seven incidents of f i n a n c i a l risk-taking included major purchases such as a house or car, investments and stock market speculation, and lending money: M:  I lent money to someone.  I might not get i t back. C:  It was a single mom and I knew  The money was at  risk.  Right now I'm buying company shares; t h a t ' s personal.  And also a j o i n t risk with my husband to buy a house.  Money  94 is at risk and also t r u s t i n g him to invest; our relationship i s at  risk.  Adventure pursuits were cited in f i v e responses and included skydiving, rockclimbing, s a i l i n g in storm conditions, ski jumping and s k i i n g .  One example portrays the risk-taking  involved in  skydi vi ng: E:  I learned to skydive.  scary and b e a u t i f u l .  I just wanted to do i t .  I would do i t again.  It was  My safety was at  r i s k , but i t d i d n ' t seem risky or an issue until  I was out  on the wing s t r u t . Risks involving medical or health concerns were reported by four women, one of whom described a d i f f i c u l t decision: K:  I decided to have e l e c t i v e surgery - just to have i t  done.  It was a choice of health and l i f e , or death on the  operating t a b l e .  I had fears of a general anesthesia, or i f  not, then possible cancer. Risk-taking  that involved automobile safety and driving was  reported f i v e times.  The risks included learning to d r i v e ,  driving under severe weather conditions, and driving at night alone or with c h i l d r e n : I:  I took driving lessons 8 years ago and started to drive  t h i s summer.  It was scary and driving on my own is  frightening.  But i t ' s  still  now 90% overcome and I'm driving at  night, but not in foul weather. accidents, of hurting someone.  The risk is a fear of  95 The category of 'other r i s k s '  included a total of 30  responses, or 13% of the total response.  Only 12 responses, 5%  of the t o t a l , described physical adventure and f i n a n c i a l taking.  risk-  Games of chance, gambling, the use of addictive  substances, and team sport a c t i v i t i e s were not mentioned. these situations were assumed to represent risk-taking  Yet  in  previous research that used hypothetical dilemmas or laboratory experiments to measure risk-taking tendencies. 2.  Is there a relationship between sex-role orientation as measured by the Bern Sex-Role Inventory and risk-taking  as  measured by the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire and by a s e l f estimate of risk  scale?  The BSRI was used to measure the degree to which participants c l a s s i f i e d themselves as having either more t r a d i t i o n a l l y feminine stereotypical q u a l i t i e s or as having more t r a d i t i o n a l l y masculine stereotypical q u a l i t i e s .  Using a s p l i t  median technique, respondents were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, masculine, androgynous,  or undifferentiated.  The results  indicate that 29.5% of participants were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, 29.5% as masculine, 23% as androgynous,  and 18% as  undi f f e r e n t i a t e d . The CDQ was used to measure levels of risk-taking based upon responses to 12 hypothetical situations selected a level of risk  involvement.  in which participants Forty-two participants  96 responded, producing a mean score of 56.95 and a standard deviation of 14.17.  The summary of results from the CDQ according  to sex-role c l a s s i f i c a t i o n on the BSRI i s presented i n Table 4. Table 4 Comparison of CDQ Results By Sex-Role Orientation  BSRI C l a s s i f i c a t i o n  Frequency  Feminine Masculine . Androgynous Undifferentiated Total  13 12 9 8 42  CDQ Mean  SD  58.31 54.00 58.44 57.50 56.95  12.83 14.00 17.30 14.92 14.17  One-way analysis of variance was conducted to test the null hypothesis that there would be no s i g n i f i c a n t difference among groups assigned by sex-role orientation on mean scores obtained on the CDQ.  The results are summarized i n Table 5.  Table 5 ANOVA Analysis of CDQ Results by Sex-Role Orientation  Source  df  SS  Between groups  3  150.91  50.30  Within groups  38  8082.99  212.71  Total  41  8233.91  F  >05  (3,38df)  = 2.85  MS  f  p  0.24  .87  97 With an obtained F value less than 2.85, the null hypothesis was retained.  No s i g n i f i c a n t difference was found among the sub-  groups on mean scores of risk-taking measured by the CDQ at the 0.05 level  of s i g n i f i c a n c e .  In addition to responding to the CDQ, participants were asked to rate themselves on a 7-point scale as a measure of s e l f estimated r i s k - t a k i n g .  Forty-one participants responded,  producing a mean score of 5.20 and a standard deviation of 1.12 as summarized in Table 6. Table 6 Comparison of Self-Estimate of Risk by Sex-Role Orientation  BSRI C l a s s i f i c a t i o n  Frequency  Self-Estimate Mean  SD  11 12 10 8  5.55 4.92 5.50 4.75  1.37 1.16 0.71 1.04  Total  41  5.20  1.12  Again, one-way analysis  of variance was conducted to  Feminine Masculine Androgynous Undifferentiated  determine whether s i g n i f i c a n t differences existed among the four subgroups on the self-estimate of r i s k .  The null  hypothesis  stated that there would be no s i g n i f i c a n t difference among subgroups on mean scores obtained on the self-estimate of risk scale.  Results are presented in Table 7.  98 Table 7 ANOVA Analysis of Self-Estimate of Risk by Sex-Role Orientation  Source  df  SS  MS  Between groups  3  4.80  1.59  Within groups  37  45.64  1.23  Total  40  50.44  F  >05  (3,36df)  f 1.29  P .29  = 2.86  Again, with an obtained F value less than 2.86, the null hypothesis was retained.  No s i g n i f i c a n t difference was found  among any two groups assigned by sex-role orientation on s e l f estimates of risk-taking at the 0.05 level of s i g n i f i c a n c e . 3.  Is  there a relationship between career orientation that  is  either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and risk-taking as measured by the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire and by a s e l f estimate of risk  scale?  The risk-taking of participants was further investigated by comparison between the two occupational groups on mean scores obtained by each group on the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk scale.  It was hypothesized that women in non-traditional  occupations would score s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on these two measures of r i s k - t a k i n g than women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations.  99 The results from completion of the CDQ are summarized in Table 8. Table 8 Comparison of CDQ Results by Career Orientation  Career Orientation Traditional Non-Traditional  Frequency  CDQ Mean  SD  59.95 53.65  11.96 15.92  22 20  C r i t i c a l t . 0 5 ( ° ) = 2.02  obtained t .152^ ^ = 1.46  4  40  With an obtained t value less than 2.02, no support was found for any s i g n i f i c a n t traditional CDQ.  difference between t r a d i t i o n a l  and non-  groups on mean scores of risk-taking measured by the  The results from the self-estimate of risk scale are  summarized in Table 9. Table 9 Comparison of Self-Estimate of Risk by Career Orientation  Career Orientation Traditional Non-Traditional Critical  t 5 ( 3 9 ) = 2.02 #0  Frequency  Self-Estimate Mean  SD  20 21  5.15 5.24  1.23 1.04  obtained t  < 8 1  ( 3 9 ) = -0.25  100 Again, with an obtained t value less than 2.02, no support was found for any s i g n i f i c a n t  difference between the two  occupational groups on self-estimates of r i s k - t a k i n g . 4.  Is there a relationship between career orientation that is either t r a d i t i o n a l or non-traditional and sex-role orientation as measured by the Bern Sex-Role Inventory(BSRI)? The two occupational groups were analysed for differences i n  sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n .  It was hypothesized that women in non-  t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as masculine or androgynous, while women in t r a d i t i o n a l  occupations  were more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI. The crosstabulation of BSRI categories by occupational group is summarized in Table 10. Table 10 Crosstabulation of Sex-Role Orientation by Career Orientation Frequency Sex-Role Orientation  Traditional  Non-Traditional  Total  Feminine  11  2  13  Masculine  2  11  13  Androgynous  4  6  10  Undifferentiated  _5  _3  8  22  22  44  Total Critical  X (3) = 7.82, p<.05 2  Obtained X (3) = 13.36, p<.01 2  101 With an obtained chi square value greater than the c r i t i c a l value of 7.82, support was found for the hypothesis. concluded that a s i g n i f i c a n t  It was  relationship was supported between  sex-role orientation and occupation.  A significantly  greater  number of women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI and a s i g n i f i c a n t l y  greater number of women  in non-traditional occupations were c l a s s i f i e d as masculine on the BSRI. 5.  Does involvement in the study affect p a r t i c i p a n t s '  knowledge  and estimation of s e l f ? Participants were asked, in interview question nine, to comment on t h e i r reaction to the CDQ as a measure of r i s k - t a k i n g . The question was designed to generate self-reported information on the relevance of the CDQ and to a c t i v e l y involve participants in the research process.  It was hypothesized that participants  would report an increase in knowledge and understanding of r i s k taking.  The results were s i m i l a r for both occupational groups  and are reported on the overall response from 40 of the 44 participants:  Thirty (75%) of the women indicated a negative  reaction to the inventory; 6 (15%) of the responses were p o s i t i v e ; and 4 (10%) were neutral. Most of the responses contained several comments about the CDQ.  A total of 115 negative comments were recorded. The  following statements were developed to summarize the comments:  102 1.  The dilemmas do not provide enough information about the  people, s i t u a t i o n , or context (33%). 2.  The CDQ is not relevant t o , or r e f l e c t , my l i f e ,  i n t e r e s t s , or style of decision making (18%). 3.  It  is not possible to choose for others.  The important  factor is what course of action is appropriate for the person at risk  (17%). 4.  The CDQ i s too r i g i d , s i m p l i s t i c , or black and white (13%).  5.  The CDQ measures p o l i t i c a l values and ethics more than  risk-taking 6.  (12%).  The CDQ is out of date, sexist, and/or biased  (7%).  The six women who responded favourably to the CDQ provided 12 positive comments including: l e a s t , some of the situations the variety of situations  i t was possible to relate t o , at  (6); the CDQ was enjoyable (4); and  was good (2).  A l l four women who  reported a neutral reaction provided the similar comment that they answered according to how they would behave in the s i t u a t i o n . The affect of involvement in the research design on p a r t i c i p a n t s ' knowledge and estimation of s e l f was also explored in interview question 10.  Participants were asked i f t h e i r  involvement in the research affected t h e i r understanding of taking in any way.  risk-  Forty-one women responded to the question:  30 (73%) answered ' y e s ' ; 7 (17%) answered ' n o ' ; and 4 (10%) of the women were uncertain.  103 Of the 30 women who reported a change, 29 described t h e i r involvement as p o s i t i v e , with the following e f f e c t s :  increased  self-awareness and confidence (12); a clearer understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g as a process in daily l i f e (10); increased appreciation of the value and number of risks taken (7); and new ideas about risk-taking  (7).  One woman stated that the effect of  the research was discouraging; i t reinforced her sense of herself as someone who d i d n ' t l i k e to take r i s k s .  Seven women reported  no change in t h e i r understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g ; they described themselves as being risk-takers throughout t h e i r l i v e s .  Four  participants f e l t uncertain about changes in t h e i r understanding of r i s k .  They cited f e e l i n g "puzzled," "uncertain," or  "increased in self-awareness, but not r i s k - t a k i n g . " At the conclusion of the interview, participants were asked to suggest how the research might prove useful.  Recommendations  for counselling included use of the results in depression management, alcohol treatment, self-esteem and c a r e e r / l i f e planning programs.  Research recommendations included further  c r i t i q u e of established tests and inventories, similar research with male p a r t i c i p a n t s , and analysis of the counselling process as a r i s k .  Recommendations for use of the results in education  included consciousness  r a i s i n g , challenging stereotypes, teaching  young g i r l s about non-traditional careers, and writing a book about women's  risk-taking.  104 Summary of Results This study proposed that an exploration of women's  risk-  taking behaviour would expand narrowly defined assumptions  found  in previous research that have emphasized the dimension of instrumental  risk-taking.  supported this  The results of the data  analyses  position.  Definitions of risk-taking provided by participants i d e n t i f i e d four related elements:  a degree of uncertainty about  possible outcomes; emotional, as well as i n t e l l e c t u a l and physical  involvement; the risk of potential l o s s ; and a view of  risk-taking  as a personal and fundamental change process, rather  than an isolated event. Categories of risks taken by participants were:  career and  employment (35%); interpersonal and relationship (29%); education (10%); personal  (8%); relocation (5%), and other (13%).  The  examples of risk described by participants demonstrated that women a c t i v e l y engaged in r i s k - t a k i n g that was linked to t h e i r personal  l i f e context and that involved both personal and  interpersonal  considerations.  Significant  differences in demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were  found between the t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupation groups in number of c h i l d r e n , employment status, and income level.  Women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations had a greater number of  c h i l d r e n , and reported higher unemployment.  Women in non-  105 t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were engaged in more f u l l - t i m e employment and reported s i g n i f i c a n t l y  higher levels of personal income.  No  differences were found between the two groups with respect to age, education, and l i v i n g  status.  Analyses were conducted to investigate differences between groups regarding differences in risk-taking behaviour.  No  s i g n i f i c a n t differences were found between occupation groups on r i s k - t a k i n g tendency measured by two scales; the Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire and a 7-point self-estimate of risk  scale.  Participants were also divided into four sub-groups according to sex-role orientation measured by the Bern Sex-Role Again, no s i g n i f i c a n t  Inventory.  differences were found between women  c l a s s i f i e d as feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated on risk-taking tendency measured by the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk  scale.  An analysis was also conducted to investigate the relationship between career orientation and sex-role orientation.  A  significantly  occupations  greater number of women in t r a d i t i o n a l  were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI.  A significantly  greater  number of women in non-traditional occupations were c l a s s i f i e d as masculine on the BSRI.  It appeared that sex-role orientation and  career orientation were related. The structure of the interview was designed to actively involve participants i n the research.  Participants were asked to  106 evaluate the CDQ, to describe changes in t h e i r understanding of risk-taking as a result of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the research, and to recommend uses for the research r e s u l t s .  Participant reaction to  the CDQ was predominantly negative (75% of total  response).  Women c r i t i c i z e d the inventory for a lack of contextual information and relevance, r i g i d i t y , bias, and assumptions regarding the estimate of risk-taking based upon recommendations to other people and the existence of concrete solutions complex human dilemmas.  to  Participants also reported that t h e i r  involvement in the research contributed to an increased understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g and self-knowledge. percent of the participants reported the following increased self-awareness  Seventy-three affects:  or confidence; new or increased  understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g as a process; and an increased appreciation of the value and number of risks taken. Recommendations for use of the results included applications counselling, research, and education.  for  Chapter V. DISCUSSION Feminist scholars  ( E i c h l e r , 1980; G i l l i g a n , 1986; Lerman,  1987) have i d e n t i f i e d the need for social and psychological research to evaluate, r e v i s e , and expand established theory by exploring behaviour from the perspective of the individual within a social context.  The purpose of such inquiry is to correct  misrepresentations of women's development and to provide new insights into behaviour that are grounded in women's lived experience. The present study was based upon this feminist approach. Modelled after the work of Carol G i l l i g a n  (1982), who forced a  re-examination of moral development theory (Kohlberg, 1958, 1981), t h i s research has re-examined the theory related to behaviour.  The question 'How do women experience  risk-taking risk-taking?'  was investigated by analysing d e f i n i t i o n s and examples of personal  risk-taking described by 44 women, and by comparing  relationships between subgroups assigned by occupation and sexrole o r i e n t a t i o n . Gilligan  (1982) argued that we have not heard the stories of  women in t h e i r own voices. explore risk-taking  The purpose of this study has been to  in women's lives and to infuse that  exploration with the contribution of women's own stories and voice.  This chapter presents a discussion of the research  107  108 f i n d i n g s , l i m i t a t i o n s , and implications. Discussion In asking participants to define and describe incidents of r i s k - t a k i n g , i t was hypothesized that a broader understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g might emerge.  The interview questions explored  whether the participants described risk-taking in terms of a f f i l i a t i o n and/or instrumentality.  The dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n  refers to behaviour directed at the maintenance of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , concern for and attachment to others, and co-operation (Bern, 1978; M i l l e r , 1976; Parsons, 1955).  The dimension of  instrumentality describes behaviour directed at attainment of individual goals, mastery, individuation, and competition (Parsons, 1955).  It has been suggested that the psychology of  risk-taking has developed with emphasis on a one-dimensional model of instrumentality and cognitive functioning (Brehmer, 1987; Kogan & Wallach, 1964; Sweeney, 1985).  This focus has  overlooked the dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n and emotional involvement (Brehmer, 1987; Siegelman, 1983; Sweeney, 1985). Results of the study suggested that there is support for a new model of risk-taking that incorporates both the dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality.  The categories of risk-taking  described by participants included career/employment, education, i n t e r p e r s o n a l / r e l a t i o n s h i p , personal, r e l o c a t i o n , and other risks including t r a v e l , f i n a n c i a l , physical adventure, d r i v i n g , health,  109 and legal  risks.  These risk-taking  categories have been  c l a s s i f i e d as a f f i l i a t i v e , instrumental, or both.  Risk-taking  designated as a f f i l i a t i v e in nature included the categories interpersonal/relationship Risk-taking  risks and personal growth  designated as instrumental  risks.  in nature included the  categories of career/employment, education, and other Risk-taking  of  risks.  designated as both a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental  in  nature included the category of relocation risks because the relocations involved either the attainment of personal the accommodation of the needs of a partner. incidents of risk-taking  goals or  Of the 240  described by the p a r t i c i p a n t s , 38% are  c l a s s i f i e d as a f f i l i a t i v e , 57% as instrumental, and 5% as relocation risks involving both a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental factors.  The findings  support the thesis that women describe  significant  experiences of r i s k - t a k i n g within the dimension of  affiliation  (relationships  and attachment to others) as well as  within the dimension of instrumentality individual  (the achievement of  goals).  In proposing a model that describes women's risk-taking  as  both a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental, i t must be understood that these dimensions personal  are incomplete descriptors of the complex and  nature of risk-taking behaviour.  The dimensions are not  mutually exclusive, nor are they opposing and contradictory. examples provided by the participants were neither t o t a l l y  The  110 a f f i l i a t i v e nor t o t a l l y instrumental.  Elements of instrumental  motivation and behaviour were evident in risk-taking as a f f i l i a t i v e .  The risk-taking of S.,  classified  in confronting her father  for sexually abusing her, demonstrated both a concern for him and her family, and for the attainment of her personal goal individuation.  of  Elements of a f f i l i a t i o n were found in risks  c l a s s i f i e d as instrumental.  When G. began to work with her  partner in his business, both the relationship with him and the financial  success of the business were at r i s k .  interrelate.  The dimensions  Women a c t i v e l y engaged in risk-taking that spanned  both dimensions:  they risked the maintenance of interpersonal  relationships and the attainment of personal  goals.  The results of this research suggest that risk-taking both a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental  in nature.  is  These dimensions  were used to conceptualize risk-taking behaviour and motivation, and to present support for the argument that the majority of research, to date, has overlooked the a f f i l i a t i v e aspects of risk-taking  in favour of the instrumental aspects.  A model that  incorporates both a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality increases our understanding of the nature and significance of risk-taking women's  in  lives.  A model of risk-taking that values both personal  goal  attainment and connection to others supports the work of Siegelman  (1983) and Sweeney (1985).  Both researchers reported  Ill s i g n i f i c a n t incidents of r i s k - t a k i n g related to the maintenance of interpersonal relationships and to the achievement of personal goals.  Siegelman (1983) wrote of s e l f - d e f i n e d risks cited by 294  p a r t i c i p a n t s , 70% of whom were women.  Approximately 42%  described risks connected with work; 21% described interpersonal r i s k s , and 21% described the risk of relocation involving both interpersonal and vocational f a c t o r s . the three most s i g n i f i c a n t as risks of 'being myself,'  Sweeney (1985) documented  risks cited by 18 female entrepreneurs risks concerning work, and risks  involving the welfare of others.  The results of both studies  support the conceptualization of risk-taking in terms of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality. The results of this study also support the observations of Kogan and Wallach (1964) and Brehmer (1987) who suggested that risk-taking may also be emotional and motivational in nature and based upon real l i f e experience, rather than s t r i c t l y cognitive and based upon rational decisionmaking in hypothetical situations. this  The r i s k - t a k i n g experiences of women reported in  research supports Brehmer's observation that psychological  research into risk-taking has been limited by a one-dimensional, cognitive approach. Carol G i l l i g a n (1982) expanded an understanding of moral development that had previously emphasized a cognitive approach to reasoning that valued separation and individuation  112 (instrumentality)  over attachment ( a f f i l i a t i o n ) .  Her research  demonstrated that both the dimensions of separation, or instrumentality, and attachment, or a f f i l i a t i o n , are relevant to the moral reasoning of both women and men.  The results found in  this study of women's risk-taking lend support to the work of G i l l i g a n and others (Bern, 1978; Choderow, 1974; M i l l e r , 1976) who have i d e n t i f i e d the importance of a f f i l i a t i o n in women's Participants  lives.  in this study defined risk-taking in ways that  further our understanding and support the conceptualization of risk-taking  in terms of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality.  Traditional d e f i n i t i o n s have emphasized elements of physical safety or u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y (Guralnik, Nemirovsky, 1984).  1979; Keinan, Meir, & Gome-  Defined by the Webster New World Dictionary  (1979), risk is "the chance of i n j u r y , damage, or loss" (p. 516). The emphasis in this d e f i n i t i o n relates to the consequences of an action or event.  Results from the present study suggested that  r i s k - t a k i n g is more complex.  Participants emphasized elements of  emotional, as well as i n t e l l e c t u a l and p h y s i c a l , involvement, potential  loss, uncertainty regarding the outcome, and a personal  process of change.  Risk-taking was viewed as a process that  involved concern for both the attainment of a goal and for the connection of s e l f to the social and physical environment. d e f i n i t i o n s incorporated elements of instrumentality and affiliation.  The  113 The themes i d e n t i f i e d in the present study support the work of Siegelman  (1983).  Siegelman wrote that personal  characterized by four elements: the p o s s i b i l i t y of s i g n i f i c a n t  risk  is  uncertainty about the outcome, losses as well as gains, the  permanence of consequences, and a high degree of personal significance.  There are strong p a r a l l e l s between the themes  i d e n t i f i e d by Siegelman  (1983) and those i d e n t i f i e d in the  present study. In considering the themes described by the p a r t i c i p a n t s , traditional  d e f i n i t i o n s of the term r i s k - t a k i n g , which have  focussed on physical  safety or u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y , appear to offer  a limited understanding of the process involved in  risk-taking.  A more complete d e f i n i t i o n of the term r i s k - t a k i n g , arising from t h i s research, might be as follows:  Risk-taking  is a personal  and fundamental change process that engages levels of emotional, p h y s i c a l , and i n t e l l e c t u a l involvement, as the individual encounters potential loss or gain, and uncertainty regarding the outcome. Analysis of the interview results supports the supposition that a relationship exists between social context and r i s k taking.  Women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations focussed on the  a f f i l i a t i v e dimension of risk-taking to a greater extent that women in non-traditional occupations.  The t r a d i t i o n a l  reported a balance of a f f i l i a t i v e risks (48% of group  group response)  114 and instrumental  risks (45%).  Women in non-traditional  occupations emphasized instrumental a f f i l i a t i v e risk-taking  (29%).  risk-taking  (68%) over  Relocation risks,  involving both  dimensions, accounted for the remainder; 7% of the response for the t r a d i t i o n a l  group and 3% for the non-traditional  Differences between t r a d i t i o n a l  and non-traditional  group. occupation  groups with respect to working environment appeared to be related to differences in emphasis upon a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental risk-taking. The differences in work environment and demographic variables  between the two occupational  groups provide insight  into the observed differences in the emphasis placed on r i s k taking.  Significant  differences were found in employment  personal  income, and number of c h i l d r e n .  status,  The non-traditional  group was more a c t i v e l y engaged in f u l l - t i m e employment (86.4%) than the t r a d i t i o n a l  group (18.4%).  The t r a d i t i o n a l  group was  more a c t i v e l y engaged in homemaking and/or part-time employment (72.7%) than the non-traditional of the women in non-traditional  group (4.5%).  Forty-one percent  employment earned at  least  $30,000 annually, whereas 59% of the women in the t r a d i t i o n a l group earned less than $10,000.  Women in the t r a d i t i o n a l  group  reported having an average of 2.3 c h i l d r e n , greater than the average of 0.50 children for the non-traditional The two groups did not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y  group of women.  with respect to age,  115 l i v i n g status, and level of education. the non-traditional  By d e f i n i t i o n , women in  group were engaged in occupations  h i s t o r i c a l l y held by men, in which they represented less than one-third of the labour force. Tentative conclusions,  related to the interplay of social  context and r i s k - t a k i n g ,  arise from the observed differences  between the two groups.  It would appear that work a c t i v i t y ,  personal circumstance, and social  context may be related to the  opportunity, motivation, and demand for risk-taking  behaviour.  While no evidence of a cause-effect relationship can be claimed, the results  suggest that non-traditional work a c t i v i t y and more  t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t y , including homemaking and c h i l d - r e a r i n g , might be linked to differences in the emphasis placed on a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental employment in non-traditional  risk-taking. occupations  or predisposition for instrumental engagement  in t r a d i t i o n a l  It may be that is linked to a demand  risk-taking  and that  a c t i v i t i e s is linked to a greater  demand or predisposition for a f f i l i a t i v e risk-taking.  Income  l e v e l , employment status and childrearing a c t i v i t y may be related to risk-taking  as w e l l .  Further study would be required to  provide a greater understanding of the relationship between social  context, a c t i v i t y , and  risk-taking.  The influence of external factors or social  context upon  human behaviour has been documented (Cox, 1981; Firestone, 1970;  116 Kaufman & Richardson, 1982; Tangri, 1975).  Firestone (1970)  linked the differences between feminine and masculine roles to differences in social  and biological  function.  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  she asserted that reproduction and childrearing influenced and limited feminine role behaviour. The significance of social  context with respect to  taking behaviour has been a r t i c u l a t e d as w e l l .  risk-  Several  researchers have described the need for further exploration of r i s k - t a k i n g within a framework of r e a l - l i f e experience and social context (Brehmer, 1987; Siegelman, 1983, Sweeney, 1985).  Others  have provided evidence of external, as well as personal,  factors  influencing women's r i s k - t a k i n g , negative social  including limited opportunity,  consequences, gender and outgroup effects in the  workplace, and s o c i a l i z a t i o n  (Gerike, 1983; Morscher & Schindler  Jones, 1982; Waites,  The observation of differences in  1978).  the nature of risk-taking described by the women in this supports the accumulated research l i n k i n g social risk-taking  study  context and  behaviour.  Another observation of difference between the two occupational groups contributes to this discussion. found that a s i g n i f i c a n t l y traditional  This study  higher number of women in the  group (11) were c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI,  compared to women in the non-traditional  group (2).  results showed that there was a s i g n i f i c a n t l y  Further,  greater number of  117 women c l a s s i f i e d as masculine in the non-traditional than in the t r a d i t i o n a l group (2).  group  (11)  These results contradict, in  part, the findings of Glasgow (1982) who reported a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater number of women c l a s s i f i e d as androgynous t r a d i t i o n a l occupations.  in non-  The present study supports Glasgow's  finding that women in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations were more l i k e l y to be c l a s s i f i e d as feminine on the BSRI. The interview results provided support for a tentative link between occupational a c t i v i t y , sex role orientation and r i s k taking behaviour.  It appeared that women in t r a d i t i o n a l  activity  were more l i k e l y to identify with feminine characteristics and reported a greater number of a f f i l i a t i v e r i s k s , whereas women in non-traditional a c t i v i t y were more l i k e l y to identify with masculine c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and reported a greater number of instrumental  risks.  Further study is required to provide a  better understanding of the relationships between sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n , r i s k - t a k i n g behaviour, and occupational a c t i v i t y . For example, an exploration of possible relationships between masculinity and instrumental risk-taking and between femininity and a f f i l i a t i v e risk-taking might be of benefit.  Potentially,  the inclusion of men in a s i m i l a r study might shed further l i g h t on the dimensions of r i s k - t a k i n g explored with the women in this study. In postulating the existence of a ' d i f f e r e n t voice'  118 a r t i c u l a t e d by women in descriptions of moral Gilligan  decision-making,  (1982) cautioned that generalizations based upon gender-  s p e c i f i c differences were inappropriate.  It would be misleading  to suggest that the dimension of instrumentality represents male behaviour or that the dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n represents female behaviour.  The voices of the women in this study a r t i c u l a t e d a  complex range of experiences, both instrumental and a f f i l i a t i v e . The significance of the present study comes from these  results  and supports the observation that the dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n has been largely overlooked in the psychology of  risk-taking.  Evidence of the dimensions of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality operating within a contextual framework may contribute to a greater understanding of r i s k - t a k i n g behaviour in the l i v e s of both women and men. The relationship between sex-role orientation and r i s k taking was also explored through analysis of the results from the BSRI, the CDQ and a self-estimate of risk scale.  It was  hypothesized that a positive relationship would exist between risk-taking behaviour, as measured by the inventories, and androgynous  sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n .  The results indicated that  participants c l a s s i f i e d by sex-role orientation (feminine, masculine, androgynous, or undifferentiated) did not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y on results from either the CDQ or the s e l f estimated risk scale.  These results contradict the findings  of  119 Glasgow (1982) who reported that women c l a s s i f i e d as androgynous on the BSRI scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than other women on s e l f estimated r i s k - t a k i n g .  The findings support the work of Shiendling  (1985) who reported no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between sex-role orientation and results from the CDQ.  The lack of support for a  relationship between sex-role orientation and measures of r i s k taking suggests that s i m i l a r i t i e s exist in women's estimates of r i s k - t a k i n g , i r r e s p e c t i v e of sex-role o r i e n t a t i o n . The relationship between career orientation and risk-taking as measured by the CDQ and a self-estimate of risk was also examined.  It was hypothesized that a positive relationship would  be supported between non-traditional occupational a c t i v i t y and higher scores of r i s k - t a k i n g on the CDQ and the self-estimate of risk scale.  Again, the results did not support this  hypothesis  as no s i g n i f i c a n t differences were found between occupational groups and estimates of  risk-taking.  The results contradicted two studies which reported that women in non-traditional occupations scored higher on the CDQ or on self-reported estimates of risk-taking than women in t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t y (Glasgow, 1982; Steiner, 1986).  The present  findings suggested that women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations respond to estimates of risk-taking in a manner more s i m i l a r than might have been expected.  This observation supports  the findings of Brown (1978), who compared risk-taking between  120 married and divorced women, and Shiendling  (1985), who compared  r i s k - t a k i n g between women engaged in p r o s t i t u t i o n and women engaged in occupations perceived as less risky. found no support for s i g n i f i c a n t  Both researchers  differences between groups on  r i s k - t a k i n g measures, including the CDQ and s e l f - r e p o r t estimates.  Glasgow (1982) also noted that women in t r a d i t i o n a l  and non-traditional occupations appeared more similar than different. The women in t h i s study recorded no s i g n i f i c a n t  differences  in responding to a self-estimate of risk scale and the CDQ. Results from the 12-item CDQ averaged 57 out of a maximum 108 points.  This average indicated a willingness  to risk in each  hypothetical situation only i f the chance for a successful outcome was between 5 and 6 out of 10, which is a reasonably conservative estimate of r i s k - t a k i n g .  Results from the 7 point  self-estimate of risk scale averaged 5.2, which indicates that participants  rated themselves as often w i l l i n g to take a risk  t h e i r own l i v e s .  in  While comparisons between the two scales cannot  be s t a t i s t i c a l l y substantiated, i t is interesting to speculate whether the women were more w i l l i n g to risk in r e a l - l i f e situations  than in hypothetical s i t u a t i o n s .  Further study into  t h i s question may prove b e n e f i c i a l . A second observation arises from t h i s speculation.  The CDQ  asked respondents to respond on the basis of advice they would  121 give to the person named in each s i t u a t i o n , rather than on how they would behave in the s i t u a t i o n .  It would be of interest to  explore differences in willingness to advise others and willingness  to personally engage in r i s k - t a k i n g .  speculate that the CDQ does not measure personal  One might risk-taking,  but rather measures a willingness to give advice to others. The interview and s t a t i s t i c a l  results suggest that the CDQ  does not f u l l y capture the experiences of risk-taking described by the women in the study.  The original  inventory consisted of 12  s i t u a t i o n s , each with a male central character faced with a decision involving r i s k - t a k i n g .  For the purpose of this  study,  one-half of the items were altered to include a central female character.  Of the 12 items, 11 consisted of  risk-taking  situations that can be c l a s s i f i e d as instrumental in nature, involving career, sports, education, and f i n a n c i a l  risk-taking.  Only one s i t u a t i o n , involving a marriage d e c i s i o n , can be c l a s s i f i e d as a f f i l i a t i v e in nature.  In light of the interview  results which highlighted the importance of a f f i l i a t i v e r i s k taking in women's l i v e s , there is support for the observation that the CDQ does not accurately r e f l e c t situations women's experience of r i s k - t a k i n g .  relevant to  This observation supports the  work of Brown (1978) and Sweeney (1985) who c r i t i c i z e d the CDQ for a lack of content relevant to women. Gilligan  (1986) described the need for research on the  122 psychology of women to begin with established research tools and paradigms and to then expand the research to include an exploration of women's experience in real l i f e rather than in artificial  or hypothetical s i t u a t i o n s .  The present study used  the administration of the CDQ as a bridge, connecting i t to the previous research on r i s k - t a k i n g .  The results a r i s i n g from i t s  use suggested that the participants did not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y in t h e i r estimations of hypothetical r i s k - t a k i n g .  The research  was expanded by an analysis of self-reported incidents of r i s k taking.  The results generated from the interviews furthered an  understanding of women's risk-taking beyond the results demonstrated from analysis of the CDQ r e s u l t s .  The significance  of personal experience, social context, and r e a l - l i f e experience that arose from the personal descriptions and d e f i n i t i o n s of r i s k taking provided by participants broadened an understanding of risk-taking relevant to women.  The richness and complexity of  p a r t i c i p a n t s ' personal descriptions of risk-taking supports the observations of researchers who called for further study into the r e a l - l i f e experience of r i s k - t a k i n g  (Brehmer, 1987; Siegelman,  1983; Sweeney, 1985; Waites, 1978). The c r i t i q u e of the CDQ as a measure of risk-taking was supported by comments from the participants who were asked to give t h e i r reaction to the inventory. participants were c r i t i c a l  of the CDQ.  The majority (73%) of It  is c r i t i c i z e d for  123 biased and inappropriate s i t u a t i o n s , a lack of social context, the assumption that advice given to another person r e f l e c t s personal r i s k - t a k i n g , and for the assumption that absolute solutions exist for complex human dilemmas. These c r i t i c a l  comments demonstrated p a r t i c i p a n t s ' concern  for the individuals mentioned in the dilemmas, for personal and social factors influencing the s i t u a t i o n s , and for the imposition of advice-giving upon others.  These observations supported the  research findings that participants approached risk-taking from a perspective that valued a f f i l i a t i o n as well as instrumentality, that social context is linked to risk-taking a c t i v i t y , and that the CDQ does not provide a complete portrayal of  risk-taking  relevant to p a r t i c i p a n t s ' l i f e experiences. Feminist scholars  ( G i l l i g a n , 1982; Lerman, 1987; Oakley,  1981) have documented the need for research into the psychology of women to a c t i v e l y engage women in the process of research and interviewing.  Inclusion of participants is c a l l e d for in order  to counter the treatment of research participants as passive objects and to further the validation of p a r t i c i p a n t s ' subjective experience.  It was hypothesized that the conduct of the present  study, which encouraged comments about the research, would contribute to an increased understanding of risk-taking by participants.  Support was found for this hypothesis.  By s e l f -  reported comments, the majority (73%) of participants indicated  124 that t h e i r involvement in the study had increased t h e i r understanding of risk-taking increased self-awareness,  and perception of s e l f .  They cited  confidence, and knowledge about the  risks they encountered in daily l i f e .  This research has provided  both theoretical insights relevant to the nature of women's  risk-  taking and personal insights for participants to the extent that they reported an increase in t h e i r self-esteem and knowledge. Lerman (1987) proposed a preliminary set of c r i t e r i a by which models of personality and behaviour describing female experience might be evaluated. following requirements:  The c r i t e r i a articulated the  c l i n i c a l usefulness, recognition of the  d i v e r s i t y of women, a positive view of women, relevance to women's experience, recognition of the connection between internal  (personal)  and external (social) f a c t o r s ,  language, and support for non-sexist therapy.  inclusive  interpretations and  This investigation has attempted to s a t i s f y  these  c r i t e r i a by respecting and exploring women's lived experience within a social context and by u t i l i s i n g methods and language that support non-sexist values. ( E i c h l e r , 1980).  Research is not values free  The design and conduct of this research has  been influenced by my understanding of feminist p r i n c i p l e s .  The  limitations and implications of this study are discussed with Lerman's c r i t e r i a in mind.  125 Limitations Evident in this study are methodological  limitations  concerning the sample, the type of design chosen, data analyses, and the theoretical constructs presented.  The sample size  (44)  was large and varied enough to demonstrate a broad range of taking, but had limited s t a t i s t i c a l  risk-  power, r e s t r i c t i n g  generalizations to the general population.  The women were  diverse in age, education, employment status,  income l e v e l , and  l i v i n g status, but were predominantly white and anglophone. Women from d i f f e r e n t ethnic and cultural backgrounds were underrepresented.  No attempt was made to recruit women with  d i s a b i l i t i e s or native, francophone, and immigrant women.  The  sample was chosen from groups i d e n t i f i e d through personal contacts of the researcher, rather than randomly selected. participants were volunteers.  All  The sample, therefore, was not  representative of the general female population. It  is acknowledged that, while t h i s study is meant to be  accessible to non-academics, some terminology is exclusive and p a r t i c u l a r to those versed in psychology and s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. The design of this study was broad and incorporated both survey and causal-comparative methods. descriptive rather than analytical  The research was  in nature.  In-depth analysis  of the process, motivation, and cause-and-effeet of women's  risk-  0  126 taking was beyond the scope and intent of this study. statistical  The  and content analysis techniques used in this  study  permitted descriptions of r i s k - t a k i n g and relationships between subgroups only.  No causal  inferences may be drawn from the  observed r e s u l t s . Quantitative research derives i t s potency from the demonstration of s t a t i s t i c a l l y  significant  differences.  As  evidenced in the work of Maccoby and J a c k l i n (1974) there is a tendency within psychology to stress sex and gender differences rather than s i m i l a r i t i e s .  Statistical  evidence of 'no sex  d i f f e r e n c e ' is often dismissed as i n s i g n i f i c a n t Emphasis on differences and dismissal  ( E i c h l e r , 1980).  of s i m i l a r i t i e s can d i s t o r t  the interpretation of research r e s u l t s .  This study has attempted  to recognize the existence of s i m i l a r i t i e s as well as differences in the risk-taking experience of p a r t i c i p a n t s .  S i m i l a r i t i e s were  i d e n t i f i e d through discussion of hypotheses that were not supported in the analysis of  results.  The data analysis was further limited by two f a c t o r s .  Five  years elapsed between the start and completion of the study and only one person was used to code information and generate categories in the analysis of the interview data.  The use of two  coders and an abbreviated time frame would strengthen the research design. The theoretical constructs supporting this  research arise  127 from a feminist approach to psychology.  Modern feminism embodies  a variety of approaches and has developed from a broad spectrum of personal experiences and scholarship.  Feminist  psychology  presents a challenge for scholars to be informed by a m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y perspective while remaining close to the richness of women's lived experience. psychological study.  This challenge requires  researchers to be f a m i l i a r with many areas of  This may present problems in the analysis of theory  generated from d i s c i p l i n e s unfamiliar to the researcher.  In t h i s  research, for example, a concern was i d e n t i f i e d regarding the use of a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental dimensions that originated in the work of Parsons (1955), a s o c i o l o g i s t .  This e a r l i e r work is  limited in feminist a p p l i c a b i l i t y for i t s assumption of sex or gender based behaviour and i t s f a i l u r e to c r i t i q u e the social structures that maintain a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental  roles.  Research can be severely limited without a h i s t o r i c a l and m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y context within which concepts can be evaluated. It  is a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of researchers to identify c o n f l i c t i n g  perspectives, to evaluate e a r l i e r findings, and to develop new theoretical  constructs.  While the preceding considerations in methodology l i m i t the extent to which the results may be interpreted and generalized, the research design corresponded with the intent and focus of the study.  In retrospect, were t h i s study to be r e p l i c a t e d , a  128 phenomenological approach might be employed. a critical  The exploration of  incident of r i s k - t a k i n g with fewer participants and a  less structured interview format might generate similar themes. Implications This research explored the question of how women define and experience r i s k - t a k i n g  in t h e i r l i v e s .  Throughout the discussion  of r e s u l t s , the significance of risk-taking within a dimension of a f f i l i a t i o n , or connection to others, as well as a dimension of instrumentality, or attainment of personal goals, was i d e n t i f i e d . The women who participated in this study also i d e n t i f i e d the significance of social context and personal circumstance as factors related to t h e i r risk-taking  behaviour.  The views offered by participants are consistent with the work of feminist developmental theorists such as G i l l i g a n  (1982),  M i l l e r (1976), and Choderow (1974) who provided evidence that women develop in r e l a t i o n to others and experience t h e i r l i v e s within a relational and contextual framework. findings  The research  also support the observations of theorists in the area  of psychological  risk such as Brehmer (1987), Siegelman  (1983),  and Sweeney (1985) who a r t i c u l a t e d the bias in risk-taking theory that has emphasized a one-dimensional, cognitive focus removed from r e a l - l i f e experience. The present study has contributed to an increased understanding of the importance of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality  129 in women's risk-taking and has provided support for a twodimensional model of r i s k - t a k i n g that incorporates personal and social circumstances.  These findings suggest implications for  research and practical applications f o r counselling and education. Research implications relate to further study into the psychology of risk-taking and of women's development.  Research  addressing the r i s k - t a k i n g of groups underrepresented or not included in t h i s study, such as native, francophone, immigrant, and handicapped women, would be appropriate.  Exploration of the  personal experiences of men would p o t e n t i a l l y extend the conceptualization of a f f i l i a t i v e and instrumental  risk-taking.  Further examination of the differences between women in t r a d i t i o n a l and non-traditional occupations, and between women with d i f f e r i n g sex-role orientations, with respect to the demand or predisposition for risk-taking would expand upon the findings of this study.  It has been noted that further study would be  required to analyze the process and motivational aspects of r i s k taking. My personal observations suggest that an exploration of possible changes in risk-taking behaviour over the l i f e span may provide additional insights into r i s k - t a k i n g .  I also anticipate  that a relationship might exist between one's l i f e values and risk-taking.  130 It has also been noted that a need exists for further research on women's development that respects and explores  life  experience, challenges established theories and methodology, encourages the active involvement of women in the research, and analyzes social as well as personal behaviour.  r e a l i t i e s that may affect  In addition, assessment t o o l s , such as the CDQ,  require examination concerning t h e i r appropriateness for use with women.  F i n a l l y , research that explores other aspects of  behaviour u t i l i s i n g the constructs of a f f i l i a t i o n and instrumentality may enhance our understanding of the importance of relationships and the achievement of personal goals in the l i v e s of both women and men. Practical applications of the findings discussed in this research relate to implications for counselling and education. Feminist counselling encourages positive evaluation and development of women, social analysis,  and the active  p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in the counselling process, to f a c i l i t a t e personal change (Russell,  1984).  This study encouraged  participants to describe t h e i r own experience and to be actively engaged in the interview process.  As a r e s u l t , the majority of  participants reported an increase in knowledge and self-esteem with respect to r i s k - t a k i n g .  The results also supported the  existence of a relationship between social context and personal experience of r i s k - t a k i n g .  These findings  support the value of a  131 feminist approach to research and counselling with women. The results also highlighted s p e c i f i c implications counselling p r a c t i c e .  The significance of a f f i l i a t i o n , as well  as instrumentality, deserves recognition in therapeutic including career counselling. counselling assistance  Participants  involved r i s k - t a k i n g .  counselling issue.  settings,  reported that seeking The loss  experienced by many participants in the process of may be a s i g n i f i c a n t  for  risk-taking  The results  inform  counselling practice about the risks involved in returning to employment or education a f t e r an absence.  The risks encountered  by women on the job, p a r t i c u l a r l y by women in non-traditional occupations, may emerge as counselling concerns. The results may further inform counselling and education programs that are concerned with issues such as depression, esteem, assertiveness,  alcohol and drug treatment,  and career or l i f e planning.  self-  relationships,  Career development programming may  be enhanced by the inclusion of the options and risks to be considered by g i r l s and women seeking to enter non-traditional occupations, and by women seeking a return to the labour force after an absence.  F i n a l l y , the further development of feminist  and non-sexist methods of counselling and education may challenge stereotypical assumptions  and myths about human development as  challenged by the women in the present study.  REFERENCES Alper, T. G. (1974). Achievement motivation in college women: A now-you-see-it-now-you-don't phenomenon. American Psychologist,  29, 194-203.  A r i s t o t l e . (1962). P o l i t i c s ( J . A. S i n c l a i r , Trans.). Middlesex: Penguin C l a s s i c s .  (Original  publication date unknown)  Atkinson, J . W. (1957). Motivational  determinants of risk-taking  behavior. Psychological Review, 64, 359-372. Atkinson, J . W. (1964). Motives in fantasy, action and society. Princeton: Van Nostrand. Aurich, L. W. (1976). Risk taking behavior as a function of sex, age, and locus of c o n t r o l . Dissertation  Abstracts  International, 36, 4144B. Bakan, D. (1966). The duality of human existence. Chicago: Rand McNally. Bardwick, J . M. (1971). Psychology of women. New York: Harper & Row. Bardwick, J . , Douvan, E., Horner, M., & Gutman, D. (Eds.). (1970). Feminine personality and c o n f l i c t . Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole. Bern, D. (1980). The concept of risk in the study of human behaviour. In J . Dowie & P. Lefrere (Eds.), Risk and chance: Selected readings  (pp. 1-15). Milton Keynes, Eng: Open  University Press.  132  133 Bern, S. L. (1974). The measurement of psychological  androgyny.  Journal of Consulting and C l i n i c a l Psychology, 42, 155-162. Bern, S. L. (1977). Bern sex-role inventory (BSRI). In C. Carney & S. L. McMahon (Eds.), Exploring Contemporary male/female roles: A f a c i l i t a t o r s guide (pp. 103-110). San Diego: University Associates. Bern, S. L. (1978). Probing the promise of androgyny. In J . Sherman & F. Denmark (Eds.), The psychology of women: Future directions in research (pp. 1-23). New York: Psychological Dimensions. Bern, S. L. (1987). Gender schema theory and i t s implications for c h i l d development: Raising gender-aschematic children in a gender-schematic society. In M. R. Walsh (Ed.), The psychology of women: Ongoing debates (pp. 226-245). New Haven: Yale University Press. B e r l i n , P. (1974). The woman athlete. In E. Gerber et a l . (Eds.), The American woman in sport (pp. 283-400). Reading: AddisonWesley. Block, J . H. (1976). Assessing  sex differences: Issues, problems  and p i t f a l l s . Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 22, 283-308. Block, J . H. (1981). Debatable conclusions about sex differences: A review of Maccoby and J a c k l i n . In S. Cox (Ed.), Female psychology: The emerging s e l f (pp. 81-90). New York: St. Martin's  Press.  134 Bonucchi, M. (1985). A phenomenological study of powerful women (Doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Michigan, 1985). Dissertation Abstracts International, 46, 1837A. Borg, W. R., & G a l l , M. (1983). Educational research: An introduction. New York: Longman. Brehmer, B. (1987). The psychology of r i s k .  In W. T. Singleton &  J . Hovden (Eds.), Risk and decisions (pp. 25-39). Chichester England: John Wiley & Sons. Brockhaus, R. H. (1980). Risk-taking  propensity of entrepreneurs.  Academy of Management Journal, 23, 509-520. Broverman, I.,  Broverman, D. M., Clarkson, F. E., Rosenkrantz, P.  & Vogel, S. R. (1970). Sex-role stereotypes and c l i n i c a l judgements. Journal of Consulting and C l i n i c a l Psychology, 34, 1-7. Brown, E. (1978). An investigation of risk-taking and fear of f a i l u r e in married and divorced women (Doctoral  dissertation,  Texas Woman's University, 1978). Dissertation Abstracts International, 39, 1453B. Bruner, J . S., & T a j f e l , H. (1961). Cognitive risk and environmental change. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 62, 231-241. Chaplin, J . P. (1975). Dictionary of psychology. New York: D e l l . Chehrazi, S. (1986). Is psychoanalytic theory relevant to women? In M. R. Walsh (Ed.), The psychology of women (pp. 22-38).  S.,  135 New Haven: Yale University  Press.  Chesler, P. (1972). Women and madness. Garden C i t y , NY: Doubleday. Choderow, N. (1974). Family structure and feminine personality. In M. Z. Rosaldo & L. Lamphere (Eds.), Women, culture and society (pp. 43-66). Stanford: Stanford University  Press.  Choderow, N. (1978). The reproduction of mothering: Psychoanalysis  and the sociology of gender. Berkeley:  University of C a l i f o r n i a Press. Cohen, J . (1960). Chance, s k i l l  and luck. Baltimore: Penguin Books.  Colby, A., & Damon, W. (1987). Listening to a different voice: A review of G i l l i g a n ' s  In A Different Voice. In M. R. Walsh  (Ed.), The Psychology of Women: Ongoing debates (pp. 321-329). New Haven: Yale University Combs, B.,  Press.  & S l o v i c , P. (1979). Causes of death: Biased newspaper  coverage and biased judgements. Journalism Quarterly, 56, 837843, 849. Constable, D. A. (1987). Sex-role orientation and adjustment to hysterectomy. Unpublished master's t h e s i s , University of Alberta, Edmonton. Constantinople, A. (1973). Masculinity-femininity: An exception to a famous dictum? Psychological Cox, S.  (Ed.).  B u l l e t i n , 80, 389-407.  (1981). Female psychology: The emerging  New York: St. Martins  Press.  self.  136 Deutsch, C. J . , & G i l b e r t , L. A. (1976). Sex-role stereotypes: Effects on perceptions of s e l f and others and on personal adjustment. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 23, 373-379. Deutsch, H. (1944). The psychology of women: A psychoanalytic perspective. New York: Grune & Stratton. E i c h l e r , M. (1980). The double standard: A feminist c r i t i q u e of feminist social  science. New York: St. Martin's Press.  Employment & Immigration Canada. (1984). Women and nontraditional  occupations: L i s t i n g of occupations, by 4 d i g i t  CCDO code, i d e n t i f i e d as non-traditional for women. Edmonton: Alberta & NWT Regional  Office.  Erickson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: W. W. Norton. Farley, F. (1986, May). World of the type T personality. Psychology Today, pp. 46-52. Fidel 1, L. S.  (1970). Empirical v e r i f i c a t i o n of sex  discrimination in h i r i n g practices in psychology. American Psychologist, Firestone, S.  25, 1094-1098.  (1970). The d i a l e c t i c of sex. New York:  William  Morrow. Fisher, S.,  & Greenberg, R. P. (1977). The s c i e n t i f i c c r e d i b i l i t y  of Freud's theories and therapy. New York: Basic Books. Freud, S.  (1980). Femininity. In S. Ruth (Ed.),  Issues in  feminism (pp. 125-138). Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n .  (Reprinted  137 from J . Strachey (Ed. and Trans.). New introductory lectures on psychoanalysis.  1933. New York: W. W. Norton.)  Friedan, B. (1963). The feminine mystique. New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Friedan, B. (1977). It changed my l i f e : Writings  on the women's  movement. New York: D e l l . Frumkes, L. (1981). Romance with danger: The high  risk  personality. Harper's Bazaar, 114 (3234), 153. Gerike, A. E. (1983). Management: A study of salary and status, job-related behaviors, and other factors in comparison with those of male counterparts (Doctoral  d i s s e r t a t i o n , The  University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 1983). Dissertation  Abstracts  International, 45, 722B. G i l l i g a n , C. (1977). In a different voice: Women's conception of s e l f and morality. Harvard Educational Review, 47, 481-517. G i l l i g a n , C. (1982). In a d i f f e r e n t voice: Psychological  theory  and women's development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. G i l l i g a n , C. (1986). On "in a d i f f e r e n t voice": An i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y forum: A Reply" Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 11, 324-333. Gilligan, C ,  & Belenky, M. (1980). A n a t u r a l i s t i c study of  abortion decisions. Clinical  In R. L. Selman & R. Yando (Eds.),  Developmental Psychology  (pp. 69-90). San Francisco:  138 Jossey Bass. Glasgow, A. I.  (1982). A comparison of the background and  personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , sex-roles and work values of women t r a i n i n g in t r a d i t i o n a l occupations and non-traditional trades. Unpublished master's t h e s i s , University of Alberta, Edmonton. Goldberg, P. (1968). Are women prejudiced against women? Transaction, S{5),  28-30.  Goldenberg, N. R. (1976). A feminist c r i t i q u e of Jung. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 2, 443-449. Graham, J . M., & Stark-Adamec, C. (1980). Sex and gender: The need for r e d e f i n i t i o n . Resources for Feminist Research, j), 7. Greenglass,  E. R. (1982). A world of d i f f e r e n c e : Gender roles in  perspective. Toronto: John Wiley & Sons. Greeno, C. G., & Maccoby, E. E. (1986). On "In  a different  voice": An i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y forum: How different is the ' d i f f e r e n t voice'? Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. U,  310-316.  Greenspan, M. (1983). A new approach to women and therapy. New York:  McGraw-Hill.  Greer, G. (1971). The female eunuch. New York: Doubleday. G r i f f i t h , R. M. (1949). Odds adjustment by American horse-race bettors. American Journal of Psychology, 62, 290-294. Guralnik, D. B. (Ed.).  (1979). Webster's new world d i c t i o n a r y .  139 Toronto: Fawcett. Henley, N. M. (1974). Resources for the study of psychology and women. Journal of Radical Therapy, 4_, 20-21. Henley, N. M. (1985). Psychology and gender. Signs: Journal of Women In Culture and Society, 11, 101-119. Higbee, K. L. (1970). Hypothetical vs. actual group  risk-taking  and the value of risk in a complex decision-making environment. Dissertation Abstracts Hollingworth, L. S.  International, 31, 1888A.  (1914). Functional p e r i o d i c i t y : An  experimental study of the mental and motor a b i l i t i e s of women during menstruation. College Contributions to Education, 69. New York: Teacher's College, Columbia University. Hollingworth, L. S.  (1916). Social  devices for impelling women to  bear and rear c h i l d r e n . American Journal of Sociology,  22,  19-29. Horner, M. S.  (1971). Femininity and successful  basic inconsistency. In M. H. Garskoff  achievement: A  (Ed.), Roles women  play: Readings toward women's l i b e r a t i o n (pp. 97-122). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole. Horner, M. S. (1972). Toward an understanding of achievementrelated c o n f l i c t s in women. Journal of Social  Issues,  128(2),  157-176. Homey, K. (1967). The d i s t r u s t (Ed.), Feminine psychology  between the sexes. In H. Kelman  (pp. 107-118). New York: Norton.  140 (Original work published 1930) Horney, K. (1981). The f l i g h t from womanhood. In S. Cox (Ed.), Female psychology: The emerging s e l f (p. 61). New York: St. Martin's Press. (Original work published 1926) Jackaway, R. F. (1975). Achievement attributions and the low expectation cycle in females. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association, Chicago. Janeway, E. (1971). Man's world, woman's place: A study in social mythology. New York: Delta. J e l l i s o n , J . M., & Riskind, J . (1970). A social comparison of a b i l i t i e s interpretation of risk-taking behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 15, 375-390. Jones, W. H., Cherovetz, M. E. 0., & Hansson, R. 0. (1978). The enigma of androgyny: D i f f e r e n t i a l implications for males and females? Journal of Consulting and C l i n i c a l Psychology, 46, 298-313. Jung, C. G. (1953). Anima and animus. In Two essays on analytical psychology: Collected works of C. G. Jung (pp. 186-209). New York: Bollingen Foundation, Pantheon Books. Kaplan, A. G., & Yasinski, L. (1980). Psychodynamic perspectives. In A. M. Brodsky & R. T. Hare-Mustin (Eds.), Women and psychotherapy (pp. 191-215). New York: Guilford Press. Kaufman, D. R., & Richardson, B. L. (1982). Achievement and women: Challenging the assumptions. New York: Free Press.  141 Keinan, G., Meir, E., & Gome-Nemirovsky, T. (1984). Measurement of r i s k - t a k e r s ' personality. Psychological  Reports, 55, 163-167.  Kerber, L. K. (1986). On " i n a d i f f e r e n t voice": An i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y forum: Some cautionary words for h i s t o r i a n s . Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 11, 304-310. Kogan, N., & Wallach, M. A. (1964). Risk-taking: A study in cognition and personality. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Kogan, N., & Wallach, M. A. (1967). Risk-taking  as a function of  the s i t u a t i o n , the person, and the group. New Directions in Psychology III.  New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.  Kohlberg, L. (1958). The development of modes of thinking and choices in years 10 to 16. Doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Chicago. Kohlberg, L. (1981). The philosophy of moral development. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Lamm, H., Trommsdorff, G., & Kogan, N. (1970).  Pessimism-optimism  and risk-taking in individual and group contexts. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 15, 366-374. Langer, E. (1980). The psychology of change. In J . Dowie & P. Lefrere (Eds.), Risk and chance: Selected readings  (pp. 98-  120). Milton Keyes, Eng: Open University Press. Lerman, H. (1987). From Freud to feminist personality theory: Getting here from there. In M. R. Walsh (Ed.), The psychology of women: Ongoing debates (pp. 39-58). New Haven: Yale  142 University  Press.  Levinger, G., & Schneider, D. J . (1969). Test of the ' r i s k is a value' hypothesis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,  U,  165-169.  Levinson, D. (1978). The seasons of a man's l i f e . New York: Ballantine  Books.  Lewis, H. (1986). Is Freud an enemy of women's liberation? Some historical  considerations.  In T. Bernay & D. W. Cantor (Eds.),  The psychology of today's woman (pp. 7-35). New York: Erlbaum Analytic Press. Lichenstein, G. (1981). Machisma: Women and daring. New York: Doubl eday. Lichtenstein, S.,  S l o v i c , P., F i s c h o f f , B., Layman, M., & Combs,  B. (1978). Judged frequency of lethal events. Journal of Experimental Psychology:  Human Learning and Memory, 4_,  551-578. Lott, B. (1981). A feminist c r i t i q u e of androgyny: Towards the elimination of gender attributions for learned behavior. In C. Mayo & N. M. Henley (Eds.), Gender and Nonverbal Behavior 171-180). New York:  (pp.  Springer-Verlag.  L u r i a , Z. (1986). On "In A Different Voice": An i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y forum: A methodological  c r i t i q u e . Signs: Journal of Women in  Culture and Society, 11, 316-321. Maccoby, E. E., & J a c k l i n , C. N. (1974). The psychology of sex  143 differences . Stanford: Stanford University Press. Malmo, C. L. (1983). Women's experience as women: Meaning and context. Unpublished doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Alberta, Edmonton. McGlocklin, W. H. (1956). S t a b i l i t y of choices among uncertain a l t e r n a t i v e s . American Journal of Psychology,  69, 604-615.  McLelland, D. C. (1961). The achieving society. Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand. McLelland, D. C ,  Atkinson, J . W., Clark, R. A., & Lowell, E. L.  (1953). The achievement motive. New York: Appleton. McLelland, D. C ,  & Watson, R. I.  (1973). Power motivation and  r i s k - t a k i n g behavior. Journal of Personality, 41, 121-139. Mednick, M. T. (1981). Psychology of women: Research issues and trends. In S. Cox (Ed.), Female psychology: The emerging s e l f (pp. 91-107). New York: St. Martin's Mednick, M. T . , Tangri, S. S.,  Press.  & Hoffman, L. W. (1975). Women and  achievement. New York: Hemisphere. M i l l e r , J . B. (Ed.)  (1973). Psychoanalysis  and women. New York:  Penguin Books. M i l l e r , J . B. (1976). Toward a new psychology of women. Boston: Beacon Press. M i l l e t t , K. (1970). Sexual p o l i t i c s . New York: Doubleday. M i t c h e l l , J . (1974). Psychoanalysis Random House.  and feminism. New York:  144 Moriarty, D. M. (1983). The relationship of risk-taking and s e l f esteem in working women (Doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , United States International  University, 1983). Dissertation Abstracts  International, 44, 594B. Morscher, B., & Schindler Jones, B. (1982). Risk-taking  for  women. New York: Everett House. Mussen, P. H. (1969). Early sex-role development. In D. A. Goslin (Ed.), Handbook of s o c i a l i z a t i o n theory research (pp. 707-731). Chicago:  Rand-McNally.  Newman, J . M. (1975). Risk-taking  in individual decision-making:  The effects of feedback and locus of control in modifying risk-taking behavior. Dissertation Abstracts  International,  35, 6079B. N i c h o l l s , J . (1975). Causal attributions and other achievementrelated cognitions: Effects of task, outcome, attainment value, and sex. Journal of Personality and Social  Psychology,  34, 561-568. Oakley, A. (1981). Interviewing women: A contradiction in terms. In H. Roberts (Ed.), Doing feminist research (pp. 30-61). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Offer, D. (1969). The psychological world of the teenager: A study of 175 boys. New York: Basic Books. Orenstein, A., & P h i l l i p s , W. R. (1978). Understanding social research. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.  145 Orlofsky, J . L. (1981). Relationship between sex-role attitudes and personality t r a i t s and the Sex-Role Behavior Scale - 1: A new measure of masculine and feminine role behaviors and i n t e r e s t s . Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40, 926-940. Parsons, T. (1955). Family structure and the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the c h i l d .  In T. Parsons & R. F. Bales  (Eds.), Family,  s o c i a l i z a t i o n and interaction process (pp. 35-132). Glencoe, IL:  Free Press.  Pettigrew, T. F. (1958). The measurement and correlates of category width as a cognitive variable. Journal of Personality, 26, 532-544. Piaget, J . (1932). The moral judgement of the c h i l d . New York: Free Press. Rich, A. (1967). Snapshots of a daughter-in-law:  Poems 1954-1962.  New York: W. W. Norton. Ronen, J . (Ed.).  (1983). Entrepreneurship. Lexington, MA:  Lexington Books, D. E. Heath and Company. Russell, M. N. (1984). S k i l l s in counseling women: The feminist approach. S p r i n g f i e l d , Russo, N. F. (Ed.).  IL: Charles C. Thomas.  (1979). The motherhood mandate [Special  i s s u e ] . Psychology of Women Quarterly, 4 j l ) . Ruth, S.  (Ed.).  Mifflin.  (1980). Issues in feminism. Boston:  Houghton  146 Sayers, J . (1986). Sexual Contradictions:  Psychology,  psychoanalysis and feminism. London: Tavistock. Sherman, J . A. (1971). On the psychology of women. S p r i n g f i e l d , IL: Thomas. Shiendling, S. M. (1985). An investigation of risk-appraisal  and  risk-taking behaviour among women involved in p r o s t i t u t i o n (Doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Miami, 1985). Dissertation Abstracts International, 46, 2501B-2502B. Siegelman, E. Y. (1983). Personal r i s k : Mastering change in love and work. New York: Harper & Row. S i l v e i r a , J . (1973). Male bias in psychology. In J . R. Leppaluoto (Ed.), Women on the move (pp. 95-110). Pittsburgh: KNOW. S i l v e r n , L. E., & Ryan, V. L. (1979). S e l f - r a t e d adjustment and sex-typing on the Bern Sex-Role Inventory:  Is masculinity the  primary predictor of adjustment? Sex Roles, j>, 739-763. S l o v i c , P. (1962). Convergent validation of risk-taking measures. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 65, 68-71. Spence, J . T . , & Helmreich, R. L. (1978). Masculinity and femininity: Their psychological dimensions, c o r r e l a t e s , and antecedents. Austin: University of Texas Press. Stack, C. B. (1986). On "In A Different Voice": An i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y forum: The culture of gender: Women and men of color. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 11, 321-324.  147 Stake, J . E. (1979). Women's self-estimates of competence and the resolution of the career/home c o n f l i c t . Journal of Vocational Behavior, 14, 33-42. Steiner, T. (1986). The relationships of females' sex-appropriate occupational choices, work commitment, and organizational commitment to selected demographic variables  (Doctoral  d i s s e r t a t i o n , Iowa State University, 1986). Dissertation Abstracts International, 47, 1196-A. Stoner, J . (1961). A comparison of individual and group decisions involving r i s k . Unpublished master's t h e s i s , Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Sweeney, J . L. (1985). Risk-taking  as a necessity for growth:  A study of the perceptions and experiences of a sample of successful contemporary American women. Dissertation  Abstracts  International, 46, 949B-950B. (University Microfilms No. 8509609). Tangri, S. (1975). Implied demand character of the wife's future and role innovation: Patterns of achievement orientation among college women. In M. Mednick, S. Tangri & L. Hoffman (Eds.), Women and achievement (pp. 239-254). New York: Wiley. Teger, A. I.,  Katkin, E. S.,  & P r u i t t , D. G. (1969). Effects of  a l c o h o l i c beverages and t h e i r congener content on level and s t y l e of r i s k - t a k i n g . Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, U,  170-176.  148 Teger, A. I.,  & P r u i t t , D. G. (1967). Components of group  risk-  taking. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 2> 189-205. Thompson, C. (1942). Cultural pressures in the psychology of women. Psychiatry, 5_, 331-339. Thompson, C. (1950). Some effects of the derogatory attitude toward female sexuality. Psychiatry, 13, 349-354. Thompson [Woolley], H. T. (1903). The mental t r a i t s of sex: An experimental investigation of the normal mind in men and women. Chicago: University of Chicago  Press.  T i e f e r , L. (1981). Contemporary sex research. In S. Cox Female psychology: The emerging s e l f  (Ed.),  (pp. 23-41). New York:  St. Martin's Press. Touhey, J . C ,  & Villemez, J . J . (1975). Need achievement and  risk-taking preference: A c l a r i f i c a t i o n . Journal of Personality and Social  Psychology, 32, 713-719.  Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1974). Judgement under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases. Science, 85, 1124-1131. V a i l l a n t , G. (1977). Adaptation to l i f e . Boston: L i t t l e , Brown & Co. Waites, E. A. (1978). Female masochism and the enforced r e s t r i c t i o n of choice. Victimology: An International  Journal,  3-4, 535-544. Wallach, M. A., & Caron, A. J . (1959). Attribute c r i t e r i a l i t y and sex linked conservatism as determinants of psychological  149 s i m i l a r i t y . Journal of Abnormal Social  Psychology,  59, 43-50.  Wallach, M. A., & Kogan, N. (1961). Aspects of judgement and decisionmaking:  Interrelationships  Behavioral Science, Walsh, M. R. (Ed.).  and changes with age.  23-26.  (1987). The psychology of women: Ongoing  debates. New Haven: Yale University  Press.  Weisstein, N. (1968). "Kinder, Kuche, Kirche" as s c i e n t i f i c law: Psychology constructs the female. Paper presented at the American Studies Association Meeting, University of C a l i f o r n i a , Davis. Reprinted in V. Gornick & B. E. Moran (Eds.). Women in Sexist Society (pp. 133-146). 1971. New York: Basic  Books.  Whitley, B. E., J r . (1983). Sex-role orientation and self-esteem: A c r i t i c a l meta-analytic review. Journal of Personality and Social  Psychology, 44, 765-778.  Whitley, B. E., J r . (1984). Sex-role orientation and psychological well-being: Two meta-analyses. Sex Roles, 12, 207-225.  150  Appendix A Occupations of Participants Traditional  Non-Traditional  Clerical:  Construction Industry:  - Bookkeeper  -  Estimator  - Clerk/Typist  - General Manager  - Word Processor  - Project Manager  - Office Manager  - Owner - Commercial Representative  Teaching And Social  Services:  Engineering And Technical Services:  - Teacher  - Chemist  - Librarian  - Biochemist  - Social Services  Administrator  - Employment Counsellor  - Science Faculty Member -  Meteorologist  - Process Engineer - Agriculture Marketing And Sales:  Self Employment:  - Sales Representative  - Farmer  - Marketing  - Freelance Photographer  Consultant  - Bartender - Tailor Fine Arts: - Potter - Writer Full-Time Homemaker  151 Appendix B Letter of  Introduction  To:  Dear: My name is Jane Tempieman. I am a graduate student in the Department of Counselling Psychology at U.B.C. I am conducting a research project that is concerned s p e c i f i c a l l y with determining how women approach and experience risk-taking situations in t h e i r l i v e s . The results of the study may help to broaden the understanding of women's development and to design better counselling and career planning services for women. I am interested in r e c r u i t i n g volunteers from your membership. Completion of the study would take approximately 60 minutes and involves responding to a risk-taking inventory, a personal p r o f i l e , and a b r i e f interview. Participants are free to choose to not answer s p e c i f i c questions or to withdraw at any time without penalty. The purpose of the study and an outline of the interview questions would be presented to potential volunteers at possibly a members' meeting, or as seen to be most appropriate. C o n f i d e n t i a l i t y w i l l be insured and participants w i l l receive a summary of the results i f they desire. Your co-operation in consenting to the conduct of this study would be appreciated. A reply at your e a r l i e s t convenience would permit me to carry out the next phase of the project. I would be most w i l l i n g to answer any questions you might have about the research. Please feel free to contact me at: My address is as follows:  Thank-you for your consideration. Sincerely,  Jane Tempieman  152 Appendix C Group Presentation Protocol Hello. My name is Jane Tempieman. I am completing my degree in Counselling Psychology at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Part of that work involves the conduct of this research thesis e n t i t l e d , "Women and Risk-taking." I am here today to ask for your assistance in that project. In approaching the research, my interest is twofold; f i r s t in the t o p i c , women and the risks they encounter in t h e i r l i v e s ; and secondly, I am interested in the participants themselves and your personal understanding and experience of r i s k - t a k i n g . Let me b r i e f l y explain the purpose of t h i s study. I hope to learn and write about how we, as women, define and experience risks in our l i v e s . What risks have we taken? Not taken? What might each of us view to be a risk? And what might be the s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences amongst us in the risks that we encounter and take? No one has yet to ask those questions of women and I believe i t is important to do so, to help broaden our understanding of women's l i v e s and development. The results of the study w i l l be used to further than understanding and to help design better counselling services for women. Quite simply, your choosing to participate would involve about 60 minutes of your time spent in an interview that could be arranged to suit a time and place most convenient for you. The interview i t s e l f consists of two parts: 1. 5 open questions exploring the risks you may have encountered in your l i f e , and 2. 2 b r i e f questionnaires. Your p a r t i c i p a t i o n would be; - completely voluntary - completely confidential and anonymous I would audiotape the interview to minimize notetaking. Those tapes would be heard by myself only to record the information. They would then be destroyed. A l l data is grouped together. No one person is i d e n t i f i e d . You would be free to choose to not respond to any item and to withdraw from the study at any time should you desire, without penalty. I plan to interview 44 women, hoping to draw from a cross-section of women working in both t r a d i t i o n a l , and non-traditional occupations, women in t r a i n i n g for future work, women working f u l l time to maintain home and/or f a m i l i e s , and women who are currently unemployed. I believe that the interview can be both informative and fun. I am convinced that your contribution w i l l be of benefit to many women. Thank-you for your attention.  153 I would l i k e to give each of you a handout that d e t a i l s the interview questions so you have an idea of what we would discuss. Also, a sign up sheet that you may sign with your name and phone number i f you are w i l l i n g to p a r t i c i p a t e . It would permit me to c a l l within the next 10 days to confirm your interest and to schedule an interview time and place that is good for you. If you would l i k e to decide l a t e r , please take the handout; my name and phone no. are l i s t e d , feel free to c a l l me in the coming week. Thank-you . . . . are there any questions?  155 Appendix E Interview Protocol To be read to each participant p r i o r to the interview questions. Thank-you for agreeing to p a r t i c i p a t e in this study. To begin, I would l i k e to take a moment to outline the purpose of the study and to explain what w i l l happen during the interview. The interview is in two parts. The f i r s t consists of a series of questions which deal with your own b e l i e f s and experiences in risktaking; more s p e c i f i c a l l y , about examples in your l i f e where you have chosen to take, and not to take, a r i s k . These interview-type questions w i l l be audio-taped to cut down on the necessity of notetaking. The second half consists of 2 b r i e f questionnaires that ask you to describe yourself and to make choices in hypothetical, or made-up, s i t u a t i o n s . Your responses w i l l be combined in a s t a t i s t i c a l report that compiles information about a l l the women interviewed. In no way w i l l you be i d e n t i f i e d or singled out. Tapes w i l l be destroyed upon analysis. There are no right or wrong answers. Please feel free to give whatever responses you are comfortable with and believe are most appropriate. You are free to not respond to any item or to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Please feel free to do so without embarrassment. It is assumed that your attendance here implies your consent to p a r t i c i p a t e . Results w i l l form the basis of my thesis report and may possibly be published. I therefore ask that you give honest and serious consideration to the items. Have you any questions before we begin? I i n i t i a l l y w i l l ask you to answer a few questions that w i l l provide some essential background i n f o r m a t i o n . . . . Interview Sequence: 1.  Demographic P r o f i l e  2.  Interview Items  3.  Bern Sex-Role  4.  Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire  5.  Concluding Questions and Comments, sign form i f interested in receiving a summary of results  6.  Thank-you  Inventory  156 Appendix F Consent Form I understand the purposes and nature of this study, and have been informed that my p a r t i c i p a t i o n is voluntary and that I am free to choose to not respond to any item, and may withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. Further, that a l l information w i l l be s t r i c t l y confidential and that I w i l l not be i d e n t i f i e d with the information in any way. I hereby sign my consent to participate in the study.  signature  date  I would l i k e to receive a summary of results upon completion of the study. NAME: ADDRESS:  157  Appendix G Demographic P r o f i l e ID# 1.  AGE:  2.  LIVING STATUS: A) B) C) D)  LIVING LIVING LIVING LIVING  WITH PARTNER: ALONE: WITH FRIENDS: WITH FAMILY: PARENTS:  3.  NUMBER OF CHILDREN:  4.  EMPLOYMENT STATUS: A) CURRENTLY EMPLOYED:  B) CURRENTLY UNEMPLOYED: C) STUDENT:  CHILDREN:  OCCUPATION: FULL TIME: OCCUPATION:  FIELD OF STUDY:  D) FULL TIME HOME AND/OR FAMILY MAINTENANCE 5.  ANNUAL INCOME: UNDER $10,000 $10,000 - $20,000 $20,000 - $30,000 OVER $30,000  6.  EDUCATION: COMPLETED:  a) b) c) d)  HIGH SCHOOL VOCATIONAL SCHOOL OR COLLEGE UNDERGRADUATE GRADUATE  PART-TIME:  158 Appendix H Interview  Questions  The following standardized items w i l l be presented to each p a r t i c i p a n t . 1.  If you were to think of ' r i s k - t a k i n g ' in your own l i f e and experience, what would be your personal understanding or d e f i n i t i o n of the term ' r i s k - t a k i n g ' ?  2.  I'd  l i k e now to focus on that personal  understanding.  Can you think of recent s p e c i f i c incidents that have been meaningful r i s k - t a k i n g situations for you? B r i e f l y l i s t up to 5 examples. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 3.  What, s p e c i f i c a l l y , was the risk for you in each of those  situations?  1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 4.  Can you now think of recent s p e c i f i c incidents where you decided NOT to take a risk? B r i e f l y l i s t up to 5 examples. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.  5.  Again, what s p e c i f i c a l l y was the risk for you in each of those situations? 1. 2.  159 6.  If you were to rate yourself on your willingness to take r i s k s , using your own d e f i n i t i o n of the term, where would you place yourself on a 7-point scale? Never take a risk 1 2  3  4  5  Always take a risk 6 7  7.  BSRI  8.  CDQ  8.  The inventory you have just completed measured a tendency to take risks in situations where the outcome is unknown. Many of the situations described f i n a n c i a l , occupational, s u r v i v a l , and sporting r i s k s . What was your reaction to that inventory?  9.  In c l o s i n g , has what we've talked about here effected your understanding of risk-taking in any way? NO YES  10.  In what ways?  Have you anything to comment on about this session or the research?  Suggestions as to how t h i s research might be useful?  11.  Would you l i k e to hear about the results? YES  NO  CONTACT:  Comments on Session:  Date: Length:  160  Appendix I BSRI SANDRA LIPSITZ BEM  In t h i s i n v e n t o r y , you w i l l be presented with s i x t y p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . You are t o use those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n order to d e s c r i b e y o u r s e l f . That i s , you are t o i n d i c a t e , on a s c a l e from 1 to 7, how true of you these various c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e . P l e a s e do not leave any c h a r a c t e r i s t i c unmarked. Example: Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark Mark  Sly a a a a a a a  1 2 3 k 5 6 7  i i i i i i i  fi fi fi fi fi fi fi  tis tis tis tis tis tis tis  never o r almost never true that you are s l y . u s u a l l y not true that you are s l y . sometimes but I n f r e q u e n t l y true that you are s l y . o c c a s i o n a l l y t r u e that you are s l y . o f t e n t r u e that you a r e s l y . u s u a l l y t r u e that you are s l y . always o r almost always true that you are s l y .  Thus, i f you f e e l i t i s sometimes but i n f r e q u e n t l y t r u e that you a r e " s l y " , never o r almost never t r u e that you are " m a l i c i o u s " , always o r almost always t r u e that you are " i r r e s p o n s i b l e , " and o f t e n t r u e that you a r e " c a r e f r e e " , you would r a t e these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as f o l l o w s : 3 sly 1~~ M a l i c i o u s Describe y o u r s e l f according  Never or a l most never true  1. 2. 3. k.  5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 1315. 16. 17.  18. 1920. 21. 22. 232k.  25.  26. 27.  28. 2930.  U s u a l l y not true  Irresponsible Carefree  t o the f o l l o w i n g s c a l e :  2  1  7 5  3 Sometimes but infrequently true  Self-reliant Yielding Helpful Defends own b e l i e f s Cheerful Moody Independent Shy Conscientious Athletic Affectionate Theatrical Assertive Flatterable Happy Has strong p e r s o n a l i t y Loyal Unpredictable Forceful Feminine Reliable Analytical Sympathetic Jealous Has l e a d e r s h i p a b i l i t i e s S e n s i t i v e to the needs of others Truthful W i l l i n g to take r i s k s Understanding Secretive  14  5  6  Occasiona l l y true  Often true  Usually true  3132. 33. 3k.  35. 36. 37. 38. 39. »*0. 1»1. 1*2. >»3. kk.  1(6. 1)7.  »»8-  k9.  50. 51.  52.  53. 5k.  55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60.  7 Always or almost a l - . ways true  Makes d e c i s i o n s e a s i l y Compassionate Sincere Self-sufficient Eager to soothe h u r t f e e l i n g s Conceited Dominant Soft-spoken Likable Masculine' Warm Solemn W i l l i n g to take a stand Tender Friendly Aggressive Gullible Inefficient Acts as a l e a d e r Childlike Adaptable Individualistic Does not use harsh language Unsystematic Competitive Loves c h i l d r e n Tactful Ambitious Gentle Conventional  161 Appendix J Choice Dilemmas  Questionnaire  I n s t r u c t i o n s . On the f o l l o w i n g pages, you w i l l f i n d a s e r i e s of s i t u a t i o n s that are l i k e l y to occur i n d a i l y l i f e . The c e n t r a l person i n each s i t u a t i o n i s faced with a choice between two a l t e r n a t i v e courses of a c t i o n , which we might c a l l X and Y. A l t e r n a t i v e X i s more d e s i r a b l e and a t t r a c t i v e than a l t e r n a t i v e Y, but the p r o b a b i l i t y of a t t a i n i n g or achieving X i s l e s s than Y. For each s i t u a t i o n on the f o l l o w i n g pages, you w i l l be asked to i n d i c a t e the minimum odds of success you would demand before recommending that the more a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e , X, be chosen. Read each s i t u a t i o n c a r e f u l l y before g i v i n g your judgement. Try to place y o u r s e l f i n the p o s i t i o n of the c e n t r a l person i n each of the s i t u a t i o n s . There are 12 s i t u a t i o n s i n a l l . Please do not omit any of them. 1. Ms. A, an e l e c t r i c a l engineer, who i s married and has one c h i l d , has been working f o r a l a r g e e l e c t r o n i c s f i r m since graduating from c o l l e g e f i v e years ago. She i s assured of a l i f e t i m e job with a modest, although adequate, income, and l i b e r a l pension b e n e f i t s upon retirement. On the other hand, i t i s very u n l i k e l y that her s a l a r y w i l l increase much before she r e t i r e s . While attending a convention, Ms. A i s o f f e r e d a job with a small, newly formed company which has a h i g h l y uncertain f u t u r e . The new job would pay more to s t a r t and o f f e r s the p o s s i b i l i t y of a share i n the ownership i f the company survived the competition of the l a r g e r f i r m s . Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Ms. A. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds of the new company proving f i n a n c i a l l y sound. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable to make i t worthwhile f o r Ms. A to take the new job. The The The The The Ms.  chances chances chances chances chances a should  are 1 i n 10 that are 3 i n 10 that are 5 i n 10 that are 7 i n 10 that are 9 i n 10 that not take the new  the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y the company w i l l prove f i n a n c i a l l y job no matter what the chances.  sound. sound. sound. sound. sound.  2. Mr. B, a 45-year-old accountant, has r e c e n t l y been informed by h i s p h y s i c i a n that he has developed a s e r i o u s heart ailment. The disease would be s u f f i c i e n t l y s e r i o u s to f o r c e Mr. B t o change many of h i s strongest l i f e h a b i t s : reducing h i s work load, d r a s t i c a l l y changing h i s d i e t , g i v i n g up f a v o u r i t e l e i s u r e p u r s u i t s . The p h y s i c i a n suggests t h a t a d e l i c a t e medical operation could be attempted which, i f s u c c e s s f u l , would completely r e l i e v e the heart c o n d i t i o n . But i t s success could not be assured, and i n f a c t , the operation might prove f a t a l . Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. B. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that the operation w i l l prove s u c c e s s f u l . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r the operation to be performed. Mr. The The The The The  B should chances chances chances chances chances  not have the operation no matter what are 9 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be are 7 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be are 5 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be are 3 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be are 1 i n 10 that the operation w i l l be  the chances. a success. a success. a success. a success. a success.  162 3. Mr.C, a married man with two c h i l d r e n , has a steady j o b that pays him about $26,000 per year. He can e a s i l y a f f o r d the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e , but few of the l u x u r i e s . Mr. C's father, who died r e c e n t l y , c a r r i e d a $24,000 l i f e insurance p o l i c y . Mr. C would l i k e t o invest t h i s money i n stocks. He i s w e l l aware of the secure 'blue c h i p ' stocks and bonds that would pay approximately 9% on h i s investment. On the other hand, Mr. C has heard that the stocks of a r e l a t i v e l y unknown company X might double t h e i r present value i f a new product c u r r e n t l y i n production i s favourably received by the p u b l i c . However, i f the product i s not favourably r e c e i v e d , the stocks would d e c l i n e i n value. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. C. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that company X stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r Mr. C to i n v e s t i n company X stocks. The The The The The Mr.  chances chances chances chances chances C should  are 1 i n 10 are 3 i n 10 are 5 i n 10 are 7 i n 10 are 9 i n 10 not invest  that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. that the stocks w i l l double t h e i r value. i n company X stocks no matter what the chances.  4. Mr. D i s c a p t a i n of c o l l e g e X's f o o t b a l l team. College X i s p l a y i n g i t s r i v a l , c o l l e g e Y, i n the f i n a l game of the season. The game i s i n i t s f i n a l seconds, and Mr.D' team (X) i s behind. College X has time to run one more play. Mr. D, the c a p t a i n , must decide whether i t would be best t o s e t t l e f o r a t i e score with a play which would be almost c e r t a i n to work or, on the other hand, should he t r y a more complicated and r i s k y play which could b r i n g v i c t o r y i f s u c c e s s f u l , but defeat i f not. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. D. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that the r i s k y play w i l l work. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r the r i s k y play to be attempted. Mr. The The The The The  D should chances chances chances chances chances  not attempt the are 9 i n 10 that are 7 i n 10 that are 5 i n 10 that are 3 i n 10 that are 1 i n 10 that  r i s k y play no matter what the chances. the r i s k y play w i l l work. the r i s k y p l a y w i l l work. the r i s k y play w i l l work. the r i s k y play w i l l work. the r i s k y play w i l l work.  5. Ms. E i s p r e s i d e n t of a l i g h t metals f i r m i n Canada. The f i r m i s q u i t e prosperous, and has s t r o n g l y considered the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of business expansion by b u i l d i n g an a d d i t i o n a l p l a n t i n a new l o c a t i o n . The choice i s between b u i l d i n g another p l a n t i n Canada, where there would be moderate r e t u r n on the i n i t i a l investment, or b u i l d i n g a p l a n t i n a f o r e i g n country. Lower labour c o s t s and easy access to raw m a t e r i a l s i n that country would mean a much higher r e t u r n on the i n i t i a l investment. On the other hand, there i s a h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y and r e v o l u t i o n i n the f o r e i g n country under consideration. In f a c t the leader of a small minority party i s committed to n a t i o n a l i z i n g , t h a t i s taking over, a l l f o r e i g n investments. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Ms. E. L i s t e d are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds of continued p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y i n the f o r e i g n country under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r Ms. E's f i r m to b u i l d a p l a n t i n that country.  163  The chances are 1 i n 10 The chances are 3 i n 10 The chances are 5 i n 10 The chances are 7 i n 10 The chances are 9 i n 10 Ms. E's f i r m should not what the chances.  that the country w i l l remain that the country w i l l remain that the country w i l l remain that the country w i l l remain that the country w i l l remain b u i l d a p l a n t i n the f o r e i g n  p o l i t i c a l l y stable. p o l i t i c a l l y stable. p o l i t i c a l l y stable. p o l i t i c a l l y stable. p o l i t i c a l l y stable. country no matter  6. Mr. F i s c u r r e n t l y a c o l l e g e s e n i o r who i s very eager t o pursue graduate study i n chemistry l e a d i n g t o a Doctor o f Philosophy degree. He has been accepted by both U n i v e r s i t y X and Y. U n i v e r s i t y X has a world-wide r e p u t a t i o n f o r e x c e l l e n c e i n chemistry. While a degree from U n i v e r s i t y X would s i g n i f y outstanding t r a i n i n g i n t h i s f i e l d , the standards are so rigorous that only a f r a c t i o n o f the degree candidates a c t u a l l y r e c i e v e the degree. U n i v e r s i t y Y, on the other hand, has much l e s s o f a r e p u t a t i o n i n chemistry, but almost everyone admitted i s awarded the degree, although the degree has much l e s s p r e s t i g e than the corresponding degree from U n i v e r s i t y X. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. F. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that Mr. F would be awarded a degree a t U n i v e r s i t y X, the one w i t h the g r e a t e r p r e s t i g e . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t you would consider acceptable t o make i t worthwhile f o r Mr. F t o e n r o l l i n U n i v e r s i t y X r a t h e r than U n i v e r s i t y Y. Mr.F should The chances The chances The chances The chances The chances  not are are are are are  e n r o l l i n U n i v e r s i t y X no matter 9 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e 7 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e 5 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e 3 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e 1 i n 10 that Mr. F would r e c e i v e  what the a degree a degree a degree a degree a degree  chances. from X. from X. from X. from X. from X.  7. Ms. G, a competent chess p l a y e r , i s p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a n a t i o n a l chess tournament. In an e a r l y match she draws the t o p favoured player i n the tournament as her opponent. Ms. G has been given a r e l a t i v e l y low ranking i n view of her performance i n previous tournaments. During the course of her p l a y with the top ranked p l a y e r , Ms G notes the p o s s i b i l i t y o f a deceptive though r i s k y manoeuvre which might b r i n g her a quick v i c t o r y . At the same time, i f the attempted manoeuvre should f a i l , Ms. G would be l e f t i n an exposed p o s i t i o n and defeat would almost c e r t a i n l y f o l l o w . Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Ms. G. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that Ms. G's deceptive play would succeed. Please chech the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r the r i s k y play i n question to be attempted. The The The The The Ms.  chances are 1 i n 10 that chances are 3 i n 10 that chances are 5 i n 10 that chances a r e 7 i n 10 that chances are 9 i n 10 that G should not attempt the  the play would succeed. the r i s k l y play would succeed. the r i s k y play would succeed. the r i s k y play would succeed. the r i s k y play would succeed. r i s k y play no matter what the chances.  164 8. Ms. H, a c o l l e g e senior, has studied the piano since e a r l y childhood. She has won amateur p r i z e s and given small r e c i t a l s , suggesting that Ms. H has considerable musical t a l e n t . As graduation approaches, Ms. H has the choice of going t o medical school t o become a p h y s i c i a n , a p r o f e s s i o n which would b r i n g c e r t a i n p r e s t i g e and f i n a n c i a l awards; o r entering a conservatory of music f o r advanced t r a i n i n g with a well-known p i a n i s t . Ms. H r e a l i z e s that even upon completion of her piano s t u d i e s , which would take many more years and a l o t o f study, success as a concert p i a n i s t would not be assured. Imagine that you a r e a d v i s i n g Ms. H. Below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that Ms. H would succeed as a concert p i a n i s t . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r Ms. H t o continue with her musical t r a i n i n g . Ms. H should not pursue what the chances. The chances are 9 i n 10 The chances are 7 i n 10 The chances are 5 i n 10 The chances are 3 i n 10 The chances are 1 i n 10  her musical that that that that that  Ms. Ms. Ms. Ms. Ms.  H H H H H  t r a i n i n g no matter would would would would would  succeed succeed succeed succeed succeed  as as as as as  a a a a a  pianist. pianist. pianist. pianist. pianist.  9. Ms J i s captured by the enemy i n World War I I and placed i n a p r i s o n e r of-war camp. Conditions i n the camps are q u i t e bad with long hours of hard p h y s i c a l labour and a b a r e l y s u f f i c i e n t d i e t . A f t e r spending s e v e r a l months i n t h i s camp, Ms. J noted the p o s s i b i l i t y of escape by concealing h e r s e l f i n a supply truck that s h u t t l e s i n and out o f the camp. Of course there i s no guarantee that the escape would prove s u c c e s s f u l . Recapture by the enemy could w e l l mean execution. Imagine that you a r e a d v i s i n g Ms. J . L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds of a s u c c e s s f u l escape from the prisoner-of-war camp. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r an escape t o be attempted. The The The The The Ms.  chances chances chances chances chances J should  are 1 i n 10 are 3 i n 10 are 5 i n 10 are 7 i n 10 are 9 i n 10 not t r y t o  that the escape would that the escape would that the escape would that the escape would that the escape would escape no matter what  succeed. succeed. succeed. succeed. succeed. the chances.  10. Mr. K i s a s u c c e s s f u l businessman who has p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a number of c i v i c a c t i v i t i e s o f considerable value t o the community. Mr. K has been approached by the leaders of h i s p o l i t i c a l party as a p o s s i b l e f e d e r a l candidate i n the next e l e c t i o n . Mr. K's party i s a m i n o r i t y party i n the d i s t r i c t , although the party has won o c c a s i o n a l e l e c t i o n s i n the past. Mr. K would l i k e t o hold p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e , but t o do so would involve a serious f i n a n c i a l s a c r i f i c e , s i n c e the party has i n s u f f i c i e n t campaign funds. He would a l s o have t o endure the a t t a c k s of h i s p o l i t i c a l opponents i n a hot campaign. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. K. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds o f Mr. K's winning the e l e c t i o n i n h i s d i s t r i c t . Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t you would consider acceptable t o make i t worthwhile f o r Mr. K t o run f o r p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e .  165  Mr. The The The The The  K should not run chances are 9 i n chances are 7 i n chances are 5 i n chances are 3 i n chances are 1 i n  for political 10 that Mr. K 10 that Mr. K 10 that Mr. K 10 that Mr. K 10 that Mr. K  o f f i c e no would win would win would win would win would win  matter what the chances. the e l e c t i o n . the e l e c t i o n . the e l e c t i o n . the e l e c t i o n . the e l e c t i o n  11. Mr. L, a married 30 year o l d research p h y s i c i s t , has been given a 5 year appointment by a major u n i v e r s i t y laboratory. As he contemplates the next 5 years, he r e a l i z e s that he might work on a d i f f i c u l t , long-term problem which, i f a s o l u t i o n could be found would r e s o l v e b a s i c s c i e n t i f i c issues i n the f i e l d and b r i n g high s c i e n t i f i c honours. I f no s o l u t i o n were found, however, Mr. L would have l i t t l e t o show f o r h i s 5 years i n the laboratory, and t h i s would make i t d i f f i c u l t f o r him to get a job afterwards. On the other hand, he could, as most of h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l associates are doing, work on a s e r i e s of short-term problems where s o l u t i o n s would be e a s i e r t o f i n d , but where the problems are of l e s s e r s c i e n t i f i c s i g n i f i c a n c e . Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Mr. L. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds that a s o l u t i o n would be found t o the d i f f i c u l t , long-term problem that Mr. L has i n mind. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t you would consider acceptable t o make i t worthwhile f o r Mr. L t o work on the more d i f f i c u l t , long-term problem. The chances are 1 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term The chances are 3 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term The chances are 5 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term The chances are 7 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term The chances are 9 i n 10 that Mr. L would solve the long-term Mr. L should not choose the d i f f i c u l t , l o n g - t e r problem no matter what the chances.  problem. problem. problem. problem. problem.  12. Ms. M i s contemplating marriage t o Mr. T, a man whom she has known f o r l i t t l e more than a year. Recently, however, a number of arguments have occurred between them, suggesting some sharp d i f f e r e n c e s of o p i n i o n i n the way each view c e r t a i n matters. Indeed, they decide t o seek p r o f e s s i o n a l advice from a marriage c o u n s e l l o r as t o whether i t would be wise f o r them t o marry. On the b a s i s of these meetings with the marriage c o u n s e l l o r , they r e a l i z e that a happy marriage, while p o s s i b l e , would not be assured. Imagine that you are a d v i s i n g Ms. M and Mr. T. L i s t e d below are s e v e r a l p r o b a b i l i t i e s or odds t h a t t h e i r marriage would prove t o be a happy and s u c c e s s f u l one. Please check the LOWEST p r o b a b i l i t y that you would consider acceptable f o r Ms. M and Mr. T to get married. Ms. The The The The The  M and Mr. T chances are chances are chances are chances are chances are  should not marry 9 i n 10 that the 7 i n 10 that the 5 i n 10 that the 3 i n 10 that the 1 i n 10 that the  no matter what marriage would marriage would marriage would marriage would marriage would  the chances. be s u c c e s s f u l . be s u c c e s s f u l . be s u c c e s s f u l . be s u c c e s s f u l . be s u c c e s s f u l .  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Country Views Downloads
United States 15 4
China 12 0
Finland 2 0
Russia 2 0
Norway 1 0
Tanzania 1 1
Canada 1 0
City Views Downloads
Beijing 6 0
Unknown 5 52
Ashburn 4 0
Edinburg 4 0
Ürümqi 2 0
Hangzhou 2 0
Shenzhen 2 0
Helsinki 2 0
Mountain View 1 1
Saint Petersburg 1 0
Kazan’ 1 0
Boardman 1 0
Niagara Falls 1 0

{[{ mDataHeader[type] }]} {[{ month[type] }]} {[{ tData[type] }]}
Download Stats

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0053685/manifest

Comment

Related Items