UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Transformation of human agency 1991

You don't seem to have a PDF reader installed, try download the pdf

Item Metadata

Download

Media
UBC_1991_A2 L38.pdf
UBC_1991_A2 L38.pdf
UBC_1991_A2 L38.pdf [ 17.74MB ]
UBC_1991_A2 L38.pdf
Metadata
JSON: 1.0053626.json
JSON-LD: 1.0053626+ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 1.0053626.xml
RDF/JSON: 1.0053626+rdf.json
Turtle: 1.0053626+rdf-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 1.0053626+rdf-ntriples.txt
Citation
1.0053626.ris

Full Text

TRANSFORMATION OF HUMAN AGENCY By H. JOAN LAUB B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977 M.Sc, University of Oregon, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Counselling Psychology) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January 1991 © H. Joan Laub, 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Cotf/vsBwrJG rtycftocofy The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) i i Abstract The general purpose of t h i s study was to examine transformations of human agency i n natural contexts. E x i s t i n g t h e o r e t i c a l formulations have p r i m a r i l y been confined to laboratory investigations. Moreover, the p r i n c i p l e s generated by such theories have not been validated beyond the laboratory s e t t i n g . With t h i s purpose i n mind, there were two immediate aims of the study. The f i r s t aim was to contribute to counselling theory by assessing f i v e prominent theories of human agency and providing a basis from which to p o t e n t i a l l y e s t a b l i s h more adequate t h e o r e t i c a l formulations. The second aim was to contribute to counselling practice by providing concrete information and a more informed basis through which to enhance agency i n c l i e n t s . A multiple case study design integrating intensive interviewing and Q-methodology was u t i l i z e d for the study. Ten in d i v i d u a l s , f i v e women and f i v e men, ranging i n age from 28 to 6A, were i d e n t i f i e d through a network of contacts for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the study. Based upon convergence of q u a l i t a t i v e evidence from interviews and quantitative evidence from Q-sorts, r i c h , d e tailed narrative accounts of transformation were constructed for each i n d i v i d u a l . Each account was validated by the i n d i v i d u a l for whom each was written and by an independent reviewer. Through a comparative analysis of the ten diverse accounts of transformation, i i i extensive commonality was i d e n t i f i e d . Twenty-two common themes were extracted from the accounts that portrayed s i g n i f i c a n t features of the transformation. Based on these themes, an abstract story of the common pattern revealed i n the transformation was plot t e d . Individual aspects of each of the theories of agency were validated as wel l as q u a l i f i e d i n some important ways. In addition, the r e s u l t s extended these theories i n three main ways. F i r s t , the r e s u l t s indicated that transformations of human agency were complex wholes that involved a configuration of features rather than any one or two i s o l a t e d features. Second, the findings indicated that context played a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n transformations of agency. And t h i r d , the r e s u l t s emphasized the important r o l e of powerful emotions i n the process of transformation. The re s u l t s of t h i s study also generated a beginning h o l i s t i c p o r t r a i t of transformation which has implications for counsellors i n terms of understanding and f a c i l i t a t i n g transformations of agency i n c l i e n t s . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract • i i L i s t of Tables v i L i s t of Figures v i i Acknowledgements v i i i Dedication i x CHAPTER I . INTRODUCTION 1 The Concept of Agency 2 Theoretical Conceptions of Agency 5 Limitations of the Ex i s t i n g Research 6 Rationale for the Study 7 Approach of the Study 10 CHAPTER I I . REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 12 Psychological Concepts of Human Agency 13 1. Bandura's S e l f - E f f i c a c y 15 2. Rotter's Locus of Control 28 3. Seligman's Learned Helplessness 39 4. Kobasa's Hardiness 51 5. deCharms' Personal Causation 60 Limitations of the Ex i s t i n g Research 74 Approach of the Present Investigation 80 Case Study Method 80 1. Research Interviewing 85 2. Q-Technique 88 3. Case Study Narratives 101- CHAPTER I I I . METHODOLOGY 103 Research Design 103 Co-researchers 109 Screening Interview 110 Transformation Interview I l l Q-Sorting 115 Elaboration Interview 119 Narrative Accounts 123 Co-researcher Self-review 124 Independent Review 125 Comparative Analysis 126 V Page CHAPTER IV. RESULTS: CASE STUDIES 127 Case Study One: Fay 127 Case Study Two: Glen 148 Case Study Three: Margaret 166 Case Study Four: Ray 181 Case Study Five: Brenda 200 Case Study Six: Lee 222 Case Study Seven: Carol 247 Case Study Eight: Tom 273 Case Study Nine: Beth 295 Case Study Ten: Don 316 Va l i d a t i o n 336 1. Co-researcher Self-reviews 336 2. Independent Reviews 340 CHAPTER V. ANALYSIS OF RESULTS 346 Comparative Analysis 346 I . Orientation of Encagement 349 I I . Paths Toward Liberation and the Re-orientation Toward P o s s i b i l i t y 369 The Structure of a Transformation of Human Agency 400 Summary 405 CHAPTER V I . DISCUSSION 407 Limitations 408 Implications for Theory 410 Implications for Practice 431 Implications for Future Research 447 Summary 450 REFERENCES 452 APPENDIX A: Graphs for Event Loadings of Case Studies 469 APPENDIX B: Example of Changeline 480 APPENDIX C: Letter of Information 482 APPENDIX D: Consent Form 483 v i LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1. Master L i s t of Q-Sort Items and Corresponding Theorist 9 7 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1. Overview of Procedures 108 Figure 2. Results of the Comparative Analysis 406 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to begin by acknowledging the ten co-researchers who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h i s project. Their thoughtfulness i n describing t h e i r transformation experiences and t h e i r willingness to share the p a i n f u l as wel l as the j o y f u l parts of those experiences are the foundation upon which t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n r e s t s . Sharing t h i s part of t h e i r l i v e s has been a p r i v i l e g e that has humbled as well as educated me. I would l i k e to thank my research supervisor, Dr. Larry Cochran, for the patience to teach me a f r a c t i o n of what he knows. I also want to thank him for h i s e d i t o r i a l comments and suggestions. They were not only trenchant and usually r i g h t , but were frequently so h i l a r i o u s l y and r i c h l y worded that I sometimes woke up laughing i n the middle of the night. I am also g r a t e f u l to Larry for expanding my v i s i o n of research. I t has been immensely s a t i s f y i n g to conduct the kind of research where everybody wins. My thanks to the other members of my supervisory committee, Dr. Walter Boldt, Dr. Judith Daniluk, and Dr. Brian de Vries for t h e i r valuable input, experience, and support. Over the course of completing t h i s project, there were three people without whom t h i s task would have been considerably more d i f f i c u l t to complete. F i r s t , I would l i k e to express my appreciation to Stephanie Laub, my good f r i e n d , r o l e model, and mother. Second, I would l i k e to thank Dr. Bob Boyle, my head cheerleader. And t h i r d , I would l i k e to express my gratitude to Carolyn Robertsen. Before my father died, he t o l d me that I would be lucky to have one "true" f r i e n d i n my l i f e t i m e . At 19, I did not appreciate the signi f i c a n c e of that statement. At 36, I do, and I want to thank Carolyn for being that person. Support of another kind came from my physiotherapist, Bev Anderson, my chiropractor, Dr. Larry Chan, and my massage ther a p i s t , Gwen Gagne. My "back" thanks you a l l . And f i n a l l y , a very s p e c i a l thanks to my t y p i s t , Bay Gumboc, who calmly and p a t i e n t l y typed each word on every page of t h i s rather generous document. This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s l o v i n g l y dedicated to my s i l e n t partner, T.M.L., whose presence i n my l i f e has provided me with the purest form of joy and perspective. 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Within the f i e l d of counselling psychology, people are l a r g e l y viewed as active agents who can formulate plans, make decisions, and perform actions. . With i t s natural emphasis on human development, a primary goal of counselling i s to foster human agency; to empower persons as agents that they might l i v e i n more s a t i s f y i n g , productive, and meaningful ways. Across the h i s t o r y of counselling psychology, t h i s emphasis on the enhancement of human agency has been remarkably consistent. Brewer (1938) argued that "the ultimate aim of the guidance endeavor was to make the i n d i v i d u a l capable of self-guidance i n the many and varied a c t i v i t i e s of everyday l i v i n g " ( c i t e d i n Van Hesteren & Zingle, 1977, p. 106). Williamson (1965) stated that the "task of the t r a i t factor type of counselling i s to a i d the i n d i v i d u a l i n successive approximations of self-understanding and self-management by means of helping him [or her] to assess his [or her] assets and l i a b i l i t i e s i n r e l a t i o n to the requirements of progressively changing l i f e goals" (p. 198). More recently, Gysbers and Moore (1987) stressed that " i n helping i n d i v i d u a l s reach t h e i r p o t e n t i a l we are stimulating career consciousness - the a b i l i t y for in d i v i d u a l s to v i s u a l i z e and plan t h e i r l i v e s " (p. 3). From 2 varying perspectives and periods of time, there i s consistent agreement that an es s e n t i a l goal of counselling i s to enhance the powers of human agency i n order to l i v e more f r u i t f u l l y . The o v e r a l l purpose of t h i s study i s to gain a meaningful understanding of transformations of human agency i n natural contexts. With t h i s purpose i n mind, there are two immediate aims. F i r s t , to contribute to counselling theory by assessing f i v e prominent theories of agency and providing a basis from which to p o t e n t i a l l y e s t a b l i s h more adequate t h e o r e t i c a l formulations. Second, to contribute to counselling practice by providing concrete information and a more informed basis through which to enhance agency i n c l i e n t s . The Concept of Agency Before addressing the concept of agency, the context of human development within which human agency e x i s t s w i l l be b r i e f l y outlined. There are three main models of human development: (1) the mechanistic or reactive model, (2) the organismic or active model, and (3) the d i a l e c t i c a l or i n t e r a c t i v e model (Stevens-Long, 1984). Proponents of the mechanistic model are i n c l i n e d to understand human beings as e s s e n t i a l l y passive i n t h e i r own development. Development i s viewed as the r e s u l t of external or environmental forces which act on ind i v i d u a l s and to which 3 ind i v i d u a l s react. Proponents of the organismic model are i n c l i n e d to understand human beings as active agents i n t h e i r own development. Development i s viewed as the r e s u l t of i n t e r n a l forces w i t h i n the i n d i v i d u a l . External environmental events are not viewed as i n e v i t a b l y deterministic forces of development. Proponents of the d i a l e c t i c a l model attempt to incorporate important r e a l i t i e s of both the mechanistic and organismic models by understanding human beings as active agents who play a role i n t h e i r own development and who, at the same time, are influenced by the external environment. Development i s viewed as the r e s u l t of an a c t i v e l y changing i n d i v i d u a l w i t h i n the context of an a c t i v e l y changing environment. For t h i s reason, the concept of agency, as i t i s used i n t h i s study, f i t s w i t h i n the d i a l e c t i c a l model. That i s , people are viewed as active agents who e x i s t within larger p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l contexts, and who cannot be f u l l y comprehended without an understanding of the texture and f a b r i c of these contextual r e a l i t i e s . On the surface, the concept of human agency i s reasonably clear and simple. That i s to say that everyone has an ordinary language sense of agency by v i r t u e of growing up with such concepts as r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , freedom, and s e l f - d i r e c t i o n . Beneath the surface, however, human agency i s a most challenging and complex psychological concept which has spawned great e f f o r t by A philosophers and psychologists i n the struggle to define, a r t i c u l a t e , and c l a r i f y (Mischel, 1977). The t r a d i t i o n a l posture i n such work on human agency has been to acknowledge the v i t a l importance of beginning with our ordinary language sense of human agency, for whatever might be found i n the subtle, a r t f u l refinements of philosophical a r t i c u l a t i o n and s c i e n t i f i c research cannot contradict t h i s ordinary language sense of meaning and also remain a v a l i d and useful study of human agency (Harre & Secord, 1972). This posture of beginning with an ordinary language sense of the concept of human agency i s adopted here as the i n i t i a l understanding wit h i n which the subsequent research i t s e l f w i l l be permitted to contribute depth and breadth to the d e f i n i t i o n of the concept. As such, the focus of t h i s study i s on the generic processes involved i n becoming more of a human agent. For t h i s reason, topics such as gender differences i n agency are not d i r e c t l y addressed i n t h i s study. A s p e c i f i c focus on gender and agency might be considered a derivative topic of the present i n v e s t i g a t i o n . A human being both does and undergoes, i s both a subject and an object, both makes things happen and has things happen to her or him. In characterizing a person as an agent or a doer rather than s o l e l y as a patient or a mere reactor (Harre, 1983), one emphasizes planning, deciding, and acting, the capacity of a human being to be 5 active rather than passive i n shaping l i f e . In attempting to bring something about, a person i s able to monitor and to adjust her or hi s performances (Harre & Secord, 1973). Part of agency, however, i s not j u s t a matter of planning and s e l f - r e g u l a t i o n to reach goals, but also to be a s e l f - l e g i s l a t o r of the kinds of goals worth having. Self-evaluation seems to be intimately connected with t h i s capacity to r e f l e c t upon the worth of one's projects (Taylor, 1977). Largely for t h i s reason, a person's sense of agency (power, potency etc.) forms part of agency generally. For example, a person's sense of confidence seems empowering i n i t s e l f without which a person's actual confidence might be diminished. Theoretical Conceptions of Agency There are currently a number of very i n f l u e n t i a l theories of agency wit h i n the f i e l d of counselling psychology, namely, Bandura's (1977) s e l f - e f f i c a c y , Rotter's (1966) locus of c o n t r o l , Seligman's (1975) learned helplessness, Kobasa's (1979) hardiness, and deCharms' (1968) personal causation. Bandura (1982, 1989) has proposed the concept of " s e l f - e f f i c a c y " as central to human agency. S e l f - e f f i c a c y refers to people's judgements of t h e i r personal c a p a b i l i t i e s and i s the r e s u l t of the cognitive processing of various sources of information, p a r t i c u l a r l y performance accomplishments. Rotter's (1966) concept of "locus of c o n t r o l " 6 refers to a generalized expectancy about the extent to which reinforcements are under i n t e r n a l or external control. Seligman's (Seligman, 1975; Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978) concept of "learned helplessness" refers to the causal a t t r i b u t i o n s people make when they learn that t h e i r responses and outcomes are independent. Kobasa'.s (1979) concept of "hardiness" refers to a co n s t e l l a t i o n of three personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : c o n t r o l , commitment, and challenge. Persons without personality hardiness are thought to be passive, to lack i n i t i a t i v e , to f e e l threatened and powerless. DeCharms (1984) has proposed the concept of "personal causation" as central to human agency. Personal causation refers to the underlying motivation for being the cause or the o r i g i n of one's actions rather than on the p a r t i c u l a r action i t s e l f . Limitations of the E x i s t i n g Research The research upon which these theories i s based has la r g e l y been confined to laboratory investigations. There i s an absence of r e a l world accounts of how agency i s enhanced i n natural contexts. Consequently, there i s no complex, h o l i s t i c p o r t r a i t to guide counsellors. Moreover, the valuable insights and p r i n c i p l e s generated by the e x i s t i n g theories have not been validated beyond the laboratory s e t t i n g . Through an in v e s t i g a t i o n of n a t u r a l i s t i c 7 accounts of transformations of human agency, the basis for p o t e n t i a l l y more adequate t h e o r e t i c a l formulations may be established. A d d i t i o n a l l y , the concrete information provided by these n a t u r a l i s t i c accounts may have important implications for counsellors i n terms of enhancing agency i n c l i e n t s . Rationale for the Study There are a number of important reasons for conducting a study of transformations of human agency i n natural contexts. F i r s t , the ex i s t i n g research has la r g e l y been confined to experimental studies and laboratory settings. Consequently, how people are able to make t h i s change i n natural contexts has not yet been investigated. In short, the configuration or pattern of change i s not yet known. Moreover, aspects of agency highlighted by current t h e o r e t i c a l formulations need to be assessed i n natural settings rather than s o l e l y under the a r t i f i c i a l conditions of the laboratory s e t t i n g . Second, there are several d i f f e r i n g theories of human agency. One theory would lead p r a c t i t i o n e r s to focus almost e x c l u s i v e l y on a t t r i b u t i o n s , another on reinforcements, another on experience, and so on. This study assesses f i v e of these theories i n an e f f o r t to discover which seems more f r u i t f u l , and to e s t a b l i s h a basis for p o t e n t i a l l y more adequate t h e o r e t i c a l formulations. 8 Third, one area of agreement i n a l l the theories i s that a sense of personal agency i s believed to be v i t a l to the healthy functioning of the i n d i v i d u a l (Bandura, 1977; deCharms, 1968; Kobasa, 1979; Rotter, 1966; Seligman, 1975). Given i t s importance, the main p r a c t i c a l concern of counsellors i s how to enhance a person's sense of agency. And yet, the focus of much of the ex i s t i n g research has been on measuring the presence or absence of agency rather than on the pattern of change that i s involved i n moving from a low to a high degree of agency. The focus of t h i s study i s on i d e n t i f y i n g and describing the pattern of change i n order to contribute d i r e c t l y to an understanding of how agency i s enhanced. Fourth, problems of human agency are believed by many to form the core of the psychotherapeutic process. For example, Erwin Singer (1965) has suggested that: The single proposition which underlies a l l forms of psychotherapy: the proposition that man [or woman] i s capable of change and capable of bringing t h i s change about himself [or h e r s e l f ] . . . were i t not for t h i s inherent optimism, t h i s fundamental confidence i n man's [or woman's] ultimate capacity to f i n d his [or her] way, psychotherapy as a d i s c i p l i n e could not e x i s t , salvation could come about only through divine grace. (p. 16) S i m i l a r l y , Hilde Bruch (1974) has wri t t e n that: The task of therapy i n general terms i s to a s s i s t a patient i n the development of a center of gravity so that he [or she] experiences himself [or herself] as s e l f - d i r e c t e d ... free to 9 assert himself [or herself] and to pursue s a t i s f a c t i o n i n terms of his [or her] own goals of l i v i n g , (p. 141) Herbert Lefcourt (1972) has echoed the same sentiments and proposed that an " i n t e r n a l locus of co n t r o l , with i t s assumed correlates of competence and the hope of success, i s a common goal of psychotherapy" (p. 27). The current popularity of the s e l f - e f f i c a c y approach to psychotherapy (Bandura, 1982, 1986) further i l l u s t r a t e s the i n t e r e s t of enhancing agency as a central therapeutic goal. Despite t h i s pervasive view, c l i n i c a l researchers have seldom studied agency d i r e c t l y . Most of the fundamental questions i n t h i s area of inquir y [the nature and functions of the s e l f ] are concerned, d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , with the problem of human agency. The matters of int e r e s t center on whether, and how, people exert some influence over what they perceive and do. The issue of whether people serve as p a r t i a l causes of t h e i r own actions has received considerably greater attention i n philosophical than i n psychological analyses. This r e l a t i v e neglect i s surprising considering that s e l f processs [sic] are central to an understanding of human functioning. Moreover, i t i s around questions of personal c a u s a l i t y that some of the major t h e o r e t i c a l controversies i n psychology revolve. (Bandura, 1982, p. 3) This study i s d i r e c t l y concerned with i n v e s t i g a t i n g the phenomenon that many people have i d e n t i f i e d as central to the therapeutic encounter. That i s , the focus of t h i s study i s on c l a r i f y i n g how human agency i s enhanced. F i f t h , from c o n s t r u c t i v i s t i c perspectives such as K e l l y ' s (1963) i t i s the in d i v i d u a l ' s construction of an experience that mediates future behaviour. K e l l y maintained that "man [or woman] to the extent that he [or she] i s able to construe h i s [or her] 10 circumstances can f i n d himself [or herself] freedom from t h e i r domination... man [or woman] can enslave himself [or herself] with his [or her] own ideas and then win his [or her] freedom again by reconstruing his [or her] l i f e " ( K e l l y , 1963, p. 21). In other words, i t could w e l l be the i n d i v i d u a l ' s construction of the transformation that i s the most empowering aspect of the experience. From t h i s perspective, the construction of people's transformation may be as important as what a c t u a l l y happened. For t h i s reason, t h i s study i s concerned with e l i c i t i n g accounts of transformation from the i n d i v i d u a l ' s perspective. Approach of the Study The o v e r a l l purpose of t h i s study i s to gain a meaningful understanding of transformations of human agency i n natural contexts. A multiple case study design i s selected as the appropriate methodology for an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h i s nature. Case study accounts are based upon convergence of two ways of e l i c i t i n g s i g n i f i c a n t information from people. The f i r s t way i s through det a i l e d interviews. The second way i s through the Q-sorting or the i n d i v i d u a l charting of change with terms that are of t h e o r e t i c a l i n t e r e s t . Based upon the convergence of evidence from these two sources, r i c h , d e t a i l e d , narrative accounts of transformations of agency are constructed for each person. These 11 narrative accounts constitute the core research product of the study. A comparative analysis of the narrative accounts i s conducted i n order to i d e n t i f y commonality among i n d i v i d u a l accounts. The narrative accounts and the comparative analysis of the accounts provide a r i c h basis for theory v a l i d a t i o n and theory development, and suggest implications for counselling p r a c t i c e . 12 CHAPTER I I REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE The ultimate aim of t h i s study i s to contribute to counselling theory and practice by providing a more informed basis through which to help people enhance agency. This study i s concerned with describing transformations of human agency i n natural contexts. Currently, there are several very i n f l u e n t i a l theories of human agency that can f a c i l i t a t e an understanding of t h i s transformation i n i n d i v i d u a l s . These theories can heighten s e n s i t i v i t y to s i g n i f i c a n t issues and d e t a i l s w i t h i n the descriptions e l i c i t e d from i n d i v i d u a l s . To t h i s end, a b r i e f background of the concept of agency i s presented followed by a review of f i v e current psychological theories of human agency. The s a l i e n t features of each concept are highlighted, followed by the relevant research. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the l i m i t a t i o n s of e x i s t i n g t h e o r e t i c a l formulations of agency and an overview of the approach of the present study. 13 Psychological Concepts of Human Agency The concept of agency i s not new. H i s t o r i c a l l y , i n the f i e l d of psychology, the notion of human agency has been resurrected under a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t names and presented from a number of di f f e r e n t perspectives. As early as 1907, Al f r e d Adler stressed the importance of agency i n human behaviour. According to Adler, the core motivation for a l l human beings i s to achieve " s u p e r i o r i t y " or i n more contemporary terminology, to achieve a sense of competence and f u l f i l l m e n t ( c i t e d in. Monte, 1980). For Adler, the general aim of t h i s s t r i v i n g toward s u p e r i o r i t y i s to overcome l i m i t a t i o n s i n our p o t e n t i a l i t i e s and to successfully adapt to the demands of the external world. While t h i s s t r i v i n g for s u p e r i o r i t y i s inherent i n a l l of us, each person s t r i v e s uniquely according to her or his own personality and subjective i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of l i f e ' s meaning. Thus, i n Adler's view the i n d i v i d u a l shapes her or his l i f e according to i n d i v i d u a l l y defined goals, and i n t h i s way acts as a creative a r t i s t of personality and an active constructor of l i f e events (Adler, 1956). Another prominent t h e o r i s t i s Robert White who, i n 1959, stressed human agency but chose the term "competence" to denote his p a r t i c u l a r formulation of i t . The concept of competence was proposed to describe those behaviours that produce effects on the environment (e.g., exploratory behaviour, manipulation, and general 14 a c t i v i t y ) . Competence then, according to White, i s producing an ef f e c t . He termed the motivation to have an effe c t on the environment "effectance motivation." The experience that corresponds with producing such effects i s c a l l e d the " f e e l i n g of ef f i c a c y " (White, 1959). Bandura's (1977) more recent concept of s e l f - e f f i c a c y (a concept presented i n more d e t a i l i n the next section) bears an apparent resemblance to White's (1959) concept of competence. Over the past several decades, there have been many terms used i to convey the idea of human agency, such as s u p e r i o r i t y (Adler, 1956), competence (White, 1959), s e l f - e f f i c a c y (Bandura, 1977), i n t e r n a l locus of control (Rotter, 1966), learned helplessness (Seligman, 1975), personality hardiness (Kobasa, 1979) , and personal causation (deCharms, 1968). Despite the d i v e r s i t y of la b e l s , the basic phenomenon being addressed i s a human being's a b i l i t y to be the p a r t i a l cause of what happens i n her or his l i f e . 15 1. Bandura's S e l f - E f f i c a c y Introduction and Background The concept of " s e l f - e f f i c a c y " , stemming from a s o c i a l cognitive model of behaviour, has been proposed by Albert Bandura (1982, 1989) as the central mechanism i n human agency. "Among the mechanisms of personal agency, none i s more central or pervasive than people's b e l i e f s about t h e i r c a p a b i l i t i e s to exercise control over events that a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s " (Bandura, 1989, p. 1175). S e l f - e f f i c a c y i s defined as one's judgment of "how w e l l one can execute courses of action required to deal with prospective s i t u a t i o n s " (Bandura, 1982, p. 122). The concept of s e l f - e f f i c a c y i s not concerned with the s k i l l s one has, but rather with the judgements one makes about the s k i l l s one possesses. Bandura (1977, 1982, 1986) maintains that a l l behavioural and psychological change occurs through the a l t e r a t i o n of a person's sense of personal mastery or e f f i c a c y . According to Bandura (1977), "people process, weigh, and integrate diverse sources of information concerning t h e i r c a p a b i l i t y , and they regulate t h e i r choice behavior and e f f o r t expenditure accordingly" (p. 212). He further claims that "psychological procedures, whatever t h e i r format, serve as ways of creating and strengthening expectations of personal e f f i c a c y " (Bandura, Adams, & Beyer, 1977, p. 126). 16 According to Bandura's (1977, 1986, 1989) s e l f - e f f i c a c y theory, people's judgments of t h e i r personal c a p a b i l i t i e s are hypothesized to influence a wide range of areas of human functioning, including cognitive processes, motivational processes, a f f e c t i v e processes, and se l e c t i o n processes. With regard to • cognitive processes, s e l f - e f f i c a c y b e l i e f s are thought to af f e c t thought patterns, which i n turn, a f f e c t the goals people set and the commitments they make to those goals. With regard to motivational processes, s e l f - e f f i c a c y b e l i e f s are thought to aff e c t how much e f f o r t a person w i l l expend and how long a person w i l l p e r s i s t i n the face of obstacles. With regard to a f f e c t i v e processes, s e l f - e f f i c a c y b e l i e f s are thought to aff e c t a person's emotional reactions during taxing s i t u a t i o n s . With regard to se l e c t i o n processes, s e l f - e f f i c a c y b e l i e f s are thought to aff e c t a person's choice of behavioural settings and a c t i v i t i e s . An accurate appraisal of one's c a p a b i l i t i e s i s thought to be of considerable functional value because misjudgements of personal e f f i c a c y can produce aversive consequences such as f a i l u r e , and s e l f - l i m i t i n g choices such as avoidance which can, i n turn, r e s t r i c t the p o s s i b i l i t y of p o t e n t i a l l y rewarding or corrective experiences. Bandura (1977, 1986) conceptualized e f f i c a c y judgments as varying along three major dimensions: l e v e l , generality, and strength. Level refers to the degree of d i f f i c u l t y of the tasks or 17 behaviours that the i n d i v i d u a l feels capable of performing, ranging from simple and moderately d i f f i c u l t tasks to extremely taxing ones. Generality refers to the range of a c t i v i t i e s and situations i n which an i n d i v i d u a l judges herself or himself e f f i c a c i o u s . Strength refers to the confidence a person has i n her or his c a p a b i l i t i e s . Bandura (1977, 1986) hypothesized four major sources of information which contribute to a person's knowledge about s e l f - e f f i c a c y : (1) performance mastery experiences, (2) vicarious experiences, (3) verbal persuasion, and (4) physiological states. From Bandura's perspective, the information gained from these four sources i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y useful or i n s t r u c t i v e , but rather i t i s the cognitive processing of t h i s information that i s c r i t i c a l . Cognitive processing refers to the way the information i s selected, weighted, and integrated into s e l f - e f f i c i a c y judgements. This i n f e r e n t i a l process i s affected by a number of factors, including the personal, s o c i a l , s i t u a t i o n a l , and temporal circumstances under which the events occur. For t h i s reason, success experiences alone do not necessarily r a i s e s e l f - e f f i c a c y . The impact of such experiences depends upon how they are c o g n i t i v e l y processed by the i n d i v i d u a l . 18 Sources of S e l f - E f f i c a c y Information A description of the four sources of e f f i c a c y information, the various factors that may influence the cognitive processing of the information, and the research c i t e d i n support of each of the sources i s presented. 1. Performance Mastery Experiences Performance accomplishments provide the most i n f l u e n t i a l e f f i c a c y information because they are based on actual experiences of personal mastery (Bandura et a l . , 1977; Biran & Wilson, 1981; F e l t z , Landers & Raeder, 1979). In general, successes ra i s e s e l f - e f f i c a c y and repeated f a i l u r e s lower i t . The weight given to new success experiences depends upon the nature and strength of the e x i s t i n g sense of personal e f f i c a c y held by the i n d i v i d u a l . Individuals that have established a strong sense of e f f i c a c y are u n l i k e l y to be affected by occasional f a i l u r e s , are more l i k e l y to a t t r i b u t e f a i l u r e s to s i t u a t i o n a l f a c tors, i n s u f f i c i e n t e f f o r t or poor strategies (Bandura, 1986), and are able to generalize t h e i r sense of personal e f f i c a c y to other situations (Bandura et a l . , 1977; Bandura, J e f f e r y , &Gajdos, 1975). The extent to which i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l a l t e r t h e i r sense of personal e f f i c a c y through performance experiences depends upon the cognitive processing of various factors (Bandura, 1986). The 19 d i f f i c u l t y of the task i s one such factor. Mastery of easy tasks does not a l t e r one's s e l f - e f f i c a c y , whereas mastery of challenging tasks does. Experiences are more l i k e l y to enhance personal e f f i c a c y i f the circumstances i n which the tasks are mastered are varied and are performed independently. The amount of e f f o r t expended w i l l also influence the impact of performance experiences. Success with minimal e f f o r t reinforces a strong sense of e f f i c a c y , whereas success achieved through a great deal of e f f o r t connotes lesser a b i l i t y and has a weaker eff e c t on e f f i c a c y enhancement. The rate and pattern of performance accomplishments also provide information for judging personal e f f i c a c y . Individuals who experience setbacks, but observe a progressive improvement w i l l r a i s e t h e i r s e l f - e f f i c a c y more so than those who succeed but see t h e i r performances l e v e l o f f comparatively. Biases i n the self-monitoring of performances can also a f f e c t s e l f - e f f i c a c y judgements. People who focus on and remember the negative aspects of performances can underestimate t h e i r e f f i c a c y , while those who s e l e c t i v e l y focus on and remember successes can increase judgements of s e l f - e f f i c a c y . Causal judgements also a f f e c t e f f i c a c y judgements of performance experiences. Successes are more l i k e l y to enhance s e l f - e f f i c a c y i f performances are viewed as the r e s u l t of s k i l l rather than the r e s u l t of s i t u a t i o n a l factors. Conversely, 20 f a i l u r e s are thought to reduce s e l f - e f f i c a c y when att r i b u t e d to a b i l i t y rather than to s i t u a t i o n a l circumstances. Failures do not lower s e l f - e f f i c a c y when they are att r i b u t e d to i n s u f f i c i e n t e f f o r t , adverse conditions, despondency, or physical d e b i l i t a t i o n . Research indicates that people who see themselves as e f f i c a c i o u s a t t r i b u t e t h e i r f a i l u r e s to i n s u f f i c i e n t e f f o r t , whereas those of comparable s k i l l s , but who see themselves as i n e f f i c a c i o u s , view t h e i r f a i l u r e s as the r e s u l t of low a b i l i t y ( C o l l i n s , 1982). People with a low opinion of themselves inaccurately ascribe personal competency to s i t u a t i o n a l or external factors rather than to t h e i r own a b i l i t y (Bandura, Adams, Hardy, & Howells, 1980). Strategies for enhancing personal e f f i c a c y judgements from performance experiences have included mastering challenging tasks independently to reinforce personal c a p a b i l i t i e s (Bandura, 1977) , ve r b a l i z i n g thought processes during mastery experiences to monitor the cognitive processing of enactive e f f i c a c y information (Bandura, 1983), and se l e c t i v e self-modeling focusing on success experiences (Dowrick, 1983). 2. Vicarious Experiences The next most i n f l u e n t i a l source of e f f i c a c y information i s derived from vicarious experience. In general, seeing or v i s u a l i z i n g modeled successes by s i m i l a r others raises personal 21 judgements of e f f i c a c y (Bandura et a l . , 1980; Kazdin, 1979), while seeing modeled f a i l u r e s lowers personal judgements of c a p a b i l i t i e s and undermines e f f o r t s (Brown & Inouye, 1978). Vicarious information i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e f f e c t i v e when people have no p r i o r experience or knowledge of t h e i r own c a p a b i l i t i e s and, thus, r e l y more heavily on modeled indicators of performance (Takata & Takata, 1976). The eff e c t s of vicarious information on judgements of personal e f f i c a c y depends upon the c r i t e r i a by which a b i l i t y i s evaluated. Soc i a l comparative information i s important i n t h i s regard because most performances are evaluated i n terms of the performances of others, p a r t i c u l a r l y when fact u a l evidence for gauging performance i s unavailable. People convinced v i c a r i o u s l y of t h e i r i n e f f i c a c y tend to behave i n i n e f f e c t i v e ways, thereby confirming t h e i r b e l i e f s . Conversely, modeling influences that increase s e l f - e f f i c a c y weaken the impact of f a i l u r e experiences by sustaining performance i n the face of repeated f a i l u r e (Brown & Inouye, 1978; Weinberg, Gould & Jackson, 1979). The cognitive processing of information derived from vicarious experiences depends upon a number of factors. Past performance s i m i l a r i t i e s and knowledge of the model's attainments i n the new s i t u a t i o n are two such factors. Brown and Inouye (1978) found that people who perceived themselves as superior to a f a i l i n g model 22 maintained t h e i r sense of e f f i c a c y i n the face of f a i l u r e , whereas people who perceived themselves as having comparable a b i l i t y to the model experienced lowered s e l f - e f f i c a c y and gave up e a s i l y i n the face of d i f f i c u l t i e s . Another factor i s the s i m i l a r i t y to models on personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s assumed to be pred i c t i v e of performance c a p a b i l i t i e s (Suls &-Miller, 1977). S i m i l a r i t y of at t r i b u t e s between the model and the observer generally increases the power of modeling influences even though the model's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s may be spurious indicators of performance c a p a b i l i t i e s (Rosenthal & Bandura, 1978). Observing a v a r i e t y of people master d i f f i c u l t tasks i s found to be superior to exposure to the same performance by one model (Bandura & Menlove, 1968; Kazdin, 1974, 1975, 1976). People gain more from seeing models succeed by i n t e n s i f i e d , determined e f f o r t than from seeing competent models succeed with r e l a t i v e ease (Kazdin, 1973). Gains achieved i n t h i s way reduce the negative ef f e c t s of temporary setbacks, and reinforce the b e l i e f that perseverance eventually brings success and that f a i l u r e s r e f l e c t a lack of e f f o r t rather than a lack of a b i l i t y . E f f e c t i v e coping strategies taught by models can enhance s e l f - e f f i c a c y for those in d i v i d u a l s who have had many negative or f a i l u r e experiences (Bandura, 1977; Bandura, Reese, & Adams, 1982). Modeled performances designed to a l t e r coping behaviour emphasize p r e d i c t a b i l i t y and c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y . These two aspects 23 have been found to enhance judgements of personal e f f i c a c y (Bandura et a l . , 1982). 3. Verbal Persuasion Verbal persuasion refers to the process by which people are persuaded to believe that they possess the c a p a b i l i t i e s to achieve t h e i r goals. Although l i m i t e d i n power, s o c i a l persuasion can promote a sense of personal e f f i c a c y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f i t raises r e a l i s t i c b e l i e f s of personal competence and leads people to t r y harder to succeed. Persuasive means are most e f f e c t i v e on people who have some reason to believe that they can produce ef f e c t s through t h e i r actions (Chambliss & Murray, 1979a, 1979b). However, i f s o c i a l persuasion raises u n r e a l i s t i c b e l i e f s of personal competence, i t can i n v i t e f a i l u r e s , d i s c r e d i t the persuaders, and further undermine a person's perceived s e l f - e f f i c a c y . Persuasory e f f i c a c y information i s weighted i n terms of who the persuaders are, t h e i r c r e d i b i l i t y , and t h e i r knowledgeability about the nature of the a c t i v i t i e s (Bandura, 1986). E f f i c a c y information through persuasive means often takes the form of evaluative feedback about ongoing performances. Evaluative feedback has been shown to af f e c t judgements of personal competence and subsequent accomplishments (Schunk, 1982, 1983). Other forms of treatment used to enhance s e l f - e f f i c a c y through persuasive means 24 are suggestion, exhortation, s e l f - i n s t r u c t i o n , and i n t e r p r e t i v e treatments (Bandura, 1977). Bandura (1986) stated that i t i s l i k e l y more d i f f i c u l t to produce enduring increases i n s e l f - e f f i c a c y by persuasory means than to undermine i t . I l l u s o r y boosts i n s e l f - e f f i c a c y are e a s i l y disconfirmed by the r e s u l t s of one's actions. Those people persuaded of t h e i r i n e f f i c a c y tend to avoid challenging a c t i v i t i e s and give up e a s i l y i n the face of d i f f i c u l t i e s , thus v a l i d a t i n g t h e i r negative self-judgements. 4. Physiological States In judging c a p a b i l i t i e s , people also r e l y on, to some extent, information from t h e i r p h y s i o l o g i c a l state. This process refers to the associations i n d i v i d u a l s make between t h e i r l e v e l s of physi o l o g i c a l arousal and performance. According to Bandura (1977, 1986), high arousal usually d e b i l i t a t e s performance. Therefore, people expect success more often when they are not showing signs of aversive arousal. Research has shown that eliminating the emotional arousal usually associated with threatening s i t u a t i o n s increases perceived s e l f - e f f i c i a c y and, i n turn, improves performance (Bandura & Adams, 1977; Barrios, 1983). The impact of arousal on e f f i c a c y judgements depends upon the cognitive processing of a number of factors such as the appraisal 25 of the sources of arousal, the l e v e l of a c t i v a t i o n , the circumstances under which arousal i s e l i c i t e d , mood states, and past experiences of how arousal affects one's performances (Bandura, 1986). The ef f e c t of the arousal on s e l f - e f f i c i a c y depends upon the p a r t i c u l a r factors singled out and the meaning attached to them. Bandura (1977) has proposed that a t t r i b u t i o n , r e l a x a t i o n and biofeedback, symbolic d e s e n s i t i z a t i o n , and symbolic exposure are treatment modes for addressing e f f i c a c y information conveyed through p h y s i o l o g i c a l states. S e l f - E f f i c a c y and S e l f - I n e f f i c a c y Based on the research findings across diverse domains of functioning, Bandura (1986) has argued that "people who regard themselves as highly e f f i c a c i o u s act, think, and f e e l d i f f e r e n t l y from those who perceive themselves as i n e f f i c a c i o u s " (p. 395). Thus, the q u a l i t y of human functioning i s thought to be d i f f e r e n t for persons who have a sense of personal e f f i c a c y compared to those who do not. Overa l l , people with a strong sense of s e l f - e f f i c a c y set more challenging goals (Locke, Frederick, Lee, & Bobko, 1984), exert more e f f o r t to master a challenge, (Bandura & Cervone, 1983), persevere i n the face of f a i l u r e (Brown &. Inouye, 1978; Schunk, 1981), see f a i l u r e as the r e s u l t of i n s u f f i c i e n t e f f o r t rather than 26 i n s u f f i c i e n t a b i l i t y ( C o l l i n s , 1982), approach threatening tasks with less anxiety, and experience l i t t l e i n the way of stress i n taxing s i t u a t i o n s (Bandura et a l . , 1982; Leland, 1982). Such actions, thoughts, and feelings are thought to produce performance accomplishments which, i n turn, reinforce personal s e l f - e f f i c a c y . Those who regard themselves as having l i t t l e s e l f - e f f i c a c y shy away from challenges, slacken t h e i r e f f o r t s and give up e a s i l y i n the face of obstacles, focus on personal weaknesses, have lower aspirations, and suffer from anxiety and stress. These actions, thoughts, and feelings are thought to undermine performance accomplishments which, i n turn, reinforce low s e l f - e f f i c a c y (Bandura, 1984). Range of A p p l i c a b i l i t y In response to early objections that the research on s e l f - e f f i c a c y was too narrowly based on work with snake phobics, Bandura and h i s colleagues attempted to show that s e l f - e f f i c a c y could account for the effects of d i f f e r e n t methods applied to people with other phobic disorders, such as agoraphobia (Bandura, Adams, Hardy & Howells, 1980). In addition to being documented as an important mechanism common to phobic disorders, the concept of s e l f - e f f i c a c y has been applied to diverse domains of psychosocial functioning, including anxiety disorders (Bandura et a l . , 1980; Biran &. Wilson, 1981; Bandura et a l . , 1982), depression (Davies & 27 Yates, 1982; Kanfer & Zeiss, 1983), motivation (Bandura & Cervone, 1983), achievement behaviour (Bandura & Schunk, 1981; C o l l i n s , 1982; Schunk, 1984), career choice and development (Betz & Hackett, 1981; Hackett & Betz, 1981), a t h l e t i c performance (Barling &. Abel, 1983; Weinberg, Gould, Yukelson & Jackson, 1981), health behaviour (O'Leary, 1985), addictive behaviours (DiClemente, 1986), assertiveness (Lee, 1983, 1984), and school achievement (Schunk, 1984, 1985), with l a r g e l y supportive r e s u l t s . Bandura has concluded that these diverse l i n e s of research provide converging evidence that s e l f - e f f i c a c y i s an i n f l u e n t i a l mechanism i n human agency (Bandura, 1984). 28 2. Rotter's Locus of Control Introduction and Background The concept of "locus of con t r o l " was developed out of J u l i a n Rotter's s o c i a l learning theory (Rotter, 1954; Rotter, Chance, & Phares, 1972). According to t h i s theory, human behaviour i s predicted on the basis of three varia b l e s : expectancies, reinforcements, and the psychological s i t u a t i o n . Expectancies are the subjective estimates or b e l i e f s that a p a r t i c u l a r behaviour w i l l r e s u l t i n the desired outcome. Rotter i d e n t i f i e d two forms of expectancies. The f i r s t i s a generalized expectancy, generalized to the extent that i t i s e l i c i t e d across a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n s perceived to be related or s i m i l a r . The second form of expectancy i s that which i s s p e c i f i c to a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n . Reinforcements re f e r to the subjective value attached to a desired outcome and represent the degree of preference an i n d i v i d u a l has for a given outcome. The psychological s i t u a t i o n i n which the behaviour i s to occur determines expectancies (general and s p e c i f i c ) , as wel l as the value of the reinforcements. This model suggests that the p r o b a b i l i t y of a given behaviour increases when both the expectancy and reinforcement value are high i n a psychological s i t u a t i o n previously associated with the occurrence of the behaviour. 29 Of p a r t i c u l a r importance to the locus of control concept are expectancies. Locus of control refers to a generalized expectancy about the extent to which reinforcements are under i n t e r n a l or external control (Rotter, 1966). People characterized as "i n t e r n a l s " believe that reinforcements are determined l a r g e l y by personal e f f o r t , a b i l i t y , and i n i t i a t i v e , whereas people c l a s s i f i e d as "externals" believe that reinforcements are determined l a r g e l y by other people, s o c i a l structures, luck, or fate. A reinfor c e r i s defined by Rotter as anything "that changes behaviour i n some observable way by either increasing or decreasing the p o t e n t i a l i t y of i t s occurrence" (Rotter, 1954, p. 112). Po s i t i v e reinforcers increase the p o t e n t i a l for a response while negative reinforcers decrease the p o t e n t i a l . Locus of control i s conceptualized as a continuum along which people can be ordered rather than as a typol o g i c a l concept (Rotter, 1982). I t i s intended to provide a single dimension for measuring a range of general control expectations (O'Brien, 1984). Although the terms i n t e r n a l and external are used, Rotter (1966) emphasized that a person's behaviour cannot be c l a s s i f i e d as one or the other because, i n any given s i t u a t i o n , an in d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour i s the re s u l t of many converging factors including s i t u a t i o n a l and personality v a r i a b l e s . 30 Research Research on the locus of control concept has l a r g e l y been directed at t e s t i n g the assumption that the expectancy of control influences the way i n d i v i d u a l s behave. Taken as a whole, the evidence from t h i s voluminous body of l i t e r a t u r e (see reviews by Lefcourt, 1980, 1982; Phares, 1976; Rotter, 1966, 1982; Stipek & Weisz, 1981) has indicated that i n d i v i d u a l s characterized as inte r n a l s show higher levels of adaptive functioning than do ind i v i d u a l s characterized as externals. For example, although there are c l e a r l y some exceptions i n p a r t i c u l a r studies (e.g., Fontana &. Gessner, 1969; Harrow & Ferrante, 1969), i n t e r n a l i t y as compared to e x t e r n a l i t y i s generally found to f a c i l i t a t e (a) a more active and attentive approach to those aspects of the environment which are relevant to desired goals, superior cognitive processing and r e c a l l of that information, and more i n c i d e n t a l as wel l as in t e n t i o n a l learning, (b) a more spontaneous involvement i n achievement a c t i v i t i e s , s e l e c t i o n of more challenging tasks, and better a b i l i t y to delay g r a t i f i c a t i o n and to p e r s i s t under d i f f i c u l t circumstances, (c) higher levels of academic and vocational performance and more p o s i t i v e achievement-related a t t i t u d e s , (d) more attempts to prevent and remediate health problems, (e) better interpersonal r e l a t i o n s h i p s , more assertiveness toward others and more l i k i n g and respect from 31 others despite greater resistance to t h e i r influence, (f) more assertiveness i n correcting s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l problems, and i n remedying personal, i n s t i t u t i o n a l , and work-related d i f f i c u l t i e s , and (g) better emotional adjustment such as higher self-esteem, better sense of humour, more p o s i t i v e mood states, greater freedom from depression, anxiety, and other forms of psychopathology, and greater reported l i f e s a t i s f a c t i o n and contentment. Evidence from c r o s s - c u l t u r a l studies of locus of control reveal consistent findings. Nowicki and Duke (1983) concluded i n t h e i r overview of the c r o s s - c u l t u r a l research that " e x t e r n a l i t y seems to be related to maladjustment, lower achievement l e v e l s , and powerlessness, much as i s found i n United States samples. I n t e r n a l i t y i s related to higher self-esteem, self-acceptance, and other general indicators of adaptive functioning" (p.21). More recently, investigators have raised arguments against considering i n t e r n a l i t y as a stable optimal state and e x t e r n a l i t y as always being a deficiency or negative state (Reid, 1984; Wong & Sproule, 1984). Rotter (1966, 1975) himself suggested a c u r v i l i n e a r r e l a t i o n s h i p between locus of control and adjustment. In other words, in d i v i d u a l s f a l l i n g at either extreme of the internal-external continuum may be more maladjusted than those in d i v i d u a l s who are more moderate. Those at the i n t e r n a l end may not recognize t h e i r personal l i m i t s and may believe they have more 32 control than i s warranted by r e a l i t y . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , i n d i v i d u a l s at the external end of the continuum may underestimate the amount of control that they can r e a l i s t i c a l l y exert. Lefcourt (1982) has stated that i n the former case we approach the pathological processes associated with paranoia, ideas of reference, delusions of grandeur, whereas.the l a t t e r would l i k e l y involve depression, withdrawal, apathy, and retreatism. Since most studies compare the two ends of the interna l - e x t e r n a l continuum, very l i t t l e i s known about the moderate group which Rotter views as the most adjusted of the three (Wong & Sproule, 1984). In h i s 1976 review, Phares concluded that "the most basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of i n t e r n a l i n d i v i d u a l s appears to be t h e i r greater e f f o r t s at coping with or a t t a i n i n g mastery over t h e i r environments. This i s the most elemental deduction that could be made from the nature of the I-E va r i a b l e " (p. 78). He also stated that "perhaps related to i n t e r n a l s ' feelings that they can control the environment i s the f e e l i n g that they can control themselves" (p. 68). Lefcourt (1982) concluded that the way i n which in d i v i d u a l s apprise themselves with regard to ca u s a l i t y makes a considerable difference to the ways i n which many l i f e experiences are managed. He further stated: I t would be f a i r to conclude that i n t e r n a l control expectancies about personally important events that are to some reasonable degree c o n t r o l l a b l e , w i l l be related to signs 33 of v i t a l i t y - a f f e c t i v e and cognitive a c t i v i t y that indicates an active grappling with those self-defined important events. Where fata l i s m or external control b e l i e f s are associated with apathy and withdrawal, the holding of i n t e r n a l control expectancies presages a connection between an i n d i v i d u a l ' s desires and h i s [or her] subsequent actions. As such, locus of control can be viewed as a mediator of involved commitment i n l i f e pursuits. I f one feels helpless to a f f e c t important events, then resignation or at least benign indifference should become evident, with fewer signs of concern, involvement, and v i t a l i t y , (p. 184) Changes i n Locus of Control In l i g h t of the empirical evidence demonstrating the r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n t e r n a l locus of control and p o s i t i v e behaviour, investigators have shown i n t e r e s t i n ways to change locus of control o r i e n t a t i o n . Lefcourt (1982) has pointed out: The s h i f t i n g of one's locus of control from an external to a more i n t e r n a l p o s i t i o n would seem to be a natural goal for professional psychologists whose aims are often to revive t h e i r patients' flagging e f f o r t s i n pursuit of s a t i s f a c t i o n s they have foresaken as hopeless, (pp. 149-150) (a) Natural and Accidentally Occurring Changes To some extent, researchers have investigated the natural and accidental changes i n locus of control such as those associated with age, the passage of time, and the effects of contemporary and changing l i f e events. In his study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between age and locus of c o n t r o l , Penk (1969) found that chronological age per se does not appear to be the key component. Rather, i t i s the 34 growth of mental age, the extent of vocabulary development and usage that become associated with a sense of being able to determine the course of one's l i f e . In t h e i r c r i t i c a l review of 33 studies on age and locus of c o n t r o l , Weisz and Stipek (1982) argued that no clear conclusions can be drawn at t h i s time given the lack of consistent findings across the studies. With regard to the passage of time and locus of c o n t r o l , Harvey (1971) found that the longer people held administrative positions i n the upper echelons of government the higher t h e i r scores of i n t e r n a l i t y on Rotter's locus of control scale. Two studies revealed the e f f e c t s of contemporary events upon people's perceptions of c a u s a l i t y . Gorman (1968) found that on the day following the 1968 Democratic National Convention, the scores of students who were supporters of Eugene McCarthy were more external than the national norms for u n i v e r s i t y students at that time. The high external scores were thought to r e f l e c t the committed students' disappointment and t h e i r possible disillusionment with the p o l i t i c a l process. McArthur (1970) administered Rotter's scale to Yale undergraduates on the day following a l o t t e r y that was conducted by the United States government to determine draft e l i g i b i l i t y for the armed forces. Students affected by the l o t t e r y (those who were 19 years or older) had higher external locus of control scores that those control 35 subjects who completed the scale p r i o r to the l o t t e r y . Those students who were favourably affected by the l o t t e r y scored i n a more external d i r e c t i o n than those who were not. McArthur reasoned that because most of the students expected to serve i n the armed forces the l o t t e r y represented good luck, that i s , a chance to not serve i n the army. Therefore, those eliminated from the draft could be thought of as enjoying good fortune. Changing l i f e events may also e f f e c t locus of co n t r o l . Smith (1970) found that locus of control scores for c l i e n t s i n a c r i s i s intervention treatment program at a neuropsychiatric f a c i l i t y s i g n i f i c a n t l y declined from the external to the i n t e r n a l over a_ period of s i x weeks. Smith reasoned that acute cri s e s induce a sense of helplessness (or ext e r n a l i t y ) and as c r i s e s become resolved a return to a more i n t e r n a l locus of control i s probable. (b) Deliberately Contrived and Behaviourally Assessed Changes Deliberate attempts to a l t e r locus of control have been conducted on children and adults using a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t approaches. Interventions with children have p r i m a r i l y used behavioural approaches such as classroom management (e.g., Matheny & Edwards, 1974), structured camp programs (e.g., Nowicki &. Barnes, 1973) , and rel a x a t i o n therapy (Barry, 1981). The findings of these studies indicate varying degrees of change toward i n t e r n a l i t y and 36 the p o s i t i v e s o c i a l behaviours associated with that i n t e r n a l i t y . However, other studies applying a behavioural approach to changing locus of control i n children have found mixed and nonsignificant r e s u l t s (Fontana-Durso, 1975; Morris, 1977; Stahl, 1977). Ov e r a l l , the data indicate that the most successful behavioural interventions are those that are long term and broad based (Nowicki & Duke, 1983). Approaches other than behaviour management have been used to t r y to change locus of control orientations. For example, i n a year long intervention study focusing on subjects l i v i n g i n low-cost housing u n i t s , Knapp and McClure (1978) attempted to make "the environment more stimulating and the q u a l i t y of l i f e better" (p. 280). Interventions consisted of t u t o r i a l assistance, values c l a r i f i c a t i o n workshops, psychological counselling, r e f e r r a l services, and constructive a c t i v i t i e s for youth. The r e s u l t s indicated that both adults and adolescents became more i n t e r n a l compared to control subjects on the I-E scale. Johnson, Duke, and Nowicki (1980) found that children involved i n a structured f i t n e s s program became more i n t e r n a l and developed higher self-esteem, and maintained these changes for up to one year. Unlike the work with c h i l d r e n , attempts to change locus of control orientations i n adults have not been characterized by behavioural approaches. Most nonbehavioural interventions with 37 adults have taken place i n educational settings. One of the most extensive intervention programs of t h i s nature was developed by Roueche and Mink (1976), who studied 3,000 students from nine community colleges over a period of three years. The program was designed to influence socio-interpersonal and academic development. In order to develop a sense of i n t e r n a l control i n t h e i r students, they used a system of i n d i v i d u a l i z e d learner-oriented i n s t r u c t i o n that emphasized careful behaviour sequencing. They also implemented an intense "counselling for i n t e r n a l i t y " strategy which consisted of a composite of successful methods discussed by past researchers to work with people who f e e l powerless and alienated. The strategy involved a number of techniques, including an expanded version of r e a l i t y therapy designed to foster perceptions of control over one's l i f e . The r e s u l t s c l e a r l y indicated that the planned interventions s i g n i f i c a n t l y changed the students' locus of control orientations i n the i n t e r n a l d i r e c t i o n . The most s i g n i f i c a n t changes toward i n t e r n a l i t y occurred i n those interventions that attempted the broadest base i n t h e i r impact. This study i s viewed as one of the few that has helped to c l a r i f y some of the p o t e n t i a l l y c r i t i c a l components of the change process (Nowicki &. Duke, 1983). A number of short-term interventions have also been successful i n changing locus of control orientations. One study found that 38 change toward i n t e r n a l i t y was related to the type of teaching strategy rather than to the s p e c i f i c i n s t r u c t i o n about the locus of control concept (Newsome & Foxworth, 1980). Another study trained teachers to teach i n ways that would f a c i l i t a t e the development of an i n t e r n a l locus of control using an education program (Maresca-Koniz, 1980). The r e s u l t s indicated a s i g n i f i c a n t change toward i n t e r n a l i t y midway through the project, but not at the end. Deliberate attempts to a l t e r locus of control have also been conducted i n c l i n i c a l settings. For example, Masters (1970) reported a case study i n which he reduced an "adolescent r e b e l l i o n " by therapy that focused upon the reconstrual of c a u s a l i t y . The therapy consisted of the verbal r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of events which, i n turn, caused actual changes i n the family dynamics, improvement i n the adolescent's morale, and a s h i f t toward i n t e r n a l i t y . 39 3. Seligman's Learned Helplessness Introduction and Background "Learned helplessness" i s the terra used to describe the expectation that responses and outcomes are independent. Martin Seligman and his colleagues (Overmier &. Seligman, 1967; Seligman & Maier, 1967) found that animals, when exposed to uncontrollable events, learned not to t r y to control the events. Instead, the animals learned that responding was f u t i l e . In other words, the animals learned helplessness. With respect to humans, Seligman (1975) hypothesized that exposure to repeated uncontrollable outcomes a l t e r s people's b e l i e f s about themselves and t h e i r a b i l i t y to influence the environment. The learned helplessness model was o r i g i n a l l y formulated on the basis of laboratory experiments with a v a r i e t y of animals (see Maier & Seligman, 1976, for a review of the animal research). However, as investigators began applying the concepts o r i g i n a t i n g i n animal helplessness to human helplessness, a number of inadequacies became apparent (e.g., see Buchwald, Coyne, & Cole, 1978; Roth, 1980; Wortman & Brehm, 1975 for c r i t i q u e s ) . In response to these c r i t i c i s m s , a reformulation of the o r i g i n a l theory was proposed (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978). 40 The reformulated model refined and integrated aspects of Weiner's (1972, 1974) a t t r i b u t i o n theory. B r i e f l y , the reformulation states that unlike animals, once people learn that t h e i r responses and outcomes are independent they a t t r i b u t e t h e i r helplessness to a cause. The causal a t t r i b u t i o n s made for the uncontrollable outcome w i l l influence the nature of the person's d e f i c i t as well as how far t h i s d e f i c i t w i l l generalize and how long i t w i l l l a s t . The f i r s t inadequacy of the old model was i t s i n a b i l i t y to di s t i n g u i s h between cases i n which outcomes are uncontrollable for a l l people and cases i n which they are uncontrollable for only some people. The proposed res o l u t i o n of t h i s inadequacy i s the a t t r i b u t i o n a l dimension of " i n t e r n a l i t y " which i s used to define the d i s t i n c t i o n between universal and personal helplessness (Abramson et a l . , 1978). Universal helplessness i s characterized by the b e l i e f that an outcome i s independent of a l l of one's own responses as wel l as the responses of other people. Personal helplessness i s characterized by the ind i v i d u a l ' s b e l i e f that there are responses available that would produce the desired outcome, but that she or he does not possess them. An i n d i v i d u a l can be either i n t e r n a l l y or externally helpless. Universally helpless i n d i v i d u a l s make external a t t r i b u t i o n s for f a i l u r e s , whereas 41 personally helpless i n d i v i d u a l s make i n t e r n a l a t t r i b u t i o n s for f a i l u r e s (Abramson et a l . , 1978). The second inadequacy of the o r i g i n a l model was i t s i n a b i l i t y to explain when and where the helplessness w i l l generalize once people believe they are helpless i n one s i t u a t i o n . The a t t r i b u t i o n an i n d i v i d u a l makes about the cause of her or his helplessness i s thought to af f e c t expectations about future helplessness which, i n turn, determine the ch r o n i c i t y and generality of the helplessness (Abramson et a l . , 1978). "Chronicity", or the consistency over time, i s addressed by the a t t r i b u t i o n a l dimension "stable-unstable". Stable factors are thought of as long-lived or recurrent, whereas unstable factors are sh o r t - l i v e d or intermittent. "Generality" of helplessness across situations i s accounted for by the a t t r i b u t i o n a l dimension " g l o b a l - s p e c i f i c " . Global factors a f f e c t a wide v a r i e t y of s i t u a t i o n s , whereas s p e c i f i c factors a f f e c t only a p a r t i c u l a r context. To summarize, there are three a t t r i b u t i o n a l dimensions proposed by the reformulation that have been designed to address the c r i t i c i s m s of the o r i g i n a l learned helplessness model. A l l three dimensions are conceptualized as continua rather than as dichotomies (Abramson et a l . , 1978). The f i r s t dimension, "i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l " , predicts the type of helplessness (universal versus personal); the second dimension, "stable-unstable", predicts 42 the c h r o n i c i t y of helplessness over time; and the t h i r d dimension, " g l o b a l - s p e c i f i c " , predicts the generality of helplessness across s i t u a t i o n s . Research The cornerstone of the learned helplessness hypothesis i s that learning that outcomes are uncontrollable r e s u l t s i n d e b i l i t a t i n g consequences (Abramson et a l . , 1978). O r i g i n a l l y , three d e f i c i t s were proposed: motivational, cognitive, and emotional. A fourth d e f i c i t , low self-esteem, was proposed by the a t t r i b u t i o n a l reformulation. Each of the proposed d e f i c i t s w i l l be defined, followed by the experimental evidence that has been c i t e d i n support of i t . Motivational d e f i c i t s refer to the way learned helplessness undermines the incentive to respond. Studies c i t e d as evidence of motivational d e f i c i t s are those i n which people exhibited a f a i l u r e to escape noise (Glass, Reim, & Singer, 1971; Hiroto & Seligman, 1975; K l e i n &. Seligman, 1976; M i l l e r & Seligman, 1976), and a f a i l u r e to solve anagrams (Benson & Kennelly, 1976; Gatchel & Proctor, 1976; Hiroto & Seligman, 1975; K l e i n , Fencil-Morse, & Seligman, 1976). Cognitive d e f i c i t s refer to the way learned helplessness retards the a b i l i t y to learn that responding works. Studies c i t e d 43 i n support of t h i s type of d e f i c i t are those i n which people exhibited a f a i l u r e to see patterns i n anagrams (Hiroto & Seligman, 1975; K l e i n , Fencil-Morse, & Seligman, 1976). K l e i n and Seligman (1976), and M i l l e r and Seligman (1976) found that i n s k i l l tasks, expectations for future success increased less following success and/or decreased less following f a i l u r e for helpless subjects than for nonhelpless subjects (but, see W i l l i s & Blaney, 1978; and McNitt & Thornton, 1978 for alternate f i n d i n g s ) . From these r e s u l t s , i t was i n f e r r e d that the helpless subjects had acquired a generalized expectancy of response-outcome independence which in t e r f e r e d with seeing the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e i r responses and outcomes. Douglas and Anisman (1975) found that subjects who f a i l e d on simple tasks exhibited l a t e r cognitive d e f i c i t s , whereas those who / f a i l e d on complex tasks did not. According to the a t t r i b u t i o n a l reformulation, subjects l i k e l y a t t r i b u t e d t h e i r f a i l u r e on the simple tasks to more global and i n t e r n a l factors (e.g., I'm stupid), whereas the other subjects a t t r i b u t e d t h e i r f a i l u r e on the complex tasks to external and s p e c i f i c factors (e.g., These problems are too d i f f i c u l t ) . S i m i l a r l y , Roth and Kubal (1975) found that subjects who f a i l e d on tasks defined as "important" showed greater cognitive d e f i c i t s than those subjects who believed the tasks were "unimportant". The new helplessness model suggests 44 that subjects i n the "important" condition l i k e l y made more global, i n t e r n a l , and stable a t t r i b u t i o n s for t h e i r performance and, therefore, the helplessness recurred i n the new s i t u a t i o n , thus producing the d e f i c i t s . Subjects i n the "unimportant" condition l i k e l y made more s p e c i f i c and less stable a t t r i b u t i o n s for t h e i r performance, did not expect helplessness on the next task and, therefore, did not ex h i b i t cognitive d e f i c i t s . In contrast, Ford and Neale (1985) could not f i n d evidence for expected cognitive d e f i c i t s i n subjects exposed to uncontrollable outcomes. S i m i l a r l y , the re s u l t s of several studies have reported improved rather than the expected impaired performance by subjects exposed to uncontrollable events (Hanusa & Schultz, 1977; Roth & Kubal, 1975; Tennen & E l l e r , 1977; Wortman, Panciera, Shusterman, & Hibscher, 1976). To date, the learned helplessness model does not adequately account for these c o n f l i c t i n g r e s u l t s . Emotional d e f i c i t s refer to the a f f e c t i v e consequences of learned helplessness, p r i m a r i l y depression. An expectation of u n c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y per se does not produce the emotional d e f i c i t associated with learned helplessness. Only situations i n which the expectation of u n c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y i s related to the lack or loss of a highly desired outcome, or to the occurrence of an aversive one, are s u f f i c i e n t for depression (Abramson et a l . , 1978). Given that depression i s viewed as outcome related, i t can occur i n situations 45 of both personal and universal helplessness (Abramson, Garber, &. Seligman, 1980). However, the depressed af f e c t associated with personal helplessness i s hypothesized to be of greater i n t e n s i t y than the depressed a f f e c t associated with universal helplessness (Weiner, 1974). One test of the a t t r i b u t i o n a l reformulation of learned helplessness as i t relates to depression was conducted by Seligman, Abramson, Semmel, and Von Baeyer (1979) who attempted to i s o l a t e a depressive a t t r i b u t i o n a l s t y l e . They found that i n d i v i d u a l s who h a b i t u a l l y construe the causes of bad events as i n t e r n a l ( I t ' s my f a u l t ) , stable ( I t ' s going to l a s t forever), and global ( I t ' s going to undermine everything I do) are more susceptible to depression when they experience bad events than are those with the opposite s t y l e . In short, i n d i v i d u a l s with a "pessimistic" explanatory s t y l e are more l i k e l y to display helplessness d e f i c i t s when confronted with a bad event than i n d i v i d u a l s with an " o p t i m i s t i c " explanatory s t y l e . Sweeney, Anderson, and Bailey (1986) i n a meta-analytic review of over 100 studies of the reformulated learned helplessness model, found convincing evidence that depressed persons tend to make i n t e r n a l , stable, and global a t t r i b u t i o n s for negative events. Depressive d e f i c i t s associated with a pessimistic explanatory s t y l e have been found i n a v a r i e t y of populations, including 46 students, prisoners, children (Peterson & Seligman, 1984), depressed p s y c h i a t r i c patients (Peterson &. Seligman, 1984; Seligman, Castellon, Cacciola, Schulman, Luborsky, Ollove, & Downing, 1988; Sweeney, Anderson, & Bailey, 1986) , and l i f e insurance sales agents (Seligman & Schulman, 1986). More recently, Seligman has hypothesized that explanatory s t y l e can predict achievement as we l l as psychological and physical health (Trotter, 1987). Ov e r a l l , people who h a b i t u a l l y provide stable, global, and i n t e r n a l explanations, such as s t u p i d i t y , for t h e i r f a i l u r e s are less l i k e l y to p e r s i s t , take chances, or r i s e above t h e i r p o t e n t i a l than those who explain f a i l u r e i n unstable, s p e c i f i c and external terms, such as luck (Trotter, 1987). The fourth d e f i c i t proposed by the reformulated learned helplessness model i s low self-esteem. The universal versus personal helplessness d i s t i n c t i o n predicts that i n d i v i d u a l s who a t t r i b u t e t h e i r helplessness to i n t e r n a l factors (personal helplessness) w i l l show lower self-esteem than w i l l i n d i v i d u a l s who make external a t t r i b u t i o n s (universal helplessness). Ickes and Layden (1978) found support for t h i s hypothesis by demonstrating that i n d i v i d u a l s with low self-esteem tended to a t t r i b u t e negative outcomes to i n t e r n a l factors and p o s i t i v e outcomes to external factors, whereas the opposite was true for high self-esteem subjects. According to the model, u n i v e r s a l l y and personally kl helpless i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l d i f f e r i n terms of self-esteem d e f i c i t s , but both types w i l l manifest the other three d e f i c i t s ( i . e . , motivational, cognitive, emotional) because they both expect t h e i r responses and outcomes to be independent (Abramson et a l . , 1980). Seligman (1975) has proposed that learned helplessness plays a part i n a wide v a r i e t y of human conditions, including c h i l d development, stomach u l c e r s , depression, and death. Other investigators have argued that learned helplessness i s useful i n examining i n t e l l e c t u a l achievement (Dweck & L i c h t , 1980) , crowding (Rodin, 1976), v i c t i m i z a t i o n ( S i l v e r & Wortman, 1980) , the coronary prone personality (Glass & Carver, 1980), and aging (Schulz, 1980). Implications for Therapy The a t t r i b u t i o n a l reformulation of the learned helplessness model suggests that i n d i v i d u a l s who d i f f e r i n terms of t h e i r a t t r i b u t i o n a l s t y l e w i l l d i f f e r i n t h e i r responses to u n c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y . According to the model, ind i v i d u a l s with a tendency to a t t r i b u t e negative outcomes to global, stable, and i n t e r n a l factors are more prone to helplessness, depression, and low self-esteem. Based on these assumptions, four strategies of therapeutic intervention are proposed by the reformulated model (Abramson et 48 a l . , 1978; Abramson et a l . , 1980). F i r s t , change the estimated p r o b a b i l i t y of the outcome by changing the environment i n such a way as to reduce the l i k e l i h o o d of aversive outcomes and to increase the l i k e l i h o o d of desired outcomes. Second, make the highly preferred outcomes less preferred by reducing the aversiveness of unavoidable outcomes or the d e s i r a b i l i t y of unobtainable outcomes. Third, change the expectation from u n c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y when the outcomes are attainable. In sit u a t i o n s when the necessary responses are not withi n the in d i v i d u a l ' s repertoire but could be, s k i l l t r a i n i n g would be appropriate. When the necessary responses are available but inaccessible due to di s t o r t e d expectations of response-outcome independence, modify the di s t o r t e d expectation. Fourth, change u n r e a l i s t i c a t t r i b u t i o n s for f a i l u r e toward external, unstable, s p e c i f i c f a c t o r s , and change u n r e a l i s t i c a t t r i b u t i o n s for success toward i n t e r n a l , stable, global factors. There are no studies that d i r e c t l y test the therapeutic implications proposed by the reformulated model. Indirect support i s c i t e d from studies demonstrating the superior effectiveness of therapies aimed at teaching depressed people to a l t e r t h e i r cognitive d i s t o r t i o n s as compared with other therapeutic interventions (Rush, Beck, Kovacs, & Hollon, 1977; Shaw, 1977). 49 Implications for Prevention According to the o r i g i n a l formulation of learned helplessness, an e f f e c t i v e means of preventing learned helplessness i s behavioural immunization. P r i o r experience at c o n t r o l l i n g outcomes immunizes subjects against the effects of procedures that would otherwise induce helplessness (Seligman, 1975) . The reformulated model explains the effects of immunization with the a t t r i b u t i o n a l dimension " g l o b a l - s p e c i f i c " . An i n i t i a l success experience i s believed to make the a t t r i b u t i o n for a subsequent helplessness experience less global and, therefore, less l i k e l y to produce an expectation of helplessness i n the new s i t u a t i o n (Abramson et a l . , 1980). Results from studies examining the effects of immunization show support for the reformulated model (Klein & Seligman, 1976; K o l l e r &. Kaplan, 1978) . In p a r t i a l support of the new model i s Teasdale's (1978) study i n which he found that both r e a l success experiences and r e c a l l i n g past successes equally effected a s h i f t i n a t t r i b u t i o n s for i n i t i a l f a i l u r e from i n t e r n a l to external f a c t o r s , but only r e a l success reversed the helplessness d e f i c i t s . In contrast, Buchwald, Coyne, and Cole (1978) have stated that the immunizing effects of success do not necessarily provide support for the learned helplessness explanation that such manipulations a f f e c t the expectation of rel a t i o n s h i p between response and outcome. Hollon and Garber (1980) argued that the 50 documented changes i n helplessness are the r e s u l t of a change i n expectation rather than a change i n a t t r i b u t i o n . The reformulated model of learned helplessness has also proposed implications for the prevention of helplessness. As noted e a r l i e r , the model states that i n d i v i d u a l s who consistently a t t r i b u t e negative outcomes to stable, global, i n t e r n a l factors are at higher r i s k for depression than those i n d i v i d u a l s who make unstable, s p e c i f i c , external a t t r i b u t i o n s to negative outcomes. Preventive s t r a t e g i e s , then, are aimed at a l t e r i n g the depression-prone i n d i v i d u a l ' s a t t r i b u t i o n a l s t y l e , producing environmental enrichment, and developing the in d i v i d u a l ' s sense of personal control (Abramson et a l . , 1980). 51 4. Kobasa's Hardiness Introduction and Background The conceptual foundations of Suzanne Kobasa's formulation of hardiness are derived from Maddi's e x i s t e n t i a l personality theory (Kobasa & Maddi, 1977; Maddi, 1988). Within t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l context, the movement of healthy growth i s from being stuck i n " f a c t i c i t y " (the f i x e d and unchangeable) to exploring and a c t u a l i z i n g p o s s i b i l i t y (Maddi, 1988). Through the vigorous use of the cognitive processes of symbolization (drawing fine d i s t i n c t i o n s ) , imagination (imagining a l t e r n a t i v e s ) , and judgement (having a d e f i n i t e stance toward l i v i n g that i s i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c ) , the developing person i s better able to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between what i s possible from what i s unchangeable. A person who vigorously uses these cognitive processes (symbolization, imagination, and judgement) i s thought to have personality hardiness. A hardy personality i s defined as a person who has a strong "commitment to s e l f , an attitude of vigorousness toward the environment, a sense of meaningfulness, and an i n t e r n a l locus of co n t r o l " (Kobasa, 1979, p. 1). The hardy person i s better able to r e a l i s t i c a l l y discern f a c t i c i t y from p o s s i b i l i t y . In contrast, a person low i n hardiness feels a pervasive sense of i n f e r i o r i t y and f u t i l i t y , i s less able to use these cognitive 52 processes and, consequently, more l i k e l y to have d i f f i c u l t y d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between f a c t i c i t y and p o s s i b i l i t y . There are three i n e x t r i c a b l y intertwined components of hardiness: c o n t r o l , commitment, and challenge. These components refer to the set of assumptions people make about themselves, t h e i r world, and the i n t e r a c t i o n between the two (Maddi, 1988). Control refers to the b e l i e f i n one's a b i l i t y to influence the course of events i n one's l i f e . I t i s emphasized that t h i s b e l i e f "does not imply the naive expectation of complete determination of events and outcomes, so much as the perception of oneself as a d e f i n i t e influence through the exercise of imagination, knowledge, s k i l l , and choice" (Kobasa, Maddi & Kahn, 1982, p. 169). A hardy person has (a) decisional c o n t r o l , or the capacity to independently choose among various courses of action; (b) cognitive c o n t r o l , or the a b i l i t y to i n t e r p r e t , appraise, and incorporate a v a r i e t y of events into an ongoing l i f e plan; and (c) coping s k i l l , or a greater range of s uitable responses to l i f e events motivated by a desire to achieve across a l l s i t u a t i o n s . Persons low i n control think they are powerless and see themselves as passive victims of circumstances. Such i n d i v i d u a l s are described as f e a r f u l and lacking i n i n i t i a t i v e . Commitment refers to the a b i l i t y to f e e l deeply involved i n or committed to the a c t i v i t i e s of one's l i f e . A person with the commitment c h a r a c t e r i s t i c has an o v e r a l l sense of purpose which 53 allows them to i d e n t i f y with, and f i n d meaning i n the events, things, and persons i n t h e i r l i f e . They are highly invested i n themselves and others. As a r e s u l t , they do not e a s i l y succumb to pressure or give up i n the face of d i f f i c u l t i e s . Instead, they draw on t h e i r personal, s o c i a l , and environmental resources. Their relationships to themselves, other people, and t h e i r environment are characterized by activeness and approach, rather than by p a s s i v i t y and avoidance. Kobasa (1979) stressed that while a commitment to a l l areas of l i f e , that i s , work, s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , interpersonal r e l a t i o n s h i p s , family, and s e l f i s important, a strong commitment to s e l f i s c r i t i c a l . A commitment to oneself involves recognizing one's unique values, goals, p r i o r i t i e s , and valuing one's capacity to have purpose and to make decisions. This i s e s s e n t i a l for an accurate assessment of d i f f i c u l t l i f e s i t u a t i o n s and for the competent handling of them. Persons low i n commitment f e e l a sense of a l i e n a t i o n . They f e e l that both they and t h e i r worlds are uninteresting and not worthwhile. Consequently, t h e i r involvement with, and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n , the world i s minimal. Challenge refers to a b e l i e f system that views change as an opportunity for personal development rather than as a threat to security. Those i n d i v i d u a l s with the challenge c h a r a c t e r i s t i c are proactive, f l e x i b l e , and highly adaptive. They value i n t e r e s t i n g 54 and d i f f e r e n t experiences through the open exploration of t h e i r environment and, as a r e s u l t , b u i l d an awareness and confidence i n t h e i r a b i l i t y to access t h e i r own resources. Their f l e x i b i l i t y allows them to e f f e c t i v e l y appraise and integrate new situations rather than be incapacitated by them. The core of the hardy person's search for novelty and challenge i s a sense of purpose consistent with t h e i r fundamental l i f e goals. Persons low i n challenge think that change i s a threat and seek to maintain s t a b i l i t y , comfort, and security. Research Kobasa (1979) proposed that the c o n s t e l l a t i o n of personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that make up the concept of hardiness function as a resistance to the otherwise d e b i l i t a t i n g effects of s t r e s s f u l l i f e events. She proposed that in d i v i d u a l s who experience high levels of stress without f a l l i n g i l l have more of the personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of hardiness than do those in d i v i d u a l s who become sick under stress. The focus of the research on personality hardiness has been on i t s role as a resource i n stress resistance. I n i t i a l empirical support for hardiness as a stress-resistance resource came from a study of business executives conducted by Kobasa i n 1979. She found that executives high i n s t r e s s f u l events but low i n i l l n e s s showed greater co n t r o l , commitment, and 55 challenge c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s compared to executives i n whom si m i l a r s t r e s s f u l event levels were associated with much i l l n e s s . Two years l a t e r , further support was found i n another study of business executives. Executives' hardiness and s t r e s s f u l l i f e event scores were found to be s i g n i f i c a n t predictors of change i n executives' i l l n e s s over time. Hardiness decreased i l l n e s s , whereas s t r e s s f u l l i f e events increased i l l n e s s and they interacted with each other such that hardiness emerged as most e f f e c t i v e i n periods of high stress. Recent work with hardiness has demonstrated i t s relevance to the stress-resistance of lawyers (Kobasa, 1982a), management personnel of a large u t i l i t y company (Kobasa &. Pu c c e t t i , 1983), and gynecology outpatients (Kobasa, 1982b). Other studies have demonstrated the j o i n t influence of hardiness and other resistance resources such as c o n s t i t u t i o n a l strengths (Kobasa, Maddi, & Corrington, 1981) , exercise (Kobasa, Maddi, & P u c c e t t i , 1982), and s o c i a l resources (Kobasa & Pu c c e t t i , 1983). One study highlighted the value of multiple resistance resources (Kobasa, Maddi, P u c c e t t i , & Zola, 1985). Of the three resistance resources studied - hardiness, exercise, and s o c i a l support - hardiness emerged as the most important. In support of i n d i v i d u a l aspects of her hypothesis, Kobasa has r e l i e d on the research findings generated from investigations of personality concepts s i m i l a r to hardiness. Control, for 56 example, has consistently emerged as a s i g n i f i c a n t moderator of stress i n the research l i t e r a t u r e . Recently, Lefcourt (1983) reviewed the experimental l i t e r a t u r e , the f i e l d studies, and the studies concerned with l i f e events which have demonstrated the moderating e f f e c t of control on stress. The effectiveness of challenge has been demonstrated i n a study by Smith, Johnson, and Sarason (1978) who found that sensation-seeking, or the tendency to seek out novel or intense experiences, was shown to decrease the re l a t i o n s h i p between s t r e s s f u l l i f e events and i l l n e s s . The commitment aspect of hardiness has received l i t t l e empirical attention outside of Kobasa's studies. Some i n i t i a l work has been done to determine the r e l a t i v e contribution of the three components of hardiness. The challenge component, as indexed by security and cognitive structure, was found to be more i n f l u e n t i a l as an i l l n e s s - r e s i s t a n c e resource than either commitment or control. Maddi and Kobasa (1981) concluded that "persons who are f l e x i b l e , tolerant of uncertainty, and untroubled by the need for socioeconomic security are e s p e c i a l l y r e s i s t a n t to the d e b i l i t a t i n g effects of s t r e s s f u l l i f e events" (p. 317). I n t r i n s i c Motivation The hardiness composite ( i . e . , c o n t r o l , commitment, and challenge) has also been proposed as comprising those personality 57 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that may predispose people to be i n t r i n s i c a l l y motivated (Maddi & Kobasa, 1981). The concept of i n t r i n s i c motivation refers to the ways i n which animals and humans display "an i n t e r e s t i n and c u r i o s i t y about objects and tasks i n the absence of any e x t r i n s i c reinforcements" (Maddi, Hoover, & Kobasa, 1982, p. 884). In addition to being a source of pleasure and s a t i s f a c t i o n with one's a c t i v i t i e s , i n t r i n s i c a l l y motivated a c t i v i t i e s are hypothesized to have important functional s i g n i f i c a n c e (Maddi et a l . , 1982). For example, i n t r i n s i c motivation i s thought to lead to a c t i v i t i e s which are useful i n future adaptation. A d d i t i o n a l l y , i n t r i n s i c motivation i s considered to be an important determinant of s u r v i v a l through increasing the organism's pool of information about the environment. Maddi and Kobasa (1981) proposed that the three personality characteristcs that make up the hardiness composite are implied i n the concept of i n t r i n s i c motivation. The more a person i s predisposed toward commitment ( i . e . , the ease with which they commit themselves to or involve themselves i n tasks), control ( i . e . , the l i k e l i h o o d that they f e e l i n control of or able to influence what happens), and challenge ( i . e . , the vigor with which they f e e l challenged or stimulated to s t r i v e and change i n what they do), the greater the l i k e l i h o o d that the person w i l l show signs of i n t r i n s i c motivation. Thus, "persons high on these aspects of i n t r i n s i c motivation may well f e e l more s a t i s f i e d as 58 they move through l i f e ' s tasks, and gain more of the information and s k i l l s marking competence" (Maddi & Kobasa, 1981, p. 304). In terms of the s u r v i v a l value of t h e i r i n t r i n s i c motivation, these people may wel l be able to handle more stress than others without becoming i l l (Maddi & Kobasa, 1981). Developing Hardiness E x i s t e n t i a l personality theory has suggested that the best context for developing personality hardiness i s one i n which people have: Experienced i n early l i f e considerable breadth and v a r i e t y of events; stimulation and support for exercising the cognitive c a p a b i l i t i e s of symbolization, imagination, and judgement; approval and admiration for doing things themselves; and role models who advocate hardiness and show i t i n t h e i r own functioning. (Kobasa et a l . , 1982, p. 176) Maddi (1988) suggested that the sense of commitment i s developed i n children through f e e l i n g supported, encouraged, and accepted by t h e i r parents. The sense of control i s developed i n children through mastery experiences. The sense of challenge i s developed i n children through conceiving experiences of change as enriching rather than chaotic. To i n s t i l l hardiness i n those persons without t h i s context and background, Maddi and Kobasa have developed counselling procedures for encouraging personality hardiness (Maddi, 1985; Maddi & Kobasa, 1984). E s s e n t i a l l y , the person i s helped to learn to cope with problems or s t r e s s f u l circumstances. The process s t a r t s with a problem solving technique c a l l e d s i t u a t i o n a l reconstruction. The 59 person i d e n t i f i e s a problem or a s t r e s s f u l circumstance. Through imaginative processes, the person i s encouraged to imagine better circumstances and worse circumstances. The person i s then encouraged to think about what would have to happen to make each of those p o s s i b i l i t i e s occur. Through action processes, the person i s encouraged to explore what she or he could personally do to bring about the better circumstance. I f the exercise i s successful, the feedback provided encourages growth of the three aspects of personality hardiness. I f the person encounters d i f f i c u l t y with the exercise, she or he i s encouraged to use the technique of focusing (Gendlin, 1978) i n order to discover the block. B a s i c a l l y , t h i s technique encourages the person to focus inside the s e l f to search for the in d i v i d u a l meaning of the blockage. I f t h i s technique i s successful, the person attempts s i t u a t i o n a l reconstruction again. I f i t i s not, the person concludes that she or he has confronted an aspect of f a c t i c i t y or the unchangeable. The technique of compensatory self-improvement i s u t i l i z e d i n t h i s case. The person i s encouraged to i d e n t i f y and to work on a second problem which i s i d e a l l y related to the f i r s t one. The aim i s to increase the person's sense of p o s s i b i l i t y i n other areas of l i f e than those which seem unchangeable. Again, the person works through s i t u a t i o n a l reconstruction and focusing. Throughout the exercise, the person i s r e f l e c t i n g on the assumptions they have made about themselves, t h e i r world, and the i n t e r a c t i o n between the two. 60 5. deCharms' Personal Causation Introduction and Background According to Richard deCharms, the concept of personal causation means "deliberate action to produce intended change" (deCharms, 1987, p. 8). I t i s based on the following fundamental assumption about human motivation: Man's [or woman's] primary motivational propensity i s to be ef f e c t i v e i n producing changes i n his [or her] environment. Man [or woman] s t r i v e s to be a causal agent, to be the primary locus of causation f o r , or the o r i g i n of, h is [or her] behavior; he [or she] s t r i v e s for personal causation. (deCharms, 1968, p. 269) Personal causation i s not a motive per se, but rather i t i s the "guiding p r i n c i p l e upon which s p e c i f i c motives are b u i l t " (deCharms, 1968, p. 270). More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t i s the fe e l i n g of purpose and commitment that underlies each of the i n d i v i d u a l s ' chosen motives. Personal causation i s a type of "personal knowledge". Based on Polanyi's (1958) work, personal knowledge i s defined as the source of knowledge that i s available to each individual, personally, but that originates p r i v a t e l y from one's own feelings and behaviour (deCharms, 1968). Personal knowledge i s not fi x e d . Rather, i t changes continuously. Personal causation, then, i s the 61 personal knowledge of oneself as a causal agent of change i n the environment and i s the r e s u l t of both subjective and objective experience. O r i g i n a l l y , the concept of personal causation was drawn out of Heider's (1958) work on the "perceived locus of c a u s a l i t y for behavior". As deCharms refined the concept, he focused more on the experience of personal causation and less on the perception of personal causation. Personal causation i s the experience of causing something yourself, of o r i g i n a t i n g your own actions and c o n t r o l l i n g elements i n your environment. The negative or pawn aspect i s the experience of being pushed around, of not o r i g i n a t i n g your own actions, of not being i n control of elements i n your environment. The stress i s on the t o t a l experience of personal causation rather than on j u s t the perception of i t , or j u s t the a t t r i b u t i o n of i t to others, or just the behavioral correlates of i t . (deCharms, 1979, p. 33) DeCharms (1984) has proposed the concept of personal causation as central i n human agency. According to deCharms (1984), human agency i s defined as "the reasonable use of knowledge and habits (learned responses) to produce desired changes" (p. 276). The underlying assumption i s that personal causation or the motivation for being the cause of desired changes i s a pervasive aim of actions of agency (deCharms, 1984). This guiding conceptualization has led deCharms to investigate those experiences that enhance personal causation i n order to evaluate i t s impact on human behaviour. 62 The Origin-Pawn Concept For the sake of b r e v i t y , deCharms (1968, 1976) created the terms "Origin" and "Pawn" to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between those who f e e l a sense of personal causation from those who f e e l a lack of personal causation. Origins are people who f e e l , to a large extent, that they control t h e i r own fate. They f e e l that they d i r e c t the course of t h e i r own l i v e s through the exercise of choice. They value the consequences of t h e i r choices, having considered a l l the possible outcomes. Origins take pride i n t h e i r successes as w e l l as r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for t h e i r f a i l u r e s . They f e e l that the locus for causation of intentions comes from within. This f e e l i n g i s reinforced by changes i n the environment that the i n d i v i d u a l experiences as the d i r e c t r e s u l t of personal behaviour. In contrast, Pawns are people who f e e l pushed around l i k e puppets on s t r i n g s . They f e e l that external forces beyond t h e i r control determine t h e i r behaviour. They experience what they do as forced upon them rather than as the r e s u l t of choice. Thus, the outcomes of a Pawn's actions are not seen as t h e i r own and, as a r e s u l t , no r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s taken for them. They do not plan t h e i r l i v e s because they f e e l that external factors w i l l determine t h e i r fate for them. Pawns f e e l that the locus for causation of intentions i s external to oneself. 63 The main difference between Origins and Pawns i s one of outlook. Origins c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y experience t h e i r actions as meaningful within the context of what they want. Pawns c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y experience t h e i r actions as determined by others and external circumstances (deCharms, 1977a). The core of the Origin-Pawn experience i s r e f l e c t e d i n the following l i n e of reasoning presented by deCharms: In a n u t s h e l l , o r i g i n a t i n g one's own actions implies choice; choice i s experienced as freedom; choice imposes r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for choice-related actions and enhances the f e e l i n g that the action i s 'mine' (ownership of action). Put i n the negative, having actions imposed from without (pawn behaviors) abrogates choice; lack of choice i s experienced as bondage, releases one from r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and allows, even encourages, the f e e l i n g that the action i s 'not mine'. (deCharms, 1984, p. 279) DeCharms (1976) proposed that these two d i f f e r e n t motivational states c r i t i c a l l y a f f e c t behaviour. That i s , a person's behaviour i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t depending upon whether she or he feels l i k e a Pawn or l i k e an Origin. He suggested that the Origin i s " p o s i t i v e l y motivated, o p t i m i s t i c , confident, accepting of challenge", whereas the Pawn i s "negatively motivated, defensive, i r r e s o l u t e , avoidant of challenge" (deCharms, 1976, p. 5). In short, feelings of potency are associated with being an Origin and feelings of powerlessness are associated with being a Pawn. DeCharms emphasized that the Origin-Pawn concept i s a continuum. Em p i r i c a l l y , he has found that people are not one or 64 the other (deCharms, 1984) but instead, may f e e l or act more l i k e one or the other depending upon the circumstances. He does argue, however, that some people c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y f e e l and act l i k e Origins more of the time than do others (deCharms, 1987). Characteristics of Origin Behaviour On the basis of d i r e c t , intensive observations of children i n a classroom and personal causation theory, Plimptom (1976) developed a measure of the Origin-Pawn concept. For the purposes of understanding Origin behaviour as contrasted with Pawn behaviour, the s i x c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i d e n t i f i e d by Plimpton are presented. 1. Internal Control As an operationalized d e f i n i t i o n of i n t e r n a l locus of cau s a l i t y for behaviour, i n t e r n a l control i s defined as "the person's experience of being the cause of his [or her] decisions, choices, a c t i v i t i e s , and attempts to solve problems as wel l as of the solutions to problems" (deCharms, 1981, p. 344). The person "reacts to problems as a challenge to be overcome by p o s i t i v e personal action rather than as a threat to be reacted to by submission" (deCharms, 1987, p. 16). 65 2. Goal-Setting Goal setting i s a s e l f - i n i t i a t e d decision to pursue a d e f i n i t e goal (deCharms, 1987). There are two types of goals. I d e a l i s t i c goal-setting i s the choice of a goal unrestrained by any external forces. R e a l i s t i c goal-setting i s the decision to pursue a goal that i s p a r t i a l l y e x t e r n a l l y controlled (deCharms, 1981). 3. Instrumental A c t i v i t y Instrumental a c t i v i t y i s defined as "a s e l f - i n i t i a t e d a c t i v i t y or plan that i s instrumental to attainment of a goal" (deCharms, 1987, p. 15). 4. R e a l i t y Perception R e a l i t y perception i s defined as "the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b i l i t y to perceive c o r r e c t l y her or his (a) p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s other persons or the environment, (b) p o s s i b i l i t i e s , (c) strengths and weaknesses" (deCharms, 1987, p. 16). I t i s often expressed i n the a b i l i t y to "recognize cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s , environmental problems, and motives of others, and to adjust to these factors" (deCharms, 1981, p. 343). 66 5. Personal R e s p o n s i b i l i t y Personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s defined as "the person's willingness to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the consequences of his or her action, the attainment of goals, the f u l f i l l m e n t of desires, or the solution of problems" (deCharms, 1981, p. 343) . 6. Self-Confidence Self-confidence i s defined as "the person's confidence that he or she can ef f e c t changes i n the environment" (deCharms, 1981, p. 344). I t i s a confidence i n one's personal strength and c a p a b i l i t y (Plimpton, 1976). Self-confidence does not mean "a s t r i v i n g for power or s u p e r i o r i t y , but rather a s t r i v i n g for s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n and f a i t h i n succeeding" (Plimpton, 1976, p. 227). Research DeCharms' early research focused on the perception of personal causation. He and his colleagues conducted a study demonstrating that the Origin-Pawn d i s t i n c t i o n was important i n the perception of others (deCharms, Carpenter, & Kuperman, 1965). The r e s u l t of t h i s study was a s h i f t i n focus from the perception of Origin-Pawn c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n others to the experience of oneself as an Origin or as a Pawn. 67 The next set of studies focused on the experience of experimentally induced personal causation and i t s impact on behaviour. Kuperman (cited i n deCharms, 1968) and deCharms, Dougherty, and Wurtz (ci t e d i n deCharms, 1968) found that experiences of Origin or Pawn feelings induced i n the laboratory setting had strong effects on subjects' f e e l i n g , behaviour, and memory of the experience i n the d i r e c t i o n predicted by personal causation theory. The next s h i f t i n deCharms' research was away from laboratory settings toward the study of the experience of personal causation i n a p r a c t i c a l s e t t i n g . DeCharms believed that studying personal causation i n t e n s i v e l y i n a p r a c t i c a l context would "reveal the complex,interrelations between concepts that occur i n the r e a l s e t t i n g " (deCharms, 1979, p. 39). The s e t t i n g deCharms chose was the elementary school classroom. The goal of t h i s long-term study was to enhance the motivation of i n n e r - c i t y elementary school children through feelings of personal causation. Enhancing motivation i n t h i s way was hypothesized to p o s i t i v e l y a f f e c t school behaviours such as academic achievement and attendance. The experimental treatment involved t r a i n i n g teachers to f a c i l i t a t e personal causation or Origin feelings i n t h e i r students. In order to do t h i s , teachers p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a personal causation t r a i n i n g course, and assisted 68 the researchers i n designing origin-enhancing techniques to be used i n t h e i r classrooms as part of the study. E s s e n t i a l l y , the t r a i n i n g of both teachers and children followed the same basic structure. There was an emphasis on self-study and the evaluation of personal motives, and s p e c i f i c aspects of Origin behaviour such as r e a l i s t i c goal-setting, planning concrete action, taking personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and self-confidence. The study compared the children of trained and untrained teachers over a period of 3 years from the end of the f i f t h grade to the end of the eighth grade. The data indicated that: (1) children's feelings of personal causation increased as indexed by an Origin measure designed for the study, (2) academic achievement was higher i n the trained children as compared to the untrained ch i l d r e n , and (3) school attendance and tardiness were p o s i t i v e l y affected i n the trained children as compared to the untrained children. Follow-up studies have shown p o s i t i v e long-term effects of Origin t r a i n i n g on career-related and responsible behaviours, and p r o b a b i l i t y of high school graduation (deCharms, 1984). DeCharms and his colleagues then s h i f t e d t h e i r focus from studying students to studying teachers and t h e i r interactions with the students. S p e c i f i c a l l y , they were interested i n teacher 69 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and behaviour that enhanced personal causation and academic achievement i n students (Koenigs, F i e d l e r , & deCharms, 1977) . In t h i s study, they found that teachers who showed more f l e x i b i l i t y , complexity and interpersonal s e n s i t i v i t y , who encouraged more p u p i l influence, and who were perceived as promoting more of an Origin climate i n t h e i r classrooms had students with higher academic achievement scores. These res u l t s were thought to indicate that students who f e l t more personal causation were more motivated to learn. In a related study, i t was hypothesized that both Origin teachers and teachers c l a s s i f i e d as "Internal" on the locus of control scale would have higher achieving students (c i t e d i n deCharms, 1981). They found that although there was no c o r r e l a t i o n between the two orientations ( i . e . , the Origin teachers and the Internal teachers), both orientations s i g n i f i c a n t l y contributed to the students' academic achievement. DeCharms' most recent research on personal causation i n schools has focused on teacher-administrator relationships rather than teacher-student relationships ( c i t e d i n deCharms, 1984). A study was designed to investigate the re l a t i o n s h i p between evaluation procedures and teacher motivation. The re s u l t s indicated that the more evaluation e f f o r t that was made by the 70 administrator ( i n t h i s study the emphasis was on the school p r i n c i p a l ) the more the teachers f e l t e f f e c t i v e and motivated. The Revised Origin-Pawn Concept As a r e s u l t of the motivation enhancement research project, the Origin-Pawn concept was modified i n three important ways (deCharms, 1976). F i r s t , the concept of freedom versus constraint was replaced by the concept of s t r i v i n g . Objectively, both the Pawn and the Origin experience external forces. The difference between them, however, i s one of outlook and experience. Origins are aware of the external constraints, but do not allow these forces to determine personal goals. They determine t h e i r goals and wit h i n the meaningful context of these goals s t r i v e to mold the external forces to help them i n t h e i r pursuits. As a r e s u l t , Origins experience t h e i r actions as personally meaningful within the context of what they want. On the other hand, Pawns f e e l pushed around by external forces because they have not chosen t h e i r own goals nor have they developed strategies to move through the external forces. Thus, Pawns f e e l constrained and focus on these constraints. They experience t h e i r actions as determined by others and external circumstances. In summary, Origins are persons who are s t r i v i n g for goals w i t h i n constraints rather than having complete freedom from them. 71 Second, the concept of personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was given a stronger emphasis. As a f i r s t step, Origins must learn to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the consequences of t h e i r actions. Beyond t h i s and more importantly, Origins must s t r i v e to reach t h e i r goals i n such a way as to simultaneously promote the goal-seeking behaviour of others. Origins recognize that the notion of personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y involves goals that are "promotively interdependent" and, therefore, structure t h e i r world i n a way that supports t h i s perspective. Simply put, true Origins treat others as Origins. DeCharms (1976) argued that the notion that i f some people are Origins then others must be Pawns i s a large misconception and, i n f a c t , misses the deeper l e v e l of meaning inherent i n the concept of personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Third, the Origin concept was c l a r i f i e d . S t r i v i n g and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y are viewed as more prominent features of Origin behaviour. A d d i t i o n a l l y , the stage of development of the self-concept i s viewed as i n e x t r i c a b l y bound to the Origin concept. That i s , people w i l l view the Origin concept d i f f e r e n t l y depending upon t h e i r developmental l e v e l . Changing from a Pawn to an Origin The focus of deCharms' l a t e r research was on inducing a change i n people from that of a Pawn to that of an Origin under 72 experimentally controlled conditions. There are two fundamental assumptions that underlie his work (deCharms, 1977b). The f i r s t i s that being an Origin i s better and more meaningful than being a Pawn. The second i s that being an Origin or a Pawn i s learned, not innate. These assumptions are generally supported by deCharms' research findings. For example, i n the data reported i n 1976, deCharms and h i s colleagues found that students were able to learn Origin behaviour, and these same students f e l t more motivated and gained more academically than t h e i r Pawn counterparts. The t h e o r e t i c a l underpinnings for t h i s change process come from an integration of McClelland's (1965) work on motivation development and deCharms' (1968) own work on personal causation. DeCharms proposed four elements that f a c i l i t a t e the change toward the feelings and behaviour associated with being an Origin. The f i r s t element i s self-study to i d e n t i f y meaningful personal motives. This necessitates the person seeing the change i n terms of an improvement i n her or his self-image. In other words, the proposed change must be meaningful and important to the person and i t must be stimulated from within the person. The context within which the change occurs i s also important. Lasting, genuine change i s more l i k e l y to occur i n a warm, interpersonal atmosphere that supports and accepts personal development. The second element that f a c i l i t a t e s the change i s the a b i l i t y to translate these motives 73 into r e a l i s t i c short and long-terra goals. The t h i r d element i s the a b i l i t y to plan r e a l i s t i c goals and concrete action i n order to a t t a i n these goals. The fourth element i s the capacity to accept personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for chosen goals and the successes or f a i l u r e s of any attempts to reach them. These four elements are believed to: Induce increased commitment and purpose, greater personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and higher motivation, a l l within a context of meaning to the l i f e of the i n d i v i d u a l . F i n a l l y , the aroused motivation should r e s u l t i n more e f f e c t i v e behavior, greater success i n goal-attainment and hence greater s a t i s f a c t i o n . (deCharms, 1976, p. 6) 74 Limitations of the E x i s t i n g Research An adequate account of human agency must consider the i n d i v i d u a l i n context. This perspective i s based on the assumption that a comprehensive understanding of an i n d i v i d u a l cannot be attained without an understanding of the context, that i s , the larger personal, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l r e a l i t i e s w i t h i n which the i n d i v i d u a l e x i s t s . Most importantly, a comprehensive understanding of the i n d i v i d u a l cannot be attained without an understanding of the way that context i s perceived and experienced by the i n d i v i d u a l . The importance of context i n the understanding of human behaviour has been stressed by numerous researchers (e.g., Bromley, 1986; Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Mishler, 1986; Rosenwald, 1988; Yin, 1984). The argument advanced by proponents of t h i s view i s that decontextualization ignores how in d i v i d u a l s understand themselves and the world, and neglects the connection between how t h e i r understandings are related to t h e i r personal, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l circumstances. Decontextualization d i s t o r t s meaning, leading to any number of errors and misjudgements, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of data (Mishler, 1986). Investigators have repeatedly shown by example and argument the importance of context and the negative consequences of decontextualization (Mishler, 1986; Rosenwald, 1988). 75 Most of the e x i s t i n g research on human agency has been confined to laboratory experiments. The d e f i c i t s related to t h i s type of methodology as applied to the study of agency f a l l under the larger category of ecological v a l i d i t y . The ecological v a l i d i t y of t h i s body of research i s l i m i t e d i n the following ways. The nature of a laboratory experiment i s to d e l i b e r a t e l y s i m p l i f y the topic of i n t e r e s t i n order to focus on the rel a t i o n s h i p between a small number of relevant variables and a small number of d i s t i n c t conditions (Bromley, 1986). In order to focus on a small number of var i a b l e s , laboratory experiments i n t e n t i o n a l l y divorce a phenomenon from i t s context. The context i s presumed to be "controlled" by the laboratory environment (Yin, 1984). By i s o l a t i n g one or two variables and " c o n t r o l l i n g " out a l l others, p o t e n t i a l l y important contextual factors are neglected and the variables being studied are decontextualized. As w e l l , by i s o l a t i n g a small number of variables these approaches ignore the complexity or multifaceted nature of human agency that i s so widely acknowledged by these very researchers (e.g., see Bandura, 1986). In so doing, possible variables and interactions among variables that might contribute to an understanding of agency are l e f t untapped and unexplored. Thus, i n the process of establishing c o n t r o l , the r e s u l t s may be so r e s t r i c t e d to these experimentally defined variables and conditions that they do not r e f l e c t the 76 richness and complexity of people's actual experience i n the r e a l world under r e a l world conditions. As such, t h i s body of research may not be relevant to the counselling problems and practice to which the r e s u l t s u l t i m a t e l y need to be generalized (Kazdin, 1980). The case study approach was selected as the appropriate methodology for t h i s study because of i t s a b i l i t y to address the i n t e r n a l complexities and contextual factors that may be related to human agency. In contrast to the laboratory experiment, the h o l i s t i c case study method attempts to "control i n " as many variables as possible. This approach can illuminate unique features that may be seen only because the phenomenon of concern i s studied i n i t s f u l l complexity without i n t e r f e r i n g with the natural s i t u a t i o n (Kazdin, 1980). This can be accomplished because the natural s i t u a t i o n i s not disrupted through a r t i f i c i a l l y c ontrolled conditions, decontextualized v a r i a b l e s , or other such constraints of the laboratory paradigm (Kazdin, 1980). The intent of the case study approach i n t h i s study i s to portray the int e r p l a y of di f f e r e n t features and forces as they bear on the topic of agency. In t h i s way, a case study approach i s able to provide concrete information that i s absent i n the more abstract experimental work by d e t a i l i n g whole events rather than by i s o l a t i n g one or two decontextualized variables as the bulk of the current research does. 77 In addition to neglecting contextual issues, most of the current theories tend to focus on descriptions of each end of the continuum or on measuring the presence or absence of agency rather than on i d e n t i f y i n g the change processes involved i n enhancing human agency. The one exception, of the f i v e t h e o r i s t s reviewed, i s Richard deCharms who has attempted to i d e n t i f y key features involved i n enhancing human agency. He has outlined the t h e o r e t i c a l aspects of the change and attempted to induce a change i n agency i n people (deCharms, 1976). Despite each t h e o r i s t s ' clear statements of the value of one end of the continuum over the other and the emphasis on the need to understand how to change people toward the more valued end of the continuum, how to accomplish t h i s has l a r g e l y been i n f e r e n t i a l rather than c l e a r l y stated and demonstrated as i n the case of deCharms. While deCharms' research has much to contribute, i t too has i t s l i m i t a t i o n s . DeCharms (1979) has argued that the study of a concept l i k e personal causation i s "best conducted i n the complex situations where i t occurs i n r e a l l i f e " (p. 29). He stressed the need to "look for the beast i n s i t u rather than t r y to produce i t under a r t i f i c i a l conditions" (p. 29). According to deCharms (1979), the value of the intensive study of r e a l situations i s i t s a b i l i t y to reveal the complex i n t e r r e l a t i o n s between concepts that occur i n the r e a l s e t t i n g . 78 On the basis of t h i s l i n e of reasoning, deCharms (1976) s h i f t e d his study of personal causation from a laboratory setting to a p r a c t i c a l setting ( i . e . , the educational context). While the value of t h i s s h i f t i s acknowledged and respected, deCharms has e s s e n t i a l l y gone from inducing Origin-Pawn conditions i n subjects i n the laboratory to inducing Origin-Pawn conditions i n teachers and children i n the educational s e t t i n g . The point remains that both conditions i n both settings are programmantically induced. In continuing to adhere to an experimental paradigm, h i s work i s l i m i t e d by the constraints inherent i n t h i s approach. I f the goal i s to r e a l l y study "the beast i n s i t u " i n a l l i t s complexity, then one must s t r i v e to study the change process from Pawn to Origin as i t occurs spontaneously i n the l i v e s of everyday people. This would constitute genuine s e l f - i n i t i a t e d behaviour which would be more congruent with personal causation theory. As a r e s u l t of the aforementioned l i m i t a t i o n s , there i s a major gap i n the research l i t e r a t u r e related to human agency. How people are able to transform themselves from having a low sense of agency to having a higher sense of agency has not been investigated and the configuration or pattern of change remains unknown. The concern of t h i s study i s to investigate and to document transformations of human agency as they n a t u r a l l y occur i n people's l i v e s rather than as they occur under experimentally contrived 79 conditions. In t h i s way, people's experiences w i l l speak for themselves rather than be the r e s u l t of externally imposed theory and experimentally controlled conditions. In so doing, the hope i s to address the problem of "lack of relevance" of the current research to counselling theory and p r a c t i c e . The e x i s t i n g body of research on human agency tends to be somewhat oversimplified and thus misleading. Counsellors involved i n helping people enhance personal agency are confronted with a "whole" person as well as the context within which that person e x i s t s . Therefore, there i s a need for more concrete information and ins i g h t into the way i n which agency i s enhanced under natural conditions i n order to more adequately serve the needs of c l i e n t s . 80 Approach of the Present Investigation The value and importance of the case study as a research strategy has been emphasized by a number of investigators (Bromley, 1986; Campbell, 1979, 1984; Stake, 1980; Yin, 1984). The extensive and pervasive use of the case study across a wide range of d i s c i p l i n e s i s well documented (Hoaglin, Light, McPeek, Mosteller, Stoto, 1982; Kazdin, 1980; McAdams, 1988; McAdams & Ochberg, 1988) . Case Study Method The term "case study" refers to a d i s t i n c t i v e form of empirical inquiry. The noted research methodologist, Donald T. Campbell (1984), has endorsed the case study approach as "a research method for attempting v a l i d inferences from events outside the laboratory, while at the same time retaining the goals of knowledge shared with laboratory science" (p. 7). Further, he has pointed out the " c r u c i a l r o l e of pattern and context i n achieving knowledge" (Campbell, 1984, p. 9) that i s unavailable i n laboratory settings. Yin (1984) has suggested that the case study method i s the preferred strategy when "how" research questions are being posed, as i n the present study. This i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s concerned with how transformations of agency occur i n natural contexts. In i t s broadest sense, Yin (1984) has defined a case study as an 81 empirical inq u i r y that "investigates a contemporary phenomenon wit h i n i t s r e a l - l i f e context; when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not c l e a r l y evident; and i n which multiple sources of evidence are used" (p. 23). When the term case-study i s used to refer to the psychological study of i n d i v i d u a l persons (as i n the present case), i t i s c a l l e d a psychological case study (Bromley, 1986). A psychological case study i s defined as a " s c i e n t i f i c reconstruction and in t e r p r e t a t i o n , based on the best evidence a v a i l a b l e , of an episode (or set of related episodes) i n the l i f e of a person" (Bromley, 1986, p. 9). Episodes refer to important life-events that are usually of a formative, c r i t i c a l , or culminant nature. Thus, a psychological case study i s "an account of how and why a person behaved as he or she did i n a given s i t u a t i o n " (Bromley, 1986, p. 3). The d i s t i n c t i v e feature common to a l l case studies i s that "they are singular, n a t u r a l l y occurring events i n the r e a l world. They are not experimentally contrived events or simulations" (Bromley, 1986, p. 2). Thus, a c r i t i c a l advantage of the case study approach i s that i t "allows an inv e s t i g a t i o n to r e t a i n the h o l i s t i c and meaningful c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of r e a l - l i f e events" (Yin, 1984, p. 14). In order to conduct a rigorous and methodologically sound case study, Yin (1984) has proposed three guiding p r i n c i p l e s . These 82 p r i n c i p l e s are designed to address problems of construct v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y , and are incorporated into the present study. The f i r s t p r i n c i p l e involves the use of multiple sources of evidence. The advantage of t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s the development of convergent l i n e s of inquiry. Conclusions drawn from several sources of evidence are more convincing and l i k e l y more accurate than those drawn from a single source. Using multiple sources of evidence increases the construct v a l i d i t y of a study (Yin, 1984). In terms of t h i s study, convergence between quantitative evidence from Q-sorts and q u a l i t a t i v e evidence from interviews form the basis for case study accounts. As an additional source of construct v a l i d i t y , case study accounts are validated by the person for whom each was written as wel l as by an independent reviewer (Yin, 1984). The second p r i n c i p l e requires the creation of a case study data base. This p r i n c i p l e involves the organization and documentation of the data c o l l e c t e d for the study which i s separate and d i s t i n c t from the case study account. The purpose of t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s to enable other investigators to access the data d i r e c t l y through the development of a formal, re t r i e v a b l e data base. Establishing a data base increases the r e l i a b i l i t y of the case accounts and any conclusions drawn from them (Yin, 1984). The data base for t h i s study consists of the tran s c r i p t s of 83 interviews which are separate and d i s t i n c t from the case study- accounts . The t h i r d p r i n c i p l e requires the maintenance of a chain of evidence. This p r i n c i p l e involves the establishment of clear and e x p l i c i t l i n k s between the i n i t i a l research questions posed, the data c o l l e c t e d , and the conclusions drawn. The purpose of t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s to enable external observers to follow the derivation of any evidence from the question phase of the study to the conclusion phase of the study. Adhering to t h i s p r i n c i p l e establishes confidence i n construct v a l i d i t y and increases the r e l i a b i l i t y of the information i n the case study (Yin, 1984). For the purposes of the present study, t r a n s c r i p t s provide the data base for the construction of case study accounts. On the basis of the case study accounts, a comparative analysis i s conducted. Implications for theory and practice are drawn from the case study accounts and the comparative analysis of those cases. In addition to addressing problems of construct v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y , a case study i n v e s t i g a t i o n must also concern i t s e l f with the issue of external v a l i d i t y (Yin, 1984). External v a l i d i t y refers to the extent to which a study's findings can be generalized beyond the immediate case study. Yin (1984) has pointed out that: Case studies, l i k e experiments, are generalizable to t h e o r e t i c a l propositions and not to populations or universes. In t h i s sense, the case study, l i k e the experiment, does not 84 represent a 'sample 1, and the investigator's goal i s to expand and generalize theories (analytic generalization) and not to enumerate frequencies ( s t a t i s t i c a l generalization), (p. 21) In case study research, generalizing findings to theory i s established through a multiple case design that follows a " r e p l i c a t i o n " l o g i c (Yin, 1984). A r e p l i c a t i o n l o g i c i s analogous to conducting multiple experiments. Each i n d i v i d u a l case study consists of a "whole" study. This study involves ten cases or r e p l i c a t i o n s of transformations of agency as a means of establishing external v a l i d i t y . Through these ten r e p l i c a t i o n s , the findings are to be generalized to f i v e theories of agency. This r e p l i c a t i o n l o g i c i s d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t from a sampling l o g i c where the aim i s to generalize findings from a smaller group of persons who are thought to be representative of some larger pool of people. A sampling l o g i c i s generally used to determine the frequency of a p a r t i c u l a r phenomenon. Just as evidence from multiple sources helps to support conclusions drawn from a case study, evidence from d i f f e r e n t methods serves the same purpose (Bromley, 1986). For t h i s reason, the case study design used i n t h i s study rests upon q u a l i t a t i v e information from interviews and quantitative information from Q-sorts. Interviews provide a q u a l i t a t i v e description of a transformation i n agency while Q-sorts provide a quantitative description of a transformation i n agency. Convergence between 85 these two methods of e l i c i t i n g s i g n i f i c a n t information provides the basis for the case study accounts of transformation. In the next sections, an overview of the approach to interviewing, the use of Q-sorts, and the construction of case study accounts i s presented. 1. Research Interviewing According to Yin (1984) , "one of the most important sources of case study information i s the interview" (p. 82). Mishler (1986) views interviewing as a central research method i n the s o c i a l and behavioural sciences. For the purposes of t h i s study, interviewing provides one method through which s i g n i f i c a n t information about transformations of agency i s e l i c i t e d . The view and practice of interviewing for t h i s study l a r g e l y r e f l e c t s the perspective set f o r t h by E l l i o t Mishler (1986). According to Mishler, the standard approach to interviewing i s severely l i m i t e d because of i t s focus on problems of standardization. This preoccupation has led to the standardizing of questions i n order to ensure that a l l respondents receive the same question and to the development of standardized ways of analyzing t h e i r responses, such as coding systems. Mishler's concern i s that t h i s approach neglects and disregards the interviewees' s o c i a l and personal contexts of meaning. 86 Based on t h i s c r i t i q u e of standard p r a c t i c e , Mishler (1986) has proposed an a l t e r n a t i v e perspective and approach to research interviewing which guides the interviews i n t h i s study. F i r s t , interviews are viewed as forms of discourse between speakers. In t h i s study, the interview takes the form of a discourse or an extended conversation about the i n d i v i d u a l ' s transformation experience. Second, interviews are redefined as speech events "whose structure and meaning i s j o i n t l y produced by interviewers and interviewees" (p. 105). Questioning and answering, then, are viewed as forms of speech that r e f l e c t complex sets of l i n g u i s t i c and s o c i a l rules which serve to structure and shape the interchange between interviewer and interviewee. The interviewer and interviewee "through repeated reformulations of questions and responses, s t r i v e to a r r i v e together at meanings that both can understand. The relevance and appropriateness of questions and responses emerges through and i s r e a l i z e d i n the discourse i t s e l f " (Mishler, 1986, p. 65). Third, the analysis and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of interviews i s based on a theory of discourse and meaning. That i s , the " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the organization and patterning of speech depends on a theoretical- framework that e n t a i l s specifying the presuppositions and rules that people use i n speaking with one another" (Mishler, 1986, p. 66). The task i s to make one's underlying t h e o r e t i c a l 87 framework of interviewing e x p l i c i t rather than allowing i t to be i m p l i c i t as i n the case of standard interview research. Mishler's t h e o r e t i c a l framework, and the one u t i l i z e d for the purposes of t h i s study, involves the use of narrative form. The assumption underlying t h i s perspective i s that "narratives are one of the natural cognitive and l i n g u i s t i c forms through which i n d i v i d u a l s attempt to order, organize, and express meaning" (p. 106). Interviewees i n t h i s study are encouraged to present t h e i r descriptions of transformation i n a narrative form. That i s , i n the form of a story with a beginning, a middle, and an end. Fourth, the meanings of questions and answers are contextually grounded. Here, Mishler i s concerned with the broader s o c i o c u l t u r a l and s o c i o p o l i t i c a l contexts and t h e i r impact on interview practice and, i n turn, interviewees. Mishler's focus i s on how d i f f e r e n t interview methods f a c i l i t a t e or hinder interviewee's " e f f o r t s to construct coherent and reasonable worlds of meaning and to make sense of t h e i r experiences" (Mishler, 1986, p. 118). T r a d i t i o n a l approaches are t y p i c a l l y marked by asymmetric power relationships where the interviewer controls the aim, structures the shape and the flow of the interview, as wel l as defines the "meaning" of responses and findings. Interviewees are t y p i c a l l y not given an opportunity to comment on the interpretations of t h e i r words (Mishler, 1986). Mishler c a l l s for 88 a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of that power i n order to "restore control to respondents over what they mean and what they say" (Mishler, 1986, p. 122). The r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of power i n interviewing requires the a l t e r a t i o n of standard r o l e d e f i n i t i o n s for interviewers and interviewees. The type of role r e d e f i n i t i o n selected for use i n t h i s study involves redefining interviewees as co-researchers. This involves entering into a collaborative r e l a t i o n s h i p with people, encouraging them to speak i n t h e i r own "voice" and to t e l l t h e i r own story, and to be d i r e c t l y involved i n the analysis and in t e r p r e t a t i o n of the findings. 2. Q-Technique Q-sorting i s a technique drawn from Q-methodology and i t provides the second method through which signficant information about transformations of agency i s e l i c i t e d . Q-methodology i s "a set of s t a t i s t i c a l , philosophy-of-science, and psychological p r i n c i p l e s " constructed by William Stephenson (1953) that provides a sophisticated and powerful method for the intensive study of the in d i v i d u a l (Kerlinger, 1973). Stephenson developed Q-methodology to explore and understand the richness of human s u b j e c t i v i t y and founded i t on the premise that i t i s possible to study s u b j e c t i v i t y i n an objective, s c i e n t i f i c way. He stated that Q-technique, or 89 the set of procedures used to implement Q-methodology, provides "a systematic way to handle a person's retrospections, his [or her] r e f l e c t i o n s about himself [or herself] and others, his [or her] i n t r o j e c t i o n s and projections, and much else of an apparent 'subjective' nature" (p. 86). Q-methodology "encompasses a d i s t i n c t i v e set of psychometric and operational p r i n c i p l e s that, when combined with s p e c i a l i z e d s t a t i s t i c a l applications of c o r r e l a t i o n a l and f a c t o r - a n a l y t i c techniques, provide researchers with a systematic and rigorously quantitative means for examining human s u b j e c t i v i t y " (McKeown & Thomas, 1988, p. 5). The most unique and d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Q-methodology, then, i s i t s attempt to combine phenomenological experience with an objective approach to measurement. Kerlinger (1972, 1973) stressed the role and the value of Q-methodology i n behavioural research. He stated that Q-methodology i s "an important and unique approach to the study of psychological, s o c i o l o g i c a l , and educational phenomena" (Kerlinger, 1973, p. 598). McKeown and Thomas (1988) have pointed out the p r a c t i c a l u t i l i t y of Q-methodology and i t s relevance to diverse d i s c i p l i n e s such as psychology, s o c i a l psychology, sociology, and p o l i t i c a l science. For example, Dennis (1986) has examined i t s relevance and a p p l i c a t i o n to nursing research, while others have examined the ap p l i c a t i o n of Q-methodology to communication research 90 (Stephen, 1985), p o l i t i c a l science (Brown, 1980), educational psychology (Stephenson, 1980), and p o l i t i c a l psychology (McKeown, 1984). More recently, Q-methodology has been u t i l i z e d i n the study of work as a re-enactment of family drama (MacGregor &. Cochran, 1988) and i n the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the meaning of career change (Chusid & Cochran, 1989). The main form of instrumentation i n Q-methodology i s c a l l e d the Q-sort. E s s e n t i a l l y , the Q-sort i s a sophisticated comparative ra t i n g method. Very b r i e f l y , the Q-sort procedure involves defining a "universe" or "concourse" (Stephenson, 1980) of s t i m u l i on the basis of the topic being investigated. The i n d i v i d u a l sorts the s t i m u l i (which may be written descriptions of behaviour, pi c t u r e s , single adjectives, and so on) along a continuum of s i g n i f i c a n c e , such as "most l i k e me" to "most unlike me". For t h e o r e t i c a l reasons and to help subjects conceptualize the task, the i n d i v i d u a l sorts the s t i m u l i into a s p e c i f i e d number of p i l e s . Numerical values are then assigned to the p i l e s for s t a t i s t i c a l purposes. In Q-methodology the issue of r e l i a b i l i t y i s most often sort, re-sort r e l i a b i l i t y . Reported t e s t - r e t e s t r e l i a b i l i t y has generally been found to be quite high. For example, Frank (1956) reported c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s of .93 and .97, and Kahle and Lee (1975) found correlations a l l over .95. Fairweather (1981) makes a 91 strong case for r e l i a b i l i t y of the Q-method with c o r r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t s a l l over .90 at a one to two year i n t e r v a l . Kerlinger (1973) reported t e s t - r e t e s t r e l i a b i l i t y of .81 for an 11 month period. In terms of v a l i d i t y , evidence has been found to support a case for external and construct v a l i d i t y of the Q-method (Fairweather, 1981). Q-methodology has a number of unique strengths which make i t p a r t i c u l a r l y suitable for an in v e s t i g a t i o n of transformations of agency. F i r s t , i n d i v i d u a l s sort the Q-sort many times according to di f f e r e n t frames of reference. This allows the researcher to make complex comparisons of sets of measures within the data of one i n d i v i d u a l . Consequently, the Q-sort y i e l d s data that better r e f l e c t the complexity of the i n d i v i d u a l (Kerlinger, 1972). Second, Q-sorts w i l l be obtained from several i n d i v i d u a l s which allow the investigator to i d e n t i f y the dimensions of the subjective phenomenon i n question (Dennis, 1986). Third, Q-methodology can perhaps point toward a l t e r n a t i v e t h e o r e t i c a l views and open up p o s s i b i l i t i e s for new areas of research (Kerlinger, 1972). For a study involving Q-sorts, two types of samples are required. One sample i s needed for the topics to be described and a second sample i s needed for the items to be used i n the description. 92 1. Q-sort topics The topics to be described for t h i s study are the s i g n i f i c a n t events or landmarks connected with the transformation. S i g n i f i c a n t events are chosen because they provide the clearest moments of r e c o l l e c t i o n and improve the chances of r e l i a b l e retrospection. 2. Q-sort items Constructing a Q-sort involves defining a universe or concourse (Stephenson, 1980) of items and selecting a representative sample of items from that concourse. The concourse of items for t h i s Q-sort i s composed of a representative sample of key t h e o r e t i c a l propositions from f i v e prominent psychological theories of human agency. The item sample i s a comprehensive representation of the main t h e o r e t i c a l propositions of each of these theories translated into common, understandable language. The Q-sort constructed for t h i s study i s made up of 52 items. The development of the Q-sort i s presented i n the next section. Development of Q-sort items In order to construct the Q-sort for t h i s study, a rigorous development process was undertaken over a period of four months. The steps i n t h i s procedure are summarized below: 93 The f i r s t step involved extracting an exhaustive l i s t of the key t h e o r e t i c a l propositions from each of the theories of human agency i d e n t i f i e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e review. For example, according to Bandura, successful performance accomplishments ra i s e s e l f - e f f i c a c y , and, therefore, t h i s proposition ..was l i s t e d . This process resulted i n a l i s t of 126 t h e o r e t i c a l propositions. The second step involved t r a n s l a t i n g each t h e o r e t i c a l proposition into an item for the Q-sort. A number of decision rules made i n collaboration with the research supervisor guided the form and structure of the items. Items were wr i t t e n : (a) as descriptive phrases rather than as adjectives to promote more discernment and to avoid stereotypic or pat responses, (b) i n c l e a r , ordinary language that could be understood by co-researchers, (c) i n n e u t r a l , m i l d l y negative, or p o s i t i v e forms to avoid s o c i a l d e s i r a b i l i t y b i a s , (d) i n the past tense because subjects would be r e f l e c t i n g r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y about t h e i r experiences, and (e) to r e f l e c t one main focus or idea rather than many. Each item was noted for each t h e o r i s t . In collaboration with the research supervisor, the t h i r d step involved c l u s t e r i n g the 126 items into p r o v i s i o n a l groups or categories on the basis of t h e i r s i m i l a r i t y . 9A For example, items were clustered i n categories such as "confidence", " c o n t r o l " , or "goal-setting". The reason for grouping the items was to determine redundancy among items as i t had become apparent that there was considerable overlap among the theories. This procedure also assisted i n the c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the o v e r a l l change process from the perspective of each t h e o r i s t and i n so doing, led to the observation that most of the t h e o r i s t s could f i t w i t h i n categories of deCharms' model. Consequently, deCharm's model was u t i l i z e d to help organize the items into these p r o v i s i o n a l categories. The t o t a l number of categories that emerged from the items was 1A. A. The fourth step involved rechecking each theory to ensure that i t s range was adequately r e f l e c t e d i n the items. This resulted i n the expansion of some categories, which increased the t o t a l number of items to 198. This process also involved further focusing and sharpening of items to more accurately r e f l e c t t h e i r respective categories. A decision was made to include some proportion of negative items to ensure that no change i n meaning occurred i n the t r a n s l a t i o n from t h e o r e t i c a l proposition to item. For example, " f e l t depressed" i s q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from 95 " f e l t happy" and so i t was included despite i t s negative connotation. 5. In collaboration with the research supervisor, the f i f t h step involved organizing and r e f i n i n g the categories. In order to organize and to ensure coverage of a l l the information i n each category, items were sorted into (1) b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s , (2) actions, and (3) fee l i n g s . While continuing to be sensitive to the range for each theory, representative items that adequately covered each category were extracted. The r e s u l t of t h i s refinement was a cut i n the number of items to 72 and the number of categories to 12. 6. In order to determine a p p l i c a b i l i t y , the s i x t h step involved f i e l d t e s t i n g the Q-sort (m = 72) with ten people who reported having undergone a transformation of agency. Based on the feedback provided, i t became apparent that people did not d i f f e r e n t i a t e between some of the f i n e r t h e o r e t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s such as control over reinforcements versus control over success. Consequently, some items were collapsed. As w e l l , there were some al t e r a t i o n s and adjustments made i n the wording of ce r t a i n items. The r e s u l t of t h i s step was a further reduction i n the number of items to 52. 96 7. The seventh step involved conducting a t h e o r e t i c a l v a l i d a t i o n of the Q-sort (m = 52). Two content experts were consulted i n t h i s regard. The direc t o r of the Student Counselling and Resource Centre for the University of B r i t i s h Columbia served as one content expert. The other expert was a person with a doctoral degree i n a f i e l d outside of Counselling Psychology who had expert knowledge of the theories of agency upon which the Q-sort was constructed. Each was instructed to check that the Q-sort was a f a i t h f u l and accurate representation of each of the respective theories of agency. The findings of both content experts were uniformly p o s i t i v e with minor concerns regarding wording on a few items. Adjustments to the items were made to accommodate the concerns. A f i n a l l i s t of items (m = 52) and the corresponding t h e o r i s t for each i s presented i n Table 1. Table 1 Master L i s t of Q-sort Items and Corresponding Theorist Theorist Item Bandura deCharms B D K R S Kobasa Rotter Seligman 1. Was successful. (B) 2. Overcame obstacles. (B, D) 3. F e l t confident. (B, D, K) 4. Thought that my success would depend on the help of others. (D, K, R) 5. Thought that my success would depend on luck or fate. (D, K, R) 6. Thought that my success would depend on my a b i l i t i e s . (D, K, R) 7. Thought that my success would depend on my e f f o r t . (D, K, R) 8. Took an active approach to obstacles and d i f f i c u l t i e s , not a passive one. (B, D, K, R, S) 9. F e l t energetic and enthusiastic. (D, K) 10. Was self-guided. (D) 11. Made good decisions independently. (D, K) 12. F e l t free, not trapped. (D, K, S) 13. Learned from my problems and d i f f i c u l t i e s . (D) 14. F e l t i n control of my l i f e , not pushed around. (D, K, S) 15. Was too e a s i l y influenced by others. (D, R) 16. F e l t powerful, not helpless. (D, K, S) 17. Took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for s e t t i n g my own d i r e c t i o n . (D) 18. Evaluated my performance i n t r y i n g to reach goals. (D) 19. Monitored my progress (or i t s lack) toward goals. (D) 20. Had a strong sense of meaning, was not aimless. (D, K) 21. F e l t a deep sense of commitment. (D, K) 22. Searched for personal meaning. (D) 23. F e l t supported and encouraged by others. (D, K) 24. Was helped by the example set by other people. (B) 25. Set c l e a r , d e f i n i t e goals for myself. (D) (table continues) 98 Table 1 Master L i s t of Q-sort Items and Corresponding Theorist Theorist Bandura = B Item deCharms = D Kobasa = K Rotter = R Seligman = S 26. Set challenging goals for myself. (B, D, K, R) 27. Set r e a l i s t i c goals for myself. (D) 28. Set excessively high goals for myself. (D) 29. Accepted goals that were not r e a l l y mine, but came from s i t u a t i o n a l demands or other people's expectations. (D) 30. Took s p e c i f i c steps to r e a l i z e purposes. (D) 31. Took action to improve or develop myself. (D) 32. Took r i s k s rather than playing i t safe. (D, K) 33. Welcomed challenges. (D, K) 34. F e l t depressed. (R, S) 35. Planned how to achieve goals. (D) 36. Anticipated obstacles that I would need to overcome. (D) 37. Responded constructively to unexpected d i f f i c u l t i e s . (D, K) 38. Foresaw how to adjust to possible problems. (D) 39. F e l t o p t i m i s t i c and hopeful. (D, K, R, S) 40. F e l t anxious. (B, R, S) 41. F e l t competent. (B, D, K, S) 42. Fe l t l i k e a worthy person. (K, R, S) 43. Persevered despite adversity. (B, D, K, R) 44. F e l t that my self-esteem was t i e d to my achievements. (B) 45. Was resourceful. (D, K) 46. Saw change as an opportunity to grow or learn. (K) 47. F e l t adequate to the task at hand. (B, S) 48. F e l t a strong sense of involvement. (D, K) 49. Experienced a f e e l i n g of s a t i s f a c t i o n . (D, K, R) 50. Saw f a i l u r e as my own doing. (D) 51. Thought that my f a i l u r e would be due to other people and/or circumstances. (D) 52. Experienced a sense of s t r i v i n g or of working hard. (D) 99 Item s e l e c t i o n As noted previously, there i s considerable overlap among the f i v e theories of agency reviewed for t h i s study. However, i n order to adequately represent these theories i n the Q-sort, the items must comprehensively and accurately r e f l e c t the f i n e r d i s t i n c t i o n s between them as well.as what they have i n common. For t h i s purpose, comparisons between theories were made. DeCharms' (1968) concept of personal causation emerged as the most comprehensive and the broadest i n scope. The following i s a b r i e f summary of t h i s comparison process. Bandura (1977) defines agency i n terms of the a t t r i b u t i o n s one makes about one's s k i l l and a b i l i t y to accomplish what a given s i t u a t i o n demands. According to Bandura's version of agency, no d i s t i n c t i o n i s made between goals that are s e l f - i n i t i a t e d and goals that are directed by others. DeCharms, on the other hand, emphasizes that goals must be i n t e r n a l l y motivated by the in d i v i d u a l and e x i s t w i t h i n a context of personal meaning. Rotter's (1966) concept of locus of control e s s e n t i a l l y concerns i t s e l f with whether or not one can control the reinforcements one receives. Human agency, then, i s defined with respect to the consequences of one's action. In contrast, deCharms' (1968) concept of personal causation emphasizes the actions themselves rather than t h e i r consequences. Human agency 100 for deCharms i s concerned with the fe e l i n g that one has determined one's own actions, that one i s a causal agent. Further, Rotter's locus of control does not d i f f e r e n t i a t e between i n t r i n s i c and e x t r i n s i c reinforcements, whereas the crux of deCharms' p o s i t i o n i s that to have a sense of personal causation i s to be i n t r i n s i c a l l y - motivated. For Seligman (1975) and h i s colleagues (Abramson, Seligman, &. Teasdale, 1978), the concept of agency takes the form of the at t r i b u t i o n s people make i n r e l a t i o n to aversive outcomes. His model does not, however, provide a way of accepting undesirable outcomes. Instead he advocates changes i n the environment such as reducing the l i k e l i h o o d of aversive outcomes. DeCharms, on the other hand, emphasizes the in d i v i d u a l ' s capacity to develop constructive, healthy responses to both p o s i t i v e and negative outcomes by r e a l i s t i c a l l y assessing how each came about and applying t h i s learning to future s i t u a t i o n s . Such r e a l i s t i c appraisals of situations also include knowing when to give up, l e t go, and move on. Unlike deCharms' (1968) concept of personal causation, the concepts of s e l f - e f f i c a c y , locus of co n t r o l , and learned helplessness a l l d i r e c t attention to the outcomes or consequences of behaviour rather than to the behaviour i t s e l f . There i s also an emphasis on maximizing p o s i t i v e outcomes and minimizing negative 101 ones. For deCharms, being an agent has l i t t l e to do with whether or not the outcomes of one's behaviour are p o s i t i v e or negative. He i s more concerned with the capacity to r e a l i s t i c a l l y and accurately assess a l l s i t u a t i o n s , choosing the best course of action for that p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n , and taking personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for that choice. Moreover, the concepts of Bandura (1977), Rotter (1966), and Seligman (1975) a l l indicate that the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s a t i s f a c t i o n i s dependent upon at t a i n i n g a p o s i t i v e outcome. DeCharms, however, views the i n d i v i d u a l s ' s a t i s f a c t i o n as l a r g e l y dependent upon being a causal agent, on developing a sense of purpose, forming personally meaningful goals, planning r e a l i s t i c and concrete action to a t t a i n the goals, and accepting r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for selected goals. For Kobasa (1979), agency takes the form of a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of three personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : c o n t r o l , commitment, and challenge. Kobasa's theory appears to be more encompassing than s e l f - e f f i c a c y , locus of c o n t r o l , and learned helplessness, and i s consistent with several features of deCharms' theory. 3. Case Study Narratives In t h i s study, s i g n i f i c a n t information about transformations of agency i s derived from two methods, interviewing and Q-sorting. Convergence of t h i s information serves as the basis for the case 102 study accounts. The case study accounts are presented i n a narrative form. A narrative refers to "an organizational scheme expressed i n story form" (Polkinghorne, 1988). Narratives organize phenomena into coherent wholes with beginnings, middles, and ends (Polkinghorne, 1988). The widespread use of narrative across d i s c i p l i n e s i s based on the general assumption that narratives are a natural and pervasive form through which i n d i v i d u a l s construct and express t h e i r understanding of events and experiences (Mishler, 1986; Polkinghorne, 1988; Sarbin, 1986). In short, narrative i s one of the s i g n i f i c a n t ways that experience i s made meaningful. Since the concern of t h i s study i s to understand the meaning of transformations of agency, the narrative form i s u t i l i z e d to organize i n d i v i d u a l s ' accounts of t h e i r experience. Thus, on the basis of the q u a l i t a t i v e information from interviews and the quantitative information from Q-sorts, narrative accounts of transformations of agency are constructed for each co-researcher. 103 CHAPTER I I I METHODOLOGY Research Design The intent of t h i s research i s to construct narrative accounts of the meaning of transformations of agency. Since persons are pr i v i l e g e d reporters of what occurred and p r i v i l e g e d judges of what was s i g n i f i c a n t for them i n such a transformation, the focus of the research involves personal reports and interpretations. Independent sources of evidence on the meaning of a transformation i n agency are not credible since the person i s the central a r b i t e r of what was meaningful. However, a personal account i s not i n f a l l i b l e . Rather, i t i s a construction that can be "negotiated" (Spence, 1982) to c l a r i f y connection, proportion, and richness. People can report experiences out of order, appreciate significance i n the t e l l i n g rather than i n the actual experience, and infuse elements that could not have been present into a report. Sometimes through l a t e r discussions, the experience might be camouflaged by id e o l o g i c a l platitudes (Wiersma, 1988). The major tasks of the researcher are to empower persons to provide accounts that are r i c h , deep, and t r u t h - l i k e , to challenge accounts with a l t e r n a t i v e perspectives to negotiate more sound and 104 trustworthy constructions, and to construct descriptions that are f a i t h f u l to the accounts, yet open to t h e o r e t i c a l examination. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of empowerment, challenge, and f a i t h f u l d escription are central i n the research design for t h i s study and are addressed i n three ways. F i r s t , empowering persons involves building methods into the research design that enable people to "have more control of the processes through which t h e i r words are given meaning" (Mishler, 1986, p. 118). In t h i s study, such methods include entering into a collaborative r e l a t i o n s h i p , y i e l d i n g control to co-researchers of the flow and content of interviews, and giving co-researchers a voice i n the analysis of data and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of findings (Mishler, 1986). Second, the basis for constructing narrative accounts rests upon three kinds of evidence. The f i r s t kind of evidence involves the narrative an i n d i v i d u a l produces to describe the transformation. The second kind involves Q-sorting the s i g n i f i c a n t events or landmarks across the transformation. The t h i r d kind involves i n d i v i d u a l comments and elaborations given i n response to Q-sort r e s u l t s . In short, subjects not only provide a personal description of the transformation and a t h e o r e t i c a l description using Q-sorts, but are also given an opportunity to elaborate upon the meaning of the t h e o r e t i c a l description. Each f i n a l narrative 105 account i s based upon convergence among these three ways of e l i c i t i n g s i g n i f i c a n t information. Third, the soundness and trustworthiness of each narrative account i s assessed i n three ways. In the f i r s t way, both the research supervisor and the researcher must reach agreement upon each account, given the evidence. In the second way, the f i n a l narrative account i s returned to each co-researcher to evaluate i t s accuracy. In the t h i r d way, an independent reviewer evaluates each account to determine i f i t f a i t h f u l l y r e f l e c t s the interview (that i s , captures what i s said without d i s t o r t i o n or neglect). Thus, the narrative account of each transformation requires agreement from four d i f f e r e n t people with varying perspectives and varying kinds of involvement. Given t h i s design, there i s a reasonable basis for claiming that each account i s sound i n the sense that each part of i t can be traced to e x p l i c i t sources of evidence. There i s also a reasonable basis for claiming that each account i s trustworthy i n the sense that i t accurately r e f l e c t s evidence given without s a l i e n t errors of omission or commission. Studying the Individual Perspective This research design focuses upon the i n d i v i d u a l ' s personal report of her or his experience. Focusing upon the i n d i v i d u a l ' s perspective i s important for a number of reasons. F i r s t , the 106 person i s the only one who knows what her or his experience was. No outside observer can say what happened for another person and cannot inte r p r e t what another person's experience of something was. For example, one person may experience a joke as extremely funny and entertaining, whereas another person may experience the same joke as u t t e r l y offensive. Second, i n order to f u l l y understand the person's experience we need "to define c o r r e c t l y the interpretations of the agent" (Taylor, 1973). This i s the central insight of hermeneutics, phenomenology, and numerous other approaches. The argument i s that "to understand a person we must grasp the person's meanings and understandings, the agent's v i s i o n of the world, his or her plans, purposes, motivations, and i n t e r e s t s " (Manicas & Secord, 1983, p.409). A person's understandings are seen as an intimate part of the experience and perhaps the most important part of what something u l t i m a t e l y i s . For example, i f an exam i s a challenge to a person or a hoop to jump, i t matters immensely as to what that experience comes to be for that person. Third, the way i n which people construe the experience of a transformation can be regarded as the c r u c i a l mediation of i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e . This i s the central i n s i g h t of c o n s t r u c t i v i s t i c approaches i n psychology such as George Kelly's (1955). The c o n s t r u c t i v i s t s propose that i t i s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s construction of 107 her or his experience that mediates future behaviour. Although there are d i f f e r e n t phrases for t h i s viewpoint, from personal myths (Bruner, 1960) to cognitive templates (Aronfreed, 1968) , they a l l converge on the same thing. That i s , the schema or pattern a person comes away with i s of c r u c i a l significance l a t e r . Thus, o what the person r e l a t e s , even i f i t i s not " f a c t u a l " (Spence, 1982), i s of extreme importance to that person. Fourth, a transformation i n agency i s c e n t r a l l y a matter of i n d i v i d u a l perspective. A transformation of agency does not e x i s t i n any objective fashion. For example, someone who appears to be potent and powerful may i n fact have very l i t t l e of what i t means to be a true agent. A l l the aspects of an i n d i v i d u a l perspective, that i s , b e l i e f s , f e e l i n g s , and attitudes are c r u c i a l for agency. In f a c t , each of the theories of agency rests upon the person's b e l i e f s and feelings such that there i s no change apart from them. Figure 1 provides an overview of the major steps of t h i s study. 108 Step 1: I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of co-researchers. Step 2: Co-researcher screening interview. Step 3: Transformation interview to i d e n t i f y s i g n i f i c a n t events or landmarks and to e l i c i t d e t ailed account of transformation from co-researcher's perspective. Step 4: Co-researcher Q-sorting of s i g n i f i c a n t events/landmarks with a 52-item Q-sort. Step 5: Analysis of Q-sort data and development of probes for elaboration interview. Step 6: Elaboration interview to c l a r i f y personal meaning of Q-sort r e s u l t s . Step 7: Review, t r a n s c r i p t i o n , and analysis of interview audiotapes. Step 8: Synthesis of transformation interview data, Q-sort r e s u l t s , and elaboration interview data i n order to construct narrative accounts. Step 9: Co-researcher self-review. Step 10: Independent review. Step 11: Comparative analysis. Figure 1. Overview of Procedures 109 Co-researchers Through a network of contacts, 25 people were referred to the study as p o t e n t i a l p a r t i c i p a n t s . Ten ind i v i d u a l s were i d e n t i f i e d for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the study. Five were women and f i v e were men. They ranged i n age from 28 to 64. C r i t e r i a for Selection The c r i t e r i a for se l e c t i o n of co-researchers were based upon general phenomenological p r i n c i p l e s set fort h by C o l a i z z i (1978), and Cochran and C l a s p e l l (1987). Co-researchers were selected on the basis of three major c r i t e r i a . F i r s t , the person must have undergone the targeted transformation experience. That i s , the person must have experienced a transformation from powerlessness to potency that s t r i k i n g l y affected t h e i r sense of agency. Second, the person had to be able to a r t i c u l a t e the experience. Third, the person had to meet the screening c r i t e r i a . That i s , she or he must have demonstrated a r i s e i n agency according to deCharms' (1976) system of content analysis of thought samples. The f i n a l s e l e c t i o n of co-researchers was made on the basis of d i v e r s i t y of the targeted transformation experience. That i s , the ten ind i v i d u a l s that met the three major c r i t e r i a and represented the most diverse cases of transformation were selected for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the study. 110 Screening Interview The purpose of the screening interview was to v e r i f y that the person had the targeted transformation experience to warrant being included i n the study. This interview took 20 to 45 minutes to complete. The method used to confirm people's appropriateness for the study was deCharms' (1976) system of content analysis of thought samples. R e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y of t h i s scoring system has been investigated extensively and i s reported i n deCharms (1976). In terms of coder r e l i a b i l i t y , the percentage of agreement between two scorers was 90% on 250 practice s t o r i e s . The second scorer then coded a one-third random sample of 525 protocols and reached a 90.2% agreement on a l l categories with the f i r s t scorer. S p l i t - h a l f (odd-even stories) r e l i a b i l i t y was .80 on one sample and .79 on another sample. Test-retest r e l i a b i l i t y was .41 on one sample and .38 on another sample for a one year i n t e r v a l . In order to obtain thought samples from people, the researcher asked each person to t e l l s i x b r i e f s t o r i e s about themselves based on actual experience; three short s t o r i e s that described and characterized the way they were p r i o r to the transformation and three short s t o r i e s that described and characterized the way they are now. These st o r i e s were audiotaped and then content-analyzed by the researcher for a pawn score and an o r i g i n score using deCharm's scoring system. Stories were coded for the presence or absence of the s i x origin-pawn categories: (1) i n t e r n a l c o n t r o l , Ill (2) goal-setting, (3) instrumental a c t i v i t y , (4) r e a l i t y perception, (5) personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and (6) self-confidence. Of the possible 18 points for the "before" s t o r i e s (6 points per s t o r y ) , people scored between 1 and 6 points. Of the possible 18 points for the three " a f t e r " s t o r i e s (6 points per s t o r y ) , people scored between 13 and 18 points. The r e s u l t s indicated a substantial difference between scores based on s t o r i e s that characterized people before t h e i r transformations and scores based on s t o r i e s that characterized people a f t e r t h e i r transformations. Transformation Interview After ten co-researchers were i d e n t i f i e d for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the study, each person was contacted by telephone i n order to schedule the transformation interview. There were two immediate aims of t h i s interview. F i r s t , to e l i c i t a changeline i d e n t i f y i n g the s i g n i f i c a n t events or landmarks associated with the transformation. Second, to e l i c i t a detailed description of the transformation. Changelines took from 30-90 minutes to complete. The length of the transformation interview varied from person to person. The shortest interview was 2 hours and the longest interview was 6 hours. The average length of the interview was 3.5 hours. The longer interviews were usually conducted over the course of two meetings. A l l interviews were audiotaped to enable 112 the researcher to f u l l y attend to the interview process and to provide a data base for intensive analysis. Before each interview began, i n almost every case, there was a necessary warm-up period where the researcher and the co-researcher engaged i n "small t a l k " i n order to help the co-researcher f e e l more comfortable and.to allow some degree of rapport to be established. The researcher also s e l f - d i s c l o s e d background information about herself as w e l l as the personal motivation behind the study. Co-researchers reported l a t e r that having the researcher s e l f - d i s c l o s e i n t h i s way helped them to f e e l more l i k e "equals". At the beginning of the interview, the co-researcher was oriented to the o v e r a l l steps involved i n the study. The main aim of t h i s interview was to e l i c i t a detailed description of the transformation from the co-researcher. In order to f a c i l i t a t e t h i s description and to empower co-researchers to describe t h e i r experience coherently, each co-researcher was asked to construct a changeline (see Appendix B for an example). The co-researcher was oriented to the changeline exercise as a way to help her or him outline and organize her or his description. The changeline consisted of a l i n e drawn on a sheet of paper representing the targeted transformation with points marking i t s beginning and i t s end. The co-researcher was then asked to chart the s i g n i f i c a n t 113 events or landmarks connected with the transformation. The number and the content of events were unique for each co-researcher. The number ̂ of events ranged from 8 to 15. Most co-researchers found t h i s exercise useful i n that i t "ordered the sequence of events" and they could "see how things were linked together and f i t into place". Some co-researchers found the exercise enjoyable, while others were moved to tears and found i t to be quite intense. Using the changeline as a guide, the co-researchers were then asked to describe t h e i r transformations i n as much d e t a i l as possible. Co-researchers were encouraged to present t h e i r description i n the form of a story. They were cued with questions l i k e : How did i t begin? What happened i n the middle? And how did i t end? This structure was intended to help the co-researcher organize her or his experience and was not intended as something the co-researcher had to adhere to. People were encouraged to describe t h e i r experience i n any way they could. The transformation interview took the form of a meaningful dialogue. Using basic counselling s k i l l s , s p e c i f i c a l l y the p r i n c i p l e s of active l i s t e n i n g , the researcher at various points throughout the interview paraphrased or summarized to check understanding, asked questions for c l a r i f i c a t i o n , or requested further elaboration. The researcher strove to be f u l l y present to the co-researcher i n order to f a c i l i t a t e and to empower 114 co-researchers' sharing of t h e i r experiences and the t e l l i n g of t h e i r s t o r i e s . After the transformation interview, i n almost every case, the researcher engaged i n a dialogue with the co-researcher about the interview experience. As some of the responses were stronger than anticipated, the researcher f e l t t h i s to be an important and necessary step. Co-researchers had a v a r i e t y of reactions and responses. They var i o u s l y reported fe e l i n g good, peaceful, exhausted, drained, exposed, emotional, n o s t a l g i c , and a l i t t l e shaky. One co-researcher was s t a r t l e d by her t e a r f u l responses to parts of the interview saying that "dredging up the old memories affected me more than I thought i t would". Another co-researcher described her experience t h i s way. I wondered i f I would be able to look at you after that. I t was intense. I f e l t exposed. I'm very aware of the t r u s t I needed i n you to t e l l you my story. I've never done t h i s before. I've never t o l d someone the whole story. I t f e l t good, but I'm drained. I f e e l peaceful though. Co-researchers' responses to the transformation interview suggest that i t was a potent and meaningful experience for them. Another part of the dialogue a f t e r the interview involved checking the changeline i n preparation for the next step of the study. Some co-researchers, a f t e r having gone through the interview experience, wanted to make additions or deletions to t h e i r changelines. 115 Q-sorting After the transformation interview, each co-researcher was contacted again i n order to schedule a time to conduct the Q-sort part of the study. The co-researchers were asked to Q-sort the s i g n i f i c a n t events charted on t h e i r changelines. The number of events i d e n t i f i e d (between 8 and 15) guided the number of sessions required to complete t h i s phase of the study. Each Q-sort took 15 to AO minutes to complete. As co-researchers became accustomed to using the Q-sort, the time to sort events generally decreased. Each of the 52 descriptive phases was typed on a small card. The i n s t r u c t i o n s for sorting were as follows: 1. Take the deck of cards, read each card separately and put i t down on the table i n front of you. Spread out the cards and t r y to form a general impression of the at t r i b u t e s stated on the cards. 2. Now pick up the cards, make a deck and shuffle the cards i n the deck. 3. Now (for example), sort these cards to describe s i g n i f i c a n t event number one, re t r o s p e c t i v e l y , according to your r e c a l l of the event, ranging from those that are most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of your experience to those that are least c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of your experience. 116 Place the cards into roughly three equal p i l e s as follows: 1) most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , 2) neutral or undecided, and 3) least c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . Sort the cards as follows: 2 4 6 8 12 8 6 4 2 (a) Start with p i l e one (those most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of your experience). (b) Place the two "most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c " cards to your far l e f t . (c) Place the four next "most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c " cards next to i t . (d) Place the next s i x "most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c " cards next to i t . (e) Place the next eight "most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c " cards next I to i t . (f) Repeat with p i l e three (those least c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of your experience) and follow the same process, going from your far r i g h t toward the centre. (g) Place the "neutral or undecided" cards (12) i n the middle. Note: I f necessary, i t i s possible to draw cards from the middle p i l e . Check the sorting and make any changes you wish but r e t a i n the required number i n each category. 117 When the f i r s t sorting was completed and recorded, cards were shuffled and the next event for sorting was introduced. Most co-researchers found Q-sorting to be enjoyable and i l l u m i n a t i n g . One co-researcher said that "each time I did one i t was l i k e disposing of some old garbage." Many co-researchers found that i t was exhausting work because of the concentration and focus 4 required. A number of co-researchers commented on the absence of cards i n the Q-sort deck r e l a t i n g to feelings such as anger, fear, and courage. Q-analysis After the Q-sorting was completed, the Q-data was analyzed. A b r i e f description of the procedures involved are presented i n t h i s section. In a Q-sort, each item i s scored on the basis of the p i l e i n which i t i s placed. The frequency d i s t r i b u t i o n of scores for t h i s study i s i l l u s t r a t e d below: Q-score Frequency Most Ch a r a c t e r i s t i c of S i g n i f i c a n t Event Least Ch a r a c t e r i s t i c of S i g n i f i c a n t Event 9 2 8 4 7 6 6 8 5 4 12 8 3 6 2 4 2 (m=52) 118 To analyze the Q-sort data, the Alberta General Factor Analysis Program (AGFAP) was u t i l i z e d . The f i r s t step involved the computation of a c o r r e l a t i o n matrix. That i s , for each co-researcher, the set of 52 ratings for each s i g n i f i c a n t event was correlated with the set of 52 ratings for every other s i g n i f i c a n t event. The second step involved submitting the c o r r e l a t i o n matrix to a p r i n c i p a l component analysis without varimax r o t a t i o n . P r i n c i p a l component analysis i s a data-reduction technique that reduces the data by c l u s t e r i n g events into hypothetical components based upon a s i m i l a r pattern of description. The f i r s t p r i n c i p a l component accounts for the most variance i n the data and, thus, provides the best representation or most dominant meaning of the data. The second component provides the next best representation of the data. The r e s u l t of the p r i n c i p a l component analysis on the c o r r e l a t i o n matrix was an unrotated factor loading matrix for the f i r s t and second p r i n c i p a l components. The unrotated factor loading matrices provided the factor loadings of events. When the loadings of each component were pl o t t e d on a graph, they revealed the f i r s t and second most dominant patterns associated with the transformation. The t h i r d step involved taking the item factor scores (derived from the data on which the p r i n c i p a l component analysis was performed) and converting them into Z scores. A l l Z scores plus or minus 1.5 were extracted i n order to define the 119 f i r s t and second p r i n c i p a l components. The clust e r of items extracted for each component described what the transformation meant to the co-researcher i n terms of the t h e o r e t i c a l items. The factor loadings of events and the item factor scores were u t i l i z e d to provide an empirical basis from which to structure probes for an elaboration interview. In t h i s way, the Q-sort r e s u l t s were fed back to co-researchers i n order to stimulate and to e l i c i t each co-researcher's elaboration on the data and c l a r i f i c a t i o n of i t s meaning. Elaboration Interview Once the data from the Q-sorts was analyzed, another interview was scheduled for each co-researcher which was also audiotaped. The purpose of t h i s interview was to enable the co-researcher to elaborate upon the meaning of the re s u l t s drawn from the Q-sorts. The intent of t h i s interview was not to confirm or disconfirm the Q-sort r e s u l t s , but rather to understand the subjective meanings of the r e s u l t s for each co-researcher. Co-researchers were t o l d at the beginning of the interview that while the Q-sort re s u l t s may provide indications of how t h e i r transformation i n agency occurred, they required personal elaborations i n order to be f u l l y understood. The elaboration interview lasted 20-45 minutes, depending upon the co-researcher. 120 The Q-sort r e s u l t s were presented to the co-researchers i n the form of probes developed from the Q-data. In order to ensure o b j e c t i v i t y i n i n t e r p r e t i n g the Q-data, the researcher and the research supervisor each took the Q-data for each co-researcher, and interpreted the r e s u l t s and formulated probes separately. The researcher's probes and the research supervisor's probes were highly s i m i l a r with only minor differences i n wording or phrasing. Two kinds of probes were presented to each co-researcher for elaboration: a content probe and a pattern probe. The content probe represented the c l u s t e r of items that most stood out i n that person's transformation. The researcher interpreted the e s s e n t i a l meaning of the clus t e r and then framed a probe around i t . For example, the content probe was presented to the co-researcher i n t h i s way. Let's take what seems to be the main component of change. You descended into a trap i n which you accepted the influence and goals of others, holding them more or less responsible, yet f e l t anxious, depressed, worthless. I t was not a s a t i s f y i n g s i t u a t i o n . Toward the end, you achieved a freedom from others' influence, a sense of optimism, worth, and s a t i s f a c t i o n as you became your own person rather than engulfed by others. The researcher then paused and allowed the co-researcher to respond, and through the active l i s t e n i n g techniques of r e f l e c t i o n and empathic responding encouraged the co-researcher to elaborate upon the meaning of the r e s u l t s . 121 The pattern probe represented the pattern of the item descriptions across events. The researcher plotted the factor loadings of events on a graph, interpreted i t s es s e n t i a l meaning, and then framed a probe around i t . For example, the pattern probe was presented to the co-researcher i n t h i s way. This movement of freedom from the engulfment of others shows extreme cycles of change, soaring improvement and devastating setbacks before you l e v e l l e d o f f as a freer, more o p t i m i s t i c person. The researcher then presented the co-researcher with the graphic representation of the pattern probe i n order to provide a v i s u a l picture of the movement (see Appendix A). Again, co-researchers were i n v i t e d to elaborate upon the personal meaning of the r e s u l t s . This process was repeated for the second p r i n c i p a l component. That i s , a second content probe and the corresponding pattern probe were fed back to the co-researcher for elaboration. F i n a l l y , both content probes from the f i r s t and second p r i n c i p a l components were integrated and offered to the co-researcher as an o v e r a l l theme of change. For example, the o v e r a l l theme of change was presented to the co-researcher i n t h i s way. The main theme of change, according to the Q-sort r e s u l t s , seems to be t h i s . I f a person can continue to act responsibly and determinedly, even when fe e l i n g trapped and dominated by others and when one i s most weak (feeling worthless, depressed and lacking meaning), one w i l l gain a sense of freedom and optimism, worth and s a t i s f a c t i o n . 122 In most instances, co-researchers d i r e c t l y confirmed the re s u l t s by s t a t i n g that the description " r e a l l y f i t s " , "makes sense", "feels r e a l l y r i g h t " , " i s consistent with how I see i t " , " i s very true", and so on. Some co-researchers had nothing to add to the r e s u l t s . Others elaborated on the r e s u l t s or c l a r i f i e d t h e i r meaning. Many co-researchers made new insights or connections when given the Q-sort r e s u l t s , and repeatedly commented on how i n t e r e s t i n g the r e s u l t s were. One co-researcher was so impressed with the o v e r a l l theme of change that she suggested that she have i t mounted and hung on the w a l l . She acknowledged that i t was a rather s i m p l i f i e d version, but nonetheless found i t to be highly meaningful. Another co-researcher, when charting his changeline, had spontaneously included the peaks and valleys as he experienced them. The graphic presentation of his pattern probe for the f i r s t p r i n c i p a l component was s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to that of his own changeline (see Appendix B and compare with Appendix A, Case Study Two). In two cases, co-researchers did not confirm the Q-sort r e s u l t s . In both instances, co-researchers i n i t i a t e d a dialogue with the researcher regarding the discrepancy. In Lee's case, we concluded that the events he had selected for Q-sorting had been too general, r e f e r r i n g to general periods of time rather than concrete, s p e c i f i c events. A j o i n t decision was made to amend the changeline and to re-do the Q-sorting. The new re s u l t s were 123 d i r e c t l y confirmed by Lee with overt expressions of affirmation such as "Now, that's got i t . " In Margaret's case, we determined that the Q-sort language had been confusing and d i f f i c u l t for her to r e l a t e to. She explained that r e l i g i o u s l i f e had i t s own vocabulary and that she did not think i n terms of achievements, goals, successes, or f a i l u r e s . A j o i n t decision was made to re-do the Q-sorts, focusing only on the items that she could r e l a t e to and the personal meaning she at t r i b u t e d to them. According to Margaret, the new re s u l t s "made sense" and "summarized things quite concisely", although they s t i l l required some t r a n s l a t i o n . Narrative Accounts Audiotapes of a l l interviews were transcribed for each co-researcher. Interview t r a n s c r i p t s and Q-sort re s u l t s were analyzed and compared. The aim was to search for convergence among information i n order to construct c l e a r , exact statements of the person's experience and to organize these statements into a coherent whole. Thus, based upon a synthesis of the quantitative evidence from Q-sorts and the q u a l i t a t i v e evidence from the transformation interview and the elaboration interview, a narrative account was constructed for each co-researcher. 124 Each narrative was constructed on the basis of the following three p r i n c i p l e s . F i r s t , the accounts were sectioned into a narrative form, that i s , into a story with a beginning, a middle, and an end. Second, the sequence of events was chronologically ordered wi t h i n each section (co-researchers did not necessarily t e l l t h e i r story i n sequential order). Third, wherever possible the co-researcher's own words or phrases were used. Frequently, t h i s amounted to merely s h i f t i n g from a f i r s t person statement to a t h i r d person statement. Adherence to these p r i n c i p l e s was intended to give coherence to the person's descriptions of experience and to make the accounts more comprehensible. Both the research supervisor and the researcher had to reach agreement upon each account, given the evidence. Co-researcher Self-review According to Mishler (1986), part of empowering co-researchers involves including them i n the analysis and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of data. To t h i s end, and to lend further v a l i d a t i o n to the narrative accounts, each narrative was returned to the co-researcher for whom each was wri t t e n . The aim of t h i s review was to search for errors of omission and commission. Co-researchers were asked to read and to study t h e i r respective accounts i n order to provide feedback to the researcher on two questions. F i r s t , did the account accurately 125 portray your experience? Second, did the account leave out anything of central importance? The r e s u l t s of the co-researchers self-reviews are reported at the end of Chapter IV. Independent Review The aim of t h i s review was to have each narrative account validated by an independent source. Nine people, either having a doctorate or i n the process of completing t h e i r doctorates i n the f i e l d of Counselling Psychology, agreed to serve as independent reviewers. One person reviewed two cases. Eight people reviewed one case each. Each reviewer was provided with the audiotapes of the interviews and the written narrative account. Each independent reviewer was given the following i n s t r u c t i o n s . 1. F i r s t , l i s t e n to the audiotapes. Attend to and note any instances of leading questions, d i s t o r t i o n , bias, and i n general, any inappropriate influence on the interviewee by the interviewer. 2. While you l i s t e n , formulate an impression of the essence of .what the interviewee was intending to communicate. 3. After you have assessed the audiotapes for interviewer o b j e c t i v i t y , and formulated your own impression of the 126 interviewee, read the Case Study write-up with two questions i n mind. 1) Does the Case Study write-up accurately portray what the interviewee intended to communicate? 2) Was anything of importance to the understanding of the interviewee omitted or d i s t o r t e d i n any way? The r e s u l t s of the independent reviews are reported at the end of Chapter IV. Comparative Analysis Comments and feedback from the co-researcher self-reviews and the independent reviews were integrated into the f i n a l narrative accounts. These f i n a l write-ups provided the basis for a comparative analysis. The aim of the comparative analysis was to attempt to describe the "common structure, system, or whole that makes up a phenonemon" (Cochran & C l a s p e l l , 1987, p. 39). In t h i s case, the phenomenon i n question was a transformation of human agency. The comparative analysis involved searching for commonality among the ten narrative accounts. The res u l t s of the comparative analysis are presented i n Chapter V. 127 CHAPTER IV RESULTS: CASE STUDIES Based upon the quantitative evidence from Q-sorts and the q u a l i t a t i v e evidence from interviews, ten narrative accounts of transformations of personal agency were constructed. These ten accounts of transformation constitute the resu l t s of the study. Each account was reviewed and validated by the person for whom each was written and by an independent reviewer. The aim of t h i s chapter i s to present the ten narrative accounts, and the re s u l t s of the co-researcher self-reviews and the independent reviews. Case Study One: Fay Fay i s a 43-year old woman. Eldest of three daughters from an upper middle class family, Fay attended Catholic private g i r l s schools while growing up. In 1980, she received an honours B.A. i n hi s t o r y and i s currently working on her M.A. i n h i s t o r y . For the past nine years, she has earned a l i v i n g through a va r i e t y of part-time positions such as bookkeeping, t i c k e t sales for f e s t i v a l s , educational work i n the area of violence against women, and working as a teaching assistant at a u n i v e r s i t y . Her career presently l i e s outside of paid employment i n feminist and lesbian 128 p o l i t i c s , including diverse projects, workshops, conferences, and committees. P r i n c i p a l component analysis. The f i r s t p r i n c i p a l component accounted for 41% of the variance i n the Q-sorts. Since the factor loadings of events show clear improvement i n personal agency, ranging from a beginning of -.44 to an ending of .70, t h i s component describes what the change meant to her, using the t h e o r e t i c a l items. To define t h i s component, a l l item factor scores exceeding plus or minus 1.5 were extracted. In order of magnitude, these items are l i s t e d below, and phrased to characterize the p o s i t i v e outcome or ending. The negative beginning i s the opposite of each item. Did not f e e l anxious (2.64) F e l t i n control of my l i f e , not pushed around (2.41) Did not f e e l depressed (2.34) F e l t free, not trapped (2.16) F e l t o p t i m i s t i c and hopeful (2.02) Fel t powerful, not helpless (1.73) Did not think my f a i l u r e would be due to other people and/or circumstances (1.67) The second component accounted for 13% of the variance i n the Q-sorts. Since i t did not show improvement, ranging from a beginning event loading of .68 to an ending event loading of .42, 129 i t does not define the transformation. However, i t r e f l e c t s p o t e n t i a l l y important items that accompanied and perhaps contributed to the change. These items are l i s t e d below. Saw change as an opportunity to grow or learn (2.92) Did not foresee how to adjust to possible problems (2.52) Searched for personal meaning (2.14) Persevered despite adversity (2.13) Thought that my success would depend on my e f f o r t (1.91) Did not f e e l supported and encouraged by others (1.82) Was not helped by the example set by others (1.58) Experienced a sense of s t r i v i n g or of working hard (1.56) The pattern of change on the f i r s t component manifested extreme swings from very high s e l f d i r e c t i o n to very low s e l f - d i r e c t i o n (see Appendix A, Case Study One). Improvement did not appear to be gradual, but c y c l i c . Unstably, she rose and f e l l before maintaining a high l e v e l of agency. On the second component, there was also v a r i a t i o n , although much less extreme. Personal narrative. Fay's mother could not r e l i a b l y care for hersel f . From an early age, Fay had to t r y to care for her. At age four, Fay was able to read, but also she was her mother's confidante. She had had to be more a d u l t - l i k e , so much so that i t 130 hardly seems to Fay that she r e a l l y had a childhood, c e r t a i n l y not as a carefree, j o y f u l l i t t l e g i r l . Rather, she was the l i t t l e g i r l with the broken heart. At age 6 1/2, after taking her f i r s t Holy Communion, she was expected to attend weekly confession. She decided to see a p r i e s t who seemed l i k e a p a r t i c u l a r l y nice man. Trustingly, she believed that the p r i e s t would not know her or report her. As the s i s t e r s had t o l d her, she was free to unburden herself and seek forgiveness. After her confession one Saturday, however, the p r i e s t said, "Fay, t e l l your mother I ' l l be down for coffee after confessions." Fay f e l t uncovered, hurt, exposed now as a bad person. She was angry and devastated at the same time. Her t r u s t was broken and she had been found out. Over the next two years,' she conducted experiments on what the S i s t e r s t o l d her. They were so wrong about the p r i e s t and confession that she personally tested other ideas. For example, i f you b i t the host, i t would bleed or you would be struck by l i g h t n i n g . She broke the rules and nothing happened just as they broke the rules and were s t i l l walking around. In p a r t i c u l a r , since they did not t e l l the t r u t h , she did not have to t e l l the t r u t h e i t h e r . Fay stopped t e l l i n g the t r u t h since she f e l t she could not t r u s t anyone. 131 By grade 3, Fay was a voracious reader. She loved the l i b r a r y . One day while she was browsing through adult books, she was captivated by passages on deviant, homosexual women i n prison and mental h o s p i t a l s . She thought, "This i s me. This i s my l i f e . I've always l i k e d g i r l s better than boys. This i s what's happening to me." She now had a name and i t was lesbian. Armed with t h i s name that described her, she began to search through indices i n other books. Finding out about herself was wonderful, e x c i t i n g , but i t was also h o r r i b l e . Lesbians were i n prison and i n mental h o s p i t a l s , and i f she t o l d anyone that she too was a lesbian, she was a f r a i d that she would be locked up. She could not t e l l anyone. I t was too dangerous. She wanted to be a doctor and read of Pasteur and other medical heroes. Doctors took care of people j u s t as she took care of her mother. Some things she could t e l l , but deeper reasons had to be covered up. Who she r e a l l y was had to be buried, never revealed. Fay always f e l t a l i t t l e weird, d i f f e r e n t from others, perhaps because she was so much t a l l e r . Between age 11 and 12, she grew seven inches and i s now s i x feet and one inch. Because she was d i f f e r e n t , and differences were dangerous, she had to t r y hard to f i t i n . Outwardly, Fay achieved considerable success. Although she was never popular with boys, she earned good grades and was 132 involved i n student p o l i t i c s . In the eighth grade, she was class president. On parade with her mother, she always passed well enough. However, i t was a l l a fraud. Fay was quite conscious of not f i t t i n g i n , despite her e f f o r t s , not being a r e a l g i r l . There was always the public front and the dangerous, hidden r e a l i t y . In the summer of 1960, the family moved to Canada. For Fay, i t was another chance to f i t i n , to be a regular person, but as an American, she was made to f e e l d i f f e r e n t again. I t was but another way she was not r i g h t . By t h i s time Fay's mother had become an a l c o h o l i c . In the private Catholic school for g i r l s , she again experienced crushes on other g i r l s , but never revealed her feelings. These crushes passed, but there was one that did not. During high school, she loved her best f r i e n d , M, and fantasized how they would go away and l i v e together upon graduation. Her f e e l i n g s , desires, the r e a l i t y she l i v e d through high school were dangerous and covered over by her attempts to be normal. Perhaps for t h i s reason, Fay feels that she did not a c t u a l l y have experiences i n high school. Rather, she read and imagined. During t h i s period of acute d a i l y schism between the front and the hidden r e a l i t y , Fay continued a vigorous involvement i n student government and student clubs. She excelled i n public speaking and debates. Outwardly, she was a competent young woman on her way to 133 a successful career. Inwardly, she was torn. More and more had to be covered over, even from her s e l f . Shortly before graduation, M suddenly announced that she was going into a convent. Fay could not understand i t . She thought she knew M deeply, knew what was happening, but M turned into someone she did not know. Feeling abandoned by her f r i e n d , Fay was l e f t to t r y to figure things but, to search for a way to l i v e l i f e as he r s e l f . Although M came back after only s i x months i n the convent, i t was never the same. Fay s t i l l loved her, but f e l t she could no longer t r u s t her. Nearing graduation, Fay planned to become a doctor, a person who rescues others. I t was prestigious, rare for women i n those days, and required i n t e l l i g e n c e , making medicine a very a t t r a c t i v e option. F i l l i n g out t h i s conventional picture of the future, Fay thought she would have to get married, but did not dwell upon what exactly that would mean. I t was a l l part of f i t t i n g i n , forming a cover. Fay's parents planned to send her to a u n i v e r s i t y far from home. I t was a l l arranged; a u n i v e r s i t y , a part-time job, and a major i n pre-med. The plan t e r r i f i e d Fay. She had never been away from home. Indeed, she had been rather sheltered. What she knew of the world was mostly through reading. When a prom date led from her f i r s t sexual experience to a proposal, Fay welcomed the 134 engagement as a way out. She would gain freedom from her mother's r e s t r i c t i o n s , become a grown up, have a place i n the world. She would f i t i n and not have to do anything t e r r i f y i n g l i k e go away to school. So unlike were Fay and her husband that she became very bored. After they moved to another c i t y due to his job transfer, Fay gained s i x t y pounds. She knew that she was a lesbian, even though she had no experiences to r e a l l y confirm i t , and marriage came to seem l i k e a great disguise. When a f r i e n d asked her when they would have a baby, Fay s t a r t l e d herself by her uncensored reply, "I'm either going to have a baby, or I'm going to leave my husband." She could never imagine having a baby with her husband and whatever penetrated her guard when replying to the fr i e n d seemed to know that. Over and over, she rehearsed the experience and resolved to t e l l her husband, and when she did af t e r the Christmas season, they s p l i t on that very day with incr e d i b l e suddenness. There were some half-hearted attempts to salvage the marriage, but there was r e a l l y no rel a t i o n s h i p to save. Fay's parents returned to the United States, but Fay decided not to go with them. I t was another chance for freedom, another chance to struggle for personal s u r v i v a l i n the face of r e s t r i c t i o n s that she cover up, never expose herself. She could not l i v e with the front, nor could she l i v e without i t as yet. The 135 front was everything conventional and secure; i t offered belonging. The buried s e l f was unknown i n implications for l i v i n g , forbidding and dangerous. She struggled for a way to make l i f e work. Within one year, she was married again. Her new husband, B, was a drug dealer who dealt mainly i n acid and marijuana. They t r a v e l l e d a l o t over the next seven years and had e x c i t i n g times, but i n t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p that she was determined to make work, she was u t t e r l y subservient, B's old lady. She did not want to be a loser again, as B often reminded her, but i n tr y i n g to succeed, she had given herself up. She was B's caretaker and rescuer. She was defined l a r g e l y by him and he continually t o l d her that she was not a t t r a c t i v e , not tr u s t a b l e , and not very smart. Underneath, she had become ce r t a i n of l i v i n g a front. She was stoned a l o t of the time and her memories of these years are s t i l l fuzzy. One day when she was stoned, required to pour forth another sex t a l e to quench B's pornographic fantasies, she t o l d him that she was attracted to women. I n i t i a l l y , he used t h i s to torment her, but then he i n v i t e d D to l i v e with them and more or less l i v e d h is fantasies. I t was Fay's f i r s t sexual experience with another woman. D l i v e d with them on and o f f for several years u n t i l Fay f i n a l l y demanded that she leave. But B made her apologize and bring her back the next year, after they were arrested on drug charges. 136 Awaiting t r i a l i n a minimum security prison, Fay experienced an amazing moment of c l a r i t y . On one hand, the experience was thoroughly degrading. Yet on the other, she r e a l i z e d that there were lesbians i n prison. She was e c s t a t i c , as i f coming home. She would meet some, t a l k to them, and her middle class t r e p i d a t i o n was overpowered by e x h i l a r a t i o n . I r o n i c a l l y , Fay experienced an incredi b l e b r i e f moment of l i b e r a t i o n i n j a i l . Soon a f t e r , she was b a i l e d out and ordered by the court to l i v e with B's parents. I t was oppressive and she f e l t devastated by i s o l a t i o n . She began drinking heavily, taking cocaine, and seducing anyone she could f i n d . When B got out of j a i l , she and B and D l i v e d together as before. To pay the b i l l s , Fay found a job as a secretary i n a u n i v e r s i t y department, and joined the union. When Fay learned that D had l o s t her job again and that she would be paying the b i l l s a l l by he r s e l f , she was once more s t a r t l e d by what she said before her guard suppressed i t , "You know, I think I'd rather j u s t l i v e alone." As long as thoughts were i n s i d e , they were not quite r e a l , but once expressed, they could not be taken back. "Once a r e a l thing i s said, you can't take i t back." The thought takes on more substance as a pathway, a viabl e option. While B exploded, Fay packed and was gone i n twenty minutes, another sudden closing of an enduring s i t u a t i o n . 137 Fay had escaped, saved by what f e l t l i k e a r e a l s e l f that popped out before she could check i t . She f e l t free, huge, subs t a n t i a l . She f e l t l i k e she could do anything, go anywhere, and be anybody. Sometimes she would remember herself i n youth, so f u l l of p o t e n t i a l , and wonder where she went. Now, she f e l t reconnected, as though she had found her again. Outside of the re l a t i o n s h i p with B, she could see what i t had been l i k e , constrained, narrow, stagnant, and awful. Inside, she had not sensed the f u l l scope of her confinement and incapacitation. Outside, the trap was v i v i d , standing i n stark contrast to her renewed sense of p o s s i b i l i t y , the sheer authenticity of p o s s i b i l i t y . At the time, there were many problems between the u n i v e r s i t y and union members. While Fay was never allowed to be angry i n her personal r e l a t i o n s , she could be outraged over unfair practices. She soon became prominent i n the union, a spokesperson who led two- thousand-large meetings and confronted a u t h o r i t i e s . She rediscovered that she had a mind, that she was a powerful and persuasive person, and that she could scare a u t h o r i t i e s . Bright, a r t i c u l a t e , and ass e r t i v e , she was a major figure i n the s t r i k e , yet i n relationships such as with B and D she f e l t trapped and powerless. 138 At work, she became the spokesperson representing the union during negotiations with u n i v e r s i t y administrators. I t seemed as though she were exercising her r e a l s e l f i n union work and penetrating through her middle class myths. I d e a l i s t i c and naive, she was e c s t a t i c with what she was discovering, p a r t i c u l a r l y about gender and class differences. She was convinced that administrators treated employees l i k e d i r t and thought of them l i k e d i r t . For once, Fay f e l t engaged with the world on behalf of something worthwhile. This sense of engagement led her into a va r i e t y of other a c t i v i t i e s . Fay went on a women's weekend with a fri e n d . In a Gestalt session, Fay heard a woman t e l l a story about the b i r t h of her daughter who was born with a withered arm. Immediately after labour the male doctor said, "There, there dear, y o u ' l l do better next time." Fay was hurt and outraged. She i d e n t i f i e d with a l l women and a l l women's pain as never before. The doctor was not t e l l i n g the tr u t h ( l i k e the nuns); i t was not the woman's f a u l t . This time something " r e a l " did not pop out of Fay, but rather penetrated i n from the outside. I t was a profound moment, never to be forgotten. The next day, Fay attended a p o l i t i c a l r a l l y . I t was here that Fay encountered her f i r s t p o s i t i v e lesbian role model. Through E, Fay was inspired to feminism and the women's movement. 139 I t was possibly a way to understand herself as a lesbian, herself as a woman, and her own hi s t o r y . I t became clear that her work was with women. She decided to return to school. In preparation for her return to school, Fay took a course i n Women's Studies. I t was a joy to learn i n a supportive environment. I t gave Fay the confidence to go forward into f u l l time studies, as wel l as an i n t e l l e c t u a l d i r e c t i o n . Around t h i s time, Fay met K, her second p o s i t i v e lesbian role model. K f r e e l y shared her knowledge of the lesbian community and took Fay under her wing. Fay began f u l l time work on a B.A. i n h i s t o r y and was l a t e r i n v i t e d to j o i n the honours program which she completed i n 1980. She had quit her job as a secretary and worked at a rape c r i s i s centre during the summer. She became involved with T, a man who had a c t i v e l y pursued her. Through T she became acquainted with what she c a l l e d "the therapy language people". Beyond t h e i r strange vocabulary (giving permission to yourself, owning, e t c . ) , she did learn useful things such as the importance of being able to say "no". She was introduced to women involved i n the women's movement and left-wing p o l i t i c s , and t h e i r various a c t i v i t i e s . Through a v a r i e t y of a c t i v i t i e s , Fay began to c r y s t a l l i z e issues that concerned her deeply (e.g., violence to women, discrimination) and ways to address these issues, such as public speaking, doing 140 workshops, and developing organizations. In t h i s vigorous engagement with the world, Fay consciously t r i e d to make contact with her 6 year old s e l f , to take apart the layers of cover and somehow integrate that 6 year old with her adult s e l f , and to invest her current and more mature engagements with the u n s u l l i e d s p i r i t of that l o s t l i t t l e g i r l of youth. As her a c t i v i t i e s grew, her relationships also grew and became more complicated. The threat of being swallowed up i n a rela t i o n s h i p was always there. However, t h i s time she was able to stand back and distance h e r s e l f . More importantly, she was able to say no to T, the man with whom she was involved. I t had ju s t popped out, as other things had popped out at c r i t i c a l times i n the past, as i f there were a r e a l s e l f who became so disturbed by her practice i n not being herself that i t penetrated her defenses. Yet once again, i t was r i g h t and Fay f e l t freedom from entanglement and pretense. A l l those years, she had struggled to f i t i n with a front personality. Now, she began to see a p o s s i b i l i t y of l i v i n g more authe n t i c a l l y . Before she had thought that i f she could but see a way to l i v e as a lesbian, she would do i t . Now, she r e a l i z e d she could not wait for a clear plan. One l i v e s l i f e as a lesbian by just doing i t , deciding and doing. Two women t o l d her that she must make up her mind to either come out and be a lesbian or to not 141 come out, but to make the decision. Fay dwelled on the decision, mused i n her journal, and af t e r two weeks, the decision c r y s t a l l i z e d , s i m p l i f i e d . I f you are going to be a lesbian, she thought, you are going to be one. There would be no more fronts, dodges, and hedges. I t was r e a l l y a decision to become undivided. Feeling worn down by her work i n the rape c r i s i s centre and i n her group of friends, she was pursued by a woman who was funny and who seemed to appreciate her i n t e l l e c t , a rticulateness, and sexual aggressiveness. I t was a welcome contrast and perhaps a chance to r e a l i z e the dream held long ago with M, to go away and l i v e together. When she moved i n with H, she was required to give up contact with others. Further, since H was s t i l l i n the cl o s e t , Fay had to share the closet with her after having just come out and announcing her lesbianism to s i g n i f i c a n t others. Fay had to give up her p o l i t i c a l work and soon found herself s t r i v i n g to be the person H wanted her to be. Fay was too f a t . Her hai r was not r i g h t . Her clothes were a l l wrong. Fay wanted to be r i g h t , wanted the r e l a t i o n s h i p to work, but i t was becoming more tempestuous d a i l y . H was possessive, demanding, and vulnerable, a binge al c o h o l i c who needed someone to care for her. Fay t r i e d , but when arguments escalated into outright violence, she l e f t . I t was too frightening. 142 For the next 2 1/2 years, Fay l i v e d alone. She had never l i v e d alone before and i t was wonderful, so uncomplicated. She re-entered the women's movement, did workshops on behalf of battered women, and worked i n the anti-pornography movement. Her work i n anti-pornography led her to re-examine her l i f e and accept that her rel a t i o n s h i p with B had been sexually abusive. Fay f e l t l i k e she was close to burning out, and quit her job i n a shelter for battered women and t h e i r children. Fay even had another re l a t i o n s h i p with a woman i n which she did not lose herself, but the r e l a t i o n s h i p did not work out and they parted as friends. On the rebound, she b r i e f l y took up with another woman who was l i k e a c l i e n t , and i t did not l a s t . In relationships and i n work, she had struggled to free others, to transform them from unhappy people into a happier version of herse l f . While her work tended to be constructive, her relationships tended to be destructive and Fay t r i e d to evaluate her role i n them. Always, i t seemed, she had given herself up i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s , become a front and denied herse l f . "I needed to have a decent re l a t i o n s h i p with myself i f I was ever going to have a decent r e l a t i o n s h i p with others." During t h i s period of re-investments and withdrawals, Fay was tr y i n g to care f o r ' h e r s e l f , to e s t a b l i s h a stronger re l a t i o n s h i p with h e r s e l f , both p h y s i c a l l y and emotionally. 143 As Fay was maintaining her p o l i t i c a l work and returning to u n i v e r s i t y for graduate work, she became involved with P and moved i n with her because she was a f r a i d of losing her. For the f i r s t two years, i t was f i n e , but then P began to withdraw. Fay t r i e d to reach her, to do what she wanted, but was ignored and had to t r y harder. She was being lured once more into giving herself up, when she attended a Celebrate Sobriety meeting (a meeting for alcoholics or friends and families of alcoholics [Al-Anon]) for gay men and lesbians that was to have a decisive influence. At the meeting, one of the main speakers described what i t was l i k e to be a c h i l d of a l c o h o l i c parents. In a piercing f l a s h , Fay recognized that t h i s indeed named her. She had been the eldest and responsible daughter, the f i r s t of the s i b l i n g s to face the alcoholism of mother. When the speaker described i n pointed d e t a i l how she had taken r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for everything, Fay was stunned. I t was a major rev e l a t i o n that moved her to a point of no-turning back, much l i k e the times when her r e a l s e l f had seemed to pop out to cut an entanglement. Once a rea l thing i s said, i t opens p o s s i b i l i t y and cannot be taken back. Fay knew she had to do something. On the next day, she attended a workshop i n which the leader instructed them to f i n d the l i t t l e g i r l with the broken heart and put her on your lap. Fay spent the session caring for t h i s l i t t l e 144 g i r l , getting to know her, and when the leader asked them to put the l i t t l e g i r l back, Fay could not. I t f e l t as though she had f i n a l l y found her and she simply could not put her back. In tears, she t o l d the leader she could not do i t , and the leader asked her what she wanted to do. Fay wanted to take care of her l i f e , a l i f e that she was now seeing whole for the f i r s t time, coherently and without blin d e r s . For the next year, Fay attended weekly meetings of an Al-Anon group. I t offered the support she needed and considerable i n s i g h t . These statements are s t i l l v i v i d . You cannot play God i n other people's l i v e s . You cannot take t o t a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for others. You cannot depend on others to keep you busy care-taking. You must pursue your own l i f e . I t i s an on-going struggle to remember one's own worth. Putting oneself f i r s t i s not a matter of self-indulgence, but of becoming a moral person. From worth comes a moral outlook, the p o s s i b i l i t y of l i v i n g with i n t e g r i t y . Between meetings, Fay began to practice and experiment, s t r i v i n g to take back her l i f e . She found that when she acted on her own emerging stance i n l i f e , she did not f e e l so t i e d up. For a while, her re l a t i o n s h i p with P seemed to improve. Then i t became worse. A f r i e n d f i n a l l y prompted Fay to save herself. "What are you going to do?" she asked. Fay went to P and when i t became clear that there was no way to work things out, she l e f t . 145 Since leaving P, Fay has l i v e d alone. She does not ever want to be i n a dependent r e l a t i o n s h i p again. She has another enduring r e l a t i o n s h i p , but i t does not involve care-taking. There i s no search for a wonderful person underneath to.be brought f o r t h through her care. She does not want another r e l a t i o n s h i p with someone l i k e her mother. That has been resolved. No more w i l l she give herself up. At present, Fay feels stronger and that she can count on her own decisions and judgments. There do not seem to be any more covers and secrets. Unclouded by the necessity of maintaining a f i c t i o n , she can see herself c l e a r l y and has more self-respect. I t feels r i g h t and good. Her career i n community p o l i t i c s seems very worthwhile and s a t i s f y i n g . She pursues worthwhile goals for her own reasons, not because someone else wants i t . For Fay, the change involved a discovery of "my own d e f i n i t i o n of myself and making that r e a l i n my l i f e , " a movement from "containment to l i b e r t y " . We develop habits of seeing situations i n c e r t a i n ways, of acting, a n t i c i p a t i n g , and reacting. To break a habit requires consciousness of i t and a decision to change i t . P a r t i a l l y , t h i s involved admitting that she was the a d u l t - l i k e c h i l d of an a l c o h o l i c and coming to know the l i t t l e g i r l with the broken heart who never had a chance to be carefree. Breaking a habit also requires sustained v i g i l a n c e to avoid traps of habit and 146 a capacity to exercise one's w i l l , to be responsible for oneself and not blame everyone else. I t was Fay who constructed the covers u n t i l she was l o s t i n them and Fay who eventually had to penetrate through these b a r r i e r s to understanding. In her l i f e , Fay has learned that i t i s a "revolutionary act to be yourself". In the s o c i a l world, there are endless temptations and coercions to l i v e a f i c t i o n . Convergence. The theme of l i b e r a t i o n from entrapment, evident i n the f i r s t component, i s also prominent i n the personal narrative. The c y c l i c movement of t h i s component across events or periods of time p a r a l l e l s the ups and downs related i n the story. For example, af t e r Fay was arrested and spent a b r i e f time i n prison, she had to l i v e with B's parents, who were extremely r e s t r i c t i v e . They had the l e g a l authority to regulate her l i f e and did so. She described t h i s period as awful and i t i s r e f l e c t e d on the f i r s t p r i n c i p a l component as a downward swing. When she l e f t B, she was exhilarated and involved herself with various kinds of constructive work. Escaping t h i s entanglement and launching her own projects was described as wonderful and i s r e f l e c t e d on the f i r s t component as an upward swing. The p r i n c i p a l component analysis stands to the personal narrative much l i k e abstract and general i s to concrete and p a r t i c u l a r . Each r e f l e c t s the other, but the narrative i s much more precise and comprehensible. 147 The theme of the second component seems to be s t r i v i n g for meaningful opportunities to grow or change despite entanglement and adversity. This theme i s also evident i n the personal narrative. Roughly and not as extremely, movement on t h i s component tends to contrast with movement on the f i r s t component. That i s , she was apt to s t r i v e hard, search for meaning, and seek opportunities most when she was trapped and least when she was l i b e r a t e d from entanglement. Toward the end, however, there i s at least a hint that the two components might be converging. That i s , i n the end, she shaped a s i t u a t i o n of personal freedom i n which s t r i v i n g , searching, and seeking were i n t e n s i f i e d rather than m i l d l y relaxed. Given the two components, the o v e r a l l theme of change seems to be that i f one can keep s t r i v i n g , searching for meaning, and seeking opportunities to grow, i n spite of depression, lack of support, and adversity, then one w i l l escape entrapment and gain freedom, c o n t r o l , power, and an o p t i m i s t i c approach to l i f e . While t h i s theme seems applicable to her transformation, i t i s also rather general, not as precise as her own thematic statements of the change. Fay could not sustain her freedom and potency u n t i l she discovered/constructed a meaningful and workable d e f i n i t i o n of herself to l i v e . For her, i t was indeed a revolutionary act to be herself amid the confining d e f i n i t i o n s of others that were held out as ways to f i t i n . 148 Case Study Two: Glen Glen i s a 28 year old man, the f i r s t born of a family of four children. He comes from an upper middle class background and h i s family i s Jewish. Glen has a Bachelor of Science degree and i s currently completing a Master's degree i n Counselling Psychology. He works as a therapist i n a centre that provides treatment for victims of incest and sexual abuse. P r i n c i p a l component analysis. The f i r s t p r i n c i p a l component accounted for 31% of the variance i n the Q-sorts. Since the factor loadings of events show clear improvement i n personal agency, ranging from a beginning of -.15 to end loadings of .85 and .66, t h i s component describes what the change meant to him i n terms of the t h e o r e t i c a l items. To define t h i s component, a l l item factor scores exceeding plus or minus 1.5 were extracted. In order of magnitude, these items are l i s t e d below, and phrased to characterize the p o s i t i v e outcome or ending. The negative beginning i s the opposite of each item. Was not too e a s i l y influenced by others (2.26) Did not f e e l depressed (2.12) F e l t powerful, not helpless (2.03) Was not helped by the example set by other people (1.79) 149 Did not think that my f a i l u r e would be due to other people and/or circumstances (1.61) Had a strong sense of meaning, was not aimless (1.60) Did not accept goals that were not r e a l l y mine, but came from s i t u a t i o n a l demands or other people's expectations (1.56) F e l t i n control of my l i f e , not pushed around (1.55) Took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for setting my own d i r e c t i o n (1.53) The second component accounted for 23% of the variance i n the Q-sorts. Since i t did not show improvement, ranging from a beginning event loading of .54 to an ending event loading of .44, i t does not define the transformation. However, i t r e f l e c t s p o t e n t i a l l y important items that accompanied and perhaps contributed to the change. These items are l i s t e d below. Fe l t anxious (2.35) Did not f e e l confident (2.27) Did not f e e l competent (2.09) Fe l t a deep sense of commitment (1.57) Fe l t a strong sense of involvement (1.55) Did not experience a fee l i n g of s a t i s f a c t i o n (1.55) Persevered despite adversity (1.52) The change r e f l e c t e d on the f i r s t component involves a movement toward less depression through self-guidance, finding 150 personal meaning, and taking r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The pattern of change on the f i r s t component was c y c l i c with extreme swings up and down before culminating i n a higher l e v e l of self-guidance (see Appendix A, Case Study Two). The second component concerns a willingness to persevere, despite a host of d i f f i c u l t emotions (feeling anxious, incompetent, d i s s a t i s f i e d , and lacking i n confidence), for the sake of a deep commitment. The pattern of movement on t h i s component i s also c y c l i c with extreme ups and downs, but unlike the f i r s t component, i t shows no improvement. Roughly, movement on t h i s component tends to contrast with movement on the f i r s t component. That i s , he was apt to draw on his commitment and persevere most when he was depressed, aimless, and dominated by others. Toward the end, however, there i s some i n d i c a t i o n that the two components might be converging. That i s , i n the end, he was able to sustain hi s feelings of self-guidance and meaning despite being i n or out of harsh circumstances. Personal narrative. Glen was consistently b e l i t t l e d and berated when he f e l l short of his father's expectations. One of the ways h i s father would punish him was by laying him on a bed, holding his hands behind h i s back and strapping h i s bare backside with a b e l t . Although Glen f e l t hurt and humiliated by these incidents, he also f e l t powerless to stop them. He was scared s i l e n t by his father. Beneath t h i s silence he was f u l l of rage, 151 but instead of d i r e c t i n g t h i s rage outwardly toward his father, he directed i t inwardly toward himself. Glen was a depressed and anxious c h i l d . By the age of 8, he had gained a l o t of weight and was the target of r i d i c u l e by his s i b l i n g s and hi s schoolmates. He was convinced that i f he l o s t weight, things would be better and he would get what he wanted out of l i f e . Except for the odd f r i e n d outside of school, h is friends were generally people l i k e the grocery store owner or the school j a n i t o r . In junior high, the other kids would deride him and beat him up. He f e l t alone and lonely. By junior high, he had some i n k l i n g that l i f e did not have to be t h i s way, but he s t i l l f e l t powerless to change i t . Glen coped with l i f e through fantasy. He would imagine being able to f l y , being able to be i n v i s i b l e , or having a l l the money i n the world. He chose fantasies that made him f e e l free and important. On the down side of the fantasies, he would imagine k i l l i n g himself and what i t would be l i k e to be dead. From an early age, Glen's father expected him to be a doctor i n order to follow i n his footsteps. Everything Glen did or did not do was measured i n rel a t i o n s h i p to that expectation. At 17, Glen entered pre-med at u n i v e r s i t y . Although he started out e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y , he soon found that he had trouble concentrating. He was s t i l l caught i n a fantasy world t r y i n g to escape. 152 Consequently, Glen did not do w e l l that year and his father expressed strong disapproval. Glen f e l t g u i l t y , l i k e he had l e t his family and himself down. The following summer his mother got him a job i n construction. Glen decided to t r y to lose some weight, and with hard work and e f f o r t he l o s t 35 pounds. He continued to lose weight a f t e r he returned to school and by the end of the year he had l o s t a t o t a l of 75 pounds. He f e l t good about t h i s accomplishment, but i t did not quite have the impact that he had fantasized i t would. What did have a substantial impact on him was meeting a g i r l who seemed to l i k e him. He paraded her around the u n i v e r s i t y demonstrating to people that he was indeed a lovable person. After a few weeks she had to go away. Glen directed a l l his e f f o r t s into bridging the gap between them with l e t t e r s and telephone c a l l s , and spent his time fantasizing about l i f e with her, which did not help his grades. Around t h i s time, one of his professors seemed to take an i n t e r e s t i n him, which made him f e e l important. I t also made him f e e l anxious and f e a r f u l because he was sure he would lose t h i s "special status" once the professor found out what an "unacceptable" person he r e a l l y was. Glen worked hard to anticipate what the professor wanted so as to get approval and avoid r e j e c t i o n . 153 Glen's grades improved i n his second year of u n i v e r s i t y , but they s t i l l were not good enough for medical school. By now, Glen had embraced the fantasy about becoming a doctor himself. He thought i t would give him power and status. He would have his father's approval and, at the same time, his father would not be able to control him.- The summer following h i s second year of u n i v e r s i t y , Glen got a job working at a Youth Detention Centre. Despite the fact that these young g i r l s were imprisoned, Glen envied them. They had something he longed f o r . They had an a b i l i t y to survive i n harsh circumstances. Glen had always seen himself as kind of a wimp. After work, Glen hung out with some guys from the u n i v e r s i t y who were hippies. To Glen, hippies symbolized freedom and acceptance, the things he yearned for most. As students of philosophy, they spent a good deal of time c r i t i q u i n g society and exchanging ideas about how to improve i t . They also did drugs. Glen eagerly joined i n , finding i t easier to rebel against p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s than his own s i t u a t i o n at home. A couple of the guys suggested going to Europe. After h e s i t a t i n g i n i t i a l l y , Glen decided to go with them because he thought he may be able to discover h i s own s u r v i v a l c a p a b i l i t i e s l i k e the g i r l s at the Detention Centre. He also desperately wanted to escape the pressure of school and his father. A number of 154 people that Glen respected supported his decision to go. Having t h i s support gave him the strength he needed to go against his father's wishes which were to stay i n school. He arrived at the air p o r t with h i s backpack and gear; he was f i l l e d with excitement and fear. His friends, however, never showed up. Despite f e e l i n g shocked, unnerved, and disappointed with t h i s r a d i c a l change i n circumstances, he decided to go anyway. Tr a v e l l i n g taught Glen the things he wanted to learn. He was on h i s own with no one t e l l i n g him what to do or who to be. Sometimes i t was lonely. He read books that he was interested i n and wrote poetry. He met people from many d i f f e r e n t cultures who he f e l t were interested i n , and accepting of, him as he was, not as the person he could or should be. Most importantly, he was surviving on his own under harsh circumstances. He was taking care of himself and able to get what he needed, which helped his self-confidence. He was beginning to discover his own strength and power. In I s r a e l , he l i v e d on a kibbutz. He met a woman that he l i v e d with for a couple of months. This was his f i r s t sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p . Having t h i s woman be attracted to him was ex h i l a r a t i n g , almost too good to be true. After a few months, Glen l e f t the kibbutz and resumed t r a v e l l i n g . He was eager to have new experiences and to test his increased confidence. 155 After a year, Glen returned home for his brother's bar mitzvah. He f e l t d i f f e r e n t somehow, worldly.' He f e l t s p e c i a l and unique because of h i s accomplishment and had started to accept some of h is p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s l i k e being f r i e n d l y and easy to t a l k to. He was accepted by people i n Europe, so he did not need the acceptance from people at home quite as much. He had survived on his own for a year which made him f e e l l i k e he was was a r e a l person, someone with substance and fo r t i t u d e . A 76 year old woman l i v i n g on the kibbutz had c a l l e d him a "mench" (a Y i t t i s h term for a man with character) and t o l d him never to forget i t . Glen f e l t affirmed, he had substance and character, i t was i n him. People at home seemed to treat him d i f f e r e n t l y . After 18 years of fe e l i n g i n s i g n i f i c a n t , i t gave him a new lease on l i f e . Perhaps l i f e was not so bad after a l l . When his father t r i e d to minimize and deflate h i s experience, Glen was eager to leave again. Instead of leaving, Glen went back to u n i v e r s i t y to complete his t h i r d year of pre-med. This time he added some psychology and philosophy courses to his program of study. He became more interested and involved i n the arts i n general. The pressure from his father continued, "When are you going to be somebody?" Even though Glen hated h i s father and fought against his judgements, they s t i l l seemed to seep i n . Glen had i n t e r n a l i z e d the b e l i e f 156 that "making i t " meant receiving his father's approval. After four agonizing years, he completed his Bachelor of Science degree. Despite doing better i n the l a s t two years of his degree, Glen s t i l l needed to improve the grades from his f i r s t two years. He could not repeat them at the same u n i v e r s i t y , so he decided to go to a u n i v e r s i t y away from home. Despite fe e l i n g incompetent and uninterested i n h i s coursework, Glen worked p a i n f u l l y hard. To add to the agony, Glen had l e f t a rel a t i o n s h i p back home and was fee l i n g lonely. He completed two years i n one and managed to pick up his. grades. When i t came time to go home, Glen hesitated. He decided to look for a job rather than to return home. His plan was to work for the summer and to go to medical school i n the f a l l . He applied for a job as a family counsellor working with sexually abused children. Many of his previous summer jobs had involved working i n a s o c i a l service capacity. He enjoyed the job, but very quickly f e l t l i k e he was i n over his head. Eventually, he decided to put medical school on hold. He was beginning to f e e l torn between s o c i a l service'work and medicine, despite the status, power, and family approval associated with becoming a doctor. Being away from home and away from his father's pressure made t h i s decision easier. Without the constant pressure, Glen was freed up to focus on the task at hand without the nagging f e e l i n g that he was not doing what he was supposed to be doing. 157 While working, Glen became p a i n f u l l y aware of how unaware he was of himself. For instance, when he was working with a family where the father reminded him of his own, he would become paralyzed and be unable to help. He also f e l t unsure of what he was doing and was a f r a i d that he might hurt someone he was working with. After pursuing some t r a i n i n g i n play therapy, he r e a l i z e d that i t s t i l l was not enough. His own feelings were s t i l l getting i n the way. He decided to get some counselling for himself i n order to protect his c l i e n t s . At f i r s t , Glen focused on the doubts he had about being a good counsellor. As counselling progressed, the focus s h i f t e d to Glen's re l a t i o n s h i p with h i s father. Glen f e l t g u i l t y about not l i v i n g up to h i s father's expectations and angry at having been abused by him. He had a hard time i d e n t i f y i n g his feelings. One of the ways he was able to i d e n t i f y them was through painting. Even af t e r these feelings were i d e n t i f i e d , he had a hard time sharing them with his counsellor. He did not t r u s t her and was sure she would reject him i f she discovered who he r e a l l y was. Who he r e a l l y was, was a son f i l l e d with rage. A l l the anger he f e l t toward his father was turned inward on himself and came out i n the form of depression, worthlessness, powerlessness and the f e e l i n g that he was bad and deserved the beatings he got. "There i s something wrong with me, not with him", he thought. He did not need his 158 father around anymore to punish him; he was doing i t a l l by himself. When his counsellor responded to him by saying, "You were r e a l l y abused," Glen was shocked. She said i t l i k e he had a ri g h t to be angry. He thought i t was normal for father's to strap t h e i r children. He wondered why others were able to accept i t and he had not been able to. There were so many things coming up that he was not aware of that he began to lose t r u s t i n himself. He wondered who he was and what was to happen next. Despite the uncertainty and the foreboding f e e l i n g he had, he persevered rather than giving up. Somehow, he knew he had to. While i n counselling, Glen read a book by A l i c e M i l l e r e n t i t l e d , Thou Shalt Not Be Aware, which was to be a p i v o t a l point i n his transformation, a point of no turning back. The book was about how parents can abuse t h e i r children and how much of i t comes from t r y i n g to meet t h e i r own needs. As Glen read the book, i t seemed to s t r i k e every nerve i n his body. Someone else had put words to his experience, r i g h t down to selecting the exact words he would have chosen. Although he f e l t very validated reading the book, he f e l t a complete and overwhelming sense of aloneness. He sobbed to his counsellor, "They betrayed me, they were using me." He h i t h i s a l l time low. Glen knew that his counsellor was not using him and that she cared for him despite knowing who he r e a l l y was. Glen desperately wanted to lose control and not be 159 responsible for himself. His counsellor sensed t h i s and set some clear l i m i t s for him. Further devastated by t h i s apparent r e j e c t i o n , Glen became angry and then depressed. Over a period of 6 weeks, Glen began to put into practice the things he had learned i n therapy. He began to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for himself, acting on h i s own behalf by attending to his own emotional needs. He provided for himself the nurturance he f e l t he had missed as a young boy. He did things l i k e paint, spend time i n nature, take hot baths, drink hot tea, and sleep with a hot water b o t t l e near his stomach. Eventually, he emerged from t h i s dark, l i f e l e s s p i t of depression. He was f i l l e d with an enormous sense of well-being and joy. After what f e l t l i k e a metamorphosis, Glen was able to r e l a t e to himself as well as to others, d i f f e r e n t l y . He had found something i n himself he had never known before: the capacity to provide for himself the things he needed emotionally. He f e l t comforted, more connected to other people, and not so alone. He f e l t able to develop honest and meaningful relationships with others without fear of r e j e c t i o n . He l o s t the fear that he might hurt h i s c l i e n t s and knew that s o c i a l services were more i n l i n e with his true s e l f . Becoming a doctor had only been a means to secure his father's approval and acceptance. He had walked, or perhaps stumbled, through the darkness into the l i g h t . Now he f e l t he could seek out what he needed and 160 deserved what he got. He had learned to take care of himself p h y s i c a l l y (through t r a v e l l i n g ) and now he had learned to take care of himself emotionally. He could be responsible for his own feelings of anger, depression, and aloneness. No one else would or could do i t for him anyway. By taking r e s p o n s i b i l i t y he f e l t stronger, more powerful and i n c o n t r o l , and his depression l i f t e d . Even though he knew he was alone i n the world, he did not f e e l lonely. Having had t h i s experience and having completed 2 1/2 years of counselling, Glen f e l t he had come to the end of what he could do with t h i s counsellor. I t was not the end of counselling; i t had become an important t o o l for self-understanding i n Glen's l i f e . For now, i t was time to not be i n counselling. I t was time to explore the things he had discovered about himself and to l i v e with them. He had learned to accept more of himself, both the p o s i t i v e and the negative. I f there was something he did not l i k e about himself, he learned that he must f i r s t accept i t as a part of himself before he could change i t . He learned that having negative feelings does not make him a bad or worthless person. Discovering these things helped Glen to r e l i e v e the g u i l t he f e l t about the person he was and, i n turn, freed him from being focused on others' opinions of him. He continued painting as a way to understand and to express himself. 161 Shortly after Glen ended counselling, h is grandfather died. Glen was to be a pallbearer at the funeral, but he could not get a f l i g h t home no matter how hard he t r i e d . He would be the only one i n the entire family that was not there. He f e l t alone and separated from h i s family. The old cloud of depression kicked i n and Glen grieved his loss alone. He returned to t a l k with his counsellor. In a r e l a t i v e l y short period of time, compared to e a r l i e r days, Glen was able to snap out of his depression. He was able to r e a l i z e that having t r i e d hard and f a i l e d did not mean that he was a f a i l u r e as a person. He did not berate himself as i f there was something wrong with him. He was able to accept the s i t u a t i o n and himself without being overwhelmed by negative feelings. Soon af t e r t h i s experience, Glen had a cl e a r , v i v i d dream. He dreamt he was i n a canoe paddling down a r i v e r on a peaceful, sunny day. There were other people i n canoes around him. They were coming up to a fork i n the r i v e r . The other people floated down one of the forks. Glen noticed something splashing i n the water. I t was a baby. As Glen drew closer, the baby l i f t e d i t s hands up toward him. Glen bent over and picked up the baby, tucking i t i n his windbreaker. They floated o f f down the other fork i n the r i v e r , both looking out at the world together. He f e l t very secure and contented. After Glen woke up, he knew with complete c l a r i t y 162 that he had done the r i g h t thing by ending counselling. He had thought that perhaps after his grandfather's death he may have been s l i p p i n g back into o ld patterns, but t h i s dream confirmed for him that he was ready to f u l l y r e l y on himself. As a r e s u l t of receiving p o s i t i v e feedback at work and considerable personal v a l i d a t i o n , Glen decided to do a Master's degree i n Counselling Psychology. When Glen was not accepted to the program, he was shocked and surprised. He became angry, but i t was appropriate anger for a change, anger which gave him the strength and courage to act on behalf of himself. Before, he would have directed the anger inwardly with s e l f - t a l k l i k e , "You stupid i d i o t , you're j u s t not good enough." This time he said things l i k e , "No, you're wrong, I'm going to help you see why I'm r i g h t for t h i s program." After successfully arguing his case, Glen was admitted to the program. Acceptance validated his action. The future began to look e x c i t i n g . L i f e i s d i f f e r e n t for Glen now. He does not experience those heavy depressions where he feels hopeless and that l i f e i s not worth l i v i n g . I t i s no longer a b i g , bad, dark world. L i f e i s f a i r . L i f e i s not secure, but i t does not need to be anymore. Glen i s confident that he can handle whatever l i f e puts i n front of him. He understands and accepts more of himself. He i s more aware of h is feelings and i s no longer at the mercy of those seemingly 163 uncontrolable forces within him. There are choices to be made. He can influence what happens by the actions he takes. He knows what he needs to do to look after himself. He is able to take responsibility for himself which has alowed him to discover his own capabilities. He sets goals that are meaningful to him, and not governed by a fear of disapproval from his father or anybody else. He is deeply commited to an ongoing process of self-understanding and self-acceptance. Glen's relationship with his father has also dramaticaly improved. He is no longer fearful or angry when his father atempts to control him. He is confident enough to be himself, which has enabled him to have loving feelings toward his father. A series of 200 watercolour paintings completed in and out of the course of counseling provided a compeling documentation of Glen's transformation. A summary of these paintings provides an overview of Glen's change. The paintings at the beginning of the change were colourless, dark, and very bleak. They were pictures of things like open wounds in trees (pain) and large pilars cracking (tension). Overal, they symbolized Glen's anger, powerlessness, depression, anxiety, and fear. Paintings around the middle phase of Glen's change were a little more alive with heavy colors like black and blue (pain). These paintings were of things like the diference in size between he and his father (insignificance), 164 a gory scene of blowing his head of f (worthlessness), being behind bars or caught i n a spider web (feeling trapped and powerless), colors outside the l i n e s (being out of c o n t r o l ) , and volcanoes exploding (releasing anger). Overall, the paintings i n the middle phase symbolized the discovery and expression of his f e e l i n g s , the release of anger, and the anguish of the pain and hurt underneath. By the end of Glen's transformation the paintings were f i l l e d with a myriad of vibrant, bright colours. Examples of paintings i n t h i s phase were of his counsellor f a l l i n g o f f her pedestal and breaking her crown (independence), a tree of many colors (acceptance of a l l parts of himself), standing up (not ly i n g down) i n the presence of his father (power), s a i l i n g (freedom), and entering a dark forest and coming out into the l i g h t ( c l a r i t y , healing). The paintings at the end were symbolic of Glen's newfound strength, freedom, and hope. Convergence. The movement from depression to self-guidance and personal meaning i s prominent i n the personal narrative. The c y c l i c movement of t h i s component across events or periods of time p a r a l l e l s the ups and downs related i n the story. For example, a f t e r he read the A l i c e M i l l e r book, he f e l t betrayed by his parents and very alone i n the world. He described t h i s event as his " a l l time low" and i t i s r e f l e c t e d on the f i r s t p r i n c i p a l component as a downward swing. When his counsellor refused to take 165 care of him and he was forced to learn to do i t for himself, he f e l t empowered and t h i s i s r e f l e c t e d on the f i r s t component as an upward swing. The theme of the second component i s persevering for the sake of a deep commitment despite f e e l i n g anxious and inadequate. This theme i s also evident i n the personal narrative. Going to Europe a f t e r having been abandoned by his friends, and staying i n counselling despite h is wanting to leave, are two potent examples. Given the two components, the main theme of change seems to be that i n order to become self-guided with a strong sense of meaning, a person must act on her or his own sense of commitment and persevere, despite f e e l i n g anxious, not confident, incompetent and d i s s a t i s f i e d . O v e r a l l , there i s clear convergence of p r i n c i p a l components, personal narrative, and paintings, with the narrative portraying the change more elaborately and sharply. 166 Case Study Three; Margaret Margaret i s a 64 year old woman, the youngest of a family of two children. She was raised during the Depression i n the United States. For 42 years, Margaret l i v e d as a nun i n various forms of r e l i g i o u s l i f e . At the present time, Margaret does not attend church and describes herself as a C h r i s t i a n with a u n i v e r s a l i s t perspective. She works as a home support worker for people who are el d e r l y or disabled. P r i n c i p a l component analysis. The f i r s t p r i n c i p a l component accounted for 34% of the variance i n the Q-sorts. Since the factor loadings of events show clear improvement i n personal agency, ranging from a beginning of -.49 to an ending of .74, t h i s component describes what the change meant to her, using the th e o r e t i c a l items. In order of magnitude, these items are l i s t e d below, and phrased to characterize the p o s i t i v e outcome or ending. The negative beginning i s the opposite of each item. Did not accept goals that were not r e a l l y mine, but came from s i t u a t i o n a l demands or other people's expectations (3.14) Took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for setting my own d i r e c t i o n (2.87) Was not too e a s i l y influenced by others (2.57) Took r i s k s rather than playing i t safe (2.23) Took s p e c i f i c steps to r e a l i z e purposes (1.74) 167 Did not f e e l depressed (1.66) Made good decisions independently (1.63) The second component accounted for 20% of the variance i n the Q-sorts. The factor loadings of events range from -.40 at the beginning to .50 at the end. The second component also shows clear improvement i n personal agency. Using the same extraction procedure, the defining items are l i s t e d below and phrased to characterize the p o s i t i v e outcome. Was helped by the example set by other people (3.32) Fel t anxious (2.73) Persevered despite adversity (1.99) Searched for personal meaning (1.93) F e l t confident (1.61) F e l t i n control of my l i f e , not pushed around (1.55) Took s p e c i f i c steps to r e a l i z e purposes (1.54) The f i r s t component concerns e x t r i c a t i n g oneself from the influence of others. Through taking r i s k s , making decisions, setting goals, and taking steps, she was able to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for charting her own course. The pattern of change on the f i r s t component cycles up at the beginning, followed by a series of cycles up and down i n the middle which gradually improve, ending with a higher l e v e l of agency (see Appendix A, Case Study Three). The second component involves a sense of empowerment. In 168 the beginning, Margaret f e l t anxious, lacked confidence, and f e l t pushed around. Through persevering, searching for personal meaning, and observing the example set by ot