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Beyond the bounds of revolutions : Chinese in transnational anarchist networks from the 1920s to the… Rocks, Morgan William 2020

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  BEYOND THE BOUNDS OF REVOLUTIONS:  CHINESE IN TRANSNATIONAL ANARCHIST NETWORKS FROM THE 1920S TO THE 1950S    by   MORGAN WILLIAM ROCKS  BA, New Mexico State University, 2005 MA, New Mexico State University, 2012     A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF  THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF    DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY  in   THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES  (History)    THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  (Vancouver)    November 2020    © Morgan William Rocks, 2020  ii  The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled:  Beyond the Bounds of Revolutions:  Chinese in Transnational Anarchist Networks from the 1920s to the 1950s  submitted by Morgan William Rocks  in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History  Examining Committee: Timothy Cheek, History, UBC Supervisor  Timothy Brook, History, UBC Supervisory Committee Member  Glen Peterson, History, UBC Supervisory Committee Member Ross King, Asian Studies, UBC University Examiner Alison Bailey, Asian Studies, UBC University Examiner  Additional Supervisory Committee Members: Robert Brain, History, UBC Supervisory Committee Member    iii  ABSTRACT   Modern anarchism came to China in the twentieth century via transnational student networks in Tokyo and Paris.  Even as anarchism and anarchists proliferated within China, the transnational links through which it came and the transnationalism of anarchism itself remained.  However, scholars have subsumed the narrative of Chinese anarchism under larger ideological issues of nation and state building.  Moving away from such frameworks, this dissertation aims to decouple Chinese anarchists from the nation and to treat anarchism in China not as a mode of thought, but as a set of concrete actors and practices.  To analyze Chinese anarchists’ transnational endeavors, the dissertation makes use of recent methodologies of network tracing from the field of Anarchist Studies to both map the dense and often overlapping networks of three important anarchist figures, Ba Jin 巴金 (1904-2005), Ray Jones 刘钟时 (1889-1974), and Lu Jianbo 卢剑波 (1904-1991), and detail the actions these networks produced.  Ba Jin operated in France and Shanghai, Lu in Shanghai and Chengdu, and Jones in San Francisco.  By looking at the extent, direction, and flow of their various networks, the dissertation argues Chinese anarchists created global connections that situated China and Chinese in an anarchist world stage and reflected modes of existence that were not bounded by the nation or revolution.    Chapter 2 utilizes Ba Jin’s status as a hub within multiple networks to introduce the lines and dots of transnational Chinese anarchist activity.  Chapter 3 traces Ray Jones and the anarchist Pingshe’s place within a multi-ethnic and trans-Pacific radical environment.  Chapter 4 untangles how Ba Jin’s association was used to overshadow the radical transnational pasts of schools in Fujian.  Chapter 5 examines Lu Jianbo’s attempts to weave together China’s Anti-Japanese War and Spanish Civil War in a global anti-fascist front.  Chapter 6 probes the afterlives of these iv  networks through the stories of two younger anarchists, Darren Kuang Chen and Liu Chuang.  In the end, these networks faded with the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), but the connections they left have continued to serve as unconscious templates for later generations of Sinopshere anarchists. v  LAY SUMMARY   This dissertation examines Chinese in transnational anarchist networks from the 1920s to the 1950s.  It uses the experiences and activities of three anarchists, Ba Jin 巴金 (1904-2005), Ray Jones 刘钟时 (1889-1974), and Lu Jianbo 卢剑波 (1904-1991) to explore how Chinese anarchists utilized print and correspondence to connect with Asian, European, North American, and Latin American comrades.  The friendships and working relationships fostered by being connected to a global anarchist movement reveals that contrary to previous understandings, of anarchism, it was not just a brief intellectual trend.  It was a vital mode of action.  In exploring the connections these anarchists made, the dissertation argues that anarchist activities offered Chinese anarchists a means by which to imagine and participate in worlds and communities beyond the Chinese nation-state.  vi  PREFACE  This dissertation is original and independent work by the author, Morgan William Rocks.  Portions of Chapter 5 appear in the chapter “An Anarchist Popular Resistance:  The Awakening and China’s Resistance War at Home and Abroad,” collected in Jonathan Henshaw, Craig A. Smith, and Norman Smith, eds., Translating the Occupation:  The Japanese Invasion of China, 1931-1945 (Vancouver:  University of British Columbia Press, 2020).  Research for the dissertation was carried out in archives in Ann Arbor, Berkeley, and Amsterdam, and made use of numerous digitized archives.      vii  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  ......................................................................................................................................... iii  Lay Summary  ..................................................................................................................................v  Preface ........................................................................................................................................... vi  Table of Contents  ......................................................................................................................... vii  List of Figures  .................................................................................................................................x  Acknowledgements  ....................................................................................................................... xi  Dedication  ................................................................................................................................. xviii  CHAPTER 1: Introduction:  Anarchism, Networks, and Beyond  ..................................................1  Setting the Scene  .....................................................................................................1  The Scene and its Significance  ...............................................................................9  Historiographical Backgrounds  ............................................................................13  Methodologies .......................................................................................................28  Sources  ..................................................................................................................33  Traveling through Chinese Anarchist Networks  ...................................................37  Seeing Chinese in the World through Anarchist Practice  .....................................43  CHAPTER 2 Spokes of the Wheel:  Ba Jin as Hub within Global Anarchist Worlds  ................47  Introduction  ...........................................................................................................47  Networks and Nodes  .............................................................................................52  Ray Jones and San Francisco  ................................................................................61  A Pivot in Fujian  ...................................................................................................68  The Spanish Civil War and its Lessons  .................................................................74  A Node Revived  ....................................................................................................84  viii  Conclusions  ...........................................................................................................93  CHAPTER 3 Anarchists on the Bay:  Ray Jones, Pingshe, and Trans-Pacific Anarchist Networks  ...............................................................................................................95  An Opening Scene  ................................................................................................95  The San Francisco and Pac-Northwest Scene  .....................................................102  Ray Jones and Comrades  ....................................................................................105  Pingshe and its Beginnings  ................................................................................. 115  Pingdeng as an International San Francisco Journal  ..........................................129  Conclusions  .........................................................................................................135  CHAPTER 4 An Anarchist History in Three Acts:  Quanzhou’s Liming Advanced Middle School and Pingmin Middle School as Scholarship, as a Record of Overseas Chinese, and as a Celebration of Ba Jinology .....................................................138  Anarchists In Between and Among .....................................................................138  Ba Jin’s Time in Quanzhou as a Site of Celebration  ...........................................142  Liming and Pingmin a la the Academicians  .......................................................152  Fujian, Quanzhou, and China’s Transnational Revolutions  ..........................154  Liming, Pingmin, Wenshi ziliao, and the Problem of Approach  ...................160  Korean Anarchists and Ba Jin  .......................................................................164  Liang Piyun, Radical Education, and Diasporic Chinese Ventures  ....................166  Conclusions  .........................................................................................................173  CHAPTER 5 China, Spain, and the Possibilities of Global Anti-Fascism and Anti-Japanese Resistance in the Pages of Jingzhe ......................................................................177  One More Push  ...................................................................................................177  The Chinese Anarchist Scene in the 1930s  .........................................................182  Global Fascism and Anti-Fascism  ......................................................................186  ix  A Shared Anti-Fascist Struggle  ...........................................................................189  Lu Jianbo, Jingzhe, and Chinese Anarchists’ Visions of Anarchist War and Revolution  ...........................................................................................................193  Reading Jingzhe for Where Anarchists Got Their Spanish News and How They Put It Together  .....................................................................................................199  Reading Jingzhe for an Anarchist Agenda for the Anti-Japanese War ................208  Conclusions  .........................................................................................................219  CHAPTER 6 Post-War Networks and Worlds of Chinese Anarchist Activities  .......................222  Reconnecting after the War  .................................................................................222  Lu Jianbo and a World Reconnected  ...................................................................225  Ba Jin and Agnes Inglis Redux  ...........................................................................229  Chicago and Mohegan  ........................................................................................241  Darren Kuang Chen as Node  ..............................................................................246  Liu Chuang, Rocker’s Friend from Afar  .............................................................254  Conclusions  .........................................................................................................259  CHAPTER 7 Conclusion: Anarchist Ghosts and Remembrances of What Was and Will Be  ...261  Remains of a Scene  .............................................................................................261  An Anarchist Historiography of China’s Scene?  ................................................266  Final Thoughts  ....................................................................................................275  Bibliography  ...............................................................................................................................278  Appendix ......................................................................................................................................308  List of Donations Made by Ba Jin and Ray Jones to Agnes Inglis and Joseph Labadie Collection  ..............................................................................................308      x   LIST OF FIGURES  Figure 1 – “Library of Ray Jones”, Front  ...................................................................................109  Figure 2 – “Library of Ray Jones”, Back  ....................................................................................109  Figure 3 – Chongjing, vol. 1, no 6, Masthead .............................................................................185  Figure 4 – Jingzhe, vol. 1, no. 3, Front Page   .............................................................................199  Figure 5 – Jingzhe, vol. 2, no. 3, Front Page  ..............................................................................199              xi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS   Such an undertaking requires perhaps an explanation of where it came from in addition to the more standard list of who made it possible.  I offer both in the hopes that it helps steel the reader for what follows in the main body.  Over the course of this project, when discussing the ins and outs of Chinese Anarchists, and the place of Ba Jin among them, numerous colleagues within the field, at least privately, reacted in the following manner, “Anarchists?  Didn’t they all disappear by 1930?  Weren’t they really just inconsequential?  Why talk about them when there are more important matters concerning the Nationalist Party (Guomindang, GMD) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)?  Why write anything further on Ba Jin?  He’s been done to death and his writing isn’t even that great!”  All these arguments ring true.  The height of Chinese anarchist activities came in the 1920s, and their presence as an influential cluster of political actors and groups was short-lived.  The more disciplined Leninist-style party organizations of the GMD and CCP soon overtook the anarchists in organizing intellectuals, workers, and peasants for their causes.  In 1927, after the Chiang Kai-shek’s violent dissolution of the first GMD-CCP United Front, anarchists were lumped in as potential Marxist dissidents.  For all intents and purposes, they slunk off into the shadows and have been categorized as just another ‘idealist’ group that paved the way for the true religion of Nation and Marxian Historical Law.  In all of this, Ba Jin was embarking on a burgeoning career as a fiction author.  Ba Jin was influenced by the anarchism of Peter Kropotkin, Emma Goldman and others, and infused his stories with anarchist-tinged characters and scenes drawn directly from the historical experiences of anarchists in China.  However, he was not the only Chinese anarchist and he was certainly not the most well-spoken, active, or theoretical at that.  His fame as an author of stories of passionate xii  youths yearning to break societal chains and later attention from Western scholars and anarchist activists have come to cement his place as the Chinese anarchist par excellence.  When Chinese anarchism was discussed in college-level surveys, if at all, Ba Jin was and is inevitably offered up as the representative.  Ba Jin’s assumed centrality to the story, and the academic industry that has popped up around his legacy has too often overplayed the anarchist card.  So much so, that one of the goals in taking up this project was to have as little to do with Ba Jin as possible in the telling of Chinese anarchists’ stories.  Simply put, Ba Jin was boring, and I too wanted to be done with him.  Yet, that did not come to pass.  Ba Jin remained an important figure in my research, but in exploring the ins and outs of Chinese anarchist activity, it soon became apparent that his importance lay not in his intellectual stance or contributions, but in his position as a node within increasingly broader networks of Chinese, Asian, and global anarchists.  As an anarchist agitator, Ba Jin did not amount to much, but as an active correspondent, translator, publisher, and chronicler, he played an important role in bridging multiple worlds of anarchist activity.  He commiserated with Emma Goldman about China’s sad state of affairs in the 1920s and even, with the help of a cohort of anarchist colleagues in Shanghai, attempted to devise a plan for her to tour China.  He worked with Chinese anarchists living in San Francisco to organize and publish a trans-Pacific Chinese anarchist journal.  He documented in his fiction the efforts of anarchists to operate a set of schools in southern Fujian in the early 1930s.  He and other remaining anarchists wrote on the Spanish Civil War as an anarchist-lesson for China’s fight against Japan.  After the Second World War, he re-established and expanded his anarchist correspondence networks so as to write essays and histories on anarchism for a Chinese audience.  From the 1920s to the early 1950s, Ba Jin’s relevance as an anarchist lay exactly in the xiii  way his activities could be read as a lens through which Chinese anarchist networks and undertakings could be brought to light.  Ba Jin, then, was a revealer, and reveal he did.  Through Ba Jin’s letters, we learn of numerous Chinese anarchists, his erstwhile companions from his 1927-1928 study abroad in France, Wei Huilin, Bi Xiushao, Lefu, and Wu Kegang.  Shanghai-colleagues and conspirators like Shen Zhongjiu.  A shadowy bunch of bomb-making, rifle wielding Korean anarchists, exiled in Shanghai and waiting for the chance set off a violent anti-Japanese resistance.  Devoted educators and would-be writers of belles lettres such as Li Ni, Chen Fanyu, and Ye Feiying, who he met in Fujian.  Most of all, Ba Jin’s correspondence and writings bring to the fore the activities of anarchists whose commitment to anarchist ideas and activities resonate in the broader Chinese present:  Lu Jianbo, Ray Jones, and Liang Piyun.  Ultimately, these three figures are the true protagonists of this dissertation, not Ba Jin.    Likewise, in Peter Zarrow’s Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture, Arif Dirlik’s Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution, Edward Krebs’s Shifu, the Soul of Chinese Anarchism as well as Robert Scalapino and George Yu’s Chinese Anarchism, the four major English-language monographs on Chinese anarchists, Ba Jin is not counted among the major Chinese anarchist figures.  He shows up, if at all, as a brief figure on the periphery.  In these narratives, Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui, Liu Shipei, and Shifu are the main characters who shape anarchism’s reception in China early in the century.  However, the focus of these books is the intellectual origins and influences of anarchism in China.  These are intellectual histories and the actions anarchists took in support of their beliefs are covered in terms of their ideological output—namely the polemics that filled the journals they published.  What Chinese anarchists did on the ground, the groups they formed, and the concrete, daily practices in which they engaged recede into the backgrounds.  What xiv  mattered was anarchism’s presence as an organized intellectual movement/resource in competition with Nationalist GMD and the Marxist-Leninist CCP.  Taken this way, Chinese anarchism’s story cannot be but closed.  They lost.  However, just as Chinese anarchism is not the story of Ba Jin, it is also not just the story of Chinese anarchists as a party in contention with other organized political groupings.  Ba Jin merely provides the narrative clues to bring out Chinese anarchists’ stories as well as the stories of what they did when they were doing anarchism.  What this dissertation hopes to make clear is that Chinese anarchist activity went beyond the polemics and intellectual content contained in the journals that anarchists printed.  To even bring their journals to print, Chinese anarchists relied on communications networks set up through various overseas communities; they made constant use of the post and wire services to send and receive news and printed materials; the founded and ran bookshops, printshops, and centers through which they distributed their publications, set up meetings, and held lectures; they established schools and new village societies that aimed to instill anarchist ideals of social equality, free association, and cosmopolitanism into generations of students.  In these activities, anarchists and anarchist influenced actors of widely different views participated, and as these divergent actors and undertakings inhabited a spectrum of political leanings, the purity of their ideology and identity as well as the steadfastness of the organizations from which they arose seems less important.  Of course, for Chinese anarchists, intellectual content and organizations mattered, but as anarchists, they were less wedded to labyrinthine bureaucracies and the precision of their thought than, say, the CCP.  The rationality for anarchist action lay more in the actions themselves.  By focusing on the practices of Chinese anarchism, this dissertation aims to ‘make sense’ of what Chinese anarchism was and why it matters.  Davide Turcato, writing on Errico Malatesta xv  and Italian anarchism, has argued that ‘making sense of anarchism’ requires looking past the apparently obvious narrative to allow for the obscure.1  In the case of Chinese anarchists, this entails exploring what anarchists were doing behind the narratives of national revolution and the rise of Bolshevist parties, and beyond the spectacle of urbanization and the construction of a modern Chinese state.  What were the institutions they built for themselves, how did they organize, and how did they apply anarchist principles in their daily lives?  A related question to this is how globally connected Chinese and anarchist networks made this possible.  How did they correspond with their international anarchist brethren and did they interact on an equal basis?  A final question would be how anarchists saw themselves.  In the mid-1930s, Ba Jin once remarked that anarchists were silently toiling in the fields and held no interest in engaging in publicized literary or theoretical debates.  If so, for what reasons would anarchists choose to continue in relative obscurity, and was their obscurity one reason they were able to last into the early 1950s?  These investigations of anarchist practice in China acknowledge anarchists’ lack of influence inside China, but it contends that this lack of influence did not make anarchism any less meaningful to those who practiced it.  Their efforts mattered and they were truly concerned about China’s fate as well as that of the world.  Ultimately, the story of Chinese anarchists offers a window into the lives and actions of a diverse group of individuals, a group of individuals who connected locally and globally, and who represented one of many pathways available for committed Chinese who wished to change their world.   And now for the gratitude.  The writing of this dissertation was made possible by the kindness, support, and intellectual sharing of numerous individuals and institutions.  My adviser, Timothy Cheek has been instrumental in engaging me in discussions of the heart and head,  1 Davide Turcato, Making Sense of Anarchism:  Errico Malatesta’s Experiments with Revolution, 1889-1900 (Oakland and Edinburgh:  AK Press, 2015). xvi  which is doubly important when choosing to write anarchists who have been written off.  He was always there to listen, point out key questions, quote timely lyrics, and encourage opportunities in the usual way of presenting at conferences, and the not so usual form of doing something almost completely different and collaboratively translating key Chinese intellectuals with peers from the PRC.  He is the consummate adviser for those students who occupy nebulous spaces within academia.  My supervisory committee has been stellar in providing feedback and prompting new lines of inquiry.  Timothy Brook has been an invaluable resource and gracious in the time he has engaged me in conversation.  It was in his public history course that my ideas of anarchist networks first formed.  Glen Peterson’s comments and suggestions have encouraged future research directions.  Bob Brain has pushed me to think deeply on what it is that anarchists do and why their transnational connections matter.  Rebecca Karl, in her role as external examiner, offered encouragement and direction for where to take the networks I sketched out.  The university examiners, Ross King and Alison Bailey, reminded me to not forget Asia.  Other individuals, too many to name, at UBC have been made this experience unforgettable.  Professors Michel Ducharme, Paul Krause, Alejandra Bronfman, Bruce Rusk, and others have listened patiently to my long and often incoherent ramblings.  Vitaly Timofiev, who I TA’d for after first arriving in 2013 was the best possible introduction to Vancouver.  Peers and friends in the department, Jorge Carrillo, Dylan Burrows, Tom Peotto, Stephen Hay, Ty Parandela, Mark Werner, Edgar Liao and more all made UBC’s history department perhaps the most collegial experience I have ever had.  Special consideration goes to WANG XIAN!!!, Sarah Bramao-Ramos, Sarah Basham, Eric Becklin, Jonathan Henshaw, Craig Smith, Matthew Galway, Anna Belogurova, and the extended China Cult.  Also, this last year would not have been the same without the CCR Cabal:  Guo Li, Yao Jiaqi, Kuang Yingqiu, The (Far Away) Emperor, xvii  Weng Wenjie, Melissa Tan (still have your kneecaps?), and our very dear Gan Dada, Nathan.  Researching anarchism has meant the opportunity to reach out to a variety of scholars across the world.  Arif Dirlik, Peter Zarrow, Kate Zhou, Jacob Eyferth, Brooks Jessup, Amanda Schuman and others have all provided invaluable opinions and guidance.  Kenyon Zimmer, Constance Bantman, Jesse Cohn, and Ole Birk Laursen have helped to fill in the gaps on wider global anarchist communities.  Of course, librarians and archivists have all played their part.  Julie Herrada at the Joseph Labadie Collection in Ann Arbor and Sine Hwang-Jensen at the Asian American Studies Collection in Berkeley have both provided essential aid at key moments.  The staff at International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam went above and beyond.  A special thanks to the people at the Bibliothek der Freien who have put together a master list of archives and groups that have digitized open access collections of anarchist materials.  The anarchist web made this dissertation possible and who knows how better it could be if I actually had the time to appreciate it.  A final thanks to Ken Hammond, Iñigo Garcia- Bryce, Andrea Orzoff, Elvira Masson, Paul Lester, Nathan Brooks, and others at NMSU who all started me on this journey.  To Howard Goodman, thank you for keeping the faith.  To Will, you still suck.  To Tony Jaramillo, your calls kept me sane.  To Eric, for the home in Seoul and Beijing.  To Danny Perry, we will always have Peter Piper’s.  To Patrick and Ronnie, someday we will make it back to Tucson.  To Rafa and Finom, thank you for the safe space that relit my enthusiasm, for allowing Hugo the run of the place and the occasional pilfered loaf of bread, and for taking most of my books.  Research was made possible by a 4YF Fellowship, the Pan Tianshou Foundation, the Fukien Chinese Association, and numerous grants and fellowships from the UBC History Department.  A necessary thanks in all this to Jason Wu.  Of course, all errors lie with me. xviii  DEDICATION   This dissertation is dedicated to my family.  My father and mother, David and Lorraine Rocks, have done so much and have always been there.  My sister Jessica has been a constant source of support and probably has a lock on the ‘Best Auntie Ever’ award.  Al and Brady are have shown me what it means to be a brother.  Jason is probably the person I secretly would like to be.  Uncle Duke, Aunt Cindy, and Matt have made living in Texas better than it has any right to be.  Finally, to April and Hugo.  Both of you are my harbor, and all this would not have been possible without your love, prodding, and support.  And to Hugo, thank you for making the typing room a place of joy and keeping me to sane working hours.  I will get off the chair.  It is my turn now.                   1  Chapter 1 - Introduction:  Anarchism, Networks, and Beyond Setting the Scene  Anarchism has perhaps been the most transnational of thought systems and practices to emerge in the modern era.  Anarchists have long physically, mentally, and emotionally crossed territorial barriers in fraternizing and conspiring with like-minded associates to revolutionize and transform the world, and it should be no surprise then that anarchists in China engaged in these transnational communities as well.  Let us now set a scene.   Tucked away on page fourteen in the Monday, August 15, 1927 edition of the North China Daily News lay a printed copy of a letter by the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation directed to the United States minister in China.  The paper had been asked by the young anarchists to help publish their cause, which it noted in its introduction.  In the letter, the group, politely, though “filled with indignation at the maladministration of the American judicial machinery” demanded the immediate release of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, two Italian anarchists set to be executed in Massachusetts for their part in a robbery and murder in 1920.1  The anarchists also demanded the dismissal of the judge who adjudicated the original  1 The overall tone of the letter printed in the paper was quite polite.  In some ways this was ironic since Sacco and Vanzetti were adherents of the brand of anarchist practice promoted by Luigi Galleani.  Galleanisti, as Galleani’s followers were called, advocated violent insurrection and assassination.  In the late 1920s and early 20s, Galleanisti carried out a spate of bombings and attempted assassinations of US political and business figures.  The payroll robbery of the Slater-Morrill Shoe Factory in Braintree, Massachusetts (if not the murder, for which Sacco and Vanzetti were tried) were not actions that went against their beliefs.  Their innocence in the affair is contested.  Sacco, Vanzetti, and various anarchist and left-wing groups that claimed their innocence did not dispute their involvement in the robbery, but rather claimed that neither Sacco nor Vanzetti fired the gun that killed the guard and paymaster at the factory.  However, several of their defenders as well as many historians have argued they were not involved in the robbery let alone the shooting.  The protestations of Sacco and Vanzetti’s innocence along with eulogies of the nineteenth-century Haymarket martyrs have coalesced around subsequent narratives that have largely portrayed anarchists as victims of state-violence and have stripped them of their calls to violence and their theorization of its necessity and role in revolution.  See recent and contested work by Timothy Messer-Kruse, The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists:  Terrorism and Justice in the Gilded Age (London:  Palgrave MacMillan, 2013) and The Haymarket Conspiracy:  Transatlantic Anarchist Networks (Urbana and Champagne: University of Illinois Press, 2014) for attempts to re-center violence within anarchist revolutionary efforts.  Nunzio Pernicone provides the most accepted overview of Luigi Galleani, his followers, and their practices of anarchist violence.  See Nunzio Pernicone, Italian Anarchism, 1864-1892 (Oakland:  AK Press, 2009).  By all means, given the variety of anarchist action, it is impossible to reduce anarchist thought and practice to bomb throwing and murder plots.  It is also 2  trial, Webster Thayer.2 The following day, The China Press, another important English-language Shanghai newspaper, reprinted a brief story from the Shanghai Mainichi on the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation’s protests.  This piece, minus the reprinting of the letter, gave a brief summation of the anarchists’ demands and also noted that the anarchists had been handing out numerous pamphlets addressing their protests for the condemned Italian anarchist agitators.  It further added speculation about a recent discovery of a stockpile of arms discovered in the Zhabei district.  Given the timing of the anarchist protests and the discovery of this stash of weapons, the writers of the story believed that Chinese anarchists were possibly planning a violent insurgency.3  The next month, the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation appeared once more in the pages of The China Press.  This time, they railed against the 1927 Far Eastern Olympic Games being held in Shanghai and the hypocrisy and apathy displayed by China’s populace in celebrating the games in the wake of the just completed, so-called National Revolution led by the  impossible to deny the place of violence in the lead up to anarchist revolution.  Chinese anarchists like Ba Jin 巴金 (1904-2005), as we will see later in this paper, acknowledged violence as a weapon of the weak, but in no way conflated violence with revolution.  See discussion of Ba Jin’s “Anarchism and Terrorism” in Chapter 2 for an overview of how Chinese anarchists viewed violence.   2 “The Sacco-Vanzetti Agitation—Protests by Chinese Anarchists,” The North China Daily News, 15 August 1927, 14.  The North China Daily News, published in Shanghai from 1864 to the early 1950s, was one of the most important English-language newspapers in China. The demand to dismiss Judge Webster Thayer would have fit other protests and criticisms by anarchists and other left-wing groups over Thayer’s apparent biases and oversight of the trial.  After the initial guilty verdict and sentencing, Thayer refused any requests for a new trial.  After Sacco and Vanzetti’s execution in 1927, Thayer and the jury members were subjected to terror campaigns by the executed’s Galleanisti defenders.  Thayer’s home was bombed in 1932, and Thayer spent the remaining year of his life under guard.  In the mythology that surrounds Sacco and Vanzetti, they got the last laugh as Thayer died of an apparent aneurism while on the toilet.  See Paul Avrich, “Sacco and Vanzetti’s Revenge, in The Lost World of Italian-American Radicalism:  Politics, Labor, and Culture, Philip Cannistaro and Gerald Meyer, eds. (Westport, Conn:  Praeger, 2003), 163-171.  Other important works on radical Italian immigrant culture in the United States are Marcella Bencivenni, Italian Immigrant Radical Culture:  The Idealism of the Sovversivi in the United States, 1890-1940 (New York:  New York University Press, 2014) and Jennifer Gugliemo, Living the Revolution:  Italian Women’s Resistance and Radicalism in New York City, 1880-1945 (Chapel Hill:  University of North Carolina Press, 2010). 3 “Anarchists,” The China Press, 16 August 1927, 13.  The Shanghai Mainichi was a Japanese newspaper based in the International Settlement, with offices at 77 Woosung Road.   3  Guomindang (GMD).4  The editors of The China Press chose to editorialize and mock the scope of the anarchists’ diatribe, but their tone belied both the breadth of the anarchists’ scope and the intensity and timeliness of their politics. The range and seriousness of the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation’s activities were even more pertinent when one considers that their entire existence was later described as empty talk by one of their leading members.5     English language readers of The China Press and the North China Daily News would have also noted that stories of the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation’s protests against the Sacco and Vanzetti executions and the Far East Olympics shared space with stories on Sun Chuanfang’s battles against GMD forces as well as Chiang Kai-shek’s order to have all capital punishment sentences under martial law to be reviewed by central headquarters and the Nationalist government’s pending imposition of a national tariff.6  What this shows is that while discussed dismissively in the papers, anarchists were still given a voice, a platform, and exposure.  Awareness of anarchist activities were part and parcel of the everyday lived experience in Republican China, and for those anarchist activists who performed propaganda work and other revolutionary activities, such awareness mattered.  Anarchists in China spent great efforts in publishing, setting up social spaces, and developing international communications networks to build their presence.  They were in communication with the world  4 “Chinese Anarchists Protest Olympic Games ‘Fiddling While Rome Burns,’ Demand Release of Fellows in Jail,” The China Press, 3 September1927, 4. 5 Chen Dengcai, “Fangwen Fan Tianjun xiansheng de jilu” 《访问范天均先生记录》[A Record of an Interview with Mr. Fan Tianjun], in Wuzhengfuzhuyi sixiang ziliao xuan [A Selection of Materials on Anarchist Thought] (WSZX), eds., Ge Mouchun, Jiang Jun, and Li Xingyi (Beijing:  Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984), 1048.  This comes from a postscript in which the interviewer describes having attempted to verify Fan’s comments regarding the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation with Lu Jianbo 卢剑波 (1994-1991), widely acknowledged as the group’s leading member.  Not only does Lu refute any involvement by Fan, he refutes the group’s existence, stating it was something in name only.  The original interview occurred in 1964, and while there are no reasons to suspect Lu of misleading the interviewers, perhaps the activities of the group were not something Lu felt inclined to discuss, given the political climate of the time.  Yet, even if the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation was indeed a made-up organization, advertisements and notices of their supposed activities appeared perhaps quite too often within Minfeng’s pages, as well as in other newspapers, for them to be considered fictitious. 6 The China Press, 3 September 1927 and The North China Daily News, 16 August 1927. 4  as much as they were communicating with themselves.  During the 1920s, anarchist and anarchist-inspired groups existed throughout China.  Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou, being the major metropolitan areas, all had numerous anarchist groups that engaged in a wide variety of activities.  Best known among these was perhaps the anarchist National Labor University, founded in Shanghai in 1927.  The Labor University, as historians have shown, was the brainchild of anarchists and anarchist-influenced educators with connections to the GMD.  This group of individuals sought to combine mental and physical exertion and to extend education to all classes of students, including workers and the impoverished, in an effort to lay the ideological ground for future revolutionary generations.7  But anarchist activity in China had spread far beyond the country’s elite cosmopolitan centers.8  Anarchist groups in Hunan published warnings against complacency in Shanghai’s Minfeng 《民锋》 , reminding anarchist comrades, “Even though the old warlords have nearly all been toppled, [we] now still suffer oppression from the new warlords!”9  Their presence and activities  7 Ming K Chan and Arif Dirlik, Schools into Fields and Factories:  Anarchists, the Guomindang, and the National Labor University, 1927-1932 (Durham and London:  Duke University Press, 1991) is the only substantive account on the Labor University.  Wen-hsin Yeh’s The Alienated Academy:  Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919-1937 (Cambridge:  Harvard University Press, 1990) provides an informative overview of Shanghai University, another well-known radical school.  John Israel’s Lianda:  A Chinese University in War and Revolution (Stanford:  Stanford University Press, 1999) looks at Herculean efforts to continue education during the War against Japan.   John Dewey’s influence in China and its effect on pedagogy is another matter to consider. See Jessica Ching Sze-Wang, John Dewey in China:  To Teach and Learn (Albany:  State University of New York Press, 2008). 8 A few studies that show how widespread an ideology like anarchism was are Wen-hsin Yeh, “Middle County Radicalism,” The China Quarterly, no. 140 (December 1994), 903-925; Shakhar Rahav, The Rise of Political Intellectuals in China:  May Fourth Societies and the Roots of Mass-Party Politics (Oxford:  Oxford University Press, 2015); and Paul G. Pickowicz, “Memories of Revolution and Collectivization in China:  The Unauthorized Reminiscences of a Rural Intellectual”, in Rubie S. Watson, ed., Memory, History, and Opposition under State Socialism (Santa Fe, NM:  School of American Research Press, 1994), 127-148.  An earlier discussion of how radical thought spread to China’s rural peripheries and how local intellectuals and activists interpreted and acted upon new ideologies can be seen in Mary Backus Rankin, Early Chinese Revolutionaries:  Radical Intellectuals in Shanghai and Chekiang, 1902-1911 (Cambridge:  Harvard University Press, 1971). 9 “Zhongguo laodong qingnian zong tongmeng Hunan qubu wei jinri zong qingzhu jinggao minzhong” 《中国劳动青年总同盟湖南区部为今日总庆祝敬告民众》 [A Respectful Reminder from the Hunan Branch of the China Youth Labor Alliance to the Masses in the Wake of Present Celebrations], Minfeng 2, no. 3, 22.  Minfeng, based in Shanghai, was an internationalist anarchist periodical published by Lu Jianbo.  Reflecting Lu’s transnational vision, the journal regularly carried international anarchist news as well as anarchist analyses of China’s revolution. 5  in China were further acknowledged through government suppression and censorship.  Local police and government agents cracked down on anarchist and other left-wing agitation, shutting down presses and bookstores, and arresting distributors and anarchist society members.  Even though anarchists did not suffer the exact fate of communists and their sympathizers in the wake of Chiang Kai-shek’s bloody sundering of the GMD-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) United Front in April of 1927, they still felt the fist of GMD repression.10  In all seriousness, the extent of anarchist activities against the Nationalist state in China in the late 1920s was considered enough of a threat to warrant intervention.11   Anarchist praxis, moreover, did not limit itself to the intellectual debates and projects, educational endeavors, and communitarian living experiments taking place within China.  Anarchist activities by groups like the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation looked beyond China and its immediate concerns.  Their involvement in protesting the executions of Sacco and Vanzetti ably demonstrated their transnational ties and orientation, and even if the pressers in The China Press and North China Daily News left this unstated, its implications were picked up  10 “Yinshou Minfeng zazhi bei ju” 《印售民锋杂志被拘》 [Individuals Printing and Selling Minfeng magazine Arrested], Sin Wan Pao 《新闻报》, 4 June 1927, 3.  The story described herein the local news section for Suzhou in Sin Wan Pao concerned the arrest of one Shao Xiaomo for printing, selling, and mailing copies of Minfeng.  It appears local authorities were tipped off to Shao’s actions and investigated.  The police report specifically cited Minfeng’s status as an anarchist propaganda organ when investigating all involved.  Since Shao was using the premises of the Xiaoshuo Lin Society 小说林社, the leader and followers of the group were rounded up as well.  However, after interrogation, all but Shao Xiaomo were released.   11 Censorship of anarchist movements and publications was not just limited to the GMD.  There are numerous instances of censorship orders going out from the GMD and other various governments regarding anarchist publications.  Jail time and execution were also not uncommon.  Zheng Peigang, an influential anarchist first associated with Shifu’s Minsheng group in Guangzhou and Shanghai in the1910s, spent most of 1919 in jail for his anarchist activities.  Prior to this stint in jail, he helped edit, print, and distribute journals like Ziyoulu 《自由录》[Record of Freedom], a Beijing-based publication of the Shi she 实社 [Reality Society] and Jinhua 《进化》[Progress], which was an early vehicle for Chen Yannian (1898-1927), Chen Duxiu’s son.  Early in 1919, Beijing authorities cracked down on anarchist movements, stripped the mailing privileges of Zheng’s group, and terminated publication of Jinhua.  Zheng was imprisoned shortly after the May 4th incident and interrogated for information regarding anarchist groups in Beijing.  Throughout the 1920s, there were numerous notices issued in government publications regarding the prohibition of journals, newspapers, and other publications regarded as anarchist.   6  elsewhere, in unexpected manners.12  The anarchist movement in China had longstanding connections with anarchist groups and agitators in Japan, Korea, and other neighboring countries.  Shanghai, in particular, was a heady confluence of a larger East Asian scene.  Japanese, Korean, and Chinese anarchists organized, published, and plotted together in the confines of the International Settlements.13  Against one plot, Japanese and Chinese police bureaus worked together in uncovering a bomb plot by Japanese anarchists staying in Shanghai.  Three individuals were implicated.  The plot, according to a story in the Sin Wan Pao was to bomb Japanese embassies in Qingdao, Tianjin, Shanghai, and other important cities and to assassinate important political and business figures.  After the arrests of the plotters, stacks of propaganda and other written materials were discovered and confiscated.  The three Japanese anarchists were summarily deported, but unfortunately, the story in the papers ended there.14  Bombing and murder plots were not the only intrigues in which Chinese and their East Asian  12 This is not to say the Chinese and English-language presses in China did not report on the Sacco and Vanzetti case.  There were numerous stories in English-language papers like the North China Herald and others.  Further, there was widespread acknowledgment of worldwide protests on the two Italian anarchists’ behalf.  It goes without saying that Chinese anarchist publications covered the impending executions and international movements to stay their executions.  For many Chinese anarchists, the global impact of the Sacco and Vanzetti Defense Commission directly related to how they perceived of themselves as international anarchists and to what ends should their actions take.  Ba Jin was one such anarchist who profoundly felt the influence of Sacco and Vanzetti’s case, even going so far as inspiring him to write to Bartolomeo Vanzetti.  See Chapter 2 for further discussion of how Ba Jin formed international bonds through his participation in efforts to free Sacco and Vanzetti.  For general overviews of the Sacco and Vanzetti case and its global importance, Paul Avrich’s Sacco and Vanzetti:  The Anarchist Background (Princeton:  Princeton University Press, 1991) is a standard.  Also see, Lisa McGirr, “The Passion of Sacco and Vanzetti:  A Global History,” Journal of American History 93, no. 4 (March 2007), 1085-1115 for a specific examination of the efforts and activities of the Sacco and Vanzetti Defense Committee. 13 Dongyoun Hwang, Anarchism in Korea:  Independence, Transnationalism, and the Question of National Development, 1919-1984 (Albany:  SUNY Press, 2016) is a great recent study that details interactions between Korean and Chinese anarchists.  See Chapter 2 for an extended look at Sino-Korean anarchist efforts. 14 “Wuzhengfu dang san ri ren hua pan chu” 《无政府党三日人华判出》 [Three Japanese Anarchists Deported], Sin Wan Pao, 28 December 1927, 4.  Also see a 21 November 1928  8 story, “Riben wuzhengfudang nibang ri Shitian lingshi zhi piao” 《日本无政府党拟绑日失田领事之票》 [Japanese Anarchists’ Attempt to Ransom Japanese Consul-General Yada], also from the Sin Wan Pao, about a foiled plot by Japanese anarchists to kidnap Yada Shichitaro, the Japanese consul-general, and the head of the Yokohama Specie Bank and ransom them for money to buy explosives.  For an overview of Japanese consular police activities against anarchists and radicals in China, see Erik Esselstrom, Crossing Empire’s Edge:  Foreign Ministry Police and Japanese Expansionism in Northeast Asia (Honolulu:  University of Hawai’i Press, 2008), Chapter 3.   7  anarchist comrades engaged.  In 1928, a Japanese post office in Kyushu discovered an attempt to cash four million yuan in counterfeit bills of exchange.   These counterfeits were traced to similar attempts in Beijing and involved a number of Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean, and Japanese anarchists belonging to the East Asian Anarchist Federation.15 Further abroad, in October of 1927, a Spanish-language manifesto of the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation appeared in the Barcelona-based La Revista Blanca.16  The appearance of the group’s manifesto was no accident either, as it appears they, through the efforts of young Sichuanese anarchist, Lu Jianbo, had been in regular correspondence with La Revista Blanca for over a year.17  The anarchists’ manifesto also appeared both in the Tampico, Mexico-based anarchist journal, Avante, and in San Francisco’s L’Emancipazione the following month.18  Based on existing evidence, it is clear that Lu Jianbo and the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation had considerable ties to Spanish-speaking anarchists in the Americas and Europe, particularly with Latino and Hispanic anarchists operating in Steubenville, Ohio and Buenos Aires, Argentina.19  It was through these connections that Lu participated in a global survey on the state of the international anarchist movement that appeared in 1927.20  Through these Spanish- 15 “Riben youju faxian e wei huipiao” 《日本邮局发现额伪汇票》 [Japanese Post Office Discovers Numerous Counterfeit Bills of Exchange], Shibao, 28 May 1928, 3.   16 Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation, “Declaracion de la Federación de jovenes anarquistas de Chino,” La Revista Blanca, 15 October 1927, 319-320.  The paper gives the date of the original declaration as August 1, 1927.  This would have appeared in Minfeng, which was the journal for the group.  The copy in WSZX has the manifesto appearing in Minfeng, vol. 2, nos. 4-5, September 1927.     17 A well-written English-language biography is Nick Heath, “Lu Jianbo 卢剑波 (1904-1991)”, Libcom.org, 24 January 2014, https://libcom.org/history/lu-jianbo-%E5%8D%A2%E5%89%A3%E6%B3%A2-1904-1991. 18 Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation, “Declaracion de los Jovenes Anarquistas Chinos,” Avante, no. 1, 5 November 1927,3; and “Dichiarazione degli Anarchici della Federazione Giovanile Cinese,” L’Emancipazione, no. 5, 11 November 1927, p. 1. 19 Jesse Cohn, “Traces of Revista Única:  Appearances and Disappearances of Anarchism in Steubenville, 1909-1973”, in Writing Revolution, Christopher J. Castañeda and Montse Feu, eds. (Urbana and Champagne:  University of Illinois Press, 2019), 163; and Jorell Melendez Badillo, “The Anarchist Imaginary:  Max Nettlau and Latin America, 1890-1934”, Writing Revolution, 182.   20 Lu’s responses to the initial survey appeared in the 19 July 1927 edition of La Protesta, a weekly anarchist journal founded in 1903.  Personal communication with Jesse Cohn, 18 January 2020. 8  speaking connections, the Chinese Anarchist Youth Federation informed their global revolutionary comrades on the state of China’s revolution.  More importantly, these connections, along with the notices appearing in the English-speaking press in China, provided a broader sense of both what Chinese anarchists felt at stake and how they viewed their actions as integrated with global social and political revolutions.  Chinese participation in transnational anarchist networks reveals how anarchist thought and practices provided a means by which Chinese could think and act on their idealized societies without having to always return to the nation or state.  A.C. Graham, in the introduction to The Disputers of the T'ao, stated that Chinese political and philosophical thought was premised on there always being some form of state or polity through which individuals were marshalled and given purpose.21  The current historiography of China's twentieth-century revolutions as well as the guiding lines of the two revolutionary parties, the GMD and CCP certainly adhered to this.22  Yet, Rebeca Karl has also argued that it was indeed possible for Chinese to join together with others to imagine worlds without states.23  What the anarchists, and  21A. C. Graham, The Disputers of the T’ao:  Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (Chicago and LaSalle, IL:  Open Court Press, 1989):  3-4.  Though Graham allows that some ‘theoretical anarchisms’ existed within various philosophical positions, such schema always presupposed an overriding hierarchy to which individuals would act in accordance (p. 302).  It must also be remembered that Laozi 老子 (c. 6th Century BCE) vision of an ideal society was that in which the inhabitants of a particular state, no matter how tempted by the attractions of the outside, would never leave their small, quiet worlds:  “Though adjoining states are within sight of one another, and the sound of dogs barking and cocks crowing in one state can be heard in another, yet the people of one state will grow old and die without having had any dealings with those of another.”21  See Laozi, The Tao Te Ching, trans. D. C. Lau, (London:  Penguin, 1963), Ch. LXXX, 87. 22 Historian John Fitzgerald has characterized state-building as the preoccupation of all would be reformers and radicals, both on the left and right.  He even characterizes the arguments of early Chinese anarchists, such as Wu Zhihui 吴稚晖 (1865-1953), Li Shizeng 李石曾 (1881-1973), and Liu Shipei 刘师培 (1884-1919) as premised on the maintenance of some form of state, albeit a ‘state’ based on the people rather than a state founded on the prerogative a ruling class.  John Fitzgerald, Awakening China:  Politics, Culture, and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (Stanford:  Stanford University Press, 1996), 76.  Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893-1976) held the state reflected class interests and until class as both concept and identity ceased to exist, too saw the immediate goals of the CCP as the construction of a (proletarian) state.  Peter Zarrow, After Empire:  The Conceptual Transformation of the Chinese State, 1885-1924 (Stanford:  Stanford University Press, 2012), 288-289.   23 Rebecca Karl, Staging the World:  Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (Durham and London:  Duke University Press, 2002), 171-172.   9  their focus on global revolution and local communities represent is perhaps not a direct challenge—they were, in the end, marginal figures—but a personal ethos, a praxis by which they found connections, fit, and transformative opportunities they could pursue for themselves and others.24  Chinese anarchists connected with Euro-American anarchists as part of a global community, they travelled pre-existing corridors of migration and trade into Southeast Asia (the Nanyang 南洋) and the United States, they participated in the high tide of interwar globalization as counterweights to internationalizing statist institutions, and they took up those globalizing efforts again, however briefly, at the end of the Second World War, when states were further cemented as the arbiters of everything local, national, and global.  Examining the lives and actions of Chinese in transnational anarchist networks pushes scholars to rethink how Chinese actors approached questions of the 'nation-state', and how Chinese transnationals could think and act beyond those states that would stake claims upon and discipline them.  It also forces scholars to think of Chinese anarchist experience on a global scale and not just the story of a few core individuals.  Chinese in anarchist transnational networks represent possibilities of how Chinese could connect with their global peers in imagining a radically transformed world and leave behind legacies in people, print, and institutions that survive, in no matter how altered a form, as resources for those who would do so today.  The Scene and its Significance  24 Leela Gandhi, Affective Communities:  Anticolonial Thought, Fin-de-Siecle Radicalism, and the Politics of Friendship (Durham and London:  Duke University Press, 27-32.  In the context of affinities Indian nationalists and revolutionaries forged with Europeans and Americans who belonged to communities marginalized by Western social norms, Gandhi argues that their friendships rested on a politics of utopian possibility, of finding community beyond the limits of the nation state.  In a similar sense, anarchists, as marginalized revolutionaries, could, by this status, reach across racial, class, and imperial lines to form friendships on the basis of their shared belief and adherence to the radical possibilities of anarchist practice.   10   As seen above, anarchism in China reflected not just Chinese, but global aspirations.  For much of the first half of the twentieth century, it provided a vocabulary by which Chinese anarchists could re-imagine and reshape Chinese society into something more equal, just, and fair.  But more than that, anarchism provided its Chinese adherents a set of practices through which to organize and navigate their lived experiences in their immediate communities and larger social environments.  Internationally, anarchism's vocabularies and practices connected Chinese anarchists to similar movements across Asia, Europe, and the Americas, providing an outlet through which they could think beyond both nation and state.  Chinese anarchists enthusiastically corresponded with their global counterparts so as to both learn from different experiences and to strengthen the connections of China's own struggles against colonialism, imperialism, and political and economic despotism with comparable efforts throughout the world.    In essence, for Chinese anarchists, anarchism was a matter of networks, publications, and shared social space in which and through which to reform society and themselves.  They coordinated their social lives around anarchist bookshops, schools, hospitals, union guilds, village self-defense bands, and other social institutions that attempted to redefine how individuals interacted with their surroundings.  From these local communities, they built ties and bonds with anarchist comrades and fellow travelers scattered across the globe.  Of course, the scope of their activities changed as the social and economic uncertainty of the late 1920s, the political struggles of the GMD and CCP in the 1930s, and the Japanese invasion in 1937, limited or closed down lines of communication and space for anarchist activities.  Nonetheless, mapping the global networks, journals, and social spaces that anarchists in China built, from Shanghai to Tokyo, to San Francisco, to Havana, to Paris, helps to demonstrate not just anarchism's social 11  and global reach in China, but just how invested individuals in China could be in seeking to transform their own society beyond the state and engaging in a revolutionary world movement as global denizens.   Three Chinese anarchists, Ba Jin 巴金 (1904-2005), Liu Zhongshi 刘钟时 (1889-1979), also known as Ray Jones, and Lu Jianbo 卢剑波 (1904-1991) aptly demonstrate the dynamics of the social spaces and networks Chinese anarchists created.  Active as anarchists from the 1920s to at least the early 1950s, the trio formed a triangle of sorts, with Ba Jin living in Shanghai, Lu Jianbo in Shanghai and later Chengdu, and Jones operating in San Francisco.  The span of their anarchist activities mirrored the vicissitudes that Anarchist spaces and networks faced in China.  In the 1920s and early 1930s, they corresponded with each other and nurtured a number of anarchist associations, with Lu Jianbo's Minfengshe 民锋社, or People's Vanguard Society (1925-1928), and Ba Jin and Ray Jones's trans-Pacific collaboration, the Pingshe 平社, or Equality Society (1926-1930) recognized as two of their more prominent groups.25  In the 1930s, as the GMD and CCP came to organizationally and politically dominate discussion of how to revolutionize China, the social spaces available to anarchists decreased.  However, anarchists continued to be active, thought in much changed or decreased capacities.  From 1937 to 1940, during the first years of the Anti-Japanese Resistance War, Lu Jianbo as editor, and Ba Jin as minor contributor, worked together on Jingzhe 《惊蛰》,  a journal that advocated anarchist resistance to Japanese invasion, promoted revolution against the corrupt GMD state and opportunistic CCP, and sought Chinese alliance with broader anarchist-led anti- 25 Ge Mouchun, Jiang Jun, and Li Xingyi, in an appendix to their anthology on Chinese anarchist writings list over 100 Chinese anarchist groups in existence from 1907 to 1940, and at least 140 anarchist periodicals and publications during the same period.  However, the majority of these groups formed during the 1920s.  This count is difficult due to the often-brief existence of groups and publications, but I believe further examination of Chinese-language anarchist materials would only revise the count upwards.  See WSZX, 1059-1087.   12  fascist movements in Europe and the Americas.  After 1945, Ba Jin, Lu Jianbo, and Ray Jones participated in worldwide efforts to reconstitute global anarchist networks ravaged by war and political repression.  As China's fate seemingly hung in the hands of the nationalists and communists, this took the form of the exchanging and preservation of anarchist knowledge, with Ba Jin and Jones working with anarchist librarian, Agnes Inglis (1870-1952), to archive Chinese anarchist texts at the University of Michigan.  Jones brought further international connections with his ties to Bay Area Italian anarchist groups, ties he had been cultivating since at least 1928, when he was arrested for handing out leaflets protesting the deportation of Armando Borghi (1882-1968), an Italian anarchist militant.26  Lu Jianbo utilized his connections with Spanish-language anarchists in order to solicit funds and materials to rebuild anarchist movements in China.  Ba Jin, Lu Jianbo, and Jones's efforts serve as an example of not only how Chinese anarchists existed with surrounding communities and interests, but also how they actively sought links with other international anarchists and movements.  In essence, Ba Jin, Ray Jones, and Lu Jianbo's efforts to create and define local anarchist spaces and practices were coterminous with the global networks they forged.  In placing these and other Chinese anarchist networks, publications, and social spaces in the historical context of the first four decades of the twentieth century, this dissertation sees anarchism as a generative force in discussions and attempts to not only reform Chinese society, but to go beyond concerns of China as a nation-state and connect Chinese to larger global communities.  Moreover, in examining Chinese anarchist networks, publications, and social spaces, this project observes that as the political and social projects of the Guomindang (GMD) and Chinese Communist Party  26Kenyon Zimmer, “Positively Stateless:  Marcus Graham, the Ferrero-Sallitto Case, and Anarchist Challenges to Race and Deportation,” in The Rising Tide of Color:  Race, State Violence, and Radical Movements across the Pacific, ed. Moon-Ho Jung (Seattle:  University of Washington Press, 2014), 137. 13  (CCP) took precedence in the late 1920s and 30s, anarchism still provided an opening for theorizing how to imagine political action beyond the state.  Anarchist engagement may have changed, larger social experiments such as schools and village mutual aid societies were no longer possible, but action through the printing, translation, dissemination, and preservation of anarchist knowledge remained viable.  Ba Jin, Lu Jianbo, and Ray Jones's anarchist practices weathered the GMD, CCP, and the Anti-Japanese Resistance War, and their practice, along with the spaces and networks in which they participated continued to evolve as well.  These networks, publications, and social spaces, and how they mutated during the first half of the twentieth century, reveal just how intensely Ba Jin, Lu Jianbo, Jones and other Chinese anarchists sought to transform their own lives and the national and international orders around them.  Historiographical Backgrounds – Anarchism and Anarchism in China  Anarchism, as an idea/-ism, as a movement, as a set of practices, and as an object of study has presented scholars numerous contradictions.  Defined simply, anarchism is a modern ideology that advocates the abolition of government and all systems of hierarchy, the free and voluntary association of individuals in the supplying of material needs, and the respect for individual liberty.  It developed amid intense mid-nineteenth century European debates on social reform and revolution that grew out of industrialization, imperial expansion, and state building projects.  Its intellectual and textual pantheon centers on the thoughts and writings of the likes of William Godwin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Max Stirner, Mikhail Bakunin, Piotr Kropotkin, and others.  Its political identity was birthed in factional struggles among contending socialist camps, its own commitment to strict anti-authoritarianism, internationalism, its acceptance and promotion of revolutionary violence, and the intense government repression its adherents 14  suffered.  This is the basic narrative that has existed, from the classic accounts of George Woodcock and James Joll, to a more modern iteration in the writing of Alexander Butterworth.27  However, because of its anti-authoritarian principles, and because it possessed no central body to maintain orthodoxy, anarchism became a big tent of diverse, but like-minded ideologies, movements, and practices that did not always adhere to the neatly delineated story above.28  First, although its main theorists and practitioners were peripatetic wanderers and exiles who were in conflict with the nation-state and preached world revolution, historians have mainly categorized anarchist movements as tied to specific locations, such as Spain, Russia, Italy, or France.29  Recently, though while reaffirming the importance of analysis of anarchist movements at the national level, scholars of anarchism have aimed to explore the various means through which anarchists practiced and pursued internationalism.30  Younger scholars, such as Davide Turcato, who studies transnational Italian anarchists, have emphasized that as a movement, anarchism operated as a geographically dispersed network, with groups and cells disbanding, moving, reforming, and expanding their operations in response to the political climate of a given locality.31  In his example, militant anarchist activity in Italy did not end during periods of political repression; it merely changed locations and focused more on propaganda work than on  27 George Woodcock, Anarchism (Toronto:  University of Toronto Press, 2009); James Joll, The Anarchists (London:  Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1964); and Alex Butterworth, The World That Never Was:  A True Story of Dreamers, Schemers, Anarchists, and Secret Agents (New York:  Pantheon Books, 2010).   28 Some flavors of anarchism include anarcho-communism, anarcho-individualism, anarcho-syndicalism, green anarchism, anarcho-pacifism, anarcho-feminism, post-anarchism, and so on.  Discussions on what counts as anarchism have invariably been an often-contentious feature within anarchist communities.  For a clear synopsis of the alphabet soup of anarchism, see Ruth Kinna, Anarchism:  A Beginner’s Guide (Oxford:  Oneworld Publications, 2005), 15-26.  29Some examples include Murray Boochkin, The Spanish Anarchists:  The Heroic Years, 1968-1936 (Oakland:  AK Press, 2001); Paul Avrich, The Russian Anarchists (Princeton:  Princeton University Press, 1967); Nunzio Pernicone, Italian Anarchism, 1864-1892; and David Berry, A History of the French Anarchist Movement, 1917 to 1945 (Oakland:  AK Press, 2009). 30Constance Bantman and Bert Altena, eds., Reassessing the Transnational Turn:  Scales of Analysis in Anarchist and Syndicalist Study (New York:  Routledge, 2015). 31David Turcato, “Italian Anarchism as a Transnational Movement, 1885-1915,” International Review of Social History 52, no. 3 (2007):  407-444. 15  violent insurrection.32  In essence, Turcato is arguing for the study of Italian anarchists and not necessarily Italian anarchism.    Turcato's arguments are echoed in the research of Kirwin Shaffer, a historian of anarchism in the early twentieth-century Caribbean, and Constance Bantman, who researches French anarchists in Great Britain.  Like Turcato, they stress that constant circulation within anarchist circles compels historians to approach these groups as diffuse organizations that were continuously building new ties with anarchists in different regions, countries, and hemispheres.33  For example, in his work, Shaffer uses the descriptor of “lines and dots” to visualize a map of the constantly changing connections between Latin American and European anarchists living and operating throughout the Americas.34  Such analysis, as Turcato, Shaffer, and Bantman contend, is critical in understanding the range of actions available to anarchists at a given time.  Key in Turcato, Shaffer, and Bantman’s theses are the immigrant and communications networks that facilitated the movement of people and ideas.  Claudio Lomnitz and David Dorado Romo’s writings on transnational communities on the US-Mexico border at the turn of the twentieth century, and Jose C. Moya’s exploration of migrant circuits between Argentina and Spain have probed how radical workers and revolutionists carried anarchist practices across national boundaries, creating new and distinctive revolutionary communities that were constantly in motion, with individuals, publications, and correspondence traveling back and forth.35   32Turcato, 412-415. 33Kirwin Shaffer, “Latin Lines and Dots:  Transnational Anarchism, Regional Networks, and Italian Libertarians in Latin America, Zapruder World 1 (2014), accessed June 10, 2016, http://www.zapruderworld.org/content/kirwin-r-shaffer-latin-lines-and-dots-transnational-anarchism-regional-networks-and-italian; and Constance Bantman, “Internationalism without an International?  Cross-Channel Anarchist Networks, 1880-1914,” Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 84, no. 4 (2006):  961-981; and The French Anarchists in London, 1880-1914:  Exile and Transnationalism in the First Globalization (Liverpool:  Liverpool University Press, 2013). 34Shaffer, paras. 3-5. 35 Claudio Lomnitz, The Return of Comrade Ricardo Flores Magón (Brooklyn:  Zone Books, 2014); David Dorado Romo, Ringside Seat to a Revolution:  An Underground Cultural History of El Paso and Juarez, 1893-1923 (El Paso:  Cinco Puntos Press, 2005); and Jose C. Moya, Cousins and Strangers:  Spanish Immigrants in Buenos Aires, 16  Kenyon Zimmer’s research on anarchist activists in the United States has expanded and added depth to the functioning of these networks in the spread of anarchism.  In Zimmer’s estimation, obviously, a number of anarchist migrants and exiles to America brought their revolutionary creeds and organizational connections with them, but a more important factor was the discrimination and exploitative labor conditions experienced by immigrant communities there.  It was shared persecution and hardship in the United States that made anarchism an attractive choice to immigrants.36  In all of these studies, though anarchist intellectual figures play an important role in disseminating anarchism, the emphasis shifted to what anarchists did and how anarchism and anarchists became embedded in different kinds of transnational communities.37  This brings us to a second issue.  The focus by younger scholars on the social and cultural history of anarchism diverges from earlier studies on, for lack of a better of a term, anarchist intellectual elites.  Along with earlier studies on anarchists in various national settings, biographies and intellectual histories of leading anarchist figures, such as Kropotkin, Bakunin, Alexander Berkman, Emma Goldman and others have played an outsized role in the historiography.38  Current scholars who research anarchism and anarchist movements argue that  1850-1930 (Berkeley:  University of California Press, 1998) are but three examples of the border crossing within radical circles in Latin America.  See Geoffroy de Laforcade and Kirwin Shaffer, eds., In Defiance of Boundaries:  Anarchism in Latin American History (Gainesville:  University Press of Florida, 2015), especially Chapters 1-4 for further examples. 36 Kenyon Zimmer, Immigrants Against the State:  Yiddish and Italian Anarchists in America (Urbana:  University of Illinois Press, 2015). 37 Another example of how anarchism served as a social bedrock in immigrant communities would be essays by Tom Goyens, Kenyon Zimmer, Marcella Bencivenni, and Christopher J. Castañeda in Tom Goyens, Ed., Radical Gotham:  Anarchism in New York City from Schwab’s Saloon to Occupy Wall Street (Urbana:  University of Illinois Press, 2017). 38 George Woodcock’s Anarchism and James Joll’s The Anarchists are but two prominent examples.  Other examples include Paul Avrich, Anarchist Portraits (Princeton:  Princeton University Press, 1988), which is a collection of short biographical sketches including ones on Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Proudhon.  Also see Avrich, Sasha and Emma:  The Anarchist Odyssey of Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman (Cambridge, MA:  Belknap Press, 2012); Martin A. Miller, Kropotkin (Chicago:  University of Chicago Press, 1976); and George Woodcock and Ivan Avakumovic, The Anarchist Prince:  A Biographical Study of Peter Kropotkin (New York and London:  T.V. Boardman, 1950) for a few significant examples.  Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible:  A History of Anarchism (Oakland:  PM Press, 2010) combines the two trends with chapters on anarchist movements within specific countries and biographies of key anarchist thinkers. 17  while earlier intellectual histories were important in fleshing out the idea of anarchism, they did not really account for the majority of individuals who practiced and lived anarchism.  Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt, authors of what is currently considered an authoritative work (though still hotly contested) on anarchist history, place organizing by industrial and agricultural workers at the center of their narrative.39  Echoing Turcato’s arguments about the importance of the press, Kathy Ferguson has contended that anarchist practice was embodied in the physical act of printmaking and typesetting in the figure of the 19th century journeyman printer.40  Others still have sought to rethink how anarchism as an ideology and practice affects the writing of anarchist history, seeking a more balanced approach between intellectual and social histories of anarchism, asserting that the history of anarchism is one of both sages and movements.41  A final difficulty in the historiography these younger anarchist scholars seek to reconsider is the centrality of violence in popular conceptions of anarchist movements.  Earlier discussions of anarchism’s advocation of revolutionary violence has seen this either as a paradox to be solved or as something that paled in comparison to the repressive violence meted out to  39 Michael Schmidt and Lucien van der Walt, Black Flame:  The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Edinburgh and Oakland:  AK Press, 2009), 15-19.  Schmidt and van der Walt’s work is controversial within anarchist circles for a variety of reasons.  Two of the foremost include their attempt to frame anarcho-syndicalism as the main current of anarchism and in so doing significantly restrict who and what is considered anarchist.  The other, and perhaps more inflammatory reason, has been the recent revelation of Michael Schmidt’s white nationalist beliefs.  A currently available PDF download on Libcom.org, a large online forum devoted to anarchist discussion, includes a disclaimer which notes that “we are not aware of such [white nationalist] themes in this work but readers should be advised.”  See “Black Flame:  The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism – Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt,” Libcom.org, 3 June 2012, https://libcom.org/library/ black-flame-volume-1-lucien-van-der-walt-michael-schmidt.  Also see statements by the Instituto de Teoria e História Anarquista/Institute for Anarchist Theory and History (ITHA/IATH), “2017 ITHA/IATH Statement on Michael Schmidt Case”, ITHA-IATH, 23 March 2017, https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/2017/03/23/2017-statement-on-michael-schmidt-case-declaracao-sobre-o-caso-michael-schmidt/, and Lucien van der Walt, “2017 Statement on Michael Schmidt Affair,” ITHA-IATH, 11 April 2017, https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/2017/04/11/ lucien-van-der-walt-2017-statement-on-michael-schmidt-affair-10-april-2017/ 40 Kathy E. Ferguson, “Anarchist Printers and Presses:  Material Circuits of Politics,” Political Theory 42, no. 4 (2014):  391-414. 41 Matthew Adams, “The Possibilities of Anarchist History:  Rethinking the Canon and Writing History,” Anarchist Developments in Cultural Studies, no. 1 (2013):  33-63.  Iain McKay, “Sages and Movements:  An Incomplete Peter Kropotkin Bibliography,” Anarchist Studies 22, no. 1 (2014):  66-101. 18  anarchists by the state.42  Zimmer, Bantman, Shaffer, and others all acknowledge the role of violence, both in anarchist actions and in government repression.  However, in seeking to focus on anarchism as a lived experience, they seek to broaden its history beyond that of an ideal.  In so doing, they aim to provide analytic space to explore the social spaces in which anarchists lived and worked.  A prominent example of this is Tom Goyens's study of the social spaces inhabited by German anarchists in late nineteenth-century New York, which demonstrates how New York-based German anarchists cemented their anarchist identities through beer hall gatherings, community theater performances, lectures, and other aspects of social life.43  Simply put, anarchists were more than revolutionary insurrectionists, they were members of interlocking networks of local, regional, and transnational communities that aimed to put their beliefs into practice.  The historiography of anarchism and anarchists in China, though retaining these same conundrums, first had to respond to both broader contours of Chinese history and the particular concerns Chinese faced.  As scholars have identified, the old system anarchists and other radicals and reformers sought to replace was a hodgepodge of various thought ways, commonly grouped under the rubric of Confucian ideology, and had served as the synthesizer for various discourses of political, cultural, and state power for over two millennia.  But, in the nineteenth century, as  42 David Novak, “Anarchism and Individual Terrorism,” The Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science/Revue canadienne d'Economique et de Science politique 20, no. 2 (May 1954):  182.  Novak’s argument runs that ultimately, anarchism is a philosophy of liberation and peace. It is dedicated to the salvation of humanity.  It aims to save all humans.  So, why is it acceptable for anarchists to plant bombs and plan assassinations?  Novak sees these actions in contradiction with anarchism's stated goals and brings to task figures such as Kropotkin, Berkman, and Goldman for their acceptance of terror inspiring activities.  However, others countered that anarchism was an ideology based in purity and saw no contradictions in using extreme measures to obtain anarchist ideals.  David Wieck, “The Negativity of Anarchism,” Interrogations:  Revue Internationale de Recherche Anarchiste, no. 5(Dec 1975):  17-18, Quadrant 4, accessed 15 September 2020, http://quadrant4.org/anarchism.html.  An example of anarchist histories that develop themes of martyrdom and oppression include Paul Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy (Princeton:  Princeton University Press, 1986). 43Tom Goyens, Beer and Revolution:  The German Anarchist Movement in New York City, 1880-1914.  (Urbana and Chicago:  University of Illinois Press, 2007).   19  China’s political, economic, and social situation buckled under crises of imperialist aggression, civil war, social upheaval, economic and natural disaster, it lost institutional force.  From the last half of the century, reformers and radicals  soon attacked various aspects of Confucian ideology and sought to either re-purpose it to new, modern agendas, or do away with it altogether.44  Though these radicals and reformers themselves still operated within a Confucian discourse, their mental vocabularies and concepts were changing.45  New ideas of citizenship, statehood, social justice, and evolution, filtered through Europe, the United States, and Japan, came to dominate debates on how to improve China's situation.46  These new Western derived concepts combined with existing concepts and ways of thinking in China to create new vocabularies of social and political expression.  Anarchism first came to Asia and China in the first decade of the twentieth century through these transnational channels.47  Martin Bernal, Robert Scalapino, George Yu and others have identified how, at the beginning of the twentieth century, as reformers like Liang Qichao looked to European reporting on anarchism and other socialisms for strategies and means they could adopt and employ in reforming or revolutionizing the moribund Qing dynasty, Chinese students living in Tokyo and Paris collaborated with international colleagues to translate and introduce anarchist thought to Chinese audiences.  In both Tokyo and Paris, overseas Chinese  44Benjamin Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power:  Yen Fu and the West (Cambridge:  Belknap Press, 1964); Chow Tse-Tsung, The May Fourth Movement:  Intellectual Revolution in Modern China (Cambridge:  Harvard University Press, 1960).   45Lin Yusheng, The Crisis of Chinese Consciousness:  Radical Anti-Traditionalism in the May Fourth Era (Madison:  University of Wisconsin Press, 1979), Chs. 1-2. 46Joshua Fogel and Peter Zarrow, Imagining the People:  Chinese Intellectuals and the Concept of Citizenship, 1890-1920 (Armonk, NY:  M. E. Sharpe, 1997),  47 Robert Scalapino and George T. Yu, The Chinese Anarchist Movement (Berkeley:  Center for Chinese Studies, University of California, 1961); Martin Bernal, Chinese Socialism to 1907 (Ithaca, NY:  Cornell University Press, 1976); Michael Gasster, Chinese Intellectuals and the Revolution of 1911 (Seattle:  University of Washington Press, 1969); and Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement are among the earliest academic works to seriously consider the impact of anarchism and anarchist movements in China.   20  student responded to anarchism as a radical new solution to China's seemingly intractable problems, as they felt those old vocabularies and practices that held together Chinese politics, society, and culture under millennia of dynastic rule could not cope with massive population growth, political ineffectiveness, natural disasters, economic turbulence, and Euro-American imperialist incursions.  It provided a means of organizing society that would do away with the moribund hierarchies that kept Chinese in subservience to family, state, and imperialist powers.  Furthermore, in the minds of those Chinese who were to become anarchists, anarchism provided the necessary tools to reconstruct not only Chinese society, but also that of the world, creating the possibility of a universal community.    As historians have noted, anarchism introduced a number of new social and political concepts to China, contributing numerous ideas and theories that added an ever-evolving world view.  Anarchists, for example, were among the first groups in China to take Western feminist theory and apply it to gender relations in China.48  Throughout the 1910s and 1920s, anarchism remained a powerful force, directly or indirectly influencing numerous individuals and groups to take up revolutionary causes.  The anarchist-organized Diligent Work-Frugal Study 勤工俭学 program sent hundreds of Chinese students to France where many became active in revolutionary activism and some, such as Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997), would later occupy important positions in the CCP.49  Anarchist ideology even lay behind the efforts of Buddhist modernizers aiming to reinvigorate their doctrines.50  It was an ideology that emphatically  48Lydia H. Liu, Rebecca E. Karl., and Dorothy Ko, eds., The Birth of Chinese Feminism:  Essential Texts in Transnational Theory (New York:  Columbia University, 2013), see “Introduction” and “Historical Context” for ways in which anarchist discourse contributed to discussions of new concepts in China. 49Marilyn Levine, The Found Generation:  Chinese Communists during the Twenties (Seattle:  University of Washington Press, 1993), 6 and 30-31. 50Justin Ritzinger, “Dependent Co-Evolution:  Kropotkin's Theory of Mutual Aid and Its Appropriation by Chinese Buddhists,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 26 (2013):  89-112. 21  influenced political and social actions, and, more importantly, profoundly shaped the later radical discourses of the CCP and GMD, as numerous anarchists, for a time, held key positions in both organizations.51    Alongside the influence of its political and social concepts, anarchism's most lasting contributions perhaps are its stress on the reorganization of social space and its internationalist outlook.  In addition to overseas work-study groups, Chinese anarchists participated in a plethora of social experiments, ranging from moral societies, village mutual aid organizations, to progressive schools that combined mental and manual labor.52  These spaces and activities also included journals, bookstores, print shops, and other ve