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Instrumental competency socialization and young adult occupational aspirations : perceptions of independence… Turner, T. Johanna H. 1991

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INSTRUMENTAL COMPETENCY SOCIALIZATION AND YOUNG ADULT OCCUPATIONAL ASPIRATIONS: PERCEPTIONS OF INDEPENDENCE AND ACHIEVEMENT ORIENTATION IN THE FAMILY ENVIRONMENT by T. Johanna H. Turner B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of A l b e r t a , 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology.) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA AUGUST, 1991 Cc£ T. Johanna H. Turner In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of t^OOf AJSt^L- C //v 0- ^ 6 yCff QC-OG-y The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT As an adjunct to Young and F r i e s e n ' s (1990) r e s e a r c h i n t o p a r e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s on young a d u l t c a r e e r development, t h i s study used h i e r a r c h i c a l c l u s t e r a n a l y s i s of the Independence and Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n s u b s c a l e s of the Family Environment Scale (Moos & Moos, 1986) to i d e n t i f y groups of s u b j e c t s s h a r i n g s i m i l a r , p e r c e p t i o n s of i n s t r u m e n t a l competency s o c i a l i z a t i o n w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s of o r i g i n . C r i t i c a l i n c i d e n t s (Flanagan, 1954) d e s c r i b i n g c h i l d - p a r e n t i n t e r a c t i o n s were garnered i n s e m i s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w s with 50 young a d u l t s . T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n was used t o generate d e s c r i p t i v e p r o f i l e s of c h i l d - p a r e n t i n t e a c t i o n s and p a t t e r n s of o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e w i t h i n each of s i x d i s t i n c t c l u s t e r s i d e n t i f i e d by the c l u s t e r a n a l y s i s procedure. One way Analyses of V a r i a n c e (ANOVAs) r e v e a l e d s i g n i f i c a n t between c l u s t e r d i f f e r e n c e s . Q u a l i t a t i v e d e s c r i p t i o n s of c h i l d - p a r e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s r e v e a l e d gender d i f f e r e n c e s i n p e r c e i v e d p a t t e r n s of s o c i a l i z a t i o n w i t h i n two c l u s t e r s and aspects of competency enhancing s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n t h r e e c l u s t e r s . Young a d u l t s u b j e c t s of both genders tended to g r a v i t a t e towards mid and upper s t a t u s male-typed and gender n e u t r a l o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e s while young men, c o n s i s t e n t with e a r l i e r r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s , avoided a s p i r i n g towards female-typed c a r e e r c h o i c e s . TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents i i i L i s t of Tables v i i L i s t of Figures v i i i Acknowledgements ix Chapter 1 - Introduction 1 H i s t o r i c a l Background 1 Developmental Perspective 2 Background of the Problem 3 Purpose of the Study 4 Rationale 5 Research Questions 6 Limitations of the Study 6 Summary 7 De f i n i t i o n s 8 Chapter 2 - Sex Roles, S o c i a l i z a t i o n and Occupational Aspirations 10 Developmental Models 10 Bronfenbrenner 1s Ecol o g i c a l Development Model 11 Environmental-Contextual Processes of Career Development 13 The Development of Gender Roles 15 The Nature of Gender Roles 16 Tr a d i t i o n a l Gender Roles and Occupational Choice 19 The Development of Occupational Aspirations 21 i v S e x t y p i n g and O c c u p a t i o n a l Choice 22 Changing Gender Roles and O c c u p a t i o n a l A s p i r a t i o n s . . . 25 Gender D i f f e r e n t i a t e d S o c i a l i z a t i o n 28 Processes of D i f f e r e n t i a l S o c i a l i z a t i o n 32 Family Resources and N o n t r a d i t i o n a l Career Choice....36 Independence and Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n 38 The Family Environment 4 0 P a r e n t i n g S t y l e s and Instrumental Competence 43 Components of Parent-Adolescent I n t e r a c t i o n s 44 C o n c l u s i o n s 47 Research Procedure 52 Chapter 3 - Methodology 54 Sample 55 Data G a t h e r i n g Procedure 57 The C r i t i c a l I n c i d e n t Interview 57 Instrumentation 60 Family Environment S c a l e 60 B l i s h e n Socioeconomic Scale 63 I n c i d e n t I d e n t i f i c a t i o n 65 S t a t i s t i c a l Procedures 66 One Way A n a l y s i s of V a r i a n c e (ANOVA) 68 Q u a l i t a t i v e A n a l y s i s 69 O c c u p a t i o n a l A s p i r a t i o n s 69 Q u a l i t a t i v e D e s c r i p t i o n s 70 V Chapter 4 - Results 72 Description of the Sample 72 Cluster Analysis Results 7 6 Descriptive Cluster P r o f i l e s 81 Cluster 1: High Achievers, Average Independence 81 Cluster 2: Highly Independent, Average Achievers.... 88 Cluster 3: Average Independence and Achievement Orientation 94 Cluster 4: Highly Independent, Low Achievers 101 Cluster 5: Low Independence, Average Achievers 108 Cluster 6: Low Independence, Low Achievement Orientation 117 Comparison of Clusters 126 Chapter 5 - Discussion 134 Competency Enhancing Parenting Strategies 135 Competency I n h i b i t i n g Parenting Strategies 138 Young Adult Responses to Perceived Parenting Strategies 139 Family Process Resources and Occupational Aspirations 141 Limitations of the Study 145 Implications for Parents, Teachers and Counsellors.... 146 Implications for Future Research 147 Concluding Remarks 148 References 150 v i Appendix A: Sample Recruitment Poster 164 Appendix B: Subject Consent Form 166 Appendix C: Demographic Questionnaire 168 Appendix D: Parent A c t i v i t y Categories 170 Appendix E: C h i l d Response Categories 173 Appendix F: Cluster Comparisons Outlining Competency Enhancing Parenting A c t i v i t i e s and Young Adult Responses • 17 8 Appendix G: Cluster Comparisons Outlining Competency In h i b i t i n g Parenting A c t i v i t i e s and Young Adult Responses 182 Appendix H: Hi e r a r c h i c a l Cluster Analysis Tree Diagram..187 v i i LIST OF TABLES Table 1: FES Subscales and Dimension Descriptions 62 Table 2: Independence and Achievement Orientation Mean Scores and Standard Deviations by Clusters 78 Table 3: One Way Analysis of Variance: FES Independence Scores by Cluster 79 Table 4: One Way Analysis of Variance: FES Achievement Orientation Scores by Cluster 79 Table 5: Cluster 1 Occupational Aspirations: Occupation Names and Blishen SES Scores by Gender 87 Table 6: Cluster 2 Occupational Aspirations: Occupation Names and Blishen SES Scores by Gender 93 Table 7: Cluster 3 Occupational Aspirations: Occupation Name and Blishen SES Scores by Gender 100 Table 8: Cluster 4 Occupational Aspirations: Occupation • Name and Blishen SES Scores by Gender 107 Table 9: Cluster 5 Occupational Aspirations: Occupation Name and Blishen SES Scores by Gender 116 Table 10: Cluster 6 Occupational Aspirations: Occupation Name and Blishen SES Scores by Gender 125 v i i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: D i s t r i b u t i o n of Blishen Socioeconomic Scale by Gender by Percentage 74 Figure 2: Hi e r a r c h i c a l Cluster Analysis Results: Independence and Achievement Orientation 77 Figure 3: D i s t r i b u t i o n of Cluster Means along Independence and Achievement Orientation Axes 127 ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my gratitude to my advisor, Dr. John Friesen, to Dr. Norman Amundson and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , to Dr. Richard Young who made the interview data available to me. I would also l i k e to express my appreciation to Dr. Walter Boldt for his much valued assistance and guidance when I consulted with him concerning methodological issues. Furthermore, I would l i k e to thank doctoral student Warren Weir for his assistance with the computer, my mother, my s i s t e r Barbara and my friends for t h e i r support e s p e c i a l l y Miriam King and Rene Darragh who continued to encourage me at my most fru s t r a t e d moments. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In today's world of rapid s o c i a l and technological change, environmental factors are creating new demands which are impacting the vocational roles of women and men. Changing economic conditions and family structures are r e s u l t i n g i n more women than ever before taking paid employment outside the home with Canadian women currently comprising 41% of the labour force (Lips & C o l w i l l , 1988). With such dramatic changes occurring, the t r a d i t i o n a l expectations that parents would rais e t h e i r sons to become the primary wage earner i n the family and t h e i r daughters the primary caregiver and homemaker may be s h i f t i n g as families adapt to evolving s o c i e t a l demands. H i s t o r i c a l Background H i s t o r i c a l l y , since the Industrial Revolution of the early 19th century, male - female work roles have consisted of the male head of the family going out to work i n order to provide for the family's f i n a n c i a l needs while his female counterpart stayed at home to attend to the housework and to rearing the children. The popular viewpoint concerning the nature of c h i l d r e a r i n g has been that boys were t r a d i t i o n a l l y s o c i a l i z e d to be f i n a n c i a l l y independent, to f i l l the role of "family breadwinner" and to competitively seek i n d i v i d u a l success outside the home (Block, 1983) through well paying or high status employment. G i r l s were s o c i a l i z e d to remain at home (Block, 1981, 1983), f i n a n c i a l l y 2 dependent on t h e i r fathers and, l a t e r , t h e i r husbands. As women, they were expected to f i l l the domestic roles of the nurturing mother and homemaker. (Scanzoni & L i t t o n Fox, 1980; Westkott, 1986). Since the Second World War, women have increasingly entered the labour force u n t i l today the majority of North American women are working i n paid occupations" outside the home (Fox & Hesse-Biber, 1984; Gutek, 1988; Lips & C o l w i l l , 1988). In Canada 64% of single women, 52.3% of married women and 35.1% of widowed, divorced and separated women are currently employed outside the home. At the same time most women s t i l l f i l l the domestic roles of mother and homemaker. Family structures are also changing with the re s u l t that more and more women are the sole providers for t h e i r children while a small number of men are choosing to stay at home to f i l l the domestic role of homemaker and to act as the primary parent involved i n childrearing, roles on which society places a low value. The question arises, with such s h i f t s occurring i n the roles of fathers and mothers, as to whether the t r a d i t i o n a l view of gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s applicable to adolescent and young adult childr e n currently entering the work force. Developmental Perspectives Recent e c o l o g i c a l and contextual theories of development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Lerner, 1986) have viewed the in d i v i d u a l as a c t i v e l y embedded i n a m u l t i - l e v e l , multi-dimensional environment. From t h i s perspective, the i n d i v i d u a l and the 3 environment are involved i n transactions which a f f e c t the development of both (Lerner, 1986) . Lerner (1986) points out that "asymmetry of i n t e r l e v e l influences" (p. 78) can take place where changes occurring i n the higher l e v e l s of a society suddenly and v i s i b l y impact lower l e v e l s . Bronfenbrenner (1979) states that the developmental process of an i n d i v i d u a l within a s p e c i f i c s e t t i n g can be influenced by other settings and by contexts within which the s e t t i n g i s placed. He conceptualizes development as occurring within a set of nested, concentric structures, each contained within the next: the micro-, meso-, exo- and macrosystema. Such scenarios would appear to provide a possible model for viewing the impact of s o c i e t a l economic changes and workforce requirements on such microsystems as the family. The career environment forms one s p e c i f i c s o c i e t a l ecosystem where further focusing of the ecological perspective has occurred (See Law, 1981; Schulenberg, Vondracek & Crouter, 1984; Vondracek & Lerner, 1982; Vondracek, Lerner & Schulenberg, 1986; Vondracek & Schulenberg, 1986; Young, 1984). One of the settings i n which career development occurs i s the microsystem of the family. Through the family, role expectations and career aspirations develop as the c h i l d i nteracts with his or her parents. Background of the Problem A recent review of career development research focusing on f a m i l i a l influences has c r i t i c i z e d the l i t e r a t u r e for i t s tendency to report s o c i a l i z a t i o n outcomes such as occupational 4 attainment rather than focussing on the developmental process (Schulenberg et a l . , 1984). Another c r i t i c i s m (Grotevant & Cooper, 1988) points out the sparsity of research around the nature of parent-child r e l a t i o n s which occur during the childhood and adolescent phases of a young person's career development. Where parental influences on young adult career development have been examined, the l i t e r a t u r e has concentrated on several parental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are involved i n t h i s process: parental attitudes and expectations, parental socioeconomic status (SES), parental educational attainment, maternal employment and so on. Very l i t t l e research has been conducted to date u t i l i z i n g a systemic, i n t e r a c t i v e model where perceived parental behaviors as well as young adult responses to such behaviors and perceptions of t h e i r career development are taken into account (See Grotevant & Cooper, 1988, for a review of such l i t e r a t u r e ; Kidd, 1984; Young & Friesen, 1986; Young, Friesen & Pearson, 1988). Several recent papers, examining the influence of the family on career development (Friesen, 1984; Grotevant & Cooper, 1988; Herr & Lear, 1984; Schulenberg et a l . , 1984; Seligman, Weinstock & Owings, 1988) have c a l l e d for further research into the area of parent-child r e l a t i o n s as they pertain to career development. Purpose of the Study The purpose of t h i s study was to attempt to throw some l i g h t on the nature of parent-child interactions that foster or discourage independence and achievement orientations within the 5 c h i l d . It attempted to l i n k such perceptions of the family environment with the occupational aspirations of young adults. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t attempted to i d e n t i f y d i f f e r i n g family s o c i a l i z a t i o n patterns and to i d e n t i f y any s i g n i f i c a n t gender differences i n parent-child interactions r e c a l l e d by young adult children. Rationale The rationale for the study emerged from the need to gain insight into the i n t e r a c t i o n a l aspects of the career development process as i t occurs i n a developmental context. E a r l i e r research has demonstrated that parents have s i g n i f i c a n t influences on t h e i r children's occupational aspirations (See Herr & Lear, 1984 and Schulenberg, Vondracek & Crouter, 1984, for reviews of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e ) . For example, with young women influences such as mother's educational attainment and employment outside the home have demonstrable e f f e c t s on whether they aspire to t r a d i t i o n a l female jobs or to pioneer previously male dominated occupations (Huston, 1983; Lemkau, 1979; Vondracek & Lerner, 1982). With recent technological and economic changes r e s u l t i n g i n women taking more of the provider role, a further reason for a study such as t h i s one i s to ascertain whether models of gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n within the family were currently applicable. Exploration of the actual parenting s t y l e s , or patterns of interventions, involved around two measurable aspects of the family environment, independence and achievement 6 orientation, would provide valuable information for career counsellors working with a young adult c l i e n t e l e . Research Questions Investigation of two areas emerged from the above objectives. F i r s t , the nature of the perceived family environments of young adults was analyzed to determine whether young adults' perceptions of achievement orientation and independence i n t h e i r families of o r i g i n could be grouped into d i s t i n c t patterns. From the six such clusters that did emerge, the question arose as to whether discernable patterns of occupational aspirations were also present? The study has attempted to ascertain whether gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d occupational aspirations existed within such c l u s t e r s . Second, looking s p e c i f i c a l l y at perceived parental behaviors and c h i l d responses, the study t r i e d to determine whether any patterns, or s t y l e s , of perceived parental behaviors and young adult responses could be delineated within i d e n t i f i e d family environment p r o f i l e s of independence and achievement orientation. At the same time the study has attempted to ascertain whether such perceived behaviors and responses were i n d i c a t i v e of d i f f e r e n t i a l gender role s o c i a l i z a t i o n . Limitations of the Study Since the research conducted was exploratory i n nature and used a small pool of subjects, the r e s u l t s are l i m i t e d i n t h e i r a p p l i c a b i l i t y to a more general population. A further l i m i t a t i o n e x i s t s i n the subjective nature of young adult r e c o l l e c t i o n s 7 which may r e s u l t i n time lag inaccuracies and i n a possible perceptual bias. Summary Recent s o c i e t a l changes have resulted i n the majority of Western women entering into key instrumental roles by entering the work force and contributing to the economic support of the family. As a r e s u l t of such changing roles, t h i s study attempted to determine whether young adults have gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d occupational aspirations and examined two aspects of t h e i r perceived family environments: independence and achievement orienta t i o n . In addition to i d e n t i f y i n g family patterns of independence and achievement orientation, the study looked at s p e c i f i c perceived parenting styles and young adult responses within six i d e n t i f i e d c l u s t e r s . The following chapter presents a review of the e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e around the family environment and sex role s o c i a l i z a t i o n , focusing on research o u t l i n i n g gender issues around independence, achievement orientation, and occupational aspirations and presents the research questions i n more d e t a i l than they have been outlined here. This chapter i s followed by a t h i r d chapter which outlines the methodology u t i l i z e d i n t h i s study, a fourth chapter delineating the results and a f i n a l , f i f t h chapter discussing those r e s u l t s i n l i g h t of the research questions posed i n Chapter 2 and suggesting avenues for future research i n the area of family s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes and young adult career development. 8 D e f i n i t i o n s Achievement or i e n t a t i o n - the extent to which one s t r i v e s t o achieve a h i g h s t a t u s occupation, i n v o l v e s a sense of c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s , the use of e f f e c t i v e problem s o l v i n g s t r a t e g i e s and perseverance i n working to meet goals Family environment - the p e r c e i v e d atmosphere or c l i m a t e w i t h i n a f a m i l y which emerges out of i n t e r a c t i o n s between f a m i l y members. Gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n -a s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s through which s o c i a l i z a t i o n a g e n t - c h i l d i n t e r a c t i o n s are based on the c h i l d ' s gender and which r e s u l t i n the c h i l d a d a p t i n g a gender i d e n t i t y t o a g r e a t e r or l e s s e r e x t e n t . (See d e f i n i t i o n of s o c i a l i z a t i o n below.) For purposes of t h i s study, s o c i a l i z a t i o n agent w i l l be r e s t r i c t e d t o a parent or a p a r e n t a l f i g u r e i n the c h i l d ' s f a m i l y environment. Independence - s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , s e l f - d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , the a b i l i t y t o make one's own d e c i s i o n s , autonomy Instrumental competency - competency i n i n s t r u m e n t a l f u n c t i o n s , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by ascendant, g o a l - o r i e n t e d and s e l f - d e t e r m i n e d b e h a v i o r s . A l s o d e f i n e d i n terms of d e v e l o p i n g " s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , independence, achievement o r i e n t a t i o n and v i g o r . " (Baumrind, 1978, p. 249) Occupational a s p i r a t i o n - "the s i n g l e o c c u p a t i o n named as one's bes t a l t e r n a t i v e at any g i v e n t i m e " ( G o t t f r e d s o n , 1981, p. 548) 9 Parenting s t y l e - a recognizable pattern of parental interventions u t i l i z e d i n ch i l d r e a r i n g which can include d i s c i p l i n a r y strategies, teaching the c h i l d and transmitting expectations to the c h i l d S o c i a l i z a t i o n - the process during which the c h i l d i n t e r n a l i z e s the values, expectations and mores of his or her culture i n an i n t e r a c t i v e process with parents, educators and other s o c i a l i z a t i o n agents. 10 CHAPTER 2 SEX ROLES, SOCIALIZATION AND OCCUPATIONAL ASPIRATIONS While reviewing the e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e around vocational role development, t h i s chapter w i l l focus on gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n and i t s possible e f f e c t s on subsequent young adult occupational aspirations which Marini (1978) argues play a d i r e c t i o n a l role i n future occupational attainment and Farmer (1985) sees as predicting achievement. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the importance of role expectations i n the development of sextyped career choices w i l l be outlined. Literature concerning the process of fostering or discouraging achievement orientation and independence i n the family environment w i l l be outlined within the framework of Parson's (1955) instrumental-expressive roles, Block's (1973) adaptation of Bakan's (1966, c i t e d i n Block, 1973) concepts of agency and communion and Broverman and her colleagues delineation of sex role stereotypes (Broverman, Vogel, Broverman, Clarksen, & Rosenkrantz, 1972). Since role development occurs as part of a larger developmental process, the discussion w i l l begin with a b r i e f overview of ecological and contextual developmental theory. Developmental Models In recent years models of human development have been expanded, from u n i v e r s a l l y applied stage and intrapsychic 11 paradigms, to take account of the various contexts within which i n d i v i d u a l development occurs. Whether conceived from a contextual development perspective (Lerner, 1986) or an ecolog i c a l one (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), such models view the developing i n d i v i d u a l i n a process of dynamic i n t e r a c t i o n with a complex, m u l t i l e v e l environment where both the i n d i v i d u a l and the environment a f f e c t the development of each other. Bronfenbrenner'a E c o l o g i c a l Development Model Bronfenbrenner (1979) created an ecol o g i c a l model of human development where growth occurred i n the context of a series of nested structures known as the micro-, meso-, exo- and macrosyatems. The immediate setting, or microsystem, i n which an ind i v i d u a l ' s development occurs consists of a pattern of a c t i v i t i e s , roles and interpersonal r e l a t i o n s present i n that s e t t i n g with the family, school or workplace being examples. Bronfenbrenner (1979) defined a c t i v i t i e s as either molecular or molar i n nature. A molecular a c t i v i t y would be a fragmentary event whereas a molar a c t i v i t y " i s an ongoing behavior possessing a momentum of i t s own and perceived as having meaning or intent by the partic i p a n t s i n the setting"(p. 45). Relations occur, according to Bronfenbrenner, when "one person i n a set t i n g pays attention to or p a r t i c i p a t e s i n the a c t i v i t i e s of another" (p. 56). I n t e r r e l a t i o n a l dyads can take the form of observational dyads where one person pays close attention to the a c t i v i t i e s of another or jo i n t a c t i v i t y dyads where in t e r a c t i o n usually takes the form of complementary a c t i v i t i e s . The t h i r d component of 12 Bronfenbrenner 1s microsystem, are ro l e s . A role, according to Bronfenbrenner, i s "a set of a c t i v i t i e s and r e l a t i o n s expected of a person occupying a p a r t i c u l a r p o s i t i o n i n society and of others in r e l a t i o n to that person" (p. 85). The mesosystem consists of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between two or more settings, such as family and school or family and work, i n which the developing person a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e s . In the exoayatem such active p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the developing i n d i v i d u a l does not occur since i t consists of one or more systems where events occur that can af f e c t or are affected by happenings i n the person's settings. Of more importance for the purposes of t h i s study, the macroayatem exists at the c u l t u r a l or subcultural l e v e l and "refers to consistencies i n the form and content of lower order systems (micro-, meso-, and exo-) ... along with any b e l i e f systems or ideology underlying such consistencies" (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 26). Included here would be work and gender rel a t e d values as well as s i g n i f i c a n t global events and s o c i o - h i s t o r i c a l movements which could impact upon the various systems involved i n the individual's development process. According to Bronfenbrenner (1979), development, a process of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , involves interdependency between person and environment. During t h i s process, e c o l o g i c a l t r a n s i t i o n s occur where "a person's p o s i t i o n i n the ecological environment i s alt e r e d as the r e s u l t of a change i n role, s e t t i n g or both" (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 26). The movement of a young adult from the family into the labour force i s one such t r a n s i t i o n . 13 Environmental-Contextual Processes of Career Development Others have i n c o r p o r a t e d Bronfenbrenner's model i n t o t h e o r i e s of c a r e e r development ( C o l l i n , 1986; Vondracek & Lerner, 1982; Vondracek et a l . , 1986; Young, 1984; Young & F r i e s e n , 1986). C o l l i n (1986) combined Bronfenbrenner's (1979) approach with a systems model and d i s c u s s e d the importance of systemic dynamics such as homeostasis, entrophy and feedback upon the developmental p r o c e s s . She c a l l e d f o r a b i o g r a p h i c a l approach to the study of c a r e e r development. Young (1984) i n c o r p o r a t e d B r o n f e n b r e n n e r 1 s (1979) model i n t o an e c o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e where he viewed c a r e e r as one s p e c i f i c ecosystem i n which the i n d i v i d u a l was embedded, occupying an e c o l o g i c a l niche or l i f e space where r e c i p r o c a l i n t e r a c t i o n between the person and the environment takes p l a c e . Others, while not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o Bronfenbrenner's approach, have a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e d systems theory i n t o c a r e e r development models. B r a c h t e r (1982) s t r e s s e s the importance of f a m i l y r u l e s , and boundaries on c a r e e r c h o i c e . In h i s community i n t e r a c t i o n theory, Law (1981) viewed young a d u l t c a r e e r development i n l i g h t of t r a n s a c t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s and o t h e r s w i t h i n an e c o l o g i c a l or community t e r r i t o r y . Modes of community i n f l u e n c e , which c o u l d be t r a n s m i t t e d through the f a m i l y , i n c l u d e d e x p e c t a t i o n s , feedback, support, m o d e l l i n g and the p r o v i s i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n . Vondracek and h i s c o l l e a g u e s (Vondracek e t a l . , 1986) combined B r o n f e n b r e n n e r 1 s (1979) model with a c o n t e x t u a l 14 developmental approach, stressing the importance of the microsystem i n the career development process. Schulenberg et a l . (1984) c a l l e d for further research into the processes by' which the family influences career development. Vondracek and his colleagues saw a c t i v i t i e s , roles and interpersonal relations as "the mechanisms of occupational s o c i a l i z a t i o n " (Vondracek et a l . , 1986, p. 50). Key contextual developmental concepts such as dynamic i n t e r a c t i o n , or b i d i r e c t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n between the i n d i v i d u a l and his or her environment, and the p l a s t i c i t y , or f l e x i b i l i t y , of developing individuals were outlined i n t h e i r theory. This model described career development as a l i f e long process where development occurred simultaneously at multiple l e v e l s which could interact with one another. Developing persons were seen as producers of t h e i r own development: acting as s t i m u l i , having possession of certain c a p a b i l i t i e s and/or i n i t i a t i n g active behavioral interventions that may shape subsequent development. Vondracek et a l . (1986) perceived vocational role development as an early phase of the l i f e long career development process and saw young people having more p l a s t i c i t y and, therefore, more alternatives than t h e i r older counterparts. They c a l l e d for a focus on the developing c h i l d within the immediate context of the family. The Development of Gender Roles Roles, the b e h a v i o r a l and a t t i t u d i n a l e x p e c t a t i o n s t h a t others have of persons occupying s p e c i f i c p o s i t i o n s or n i c h e s , are important i n the context of c a r e e r development and i n Br o n f e n b r e n n e r 1 s (1979) model develop w i t h i n the microsystemic c o n t e x t . Gender r o l e s r e f e r more s p e c i f i c a l l y t o "the overt e x p r e s s i o n of beh a v i o r s and a t t i t u d e s t h a t i n d i c a t e t o others the degree of one's a f f i l i a t i o n t o maleness or femaleness" (Reber, 1985, p. 296) and are one of the b a s i c means by which i n d i v i d u a l s and s o c i e t i e s d e f i n e themselves. In Western c u l t u r e , the d i v i s i o n of labour which developed s i n c e the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n r e s u l t e d i n the now t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s o f e x t e r n a l masculine "Good P r o v i d e r " (Bernard, 1981) which p r o v i d e d i n s t r u m e n t a l s u r v i v a l needs f o r the f a m i l y and the domestic feminine r o l e of primary c a r e g i v e r and n u r t u r e r (Scanzoni & L i t t o n - F o x , 1980, Westkott, 1986). Some i n d i v i d u a l s experience r o l e c o n f l i c t or s t r a i n where they are unable t o f u l f i l the e x p e c t a t i o n s of r o l e s i n two d i f f e r e n t s e t t i n g s or when changing macrosystemic demands are not c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the e x p e c t a t i o n s and demands of a s p e c i f i c microsystem. Common examples of gender r o l e s t r a i n may be found i n the c a r e e r s o f women who are attempting t o f u l f i l l both the t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s of homemaker and mother and a l s o the r o l e of p a i d employee or where men and/or women occupy o c c u p a t i o n a l n i c h e s t r a d i t i o n a l l y f i l l e d by members of the other gender such 16 as a male s e c r e t a r y or a female engineer. In such cases the d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s i n g from s e t t i n g e x p e c t a t i o n s are f u r t h e r compounded by p e r c e i v e d d i s c r e p a n c i e s with t r a d i t i o n a l gender r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n s . The Nature of Gender Roles In t h e i r study of gender r o l e s t e r e o t y p e s , Broverman and her c o l l e a g u e s (Broverman et a l . , 1972) i d e n t i f i e d s p e c i f i c t r a i t c l u s t e r s a t t r i b u t e d t o men and women which they named the male competency c l u s t e r and the female warmth-eacpressiveness c l u s t e r . The male competency c l u s t e r i n c l u d e d t r a i t s such as independence, c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s , o b j e c t i v i t y , l o g i c , adventurousness, d e c i s i o n making a b i l i t y , s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e , l e a d e r s h i p o r i e n t a t i o n , ambition and so on which were more h i g h l y v a l u e d than the female warmth-e x p r e s s i v e n e s s t r a i t s of ge n t l e n e s s , s e n s i t i v i t y t o o t h e r s ' f e e l i n g s , t a c t f u l n e s s , e x p r e s s i v e n e s s of f e e l i n g s and so on. These r e s e a r c h e r s found t h a t each sex r o l e s t e r e o t y p e , i n a d d i t i o n t o p o s s e s s i n g p o s i t i v e t r a i t s such as those l i s t e d above, was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a l a c k of the t r a i t s c o n s i d e r e d p o s i t i v e f o r the other gender. For example, men were g e n e r a l l y seen t o be i n s e n s i t i v e t o the f e e l i n g s of others while women were p e r c e i v e d t o be dependent and l a c k i n g i n c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s . Parsons (1955) understood sex r o l e s i n terms of f a m i l y systems maintenance. In h i s model i n t e r a c t i o n s may be l o c a t e d i n quadrants along a v e r t i c a l a x i s with p o l e s of h i g h and low power and a h o r i z o n t a l a x i s with i n s t r u m e n t a l and e x p r e s s i v e f u n c t i o n p o l e s . Instrumental f u n c t i o n s were concerned with the system's 17 r e l a t i o n s h i p to the outside world where the system maintains i t s e l f i n equilibrium with i t s environment. These functions involve active and e f f e c t i v e c a p a b i l i t i e s for dealing with the environment i n a competent, assertive, s e l f - d i r e c t e d , s e l f -s u f f i c i e n t and independent fashion (Spence & Helmreich, 1980) . Instrumental functions a s s i s t i n maintaining the family system through the a c q u i s i t i o n of income and other physical resources necessary for family s u r v i v a l . Expressive functions are concerned with i n t e r n a l systems a f f a i r s , maintaining integrative r e l a t i o n s between family members as well as regulating i n t e r a c t i o n patterns and tension lev e l s within and between family subsystems. Within the family, fathers tended to be more powerful i n instrumental functions and mothers, i n expressive ones. Children were s o c i a l i z e d accordingly with sons developing primarily instrumental roles where they were expected to be assertive, ambitious, s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e d , objective, successful i n competitive situations and achievement oriented (Baumrind, 1978) while being committed to an outside occupation i n an autonomous fashion (Borman & Guido-DeBrito, 1986). Daughters developed expressive roles where they were expected to be receptive, nurturing and empathic (Baumrind, 1978) while avoiding competition and focusing on hard work occupationally (Borman & Guido-DeBrito, 1986). Since Parsons developed his model, however, the role expectations for women have been changing with the majority of adult women currently being employed outside the home i n more instrumental 18 roles while maintaining t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l expressive functions within the home. At the same time there has been a smaller movement on the part of some middle class men to become more involved i n c h i l d r e a r i n g tasks, a more expressive function. The question arises as to whether the s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes within the home have s h i f t e d with such macrosystemic changes i n values and the increasing economic necessity for more women workers. In her conception of gender roles, Block (1973) adapted Bakan's (1966, c i t e d i n Block, 1973) concepts of agency and community. In Block's model, agency, generally i d e n t i f i e d with the masculine role, i s concerned with the organism as an in d i v i d u a l and i s manifested i n terms of s e l f - i n t e r e s t , s e l f -assertion and self-extension (Block, 1973). Communion, i d e n t i f i e d with the feminine role, i s concerned with the individual' organism as i t exists within some larger organism such as the family of which i t i s a part. Communion i s manifested i n terms of being at one with other organisms and i s characterized by mutuality, interdependence and common welfare (Block, 1973). Like Parsons' instrumental and expressive functions, agency and communion are divided along an external goal oriented versus an in t e r n a l r e l a t i o n a l dichotomy. While personality t r a i t s described i n communion include dependency, r e l a t i o n s h i p focus and cooperation, descriptions of agentic t r a i t s , l i k e those of instrumental roles, include competency, decision making a b i l i t y , goal orientation, achievement orientation and independence. Both Block's (1973) and Parsons' (1955) conceptualizations of gender role appear consistent with Broverman et a l . ' s (1972) description of sex-role stereotypes: the rel a t i o n s h i p oriented woman and the instrumentally competent man. A l l three models describe the differences between the female role which focuses primarily on interactions within the family boundaries and the externally oriented male role of provider. It would thus appear that descriptors such as competency, agency and instrumentality overlap as do those of warmth-expressiveness, communion and expressive functions (Baumrind, 1978; F i t z g e r a l d & Betz, 1983; Poole & Evans, 1989). A l l appear to indicate the importance of gender as a means of delineating roles within Western culture. T r a d i t i o n a l Gender Roles and Occupational Choice Parents have t r a d i t i o n a l l y expected t h e i r daughters to f i l l expressive roles, acting i n a "feminine" manner and to secure a good marriage, avoiding any excessive displays of agentic or instrumental t r a i t s such as competitiveness, independence, assertiveness, competency and so on (Block, 1983). G i r l s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been s o c i a l i z e d to be kind, affectionate, p o l i t e and s e l f l e s s and to develop into good mothers and housekeepers: expressive roles that have l i t t l e status i n society at large. Feminine occupations outside the home have tended to be either related to the t r a d i t i o n a l nurturing and supportive roles of women, as i n professions such as teaching, s o c i a l work and nursing, or to be occupations which have moderate status and low economic rewards such as c l e r i c a l and service oriented work. Ehrhardt, Ince & Meyer-Bahlburg (1981) uncovered a non-20 s i g n i f i c a n t tendency for young women who had opted to aspire to such t r a d i t i o n a l occupations being more l i k e l y to have experienced considerable parental demands for feminine behaviors. Women often f i n d themselves working at jobs which und e r u t i l i z e t h e i r a b i l i t i e s or where they are paid less than equally s k i l l e d , trained and experienced male colleagues. In l i n e with the t r a d i t i o n a l expectation that women f i l l the primary caregiving role within the home, one major consideration i n female occupational choice r e s u l t i n g i n r e s t r i c t i v e occupational aspirations has been the role s t r a i n between the domestic, maternal role and that of paid employee. This often re s u l t s i n a desire to f i n d a job which w i l l allow the woman to take time out of her career to raise her children (Eccles & Hoffman, 1 9 8 4 ) . Block ( 1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 3 ) and Huston ( 1 9 8 3 ) point out that parents expect f a r more from t h e i r sons i n terms of occupational achievement. However, Danziger ( 1 9 8 3 ) found that male occupational aspirations were less affected by such parental expectations than were those of females. Young men have been expected to f i l l more instrumental roles and display agentic t r a i t s . While fewer men experience the instrumental-expressive role c o n f l i c t that often shapes the occupational choices of women, they are expected to be competent and to achieve success i n t h e i r chosen occupation. T r a d i t i o n a l male occupations cover a wider range of status and pay. Upper and mid-status male occupations frequently involve leadership roles where t r a i t s such as competitiveness, goal orientations and aggressiveness are 21 valued along with strong problem solving s k i l l s . Lower status jobs requiring physical strength and/or the ac q u i s i t i o n of a s k i l l e d trade have also been t r a d i t i o n a l l y male domains. The Development of Occupational Aspirations A s t i n (1984) and B r i z z i (1986) have argued that women have more r e s t r i c t e d occupational aspirations than men because t h e i r perceptions of act u a l l y a t t a i n i n g the occupation are more r e a l i s t i c . According to Astin (1984), men and women have the same motivational needs to work but the structure of opportunity available to women has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been more l i m i t e d than that available to men. She points to recent s h i f t s i n young women's occupational aspirations and explains them i n terms of a widening structure of opportunity brought about by macrosystemic changes. These changes include increased longevity of the population, creating the need for some type of occupation to f i l l s u r v i v a l , pleasure and contributional needs afte r the ch i l d r e a r i n g years; a decl i n i n g b i r t h r a t e where one or two children i s the normative s o c i e t a l expectation; as well as an increasing divorce rate. Astin also describes a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of alt e r n a t i v e l i f e s t y l e s where the t r a d i t i o n a l two parent family i s no longer the norm and where women are f i l l i n g more instrumental roles as they f i n d themselves the main source of f i n a n c i a l security for the family. The structure of opportunity, i n Astin's (1984) model, i s clos e l y intertwined with gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n experienced by boys and g i r l s . Gottfredson (1981), i n her model of occupational aspiration development, argues that sextyping of 22 o c c u p a t i o n s occurs i n e a r l y c h i l d h o o d as c h i l d r e n become aware of gender r o l e s and a p p r o p r i a t e r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s and t h e r e would appear t o be some s u p p o r t i n g evidence i n the r e s e a r c h (e.g., O'Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Shepard & Hess, 1975; Women's Bureau of Labour Canada, 1986). A c c o r d i n g t o G o t t f r e d s o n ' s model the development of o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s i s a process of p r o g r e s s i v e e l i m i n a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e s . Young c h i l d r e n l e a r n e a r l y t h a t c e r t a i n occupations are more a p p r o p r i a t e f o r one sex than f o r the ot h e r . Although the sexual s t e r e o t y p i n g of occup a t i o n s decreases as c h i l d r e n mature (O'Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Shepard & Hess, 1975), women are more l i k e l y t o s e l e c t female-typed o c c u p a t i o n s , such as t e a c h i n g , n u r s i n g , s o c i a l work and s e c r e t a r i a l work (Kenkel & Gage, 1983), which are compatible with t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of the female sex r o l e , or gender n e u t r a l occupations such as c o u n s e l l i n g or j o u r n a l i s m (see Church, 1983, and Shinar, 1975, f o r other examples of sextyped o c c u p a t i o n s ) . These occupations are u s u a l l y mid s t a t u s i n nature and are lower p a i d than the male typed occupations which extend a c r o s s a wider range from low s t a t u s jobs such as u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r t o h i g h s t a t u s o c c u p a t i o n s such as s e n i o r management p o s i t i o n s and p r o f e s s i o n s . Sextyping and Oc c u p a t i o n a l Choice In a study i n v o l v i n g 60 u n i v e r s i t y students, Shinar (1975), drawing from a l i s t of 160 occupations from Roe's o c c u p a t i o n a l category system (Roe, 1956, c i t e d i n Shinar, 1975), found t h a t gender s t e r e o t y p e s of occupations were c l e a r l y d e f i n e d along the 23 l i n e s of Broverman et a l . ' s (1972) gender role stereotypes even though there was a s l i g h t , s i g n i f i c a n t tendency for females to view occupations as less masculine than men. L i f s c h i t z ' s (1983) resu l t s i n d i c a t i n g that stereotyping occurring i n high school students' sextyping of jobs was based more on occupation and not s t r i c t l y on gender r e p l i c a t e Shinar's (1975) study. Lueptow (1981), looking at the influences of instrumental-expressive sextyped s o c i a l i z a t i o n upon the occupational aspirations of American students from 13 Wisconsin high schools, found that while the structure of opportunity appeared to be opening more widely for female students, these moves were mainly into t r a d i t i o n a l male white c o l l a r occupations. Males, i n t h i s study using a l i s t of occupations drawn from the 1960 Census of Occupational T i t l e s (cited i n Lueptow, 1981), were moving out of aspi r i n g to such occupations towards highly sextyped blue c o l l a r jobs. Although the percentage of young women aspi r i n g to t r a d i t i o n a l l y female occupations dropped from 79.7% i n 1964 to 49.8% i n 1975, these changes i n occupational aspirations were mitigated by the emergence of several new sextyped occupations for women. Lueptow concluded that sextyping of occupations was continuing to develop as an important structure i n the development of occupational aspirations. Marini and Greenberger (1978), also looking at the aspirations of high school students, had e a r l i e r found a s i g n i f i c a n t tendency for boys to aspire to more sextyped occupations than g i r l s consistent with s i m i l a r patterns i n other 24 age groups (see O'Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Shepard & Hess, 1975; Women's Bureau of Labour Canada, 198 6 for examples of such studies). While g i r l s were more l i k e l y to aspire to cross-sex occupations, boys were more confident that they would achieve the higher status occupations they aspired to. However, Marini and Greenberger's (1978) findings indicated that d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of occupational aspirations and expectations by gender was s t i l l highly dominated by sextyping of those occupations. They also found that a negative r e l a t i o n s h i p existed between occupational prestige and sextyped occupations for g i r l s but not for boys and noted, as d i d Baker (1985) and Geller (1984), that female occupational aspirations tend to c l u s t e r i n the middle and upper middle range of prestige, a finding which apparently lends credence to Gottfredson's (1981) model. Poole and Cooney (1985) found s i g n i f i c a n t gender differences in adolescent awareness of occupational opportunities. Females in t h e i r study l i s t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y more occupations than males. In apparent support of Gottfredson 1s (1981) theory and Lueptow's (1981) research, they found that males were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more aware of proportionally more low status occupations and that females were more s i g n i f i c a n t l y aware of middle status occupations. There were no gender differences regarding the awareness of high status occupations. Again, i n apparent support of Gottfredson's (1981) theory, they found s i g n i f i c a n t patterns where males were more aware of high and low status occupations 25 w h i l e females were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more aware of mid s t a t u s o c c u p a t i o n s as s u i t a b l e f o r themselves. Changing Gender Roles and Occupational Aspirations The r e s e a r c h l i t e r a t u r e c o n c e r n i n g o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s of a d o l e s c e n t s and young a d u l t s i n d i c a t e s t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l gender r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n s p l a y a d e c r e a s i n g r o l e i n the a s p i r a t i o n s of young women while s t i l l d e l i n e a t i n g the o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e s of young men. For example, Harmon (1971) found t h a t the most popul a r o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e s of c o l l e g e women c o n t i n u e d t o be housewife, f o l l o w e d by occupations i n the e d u c a t i o n a l and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s f i e l d s . By the mid-80s, G e l l e r (1984) d i s c o v e r e d t h a t young women no lon g e r a s p i r e d t o be housewives. Comparing a s p i r a t i o n s between samples taken i n 1973 and 1983, she noted a decrease i n the c h o i c e of t r a d i t i o n a l o ccupations, with 38% of the 1983 sample a s p i r i n g t o t r a d i t i o n a l l y female occupations compared with 48% of the 1973 sample. F i f t e e n percent of the 1983 group versus 11% of the 1973 group a s p i r e d t o " ( i ) n t e r m e d i a t e - t y p e p o s i t i o n s " such as " s o c i a l work, i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i n g , e t c . " ( G e l l e r , 1984, p. 18) while the c h o i c e of n o n t r a d i t i o n a l occupations had r i s e n from 20% i n 1973 t o 30% i n 1983. These young women saw t h e i r f u t u r e l i f e r o l e s d i f f e r e n t l y than Parsons (1955) had a n t i c i p a t e d i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of e x p r e s s i v e f u n c t i o n s . While 50% of them a s p i r e d t o marriage and c h i l d r e n , over 70% of those who i n d i c a t e d such c h o i c e s d i d not mention housework. G e l l e r (1984) i n d i c a t e s t h a t s o c i e t a l r o l e 26 changes appear t o be most apparent i n the c a r e e r c h o i c e s of upper c l a s s young women and t h a t t h e r e appears t o be a l a g i n t h e i r a d a p t a t i o n by middle c l a s s women. F u r t h e r support f o r t h i s downward t r a n s f e r of changing gender r o l e s i n t o o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s emerges i n Kenkel and Gage's (1983) f i n d i n g s t h a t low income g i r l s a s p i r e d t o a narrow range of t r a d i t i o n a l female o c c u p a t i o n s . C o n s i s t e n t with Lueptow's (1981) r e s u l t s , G e l l e r (1984) a l s o found t h a t moves towards n o n t r a d i t i o n a l o ccupations tended t o c l u s t e r around h i g h e r s t a t u s a s p i r a t i o n s . Baker (1985) found a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n with 53% of her sample of ado l e s c e n t women e x p e c t i n g t o be working i n p r o f e s s i o n a l or management f i e l d s by age 30 as opposed t o approximately 23% s e e i n g themselves as c l e r i c a l , s a l e s or s e r v i c e workers and approximately 24% s e e i n g themselves as housewives. The ch o i c e s of the few males i n her sample i n d i c a t e d a low s t a t u s / h i g h s t a t u s s p l i t w i t h 72% a s p i r i n g t o p r o f e s s i o n a l or management p o s i t i o n s and 24% s e l e c t i n g manual labour o c c u p a t i o n s . Only 4% of these males expected t o be working i n c l e r i c a l , s a l e s or s e r v i c e occupations by age 30 and none of them i n d i c a t e d t h a t they planned t o perform the r o l e of homemaker. Such evidence would appear t o support the r e s e a r c h with younger c h i l d r e n t h a t i n d i c a t e d t h a t males were l e s s f l e x i b l e than females w i t h r e g a r d t o a s p i r i n g towards c r o s s - s e x or gender n e u t r a l occupations (O'Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Women's Bureau of Labour Canada, 198 6). 27 Such hesitancy on the part of males to enter female typed occupations may be related to Hartley's (1959) and Tooley's (1977) theories that males are s o c i a l i z e d to f e e l threatened at the thought of taking females roles they perceived to be i n f e r i o r and less powerful. Another possible explanation might be found in Grotevant and Thurbecke's (1982) findings that adolescent males appeared to relate occupational commitment to an instrumental orientation while t h e i r female counterparts were more concerned with working hard and avoiding competition. Indications are that sex role orientation plays an important role i n the development of t r a d i t i o n a l versus non-traditional occupational aspirations. Harren, Kass, Tinsey and Moreland (1979) found that the most i n f l u e n t i a l predictor of gender dominated career choices was gender. The s e l f - a t t r i b u t i o n of gender c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s was also an important influence i n career choice. Therefore, men, as well as women, who ascribed female sex role c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to themselves, were more l i k e l y to select occupations typed as female. Comparing female univ e r s i t y students i n home economics and engineering, Jones and Lamke (1985) found that the women i n home economics possessed a more feminine sex role orientation while t h e i r engineering counterparts were more oriented towards the masculine r o l e . However, Rotberg, Brown and Ware (1987) found that the range of occupational choice was more related to intere s t i n male or female dominated occupations than to gender role o r i e n t a t i o n . They note that these results contradicted e a r l i e r research. 28 One might conclude from the above survey of the l i t e r a t u r e that although males aspire to a wider range of occupations than females, they tend to aspire to more sextyped occupations. Young women increasingly appear to be moving away from a tendency to select mid-status and upper mid-status occupations i n the c l e r i c a l , services and health fields.- towards less t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. However, the general d i r e c t i o n of such moves appears to be towards higher status professional and business related occupations which suggests that young men s t i l l w i l l aspire to a wider s e l e c t i o n of occupations than young women. Research such as Lueptow's (1981) finding that some of the new occupational niches aspired to by young women are now being sextyped as female occupations, r e s u l t i n g i n lower prestige and power, indicates the continuing strength of the perceived gender appropriateness of occupations for males and females. Gender D i f f e r e n t i a t e d S o c i a l i z a t i o n Even though Astin's (1984) and Gottfredson's (1981) models focus on d i f f e r e n t aspects of career development, they both outline the importance that i n t e r n a l i z i n g t r a d i t i o n a l gender role expectations plays i n the r e s t r i c t i o n of female occupational aspirations. Weitz (1977) termed the process by which such role expectations were transmitted as gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n . 29 Various models have been developed to explain t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n process. For example, Hartley (1959) and Tooley (1977) proposed that boys experienced a harsher upbringing where they were separated e a r l i e r from t h e i r mothers (Tooley, 1977) and developed anxiety r e s u l t i n g from the pressure to f i l l harsh but preferred masculine role expectations (Hartley, 1959). From t h i s perspective, g i r l s were seen to be allowed more leeway i n behavioral exploration and experienced a more protected upbringing. Scanzoni and Litton-Fox (1980), with a preference for a s o c i a l learning model, proposed that parents and others acted to shape a c h i l d ' s behavior by rewarding roles which were in accordance with expressed expectations and punishing behavior which ran contrary to those expectations (see also Block, 1978). Block (1981, 1983) developed a model to explain gender d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n which g i r l s experienced a more r e s t r i c t i v e s o c i a l i z a t i o n process where they were encouraged to imitate others while remaining i n close proximity to t h e i r mothers. According to Block, boys experienced less structure and were encouraged to develop problem solving strategies of t h e i r own, often outside the home. She saw parental distancing as advantageous for boys and parental closeness as an i n h i b i t i n g factor i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of g i r l s as i t could decrease the number of situations i n which a g i r l was able to develop adaptive problem solving s k i l l s . Others (Astin, 1984; Eccles & Hoffman, 1984; Huston, 1983) have presented models of gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes, s i m i l a r to Block's (1978, 30 1981, 1983) model, which they apply to the c a r e e r development p r o c e s s . A s t i n (1984), f o r example, o u t l i n e d the d i f f e r i n g a c t i v i t i e s i n which boys and g i r l s are encouraged to p a r t i c i p a t e . Boys o f t e n p l a y outdoors at c o m p e t i t i v e games which A s t i n (1984) argues t r a n s l a t e i n t o r e s o u r c e s , such as power, p r e s t i g e and income, f o r g a i n f u l employment l a t e r i n l i f e . A c c o r d i n g t o A s t i n , boys are encouraged i n a c t i v i t i e s which e n t a i l d e v e l o p i n g job r e l a t e d s k i l l s such as b u i l d i n g t h i n g s as w e l l as problem s o l v i n g s t r a t e g i e s (see a l s o Block, 1981, 1983). T h e i r chores t y p i c a l l y i n v o l v e working i n the y a r d and h e l p i n g dad to r e p a i r v a r i o u s items ( A s t i n , 1984; Huston, 1983). T h e i r s i s t e r s , on the other hand, p l a y indoors with t o y s such as d o l l s which encourage the n u r t u r i n g r o l e . G i r l s h e l p mother around the house and a s s i s t i n the care of t h e i r younger s i b l i n g s . Such t a s k s o f t e n are expanded i n t o the f i r s t p a i d employment f o r many g i r l s , b a b y s i t t i n g , again a domestic r o l e which d i f f e r s from boys' e a r l y jobs as paper c a r r i e r s . Huston (1983), i n her review of the l i t e r a t u r e , i d e n t i f i e d p a rents as responding more q u i c k l y t o requests f o r h e l p by daughters than by sons, a p r o c e s s confirmed by Grotevant and Cooper (1985). She argues t h a t such b e h a v i o r s may communicate lower competency e v a l u a t i o n s of female c h i l d r e n w h i le the o p p o s i t e a p p a r e n t l y occurs f o r males. Young and F r i e s e n (1986), i n t h e i r study of p a r e n t a l i n t e r v e n t i o n s i n a d o l e s c e n t c a r e e r development, found t h a t p a r e n t a l i n t e r v e n t i o n s favoured boys over g i r l s . Parents, i n t h e i r study, p e r c e i v e d themselves as p r o v i d i n g more encouragement f o r t h e i r sons, g i v i n g 31 them more i n f o r m a t i o n than t h e i r s i s t e r s , a f f i r m i n g and understanding sons more f r e q u e n t l y than daughters and d i s p l a y i n g more i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r sons. They a l s o found t h a t f a t h e r s p e r c e i v e d themselves as c h a l l e n g i n g t h e i r sons' ide a s and a c t i o n s more o f t e n (see a l s o Young, F r i e s e n , and Pearson, 1988). Smith (1981) found t h a t f a t h e r s were more l i k e l y t o p r o v i d e o v e r t encouragement than mothers. Such processes w i t h i n the home may be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d l e v e l s of s e l f -p e r c e i v e d competency r e p o r t e d by Poole and Evans (1989). Changing macrosystemic demands appear t o be c a l l i n g f o r the development of competency i n young women. While Baumrind (1978) and F i t z g e r a l d and Betz (1983) d e f i n e d competency i n terms of i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y , Poole and Evans (1989) p a r t i a l l y d e f i n e the term as agency. For them, l i k e Baumrind (1978), competency i n c l u d e s the achievement of p e r s o n a l l y or s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e outcomes as w e l l as the independent p u r s u i t of g o a l s . C o n s i s t e n t w i t h sex r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n s (e.g., Maccoby & J a c k l i n , 1974), Poole and Evans (1989) found t h a t a d olescent females p e r c e i v e d themselves t o be competent i n s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s e s p e c i a l l y those i n v o l v i n g l i f e , or i n t e r p e r s o n a l , s k i l l s while males p e r c e i v e d themselves t o be competent i n a d i v e r s i t y of s i t u a t i o n s . Such d i f f e r i n g p e r c e p t i o n s of competencies between genders lea d s one t o look at the s o c i a l i z a t i o n e x periences of male and female c h i l d r e n s p e c i f i c a l l y the a v a i l a b i l i t y of processes o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n the f a m i l y microsystem. 32 P r o c e s s e s o f D i f f e r e n t i a l S o c i a l i z a t i o n Eccles and Hoffman (1984), r e l a t i n g competency to career development, i d e n t i f i e d six processes through which family experiences r e s u l t i n gender differences. They described the f i r s t of these processes as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the same sex parent. Parsons (1955), i n his instrumental-expressive model, saw the parent with whom the c h i l d i d e n t i f i e s as occupying an envied status because he or she i s i n control of a l l resources desired by the c h i l d . Eccles and Hoffman (1984) argue that children's observations of mothers and fathers occupying gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d roles, involving d i f f e r i n g occupational commitments, and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the same sex parent results i n the maintenance of gender differences. In describing the second process, d i f f e r e n t i a l parental use of reward and punishment, Eccles and Hoffman (1984) posit that sex role t r a i n i n g of boys i s more rigorous than that of g i r l s . Like Hartley (1959), they note the anxiety experienced by boys around e x h i b i t i n g behavior which i s inappropriate to the male sex role and i d e n t i f y g i r l s as being allowed more behavioral leeway than t h e i r brothers. Eccles and Hoffman (1984) a t t r i b u t e t h i s leeway as perhaps coming from g i r l s ' lower status i n the family. F e r r i e r a and Thomas' (1984) finding that adolescent sons perceived themselves as receiving more physical punishment appears to provide some support for t h i s p o s i t i o n . One re s u l t of the more r i g i d sex role t r a i n i n g for boys, the authors argued, may be that sex differences i n occupational aspirations are a 33 re s u l t of male reluctance towards involvement i n an occupation sextyped as female. This would appear to be strongly substantiated by the l i t e r a t u r e on male-female occupation aspirations (Lueptow, 1981; Marini & Greenberger, 1978; O'Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Shepard & Hess, 1975; Shinar, 1975; Women's Bureau of Labour Canada, 1986). Direct teaching by parents, the t h i r d process, involves d i f f e r e n t content as parents teach t h e i r children behaviors and s k i l l s that they perceive w i l l be useful to them i n l a t e r l i f e . Some of these teachings are overtly related to sex roles while others are more covertly so. Like Astin (1984), Block (1981, 1983) and Huston (1983), Eccles and Hoffman (1984) point out i n the fourth process, assignment of household tasks, that boys are assigned tasks outside the home at an e a r l i e r age which "are more independent of adult supervision and s p e c i f i e d routines" (Eccles & Hoffman, 1984, p. 388) while g i r l s are given housekeeping chores such as vacuuming which involve work inside the house. The f i f t h process outlined by Eccles and Hoffman (1984) i s parental a t t r i b u t i o n of certa i n sex stereotyped t r a i t s to t h e i r children. These at t r i b u t i o n s impact on the nature of parent-c h i l d i n t e r r e l a t i o n s and also on the chi l d ' s own s e l f concept. One example i s perceived female v u l n e r a b i l i t y which begins at b i r t h and continues as the c h i l d develops. Such perceived v u l n e r a b i l i t y l i k e l y r e s u l t s i n parental protection of t h e i r daughters which provides another source of r e s t r i c t i v e n e s s i n the gender s o c i a l i z a t i o n of female children and adolescents. A 34 second example of such p a r e n t a l a t t r i b u t i o n s i s the p e r c e p t i o n t h a t g i r l s have t o work harder than boys t o achieve i n mathematics. Again, such p e r c e p t i o n s are not c o n s i s t e n t with c h i l d r e n ' s a c t u a l a b i l i t i e s . In the f i n a l p rocess, p a r e n t a l e x p e c t a t i o n s , E c c l e s and Hoffman (1984) c i t e l i t e r a t u r e i n which parents d e s c r i b e d q u a l i t i e s t h a t they wished to see i n t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Such e x p e c t a t i o n s are an important aspect of r o l e development. For sons they i n c l u d e d " o c c u p a t i o n a l success, work, ambition, i n t e l l i g e n c e and e d u c a t i o n " while f o r daughters they i n c l u d e d "being k i n d or u n s e l f i s h , l o v i n g , a t t r a c t i v e or w e l l mannered, having a good marriage and b e i n g a good p a r e n t " (p. 391). F a t h e r s were more l i k e l y t o emphasize com p e t i t i v e n e s s and achievement w i t h sons while mothers were more l i k e l y t o expect sons t o a t t a i n a h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n and a s p i r e t o h i g h e r s t a t u s o c c u p a t i o n s . Daughters who d i d s t r i v e t o a t t a i n post secondary e d u c a t i o n were expected to c o n c e n t r a t e on the humanities and s o c i a l s c i e n c e s while sons were t o study p h y s i c a l s c i e n c e s and advanced mathematics. L i k e Amato and O c h i l t r e e (1986), these authors s t r e s s the importance of p a r e n t a l encouragement and c o n f i d e n c e on the c h i l d ' s s e l f c o nfidence, achievement p a t t e r n s and e v e n t u a l o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s . In summary, E c c l e s and Hoffman (1984) o u t l i n e d the importance of s i x s o c i a l i z a t i o n p rocesses o c c u r r i n g i n the f a m i l y : same sex c h i l d - p a r e n t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , sex d i f f e r e n t i a t e d rewards and punishments, d i r e c t p a r e n t a l t e a c h i n g , c h i l d r e n ' s 35 household tasks and play a c t i v i t i e s , parental ste r e o t y p i c a l a t t r i b u t i o n s and i n t e r r e l a t i o n s with the c h i l d , and sex d i f f e r e n t i a t e d parental expectations of children. These processes combine to encourage d i f f e r e n t coping st y l e s where males are more independent and achievement oriented and females are more interpersonally oriented. In t h i s way, the s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes experienced by boys i n the home prepare them more for the labour market while g i r l s are s t i l l s o c i a l i z e d to f u l f i l l the t r a d i t i o n a l roles of mother and homemaker. F i t z g e r a l d and Betz (1983) note, i n t h e i r review of the l i t e r a t u r e , that while males are s o c i a l i z e d to begin with making an occupational choice as to how to support themselves and t h e i r future families, females must f i r s t decide whether they wish to work outside the home before se l e c t i n g an occupational path. Another way of putting i t would be to describe boys' s o c i a l i z a t i o n r e s u l t i n g i n the development of more agentic t r a i t s and instrumental functions while g i r l s develop more i n terms of communion and expressive functions. Eccles and Hoffman (1984) make a strong case for the pos i t i o n that parental s o c i a l i z a t i o n practices are inherently conservative i n nature, being based on the parents' own childhood experiences with t h e i r parents. These authors argue that, i n a world undergoing rapid s o c i a l change, s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s preparing children to take roles up to two generations old. Thus young women i n p a r t i c u l a r emerge from the parental home poorly equipped to deal with the r e a l i t i e s of the future they w i l l face where 36 paid work outside the home may occupy more of t h e i r time than the homemaker role for which they have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been s o c i a l i z e d . However, as noted above, there appears to be an increasing tendency for young women to aspire to nontraditional occupations. Family Resources and Nontraditional Career Choice Amato and Ochiltree (1986) i d e n t i f i e d family s t r u c t u r a l and process resources as strongly influencing the ch i l d ' s development of competency. Structural resources included variables such as family income, parent's occupational status, parent's education, qua l i t y of housing, parental health and so on while process resources included parental aspirations and expectations, family cohesion and parental behaviors such as helping, t a l k i n g , showing int e r e s t and c o n f l i c t with the c h i l d . These authors developed a model of benign and vicious s o c i a l i z a t i o n s p i r a l s which emphasized family process resources. In benign s p i r a l s the c h i l d experiences family support and encouragement to attempt new challenges. This r e s u l t s i n the c h i l d a s p i r i n g to higher lev e l s of achievement. Vicious s p i r a l s , where family support and encouragement i s lacking, r e s u l t i n the c h i l d lowering s e l f -expectations and attempts at mastery. Such children develop lower l e v e l s of competency than those who experience a benign s o c i a l i z a t i o n process. Using t h i s model, one could argue that nontraditional occupational choice may be a resul t of benign s o c i a l i z a t i o n resources r e s u l t i n g i n the development of instrumental competency. 37 Among the well documented s t r u c t u r a l resources present i n the family backgrounds of women occupying t r a d i t i o n a l l y male occupational niches are: high family socioeconomic status (Auster & Auster, 1981), well educated parents (Auster & Auster, 1981; Sandberg, Ehrhardt, Mellins, Ince & Meyer-Bahlburg, 1987), fathers with a t y p i c a l careers (Lemkau, 1979) and working mothers (Auster & Auster, 1981; Sandberg et a l . , 1987; Vondracek & Lerner, 1982). Lemkau (1978) i d e n t i f i e d important process resources found i n the family s o c i a l i z a t i o n of such women which included more opportunity to explore and develop independence, exposure to a wide range of male and female role models, and the opportunity to a t t a i n a higher l e v e l of education. These women perceived themselves being openly encouraged toward achievement, and possibly toward independence, by t h e i r parents, who tended to model androgynous behaviors rather than sextyped ones. Others (Fitzgerald & Betz, 1983; Grotevant & Cooper, 1988) have also i d e n t i f i e d encouragement as an important resource i n developing nontraditional female occupational aspirations. Values attached to s p e c i f i c tasks were found to be influenced by parental encouragement (Eccles, 1987) and such task valuation may be related to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of parental support and encouragement as an important variable i n the background of women aspiring to nontraditional occupations (Auster & Auster, 1981; Grotevant & Cooper, 1988; Lemkau, 1979). Fathers of such women tended to be successful while mothers were perceived as achievement oriented and active outside the 38 home. These daughters enjoyed a c l o s e , s t a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p with t h e i r p a r e n t s and p e r c e i v e d themselves as s p e c i a l , e s p e c i a l l y t o t h e i r f a t h e r s . Lemkau (1979) found support f o r the importance of enrichment a c t i v i t i e s i n the development of these women which l e d to a l e s s s t e r e o t y p e d , more f l e x i b l e u nderstanding of the female r o l e where i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y appears t o be developed along with e x p r e s s i v e n e s s . Independence and Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n E c c l e s and Hoffman (1984) noted t h a t a r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t e d between s e x - r o l e i d e a t i o n and o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s with more t r a d i t i o n a l l y o r i e n t e d women a s p i r i n g t o more modest, sextyped o c c u p a t i o n s than t h e i r n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l c o u n t e r p a r t s . Where women do occupy t r a d i t i o n a l l y male o c c u p a t i o n a l n i c h e s , they have been d e s c r i b e d as s h a r i n g male p e r s o n a l i t y and m o t i v a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (Borman & Guido DeBrito , 1986) r a t h e r than b e i n g p e r c e i v e d as conforming t o the female r o l e . E c c l e s and Hoffman (1984) c i t e arguments f o r a l i n k between sex d i f f e r e n t i a t e d achievement p a t t e r n s and sex d i f f e r e n c e s i n e a r l y independence t r a i n i n g which suggests t h a t s o c i a l i z a t i o n of g i r l s t r a d i t i o n a l l y r e s u l t s i n more dependence with a n e g a t i v e e f f e c t on t h e i r achievement a s p i r a t i o n s . They f u r t h e r argue t h a t s e x t y p i n g of a c t i v i t i e s r e s u l t s i n gender a p p r o p r i a t e areas of achievement (see a l s o V e r o f f , 1983, c i t e d i n E c c l e s , 1987). For example i t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been gender a p p r o p r i a t e f o r men t o achieve h i g h 39 status and f i n a n c i a l rewards i n t h e i r careers while, for women, success has often been perceived i n terms of s o c i a l situations or as v i c a r i o u s l y experiencing the successes of a male partner. Baumrind (1978) saw independence and achievement orientation as instrumental competency. She defined independence as s e l f -determining, ascendant, goal oriented behavior as opposed to submissive, aimless and conforming behavior. Achievement orient a t i o n was defined as seeking i n t e l l e c t u a l stimulation and persistent, e f f i c i e n t problem solving. Block (1978) found that both parents appeared to emphasize achievement and independence more for t h e i r sons than for t h e i r daughters. Eccles and Hoffman (1984) note that boys receive more of a push towards independence and achievement orientation than g i r l s through t h e i r experience of harsher parental punishments. As a res u l t of d i f f e r e n t i a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n , g i r l s learn to depend on others while boys develop active problem solving s k i l l s which increase t h e i r independence (Block, 1981, 1983; Hoffman, 1972, c i t e d i n Eccles & Hoffman, 1984). Eccles and Hoffman (1984) along with F i t z g e r a l d and Betz (1983) argue that g i r l s ' dependence on others results i n achievement orientations and occupational preferences that f u l f i l a f f i l i a t i o n and interpersonal goals for women as opposed to a male task oriented achievement orientation. Block (1978) found that parents of young men appeared to give them more freedom and to encourage t h e i r sons to take chances and assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as means of developing independence while young women appeared to be 40 encouraged to d i f f e r e n t i a t e themselves from t h e i r parents. One could argue that the processes which encourage im i t a t i v e behaviors i n g i r l s (Block 1981, 1983) and the tendency of parents to "chaperone" (Newson & Newson, 1976, c i t e d i n Huston, 1983) or "supervise" (Block, 1978) t h e i r daughters i n h i b i t s the development of independence. One might further argue that d i f f e r i n g patterns of s o c i a l i z a t i o n exist that r e s u l t i n the development of achievement orientation and independence, two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of "male" instrumental competency while other foster more expressive c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The r e s u l t of such outcomes may account for d i f f e r i n g patterns i n occupational aspirations. The Family Environment The d i f f e r e n t i a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n experienced by boys and g i r l s within the family microsystem has been t i e d to the d i f f e r i n g agentic and communion t r a i t s that have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been included i n sex-role stereotypes. Huston (1983), i n her extensive review of the l i t e r a t u r e , notes several differences i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of boys and g i r l s . One example of such differences l i e s i n situations where boys are encouraged to take external employment such as paper routes while g i r l s are more 4 1 r e s t r i c t e d and "chaperoned" (Newson & Newson, 1976, c i t e d i n Huston, 1983). She argues that: Agentic patterns of assertiveness, leadership, and s o c i a l confidence seem to be associated with high demands, control, and encouragement of independence i n a context of moderate warmth. (Huston, 1983, p. 433) Huston appears to be o u t l i n i n g two important domains i n her description of "moderate warmth". One of these i s the climate or environment within the family microsystem. Several studies u t i l i z i n g the Family Environment Scale or FES (Moos & Moos, 1986) have attempted to measure i n d i v i d u a l s ' perceptions of the family environment. Personal growth i s one area measured by t h i s scale and independence and achievement orientation are subscales within t h i s domain. B i l l i n g s and Moos (1982) i d e n t i f i e d independence oriented families as having good organization without emphasizing rules and controls with various family members holding strongly congruent perceptions of the family climate. Achievement oriented families were described as well organized and controlled with less concern for independence or s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . Forman and Forman (1981), seeking connections between the perceived family environment and adolescent personality factors, found that high independence scores were associated with relaxed, outgoing, s o c i a l l y bold and independent children while high achievement orientation scores were associated with enthusiastic, independent and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t adolescents. Children from 42 families supporting independence and achievement orien t a t i o n emerged as assertive and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . Consistent with Erikson's developmental theory, Enos and Handel (1985) found that older adolescents scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher on independence while adolescent males scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than females on achievement orientation on the FES. B e l l and B e l l (1982) found that adolescent g i r l s who scored high on ego development and personal functioning perceived t h e i r families to be more cohesive, more l i k e l y to express f e e l i n g and more independent with less r i g i d control than low scoring g i r l s . Looking at high r i s k adolescents and environmental mediators, Felner, Aber, Primavera & Cauce (1985) discovered that independence scores were s i g n i f i c a n t l y and p o s i t i v e l y related with adolescent s e l f concept. Fox, Rotatori, Macklin, Green and Fox (1983) found that s o c i a l l y maladjusted adolescents had s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower FES scores on independence and achievement orientation but that no gender differences were perceptible. Tyerman and Humphrey ( (1981) found that lower FES independence scores, along with lower cohesion, expressiveness, i n t e l l e c t u a l -c u l t u r a l orientation, and higher c o n f l i c t , indicated i n h i b i t i o n s i n personal growth and development, d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g youths attending a p s y c h i a t r i c c l i n i c from n o n - c l i n i c a l adolescents. These youths were further distinguishable from the control group by a lack of harmony i n t h e i r personal relationships and r e s t r i c t e d opportunities for personal growth. Parenting Styles and Instrumental Competence The presence or lack of harmony within the home may be r e s u l t i n g p a r t i a l l y from the second domain covered i n Huston's (1983) description of "a context of moderate warmth" (p. 433), that of patterns of parental behaviors. Baumrind (1978) coined the term "parenting s t y l e " to delineate recognizable patterns i n parental strategies. She found that a parenting s t y l e which lacked coherence, swinging from permissiveness to authoritarianism resulted i n learned helplessness on the part of the c h i l d . She also learned that cert a i n consistent sty l e s , the harmonious, authoritative and c u l t u r a l l y determined authoritarianism, were more e f f e c t i v e than others such as permissiveness or authoritarian parenting. Richardson, Galambos, Schulenberg and Peterson (1984) saw a balance between r e s t r i c t i v e n e s s and permissiveness i n parenting styles as being key to the development of independence. They argued that overstrictness would i n h i b i t the development of independence while overlenience would i n h i b i t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y developing. The adolescents i n t h i s study described t h e i r r e l a t i o n s with t h e i r parents as generally harmonious and perceived parental l i m i t setting as supportive guidance. Huston (1983) described independent, assertive, achievement oriented g i r l s as having parents who held high expectations of maturity and achievement oriented behaviors while displaying moderate warmth and permissiveness. 44 Such descriptions appear to be consistent with Baumrind's (1966, 1978) e a r l i e r research into parenting s t y l e s . Her r e s u l t s indicated that an authoritative parenting s t y l e was the most e f f e c t i v e means of promoting s o c i a l competence which she defined i n terms of "such attributes as s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , independence, achievement orientation and vigor" (Baumrind, 1978, p.24) Such a parenting s t y l e was characterized by the parents d i r e c t i n g the c h i l d ' s a c t i v i t i e s i n a r a t i o n a l , issue oriented manner, encouraging verbal give and take, sharing the reasoning behind parental p o l i c i e s and s o l i c i t i n g the c h i l d ' s objections. These parents valued autonomous s e l f - w i l l and d i s c i p l i n e d conformity, exacted firm controls without r e s t r i c t i n g the c h i l d , affirmed the c h i l d ' s q u a l i t i e s and set standards for future conduct, while using reason and power in shaping the c h i l d ' s behavior, through regimen and reinforcement, to meet parental objectives. Baumrind further indicated that, i n contrast to other parenting s t y l e s , authoritative parents were more c h i l d focused, taking the c h i l d ' s developmental l e v e l into account when deciding how to intervene. In apparent support of such parental awareness of developmental needs, Power and Shank (1989) found that parents moved from the use of forced compliance and d i r e c t commands toward less d i r e c t i v e techniques such as reasoning and explanation as t h e i r children grew older. Components of Parent-Adolescent Interactions F e r r i e r a and Thomas (1984), using the perceptions of adolescent children, described coercive and inductive parenting 45 s t y l e s , d e s c r i b i n g the p e r c e i v e d p a r e n t a l b e h a v i o r s which c o n s t i t u t e d such s t y l e s . T h e i r r e s u l t s i n d i c a t e d support f o r Blo c k ' s (1978, 1981, 1983) c o n t e n t i o n s t h a t male c h i l d r e n have more independence and f o r E c c l e s and Hoffman's (1984) p o s i t i o n t h a t males r e c e i v e more punishment than females. The young men i n t h i s study p e r c e i v e d t h e i r p a rents as g i v i n g them more freedom t o come and go, a d m i n i s t e r i n g more p h y s i c a l punishment and m a i n t a i n i n g companionship r e l a t i o n s with t h e i r f a t h e r s while the young women d e s c r i b e d more p h y s i c a l e x p r e s s i o n s of a f f e c t i o n coming from both p a r e n t s , perhaps i n d i c a t i n g one means by which g i r l s are s o c i a l i z e d t o be r e l a t i o n s h i p o r i e n t e d . F o c u s i n g more s p e c i f i c a l l y on achievement s o c i a l i z a t i o n , Block (1978) i d e n t i f i e d s e v e r a l v a r i a b l e s which she i n d i c a t e d were important f o r r e s e a r c h i n t h i s area. These i n c l u d e d p a r e n t a l p r a i s e and/or c r i t i c i s m , standards set f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l performance, p a r e n t a l e x p e c t a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g a c h i l d ' s p o s s i b l e c o l l e g e e d u c a t i o n , p r e s s u r e a p p l i e d around competent t a s k completion, e x p e c t a t i o n s of h e l p i n g around the house, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c h i l d ' s age and e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r mature b e h a v i o r s , the amount of maternal d i r e c t a s s i s t a n c e and number of tas k o r i e n t e d suggestions, the number of anxious p a r e n t a l i n t r u s i o n s d u r i n g a c h i l d ' s t a s k performance, observed achievement p r e s s u r e , p r e s s u r e f o r success i n memory t a s k s , demands on the c h i l d d u r i n g j o i n t problems s o l v i n g s e s s i o n s and concern f o r the c h i l d ' s i n t e l l e c t u a l achievement. 46 Others have d e s c r i b e d s p e c i f i c achievement r e l a t e d a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o r s of p a r e n t s . In a study which again underscores the r e l a t i o n s h i p between achievement o r i e n t a t i o n and independence, H i l l i a r d and Roth (1969) found t h a t u n d e r a c h i e v i n g h i g h s c h o o l boys tended t o be l e s s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from t h e i r mothers than a c h i e v e r s . U n d e r a c h i e v e r s 1 p e r c e p t i o n s of t h e i r mothers' a t t i t u d e s of r e j e c t i o n towards them was s i g n i f i c a n t l y c o r r e l a t e d with the s e l f - r e p o r t e d a t t i t u d e s of the mothers while no such r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t e d between the p e r c e p t i o n s of a c h i e v e r s and t h e i r mothers' a t t i t u d e s . The mothers of a c h i e v e r s were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more a c c e p t i n g and l e s s r e j e c t i n g of t h e i r sons than mothers of u n d e r a c h i e v e r s . In an e a r l i e r study Roth and Meyerburg (1963) i d e n t i f i e d b e h a v i o r s e x h i b i t e d by parents of u n d e r a c h i e v e r s where the parents p a i d no a t t e n t i o n t o the c h i l d ' s accomplishments and/or r e i n f o r c e d f a i l u r e s . The r e s u l t was t h a t u n d e r a c h i e v e r s were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more i n t r a p u n i t i v e than a c h i e v e r s . H i l l i a r d and Roth (1969) argue t h a t underachievers tend to be dependent i n an attempt t o maintain a r e l a t i o n s h i p with t h e i r p a r e n t s and t o stave o f f the developmental task of becoming independence. From a systemic p e r s p e c t i v e , one might i n t e r p r e t the h i g h e r c o r r e l a t i o n between u n d e r a c h i e v e r s ' and t h e i r mothers p e r c e p t i o n s as i n d i c a t i v e of p e r s o n a l boundaries which appear to be more enmeshed than i s the case between a c h i e v e r s and t h e i r mothers. 47 These d i f f e r e n c e s would appear t o p r o v i d e support f o r Amato and O c h i l t r e e ' s (1986) argument t h a t encouragement i s an important process v a r i a b l e i n the development of competency, s p e c i f i c a l l y i n d e v e l o p i n g achievement o r i e n t a t i o n (Huston, 1983; Lemkau, 1979: Marjoribanks, 1985, 1986, 1987) and independence (Block, 1978; Huston, 1983; Lemkau, 1979; Power & Shanks, 1989). Daughters p e r c e i v e d t h e i r mothers as encouraging t h e i r independence (Block, 1978) by encouraging them t o i n d i v i d u a t e (Block, 1978; Huston, 1983) and make t h e i r own d e c i s i o n s (Block, 1978). Marjoribanks (1988) found no gender d i f f e r e n c e between a d o l e s c e n t s ' p e r c e p t i o n s of p a r e n t a l support. He f u r t h e r found t h a t p e r c e i v e d maternal and p a t e r n a l support had a moderate t o s t r o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p with the a d o l e s c e n t s ' o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s . Another p a r e n t a l i n t e r v e n t i o n , p e r c e i v e d by e i t h e r p a rents or a d o l e s c e n t s as encouraging or i n h i b i t i n g the development of independence and achievement o r i e n t a t i o n , i s p a r e n t a l r o l e m o d e l l i n g . F a t h e r s , e s p e c i a l l y , appear t o be important p r o v i d i n g o c c u p a t i o n a l (Lemkau, 1979) and achievement r o l e models (Auster & Auster, 1981; Block, 1978; Lemkau, 1979) while mothers who work o u t s i d e the home p r o v i d e n o n t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e m o d e l l i n g f o r t h e i r daughters (Huston, 1983; Lemkau, 1979). Another gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n t e r v e n t i o n appears t o be the tendency f o r par e n t s t o take over and a s s i s t t h e i r daughters r a t h e r than s t a n d i n g back and a l l o w i n g them t o develop independent problem s o l v i n g s k i l l s (Grotevant & Cooper, 1988; Huston, 1983). Block 48 (1978) r e p o r t s t h a t f a t h e r s p r e s s u r e sons more co n c e r n i n g the c o g n i t i v e a s p e c t s of achievement while daughters are encouraged t o develop a s s i m i l a t i v e s t y l e s by s t a y i n g i n c l o s e p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y t o t h e i r mothers and a s s i s t i n g i n household t a s k s (Block, 1981, 1983). Adams and Jones (1983) found t h a t where i d e n t i t y achievement was advanced, f a t h e r s were p e r c e i v e d as f a i r i n t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of punishment, and minimal i n t h e i r use of p r a i s e w hile mothers were seen t o encourage autonomy and independence while m i n i m i z i n g c o n t r o l over t h e i r daughters' b e h a v i o r s . In a study where f a m i l i e s were observed d u r i n g an as s i g n e d task, Grotevant and Cooper (1985) noted t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n between h i g h l y i n d i v i d u a t e d a d o l e s c e n t s and t h e i r p a r e n t s were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an open communication s t y l e . F a t h e r s were observed t o i n t e r a c t i n a complementary f a s h i o n with t h e i r sons, c o o r d i n a t i n g the task, i n f r e q u e n t l y i n t e r r u p t i n g or e x p r e s s i n g t h e i r own views and encouraging a s s e r t i v e n e s s i n t h e i r sons who d i d not h e s i t a t e t o express disagreements and suggestions d i r e c t l y . With h i g h l y i n d i v i d u a t e d daughters, f a t h e r s made more frequent r e l e v a n t comments and r e s o r t e d l e s s f r e q u e n t l y t o i n d i r e c t s u g g e s t i o n . Mothers i n such f a m i l i e s expressed t h e i r own ideas d i r e c t l y and c o o r d i n a t e d the f a m i l y d i s c u s s i o n . 49 Conclusions In summarizing the above l i t e r a t u r e one might conclude that, as occurred e a r l i e r i n the Industrial Revolution, macrosystemic changes of a s o c i a l , technical and economic nature are impacting on the nature of gender roles i n the microsystems of the family and the workplace. Women are increasingly taking roles as wage earners where they are required to develop behaviors and personality t r a i t s more consistent with what u n t i l recently has been delineated as the masculine r o l e . With regard to the nature of family s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes, the l i t e r a t u r e indicates the p o s s i b i l i t y of a lag i n the transmission of such new role expectations with young women from upper class homes more l i k e l y to select nontraditional careers. Even so the d i r e c t i o n of such changes appears to be li m i t e d towards se l e c t i o n of mainly professional and business related occupations with f a i r l y high status. It appears that young women and men s t i l l make occupational choices on the basis of sextyping. The l i t e r a t u r e indicates more f l e x i b i l i t y on the part of women and g i r l s i n moving away from occupying sextyped occupational niches but also indicates that t h e i r male counterparts s t i l l maintain a wider range of occupational aspirations. With s o c i e t a l changes r e s u l t i n g i n the need for more instrumental or agentic q u a l i t i e s i n young women entering the workforce, the importance of the s o c i a l i z a t i o n experiences i n the 50 home a r i s e . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , i t would appear that boys and g i r l s have been s o c i a l i z e d i n a gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d fashion where boys received a harsher upbringing but one that allowed them more freedom from the home and the opportunity to develop e f f e c t i v e problem solving s k i l l s while g i r l s experienced a more r e s t r i c t i v e upbringing where they were protected, encouraged to develop imitative behaviors and developed a re l a t i o n s h i p o r i e n t a t i o n . Boys were t r a d i t i o n a l l y s o c i a l i z e d to become independent and to be more achievement oriented i n terms of career attainment. However, i n recent years women who have successfully entered t r a d i t i o n a l l y male occupational niches have been described as having masculine personality t r a i t s . Whether such t r a i t s , or relat e d behaviors, are described i n terms of agency, instrumental functions or masculine competency, the s o c i a l i z a t i o n experiences of these young women appears to be si m i l a r to that experienced more t r a d i t i o n a l l y by men. Therefore, i t would appear that cert a i n patterns of parental a c t i v i t i e s and expectations i n the home are i n f l u e n t i a l i n the development of instrumental competency, characterized by independence and achievement orientation, i n children regardless of t h e i r sex. Such a c t i v i t i e s and expectations can be described through the use of Baumrind's term, parenting s t y l e s . It would appear that d i f f e r e n t parenting styles may resu l t i n the development of instrumentality, or agency, and expressiveness, or communion. An instrumentality enhancing parenting s t y l e appears to be characterized by parental distancing which enhances the 51 development of independence by a l l o w i n g the c h i l d freedom to e x p l o r e the environment (Block, 1981, 1983). Other aspects of such a p a r e n t i n g s t y l e may i n c l u d e moderate d i s p l a y s of a f f e c t i o n (Huston, 1983), h i g h standards f o r achievement (Huston, 1983), encouragement (Amato & O c h i l t r e e , 198 6; A u s t e r & Auster, 1981,-Eccles, 1987; F i t z g e r a l d & Betz, 1983; Grotevant & Cooper, 1988; Lemkau, 1979; Marjoribanks, 1988), support (Amato & O c h i l t r e e , 1986; A u s t e r & Auster, 1981; Grotevant & Cooper, 1988; Lemkau, 1979), c h a l l e n g i n g the c h i l d ' s i d e a s (Young & F r i e s e n , 1986; Young, F r i e s e n & Pearson, 1988), open communication p a t t e r n s (Grotevant & Cooper, 1985), moving from c o e r c i v e t o i n d u c t i v e d i s c i p l i n a r y t echniques as the c h i l d matures (Power & Shank, 1989) and g e n e r a l l y t a k i n g account of the c h i l d ' s developmental l e v e l (Baumrind, 1978). C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an e x p r e s s i v i t y , or communion, enhancing p a r e n t i n g s t y l e appears to i n c l u d e d i s p l a y s of p h y s i c a l a f f e c t i o n ( F e r r i e r a & Thomas, 1981) , r e s t r i c t i o n of the c h i l d ' s p h y s i c a l environment (Block, 1981, 1983), a h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d environment (Block, 1981, 1983), encouragement of i m i t a t i v e b e h a v i o r s (Block, 1981, 1983), g r a n t i n g of more b e h a v i o r a l leeway ( E c c l e s & Hoffman, 1983, H a r t l e y , 1959), l a c k of encouragement (Amato & O c h i l t r e e , 1986), p a r e n t a l chaperonage of the c h i l d (Newson & Newson, 1976, c i t e d i n Huston, 1983), and a f a i l u r e t o show i n t e r e s t i n the c h i l d ' s achievements ( H i l l i a r d & Roth, 1969) . 52 Research Procedure Keeping i n mind the changing nature of young adult occupational aspirations and the possible existence of patterns of parental expectations and behaviors influencing the development of independence and achievement orientation, the intent of t h i s study was to generate descriptive data i n an attempt to i d e n t i f y d i f f e r i n g patterns of parent c h i l d i n t e r a c t i o n s . The basic a c t i v i t y involved was the u t i l i z i n g a c l u s t e r analysis approach to e s t a b l i s h clusters of perceived independence and achievement orientation within the family of o r i g i n environments of a sample of young adults. Having established the clusters i n the above a c t i v i t y , the following questions were addressed. , 1. Are there any indications of the existence of i d e n t i f i a b l e patterns of occupational aspirations within each cluster? If indications of possible patterns exist, are there further indications that gender differences may be present i n the type of occupation aspired to? 2. Are there indicators that discernable patterns may e x i s t i n the socioeconomic status aspired to within each cluster? If such patterns are indicated, are there possible gender differences i n the l e v e l s of socioeconomic status aspired to? 53 3. Do there appear to be any consistently d i f f e r i n g patterns of parental a c t i v i t i e s , or parenting styles, which delineate each cluster? 4. Is there any evidence of i d e n t i f i a b l e patterns of young adult responses to possible perceived parenting styles which may delineate each cluster? 54 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY The o v e r a l l i n t e n t i o n of t h i s study was a h e u r i s t i c one - to generate d e s c r i p t i v e data concerning the f a m i l y environments of young a d u l t s which impinged on the development of i n s t r u m e n t a l competence and r e s u l t i n g o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s . Chapter 3 o u t l i n e s the procedure f o r d e l i n e a t i n g the c l u s t e r s of p e r c e i v e d independence and achievement o r i e n t a t i o n w i t h i n the f a m i l y environments of young a d u l t s . I t a l s o o u t l i n e s methods by which such p e r c e p t i o n s may be r e l a t e d t o p o s s i b l e sextyped socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s i n o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s . Since a major o b j e c t i v e of t h i s r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t was to p r o v i d e d e s c r i p t i o n s of p a r e n t i n g s t y l e s and adolescent responses t o such s t y l e s w i t h i n i d e n t i f i e d c l u s t e r s of p e r c e i v e d independence and achievement o r i e n t a t i o n , d e s c r i p t i o n s w i l l be generated i n Chapter 4 t o d e l i n e a t e such s t y l e s and responses. T h i s study u t i l i z e d data c o l l e c t e d by Young and F r i e s e n (1990) i n the second phase of t h e i r study of young a d u l t s ' p e r c e p t i o n s of p a r e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s on c a r e e r development. A m o d i f i e d v e r s i o n of Flanagan's (1954) c r i t i c a l i n c i d e n t technique has been used t o e l i c i t i n c i d e n t s i n which s u b j e c t s d e s c r i b e d p a r e n t a l a c t i v i t i e s they c o n s i d e r e d important i n t h e i r c a r e e r development. The young a d u l t s a l s o completed the Family Environment S c a l e (FES) (Moos & Moos, 1986) and a s h o r t 55 demographic q u e s t i o n n a i r e which i n c l u d e d q u e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g t h e i r p r e s e n t occupations and o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s . Sample The sample c o n s i s t e d of 50 young a d u l t s i n t e r v i e w e d d u r i n g the second phase of Young and F r i e s e n ' s r e s e a r c h i n t o p a r e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s on young a d u l t c a r e e r development (Young & F r i e s e n , work i n p r o g r e s s ) . I t c o n s i s t e d of 22 men and 28 women, between the ages of 18 and 25 (M = 21.94 years; SD = 2.19). who p a r t i c i p a t e d d i r e c t l y i n the r e s e a r c h . Young a d u l t s were r e c r u i t e d f o r t h i s study by the placement of n o t i c e s i n v a r i o u s l o c a t i o n s around the c i t y of Vancouver. Such l o c a t i o n s i n c l u d e d c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t y campus s i t e s , community c e n t r e s and f e d e r a l government employment o f f i c e s . (See Appendix A f o r a sample r e c r u i t i n g p o s t e r ) . The sample was inte n d e d t o be v o l u n t a r y and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of wide range of young a d u l t s i n the m e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver area. V o l u n t e e r s were o f f e r e d an i n c e n t i v e payment of $20.00 t o take p a r t i n the i n t e r v i e w s and s i g n e d consent forms. (See Appendix B f o r a sample consent form.) In order t o determine the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s o f the sample with r e s p e c t t o the Vancouver m e t r o p o l i t a n area p o p u l a t i o n , comparisons were made between the sample demographics and the most r e c e n t census data ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1986a. b. & c ) . Acc u r a t e comparisons proved d i f f i c u l t because census groupings 56 d i d not correspond e x a c t l y with the sample's age range of 18 to 25. T h e r e f o r e , comparisons were made with the census' 15 t o 24 age group. Keeping t h i s i n e x a c t comparison i n mind, sample males, at 44.0%, were underrepresented compared with the census date which i n d i c a t e d p r o p o r t i o n s of 50.2% males and 49.8% females. While the sample t r e n d toward a h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n of s i n g l e members was s i m i l a r t o the t r e n d i n the Vancouver p o p u l a t i o n ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1986a), fewer sample women were s i n g l e , 64.3% (n = 18) versus 79.9% f o r the Vancouver p o p u l a t i o n , and a s l i g h t l y h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n of sample men were s i n g l e , 95.5% (n = 21) versus the Vancouver p o p u l a t i o n ' s 90.4%. Sample members had a t t a i n e d h i g h e r l e v e l s of ed u c a t i o n : 35.0% (n = 7) of the men and 22.2% (n = 6) of the women had a t t a i n e d u n i v e r s i t y degrees compared with 3.75% of the men and 4.37% of the women i n the m e t r o p o l i t a n area p o p u l a t i o n . Fewer sample members were p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the labour market, 58.0% (n = 29) versus 86.3% f o r the Vancouver area p o p u l a t i o n . Unemployment l e v e l s of t h i s group (42.0%; n = 21) were 2 1/2 times the r a t e of 16.7% f o r the m e t r o p o l i t a n p o p u l a t i o n of 15 t o 24 year o l d s ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1986a). Parents of sample members, compared with the census data f o r a d u l t s between the ages of 35 and 69 ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1986a), were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a hi g h e r d i v o r c e r a t e , 24.5% (n = 12), which was approximately t h r e e times t h a t of the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n , at 8.2% ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1986a). Data Gathering Procedures As i n the i n i t i a l study i n v o l v i n g parents (Young & F r i e s e n , 1986), the primary data g a t h e r i n g procedure i n t h i s study c o n s i s t e d of a s e m i - s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w designed t o s o l i c i t i n c i d e n t s p e r c e i v e d by young a d u l t s , t o be c r i t i c a l t o t h e i r c a r e e r development. As o u t l i n e d above demographic i n f o r m a t i o n c o l l e c t e d i n c l u d e d age, p a r e n t a l o c c u p a t i o n and m a r i t a l s t a t u s , e d u c a t i o n a l and employment s t a t u s , l e v e l of e d u c a t i o n achieved and o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s (See Appendix C f o r a sample q u e s t i o n n a i r e ) . S u b j e c t s were a l s o asked to complete the Family Environment S c a l e , or FES, Form R (Moos & Moos, 1986). The C r i t i c a l Incident Interview A s e m i - s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w format was used t o e l i c i t s p e c i f i c events and experiences r e c a l l e d by young a d u l t s , i n v o l v i n g i n t e r a c t i o n s with t h e i r parents, which they saw as an important i n f l u e n c e i n t h e i r c a r e e r development. Each s u b j e c t was informed of the purpose of the i n t e r v i e w and s i g n e d an agreement t o take p a r t i n the study (Appendix B). The i n t e r v i e w s were aud i o r e c o r d e d . The i n t e r v i e w e r s c o n s i s t e d of two female and one male graduate student from the Department of C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Each student, i n a d d i t i o n to completing graduate courses i n c l i n i c a l i n t e r v i e w i n g methods, r e c e i v e d 20 hours of s p e c i f i c t r a i n i n g i n the i n t e r v i e w procedure 58 u t i l i z e d i n t h i s research. Subjects were randomly assigned to the interviewers. Due to time r e s t r a i n t s and other commitments, the two female research assistants each interviewed approximately twice as many subjects as t h e i r male colleague. The interview consisted of two parts. The purpose of the f i r s t segment was to focus the young adults on t h e i r own career development and to have them i d e n t i f y the general nature of any parental influence within t h i s process. Subjects were asked to describe where they currently saw themselves i n t h e i r career development including such areas as planning, decision making, routes followed, l i f e goals, r e l a t i o n s h i p of current d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s to career, and hopes for the future. Descriptions of perceived p o s i t i v e and negative parental influences exerted on the subjects' career development and young adult perceptions as to whether such influences were h e l p f u l or a hindrance to them personally were e l i c i t e d . Subjects were asked what they understood to be the p r i o r i t i e s i n the l i v e s of t h e i r parents, how such p r i o r i t i e s were manifested i n t h e i r parents' a c t i v i t i e s and whether s i m i l a r i t i e s or differences existed between t h e i r mothers' and t h e i r fathers' l i f e p r i o r i t i e s . The interviewers requested that each young adult outline an important message, which s/he had received from her/his father and/or mother concerning what s/he should be doing, or aiming for, i n l i f e and to describe what methods the parents had u t i l i z e d to transmit the message. 59 During the second part of the interview, s p e c i f i c incidents were e l i c i t e d i n which the subjects perceived t h e i r parents had influenced them. Each participant i n the study was asked to specify what had occurred i n the incident by providing background information, describing the parents' behavior, describing t h e i r own response, what they said, did and f e l t , and, f i n a l l y , a t t r i b u t i n g an intention to t h e i r parent which may have been behind his/her behavior. Subjects were also asked to judge the incident h e l p f u l or harmful to t h e i r career development, describe how i t affected them and how i t may have affected t h e i r parents and the parent-child r e l a t i o n s h i p . They then selected the most sa l i e n t aspect of the incident and described what they had hoped to accomplish through t h e i r response. After a series of such incidents were described, each subject completed the FES questionnaire and the interview was concluded with a series of questions which were designed to e l i c i t the degree of compliance with or resistance against parental wishes around the child ' s future occupation, the degree of optimism each young adult was experiencing about a t t a i n i n g personal goals, the sources of current and future support, the current amount of communication with parents around career goals, the current status of the parent-child relationship, and the degree of autonomy that the young person understood his or her parents to t y p i c a l l y grant. 60 Instrumentation Family Environment Scale Near the end of the interview, each subject completed the Family Environment Scale (FES), Form R (Moos & Moos, 1986). The FES i s a 90 item t r u e - f a l s e questionnaire which i s divided into ten subscales: Cohesion, Expressiveness, Independence, Achievement Orientation, I n t e l l e c t u a l - C u l t u r a l Orientation, Active-Recreational Orientation, Moral-Religious Emphasis, Organization and Control. The scale i s also divided into three dimensions, within which s p e c i f i c subscales are placed. The Relationship dimension contains the Cohesion, Expressiveness and C o n f l i c t subscales; the Personal-Growth dimension contains Independence, Achievement Orientation, I n t e l l e c t u a l - C u l t u r a l Orientation, Active-Recreational Orientation and Moral Religious Emphasis, and the Systems Maintenance dimensions contains the Organization and Control subscales. Table 1 provides d e f i n i t i o n s for each of the subscales. Moos and Fuhr (1982) grouped these subscales to represent the three elements i n Bronfenbrenner 1s (1979) microsystem. The rela t i o n s h i p element i s measured by the Cohesion, Expressiveness and C o n f l i c t subscales, the goal orien t a t i o n element, by the Independence, Achievement Orientation, Moral-Religious Emphasis, I n t e l l e c t u a l - C u l t u r a l and Active-Recreational Orientation subscales, and the role element, by the Organization and Control subscales. 61 Moos and Moos (1986) reported acceptable i n t e r n a l consistencies (Cronbach's Alpha), ranging between .61 and .78 and two month tes t re-test r e l i a b i l i t y (.61 to .78). The independence and achievement orientation subscales themselves show moderate i n t e r n a l consistencies with Independence at .61 and Achievement Orientation at .64. Test-retest s t a b i l i t i e s over four and twelve month periods were r e l a t i v e l y high while p r o f i l e s t a b i l i t i e s , also over the same period, were acceptable. Again the Independence and Achievement Orientation subscales showed moderate t e s t - r e t e s t r e l i a b i l i t y ranging from .52 to .68 for independence and from .66 to .74 for achievement orientation. Subscale i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s , calculated separately on samples of 1468 adults and 621 adolescent children from 534 normal and 266 distressed families, were low. This indicates that the FES measures d i s t i n c t but somewhat related aspects of family s o c i a l environments. Content v a l i d i t y of the FES was determined by formulating d e f i n i t i o n s of s p e c i f i c c o n s t r u c t s — s e l e c t i n g items conceptually related to a p a r t i c u l a r dimension by independent raters, using empirical c r i t e r i a such as item i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s , item-subscale co r r e l a t i o n s and i n t e r n a l consistency analysis and by placing each item i n only one dimension. Support for construct v a l i d i t y 62 Table 1 FES Subscales and Dimension Descriptions Subscale Dimension and Description Relationship Dimension 1. Cohesion the degree of commitment, help, and support family members provide for one another. 2. Expressiveness the extent to which family members are encouraged to act openly and to express t h e i r feelings d i r e c t l y . 3. C o n f l i c t the amount of openly expressed anger, aggression, and c o n f l i c t among family members. Personal Growth Dimension 4 . Independence the extent to which family members are assertive, are s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , and make t h e i r own decision. 5. Achievement the extent to which a c t i v i t i e s Orientation (such as school and work) are cast into an achievement-oriented or competitive framework. 6. I n t e l l e c t u a l the degree of interest i n Cul t u r a l p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l and Orientation c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . 7. Active-Recreational the extent of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Orientation s o c i a l and recreational a c t i v i t i e s . 8. Moral-Religious the degree of emphasis on e t h i c a l Emphasis and r e l i g i o u s issues and values. System Maintenance Dimensions 9. Organization the degree of importance of clear organization and structure i n planning family a c t i v i t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . 10. Control the extent to which set rules and procedures are used to run family l i f e . (Moos & Moos, 1986) 63 has been provided by subsequent research (Moos & Moos, 1986). Comparisons between FES subscales and s i m i l a r indices from other family and couples scales such as the Spanier Dyadic Adjustment Scale, or DAS, (Abbott & Brody, 1985) and the Beaver Timberlawn Family Assessment Guide have also been found to support the constructs u t i l i z e d . Further support comes from comparisons between reports of individuals from distressed families and trained rate r s ' judgements of family cohesion, expressiveness, c o n f l i c t and r e l i g i o n i s t emphasis. The subscales were also found to have discrimination v a l i d i t y with a low r e l a t i o n s h i p between them i n d i c a t i n g they provide measurements of d i f f e r e n t constructs. Blishen Socioeconomic Scale The socioeconomic status (SES) of the subjects' occupational aspirations was rated using the 1981 Blishen scale (Blishen, C a r r o l l & Moore, 1987). This instrument provides a socioeconomic index for 514 occupations i n Canada based on 1981 census data concerning income and education lev e l s of both males and females. The Blishen index i s c a l i b r a t e d to the Pineo-Porter prestige scores (Pineo & Porter, 1967, c i t e d i n Blishen et a l . , 1987) but i s not a measure of occupational prestige. O r i g i n a l l y designed i n 1967, based on male occupational data c o l l e c t e d i n the 1961 census, the scale has been revised twice. In the 1976 r e v i s i o n 64 ( B l i s h e n & McRoberts, 1976), the authors delineated, s i x c l a s s i n t e r v a l s based on tens i n t e r v a l s : 70.00+ 60.00 - 69.99 50.00 - 59.99 40.00 - 49.99 30.00 - 39.99 Below 30.00 For purposes of t h i s study, these c a t e g o r i e s were c o l l a p s e d as f o l l o w s : 70.00+ i n d i c a t i n g h i g h s t a t u s o c c u p a t i o n s ; the thr e e c a t e g o r i e s , 40.00 - 49.99, 50.00 - 59.99 and 60.00 - 69.99 i n d i c a t i n g mid-status occupations and the two c a t e g o r i e s below 30.00 and 30.00 - 39.00 i n d i c a t i n g low s t a t u s o c c u p a t i o n s . At the time of the l a t e s t r e v i s i o n ( B l i s h e n et a l . , 1987), a weak n e g a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between gender composition and socioeconomic s t a t u s of an occu p a t i o n was noted and a t t r i b u t e d by the authors t o a s t r o n g tendency f o r women t o l o c a t e i n low-income o c c u p a t i o n s . Since t h i s tendency was m i t i g a t e d by another tendency f o r women to l o c a t e i n occupations where h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n i s r e q u i r e d , the authors concluded t h a t the c o u n t e r v a i l i n g t r e n d tended t o obscure the s t r o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between gender and median income. The advantage of t h i s index i s t o be found i n the ease with which one can determine socioeconomic s t a t u s from the occu p a t i o n d e s c r i b e d along a graduated s c a l e . The s c a l e i s designed t o be u t i l i z e d i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the Canadian C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and 65 Dictionary of Occupations, or CCDO, (Employment & Immigration Canada, 1986) . Incident I d e n t i f i c a t i o n The incidents were i d e n t i f i e d using Flanagan's (1954) c r i t e r i o n of any observable human a c t i v i t y that was s u f f i c i e n t l y complete i n i t s e l f to permit inferences and predictions to be made. Flanagan also delineated c r i t i c a l incidents i n terms of extreme, not ordinary, behaviors which had a d e f i n i t e e f f e c t . In addition to including episodes i d e n t i f i e d by Flanagan's c r i t e r i a , incidents were included which were perceived as important to career development because of the r e p e t i t i v e nature of the parental behaviors described. The young adults i d e n t i f i e d t h e i r own incidents by r e c a l l i n g events i n which they f e l t that one or both of t h e i r parents had influenced t h e i r career development i n some way. A small group of incidents were also included i n which another adult male or female had f i l l e d the parental r o l e . Most frequently these other s i g n i f i c a n t adults were grandparents. A d d i t i o n a l l y , f i v e incidents were included i n which no s p e c i f i c mention of parental involvement was made but which were considered important to career development by the subjects involved. In t h i s way 329 incidents were i d e n t i f i e d by the 50 subjects (M = 6.58, SD = 1.52) with young women tending to i d e n t i f y s l i g h t l y more incidents (M = 6.75, SD = 1.77) than young men (M = 6.36, SD = 1.72). These incidents described events that 66 occurred at any time between early childhood and the time of the interview. To record s p e c i f i c incidents, each interviewer wrote a summary of the incident, v e r i f y i n g the accuracy of the summary with the subject at the interview. Bronfenbrenner 1s (1979) description of an " a c t i v i t y " provided a guideline for c l a r i f i c a t i o n and d i v i s i o n of incidents. Incident summaries were l a t e r typed and used for data analysis. The complete, o r i g i n a l audiotapes were retained for c l a r i f i c a t i o n purposes. Perceived parental behaviors, i d e n t i f i e d i n the incidents, were categorized by using a modified version of the parental intervention categories devised by Young and Friesen (1986) (See Appendix D for details) while a new category system of c h i l d responses was devised for purposes of the current study. Four category groups were outlined: Emotional Responses, Perceptual Responses, Behavioral Responses and Self Development Outcomes. Within each of these categories were several sub-categories. (See Appendix E for details.) S t a t i s t i c a l Procedures The FES p r o f i l e s of the 50 subjects were subjected to a computerized, h i e r a r c h i c a l c l u s t e r analysis using the -U.B.C. C Group" program developed by Paterson and Whitaker (1978) and l a t e r modified by L a i (1982) . In l i g h t of the research questions for t h i s study, t h i s s t a t i s t i c a l procedure was selected because 67 i t groups s i m i l a r units of data, maximizing both within group homogeneity and between group heterogeneity by progressively p a i r i n g i n d i v i d u a l Independence and Achievement Orientation scores so that within group v a r i a t i o n (error) increases minimally at each p a i r i n g step. The p a i r i n g procedure was stopped at the f i r s t major jump in error term because t h i s indicated a high l e v e l of d i s s i m i l a r i t y between p r o f i l e s being paired. U t i l i z i n g t h i s method, six FES p r o f i l e clusters were i d e n t i f i e d where the reporting young adults shared s i m i l a r assessments of t h e i r family environments. "UBC C Group" (Lai, 1982), an agglomerative h i e r a r c h i c a l c l u s t e r i n g program, i s constructed from Ward's algorithm (Ward, 1963, c i t e d i n Lai, 1982, and i n M i l l i g a n & Cooper, 1987). M i l l i g a n and Cooper (1987), i n t h e i r review of c l u s t e r i n g methodologies, found Ward's method was generally recognized as being the most e f f e c t i v e means for v a l i d a t i n g r e s u l t s i n h i e r a r c h i c a l c l u s t e r i n g methods. More generally, they indicated that h i e r a r c h i c a l c l u s t e r i n g methods were the most popular means of c l u s t e r analysis and produced non-overlapping c l u s t e r s . Larson, Heppner, Ham and Dugan (1988) indicated that c l u s t e r analysis was p a r t i c u l a r l y well suited for grouping people and that i t was based on less stringent assumptions than factor analysis. They also found that c l u s t e r analysis allows for the description of more variables i n a parsimonious fashion. Mangen and McChesney (1985), i n t h e i r study of parent-child r e l a t i o n s in older f a m i l i e s , u t i l i z e d both l i n e a r additive b i v a r i a t e 68 cor r e l a t i o n s and h i e r a r c h i c a l c l u s t e r analysis, based on Ward's (1963) c r i t e r i o n , when analyzing six dimensions of intergenerational cohesion. They found that c l u s t e r analysis accounted for much more of the variance than did l i n e a r c o r relations (78.14% of t o t a l variance and over 70% of variance for, each i n d i c a t o r ) . Cluster analysis resulted i n a nonlinear typology thus allowing for the complexity of the data and providing more extensive descriptions of patterns of family connectedness. One Way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) To determine whether any s i g n i f i c a n t s t a t i s t i c a l differences exists between clusters, one way analyses of variance (ANOVA) were performed on these mean scores. ANOVAs were selected over the t - t e s t procedure as t h i s method reduces the chances of type one error occurring (Glass & Hopkins, 1984). Due to-the exploratory nature of the study, the Student-Newman-Keuls multiple range test was selected over more conservative procedures such as the Tukey t e s t . The Newman-Keuls test allows for contrast based pairwise comparisons between cl u s t e r mean scores where each comparison i s based on the same alpha l e v e l (.05). This test was more lenient i n determining c l u s t e r mean differences, allowing group means to be closer together than family-wise comparisons used where larger differences between group means were required (Glass & Hopkins, 1984) . Qualitative Analysis While agglomerative h i e r a r c h i c a l c l u s t e r analysis, with i t s resultant nonoverlapping clusters, i s e f f e c t i v e i n providing for the complexities of p r o f i l e types u t i l i z i n g people, the approach does have some l i m i t a t i o n s . Both Larson and her colleagues (Larson et a l . , 1988) and Mangen and McChesney (1985) expressed concerns about c l u s t e r s t a b i l i t y and r e p l i c a b i l i t y e s p e c i a l l y where cl u s t e r s containing a small number of subjects emerged. Clusters were c r i t i c i z e d as being instrument s p e c i f i c (Larson et a l . l , 1988) and membership was possibly subject to change i f the instrumentation was changed. F i n a l l y Mangen and McChesney (1985) expressed concerns that clusters resulted only i n descriptive p r o f i l e s of subject subgroups' scores and f a i l to explain the phenomena being analyzed. This study w i l l hopefully overcome t h i s problem by looking into related data and attempting to t i e perceptions of independence and achievement orientation i n the family with young adult occupational aspirations, perceived sty l e s of parental behavior and young adults responses to such parenting s t y l e s . . Occupational Aspirations For each cl u s t e r , occupational aspirations were delineated u t i l i z i n g both the SES l e v e l s involved and possible gender typing of the occupation. Socioeconomic l e v e l s were determined by using the 1981 Blishen Socioeconomic Index (Blishen et a l . , 1987) while possible sextyping was determined from Shinar's (1975) and 70 Lueptow's (1981) categorization systems. Shinar 1s (1975) sextyping system uses a 7 point Like r t scale with low scores i n d i c a t i n g male typed occupations; mid range scores, gender neutral and high scores, female-typed occupations. She u t i l i z e d a sample of 60 college students who were given 160 occupations based on Roe's (1956, c i t e d i n Shinar, 1975) category system to sextype. Lueptow (1981) used a larger sample, drawing students from 13 American high schools and u t i l i z e d a l i s t of occupations based on the 1960 Census of Occupational T i t l e s (Lueptow, 1981). Descriptions of the occupational SES d i s t r i b u t i o n were outlined as part of the p r o f i l e description for each cluster, This would be consistent with the research l i t e r a t u r e involving sextyping of occupations (e.g., Baker, 1985; Geller, 1984; Gottfredson, 1981; Lueptow, 1981; Poole & Cooney, 1985) where gender differences i n occupational aspirations were i d e n t i f i e d i n terms of frequency clus t e r s around status l e v e l s . Possible sextyping of occupational choice was also be determined by the type of job aspired to ( L i f s c h i t z , 1983; Shinar, 1975). Due to the small sample size, determining any s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n such patterns was of minimal use. Therefore, the outcomes provided i n Chapter 5 are descriptive i n nature and intended to generate questions for future research. Q u a l i t a t i v e Descriptions In order to further highlight these s i m i l a r family environments, prototypical family p r o f i l e s were created for each c l u s t e r by c a l c u l a t i n g mean Independence and Achievement 71 Orientation scores. The c r i t i c a l incidents r e c a l l e d by the indi v i d u a l s within each of these mathematically constituted c l u s t e r s were then referred to i n order to provide a description of perceived parental interventions and young adult responses. Patterson and Reid (1984), i n t h e i r review of methodology involved i n studying s o c i a l i nteraction, emphasized both the complexity of such data and the mutual interdependence of the subject's and the other's behaviors. It i s proposed here to delineate each ind i v i d u a l ' s incidents and then i d e n t i f y recurring perceived parental behaviors between subjects within each c l u s t e r . Following a s i m i l a r procedure, young adult responses to such parenting behaviors were also i d e n t i f i e d . In the l a t t e r case, the d e f i n i t i o n of behavior included both observable, overt actions and covert phenomenon such as descriptions of emotions and thoughts. The object here was to formulate descriptions of parenting s t y l e s which either f a c i l i t a t e or hinder the development of independence and achievement orientation within the family of o r i g i n and to further i d e n t i f y patterns of young adult responses to such s t y l e s . In t h i s way a q u a l i t a t i v e description of perceived parent-child interactions at the microsystemic l e v e l was provided for each of the pro t o t y p i c a l c l u s t e r p r o f i l e s . 72 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS In summarizing the res u l t s of the study, t h i s chapter w i l l look not only at the clusters delineated around the FES Independence and Achievement Orientation scores of sample members but w i l l also attempt to provide descriptive p r o f i l e s of perceived parenting styles and young adult responses within each c l u s t e r . As part of the descriptions provided, differences and s i m i l a r i t i e s i n male and female descriptions of either parental interventions and/or young adult responses w i l l be outlined. A d d i t i o n a l l y , information concerning the nature of occupational aspirations within each clu s t e r w i l l be summarized and any patterns regarding occupational types and /or SES range noted. I n i t i a l l y however, the t o t a l sample w i l l be described with emphasis being placed on patterns of occupational aspirations among sample members. Description of the Sample In describing the sample members themselves, males, with an mean age of 22.42 years (SD = 2.06), were s l i g h t l y older than females (M = 21.57 years; SD = 2.25). A higher percentage of males had completed an undergraduate degree (35.0%; n = 7) than had females (22.2%; n = 6). During the period subjects were being interviewed (1987 - 1988), 40.0% (n = 9) of the men and 73 39.3% (n = 11) of the women were f u l l - t i m e students, 4.5% (n = 1) of the men and 14.3% (n = 4) of the women were part-time students while 54.5% (n = 12) of the men and 46.4% (n = 13) of the women were not attending an educational i n s t i t u t i o n . Within t h i s period of time, 59.1% (n = 13) of the men and 57.1% (n = 16) of the women were employed. Participants were asked whether they l i v e d i n t h e i r own home or t h e i r parents' home. 78.2% (n = 16) of the men and 60.7% (n = 17) of the women l i v e d i n t h e i r own homes. Ninety-five percent (n = 21) of the males were single and 5% (n = 1) were l i v i n g common-law while 66.7% (n = 18) of the 27 females who provided information were single, 11.1% (n = 3) married, 14.8 % (n = 4) l i v i n g common-law, 3.7% (n = 1) separated and 3.7% (n = 1) were divorced. The mean current socioeconomic status (SES) score for males was 40.3 and that of females was 38.9 on the 1981 Blishen Socioeconomic Index (Blishen, C a r r o l l & Moore, 1987), a measure of SES developed for application to the Canadian population. Concerning occupational aspirations, females indicated a wider range of socioeconomic status (SES) i n the occupations they selected. These varied from low status c h i l d care jobs, through mid l e v e l gender neutral or female professions such as teaching, s o c i a l service work or occupations i n the arts to high status occupations such as lawyer and doctor with the Blishen scale (1987) range stretching from 23.70 to 101.32. Males had a 74 Figure 1 : D i s t r i b u t i o n of Blishen Socioeconomic Scale Scores by Gender by Percentage 75 narrower range of occupations (43.38 to 101.32), r a n g i n g from mid s t a t u s jobs such as t h a t of a w r i t e r or j o u r n a l i s t t o h i g h s t a t u s p r o f e s s i o n s such as a medical d o c t o r . - Looking more c l o s e l y at t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n , 2 females a s p i r e d to low s t a t u s jobs i n v o l v i n g c h i l d c a r e e a r l y c h i l d h o o d e d u c a t i o n ( B l i s h e n score 23.70). In the mid s t a t u s o c c u p a t i o n a l l e v e l s , 4 females and 1 male a s p i r e d to o c c u p a t i o n s r a n g i n g between 40.00 and 49.99; 8 males and 8 females to occupations ranging between 50.00 and 59.99 and 5 females and 1 male to occupations s c o r i n g between 60.00 and 69.99 on the B l i s h e n 1981 Socioeconomic Index ( B l i s h e n , C a r r o l l & Moore, 1987). To allow f o r e a s i e r comparisons, F i g u r e 1 d i v i d e s o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s , by gender and s t a t u s l e v e l s , i n terms of percentages. Regarding the s e x t y p i n g of o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s , the m a j o r i t y of c h o i c e s o u t l i n e d , 10 males and 15 females, i n d i c a t e d gender n e u t r a l c h o i c e s with t r a d i t i o n a l l y masculine c h o i c e s coming next, 9 males and 7 females (Lueptow, 1981; Shinar, 1975). C o n t i n u i n g males r e l u c t a n c e to move i n t o occupations t r a d i t i o n a l l y d e s i g n a t e d female (Lueptow, 1981; M a r i n i & Goldberg, 1978; O'Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Shepard & Hess, 1975; Women's Bureau of Labour Canada, 198 6) was apparent when only 7 females i n d i c a t e d a p r e f e r e n c e f o r female typed occupations (Lueptow, 1981; Shinar, 1975). 76 Cluster Analysis Results Cluster analysis resulted i n the delineation of six d i s t i n c t i v e c l u s t e r s of si m i l a r Independence and Achievement Orientation scores on the FES. Appendix E provides the h i e r a r c h i c a l tree analysis while Figure 2 outlines the six clusters i d e n t i f i e d during t h i s process. Table 2 provides d e t a i l s of cl u s t e r membership and of the mean Independence and Achievement Orientation scores for each c l u s t e r . One way ANOVAs revealed s i g n i f i c a n t differences (p = .05) between several c l u s t e r means of Independence and Achievement Orientation scores. Comparing the mean cl u s t e r scores for the Independence subscale, Cluster 5, with a mean Independence score of 17.00, 3 SDs below the FES mean, was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t (p = .05) from the other f i v e clusters while the Cluster 6 mean of 26.00 (approximately 2 1/2 SDs below the test mean) was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from the Independence mean scores of Clusters 1 through 4. The Independence mean score of Cluster 3 (48.29) d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the mean scores of Clusters 2 (65.20) and 4 (61.14) as did the Cluster 1 mean (49.46). While the Cluster 1 and 3 means were near the test mean, the Cluster 4 mean was 1 1/2 SDs and the Cluster 4 mean, 1 SD above the FES mean, in d i c a t i n g a strong perceived emphasis on developing autonomy existed among members of these two cl u s t e r s . As Table 3 indicates, the between group F-ra t i o was very high (47.914, p = .0000) and the B a r t l e t t Box-F test for homogeneity 77 Figure 2: H i e r a r c h i c a l Cluster Analysis Results: Independence and Achievement Orientation 78 Table 2 independence and Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n Mean Scores and Standard  D e v i a t i o n s by C l u s t e r C l u s t e r n Independence Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n M SD M SD 1 11 49.46 9.51 66.55 5.67 2 10 65.20 4.13 46.50 6.82 3 7 48.29 6.60 50.53 3.21 4 7 61.14 6.28 28.29 5.31 5 6 17.00 4.65 50.17 5.38 6 9 26.00 10.76 33.89 6.05 79 Table 3 One Way A n a l y s i s of V a r i a n c e : FES Independence Scores by C l u s t e r Sum of Mean F F Source D.F. Squares Squares R a t i o P r o b a b i l i t y Between Groups 5 14105.3070 2821.0614 47.9140 .0000 Wit h i n Groups 44 2590.8130 58.8776 T o t a l 49 16695.9200 Table 4 One Way A n a l y s i s of V a r i a n c e : FES Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n Scores  by C l u s t e r Sum of Mean F F Source D.F. Squares Squares R a t i o P r o b a b i l i t y Between Groups 5 8345.5876 1669.1175 52.1565 .0000 Wi t h i n Groups 44 1408.0924 32.0021 T o t a l 49 9763.6800 80 (2.023, p = .073) i n d i c a t e d t h a t the v a r i a n c e f o r each c l u s t e r was the same. Thus these between c l u s t e r score d i f f e r e n c e s may be accepted without a h i g h degree of c a u t i o n . Such was not the case, however, f o r the between c l u s t e r score d i f f e r e n c e s i d e n t i f i e d f o r the Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n c l u s t e r means. In t h i s case, although s e v e r a l s i g n i f i c a n t between c l u s t e r d i f f e r e n c e s were i d e n t i f i e d at the p = .05 l e v e l , the B a r t l e t t Box-F t e s t (.681, p = .638) i n d i c a t e d unequal v a r i a n c e s f o r each c l u s t e r . T h e r e f o r e homogeneity was v i o l a t e d i n d i c a t i n g the need f o r extreme c a u t i o n i n i n t e r p r e t i n g these r e s u l t s . However, the F - r a t i o was again very h i g h (F = 52.157, p = .0000) i n d i c a t i n g the p r o b a b i l i t y of Type 1 e r r o r was low and between group d i f f e r e n c e s c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t . Between c l u s t e r d i f f e r e n c e s were i d e n t i f i e d by the Student-Newman-Keuls m u l t i p l e range t e s t (p = .05) as f o l l o w s : C l u s t e r s 4 and 6, with low Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n mean scores of 28.29 and 33.89 r e s p e c t i v e l y , were each s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from C l u s t e r s 1, 2, 3 and 5. These two means were approximately 2 1/2 and 1 1/2 SDs below the t e s t mean. C l u s t e r s 2, 3 and 5 whose mean sco r e s of 46.50, 50.53 and 50.17 were near the FES mean were each s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from C l u s t e r 1 where the Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n mean was 1 1/2 SDs above the FES mean. 81 D e s c r i p t i v e C l u s t e r P r o f i l e s D e s c r i p t i v e p r o f i l e s of each c l u s t e r outlined, below i n c l u d e young a d u l t s ' p e r c e p t i o n s of t h e i r p a r e n t s ' a c t i v i t i e s , t h e i r own p e r c e i v e d responses to such i n t e r v e n t i o n s and a l s o a summary of o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s of c l u s t e r members. Such d e s c r i p t i o n s are ordered i n terms of most frequent t o l e a s t frequent p e r c e i v e d p a r e n t a l b e h a v i o r and/or young a d u l t response. Cluster 1: High Achievers, Average Independence T h i s c l u s t e r of 11 i n d i v i d u a l s , s i x males and f i v e females) had an Achievement O r i e n t a t i o n mean of 66.55 (SD = 5.66) i n d i c a t i n g the s u b j e c t e d p e r c e i v e d a s t r o n g f a m i l y emphasis on achievement around s c h o o l and work a c t i v i t i e s . A mean Independence score of 49.46 (S_D = 9.51) i n d i c a t e d t h a t C l u s t e r 1 s u b j e c t s p e r c e i v e d t h a t an average emphasis was p l a c e d on d e v e l o p i n g autonomy w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s of o r i g i n . Young a d u l t d e s c r i p t i o n s garnered from the c r i t i c a l i n c i d e n t s i n d i c a t e d males and females d i f f e r e d i n some of t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of s o c i a l i z a t i o n experiences around the t r a n s m i s s i o n of i n s t r u m e n t a l competence. In 12 i n c i d e n t s , parents were p e r c e i v e d as c r i t i c i z i n g and blaming both sons and daughters. Such c r i t i c i s m appeared t o focus on shaping the c h i l d ' s b e h a v i o r i n t o what the parent thought a p p r o p r i a t e . For example, one mother, who was seen to c o n s i d e r n u r s i n g an i n a p p r o p r i a t e c a r e e r f o r a male, c r i t i c i z e d her son f o r wishing t o e n r o l i n a n u r s i n g course. Another mother was p e r c e i v e d as attempting t o motivate 8 2 her small daughter to perform better, f i r s t by knocking down her attempts at bui l d i n g a block tower and, l a t e r i n the g i r l ' s childhood, c r i t i c i z i n g the g i r l ' s poor math marks. Aside from these career and achievement oriented c r i t i c i s m s , other parents focused on t h e i r children's s o c i a l behaviors. Some of the differences between male and female memories of parenting st y l e s included the stronger l i k e l i h o o d that sons would be the recipien t s of parental instrumental incentives, often offered, as one son put i t , as a "carrot". This boy's father offered him a car i f he would obtain a "quality degree" i n the areas of science, math or law. In addition to the above six incidents, three sons and one daughter described t h e i r parents as transmitting values while six sons and three daughters indicated t h e i r parents communicated expectations. In one example, a mother communicated her d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with her son's Grade 11 marks and proposed placing him i n a private school so he could q u a l i f y for the uni v e r s i t y education she desired for him. Four young men also described t h e i r parents support of t h e i r school or career related decisions. In one case, a boy r e c a l l e d his parents 1 pleasure when he decided to complete the l a s t two years of high school i n one. Three Cluster 1 sons and one daughter saw t h e i r parents as communicating with t h e i r children. Four males and two females described t h e i r parents as providing instrumental support: for example, i n the form of a s s i s t i n g the son to f i n d f i n a n c i a l funding for studying overseas. Three sons and one daughter r e c a l l e d parents encouraging them both to do well 83 academically and to pursue new in t e r e s t s . Such approaches appeared to be consistent with the perceived emphasis on achievement revealed by the FES r e s u l t s . Four daughters and two sons described t h e i r parents as intruding upon them. Such memories often involved issues around male-female r e l a t i o n s . In one case, a mother was described as challenging her daughter for dating a second boyfriend while she li s t e n e d to the young woman t a l k i n g on the phone. A second area of parental intrusion described by these young women appeared to involve personal boundaries. One subject described her mother repeatedly entering her bedroom and putting extra, unasked for food upon her plate at mealtimes. G i r l s more frequently r e c a l l e d t h e i r parents as challenging t h e i r decisions and actions: described i n f i v e female versus three male incidents. In one example, a adult daughter i n her mid twenties found her mother unsupportive when she wished to leave her job and her marriage. In response to perceived parental behaviors, two sons described themselves as becoming excited; three sons and one daughter, as f e e l i n g supported and three sons and one daughter, as validated. One subject r e c a l l e d f e e l i n g excited and affirmed at age eight when his father allowed him to steer a 43-foot boat in a busy shipping area. A 22-year-old youth f e l t supported but regretted his father's perceived i n a b i l i t y to share his passion for writing. His father had attempted to show the youth that a career as an architect was a s a t i s f a c t o r y compromise between his desire to enter into a creative career and the father's own 84 business way of l i f e . This same young man f e l t validated by his mother a year l a t e r when she accepted his plans to write out of the mainstream by becoming a poet. Four female subjects reported f e e l i n g i n validated as did two males. In one incident a young g i r l ' s father t o l d her o f f for giggling about boys on the telephone. She described herself as f e e l i n g embittered, b e l i t t l e d and l i k e a tramp as a r e s u l t . Four male incidents versus two female ones indicated that Cluster 1 sons were more l i k e l y to accept t h e i r parent's message than were daughters. For example, one youth took his mother's advice that he should learn to cope with a math teacher he didn't l i k e rather than avoiding his homework. Three of these young men perceived themselves as conforming to parental expectations while four f e l t free to reject the parent's values, behaviors lacking i n the responses made by Cluster 1 daughters. One youth r e c a l l e d conforming during Grades 9 through 12 with his mother's insistence that he study. Another son, aged 16, although i n i t i a l l y dazzled by his father's o f f e r of a car for taking a un i v e r s i t y degree his father considered appropriate, subsequently became more concerned with being happy than with material possessions and perceived the o f f e r as tarnished. Three Cluster 1 females and one son responded by experiencing emotional closeness with t h e i r parents; two daughters and one son received mixed messages while two daughters and one son rejected a parent's behavior. Three sons and three daughters expressed a desire to please t h e i r parents. Consistent with the perceived 5 8 5 family emphasis on achievement and competitiveness, such approval seeking often revolved around academic or sports achievements with the c h i l d wishing to do well for the parents' sake. In contrast to t h i s emphasis, a young woman described an incident where she f e l t she had pleased her mother when she became engaged to be married. As i n other incidents of approval seeking behavior, t h i s c h i l d appeared to be attempting to f i l l the parental model of success. Six Cluster 1 subjects, three males and three females, also coped by erecting personal boundaries or walling themselves o f f either against perceived parental in t r u s i o n or to protect themselves from disapproval. Consistent with the perceived push to achieve, three males and four females i n Cluster 1 responded to parental interventions by becoming motivated to achieve or succeed. Such motivation was frequently the long term outcome of incidents where the young adult had attempted to please the parent. In other examples, one youth appeared to have i n t e r n a l i z e d a competitive ethic from his father's s k i instructions when he was f i v e or six. A young woman who l e f t a troubled home with mother and subsequently developed a close r e l a t i o n s h i p with her father found she wanted to pick up her school grades and s t a b i l i z e h erself. Four of these young adults, two males and two females, described themselves as developing autonomy from t h e i r parents. In the case of one young man, t h i s process culminated i n a physical c o n f l i c t where he broke away from a father he saw as attempting to dominate his l i f e course. In another example, a daughter developed autonomy 86 through her father's guidance and encouragement to explore an opportunity to work away from home. Three female descriptions versus one male report indicated that g i r l s were more l i k e l y to develop t h e i r own values while the reverse r a t i o showed that boys were more l i k e l y to set t h e i r own expectations. One young woman decided that she would treat her future children equally af t e r r e j e c t i n g her mother's overt preference for her brother. A young man, on the other hand, developed an avid inte r e s t i n s a i l i n g , ah a c t i v i t y his mother had o r i g i n a l l y suggested. Three boys saw themselves as developing awareness of others while only one g i r l did so. For one youth t h i s included an understanding of his parents' p o l i t i c a l views as well as of t h e i r possible personal concerns. Three male subjects and two females were able to make t h e i r own decisions. One example here l i e s i n the case of the young man who decided to apply for a fellowship instead of returning to his family i n another country. He made t h i s decision by himself af t e r supportive input from both parents. Two young males also responded by developing a sense of s e l f competency, responses lacking i n the incidents r e c a l l e d by t h e i r female counterparts. Such emphasis on the development of autonomy appears inconsistent with the perceived average emphasis on independence indicated i n the FES p r o f i l e s of these subjects. The perceived push for high achievement described by these young adults was not necessarily r e f l e c t e d i n the occupational aspirations of the subjects as can be seen i n Table 5. Of the six males i n the cluster, two aspired to the high status 87 Table 5 Cluster 1 Occupational As p i r a t i o n s . Occupation Name and Blishen SES Scores by  Gender Occupation Blishen Score Males Venture C a p i t a l i s t 50.07 Lawyer 75.60 Doctor 101.32 Writer 54.58 Researcher 3, Program Director or Physical Education Coordinator 57.55 Undecided Females Computer Education 53.23 Individual/Family Therapist 67.61 CGA Accountant 5 9.44 Working with Children 23.70 Undecided In cases where two or more occupations were given, the occupation with the highest score on the Blishen scale was used to determine SES. occupations of lawyer and medical doctor while three others aspired to mid status careers as a writer, a researcher/program 88 di r e c t o r or physical education d i r e c t o r and a venture c a p i t a l i s t , or corporate fundraiser. Three out of f i v e of these choices were male-typed occupations (Shinar, 1975): venture c a p i t a l i s t , lawyer and doctor while the boy who aspired to write and the future physical education ins t r u c t o r were seeking gender neutral careers. Of the four females who had indicated career aspirations, three aspired to mid status and upper mid status occupations i n gender neutral areas such as computer education and i n d i v i d u a l and family therapist as well as the male-typed Chartered General Accountant. The remaining female subject aspired to a low status female typed occupation working with children. C l u s t e r 2: H i g h l y I n d e p e n d e n t , A v e r a g e A c h i e v e r s The ten members of Cluster 2 consisted of four males and six females who had a mean Independence score of 65.2 0 (SD = 4.13) and an Achievement Orientation mean of 46.50 (SD = 6.82). Such res u l t s indicated subjects perceived a high family emphasis on developing assertive s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and an average emphasis on achievement orientation. Thus these subjects saw a stronger emphasis on developing decision making a b i l i t i e s than they did on competitiveness. Looking at the incident material, parental expectations i n Cluster 2 appeared to be more c h i l d centered when compared with Cluster 1. However, t h i s focus on the c h i l d was not always a consistent one. For example, a young woman whose father wrote to t e l l her to go back to university found t h i s to be confusing as 89 his previous advice had been to become a maid. In incidents perhaps more consistent with fostering achievement orientation than the perceived high emphasis on independence, Three sons and four daughters r e c a l l e d t h e i r parents se t t i n g expectations with them at an early age. Five Cluster 2 subjects, two males and three females, r e c a l l e d t h e i r parents teaching s k i l l s which were generally job or education related. For example, one son r e c a l l e d his father teaching him to use a hammer. A daughter remembered her mother teaching her how to use a u n i v e r s i t y calendar. These parents were perceived by four subjects as sharing a c t i v i t i e s i n the form of family vacations or outings or, alternately, sharing a school f i e l d t r i p with t h e i r children. Four sons i n t h i s c l u s t e r described t h e i r parents as communicating values, an a c t i v i t y absent i n reports made by daughters. In one incident, a father l e t his son know i t was important for him to do his share for the family by cutting the grass. Five daughters as opposed to two sons perceived t h e i r parents to be supportive of t h e i r academically oriented decisions, behavior consistent with f a c i l i t a t i n g both independence and achievement orientation. One g i r l r e c a l l e d her parents agreeing with her decision to take creative writing instead of math. She further remembered them helping her make the change. These parents were also perceived to c r i t i c i z e daughters (four incidents) more frequently than sons (one i n c i d e n t ) . In one example, a young woman remembered her mother cast i g a t i n g her for becoming somebody she didn't l i k e when she 90 started dating a young man. This daughter perceived her mother as being concerned that she would drop out of school, a concern perhaps i n d i c a t i n g a stronger emphasis on achievement orientation than was seen i n the FES scores pf these subjects. Three Cluster 2 daughters saw t h e i r parents as providing emotional support i n a variety of si t u a t i o n s : for example, a father soothed a c h i l d when she had made a mistake, a mother supported another g i r l against a teacher's unfair evaluation and a grandmother was a source of nurturing for a young woman from a troubled home. In Cluster 2, young men were more l i k e l y to respond with resentment (three male incidents to one female report) while young women more frequently reported f e e l i n g validated or invalidated: with r a t i o s of f i v e female to two male and f i v e female to one male incident respectively. One 11-year-old boy whose mother had reminded him to practice his piano f e l t she was unfair because he did not need reminding. In an incident which appears to support the perceived strong family emphasis placed on independence, one young woman reported f e e l i n g great that her parents, a f t e r i n i t i a l l y challenging her plans, were supportive of her decision to move to another c i t y . An example of f e e l i n g i n v alidated was c i t e d by another young woman who was frustrated that her parents had to read a copy of a l e t t e r of recommendation before they would accept that she was musically g i f t e d . Five Cluster 2 daughters r e c o l l e c t e d f e e l i n g supported by t h e i r parents i n t h i s c l u s t e r while no such reports were made by sons. For example, the g i r l who wished to move to another c i t y 91 f e l t supported when her parents affirmed her decision. Other emotional responses indicated by Cluster 2 g i r l s and not boys included two descriptions of a sense of disappointment. For example, a 4-year-old f e l t disappointed when she awoke to f i n d she had missed her father's v i s i t to her hosp i t a l bed. R e l i e f was experienced by two daughters whose parents intervened for them with teachers or school a u t h o r i t i e s . In such cases independence of choice seemed to be important with the ind i v i d u a l c h i l d ' s needs appeared to come before achievement. In one such case, a g i r l ' s parents assisted her i n implementing her decision to drop a math course and to change to one i n creative writing. In Cluster 2 three males and four females described themselves as accepting messages transmitted by t h e i r parents. Such was the case of an unemployed young man whose parents encouraged him to aspire to something more than a menial job and to consider returning to school. Six young women described themselves as wishing to please t h e i r parents while only one man did so and three females d i f f e r e n t i a t e d themselves from t h e i r parents as opposed to one male. Such developments were consistent with the high perceived stress on independence which characterized Cluster 2. An example of pleasing the parent can be seen i n the case of a young woman who decided to take a business course. She f e l t happy and rel i e v e d with her mothers approval when she stated that she was considering going to college. Three Cluster 2 daughters reported appreciating t h e i r parents' interventions while three sons described improved c h i l d -92 parent r e l a t i o n s as an outcome of various incidents. One procrastinating daughter appreciated the fact that her supportive parents stood back and did not help her with a late school project. An unemployed youth reported that his r e l a t i o n s with his father improved a f t e r dad had communicated his disgust with an apparent dearth of job searching a c t i v i t i e s . Consistent with the high FES Independence scores, three Cluster 2 g i r l s reported that they perceived themselves as developing autonomy, learning s k i l l s ; three, as developing a sense of s e l f competence while, i n four incidents, boys saw themselves as developing s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Developing autonomy for these young women appeared to occur through the process of the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the s e l f . One young woman described her response to her parents b u i l d i n g her a cabin as "I'm d i f f e r e n t but I see myself l i v i n g t h e i r l i v e s , independent but close". E a r l i e r , at'age 15 she had seen herself as getting along well with her mother because they had si m i l a r interests but d i f f e r e n t p e r s o n a l i t i e s . In a related example, a female subject learned her m u l t i p l i c a t i o n tables i n response to her d i s l i k e of her parents a s s i s t i n g her with math. This reactive s k i l l development was opposed to situations such as that of the daughter who found mother teaching her to use a univers i t y calendar h e l p f u l . Concerning the development of self-competency, one young woman described herself as f e e l i n g pleased with mother's endorsement and encouragement of her helping Grade 1 children with reading 93 and also f e e l i n g pleased that she was doing a good job. The sense of developing s e l f - r e l i a n c e , an aspect of independence Table 6 Cluster 2 Occupational As p i r a t i o n s . Occupation Names and Blishen SES Scores  by Gender Occupation Blishen Score Males Journ a l i s t or Writer 54.58 English Teacher 70.19 Psychologist or Lawyer a 75.60 Undecided Females Art Historian/Curator 55.40 Job i n Anthropology 63.0 9 EArly Childhood Education (Daycare Worker) 23.70 Professional Choral Director 42.01 Social Services Area 44.39 Undecided a In cases where two or more occupations were given, the occupation wijth the highest Blishen score was used to determine SES 94 described by Cluster 2 males i n four incidents, can be seen in the case of the Japanese Canadian youth. He learned to r e l y on his own resources by finding a job and buying his own wardrobe after his father refused to provide him with new clothes. Several Cluster 2 males and females aspired toward either a r t i s t i c and c u l t u r a l occupations or to work in c l o s e l y related f i e l d s such as English teaching, f i e l d s where independence would be highly valued. The remaining individuals also indicated gender neutral choices i n the s o c i a l sciences or s o c i a l services areas (Shinar, 1975). Table 6 indicates that Cluster 2 males tended to aspire toward mid and high status occupations and four out of six female subjects aspired to mainly mid status occupations. Cluster 3: Average Independence and Achievement Orientation Cluster 3 which consisted of two males and f i v e females had a mean Independence score of 48.29 (SD = 6.60) and an Achievement Orientation mean of 50.43 (SD = 3.21). Such subscale means indicated that subjects perceived both the stress placed on developing s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and the emphasis on school and career related achievement i n t h e i r families of o r i g i n to be average. Based on the incident descriptions, i t appeared that the actions of Cluster 3 parents were perceived by t h e i r children as giving mixed messages around instrumental competency s o c i a l i z a t i o n . In four incidents, daughters described t h e i r parents as supporting decisions around areas l i k e moving to another c i t y or taking a f i r s t a f t e r school job. Cluster 3 95 parents were also perceived as structuring t h e i r daughters' environments on three occasions. In one case a father arranged a l i v i n g s i t u a t i o n for his daughter i n the Far East a f t e r o f f e r i n g her the opportunity to t r a v e l there. Three other daughters saw t h e i r parents intervening on t h e i r behalf. One example can be seen i n the case of a father who checked out his 18-year-old daughter's future work s i t e i n a t r a v e l agency. Both men and four women i n Cluster 3 described t h e i r parents as communicating values while one male and three females remembered t h e i r parents f a c i l i t a t i n g decision making. The higher frequencies of such incidents reported by females may be in d i c a t i v e of the higher number of young women i n t h i s c l u s t e r . An example of value communication can be seen i n the mother who was described as being glad when her pregnant daughter dropped math and took English because "Math was not very feminine." Another g i r l r e c a l l e d her parents communicating t h e i r values of the importance of a healt h i e r environment by moving the family to a farm. Decision making for Cluster 3 subjects was f a c i l i t a t e d by the giving of advice or providing relevant information and by standing back and affirming the chi l d ' s option, actions consistent with fostering independence. This i s evident i n the case of one young man who planned to change his uni v e r s i t y program when his parents t o l d him whatever he decided would be appropriate. Two sons and two daughters perceived t h e i r parents as communicating expectations to them usually d i r e c t l y but sometimes i n a confusing manner. For example a young woman who 96 had a baby r e c a l l e d her father t e l l i n g her "It's too bad you had the baby because now you can't f i n i s h your degree". He had previously devalued her univ e r s i t y education. When she was 10, t h i s same subject's parents had t o l d her that she would turn out l i k e a fussy maiden aunt i f she maintained her decision not to have children. Other perceived expectations revolved around work. In an example of work related value transmission, one young man r e c a l l e d his j a n i t o r father becoming angry with his slapdash e f f o r t s at a s s i s t i n g dad on the job. He i n s i s t e d the son do the work again because he was only doing "half a job". In incidents which appeared to be enhancing independence, two Cluster 3 females reported that t h e i r parents stood back and allowed them to experiment behaviorally. One very worried mother placed her daughter's opportunity before her own concern and allowed the g i r l to go to England as an exchange student. These parents were twice perceived to communicate with t h e i r daughters and to validate them. One father of an 18-year-old woman had a heart to heart conversation with her when she came home for Christmas while a mother validated her 18-year-old daughter by buying her new clothes even though the family could l i t t l e a f ford the expense. Cluster 3 sons, on the other hand, remember t h e i r parents as requesting information from them i n two incidents and showing in t e r e s t twice. These requests for information included incidents such as the one where a mother asked her 16-year-old son why he f a i l e d i n Social Studies. Later the same mother 97 showed in t e r e s t and concern over her 19-year-old son's plans to take up white water r a f t i n g . Three males i n Cluster 3 described t h e i r responses to perceived parental behaviors i n terms of resentment while seven females r e c a l l e d f e e l i n g supported. One son resented his father whom he perceived as attempting to bribe him to take a job rather than continuing his studies. This same young man l a t e r resented his father's bragging about his achievements i n trade school. Such apparently c o n f l i c t i n g parental a c t i v i t i e s could have resulted i n the son receiving mixed messages concerning achievement expectations, perhaps explaining the average stress on achievement perceived by Cluster 3 subjects. On the other hand a young woman f e l t supported when her father helped her return home from another province where she had been involved i n an abusive r e l a t i o n s h i p with a man. Five daughters and one son f e l t v alidated or affirmed by t h e i r parents as well as happy and glad. Daughters responded with anger i n four instances while sons responded thus once. For example, one young woman, who won a gold medal for synchronized swimming at age 13 was i n i t i a l l y furious but l a t e r thankful and extremely happy when her mother forced her to go through with her routine aft e r she froze with fear. The most frequent behavioral response, described by four daughters, was to reject the parent's message as did the young g i r l whose parents kept i n s i s t i n g she should have children when she indicated she didn't want any. On three other occasions, 98 however, these young women accepted such messages. One female subject believed her mother's premise that women were not mechanical even though she was i n i t i a l l y shocked at the assertion. Two Cluster 3 daughters further described themselves as appreciating parental interventions. For example, the synchronized swimmer appreciated her mother taking over. They also r e c a l l e d forming a l l i a n c e s with one parent against another on two occasions. In one case, a g i r l who was angry with her father when he refused to allow her out on a date described her mother a l l y i n g with her to help her sneak out anyway. A t h i r d response to perceived parental a c t i v i t i e s , described by two females, was continuing with behaviors which the parent f e l t was undesirable. An example here can be seen i n the young woman whose mother saw math as unfeminine. She continued taking her equally "unfeminine" physics course. Two male and three female Cluster 3 subjects perceived t h e i r mothers and/or fathers to be in t r u s i v e . For example, one son f e l t stupid when his father i n s i s t e d that the boy wear his jacket to a job interview a f t e r d r i v i n g him there. One son and two daughters experienced emotional closeness with parents and one son and two daughters communicated with them. One g i r l who went to England as an exchange student provides examples of both responses. She became closer to her concerned mother by writing her frequent l e t t e r s . Two Cluster 3 sons provided information to t h e i r parents. In one incident, a 19-year-old youth who was taking up white water r a f t i n g communicated with his mother and 99 provided information by attempting to explain his decision to her. When i t came to s e l f development, four g i r l s i n t h i s c l u s t e r reported developing the motivation to achieve or succeed, an outcome which appears somewhat inconsistent with the perceived average emphasis on achievement indicated by the FES subscale scores. It seemed that t h i s development may have resulted from mixed messages received from the parents. For example a young woman whose father had discouraged her univer s i t y education found out he was bragging to his friends about her academic success. As a re s u l t of t h i s discovery, she wanted to do even better i n school. Four Cluster 3 women indicated that they also learned s k i l l s while three developed t h e i r own in t e r e s t s . In one case, a g i r l whose parents gave her a microscope for Christmas was able to pursue her inte r e s t s i n science as a r e s u l t . Another subject whose father had provided her with a dentist contact developed research s k i l l s and the a b i l i t y to focus more on topics of interes t l i k e dentistry. Cluster 3 males described themselves as developing autonomy i n three incidents as opposed to two such incidents for females. Both sons and two daughters described themselves as developing an awareness of others. For example, a 15-year-old was aware that her father's return to school provided him with a personal goal. Due to the fact that only one of the two males i n t h i s c l u s t e r indicated an occupational preference, the mid status, male-typed (Shinar, 1975) occupation of w i l d l i f e management, i t 100 was d i f f i c u l t to ascertain whether any gender differences i n occupational aspirations were evident. As Table 7 Table 7 Cluster 3 Occupational As p i r a t i o n s . Occupation Names and Blishen SES Scores  by Gender Occupation Blishen Score Males W i l d l i f e Management 54.05 To be Arranged — Females Veterinarian 72.24 Lawyer 75. 60 Library Science 55.40 Research/Teaching 46.83 Geography rel a t e d Graduate work 49.87 indicates, a l l f i v e of the female subjects indicated occupational aspirations which were professional i n nature and normally required specialized, often graduate l e v e l , u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g . These proposed occupations ranged from mid to high l e v e l s of SES on the Blishen Socioeconomic Index and included the male-typed occupations of veterinarian and lawyer, the gender neutral 101 careers of geography and research and teaching and the female-typed job of l i b r a r i a n . Cluster 4 : Highly Independent Low Achievers Cluster 4 consisted of seven subjects, four males and three females. The mean Independence score was 61.14 (SD = 6.28) in d i c a t i n g that these subjects perceived t h e i r families placing a strong emphasis on developing autonomy. On the other hand, the mean Achievement Orientation score of 29.29 (SE) = 5.31) demonstrated that Cluster 4 members r e c a l l e d l i t t l e emphasis being placed on achievement and/or competitiveness i n school or career s i t u a t i o n s . Incident material revealed that young adults i n Cluster 4 remembered t h e i r parents as showing inter e s t i n t h e i r sons on four occasions but only twice for daughters. For example, one young man perceived that his divorced parents were showing int e r e s t i n him when they came to see him perform i n a school concert. E a r l i e r , at 13, he perceived his mother's inter e s t when she offered to protect him from a group of b u l l i e s . Cluster 4 sons described t h e i r parents as communicating values on four occasions while only one such incident was provided by daughters. In once case, a male subject r e c a l l e d several such incidents involving his father. For example, the son r e c a l l e d his father t e l l i n g his 17-year-old son never to change his s h i r t i n front of a g i r l a f t e r catching the boy doing so. Such incidents where the father appeared to be imposing his values on the son seem to contradict the high FES Independence scores of c l u s t e r members. 102 Another male subject remembered three incidents which were consistent with Cluster 4's high perceived push to independence where his parents stood back and allowed him to experiment with behaviors and decision making. At age 15, he r e c a l l e d his parents went o f f and allowed t h e i r children to spend a day exploring Switzerland. At 14 t h i s boy remembered his father t e l l i n g that he now had a choice as to whether he would attend church or not. Family r e l a t i o n s , rather than school or career, were the strong emphasis here perhaps accounting for Cluster 4's low Achievement Orientation mean. Daughters r e c a l l e d three examples of sharing a c t i v i t i e s with t h e i r parents while sons described such sharing once. One young woman remembered going for a drive in the wilderness with her parents when she was 15. She remembered t h i s incident as a happy time before her parents separated and perceived that her family was comfortable together, arguing amiably as father drove and mother pointed out birds' nests. A young man r e c a l l e d his parents modelling behaviors on four occasions when, for example, he saw them entering into discussions about p o l i t i c s , r e l i g i o n and c i v i l l i b e r t i e s during Christmas celebrations. In three incidents, daughters saw t h e i r parents as providing instrumental incentives i n what they saw as harmful s i t u a t i o n s . In one example, the young woman who enjoyed the t r i p with her parents at age f i f t e e n r e c a l l e d another t r i p taken two years l a t e r at the time of her parents' separation 103 This time her father c r i t i c i z e d her hair and clothing and offered her $100.00 to wear a pink Tee-shirt f i v e times. One female and two male Cluster 4 subjects perceived t h e i r parents as intervening on t h e i r behalf and providing emotional support. Once again, the emphasis i n such incidents appeared to be on family r e l a t i o n s rather than school or work related s i t u a t i o n s . For example, a son r e c a l l e d his mother intervening on his behalf in a dispute with his father at age seven. An 11-year-old daughter perceived her mother as providing emotional support when she f e l t hurt by a friend's c r i t i c a l remarks. The parents of two males and one female were described as i n s t i t u t i n g l o g i c a l consequences (Dreikurs & Soltz, 1964) as a form of d i s c i p l i n e . In one case, a young man remembered an incident when, at age seven, he took a toy car from a store. After he admitted the th e f t to his mother, she had him return the car and apologize to the store owner and face the consequences. Such d i s c i p l i n a r y t a c t i c s seem consistent with fostering the development of s e l f -r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , an aspect of autonomy or independence. Cluster 4 sons perceived themselves as responding to parental interventions by f e e l i n g supported on eight occasions, a more frequent response than that of daughters who describe such emotions twice. For example, a 21-year-old drama student who explained to his father that he did not f e e l spontaneous enough to be a good actor f e l t supported when his father proceeded to focus on his strength as a writer and encouraged him to be a playwright. Three young women, on the other hand, responded with 104 feelings of d i s t r e s s lacking i n the descriptions provided by sons. One 18-year-old daughter perceived that her mother was not focusing her attention on her attempt to share her intimate thoughts. She f e l t very upset as a r e s u l t . These subjects remembered experiencing a wide array of emotional responses: f i v e sons and three daughters f e l t validated; three sons and two daughters, angry; two sons and one daughter, re s e n t f u l ; one son and two daughters, amazed or surprized and one son and two daughters, hurt. An example of va l i d a t i o n can be seen where a young man r e c a l l e d his mother speaking to him as an equal at a family Christmas celebration when he was eighteen. He understood her behavior to be a symbolic gesture which indicated he was grown up i n her eyes. An example of an angry response can be seen i n the case of a young woman who r e c a l l e d being angry at age 14 when her stepfather grounded her for staying out late while her mother was away. A young man resented his policeman father t e l l i n g him, at age 17, that he should go to m i l i t a r y college. He r e c a l l e d f e e l i n g hassled and thinking "Oh no, here i t comes again!" Another son f e l t hurt when dad commented "You l i v e and learn" a f t e r he had t o l d him that he'd just found out his g i r l f r i e n d had secretly been seeing another man. Cluster 4 females r e c a l l e d responding to parental a c t i v i t i e s with happiness on four occasions, versus one male description, and f e l t disappointed twice. When a 19-year-old daughter talked about a course she was thinking of taking, she f e l t happy that 105 her father showed i n t e r e s t . A subject whose father had promised her the a i r f a r e to A u s t r a l i a i f she worked three summers for him f e l t disappointed and crushed when he took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y from her, lowered her wages and f i n a l l y t o l d her that he was not going to pay for the t r i p . In Cluster 4, boys accepted t h e i r parents' messages four times and conformed with parental expectations three times while g i r l s only described such responses once. For example, a u n i v e r s i t y student attempted to please his sick father by taking his advice to become more involved i n sports. A case pf conforming with parental expectations can be seen i n another youth who learned, at age nine, never to swear when his mother apologized to his brother and him for swearing i n response to t h e i r provocation. In responses which appeared consistent with developing independence, three young men r e c a l l e d distancing themselves from t h e i r parents while one daughter d i d so. In one case a subject r e c a l l e d f e e l i n g estranged from his father at age eight when his mother threatened her children with the absent father's d i s c i p l i n e . Three Cluster 4 g i r l s perceived themselves as experiencing family cohesion as did one boy. One example of t h i s can be seen i n the lack of tension and the comfort i n being together experienced by the 15-year-old daughter on the wilderness t r i p with her parents. Two sons and two daughters described improved relationships with t h e i r parents as an outcome. The young drama student was one example. He perceived his r e l a t i o n s with his father as being strengthened when the 106 l a t t e r encouraged him to become a playwright. At times these subjects saw t h e i r parents as in t r u s i v e . Such perceptions were outlined by two males and one female. For example, the young woman who talked with her father about her proposed course enrollment was aggravated as she perceived him nagging her to consider another area of zoology. Two g i r l s described appreciation of parental interventions and two described d e t e r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s with t h e i r parents. In one example of appreciation, a 15-year-old was gratef u l when her uncle provided her with a summer school experience i n Switzerland. A case of dete r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s could be seen i n another young woman whose parents separated. She l o s t respect for her father whom she saw as immature when he f a i l e d to maintain any structure i n the home. She also f e l t hurt and resented being t o l d what to do by her father who expressed his disappointment i n her and used her as a "dumping ground" for his problems. Regarding s e l f development, three Cluster 4 males and one female reported becoming aware of others. They also developed s e l f - r e l i a n c e . For example, a boy who missed out on learning how to improve his bowling as a consequence of a temper tantrum discovered that he must s t i c k up for himself and be responsible for his actions. Such s e l f - r e l i a n c e and s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e , described i n two of t h i s young man's incidents, appeared to be consistent with the high FES Independence mean score of Cluster 4 members. This same youth developed an understanding of his mother's inner v u l n e r a b i l i t y and was also aware of his father's 107 va l u e s which he d i d not always share. He a l s o developed a sense of t r a d i t i o n from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n f a m i l y r i t u a l s such as Christmas and by s h a r i n g an i n t e r e s t i n the f a m i l y h e r i t a g e as, f o r example, the f a m i l y c o i n c o l l e c t i o n . C l u s t e r 4 g i r l s who Table 8 C l u s t e r 4 O c c u p a t i o n a l A s p i r a t i o n s . O c c u p a t i o n Names and B l i s h e n SES S c o r e s  by Gender Occupation B l i s h e n Score Males Teacher with t r a i n i n g i n C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology 43.38 E l e c t r o n i c s / C o m p u t e r s 3 I n t e r p r e t e r - Russian 57.30 N/A Females Resource P o l i c y A n a l y s t 79.20 J o u r n a l i s t , P s y c h o l o g i s t 1 3 , Graphic Designer 65.36 Undecided Response too vague t o c l a s s i f y . Where 2 or more occupations were i n d i c a t e d , the job with the h i g h e s t B l i s h e n score was used t o determine SES. 108 tended, i n two cases, to lack t r u s t , also described themselves as developing s e l f i d e n t i t y i n two incidents, one important aspect of autonomy development. In one example a young woman f e l t encouraged to be herself by her grandmother's statement "Set the st y l e s . Don't follow them." Males i n Cluster 4 tended to aspire to mid-status occupations while females tended to select upper mid-status or high status jobs as described i n Table 8. It was d i f f i c u l t to determine any pattern of occupational aspirations as only two males gave responses where SES could be determined while one of the two females who responded indicated three choices. The occupations selected by the two men who did respond appeared to be i n gender neutral service occupations while females also selected gender neutral occupations and appeared to be interested in professional or technical careers. Cluster 5: Low Independence, Average Achievers In t h i s c l u s t e r of two males and four females, the Independence mean score was 17.00 (SD = 4.65) i n d i c a t i n g these subjects r e c a l l e d very l i t t l e emphasis being placed on the development of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y i n t h e i r families of o r i g i n . However the Achievement Orientation mean of 50.17 (SD = 5.38) revealed that they perceived an average emphasis on competitiveness and achievement i n school and the workplace. Based on the incident data, Cluster 5 was a cl u s t e r defined by descriptions of abusive, i n t r u s i v e parents who were perceived as being r i g i d and/or unpredictable. Parent-child r e l a t i o n s were 109 often c o n f l i c t u a l i n nature and parents i n t h i s c l u s t e r were perceived as engaging i n c r i t i c i z i n g and blaming behaviors eight times as well as venting t h e i r anger on t h e i r children on f i v e occasions. At times these behaviors occurred separately; at others, i n tandem. In an example of parental c r i t i c i s m , a young Chinese Canadian woman r e c a l l e d that just before they entered an aunt's home, her mother t o l d her "Your aunt i s going to ask you what you're doing with your l i f e and y o u ' l l say 'nothing'. I'm so ashamed of you." A case where c r i t i c i s m and venting of anger occurred together can be seen i n an incident where a young man remembered his father displaying anger by blaming the 11-year-old boy for his recent unannounced stay at a ps y c h i a t r i c h o s p i t a l . This father also provided an example of withholding key information from the c h i l d , an a c t i v i t y described i n four Cluster 5 incidents, when he l e f t the boy with a r e l a t i v e and did not inform him of his whereabouts. Cluster 5 daughters perceived t h e i r parents to communicate expectations to them on three occasions while sons described one such incident. A young Chinese woman provides two examples of t h i s . F i r s t , from age 10 onward, her mother repeatedly entered the room where the g i r l was watching t e l e v i s i o n , l e c t u r i n g her for up to ha l f an hour, "I want you to be independent so no man can dominate you or take advantage of you. Look at your aunt, who i s a lawyer. Be l i k e her." The daughter f e l t cornered during t h i s process. Her grandmother also gave her the same message to emulate her lawyer aunt but did so i n a way that was 110 more acceptable to the young woman, as part of a casual conversation i n a car. These older women were providing the young woman with a role model of successful career achievement outside of the nuclear family. Three daughters i n Cluster 5 perceived t h e i r parents to be int r u s i v e i n a manner consistent with the low emphasis on independence which characterized t h i s group of subjects. For example, one young woman r e c a l l e d her parents' intrusiveness when they rummaged through her book bag finding b i r t h control pamphlets the 16-year-old had obtained from her doctor. Cluster 5 daughters twice remembered t h e i r parents i n v a l i d a t i n g them. The young Chinese woman reca l l e d , at age 20, she and her mother l i n e d up to buy l o t t e r y t i c k e t s . Her mother turned to her and said, " I f I win the $15 m i l l i o n , I ' l l give your brother $1 m i l l i o n and I ' l l give you $100,000.00." Parental encouragement was r e c a l l e d as an infrequent event. In an example which perhaps explains the average perceived stress on achievement, one subject r e c a l l e d a rare event at age 22 where she perceived her parents encouraging her decision to return to univ e r s i t y . Two of these daughters described t h e i r parents making emotional displays. The same young woman whose parents had encouraged her returning to univ e r s i t y r e c a l l e d an independence i n h i b i t i n g incident a year e a r l i e r where her Portuguese father c r i e d when he came to see an apartment she planned to rent. He f e l t the neighbourhood was not a good one and that good Portuguese daughters should l i v e at home with t h e i r parents. On two other occasions where autonomy I l l development seemed to be in h i b i t e d , young women described t h e i r parents as u t i l i z i n g the strategy of shunning, or ostracism, to discourage behaviors not meeting with t h e i r approval. In one such incident, a young woman who had moved i n with her boyfriend r e c a l l e d that her parents refused to pay for her wedding, making i t clear that she was no longer welcome i n t h e i r house. The most frequently reported emotional response by Cluster 5 subjects was the sense of being invalidated described i n four male and six female incidents. For example, a daughter who perceived her mother's constant of her breath and eyes aft e r the drinking episode at 14 as i n t r u s i v e s t i l l cringes when she r e c a l l s the incident. Another common response were anger, described i n three male and seven female incidents; f e e l i n g unsupported, reported by three sons and two daughters; and i s o l a t e d or alienated as did one son and two daughters. In some cases the sense of al i e n a t i o n was deep. A 17-year-old, readmitted to a p s y c h i a t r i c hospital seven months af t e r a suicide attempt, f e l t alone and scared. He perceived his father as wanting him out of the way so he could see his wife before t h e i r divorce was f i n a l i z e d . One Cluster 5 male and one female described rare instances of happiness. Feelings of fear were described by one son and two daughters. Examples here included the\ daughter who was a f r a i d of her Portuguese father who disapproved of her joining a choir. On the way home from a concert he y e l l e d at her and, when they got home, struck the g i r l . 112 Cluster 5 daughters responded to such perceived parental abuse with a variety of negative emotions. For example f i v e subjects f e l t hurt and three experienced g u i l t . One subject whose parents had r i f l e d through her book bag f e l t g u i l t y for a long time a f t e r the incident while the Chinese Canadian daughter whose mother had invalidated her was hurt and furious. Sadness, depression and unhappiness were other emotional responses r e c a l l e d by three Cluster 5 females. In one case, a young Portuguese woman who described her unhappiness about compromising with her father moved into a basement suite i n his home. Sons twice described feelings of re j e c t i o n . A young man reported f e e l i n g rejected by his father at age seven. After a month's absence, the son discovered that his father was r e a l l y at the school where he worked not on a "business t r i p " as the boy had been t o l d . Six Cluster 5 subjects responded to t h e i r parents' perceived behaviors by re j e c t i n g t h e i r parents' values i n some instances and f i v e subjects desired to please the parents i n others. For example, one young woman who was taking a typing course i n Grade 11 had received mixed messages from her mother regarding the l a t t e r ' s expectations for her career development a f t e r high school. She f e l t that her mother's idea that she should take algebra and sciences was r i d i c u l o u s . E a r l i e r she had received the message to focus on t r a d i t i o n a l female pursuits. An example of the desire to please the parents can be seen i n one young man's r e c o l l e c t i o n that, at age 13, he started drinking with his 113 father i n an attempt to please and become close to him. As a rule t h i s youth f e l t l i k e a ping pong b a l l as a r e s u l t of his father's s h i f t i n g attitudes to him. Three g i r l s saw themselves as accepting parental messages as did the daughter who r e c a l l e d accepting her parents' encouragement of her plans for un i v e r s i t y . These subjects responded to perceived parental r e s t r i c t i o n of independence by developing strategies to achieve autonomy. For example, three daughters distanced themselves from t h e i r parents. In one case a young woman wanted to get out of the home permanently when her C h r i s t i a n mother lashed out at her and her young aunt for staying out a l l night at a rodeo. Another female response, described i n three incidents, was cutting o f f communication with the parent. In one such incident an 18-year-old t o l d her mother that she could not go to her with her problems. She did not see her mother's recurring advice to go to church and pray as h e l p f u l . This daughter also f e l t that her mother did not wish to hear any of her views which might challenge her maternal authority. Through a group of four incidents, Cluster 5 females also perceived t h e i r fathers and mothers as manipulative and i n t r u s i v e . In her frustrated attempt to move out of her parents' home, the Portuguese Canadian g i r l whose father had c r i e d f e l t pressured into a "no win" s i t u a t i o n to meet his expectations. She and two other young women perceived relationships with t h e i r parents dete r i o r a t i n g while only one son saw t h i s occurring. In two examples, one subject saw the mother who struck her with a 114 s t i c k as a tyrant and ended up hating her parent as d i d another young g i r l whose stepfather had sexually abused her since age f i v e . Further examples of such independence attempts made by three Cluster 5 subjects included erecting personal boundaries for themselves. In one case, the daughter whose parents shunned her found that she was too proud to speak with her mother even though she wished to do so. Three of these young people also responded by continuing with behaviors which were undesirable as far as the parents were concerned. In one such incident, a 16-year-old son whose mother grounded him after a night i n j a i l for drinking stated he did not care about her opinion and decided to be more discrete the next time he drank. Both sexes i n Cluster 5 experienced c o n f l i c t u a l relationships with t h e i r parents, described i n three instances. In the case of at least one son, c o n f l i c t with his father resulted i n a physical f i g h t a f t e r which he l e f t home. Other c o n f l i c t s were more verbal i n nature as was the dispute between father and son over v i s i t i n g the son's g i r l f r i e n d i n another town. Another response of three subjects to such parenting was to leave home. In one case, a young woman persi s t e d with her plans to leave home even though her r e l i g i o u s mother shouted at her and cried, accusing her daughter of abandoning her. As a re s u l t of such experiences, four Cluster 5 subjects developed negative self-images or low self-esteem. The young man whose father blamed him for his p s y c h i a t r i c problems r e c a l l e d 115 that he f e l t l i k e a whipped dog while the young woman who l e f t home to l i v e with her boyfriend f e l t that she was not a good as the other children i n the family. At ;east one Cluster 5 son described himself as developing self-competency but i t seemed to come as a surprize. In t h i s case a 19-year-old young man was enrolled i n a work program for the mentally handicapped and performed exceptionally well. Both Cluster 5 males developed d i f f i c u l t i e s i n t r u s t i n g others as did the subject whose parents had not informed him of t h e i r separation. Three g i r l s and one boy developed a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , sometimes as a p a r e n t i f i e d c h i l d . Assuming such a role could further t i e the young adult to the family of o r i g i n . In one incident, an.older s i s t e r blamed her s e l f and took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for her s i b l i n g s ' behavior when t h e i r mother punished them for accidently almost drowning some puppies. Despite such t i e s , two female subjects did describe themselves as developing autonomy. For these young women, independence appeared to be a res u l t of both erecting personal boundaries and of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g themselves from t h e i r parents. One example of t h i s occurring was the young woman who stopped communicating with her r e l i g i o u s mother. The outcome of t h i s young woman's experience was a desire to be d i f f e r e n t from her mother even i n her career choices. She saw herself as becoming more independent and learning to deal with her own problems because she perceived that no help was available to her. Occupationally, the two males i n t h i s c l u s t e r aspired to mid and high status careers of s o c i a l worker and lawyer or 116 accountant. In two of these jobs, s o c i a l worker and lawyer, t h e i r roles would be to act as advocates for others while i n the t h i r d , accountant, they would create structure and monitor others* performances. One of the females was undecided and the Table 9 Cluster 5 Occupational Asp i r a t i o n s . "Occupation Names and Blishen SES Scores  by Gender Occupation Blishen Score Males Lawyer 3 or accountant 75.60 Social Worker 60.11 Females Work i n f i l m as d i r e c t o r 3 , writer, cinematographer 57.04 A i r l i n e p i l o t 64.07 Criminologist, p i l o t , psychoanalyst 3 101.32 Undecided a Where 2 or more occupations were indicated, the job with the highest Blishen score was used to determine SES. remaining three aspired to a variety of occupations which were often nontraditional ones for women: work i n the f i l m industry as a dir e c t o r , writer or cinematographer; a i r l i n e p i l o t ; 117 criminologist, psychoanalyst or p i l o t . What i s of inte r e s t here i s the apparent indecisiveness of two of the three, shown by the several choices they indicated, and the glamour often associated with the occupations selected. As Table 9 indicates, these jobs ranged between mid and high lev e l s of SES. Interestingly enough a l l of these occupations were either gender neutral or male-typed (Shinar, 1975). Male-typed jobs included the male subjects' choices of lawyer and accountant as well as the female choices of a i r l i n e p i l o t and psychoanalyst. The remaining male choice of s o c i a l worker and the majority of female choices were gender neutral. Cluster 6: Low Independence, Low Achievement Orientation This c l u s t e r of four males and f i v e females had an Independence mean of 2 6.00 (SD = 10.76) and an Achievement Orientation mean score of 33.84 (SD = 6.05). It appeared that t h i s group of subjects perceived l i t t l e emphasis being placed on eith e r autonomy development or on competitiveness. Such scores also indicated that areas such as decision making and school or career achievement were given short s h r i f t i n these fa m i l i e s . Two parenting styles emerged from the incident descriptions, the f i r s t of which as characterized by c r i t i c a l parents and high l e v e l s of perceived c o n f l i c t between parents and children. The other parenting s t y l e was i d e n t i f i e d by close child-parent r e l a t i o n s , perceptions of parental support and perceptions of parents who emphasized values and family togetherness. However, as a rule, these mothers and fathers appeared to be distant 118 and/or d i s i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e i r children with the incidents of support and child-parent closeness being r e c a l l e d due to t h e i r r a r i t y rather than as recurring experiences. Looking more cl o s e l y at the descriptions of parental behaviors, four sons and one daughter perceived t h e i r parents as communicating expectations while three sons and one daughter r e c a l l e d t h e i r parents communicating values to them. For example, a youth r e c a l l e d his grandfather t e l l i n g him, at age eight, "You should be doing your homework. You've got to work hard", emphasizing the work ethic rather than possible academic achievement. Three Cluster 6 sons and one daughter described t h e i r parents as sharing a c t i v i t i e s with them. For example, one young man r e c a l l e d a camping t r i p with his mother and s i b l i n g s while another youth remembered sharing intimate thoughts with his father, at age 14, as they drove home from a f i s h i n g t r i p . Cluster 6 daughters described parental behaviors which were absent i n the incidents of males. These included f i v e instances of c r i t i c i s m of the c h i l d and four incidents of physical abuse. In one case, a daughter recounted that her heavy mother c r i t i c i z e d her, at age 18, for her improved, slimmer appearance by t e l l i n g her "You're looking underfed. Do something about your hai r . You look l i k e a hippy." Another young woman described an incident where her mother c r i t i c i z e d the boy she was dating by t e l l i n g her he was t e r r i b l e and asking her what she was doing with him. Examples of physical abuse can be seen i n the mother who chased her daughter with a cutting board, h i t t i n g her on the 119 arm and another mother who dragged her 5-year-old daughter around the house then stuck her hands into steaming hot dishwater. On two other occasions these young women described rare incidents where t h e i r parents validated them. One g i r l who had run away from home at age 16 remembered her father t e l l i n g her, over the telephone, "I know we don't say i t much, but we love you." One daughter recounted incidents where her father formed an a l l i a n c e with her. In one such case the subject remembered her father sharing the secret t r u t h about a pet rabbit's death and exhorting her not to t e l l her mother. Cluster 6 daughters described t h e i r parents as withholding key information. For example, one mother merely said "Oh that's nothing much" when her t e r r i f i e d 11-year-old was wiping up the blood from her f i r s t menstruation. The c h i l d thought that she had seriously injured herself f a l l i n g from a b i c y c l e . Beside withholding information these parents were seen by t h e i r daughters to withhold instrumental support, to neglect the c h i l d and to use the c h i l d for t h e i r own ends. One young woman recounted incidents where her mother exhibited a l l three of these behaviors. This mother, afte r obtaining $500.00 from a s o c i a l services agency to buy her daughter a winter wardrobe, bought the g i r l a sweater and jeans then proceeded to spend the rest on alcohol for herself. This subject further described her mother as l y i n g down on the couch a l l day drugged with t r a n q u i l l i z e r s while the young g i r l and her brother fended for themselves. Another mother was perceived by her 20-year-old daughter as being unwilling to break out of a t r a d i t i o n a l female 120 role when she got upset because the father got his own tea, saying "What am I good for? Are you i n such a big hurry that you can't wait for me to get your tea?" The daughter was upset and angry because her mother modelled the opposite behavior to her espoused view of equal rights for women. In apparent contradiction to the low Cluster 6 emphasis on achievement, two female subjects recounted incidents where parents used instrumental incentives to motivate the c h i l d to pursue post secondary education. For example, a young woman re c a l l e d sharing her plans to become a l i b r a r i a n with her father at age 11. He t o l d her that he had put money aside for her education. Two female subjects and one male further perceived t h e i r parents as requesting information. One son and one daughter r e c a l l e d t h e i r parents providing them with support while two daughters and one son received advice. One young woman re c a l l e d her mother asking her i f she l i k e d her piano teacher when she announced "I'm not taking piano lessons anymore." When the daughter said yes, t h i s mother suggested that the g i r l t r y for one more month. However descriptions of independence and achievement promoting parental behaviors such as modelling behavior, providing instrumental incentives, requesting information, providing emotional support and advising the c h i l d were infrequent. In Cluster 6, three male and six female subjects perceived themselves responding emotionally by f e e l i n g validated while four females and three males f e l t invalidated. Examples of v a l i d a t i o n 121 included the 6-year-old boy who experienced the unusual f e e l i n g of being loved when he went f i s h i n g with his great-grandfather and the daughter who f e l t grown up aft e r she and her s i s t e r had an open discussion about sex with t h e i r parents. An example of f e e l i n g i n validated was to been seen i n a daughter who f e l t pushed away from her mother who had f a i l e d to a s s i s t her with her f i r s t period. Three Cluster 6 daughters and one son responded with feelings of amazement and surprize at t h e i r parents' behavior. For example, one 17-year-old r e c a l l e d being surprized that her mother came to her support around her dismissal from a job while a daughter whose mother neglected her was shocked that her mother would throw her out of the house, improperly clothed, in -20 degree weather. While feelings of being unsupported were experienced equally by both sexes, daughters again experienced feelings of emotional di s t r e s s which were not described by sons. In at least two of these incidents, emotional d i s t r e s s appeared as the response to perceived physical abuse. For example, the c h i l d whose mother had plunged her hands into hot water r e c a l l e d f e e l i n g t e r r i f i e d and traumatic. Young women also described themselves as f e e l i n g angry, sad or depressed i n three incidents and i s o l a t e d i n one. In one incident, a subject f e l t unsupported, sad and alone when her mother f a i l e d to attend the Midnight Mass she was singing at on her 21st birthday. Another young g i r l , aged 10, was angry with her mother when she refused to l e t the c h i l d attend a sleep over party at a friend's home, a parental intervention which could i n h i b i t independence. By way 122 of contrast, three sons responded to perceived parental a c t i v i t i e s with feelings of gratitude; two, with excitement and three, with happiness. One young man, aged 18, was g r a t e f u l when his father assisted him with univ e r s i t y r e g i s t r a t i o n , a task he could have done himself. This assistance resulted i n the avoidance of a late r e g i s t r a t i o n penalty. A boy was excited about j o i n i n g the A i r Cadets and thankful to his mother who signed the application form and another young man f e l t happy to contribute f i n a n c i a l l y to the family by saving his mother money when he repaired her car. Behaviorally, Cluster 6 subjects described themselves as conforming with parental expectations i n nine incidents while r e j e c t i n g parental values i n four, responses which may explain the low perceived emphasis on developing independence i n Cluster 6. In one example, a daughter t r i e d to please her mother by e n r o l l i n g i n a l o c a l university's fine arts programme a f t e r her mother had c r i t i c i z e d an out of town theatre school she had planned on. In contrast to such conformity, another young woman rejected her mother's l i f e s t y l e by deciding that her own family would be very d i f f e r e n t from the c o n f l i c t ridden home in which she l i v e d . Daughters, who provided four examples, were more l i k e l y than sons, who provided one, to describe incidents where they experienced emotional closeness with t h e i r parents, often father. In one example of such rare closeness, a young g i r l ' s father rocked her and hugged her a f t e r an experience of being r i d i c u l e d 123 by her classmates. Three daughters also experienced de t e r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s developing with t h e i r parents. A young woman who f e l t close to her father af t e r he shared poetry he had written also described herself as f e e l i n g dead inside when her parents made no response to a wrist slashing suicide attempt. Three Cluster 6 sons and one daughter distanced themselves from t h e i r parents. One young man, for example, described himself as f e e l i n g more distant from his mother, at age four, aft e r she had spanked him for breaking an object. Unlike the daughters, two Cluster 6 sons reported appreciating t h e i r parents' behaviors, as did the subject whose father assisted him with u n i v e r s i t y r e g i s t r a t i o n . The young women also described behavioral responses not found i n the incidents of young men. These included four incidents describing perceptions of c h i l d -parent c o n f l i c t and three o u t l i n i n g c o n f l i c t avoidance behaviors. In one example of c o n f l i c t , a 7-year-old daughter started screaming at her mother who was attempting to help her with her arithmetic. Mother's response was to spank the c h i l d . Another young woman provided an example of c o n f l i c t avoidance when she wished to stay with her grandparents rather than return to a home where there was continuing c o n f l i c t with her mother and her brothers. Leaving home, the response of three Cluster 6 females, was sometimes undertaken openly as i n the case of the young woman who l e f t for the night aft e r the cutting board incident and subsequently l e f t home for good immediately a f t e r she graduated from school. It also took place under more covert circumstances. 124 In one case, a daughter whose mother had not wanted her to attend theatre school i n another town l e f t home for good under the guise of taking a summer job i n another province. In the area of s e l f development, two sons and two daughters reported rare occurrences of developing improved self-esteem. This self-esteem seemed to come from a sense of achievement which sometimes occurred despite the parent's behavior and which, i n at least two cases, centered around body image. An example here involves the young woman who l o s t weight and f e l t even better about her s e l f as she learned to value her own opinion about hers e l f over her mother's c r i t i c i s m s . A young man r e c a l l s developing increased self-esteem and self-confidence i n Grade 8 when he took up weight l i f t i n g , an a c t i v i t y for which he perceived his father to be mildly supportive. Consistent with the low emphasis on achievement and independence the motivation to achieve or succeed was a rare development described by only one young woman whose grandmother was perceived as attempting to spur her into action around post-secondary education by threatening to withdraw promised f i n a n c i a l support. The g i r l decided to hurry up and select a path for herself, describing grandmother's push as coinciding with a f e e l i n g that she was ready for more education and more mental stimulation than she got from working. Two sons and one daughter saw themselves developing awareness of others. In one case, a young man acknowledged that people have strengths and weaknesses a f t e r his father became more distant when the boy started u n i v e r s i t y . Three of the f o u r males i n t h i s c l u s t e r i n d i c a t e d o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s which were i n the mid to h i g h s t a t u s l e v e l s w h i l e the remaining male s u b j e c t was s t i l l unsure of what he wished t o do. The t h r e e males who s e l e c t e d o ccupations a l l Table 10 C l u s t e r 6 O c c u p a t i o n a l A s p i r a t i o n s . Occupation Names and B l i s h e n  SES Scores by Gender Occupation B l i s h e n Score Males Resource management 79.23 F i t n e s s & A t h l e t i c s C o o r d i n a t o r / D i r e c t o r 53.23 Researcher, Management 56. 83 Females E d u c a t i o n - Elementary 63. 64 P h y s i o t h e r a p i s t 3 , Masseuse 56.56 S c r i p t W r i t e r 54.58 L i b r a r i a n 55.40 Undecided a Where two or more occupations were i n d i c a t e d , the job with the h i g h e s t B l i s h e n score was used t o determine SES. 126 indicated i n t e r e s t i n work which involved supervisory or management s k i l l s : the male-typed occupations of resource/environmental management researcher/management and the gender neutral f i t n e s s or a t h l e t i c s coordinator/director. On the other hand, the four women who indicated occupational choices tended to select female-typed or gender neutral jobs where such s k i l l s were less l i k e l y to be required: elementary educator; physiotherapist or masseuse; s c r i p t writer and l i b r a r i a n . (See Table 10). Comparison of Clusters Patterns of s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences emerged during a comparison of the six clusters i d e n t i f i e d by h i e r a r c h i c a l c l u s t e r analysis. Concentrating on the descriptive p r o f i l e s , members of the f i r s t three c l u s t e r s described patterns of child-parent interactions where instrumental competency was inculcated i n at least some c l u s t e r members. (Appendix F outlines such competency enhancing parental a c t i v i t i e s and young adult responses.) In Cluster 1 s o c i a l i z a t i o n practices encouraging career success appeared to be aimed more at sons while daughters described an emphasis on re l a t i o n s h i p s . In Clusters 2 and 3, the emphasis d i f f e r e d . Cluster 2 subjects indicated instrumental s o c i a l i z a t i o n patterns encouraged academic achievement for females while males r e c a l l e d emphasis on work related s k i l l s and values. Cluster 3, parents were perceived to be more 127 80.00 r 70.00 -eo .00 CLUSTER 4 • CLUSTER 2 • 50.00 CLUSTER 3 • CLUSTER 1 • 40.00 30.00 CLUSTER 6 • 20.00 CLUSTER 5 • 10.00 0.00 JL JL JL 1 10.00 30.00 50.00 ACHIEVEMENT ORIENTATION 70.00 Figure 3: D i s t r i b u t i o n of Cluster Means along Independence and Achievement Orientation Axes 128 e g a l i t a r i a n , using instrumental and expressive strategies with both males and females. Supporting the chi l d ' s decision emerged as the key parental behavior i n Clusters 1, 2 and 3. Other competency enhancing behaviors described i n these three clusters included the use of instrumental incentives, communicating expectations, teaching s k i l l s and communicating values. Decision making was f a c i l i t a t e d through advice, information giving and standing back to allow the c h i l d to experiment with options. The young adults at whom such practices were aimed tended to f e e l validated and supported, e s p e c i a l l y around the area of decision making, and to accept t h e i r parents' messages. While the young men i n Cluster 1 described themselves as responding with enthusiasm and excitement, the young women of Clusters 2 and 3 demonstrated more ambivalent emotional and behavioral responses. Cluster 1 males made t h e i r own decisions, set t h e i r own expectations, developed s e l f competency and so on. Cluster 3 women also developed self-competency and, with t h e i r Cluster 2 counterparts, described themselves as having learned s k i l l s . Male subjects i n these two clusters tended to resent t h e i r parents' actions with Cluster 2 males perceiving themselves as developing s e l f - r e l i a n c e while t h e i r Cluster 3 counterparts described themselves as providing information to t h e i r parents and developing autonomy. An i n t e r e s t i n g s i m i l a r i t y emerges i n the responses of young adults from at least two of these c l u s t e r s . Both males and 129 females i n the Achievement Oriented Cluster 1 developed the motivation to achieve as did the females i n Cluster 3, who perceived only an average emphasis on achievement e x i s t i n g i n the family. In both cases, t h i s response i s found i n conjunction with approval seeking. Yet Cluster 3 females aspired to professions with higher le v e l s of SES than did the Cluster 1 males. These female children appeared to be receiving mixed messages from t h e i r parents regarding occupational and educational expectations. In contrast, Cluster 2 females who described parents placing a strong emphasis on achievement emerged, with t h e i r male counterparts, as perceiving the greatest push for independence i n the family. Both genders i n t h i s c l u s t e r tended toward gender neutral occupations i n the arts or s o c i a l services. While the child-parent relationships of Cluster 1, 2 and 3 young adults emerged as a background feature i n descriptions of career s o c i a l i z a t i o n , Clusters 4, 5 and 6 subjects described child-parent relationships taking a more prominent role as can be seen i n Appendix G which outlines parental a c t i v i t i e s and c h i l d responses for these three c l u s t e r s . For example, several Cluster 4 subjects r e c a l l e d incidents that occurred around the time of t h e i r parents' marital breakdown while young women in Cluster 5 described t h e i r parents' ethnic or r e l i g i o u s backgrounds as i n f l u e n t i a l . Young adults i n Clusters 5 and 6 remembered c o n f l i c t u a l r e l a t i o n s with one or both parents. In Cluster 6 a pattern of mother-daughter c o n f l i c t emerged whereas 130 in Cluster 5 c o n f l i c t occurred with either parent. Males in Cluster 6 r e c a l l e d distant r e l a t i o n s while young women in t h i s group emphasized episodes of physical and sexual abuse and neglect. Such a male-female discrepancy was not apparent i n Cluster 5 where a l l subject perceived t h e i r parents as abusive. This c l u s t e r stands out due to consistency of perceived parental c r i t i c i s m and abuse. It also stands out as the c l u s t e r where young adults responded by developing a poor s e l f image and low self-esteem. Males i n Clusters 4 and 6 generally responded i n a more po s i t i v e manner to t h e i r parents than did t h e i r female counterparts. Cluster 4 daughters responded to t h e i r parents i n a s i m i l a r manner to the daughters i n Clusters 2 and 3. They described themselves experiencing mixed emotions such as happiness and disappointment and diverse responses ranging from appreciating parental interventions to perceiving t h e i r r elations with the parent deteriorating. While Cluster 6 females also described dete r i o r a t i n g relationships, usually with mother, they also spoke of rare times of emotional closeness with t h e i r fathers. Such closeness contrasted with the sense of i s o l a t i o n , sadness and depression described elsewhere i n these incidents. Males i n Cluster 6 responded i n a somewhat sim i l a r fashion to Cluster 1 males: with emotions of happiness, gratitude, and excitement while appreciating t h e i r parents' interventions and developing a sense of distance from the parents. What seemed to d i f f e r e n t i a t e these 131 two groups of males was the emphasis on achievement orientation described by Cluster 1 males and i l l u s t r a t e d by the instrumental incentives provided by t h e i r fathers. The push to achieve developed by Cluster 1 youths was lacking i n Cluster 6 males who were reinforced for behaviors consistent with t r a d i t i o n a l male roles r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r occupational aspirations towards management posit i o n s . Despite occasional parental use of instrumental incentives encouraging post secondary education, Cluster 6 females also aspired to more t r a d i t i o n a l l y female occupations i n service oriented professions, i n contrast to young women i n the other f i v e c l u s t e r s . F i n a l l y , an i n t e r e s t i n g anomaly in the use of parenting strategies emerged across the d i f f e r e n t c l u s t e r s . For example instrumental incentives were frequently used by achievement oriented fathers i n Cluster 1 and on rare occasions by Cluster 6 parents of both sexes to promote attendance at post secondary i n s t i t u t i o n s . However, the same strategy was used i n Cluster 3 to discourage such aspirations. In Cluster 4 instrumental incentives were used to achieve d i f f e r e n t parental goals. For example, one daughter described her father using t h i s strategy in an attempt to have her change her appearance. S i m i l a r l y c r i t i c i s m was described as being focused on achievement or t r a d i t i o n a l gender role expectations i n the three competency enhancing cl u s t e r s , while i n competency i n h i b i t i n g c l u s t e r s , t h i s same parental a c t i v i t y took on a d i f f e r e n t q u a l i t y where parents were remembered as attempting to undermine t h e i r children's s e l f -132 esteem by making negative comments about t h e i r appearance or other personal q u a l i t i e s . With such divergent applications of the same parenting strategies, one wonders whether d i f f e r e n t i a l use of reward and punishment i s not based on the parent's personal goals rather than on gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d perceptions of the c h i l d . (Eccles & Hoffman, 1984). In summary competency enhancing s o c i a l i z a t i o n experiences were characterized by harmonious child-parent relationships which emphasized academic and career success. Such parenting styles were characterized by support for the c h i l d ' s e f f o r t s at decision making, the use of instrumental incentives, communication of expectations and values, s k i l l instructions and f a c i l i t a t i o n of decision making. Young adult outcomes included the development of self-competency and autonomy and a tendency to aspire towards male typed or gender neutral occupations i n the mid to upper ranges of SES. In contrast, competency i n h i b i t i n g s o c i a l i z a t i o n experiences were characterized by an emphasis on family r e l a t i o n s which were often distant or c o n f l i c t u a l i n nature. Young adults experiencing t h i s form of s o c i a l i z a t i o n were more r e s t r i c t e d i n t h e i r opportunities to experiment behaviorally, received l i t t l e or no encouragement to a t t a i n post secondary education and, at times, described deteriorating relations with t h e i r parents. They responded to such parenting with anger or defiance with some subjects becoming depressed and developing low s e l f esteem. Career aspirations were either a reaction against the parenting these young adults had received or were consistent with 133 t r a d i t i o n a l male instrumental and female expressive sex roles. Thus competency enhancing s o c i a l i z a t i o n allowed for more experimentation i n the career aspirations of young adults than did competency i n h i b i t i n g practices. 134 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION The c l u s t e r analysis performed on the FES Independence and Achievement Orientation scores of 50 young adult subjects divided sample members into six d i s t i n c t c l u s t e r s . One way ANOVA performed on FES Achievement Orientation c l u s t e r means i d e n t i f i e d Cluster 1, with i t s high mean score, as unique. Important differences also appeared between the perceptions of Achievement Orientation i n the families of the low scoring Clusters 4 and 6 subjects compared with subjects i n the remaining three c l u s t e r s . Regarding c l u s t e r differences revealed by one way ANOVA of the FES Independence means, Clusters 2 and 4, i d e n t i f i e d by high mean scores, emerged as s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from the remaining cl u s t e r s while Clusters 1 and 3, with average Independence means were s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from Clusters 5 and 6 whose mean scores were low. Cluster 5, with a mean score of 17.00, three SDs below the test mean, was s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from Cluster 6. A r i c h v a r i e t y of perceived parental behaviors and young adult responses described within each cl u s t e r served to underscore Patterson and Reid's (1984) emphasis on the complexity of parent c h i l d i nteractions. The f i r s t three c l u s t e r s appeared to provide examples of competency enhancing parenting while parenting strategies delineated by Cluster 5 and 6 subjects seemed to i n h i b i t the development of instrumental competence. 135 Young adults i n Cluster 4 described patterns of child-parent transactions which contained aspects of both competency enhancement and i n h i b i t i o n . Descriptive c l u s t e r p r o f i l e s appeared to outline d i f f e r e n t parenting approaches perceived by each c l u s t e r ' s members. An emphasis on academic performance and occupational choice was described by members of the f i r s t three c l u s t e r s while Clusters 4, 5 and 6 subjects appeared more concerned with family relations than with career development issues. Such a p r i o r i t y may have been a function of problematic child-parent r e l a t i o n s overwhelming the career issues. Competency Enhancing Parenting Strategies In Clusters 1, 2 and 3, patterns of parental behaviors could be termed instrumental i n nature. However, the sex of the children on whom such behaviors were focused d i f f e r e n t i a t e s the three clu s t e r s from one another. Young adults i n Cluster 1, the Achievement Oriented families, perceived t h e i r parents' a c t i v i t i e s i n a s i m i l a r l i g h t to Young and Friesen's (1986) e a r l i e r study, based on parental perspectives, which indicated sons were favoured over daughters. Cluster 1 sons were more l i k e l y to see t h e i r parents as encouraging them, providing instrumental support and incentives while supporting t h e i r decisions. Male and female subjects i n t h i s c l u s t e r described apparently d i f f e r e n t i a t e d emphases on career and success for boys and male-female r e l a t i o n s for g i r l s which appeared to be consistent with Block's (1973) model of agency and communion, with Parson's (1955) model of instrumental and expressive 136 s o c i a l i z a t i o n patterns and with Block's (1981, 1983) and Huston's (1983) contentions that parents expect far more from t h e i r sons regarding career development. One of the most d i s t i n c t i v e aspects of t h i s parenting approach was the use of instrumental incentives to shape the son's career aspirations towards a uni v e r s i t y degree or an occupational niche approved of by the father. Such use of instrumental incentives appears to lend credence to Eccles and Hoffman's (1984) description of sex d i f f e r e n t i a t e d rewards as a process of d i f f e r e n t i a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n . Instead of describing such support and incentives, daughters perceived t h e i r parents as i n t r u s i v e and challenging t h e i r decisions. The intrusiveness at least may be related to Block's (1981, 1983) po s i t i o n that g i r l s experience a more cl o s e l y supervised upbringing and to Newson and Newson's (1976, c i t e d i n Huston, 1983) descriptions of parental chaperonage. Child-parent transactions i n Clusters 2 and 3 were distinguished by the perceived involvement of both parents. Cluster 3 parents were remembered by the subjects as being somewhat more c h i l d centered than t h e i r Cluster 2 counterparts. However, such a c h i l d centered approach was not consistent and instances were described by both groups where parental desires were considered before those of the c h i l d . Competency enhancing behaviors such as supporting the ch i l d ' s decisions were outlined i n both clu s t e r s as well as i n Cluster 1. While young men reported these parental practices i n the f i r s t c l uster, Cluster 2 137 descriptions of such behaviors were provided more frequently by young women while Cluster 3 descriptions were provided by both sexes. One might argue that Cluster 3 parents were using a more e g a l i t a r i a n approach i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of t h e i r children. However, aspects of more gender t r a d i t i o n a l parenting were also described by these young adults who, at times, perceived themselves as overcoming obstacles constructed by t h e i r parents. One example i s the young woman who described her parents as i n i t i a l l y transmitting t r a d i t i o n a l female role expectations to her, i . e . , that she should have children and not e n r o l l i n "unfeminine" courses such as mathematics, and l a t e r communicating mixed messages concerning univ e r s i t y education. Such perceived inconsistencies serve to raise the question as to whether Clusters 2 and 3 represent perceptions of two groups of parents in t r a n s i t i o n regarding t h e i r expectations for t h e i r sons' and daughters' l i f e r o l e s . The emphasis, i n some instances, on t r a d i t i o n a l gender role expectations i s perhaps a manifestation of Eccles and Hoffman's (1984) viewpoint that parenting practices are e s s e n t i a l l y conservative i n nature. However, the descriptions of Cluster 3 parents appears to indicate that, while males and females experienced instrumental s o c i a l i z a t i o n practices, t h i s group also experienced the expressive practice of t h e i r parents sharing a c t i v i t i e s with them. This leads to speculation that Cluster 4 may represent a developing androgynous parenting s t y l e . 138 Competency I n h i b i t i n g Parenting Strategies From the perspective of Amato and Ochiltree's (1986) model of benign and vicious s p i r a l s of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , Cluster 5, with i t s pattern of c r i t i c a l and abusive parents i n t e r a c t i n g with children who developed low s e l f esteem and a poor s e l f image, would appear to provide an example of a vicious s p i r a l of s o c i a l i z a t i o n . One could also argue that the consistencies i n perceived parenting behaviors delineate an abusive parenting s t y l e (Baumrind, 1978) which appeared to be characterized by a r e s t r i c t e d number of parenting strategies. Parental behaviors which occurred most frequently, often i n tandem, were c r i t i c i s m and/or blaming the c h i l d and venting anger upon the c h i l d . These parents were also described as i n t r u s i v e and i n v a l i d a t i n g . At times they were reported to u t i l i z e strategies l i k e shunning the c h i l d and withholding key information. A s i m i l a r parenting style appears to f i t the interactions between Cluster 6 females and t h e i r mothers. Such descriptions of abusive parents were absent in the incidents r e c a l l e d by Cluster 6 males who described distant parents who seemed, at times, uncaring. Although such perceptions appear to support Eccles and Hoffman's (1984) argument that gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d application of punishment i s a key s o c i a l i z a t i o n process and to challenge F e r r i e r a and Thomas' (1984) findings that adolescent males perceived themselves as receiving more physical punishment than females, one questions here whether gender d i f f e r e n t i a t e d parenting was occurring or 139 whether females were more open i n t h e i r willingness to disclose r e c o l l e c t i o n s of abuse. Although Cluster 4 subjects do not r e c a l l such consistent patterns of parenting behaviors, they do share, i n common with the members of Clusters 5 and 6, an emphasis on family re l a t i o n s h i p s . Several of these young adults described themselves as strongly impacted by t h e i r parents' marital breakdown. Parents i n a l l three clusters are presented as preoccupied with t h e i r own needs over those of the c h i l d and the emphasis on academic achievement or career development i s either non-existent, minimal or discouraged. Young Adult Responses to Perceived Parenting Strategies As might be expected, young adults emerging from the f i r s t three c l u s t e r s appeared to be more career oriented and to have developed instrumental coping strategies. However, such development of instrumentality or agency d i f f e r e d i n i t s subject a p p l i c a b i l i t y from c l u s t e r to c l u s t e r . Cluster 1 males and females described d i f f e r i n g responses. Males responded to parental interventions i n a p o s i t i v e fashion while females experienced a sense of i n v a l i d a t i o n . What i s of i n t e r e s t here i s that both males and females emerged from exposure to such a parenting s t y l e with the motivation to achieve. In contrast, Cluster 2 females who had described t h e i r parents as encouraging them to achieve perceived, with t h e i r male counterparts, t h e i r f a milies as f o s t e r i n g a high degree of independence. 140 C l u s t e r 2 and 3 females emerged with more mixed responses t o t h e i r p a r e n t s ' b e h a v i o r s than d i d the males who appeared t o res e n t t h e i r p a r e n t s ' a c t i o n s . These two groups of young women a l s o tended t o p o r t r a y themselves i n terms s i m i l a r t o d e s c r i p t i o n s of i n s t r u m e n t a l competency (Baumrind, 1978; Poole & Evans, 1989), p l a c i n g s t r o n g emphasis on the s k i l l s they have developed, i n c l u d i n g e d u c a t i o n a l l y r e l a t e d d e c i s i o n making s k i l l s , an important aspect of independence (Moos & Moos, 1986). They d e s c r i b e d developmental outcomes of such competence enhancing p a r e n t i n g i n t r a d i t i o n a l l y male terms. For example, C l u s t e r 2 females d e s c r i b e d themselves as self-competent, autonomous, s k i l l e d , e t c . while young women i n C l u s t e r 3 saw themselves as motivated t o achieve, d e v e l o p i n g t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s and again d e v e l o p i n g s k i l l s , s p e c i f i c a l l y around d e c i s i o n making. One key l i n k between C l u s t e r 2 and 3 females and C l u s t e r 1 males who exp e r i e n c e d competency enhancing s o c i a l i z a t i o n appeared t o be the emotional response of f e e l i n g supported i n d e c i s i o n s they made. R e c i p i e n t s of p e r c e i v e d competency s o c i a l i z a t i o n f r e q u e n t l y d e s c r i b e d emotional responses of v a l i d a t i o n , u s u a l l y accepted the message t h a t t h e i r p a rents were attempting t o t r a n s m i t and p e r c e i v e d themselves as competent. C l u s t e r 1 males and C l u s t e r 3 females a l s o f e l t f r e e t o r e j e c t t h e i r p a r e n t s ' p e r c e i v e d values, i n d i c a t i n g t h a t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the s e l f may have been o c c u r r i n g . Concerning C l u s t e r 1 males, such f i n d i n g s appear t o expand upon H i l l i a r d and Roth's (1969) e a r l i e r f i n d i n g s t h a t 141 a c h i e v e r s were more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from t h e i r mothers than u n d e r a c h i e v e r s . However, i t appears t h a t , as Block (1978) a s s e r t e d , young women g e n e r a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d themselves from t h e i r p a r e n t s while young men developed such a g e n t i c t r a i t s as s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Family Process Resources and Occupational Aspirations While C l u s t e r s 2 and 3 appear t o be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of benign s p i r a l s o f s o c i a l i z a t i o n , C l u s t e r 5 seemed t o be re p r e s e n t a v i c i o u s s o c i a l i z a t i o n s p i r a l (Amato & O c h i l t r e e , 1986). I t was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by d e s c r i p t i o n s of a r e s t r i c t e d number of p a r e n t a l b e h a v i o r s such as c r i t i c i s m , v e n t i n g of anger and l a c k of encouragement and* support and young a d u l t developmental outcomes of poor s e l f image and low s e l f esteem. What i s i n t e r e s t i n g here, however, i s the p a t t e r n of o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s . Males i n t h i s c l u s t e r appeared t o be a s p i r i n g t o occupations where they take advocacy r o l e s whereas the females were a s p i r i n g t o mid and hi g h s t a t u s occupations with an aura of glamour, c h o i c e s which may r e f l e c t attempts t o compensate f o r the low s e l f esteem which these s u b j e c t s developed. The c h i l d - p a r e n t r e l a t i o n s o u t l i n e d by C l u s t e r 2 and 3 females i n d i c a t e some support f o r Lemkau's (1979) r e s u l t s i n d i c a t i n g t h a t women i n n o n t r a d i t i o n a l o ccupations e x p e r i e n c e d an i n s t r u m e n t a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n process, e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of C l u s t e r 3 women who focused on upper mid and h i g h s t a t u s p r o f e s s i o n a l o ccupations r e q u i r i n g e x t e n s i v e u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g (see a l s o Baker, 1985; G e l l e r , 1984; Lueptow, 1981). T h i s i s of 142 i n t e r e s t i n l i g h t of the fact that t h i s group of young adults perceived only an average emphasis on independence and achievement orientation within t h e i r families of o r i g i n and that both males and females recounted incidents where they perceived themselves to be opposing parental expectations regarding future gender roles and career paths. However, some of the described child-parent transactions challenge t h i s perspective as do the Cluster 5 females' descriptions of such transactions. These subjects described instrumental s o c i a l i z a t i o n practices more frequently than did Cluster 5 males yet chose gender neutral occupations i n the arts and s o c i a l services l i k e t h e i r male cohorts. Cluster 3 females, while i n d i c a t i n g occupational aspirations s i m i l a r to the pattern of professional and business related niches occupied by Lemkau's (1979) women subjects, also describe instances where they had to combat parental assumptions around t r a d i t i o n a l gender roles which influenced the parents' expectations of them (Eccles & Hoffman, 1984). Cluster 5 females provide the greatest challenge to Lemkau's (1979) r e s u l t s . Like males, they described a consistently abusive parenting s t y l e . However, these young women aspired to nontraditional occupations which did not conform with those chosen by Lemkau's subjects. Rather they seemed drawn to careers requiring daring and glamour, such as a i r l i n e p i l o t s or working i n movie production. The vicious s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes (Amato & Ochiltree, 1986) that these young women described run counter to the warm family r e l a t i o n s and encouraging parents that 143 Lemkau's (1979) s u b j e c t s remembered. Such o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s may t h e r e f o r e r e f l e c t attempts t o compensate f o r low s e l f - e s t e e m through h i g h s t a t u s , h i g h p r o f i l e c a r e e r s . In C l u s t e r 6, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t the young men who had e x p e r i e n c e d d i s t a n t r e l a t i o n s with t h e i r p a rents a s p i r e d to management occupations where they would have the o p p o r t u n i t y to s u p e r v i s e or c o n t r o l the behavior of others and perhaps maintain some d i s t a n c e , i n the work environment. T h i s was the one c l u s t e r where female o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e s approached t r a d i t i o n a l sextyped c a r e e r s i n the e d u c a t i o n a l and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s f i e l d s (Harmon, 1981). The r a r e d e s c r i p t i o n s of competency enhancing b e h a v i o r s d e s c r i b e d by these young women, i n c l u d i n g i n s t r u m e n t a l i n c e n t i v e s to achieve, argue f o r the importance of frequent and c o n s i s t e n t u t i l i z a t i o n of such p a r e n t i n g s t r a t e g i e s t o encourage the development of o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s . The s t r o n g e r t e n d e n c i e s t o p e r c e i v e p a r e n t i n g as e i t h e r abusive and/or d i s t a n t was r e l a t e d t o p a t t e r n s of o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e c l o s e to sex r o l e s t e r e o t y p e s where the male p l a y s a i n s t r u m e n t a l l e a d e r s h i p r o l e w h i le the female f u l f i l l s a p r i m a r i l y n u r t u r i n g e x p r e s s i v e f u n c t i o n . Another p r o c e s s resource and o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e p a t t e r n which i s of i n t e r e s t was found i n C l u s t e r 2. Where young a d u l t s a l s o p e r c e i v e d t h e i r f a m i l y environments to be h i g h i n encouraging the development of independence, the o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e s of both males and females were predominantly i n the f i n e a r t s and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s f i e l d s . Male and female s u b j e c t s both 144 d e s c r i b e d p a r e n t a l b e h a v i o r s , a process resource a c c o r d i n g to Amato and O c h i l t r e e (1986), which i n c l u d e d the a g e n t i c or i n s t r u m e n t a l b e h a v i o r s of communicating e x p e c t a t i o n s to t h e i r c h i l d r e n (Block, 1978), d i r e c t t e a c h i n g of work or e d u c a t i o n a l l y r e l a t e d s k i l l s ( E c c l e s & Hoffman, 1984) and the e x p r e s s i v e b e h a v i o r of s h a r i n g a c t i v i t i e s with c h i l d r e n of both sexes. I t appears t h a t such c h i l d r e n develop a sense of p e r s o n a l and s o c i a l competency from such p a r e n t i n g . One must a l s o note the move away from r i g i d l y male-typed c a r e e r r e f l e c t e d i n the o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s of young men i n C l u s t e r 2 and the mix between male-typed and gender n e u t r a l o c c u p a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s p r o v i d e d by youths i n the other f i v e c l u s t e r s . Although these young men s t i l l appear t o be s t a y i n g away from s e l e c t i n g female-typed occupations, these r e s u l t s somewhat c o n t r a d i c t the f i n d i n g s of e a r l i e r s t u d i e s which i n d i c a t e d t h a t male o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e i s r i g i d l y sextyped (Lueptow, 1981; M a r i n i & Greenberg, 1978; O'Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Shepard & Hess, 1975; Women's Bureau of Labour Canada, 1986). Could t h i s p a t t e r n i n favour of mid and upper s t a t u s gender n e u t r a l and male-typed c a r e e r paths be r e l a t e d t o the h i g h r a t e of p a r e n t a l s e p a r a t i o n and d i v o r c e o u t l i n e d by these sample members, r e s u l t i n g i n an absence of male r o l e models, or c o u l d i t be i n d i c a t i v e of a s h i f t towards more androgynous gender r o l e s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s e s . 145 L i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e S t u d y Several l i m i t a t i o n s to the current research ex i s t including the unrepresentative nature of the sample. Young adults who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h i s research were generally better educated than the Vancouver area population from which they were drawn and came from homes with a higher incidence of parental divorce. Therefore, such findings as the wider range of female occupational choices and male occupational aspirations moving away from r i g i d sextyping which appeared to contradict e a r l i e r study r e s u l t s (Lueptow, 1981; Marini & Goldberg, 1978; O'Keefe & Hyde, 1983; Shepard & Hess, 1975; Women's Bureau of Labour Canada, 1986) cannot be generalized and must be viewed with extreme caution. The exploratory nature of the study, the small sample size and the r e s u l t i n g small membership i n c e r t a i n clus t e r s emphasize the need for caution when in t e r p r e t i n g differences between Achievement Orientation c l u s t e r means. Since t h i s study was exploratory i n nature, i t s main purpose was to generate questions for future research. Therefore, the re s u l t s outlined above cannot e a s i l y be generalized. Rather these findings provide some guidelines for future research i n the area of parent-child transactions and t h e i r impact on career development. Implications for Parents, Teachers and Counsellors The above res u l t s provide several directions where those who intera c t with children may wish to focus t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . The importance of perceived parental behaviors such as encouraging the c h i l d , supporting a c h i l d ' s decision, and f a c i l i t a t i n g attempts at decision making i n the development of instrumental competency could be kept i n mind by both parents and teachers. For teachers, t h i s could involve providing encouragement and support around s k i l l development as well as creating c u r r i c u l a to teach decision making s k i l l s . In order to f a c i l i t a t e s k i l l development and, subsequently, a sense of self-competence, c u r r i c u l a could be designed to promote mastery learning experiences for students s t a r t i n g at an early age. For parents f a c i l i t a t i n g , supporting and encouraging t h e i r children's attempts at decision making, standing back to affi r m young adults' decisions and sharing a c t i v i t i e s with t h e i r children emerge as key a c t i v i t i e s for a s s i s t i n g i n competency development. Both parents and teachers need to communicate clear and consistent expectations for performance to children and adolescents. Counsellors may wish to u t i l i z e these findings when working with either children or adolescents and t h e i r families as well as with adults who experienced competency i n h i b i t i n g s o c i a l i z a t i o n i n the family of o r i g i n . In family therapy, counsellors could work to f a c i l i t a t e clear communication patterns between children 147 and t h e i r parents as well as parental encouragement and support of children's moves towards achievement autonomy as well as encouraging shared a c t i v i t i e s within the family. The importance of parental encouragement i n p a r t i c u l a r has also been stressed by a large body of research (see Amato & Ochiltree, 1986; Block, 1978; Huston, 1983; Lemkau, 1979; Marjoribanks, 1986, 1987 and Power & Shanks, 1989 for examples of such studies). For those counsellors working with adults who have emerged from competency i n h i b i t i n g homes, therapy may take the approach of reparenting the adult using competency enhancing behaviors; encouragement, support, communication of clear expectations and so on. Counsellors may also wish to integrate aspects of i n d i v i d u a l and family approaches to a s s i s t such c l i e n t s i n working through the roots of low self-esteem and perceived incompetence thus a s s i s t i n g c l i e n t s i n developing new interpersonal s k i l l s and new self-images where a sense of competency comes into being. Implications for Future Research Keeping i n mind the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s study, several implications for future research e x i s t . One strongly recommended d i r e c t i o n would be the attempted r e p l i c a t i o n of the r e s u l t s found here. Such research would probably be more e f f e c t i v e i f larger samples were u t i l i z e d . This would allow for the p o s s i b i l i t y of a more representative sample and for the development of larger clu s t e r s whose c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s might be more generalizable. A 148 questionnaire could be developed from the c h i l d response categories generated here and Young and Friesen's (1986) parental intervention category system which might be u t i l i z e d i n survey based research to further validate and test the r e l i a b i l i t y of such category systems within a larger population base. One l i m i t a t i o n of t h i s study i s the retrospective nature of the i n v e s t i g a t i o n wherein young adults r e c a l l e d the e f f e c t s of perceived parental a c t i v i t i e s on t h e i r career development. Future researchers might wish to examine such parental interventions from the perspective of both parent and c h i l d during and a f t e r the s o c i a l i z a t i o n process perhaps through the use of lo n g i t u d i n a l research methods which might serve to help determine the possible l a s t i n g e f f e c t s of such experiences. Cross sectional research approaches could also be u t i l i z e d with samples of adults i n various age cohorts i n an attempt to determine whether the results outlined here are cohort s p e c i f i c (Stevens-Long, 1988) or whether they are developmental experiences common across generations. Such research could determine the l a s t i n g nature of e f f e c t s of varying parenting sty l e s and strategies upon the c h i l d as well as following the actual occupational paths taken by young adults. Concluding Remarks In summation, t h i s study has provided some groundwork aimed at f i l l i n g the gap i n our understanding of young adults' 149 responses to various perceived parenting behaviors. It has served to validate the complexity of ecol o g i c a l (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Young, 1984) and contextual (Lerner, 1986; Vondracek, Lerner & Schulenberg, 1986) models of development i n which developing in d i v i d u a l s , i n t e r a c t i n g with t h e i r environment, impact upon one another a f f e c t i n g both the in d i v i d u a l ' s career path and the structure of the ecosystem i n which such development occurs. 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INFLUENCES ON YOUR CAREER CHOICE AND LIFE P L A N WE ARE LOOKING FOR YOUNG PEOPLE BETWEEN THE AGES OF 18-25 WHO ARE WILLING TO PARTICIPATE IN A RESEARCH STUDY EXAHINING THE WAYS IN WHICH PARENTS HAVE ATTEMPTED TO INFLUENCE YOUNG ADULTS REGARDING THEIR OCCUPATION, CAREER, AND L I F E PLAN. IF YOU ARE BETWEEN THE AGES OF 18-25 AND ARE WILLING TO COMPLETE A QUESTIONNAIRE ON THIS TOPIC, REQUIRING APPROXIMATELY ONE HOUR OF YOUR TIME, YOU WILL BE PAID S10. IF YOU ARE BETWEEN THE AGES OF 18-25 AND ARE WILLING TO PARTICIPATE IN A TWO HOUR INTERVIEW ON THIS TOPIC YOU WILL BE PAID $20. THE QUESTIONNAIRES AND INTERVIEWS WILL TAKE PLACE DURING SCHEDULED APPOINTMENTS AT THE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY BUILDING (5780 TORONTO ROAD), UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. IF YOU WOULD LIKE TO APPLY TO BE A PART OF THIS RESEARCH STUDY PLEASE CALL RICHARD YOUNG OR JOHN SCHNEIDER AT 228-6380. THIS STUDY IS UNDER THE DIRECTION OF DR. RICHARD YOUNG AND DR. JOHN FRIESEN OF THE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY DEPARTMENT, UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. PLEASE NOTE: INDIVIDUALS WILL BE SELECTED TO PARTICIPATE IN THIS STUDY SO THAT THERE ARE EQUAL NUMBERS OF MALES AMD FEMALES OF A VARIETY OK ACES (18-25) AND REPRESENTING FULL-TIME EMPLOYED. UNEMPLOYED, COLLECE STUDENTS, AND UNIVERSITY STUDENTS. 166 Appendix B: Subject Consent Form Appendix C: Demographic Questionnaire 169 PARENT-CHILD INTERACTIONS IN CAREER DEVELOPMENT INTERVIEW DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION AGE: SEX: MALE FEMALE HIGHEST GRADE IN SCHOOL, COLLEGE, OR UNIVERSITY COMPLETED: ARE YOU ATTENDING SCHOOL, COLLEGE, OR UNIVERSITY AS: FULL TIME STUDENT PART TIME STUDENT NOT ATTENDING NOW ARE YOU NOW EMPLOYED? YES NO IF YES, WHAT IS YOUR PRESENT OCCUPATION? ARE YOU NOW LIVING IN YOUR PARENTS' HOME? YES NO FATHER'S OCCUPATION: MOTHER'S OCCUPATION: PARENTS' MARITAL STATUS: MARRIED SEPARATED DIVORCED COMMON-LAW RE-MARRIED AGE AND SEX OF SIBLINGS: AGE MALE FEMALE 1st 2nd 3rd 4th YOUR MARITAL STATUS: SINGLE COMMON-LAW SEPARATED AGES AND SEX OF YOUR CHILDREN: AGE 1st 2nd WHAT OCCUPATION OR CAREER WOULD YOU LIKE TO HAVE WHEN YOU FINISH ALL YOUR SCHOOLING OR TRAINING? MARRIED DIVORCED RE-MARRIED MALE FEMALE 170 Appendix D: Parental A c t i v i t y Categories 171 PARENTAL ACTIVITIES Instrumental A c t i v i t i e s 15. Gathers information 16. Intervenes on behalf of c h i l d 17. Provides instrumental support for the c h i l d 18. Provides access to personal s o c i a l network 19. Structures the environment for the c h i l d 20. Observes the c h i l d 21. Provides instrumental incentives 22. Withholds instrumental support Interactive A c t i v i t i e s 23. Gives information 24. Advises/suggests action 25. Requests information 26. Develops alternatives 27. Demonstrates 28. Sets expectations 29. Gives feedback 30. Teaches 31. Challenges ideas and/or actions of c h i l d 32. Rejects ideas, proposals, actions (of the child) 33. Creates novel environment 34. Incorporates other ideas 35. I n i t i a t e s compromise 36. Sets personal l i m i t s 37. Sets l i m i t s 38. Shows int e r e s t 39. Communicates values and b e l i e f s 40. Encourages. 41. Dialogues 42. Allows freedom to experiment (standing back) 172 43. J o i n s i n v e n t u r e s / p a r t i c i p a t e s 44. Models b e h a v i o r 45. Takes over 46. Monitors 47. C r i t i c i z e s , blames c h i l d 48. D i s c i p l i n e s c h i l d 49. Uses c h i l d t o meet own needs 50. Shows d i s i n t e r e s t 51. Supports c h i l d ' s i d e a s , p r o p o s a l , a c t i o n s , d e c i s i o n s 52. P r o v i d e s emotional support f o r c h i l d 53. Seeks i n t e r p e r s o n a l support 54. I n i t i a t e s p h y s i c a l i n t e r v e n t i o n / s e x u a l c o n t a c t 55. Makes demands on c h i l d 56. Censures c h i l d 57. R e j e c t s / n e g l e c t s c h i l d 58. Withholds emotional support 59. Intrudes on c h i l d 60. Communicates i n d i r e c t l y with c h i l d 61. V a l i d a t e s c h i l d 62. F a c i l i t a t e s d e c i s i o n making 63. F a i l s t o communicate with c h i l d 64. D i s p l a y s emotions 65. Communicates at i n t i m a t e l e v e l 66. Discourages c h i l d 67. Vents anger on c h i l d 68. V e r b a l l y t h r e a t e n s c h i l d 69. I n v a l i d a t e s c h i l d 70. F a i l s t o s e t l i m i t s Appendix E: Ch i l d Response Categories CHILD RESPONSES TO PARENTAL INTERVENTIONS Emotional Responses 01. Amazed/Surprized 02. Ambivalent 03. Angry 04. Anxious 05. Confused 06. Defensive 07. Depressed/Sad/Unhappy 08. Disappointed 09. Distressed 10. Embarrassed 11. Encouraged 12. Enjoyment 13. Excited 14 . Exploited 15. Fearful 16. Frustrated 17. Grateful 18. G u i l t y 19. Happy/Glad 20. Hurt 21. Insecure 22. Invalidated 23. Isolated 24. Misunderstood 25. Rejected 26. Relaxed/Calm 27. Relieved 28. Resentful 29. Restricted 30. S a t i s f i e d 31. Supported 32. Trapped 33. Trusted 34. Understood 35. Untrusted 36. Validated 37. Vi o l a t e d 38. Vulnerable Perceptual Systemic Responses 39. D i f f e r e n t i a t e s s e l f from parent 40. Experiences emotional closeness with parent 41. Experiences family togetherness (cohesion) 42. Experiences s t a b i l i t y 43. Perceives det e r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p with parent 44. Perceives improved child-parent re l a t i o n s 45. Perceives parental intrusion 46. Perceives parental manipulation 47. Perceives parent/child c o n f l i c t 49. Receives mixed message 50. Receives value message 51. Sees s e l f as getting own way 52. Sees s i t u a t i o n as no win 53. Triangulated communication Behavioral Responses 54. Accepts parent's message 55. Affirms parent/offers emotional support 56. Appreciates parental behavior 57. Avoids c o n f l i c t 58. Challenges/Defies parent 59. Communicates with parent 60. Compromises with parent 61. Conforms with parental expectations 62. Continues undesired behavior 63. Covert r e b e l l i o n 176 64 . D e s i r e s t o p l e a s e parent/seeks approval 65. D i s t a n c e s s e l f from parent 66. Enjoys shared a c t i v i t y 67. E r e c t s p e r s o n a l b o u n d a r i e s / w a l l s o f f 68. Forms a l l i a n c e with parent 69. I d e n t i f i e s with parent 70. Implements p a r e n t a l a d v i c e 71. Leaves home 72. Meets needs o u t s i d e f a m i l y 73. Minimizes importance of p a r e n t a l b e h a v i o r 74. P r o v i d e s i n f o r m a t i o n 75. R e j e c t s p a r e n t a l b e h a v i o r 76. R e j e c t s p a r e n t a l message 77. R e j e c t s p a r e n t a l v a l u e s 78. Shares p a r e n t a l p e r c e p t i o n s / v i e w s / v a l u e s 79. Surrenders own p l a n s 80. Withholds i n f o r m a t i o n S e l f Development Outcomes 81. Develops autonomy 82. Develops awareness of others 83. Develops f i n a n c i a l independence 84. Develops low s e l f esteem/negative s e l f image 85. Develops own i n t e r e s t s 86. Develops own v a l u e s 87. Develops r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 88. Develops s e l f awareness 89. Develops self-competence 90. Develops s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e 91. Develops s e l f i d e n t i t y 92. Develops s e l f r e l i a n c e 93. Develops sense of t r a d i t i o n 94. E n t e r s p e r s o n a l c r i s i s 95. Improves s e l f esteem 96. I n i t i a t e s r i s k t a k i n g 177 97. Lacks confidence 98. Lacks desire to achieve 99. Lacks t r u s t 100. Learns s k i l l 101. Makes own decisions 102. Motivated to achieve/succeed 103. Motivated to self-improvement 104. Motivated to learn 105. Sets own expectations 178 Appendix F: C l u s t e r Comparisons O u t l i n i n g Competency Enhancing Parental A c t i v i t i e s and Young Adult Responses 179 CLUSTER COMPARISONS COMPETENCY ENHANCING CLUSTERS Characterized by perceived emphasis on academic achievement and career within the family and the development of instrumental competency within young adult children. Competency Enhancing Parental Behaviors Cluster 1 cluster 2 Cluster 3 - c r i t i c i z e & blame re. achievement and career - instrumental incentives (sons) b - transmit values 3* 3 - transmit expectations (son s ) a b - support school and career decisions (sons) a - instrumental support (sons) b - intrude on c h i l d (daughters) - challenge decisions and actions (daughters) - transmit expectation; - teach s k i l l s b - share a c t i v i t i e s -transmit values (sons) a b - support school decisions (daughters) 3 - c r i t i c i z e (daughters - provide emotional support ,ab_ support decisions (daughters) a - structure environment (daughters) - intervene for c h i l d (daughter) ) b - transmit v a l u e s a b - f a c i l i t a t e decision making (give advice/ information, stand back) - transmit expectations a b - stand back and allow c h i l d to experiment behaviorally - communicate with c h i l d (daughters) - validate (daughters) - request information (sons) - show interest (sons) 3 A c t i v i t y described i n a l l three clusters b A c t i v i t y consistent with Eccles and Hoffman's (1984) processes of d i f f e r e n t i a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n 1 8 0 C h i l d Responses to Competency Enhancing Parenting A c t i v i t i e s C l u ster 1 Cluster 2 C l u s t e r 3 Emotional Responses - excited (males) - resentful (males) 3 - resentful (males) 3 - supported (males) a- validated (females) - supported - invalidated (females) 3 (females) 3 invalidated (females) 3 - validated (females) - supported re. - happy/glad decisions (females) 3 (females) - disappointment - anger (females) (females) - r e l i e f (females) Behavioral/Perceptual Responses - accept parental - please parents - provide message 3 (females) information (males) - reject parental -accept parental - perceive values (males) messagea parental - emotional intrusion closeness with - emotional parents (females) 3 closeness with - receive mixed parents 3 message (females) - communicate with parents Developmental Outcomes - set own expectations (males) - develop awareness of others (males) - make own decisions (males) b - develop own inter e s t s (males) b - develop s e l f -competence (males) a b - develop own values (females) - motivated to achieve/succeed b - develop autonomy a b - develop s e l f - r e l i a n c e (males) b - d i f f e r e n t i a t e s e l f (females) - develop autonomy (females) 3 b - develop s k i l l s (females) b - develop s e l f -competence (females) a b - develop autonomy (males) a b - develop awareness of others 3 a Response found i n two or more clusters b Response i n d i c a t i v e of instrumental competency 182 Appendix G: Cluster Comparisons Outlining Competency In h i b i t i n g Parenting A c t i v i t i e s and Young Adult Responses 183 CLUSTER COMPARISONS COMPETENCY INHIBITING CLUSTERS Characterized by a perceived emphasis on p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s with c o n f l i c t and/or parental i n t r u s i o n / d i s t a n c i n g being present. Young adult responses are highly emotional i n nature and daughters more frequently perceive r e l a t i o n s with t h e i r parents to be d e t e r i o r a t i n g . Competency I n h i b i t i n g Parental A c t i v i t i e s C l u ster 4 Cluster 5 C l u s t e r 6 - show i n t e r e s t - c r i t i c i z e / b l a m e c h i l d 3 - transmit (sons) - vent anger on c h i l d expectations - transmit values - transmit ( s o n s ) a b (sons) 3 expectations - transmit - stand back and (daughters) a b values (sons) 3 allow c h i l d to - provide role model - share experiment (daughters) a c t i v i t i e s b e h a v i o r a l l y (sons) - intrude on c h i l d (sons) 3 - share a c t i v i t i e s (daughters) - c r i t i c i z e (daughters) a - i n v a l i d a t e c h i l d c h i l d - model behaviors (daughters) (daughters) a b (sons) a encourage - p h y s i c a l - instrumental (daughters) abuse incentives - emotional display (daughters) (daughters) a b (daughters) - v a l i d a t e - intervene on - shun/ostracize c h i l d c h i l d ' s behalf c h i l d (daughters) b (daughters) - emotional support - withhold i n f o r m a t i o n 3 - form a l l i a n c e - l o g i c a l consequences with c h i l d (daughters) - withhold i n f o r m a t i o n 3 (daughters) - withhold instrumental support (daughters) b - neglect c h i l d (daughters) - use c h i l d f o r own ends (daughters) 184 - model behaviors (daughters) a - instrumental incentives ( d a ughters) a b - request information (daughters) - provide emotional support (daughters) a - advise c h i l d (daughters) a A c t i v i t y common to two or more c l u s t e r s b A c t i v i t y consistent with Eccles and Hoffman's (1984) processes of d i f f e r e n t i a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n 185 C h i l d Responses t o Competency I n h i b i t i n g P a r e n t a l A c t i v i t i e s C l u s t e r 4 C l u s t e r 5 C l u s t e r 6 E m o t i o n a l Responses - s u p p o r t e d (males) - happy ( f e m a l e s ) 3 - d i s a p p o i n t e d ( f emales ) - v a l i d a t e d 3 - a n g e r - r e s e n t m e n t - a m a z e d / s u r p r i z e d 3 - r e j e c t e d (males) - h u r t ( f emales ) - g u i l t y ( females ) - d e p r e s s e d / s a d ( f e m a l e s ) 3 - i n v a l i d a t e d 3 - u n s u p p o r t e d 3 - i s o l a t e d / a l i e n a t e d - happy ( m a l e s ) 3 - g r a t e f u l (males) - e x c i t e d (males) s u r p r i z e d ( f e m a l e s ) 3 - d i s t r e s s ( females ) - a n g e r ( f e m a l e s ) 3 - d e p r e s s e d / s a d 3 - v a l i d a t e d 3 - i n v a l i d a t e d 3 - u n s u p p o r t e d 3 - a c c e p t s p a r e n t a l message ( sons ) ' 3 - c o n f o r m s w i t h p a r e n t a l e x p e c t a t i o n s ( s o n s ) 3 - d i s t a n c e s s e l f ( s o n s ) 3 - a p p r e c i a t e s p a r e n t a l i n t e r v e n t i o n ( d a u g h t e r s ) 3 - p e r c e i v e s d e t e r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s w i t h p a r e n t ( d a u g h t e r s ) 3 - p e r c e i v e s c h i l d i m p r o v e d r e l a t i o n s w i t h p a r e n t s - p e r c e i v e s p a r e n t a l B e h a v i o r a l / P e r c e p t u a l Responses - a c c e p t s p a r e n t a l message ( d a u g h t e r s ) 3 - p e r c e i v e s p a r e n t a l m a n i p u l a t i o n ( d a u g h t e r s ) - p e r c e i v e s p a r e n t a l i n t r u s i o n ( d a u g h t e r s ) 3 - does n o t communicate w i t h p a r e n t ( d a u g h t e r s ) - p e r c e i v e s d e t e r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s w i t h p a r e n t ( d a u g h t e r s ) 3 - s eeks a p p r o v a l f r o m p a r e n t - r e j e c t s p a r e n t a l v a l u e s 3 - e r e c t s p e r s o n a l b o u n d a r i e s - p a r e n t - c h i l d c o n f l i c t 3 - l e a v e s home 3 - d i s t a n c e s s e l f ( s o n s ) 3 - a p p r e c i a t e s p a r e n t a l i n t e r v e n t i o n ( s o n s ) 3 - e m o t i o n a l c l o s e n e s s w i t h f a t h e r ( d a u g h t e r s ) - p e r c e i v e s d e t e r i o r a t i n g r e l a t i o n s w i t h p a r e n t ( d a u g h t e r s ) 3 - p a r e n t -c o n f l i c t ( d a u g h t e r s ) 3 - a v o i d i n t r u s i o n c o n f l i c t ( d a u g h t e r s ) 186 - leaves home (daughters) a - conforms with parental expectations 3 - r e j e c t s parental v a l u e s 3 - develop awareness (sons) a develop s e l f -r e l i a n c e (sons) 1 3 - develop sense of t r a d i t i o n (sons) - develop s e l f -d i s c i p l i n e (sons) -develop s e l f -i d e n t i t y (daughters) -develop lack of t r u s t (daughters) 3 Developmental Outcomes - develop s e l f -competence (sons) 5 3 - develop lack of t r u s t (sons) 3 - develop sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y (daughters) - develop autonomy (daughters) b - negative self-image - low self-esteem - improved others self-esteem re. -body image - motivated to achieve/ succeed* 3 - develop awareness of o t h e r s 3 Response found i n two or more c l u s t e r s Response i n d i c a t i v e of instrumental competency 187 Appendix H: Hi e r a r c h i c a l Cluster Analysis Tree Diagram ITEMS GROUPED STEP I J ERROR 1 1 4 0 0000000 2 5 1 1 0 0000000 3 17 20 0 0000000 4 17 27 0 0000000 5 10 22 0 0000000 6 15 28 0 0000000 7 2 35 0 0000000 8 19 39 0. 0000000 9 6 40 0. 0000000 10 32 41 0. 0000000 11 32 44 0. 0000000 12 37 42 0. 0000000 13 37 50 0. 0000000 14 38 43 0 0000000 15 8 13 0 0922722 16 3 26 0 0922722 17 18 29 0. 0922722 18 23 31 0 0922722 19 21 48 0 0958316 20 34 36 0 1162301 21 16 25 0. 1212862 22 30 47 0. 1212867 23 1 14 0. 1277755 24 7 32 0. 1384083 25 34 38 0. 1539465 26 5 10 0. 1845444 27 2 19 0. 1845444 28 18 24 0. 1924730 29 7 33 0. 2032850 30 9 16 0. 2078853 31 3 37 0. 2853590 32 6 12 0. 2952321 33 2 17 0. 4076557 34 34 49 0. 4280381 35 8 21 0. 4773780 36 1 23 0. 5445027 37 5 18 0. 6299803 38 7 45 0. 7241846 39 30 34 0. 7583499 40 8 15 1. 0476694 41 3 46 1. 5165787 42 1 3 1. 6947708 43 2 6 1. 7178812 44 8 9 2. 2322035 45 2 5 3. 8536434 46 7 8 5. 7630396 47 2 30 10.122330 48 1 2 24 .761398 49 1 7 4C .522003 1 31 42 35 20 12 22 30 38 32 45 48 16 4 3 50 19 27 5 18 47 43 41 8 15 25 14 26 46 39 6 1 1 29 34 49 44 13 28 23 37 2 17 40 10 24 36 7 33 21 9 LI CD CO 

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