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The stories of eleven Japanese Canadian teachers : colouring racial barriers into teacher training, certification,… Kubota, Haruho 2020

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The Stories of Eleven Japanese Canadian Teachers: Colouring Racial Barriers into Teacher Training, Certification, and Hiring Processes in British Columbia, 1916-1942 by  Haruho Kubota  B.A., Mount Allison University, 2014  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Educational Studies)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  August 2020  © Haruho Kubota, 2020  ii  The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, a thesis entitled:  The Stories of Eleven Japanese Canadian Teachers: Colouring Racial Barriers into Teacher Training, Certification, and Hiring Processes in British Columbia, 1916-1942  submitted by Haruho Kubota in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In Educational Studies  Examining Committee: Dr. Mona Gleason, Educational Studies Supervisor  Dr. Laura Ishiguro, History Supervisory Committee Member  Dr. Jason Ellis, Educational Studies Additional Examiner   iii  Abstract This master’s thesis is a historical research study that examines critical gaps in two areas of historical scholarship: the history of education and the history of Japanese Canadians. While rich histories about Japanese Canadians and of education in British Columbia exist, this thesis revisits told and retold histories to bring the stories of eleven Japanese Canadian teachers to light. In doing so, I argue that while an explicit policy preventing aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers from obtaining teaching certificates did not exist, the normalization of anti-Asian attitudes and franchise laws, ultimately led to their exclusion from the teaching profession. The widely shared historiography of Japanese Canadians suggests that an explicit ban was placed on Japanese Canadians from obtaining teaching certificates after Hide Hyodo, the only Japanese Canadian to become a teacher in British Columbia, was hired by the Richmond School Board in 1926. However, there appears to be no such explicit policy. Using historical sources such as yearbooks, newspaper articles, governmental documents, and archival materials, I located ten other Japanese Canadian women who sought the teaching profession between 1916 and 1942. Hyodo’s story and the stories of ten other Japanese Canadian women who aspired to become public school teachers in British Columbia show how they navigated and responded to an education system that presented itself as colour-blind but was coloured with racial barriers.  This thesis also adds to the existing history of education by bringing forward their absences as evidence of how subtle and overt racism lived in and informed the teacher training, certification, and hiring of teachers in the first half of the twentieth century. By piecing together eleven individual experiences of young Japanese Canadian women, this thesis offers new ways of understanding how racism worked and enriches our knowledge about Japanese Canadians in the pre-war years. iv  Lay Summary Using yearbooks, newspaper articles, and archival materials, I explore the stories of eleven Japanese Canadian women who tried to join the teaching profession in British Columbia in the first half of the twentieth century. Their stories show how they navigated a school system that presented itself as welcoming diversity and difference but was riddled with racial barriers. I further argue that general anti-Asian racism rather than one specific policy affected teacher certification and hiring processes during the first four decades of the twentieth century. This thesis questions how policies that were not explicitly written into law affected Japanese Canadians’ aspirations of becoming teachers. More generally, this thesis invites readers to question absences in history and introduces the complexities of discussing race in the first half of the twentieth century not only in British Columbia, but also in Canada.  v  Preface This master’s thesis is original, independent, and unpublished work of the author, Haruho Kubota. I used sources approved by the British Columbia Archives to compile Table 2.5.    vi  Table of Contents  Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... iii Lay Summary ............................................................................................................................... iv Preface .............................................................................................................................................v Table of Contents ......................................................................................................................... vi List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ ix List of Figures .................................................................................................................................x Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................... xii Dedication ................................................................................................................................... xiii Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................1 1.1 Literature review ............................................................................................................. 2 1.1.1 Historiography of Japanese Canadians ................................................................... 2 1.1.2 Historiography of Teachers in Canada ................................................................... 9 1.2 Research Question ........................................................................................................ 15 1.3 Rationale ....................................................................................................................... 15 1.3.1 History for Evidence ............................................................................................. 15 1.3.2 History for Love .................................................................................................... 16 1.4 Thesis Structure ............................................................................................................ 17 Chapter 2: Approaching the Japanese Canadian Teachers ....................................................20 2.1 Positionality statement .................................................................................................. 20 2.2 Using the Archives ........................................................................................................ 21 2.3 Locating Japanese Canadians ....................................................................................... 23 vii  2.4 Finding Information about the Japanese Canadians ..................................................... 27 2.4.1 Limitations ............................................................................................................ 29 2.5 Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic ............................................................................. 30 2.6 Work in Footnotes: “Empathic Inferences” .................................................................. 31 2.7 The Japanese Canadian Teachers .................................................................................. 31 Chapter 3: Colouring invisible barriers into BC teacher hiring practices, 1916-1926 .........36 3.1 Historical Context: 1901-1925 ...................................................................................... 37 3.1.1 The BC School System: Prior to 1901 .................................................................. 37 3.1.2 The BC School System: After 1901 ...................................................................... 39 3.1.3 Anti-Asian Racism ................................................................................................ 41 3.2 The First Three Japanese Canadians to Train as Public School Teachers .................... 45 3.2.1 Chitose (“Tose” or “Josi”) Uchida ........................................................................ 45 3.2.2 Annie Kiku Nakabayashi ...................................................................................... 56 3.2.3 Hide Hyodo ........................................................................................................... 63 3.3 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 69 Chapter 4: Race and Religion, 1927-1935 ..................................................................................71 4.1 Historical Context ......................................................................................................... 73 4.1.1 Manchuria and the Japanese Canadian Community ............................................. 73 4.1.2 Christianity and Schools in Canada ...................................................................... 78 4.2 Responding by Moving Away ...................................................................................... 82 4.2.1 Cana Okamura ...................................................................................................... 82 4.2.2 Itoko Suzuki .......................................................................................................... 90 viii  4.3 “…(H)er appointment might set a precedent for the appointment of a Buddhist teacher” 93 4.3.1 Teruko “Terry” Hidaka ......................................................................................... 93 4.3.2 Kazuko “Cazuko” Iwasa ..................................................................................... 101 4.3.3 Aya Suzuki .......................................................................................................... 105 4.4 Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 111 Chapter 5: “…(T)he Nisei begins to find an invisible barrier growing up around himself…”, 1935-1942 ................................................................................................................115 5.1 Historical Context ....................................................................................................... 116 5.1.1 Voting, Nanking, and Internment in the historiography of Japanese Canadians 116 5.1.1.1.1 1936 – Trip to Ottawa ............................................................................... 120 5.1.1.1.2 1937 – Nanking ......................................................................................... 125 5.1.1.1.3 1941 – Pearl Harbour ................................................................................ 127 5.1.1.1.4 1942 – Hastings Park ................................................................................ 128 5.1.2 The BCTF, Schools, and Teachers in the Years Prior to the War ...................... 129 5.2 Attending Normal School as a Response .................................................................... 134 5.2.1 Frances Takimoto ................................................................................................ 134 5.2.2. Yukiko “Yuki” Watanabe ................................................................................... 138 5.2.3. Tatsuko Takahashi .............................................................................................. 142 5.3. Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 147 Chapter 6: Conclusion ...............................................................................................................150 Bibliography ...............................................................................................................................158 ix  List of Tables   Table 2.1 Table of sources used to find Japanese Canadian normal school attendants in British Columbia between 1901 and 1942. ............................................................................................... 25 Table 2.2 Table of sources used to find Japanese Canadians who received teaching certificates in British Columbia between 1901 and 1942. ................................................................................... 26 Table 2.3 Table of sources used to find Japanese Canadians who were hired to teach in British Columbia between 1872 and 1942. ............................................................................................... 26 Table 2.4 Table of sources used to find the backgrounds of Japanese Canadians who attended normal school between 1916 and 1942. ........................................................................................ 28 Table 2.5 Table of Japanese Canadian normal school students and their certification and hiring status in British Columbia between 1872-1942 ............................................................................ 35  x  List of Figures  Figure 3.1 A group photo of students who were some of the earliest Japanese children born in Canada, taken in 1904. Uchida is pictured in the far right. Nikkei National Museum, 2010.23.2.4.250. Reproduced with the permission of the Nikkei National Museum. .................. 46 Figure 3.2 Millie, Kate, Haru, Victoria, Annie, photograph, n.d., Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives, Oriental Home and School fonds, box P-31, file 1, OHS_2004-0275-29. Reproduced with the permission of Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives. .................... 57 Figure 3.3 Annie Nakabayashi, fall of 1915, photograph, 1915, Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives, Oriental Home and School fonds, box P-31, file 1, OHS_2004-0275-32. Reproduced with the permission of the Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives. .............. 58 Figure 3.4 A photo of Hyodo’s Grade 1 B & A class at Lord Byng Elementary School that appeared in one of her scrapbooks. Gr. 1 B&A, photograph in album, June 1928, Box 3, Album 3, Folder 19. Courtesy of the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto. .......... 66 Figure 4.1 Photo of Cana Okamura in the Division Two Class at Connaught High School, photograph in The Connaught Chronicle, Volume 5, Number 5, (New Westminster: Students of Duke of Connaught High School, c. 1929), 6, PAM561. Reproduced with permission of the City of New Westminster Archives. ..................................................................................................... 85 Figure 4.2 A gathering of students from the Japanese Students Club in 1937. Nikkei National Museum, 2001-4-4-5-51. Reproduced with the permission of the Nikkei National Museum. .... 87 Figure 4.3 Teruko Hidaka pictured in the middle. MacLean School Grade 9 Class Photo, photograph, ca. 1926, P03266, Vera Newby Collection, Maple Ridge Museum and Archives, xi  Maple Ridge, Canada. Reproduced with permission of the Maple Ridge Museum and Archives........................................................................................................................................................ 95 Figure 4.4 In this photo taken circa 1923, I suggest that Iwasa appears third from the right in the second row of students with her class in Division 7. I make this inference by comparing this photo with her photo in the 1933-4 Provincial Normal School yearbook. Cumberland School Div. 7, 1923. C240-037, Cumberland Museum and Archives. Reproduced with permission from the Cumberland Museum and Archives. ..................................................................................... 102 Figure 5.1 A photo of Takahashi with another young girl, drawn from one of Hyodo’s photo albums. Tatsuko Takahashi, Miyoko Matsuzaki, Steveston BC, photograph in album, c.a. 1928, Box 3, Album 2, Folder 26. Courtesy of the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto. .................................................................................................................................. 143   xii  Acknowledgements The people with and from whom I have learned, particularly over the last couple of years, have made this project fully delightful. I offer my deepest gratitude to my supportive, caring, and thorough committee: Dr. Mona Gleason, who guided me through evolving ideas and moments of doubt; Dr. Laura Ishiguro, for reflective conversations and critical feedback that pushed me to think beyond and imagine alternatives; and Dr. Jason Ellis, for offering continuous encouragement and the time, space, and tools to make this project possible. Thank you for your trust in me and for teaching me to trust myself; for teaching me the importance of both pausing and walking in times of frozenness; and for offering diligent and ongoing support throughout my program. Without sources, this historical research project would not have been possible. Thus, I express my gratitude to archivists and collections managers in British Columbia and Ontario for your expertise, guidance, and time from reviewing research agreements to pointing me to new sources, and in some cases, taking the time to sift through materials. I must also thank my friends, who I have had the joy to meet prior to and through this program, for your time, energy, and patience. Particular thanks to Mallory Davies for making visits to the archives so enjoyable. I owe special thanks to friends and elders from the Japanese, Japanese Canadian, and nikkei communities who have shared stories, encouraged me to share, invited me to events, and brought in me moments of belonging. Finally, to my parents and family for encouraging me to pursue this degree. I do not thank you enough for your endless support in my educational endeavors. Despite my complicated questions and thoughts around identity, I always find a way to ground myself through our phone calls and visits home. いつもありがとう! This project draws on research supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. xiii  Dedication  To those looking for belonging 1  Chapter 1: Introduction The widely read historiography of Japanese Canadians1 suggests that shortly after Hide Hyodo Shimizu, one of the first Japanese Canadians to become a certified teacher in British Columbia, was hired by the Richmond School Board in 1926, “the BC government made it illegal for any Japanese Canadian to get a teaching certificate.”2 Yet, there appears to be no written policy that explicitly excluded Japanese Canadians from obtaining teaching certificates. Revisiting the question of exclusion in teacher certification processes, this thesis will explore how and why Japanese Canadians were limited in their ability to teach in BC public schools from 1901, when the first Normal School was created, to the internment of Japanese Canadians in 1942. To do so, I will examine the effects of unwritten policies—invisible rules that do not exist materially, but prevailed in the context of the early twentieth century—on Japanese Canadians’ pursuit of teaching professions in the BC public school system. Ultimately, I argue that the normalization of anti-Asian attitudes and franchise laws led to the exclusion of aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers from the teaching profession.  1 Here, I use the term “Japanese Canadian” because the teachers explored in this thesis were citizens of Canada by birth. Other scholars have used the term, nikkeijin, meaning “of Japanese descent” in Japanese (a combination of “日本” read, nihon, meaning Japan and “系” read, kei, meaning ~like, or of that descent and “人” read jin, meaning person) to signify the diversity of Japanese people, including migrants who were not deemed citizens of Canada. For more on using the term nikkei, see Andrea Geiger, “Reframing Nikkei Histories: Complicating Existing Narratives,” BC Studies, no. 192 (2016): 13–18 and footnote four on pages 1-3 in Nicole Yakashiro, “Daffodils as Property: Settler Colonial Renewal and the Dispossession of Nikkei Farmers in the 1940s” (University of British Columbia, 2019), https://doi.org/10.14288/1.0380621.  2 Nikkei National Museum, “Hide Hyodo Shimizu Collection,” Collection, http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/collections_detail.php?col_id=F1172; Harold Steeves, “Nikkei Memories: Lord Byng School: The Possible Demolition of an Important Steveston Landmark,” The Bulletin, February 1996, 12-13, Shimizu, Hide (nee Hyodo) Biography Files, City of Richmond Archives, 13. This topic was developed in the Summer 2019 course, EDST 504A. I have drawn pieces of writing completed for that class into this thesis. Haruho Kubota, “A History of Unwritten Policy: Limiting Japanese Canadians to Teach in B.C. Public Schools, 1901-42” (unpublished paper, EDST 504A: History of Educational Policy, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, 2019). 2  1.1 Literature review 1.1.1 Historiography of Japanese Canadians A large portion of the historiography of Japanese Canadians has focused on the dispossession and internment of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War, in the service of redress in the present.3 However, this project aims to focus on the experiences of Japanese Canadians prior to 1942. Here, I do not mean to discredit or dishonour the important work that has been done to build the rich foundational historiography of Japanese Canadians that centres the Second World War.4 In fact, as historian Roy Miki illuminates, it was essential for the Japanese Canadian community to share stories about internment as a part of the process of developing a common narrative. In a sense, the redress narrative was a means to heal, and through that, signified a rebirth of a Japanese Canadian identity, called a “redress identity.”5 As Kirsten Emiko McAllister suggests, the common narrative “created a new space of existence” for Japanese Canadians.6 Thus, the collective narrative centred Japanese Canadian experiences of internment and brought them to life.  On the other hand, McAllister also argues that, as a narrative constructed for remembering Japanese Canadian internment during the Second World War is told and retold, it becomes concretized—producing memories, constructing collective identities, and shaping present day  3 Some notable texts include: Maryka Omatsu, Bittersweet Passage (Toronto: Between The Lines, 1992); Ann Gomer Sunahara, The Politics of Racism: The Uprooting of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War (Toronto: J. Lorimer, 1981); Roy Miki, Redress: Inside the Japanese Canadian Call for Justice (Raincoast Books, 2004).  4 Ken Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was: A History of the Japanese Canadians (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), Ann Gomer Sunahara, The Politics of Racism: The Uprooting of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, Publishers, 1981); Miki, Redress. 5 Roy Miki, “Constructing a Redress Identity,” in Redress: Inside the Japanese Canadian Call for Justice (Vancouver: Raincoast Books, 2004), 241–67. 6 Kirsten Emiko McAllister, “Captivating Debris: Unearthing a World War Two Internment Camp,” Cultural Values 5, no. 1 (January 2001): 97–114, https://doi.org/10.1080/14797580109367223, 98.  3  understandings of Japanese Canadians.7 Although it created a space of existence, she argues that the common Japanese Canadian narrative also “entraps,” and thus its “fixity” can dismiss, rather than welcome, stories that “diverge.”8  To be sure, scholars have addressed this paradox raised by McAllister. Mona Oikawa and Pamela Sugiman address the importance of challenging the common narrative by writing about women’s experiences of Japanese Canadian internment.9 By bringing in voices of women and their experiences of internment, Oikawa and Sugiman attempt to dismantle the historiographic construction of Japanese Canadian women as passive and submissive. Other historians, such as Tomoko Makabe and Midge Ayukawa, have shed a more complex light on the journeys of issei women who came to Canada as so-called “picture brides” during the pre-war years, than what was described in Ken Adachi’s account of them.10 While the stories explored in this thesis are about women, I do not examine the experiences during internment, such as the work offered by  Oikawa and Sugiman, but rather explore stories of women before the internment period. Further, these stories are about young nisei women—unlike those stories captured by Ayukawa and Makabe.   7 Ibid. For more on the history and memory of Japanese Canadians, see Pamela Sugiman, “Passing Time, Moving Memories: Interpreting Wartime Narratives of Japanese Canadian Women,” Social History 37, no. 74 (2004): 56.  8 McAllister, “Captivating Debris: Unearthing a World War Two Internment Camp,” 98.  9 Mona Oikawa, Cartographies of Violence: Japanese Canadian Women, Memory, and the Subjects of the Internment, Studies in Gender and History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012); Sugiman, “Passing Time, Moving Memories,” 51–79; Pamela Sugiman, “Memories of Internment: Narrating Japanese Canadian Women’s Life Stories”; Pamela Sugiman, “‘These Feelings That Fill My Heart’: Japanese Canadian Women’s Memories of Internment,” Oral History 34, no. 2 (2006): 69–84, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40179898. 10 Tomoko Makabe, Picture Brides: Japanese Women in Canada, trans. Kathleen Chisato Merken (Toronto: Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1995); Midge Ayukawa, “Good Wives Wise Mothers: Japanese Picture Bides in Early Twentieth-Century British Columbia,” BC Studies, no. 105–106 (Spring/Summer 1995): 103–18. Ken Adachi offers his research on the “picture bride” system in Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 87-108.  4  By using Japanese-language primary sources, Aya Fujiwara, Daniel Lachapelle Lemire, and Eiji Okawa have also challenged the boundaries of Japanese Canadian historiography, which has tended to draw more on English-language sources.11 In Ethnic Elites and Canadian Identity: Japanese, Ukrainians, and Scots, 1919-1971, Fujiwara uses articles from the Japanese-language newspaper, Tairiku Nippo, to reveal the diversity of opinions that existed within the community of Japanese immigrants in the 1920s and 1930s. In chapter two, Fujiwara exposes the kind of debates the issei had regarding the language and culture education of their children, the nisei. Rather than united in their opinions, some issei pushed for Japanese language education as a means to maintain emotional and spiritual connection within families and with Japan, while others thought it was more important to remove group markers such as language education from nisei lifestyles as part of their assimilation process.12 In addition, Fujiwara captures the changing attitudes of those she calls “the nisei elite,” who began to support Japan’s military actions in the 1930s, particularly when tensions between China and Japan escalated.13 These are some voices,  11 Aya Fujiwara, Ethnic Elites and Canadian Identity: Japanese, Ukrainians, and Scots, 1919-1971 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2012); Aya Fujiwara, “The Myth of the Emperor and the Yamato Race: The Role of the Tairiku Nippô in the Promotion of Japanese-Canadian Transnational Ethnic Identity in the 1920s and the 1930s,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 21, no. 1 (May 9, 2011): 37–58, https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/jcha/2010-v21-n1-jcha1519262/1003042ar/; Daniel Lachapelle Lemire, “Bittersweet Memories: Narratives of Japanese Canadian Children’s Experiences before the Second World War and the Politics of Redress,” BC Studies 192 (Winter 2016): 71–104; Eiji Okawa and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Japaneseness in Racist Canada: Immigrant Imaginaries during the First Half of the Twentieth Century,” Journal of American Ethnic History 37, no. 4 (2018): 10–39, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jamerethnhist.37.4.0010; Eiji Okawa, “Japanese Culture and Language in the Prewar Canadian ‘Mosaic,’” Meiji at 150 Digital Teaching Resource, 2018, https://meijiat150dtr.arts.ubc.ca/essays/okawa-2/. Parts of the analysis done in this paragraph are taken from my paper for ASIA 561 completed in Summer 2019. Haruho Kubota, “‘All blended happily to create an informal and jovial atmosphere’: Constructing Japanese Canadian identities through Buddhism in British Columbia in the Pre-War Years, (unpublished paper, ASIA 561, University of British Columbia), 2019, 6-7.  12 Fujiwara, Ethnic Elites and Canadian Identity, 55.  13 Ibid., 43-4. Fujiwara prefaces this argument by stating that the issei’s and nisei’s changes in their attitudes toward Japan was instigated by the heightened anti-Japanese racism in British Columbia. Rather than putting more energy into distancing themselves from Japan, these issei and nisei emphasized their group belonging to the Japanese Empire.  5  thoughts, and attitudes that only become evident through her exploration of the Tairiku Nippo. In his article, “Bittersweet Memories,” Lemire further explores the impact that language education had on young Japanese and Japanese Canadian students by examining student essays published in the Vancouver Japanese Language School newsletters. In contrast to the nisei who are often framed as a group of young Japanese Canadians unanimous in wanting to assimilate to Canadian society by shedding as much of the “Japanese factor” as possible, Lemire discovers essays written by Japanese language school students who expressed their strong affection and connection to their ancestral homeland.14 He shows how the nisei found ways to connect with their Japanese heritage at the language school as part of their process of “becoming Canadian.”15 Like Fujiwara and Lemire, Eiji Okawa offers philosophical and spiritual explanations for the issei, and perhaps some of the nisei, who wanted to maintain a connection to Japan and pushed for Japanese language education.16 In his exploration of influential historical Japanese texts during the construction of modern Japan, Okawa shows how some issei and nisei used their ties to Japan to empower themselves as they lived through the anti-Asian racism inflicted on them in British Columbia.17 In another article, Okawa also highlights a piece written in the Tairiku Nippo by a nisei who understood his Japanese identity as something to embrace, rather than shed, in the making of their futures in Canada.18 Fujiwara, Lemire, and Okawa all signify the diversity of  14 Lemire, “Bittersweet Memories,” 71–104. Lemire also suggests that in his exploration of the newsletters, he kept in mind that the context was likely filtered in order to meet the goals and mandates of the Japanese language school on Alexander Street in the early 1900s leading up to the war.  15 This analysis is drawn from Kubota, “‘All blended happily to create an informal and jovial atmosphere,’” 7.  16 Eiji Okawa and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Japaneseness in Racist Canada: Immigrant Imaginaries during the First Half of the Twentieth Century,” Journal of American Ethnic History 37, no. 4 (2018): 10–39, https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jamerethnhist.37.4.0010. 17 Ibid., 31.  18 Okawa, “Japanese Culture and Language in the Prewar Canadian ‘Mosaic.’” 6  attitudes and opinions that issei and nisei held regarding “the Japanese factor”—namely, how some issei opposed, and some nisei maintained connections with Japan.19 Although I do not make use of Japanese language sources to the extent that Fujiwara, Lemire, and Okawa do, one of the stories uncovered here shows how a nisei who trained to become a public school teacher, utilized their Japanese language education for their career. Their devotion to the general Japanese Canadian community shows how they gave back to their parents’ generation, rather than maintain the bitter relationship that is often described as characterizing the issei and nisei in the early twentieth century. Put differently, the stories of the aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers reveal accounts of young nisei lives in the years prior to internment, which at times align with historical narratives that have been told as part of the formation of the “redress identity” and at times offer alternative stories that may seem to conflict with pre-existing narratives.   19 Additional scholars who are pushing the bounds of Japanese Canadian history include critical geographer, Andrea Geiger who focuses on the stories of Japanese immigrants, particularly the buraku jumin, who escaped Japan’s exclusionary caste system during the Meiji-regime to find refuge in Canada. Suggesting that emigration “offered one possible way to conceal outcaste descent” for the buraku jumin, she argues that their trajectory differed from the dekasegi. In Andrea Geiger, Subverting Exclusion: Transpacific Encounters with Race, Caste, and Borders, 1885-1928 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 32. Dekasegi is often described as Japanese residents who migrated to Canada ultimately for economic gains with the intension of returning back to Japan. In Audrey Kobayashi, “Social Consequences of Regional Diversity Among Japanese Immigrants to Canada: A Preliminary Review,” in Asian Canadians: Contemporary Issues: Selections from the Proceedings, Asian Canadian Symposium VII, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 4 to 7, ed. Victor Ujimoto and Josephine Naidoo (Guelph: University of Guelph, 1986), 6; Patricia Roy, The Oriental Question: Consolidating a White Man’s Province, 1914-41 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), http://deslibris.ca.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/ID/404315, 31. Audrey Kobayashi examines the geographic patterns of exile of the Japanese Canadians who were expelled to Japan by the Canadian government after the war. See Audrey Kobayashi et al., “Exile: Mapping the Migration Patterns of Japanese Canadians Exiled to Japan in 1946,” Journal of American Ethnic History 37, no. 4 (2018): 73–89, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jamerethnhist.37.4.0073. Nicole Yakashiro also offers new ways of revisiting Japanese Canadian history through her microhistorical study on nikkei daffodil farmers in rural British Columbia in the 1940s and making sense of their stories in conversation with the history of settler colonialism. Yakashiro, “Daffodils as Property.” 7  This thesis adds new layers to the historiography of Japanese Canadians by offering what McAllister might describe to be a “diverging” account of Japanese Canadians whose common narratives have solidified over time. Existing historical accounts about Japanese Canadian teachers have generally recognized Hide Hyodo and Teruko Hidaka as two figures who sought to join the teaching profession in BC.20 In some cases, Hyodo was described as the only one to become a certified teacher in the pre-war years.21 In addition, some historiographical accounts stated that an explicit policy limited Japanese Canadians from obtaining teaching certificates,22 while others recognized that more subtle mechanisms were at play.23 However, they did not go further to explain how these mechanisms worked.  Credit must be given to Frank Moritsugu who wrote extensively on teachers during the internment. He is also one of the few historians to write about other Japanese Canadians who had  20 In 1976, Ken Adachi, known as one of the founding writers of Japanese Canadian history, wrote about Hideko Hyodo who had been appointed as a public school teacher “at the Richmond elementary school in Steveston where the students were of preponderantly Japanese origin.” He also wrote about Chitose Uchida, “the first nisei to graduate from the University of British Columbia in 1916,” and Teruko Hidaka, who was “barred from working” as a “substitute teacher” when a group of parents reprimanded her appointment. In Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 172. In 1981, Anne Sunahara wrote that “only 2 Japanese Canadians had ever been allowed to obtain provincial teaching certificates.” In Ann Gomer Sunahara, The Politics of Racism: The Uprooting of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, Publishers, 1981), 97.  21 Nikkei National Museum, “Hide Hyodo Shimizu Collection,”; Steeves, “Nikkei Memories,” 12-13, Shimizu, Hide (nee Hyodo) Biography Files, City of Richmond Archives, 13.  22 Ibid.  23 In 1938, Charles H. Young and Helen R.Y. Reid from the National Committee for Mental Hygiene in Canada wrote: “It is a recognized general policy to exclude [Japanese Canadians] from employment in provincial or municipal services or as school teachers.” Charles Hurlburt Young, Helen R. Y. Reid, and W. A. Carrothers, The Japanese Canadians, ed. Harold A. Innis, 2nd ed (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1939), 130. Credit must be given to my friend, Carolyn Nakagawa for pointing me to this source. Here, Young and Reid refer to an exclusion imposed upon Japanese Canadians “by the terms of provincial public works contracts, from employment by a Government contractor” which they had outlined in the preceding sentence. In ibid., 130. Rather than identifying an explicit policy, Young and Reid allude to an unidentified mechanism—a “general policy”—that limited the ability for Japanese Canadians to teach in the BC public school system. Thus, it is unclear how Japanese Canadians were limited in their pursuit of a teaching profession. Adachi wrote about how nurses and teachers “were soon discouraged from taking training” after seeing that the three Japanese Canadian nurses who could find work, could only do so within the Japanese Canadian community. In Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 172. Here, it is still unclear what mechanisms were at play that only allowed for Japanese Canadian nurses to work in the Japanese Canadian community and further discouraged other Japanese Canadians to consider becoming teachers.. 8  trained to become teachers, besides Hyodo and Hidaka.24 While Moritsugu also notes that there were “unofficial practice[s] in the BC education system of not hiring Japanese-Canadian teachers,” he does not examine how these “unofficial practice[s]” worked or the logic used to justify them.25 Furthermore, in 2004, activist and historian Roy Miki wrote in his book, Redress: Inside the Japanese Canadian Call for Justice that, “(t)he intricate network of discriminatory regulations generated a social and political milieu in which Japanese Canadians – even those working in areas where exclusionary laws did not apply, such as teaching and engineering – were unable to find employment.”26 In chapter one, Miki suggests that the legacy of disenfranchisement of Japanese Canadians and other visible minorities in Canada had “framed” their rights “by race.” Thus, the exclusionary practices towards them extended beyond the right to vote and into their everyday lives. A question that remains in Miki’s claim is how the “intricate network of discriminatory regulations” trickled into the various sectors of work.  This thesis takes up these questions, by exploring how the “intricate network of discriminatory regulations” seeped into the standardization of the teaching profession in British Columbia. By investigating the stories of other Japanese Canadians who trained and successfully became certified teachers in the pre-war years, this thesis uncovers a diverging history of Japanese Canadians by illuminating how racism explicitly and implicitly impacted the aspirations and lives of young Japanese Canadian women in the pre-war years. It also offers a  24 Frank Moritsugu clarified that there were about “half dozen or so nisei who had graduated from Vancouver Normal School during the pre-war years…” but that Hyodo “…was the only one able to get school-teaching experience in BC.” In Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 27. He also wrote about “Terry Hidaka” who “also had a B.C. teaching certificate.” In ibid, 7-8.   25 Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 8.  26 Roy Miki, Redress: Inside the Japanese Canadian Call for Justice, 18. 9  deeper analysis of how race shaped the BC education system—particularly, the teacher training, certification, and hiring processes—in the first half of the twentieth century.  1.1.2 Historiography of Teachers in Canada27 This thesis also adds to the history of teachers and education in British Columbia. Since the 1980s, feminist historians and historians of women teachers have carved spaces into the history of education in Canada. Spearheading this academic movement were Marta Danylewycz and Alison Prentice, two historians of women teachers in eastern Canada.28 Prentice has written women teachers particularly into the historiography of teachers and more generally into the history of education whose “main concern was [still] chiefly the male educator.”29 In Women who Taught: Perspectives on the History of Women and Teaching, an edited volume of essays published in 1991, Prentice and Marjorie Theobald sought “to understand the history of all kinds of women teachers in whatever social and political settings they were to be found.”30 While Prentice and Theobald covered various aspects of the history of women both within and outside of Canada, most of their research on Canadian teachers took place within the context of eastern Canada. What seemed to be missing, according to historian of British Columbia Jean Barman, was a more critical analysis of the teachers in western Canada.31   27 Parts of this section are drawn from writing completed for the course, EDST 565A. Haruho Kubota, “Abyssal Lines and the History of Teacher Certification in British Columbia, 1916-1942: ‘Expanding the present’ by recognizing Japanese Canadian teaching aspirations” (unpublished paper, EDST 565A: Migration and Adult Education, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, 2019). 28 Marta Danylewycz and Alison Prentice, “Revising the History of Teachers: A Canadian Perspective,” Interchange 17, no. 2 (June 1986): 135–46, https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01807475. 29 Alison Prentice and Marjorie R. Theobald, “The Historiography of Women Teachers: A Retrospect,” in Women Who Taught: Perspectives on the History of Women and Teaching (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 3.  30 Ibid., 5.  31 Jean Barman, “Birds of Passage or Early Professionals? Teachers in Late Nineteenth-Century British Columbia,” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 2, no. 1 (May 1, 1990): 17–36, https://historicalstudiesineducation.ca/index.php/edu_hse-rhe/article/view/1030. 10  Critiquing Prentice’s generalization of teachers’ experiences based on her research in Eastern Canada, Barman argued that not all Canadian women teachers’ experiences were represented in Prentice’s study.32 By emphasizing that “no screening or weeding out process” of teachers existed in BC, as was the case in Eastern Canada in the nineteenth century, Barman claimed that “teaching remained peculiarly voluntary”33 in BC even after the 1872 School Act enforced free, public, and compulsory schooling.34 By “peculiarly voluntary,” Barman explained that both men and women could decide whether or not to enter the teaching occupation “on their own terms,” rather than have it defined by gender norms.35 In short, Barman illuminated that teachers in BC had relatively more freedom than teachers in Eastern Canada and that it was only until the establishment of British Columbia’s first normal school in 1901 that the teaching profession was “truly feminized.”36 Although the stories of the Japanese Canadian teachers explored in this thesis take place after the teaching profession was considered to have been shaped by gender in BC, I suggest that there were other unaddressed factors that affected the teaching profession during this time, such as one’s race.  Stretching the bounds of the Canadian history of women in education by introducing a conversation about race are Kathleen Weiler and Sue Middleton, who “take up the challenge of Women who Taught to continue the exploration of the meaning of the lives of women in  32 Ibid., 19. 33 Ibid., 18.  34 Jean Barman, “British Columbia’s Pioneer Teachers,” in Children, Teachers, and Schools in the History of British Columbia, ed. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J. Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1995), 189–208. 35 Barman, “Birds of Passage or Early Professionals? Teachers in Late Nineteenth-Century British Columbia,” 18. 36 Ibid., 24. Barman adds that the feminization of teaching in BC differed based the location of the teacher—whether they were located in an urban or rural area—as well as when they were hired—at the start or during the school year. Ibid., 21.  11  education.”37 In Telling Women’s Lives: Narrative Inquiries in the History of Women’s Education, Weiler and Middleton share more stories of women teachers’ lives within and outside of Canada in the twentieth century. Weiler also clarifies that whiteness is a racial construct that privileges white women over others. After briefly illuminating how race affected African American teachers’ experiences, Weiler asserts that the narratives that she collected for the publication, however, were about white women teachers.38 Although she writes that the experiences of the white women teachers were constrained by notions around gender, she acknowledges that their “race privilege was accepted as natural and not mentioned” or raised as a concern.39 Weiler seems to signify the need for a race-based analysis on the teaching profession in the Canadian context.  Six years later, in 2005, Rebecca Coulter and Helen Harper, and a team of five other academics, conducted an oral history project with teachers in Ontario. In their book, History is Hers and Ours: Women Educators in Twentieth Century Ontario, they share “a story of power relations and struggle, a story that is contradictory, heterogenous, fragmented.”40 In chapter five, Goli Rezai-Rashti explores how gender and race shaped the experiences of five immigrant woman teachers who began teaching in the Ontario school system in the 1960s and retired in the  37 Kathleen Weiler and Sue Middleton, eds., Telling Women’s Lives: Narrative Inquiries in the History of Women’s Education (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1999), 2. 38 Kathleen Weiler, “Chapter 4: Reflections on Writing a History of Women Teachers,” in Telling Women’s Lives: Narrative Inquiries in the History of Women’s Education (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1999), 48. In the same book, Valinda Littlefield contributes an article about African American women teachers, who taught as part of the Jeanes Foundation—"an organization founded by a white Quaker woman interested in the education of  African Americans in rural areas” in the early 1900s. However, as her study is in the American context, I refer to her work in this footnote. In Valinda Littlefield, “Chapter 9: ‘To do the next needed thing’: Jeanes teachers in the Southern United States 1908-1934,” in Telling Women’s Lives: Narrative Inquiries in the History of Women’s Education (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1999), 131. 39 Weiler, “Chapter 4: Reflections on Writing a History of Women Teachers,” 48.  40 Rebecca Priegert Coulter and Helen Harper, “Introduction: History Is Hers and Ours,” in History Is Hers: Women Educators in Twentieth Century Ontario (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 2005), 13-4. 12  1990s.41 The chapter tells us how the women teachers found ways to form their own teaching identities by navigating complex processes of assimilating into a Canadian education system that, at times, racialized them. Ultimately, Rezai-Rashti argues that concepts such as race and gender were “not fixed and essentialized categories,” but were instead, “wide spectrums of power relations.”42  Like Coulter and Harper, Kristina R. Llewellyn conducts oral histories to shed light on women teachers’ experiences. Rather than adding to understandings of elementary school women teachers, Llewellyn captures the stories of twenty women secondary school teachers who taught between 1945 to 1960 in Toronto and Vancouver. By centring secondary women teachers’ experiences, Llewellyn deconstructs existing women teachers’ narratives to reveal how school systems shaped their identities and how they resisted against gendered behaviours that were expected of them, that were different from those of post-war elementary school teachers.43 While this study offers a critical analysis of the relationship between schools and concepts of democracy from a gender lens, with the exception of one teacher, all of the teachers interviewed in Llewellyn’s study identified as “middle-class, white, and Anglo-Saxon.44 Thus, race remains a missing category of analysis of women teachers in Canada.  Funké Aladejebi develops this discussion by centring Black Canadian teachers’ experiences and highlighting the intricate ways that they navigated a teacher training and hiring  41 “Chapter 5: Women of Colour and Teaching: Exploring Contradictory Experiences of Immigrant Women Teachers,” in History Is Hers: Women Educators in Twentieth Century Ontario (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 2005), 97-110.  42 Ibid., 107-8. 43 Kristina R. Llewellyn, Democracy’s Angels: The Work of Women Teachers (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2012), 3, 12, 132. 44 Ibid., 12. 13  system that was “difficult, messy and complex” in Ontario between the 1940s and the 1980s.45 Her dissertation builds off of Annette Henry’s study in the late 1980s and 1990s that raised important questions not only about race, but how its intersections with class, gender, and culture shaped the practice and consciousness of Black women teachers.46 In her book, Taking Back Control: African Canadian Women Teachers’ Lives and Practice, Henry addressed those questions through the stories of five African-Caribbean women educators in Ontario collected by utilizing a mixture of different methods including interviews, observations, and life-histories. While Henry’s study emphasized a goal of “generating theory” based on the stories that she collected, Aladejebi offers a historical study of Black Canadian teachers’ experiences.47 By collecting oral histories, Aladejebi places Black Canadian voices and experiences in the context of Canadian history of education and teachers. Through her study, Aladejebi exposes how they resisted against discriminatory regulations that permeated the Ontario education system in the twentieth century.  In recent years, historians have brought Indigenous teachers’ experiences to the fore. In 2017, Alison Norman wrote about four Kanyen’kehá:Ka (Mohawk) women teachers who taught in missionary-run day schools in the first half of the nineteenth century.48 Her microbiographical study followed the individual stories of these four teachers to reveal the effort that Indigenous teachers put into the education of their children, as well as the challenges they faced in doing so  45 Funké Omotunde Aladejebi, “’Girl You Better Apply to Teachers’ College’: The History of Black Women Educators in Ontario, 1940s – 1980s” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Toronto, York University, 2016), ii.  46 Annette Henry, Taking Back Control: African Canadian Women Teachers’ Lives and Practice (Albany: State Univ of New York Press, 1998), 3.  47 Ibid. 48 Alison Norman, “‘Teachers Amongst Their Own People’: Kanyen’kehá:Ka (Mohawk) Women Teachers in Nineteenth-Century Tyendinaga and Grand River, Ontario,” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 29, no. 1 (Spring 2017), https://doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v29i1.4497. 14  in a colonial education setting. In 2019, Jean Barman published Irene Kelleher’s story which revealed the intricate ways a mixed Indigenous and White teacher who taught in the Fraser Valley navigated her identity and teaching career in the early decades of the 1900s.49  The stories of the aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers add to these histories of women teachers in Canada—spaces which were initially carved into the history of education by Prentice and Danylewycz. By focusing on Japanese Canadian teachers, however, this thesis offers an additional perspective that has been missing from their histories of education and women, and those in BC, spearheaded by Barman. Building off of the conversations begun by Middleton and Weiler, Rezai-Rashti’s contribution to Coulter and Harper’s oral history project on a diverse group women teachers, and Llewellyn’s oral history of secondary school women teachers, this study examines the role of race in the construction of public school teachers in Canada even further. Picking up the momentum from Henry and Aladejebi’s work on race and teachers, this project shifts gears to the experiences of Japanese Canadians in British Columbia in the first half of the twentieth century—histories that have not yet been included in the scholarship on teachers. By focusing on the stories of aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers who were able to train in the provincial normal schools, but in many cases did not receive certification and were not hired, this thesis offers insight into the mechanisms that the BC education system used to exclude non-white teachers in the pre-war years. Like Aladejebi, however, rather than framing these women’s experiences as ones of the oppressed, I also discuss how they responded through the actions each woman took to find ways into, and out of, the education system in British Columbia. By doing  49 Jean Barman, Invisible Generations: Living between Indigenous and White (Halfmoon Bay: British Columbia: Caitlin Press Inc., 2019). 15  so, I argue that the BC province normalized whiteness within the teaching profession in the pre-war years. 1.2 Research Question This project is guided by the following research questions: 1. “How and why were Japanese Canadian teachers limited in their ability to teach in the BC public school system from 1901 to 1942?” 2. “How did aspiring Japanese Canadians navigate and respond to a system that limited their pursuit of teaching?” In answering these questions, I endeavor to find a meeting point between the two bodies of literature discussed above—that of Japanese Canadians and of the Canadian history of teachers and education. The noticeable absence of Japanese Canadian teachers in these areas of scholarship led me to seek their stories and their significance that are missing from the historiography today. 1.3 Rationale 1.3.1 History for Evidence Rather than an isolated case of racism, I situate the story of the Japanese Canadian teachers who are missing from existing pieces of literature in the larger project of historicizing race in Canadian history.50 Legal historian Constance Backhouse claims that “Canadian history is rooted in racial distinctions, assumptions, laws and activities,” yet Canada has presented itself  50 Laura Madokoro and Francine McKenzie, “Introduction: Writing Race into Canada’s International History,” in Dominion of Race: Rethinking Canada’s International History, ed. Laura Madokoro, Francine McKenzie, and David Meren (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2017), 7.  16  as a “raceless” nation.51 In response to Backhouse’s call to action to unveil this myth of Canada as “raceless,” historians Laura Madokoro and Francine McKenzie begin to use “race as a category of analysis” in their writing of Canadian international history.52 Although I do not intend to insert this thesis into Canadian international history, I include Madokoro and McKenzie here as they emphasize the need to use race as a lens across multiple areas of historical scholarship. In the history of education, Timothy Stanley informs us of how racialization, that is, the social process of legitimizing racial differences, occurred in the Victoria public school system through his research on the Chinese Canadian student strikes in Victoria in 1921-2.53 Clarifying that he “see[s] racisms as historical phenomena that lead people to believe that racial categories are meaningful and that enact consequences on people based on the categories into which they are placed,” Stanley’s approach differs from that described by Madokoro and McKenzie.54 He places more of an emphasis on racism—a phenomena—than on race—a category. While much more research is needed to clarify the differences of examining racism versus race in the history of education, I begin to engage in these conversations by offering historical evidence of how “racial distinctions, assumptions, laws and activities” shaped the teaching profession in both obvious and subtle ways.  1.3.2 History for Love I acknowledge the complexities of revisiting accepted historiographies. These are historiographies that were created by elders, survivors, their children, and their grandchildren in  51 Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded: A Legal History of Racism in Canada, 1900-1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 7, 13.  52 Madokoro and McKenzie, Dominion of Race, 9.  53 Timothy J. Stanley, Contesting White Supremacy: School Segregation, Anti-Racism, and the Making of Chinese Canadians (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 8. 54 Ibid., 10.  17  the Japanese Canadian and nikkei community. At the same time, I am also reminded of historian of women Gerda Lerner’s words: “If we see ourselves as victimized, as powerless and overwhelmed by forces we cannot understand or control, we will choose to live cautiously, avoid conflict and evade pain. If we see ourselves as loved, grounded, powerful, we will embrace the future, live courageously and accept the challenges with confidence.”55 Thus, I not only write about how Japanese Canadian teachers were systemically excluded from the teaching force, but also how these women challenged and pushed the boundaries of who an ideal teacher was in the province. From my perspective as a relatively recently arrived self-identified Japanese student researcher and uninvited visitor—and perhaps, an outsider— I strive to show how Japanese Canadians in British Columbia have been “loved, grounded, [and] powerful,” to offer evidence of how their ancestors and legacies can allow us to “embrace the future, live courageously and accept the challenges with confidence.”56    1.4 Thesis Structure The rest of this thesis is organized as the following. Chapter two—the section immediately following this one—discusses the methodology of this project. I include a brief positionality statement as well as a narration of the origins of this project. Also included is an explanation of the method I used to gather my data. I then reveal my main dataset. Chapters three, four, and five are the main content chapters of this thesis that use historical evidence to prove the claims that I posit explain the dataset. These chapters are divided in chronological order and are periodized by a combination of when the Japanese Canadian  55 Gerda Lerner, Why History Matters: Life and Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 199.  56 Ibid.  18  teachers I located had entered and graduated from normal school, in addition to how significant historical events may have affected their abilities to become teachers in a given period. Chapter three discusses the first three teachers who I was able to locate in the normal school yearbooks from 1916 to 1926. In this period, I discuss how the aftermath of the Homma vs. Cunningham court case, the anti-Asian parade, rally, and riots of 1907, and the Gentlemen’s Agreement may have contributed to the inability for two of the three Japanese Canadian women to teach in the BC public schools, against the backdrop of the standardization of the teaching profession in BC. Chapter four tells the stories of five Japanese Canadian teachers who attended the provincial normal school from 1927 to 1934. Despite their involvement with local youth Christian groups, this chapter reveals how religion—that is, a perceived practicing of Buddhism—was used to exclude Japanese Canadians from the teaching profession at the municipal level. I place this story within the context of a decreasing demand for teachers in British Columbia, the tightening of the Gentlemen’s agreement in 1928, and the Japanese Imperial Army’s invasion to Manchuria in the early 1930s. In chapter five, I discuss the stories of the last three Japanese Canadian teachers who attended Vancouver Normal School from 1935 to 1942. Their stories appear at a time when Japanese Canadians had been denied the right to vote thrice by 1937, the amplification of news of the escalating tensions between China and Japan, and the years immediately preceding internment.  Each of the chapters begins with a brief historical context drawing from the historiographies of Japanese Canadians and education in British Columbia, in order to contextually place the teachers that are discussed. The individual stories of the Japanese Canadian teachers are then shared. Throughout, I connect each of the women’s stories together and offer an analysis at the end. I conclude this thesis by revisiting the two main research 19  questions: “how and why were Japanese Canadian teachers limited in their ability to teach in the BC public school system from 1901 to 1942?” and “how did aspiring Japanese Canadians navigate and respond to a system that limited their pursuit of teaching?”  20  Chapter 2: Approaching the Japanese Canadian Teachers 2.1 Positionality statement As a recently arrived Japanese-identifying visitor to Vancouver on unceded Indigenous land, I began this project not too familiar with the history on which it focuses. Initially, I planned to work on a research project that involved the collection of stories of how individuals identified as being “Japanese” in the present day. This is a question that frequents itself in my own daily life and one that I was and am still curious to answer—with and through others. However, as I became more familiar with the history of education in Canada and of Japanese Canadians, I was brought to an awareness of my lack of knowledge on local Japanese Canadian history. I felt that my lack of familiarity with the historical roots of what it meant to identify as “Japanese” in British Columbia would have greatly hindered my ability to grasp the complexities of what it meant to be “Japanese” today. As a visitor, with the purpose of learning on this land, the stories of the past and the histories written about the past required my attention.  At the same time, there is a need to acknowledge that I am an outsider in relation to the stories of Japanese Canadians. Born in Japan and raised and educated mostly in North America, the stories of my ancestors reside in my homeland, Japan. Thus, the histories of Japanese Canadians described in this thesis—British Columbia, as its setting—differs from those of my own background. A delicate, yet necessary space appears between the histories of Japanese Canadians and me. Simultaneously, I found myself being able to relate to some of the experiences described by the nisei community in these stories. The experiences of attending Japanese language school, of having to decide or manage being both Japanese and local—which at times, feel like mutually exclusive ways of being—are themes that have emerged in my own life as an immigrant. As I negotiated this space between myself and the stories collected, some 21  questions that crossed my mind while doing this research included: “am I overstepping into areas of research that can and should be done by Japanese Canadians with direct connections to this history?” and “in learning more about Japanese Canadian histories, am I distancing myself from the histories of my own family?” As these thoughts percolated in my mind, I also serendipitously stumbled across the materials I discuss below, which compelled me to continue this research project. In addition to my curiosity of these materials, I had a deep desire to see if it was still possible to find a piece of myself within the history of Japanese Canadians, even though I did not have a direct connection with the history of internment. Rather than relying on community members to explain and retell their stories for me, I embraced this project as an opportunity to become more familiar with the experiences of Japanese Canadians for myself and as a canvas to ponder upon larger questions on belonging. Overall, this experience has not only helped me understand my limits as a researcher, but also realize who I am and who I am not as an individual. More importantly, I have had the honour to learn about Japanese Canadian history in British Columbia through the lives of eleven women who navigated and responded to a complex and nebulous education system and located themselves into the history of education in BC. 2.2 Using the Archives This research project, which was born out of the final paper that I wrote for EDST 504a, a course that I took as part of my program in the summer of 2018, uses several archival and historical materials accessible through libraries and local collections.1 After learning that there were copies of normal school yearbooks available at the Education Library at the University of  1 Haruho Kubota, “A History of Unwritten Policy: Limiting Japanese Canadians to Teach in B.C. Public Schools, 1901-42” (unpublished paper, EDST 504A, University of British Columbia, 2019), 1-23. 22  British Columbia, I searched for Hide Hyodo’s name in them. I was able to locate her. I began to wonder if there were any other Japanese Canadians who trained to become teachers. Scanning all of the available yearbooks up to 1942 at the Education Library and the Legislative Library of British Columbia, alongside Frank Moritsugu’s book on Japanese Canadian teachers who taught during the war, I located several other Japanese Canadian normal school students.2 Wanting to know more about their stories and curious to know if I had missed any others, I turned to the archives. Were there any other Japanese Canadians who trained to become teachers but were not certified or hired? Who were they and what were their stories? I began by looking for names of Japanese Canadians in documents that listed trained, certified, and hired teachers in BC. In my exploration of the documents held at the BC Archives and digitized historical governmental materials which I list in Tables 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3, I noticed the presence of Japanese Canadian women who trained as public school teachers, and then their gradual disappearance from the BC education system. These findings then led me to gather more information about the women, to address my larger research questions of how and why Japanese Canadians were limited in their ability to teach in the BC public school system from 1901 to 1942 and how they responded. To approach these questions, I gathered information on the backgrounds of the Japanese Canadian women who attended normal school by “undermining” archival materials “from without” and reading them from “within.” Often practiced by feminist and oral historians, Michelle King explains that by “undermining” the archives “from without,” historians can seek and make use of alternative sources that are not captured in the textual materials in archival  2 Frank Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile: A History of the Schools for Japanese-Canadian Children in British Columbia Detention Camps during the Second World War (Toronto: Ghost-Town Teachers Historical Society, 2001). 23  collections, such as historical novels, sources that come from within the home, or by conducting interviews to collect voices excluded from national archives.3 By actively seeking alternative sources in local and community archives, as well as community newspapers and photos to gather information about these Japanese Canadians’ stories, I undermined the archives from without.   I also used textual archival materials to locate silences and gaps through the lens of the dominant group. Described as “undermining the archives from within,” this approach requires historians to pay attention to the tone in which the silenced are described in the voices of those with power.4 I used this strategy when reading minutes from the House of Commons, newspaper articles written by non-Japanese Canadian writers, and government reports. By working with archival materials from without and reading them from within, I slowly gathered the pieces used to compile the stories of the Japanese Canadian women whose names I had initially located. 2.3 Locating Japanese Canadians Using the sources listed in Table 2.1, I located the names of eleven Japanese Canadians who had trained to become teachers between 1901 and 1942 in British Columbia. For text-based sources, such as the documents held at the BC Archives and yearbooks accessible through the Legislative Library of British Columbia, I manually went through the documents. When using the digitized newspaper collections, I also conducted a keyword search for their names to find further evidence of their normal school training. Including Hyodo, I was able to locate eleven Japanese Canadian women who received teacher training at the provincial normal schools.   3 Michelle T. King, “Working With/In the Archives,” in Research Methods for History, ed. Lucy Faire and Simon Gunn (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012), 20. 4 Ibid. 24  List of Normal School Attendants in British Columbia Vancouver Normal School attendants Victoria Normal School attendants Books (print) Moritsugu, Frank. Teaching in Canadian Exile: A History of the Schools for Japanese-Canadian Children in British Columbia Detention Camps during the Second World War. Toronto: Ghost-Town Teachers Historical Society, 2001.5 Switzer, Ann-Lee, and Gordon Robert Switzer. Gateway to Promise: Canada’s First Japanese Community. Revised edition. Victoria: Ti-Jean Press, 2015. 87-8.6 British Columbia Department of Education Files (print) BC Archives. British Columbia Department of Education, Series GR-1471, Records with regard to teacher training and certification, Provincial Normal Schools, Vol. 9, (Vancouver, 1901-1929; Victoria, 1915-1929). Register of Students. ¾¾. Register of Students (Vancouver), 1901-29. BC Archives. British Columbia Department of Education, Series GR-1471, Records with regard to teacher training and certification, Provincial Normal Schools, Vol. 9, (Vancouver, 1901-1929; Victoria, 1915-1929). Register of Students. ¾¾. Register of Students (Victoria), 1915-29. BC Archives. British Columbia Department of Education, Series GR-1471, Records with regard to teacher training and certification, Vol. 10, 1911-1938, Vancouver, Student Register (alphabetical).       BC Archives. British Columbia Department of Education, Series GR-1752, Sessional registers of students at Provincial Normal School (Victoria and Vancouver) 1927-1956.  ¾¾. Sessional registers (Vancouver), 1938-42. BC Archives. British Columbia Department of Education, Series GR-1752, Sessional registers of students at Provincial Normal School (Victoria and Vancouver) 1927-1956.  ¾¾. Sessional registers (Victoria), 1927-1942. Photos (digital) VSB Archives & Heritage, Class photo, 1911-12, https://blogs.vsb.bc.ca/heritage/files/2018/01/normschgrads1912.jpg   Newspapers (digital) Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s. Newspapers.com [online database], http://www.newspapers.com.      5 On page 33 and 34, Moritsugu lists the names of Japanese Canadian teachers who had attended normal school in the pre-war years. 6 This book was useful in locating Annie Nakabayashi, who attended Victoria Normal School in 1921.  25  List of Normal School Attendants in British Columbia Vancouver Normal School attendants Victoria Normal School attendants Yearbooks (digital and print) Provincial Normal School, “The Annual,” Normal School Yearbooks, UBC Open Collections, https://open.library.ubc.ca/  [online]  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1912-15.  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1916-17.  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1918-20.  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1921-22.  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1923-27. ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1928-36.  Provincial Normal School, “The Anecho”, Normal School Yearbooks, University of Victoria Libraries, 1922-1942, https://archive.org/details/anecho?sort=-date Provincial Normal School, “The Annual,” Normal School Yearbooks, Legislative Library of British Columbia, Victoria, BC, 379.05, V223a  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1915-16.  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1920-21.  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1922-23.  ¾¾. “The Annual”, 1927-28.   Table 2.1 Table of sources used to find Japanese Canadian normal school attendants in British Columbia between 1901 and 1942.  To determine who out of the eleven Japanese Canadians that trained to become teachers were certified, I manually examined the textual sources listed in Table 2.2. When using digitized materials, I initially conducted a key word search for each of the names of the Japanese Canadian teachers. When I was unable to find a “match,” I manually looked through the relevant sections of the documents listed, particularly the list of certified teachers by district in the BC Annual Reports.7      7 For a good discussion on the changing nature of historical research with the digitization of materials, particularly sources that are digital-born, see Ian Milligan, History in the Age of Abundance?: How the Web Is Transforming Historical Research (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2019).  26  List of Certified Public School Teachers in British Columbia British Columbia Legislative Assembly, Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, Sessional papers (Victoria: 1901-1916, 1919-1921), https://open.library.ubc.ca/.8 BC Archives. British Columbia Department of Education, Series GR-1471, Records with regard to teacher training and certification, Teachers Certificate Register. ¾¾. Teachers Certificate Register, Vol. 6 (1901-19). ¾¾. Teachers Certificate Register, Vol. 7 (1919-32). ¾¾. Teachers Certificate Register, Vol. 8 (1932-42).  Table 2.2 Table of sources used to find Japanese Canadians who received teaching certificates in British Columbia between 1901 and 1942.  To confirm that Hyodo was the only Japanese Canadian to become a public school teacher in BC in the pre-war years, I consulted the sources in Table 2.3 to locate the names of hired teachers. I applied the same method as locating certified teachers described in the section above, when using digitized materials. List of Hired Public School Teachers in British Columbia British Columbia Legislative Assembly, Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, Sessional papers, (Victoria: 1872-1942): ¾¾. Sessional paper, (1872-1874), University of British Columbia Library, AW1 .R7498, [microfilm]. ¾¾. Sessional paper, (1874-1942), https://open.library.ubc.ca/, [digital].9   Table 2.3 Table of sources used to find Japanese Canadians who were hired to teach in British Columbia between 1872 and 1942.  Some of the sources listed above were restricted and required approval from archivists at the BC Archives in Victoria, BC for me to view them. This involved submitting a proposal to the BC Archives and completing a research agreement with them.10 Access to, and permission to  8 For an unknown reason, I was unable to locate the list of certified teachers between the years 1916 to 1919. I was able to fill in this gap by going through the additional sources listed. 9 A tabular chart of hired teachers appears in the Annual Reports, namely in Part II called “Statistical Returns.” Between 1900 to 1919, all parts of the report are included in one document. However, beyond 1919, Parts II and III are listed separately from Part I, the general report. 10 For a detailed guide on conducting research at the BC Archives in Victoria, BC, including the process of obtaining a research agreement see Frederike Verspoor, “Research Orientation Guide,” Royal British Columbia Museum Corporation, 2016, 27  use, the restricted documents were essential for completing Table 2.5 as it contained crucial information – such as the years, location, and levels of their teacher training and, if applicable, certification. 2.4 Finding Information about the Japanese Canadians  To begin my search on the backgrounds of the Japanese Canadians who trained to become teachers, I first conducted a keyword search on each of the teachers’ names on Google (https://www.google.ca/) and the summon search function on the UBC library (https://www.library.ubc.ca/). These searches often led me to newspaper articles as well as various archival collections and materials. Then, I conducted keyword searches, often times, for their names in quotation marks (ex. “Hide Hyodo”) and their names after they had married (ex. “Hide Shimizu”) in the sources listed in Table 2.4. Background of teachers Type of source Location of source Books Ito, Roy. Stories of My People: A Japanese Canadian Journal (Hamilton: S-20 and Nisei Veterans Association, 1994). Census Library & Archives Canada. 1901 Census of Canada [database online], http://www.bac-lac.gc.ca/eng/census/1901/Pages/1901.aspx. Statistics Canada. ¾¾. 1921 Census of Canada [database online], https://www.bac-lac.gc.ca/eng/census/1921/Pages/search.aspx. Statistics Canada. Marriage and Death Certificates (digital) BC Archives. Genealogy – General Search, marriages (1872-1943), deaths (1872-1998), [online database with images], http://search-collections.royalbcmuseum.bc.ca/Genealogy/.  Newspapers (digital) - Canadian Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s. Newspapers.com [online database], http://www.newspapers.com/.   UBC Library Open Collections. BC Historical Newspapers, 1859 - 1995, [online database], https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcnewspapers.  Newspapers (digital) - Japanese Canadian SFU Digitized Newspapers. The New Canadian.1939-1985, [online database], https://newspapers.lib.sfu.ca/tnc-collection.   https://royalbcmuseum.bc.ca/sites/default/files/sites/default/files/images/08_22_2016_BC_ARCHIVES_Research_Orientation_Guide_2016.pdf. 28  Background of teachers Type of source Location of source Obituaries Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s. Newspapers.com [online database], http://www.newspapers.com/. Photographs and Biographies Nikkei National Museum and Culture Centre. Collections index. http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/index.php.    UBC Yearbooks (digital) UBC Library Open Collections. UBC Yearbooks, 1915 - 1966, [online database], https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/ubcpublications/ubcyearb.   Table 2.4 Table of sources used to find the backgrounds of Japanese Canadians who attended normal school between 1916 and 1942.  Once I was able to locate some details about the Japanese Canadian teachers after searching and browsing through these sources, I conducted local searches about them based on the their birth and the schools that they attended. For example, I was able to locate “Cana Okamura” in the 1921 census, which indicated that she was from New Westminster.11 Then, I consulted the collections at the New Westminster Archives for additional information. When I was unable to locate information by searching through online collections and databases, I consulted archivists and collections managers to ask about the availability and accessibility of other sources.12 The specific sources I consulted are cited in each chapter, where I discuss the respective teachers. This information—the archival materials that I “undermined from without”—enabled me to locate information that was not included in the BC Provincial Archives. It further allowed me to craft more detailed and nuanced narratives, to draw more plausible inferences regarding how race may or may not have had an impact on the Japanese Canadians’ aspirations of becoming public school teachers.   11 I later found out that it was also indicated in the normal school yearbooks that she was from New Westminster. 12 The assistance and guidance from archivists and collections managers was especially helpful after March 2020 with the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic in Canada. 29  2.4.1 Limitations  The main limitation to discovering the presence of Japanese Canadian teachers was that I was only able to locate those who had recognizable Japanese names. Thus, if there were any Japanese Canadians who did not have Japanese last names and sought teacher training at this time, I have missed them.13 Secondly, much of my research has been guided by the availability and my discovery of sources. If there are other materials listing the names of individuals who attended the Victoria and Vancouver normal schools in the pre-war years beyond those listed here, they are not included in this research project.  In addition, it is difficult to know if the materials I found on the backgrounds of the Japanese Canadians who I located were, in fact, about the same individuals who I found in subsequent archival materials.14 The names that I was able to locate in the provincial normal school materials were often unique within the history of Japanese Canadians. In most cases, a match in the names of the women in the provincial normal school materials and various materials used to find their backgrounds was enough to rule out what historian Jason Ellis describes as “false positives.”15 A match in names also led to other pieces of information that was helpful to rule out false positives such as birth dates in the enumerators’ reports in the Canadian census  13 Although inter-cultural marriages were not common, cross-cultural partnerships were established during the pre-war years. The 1935 Survey of the Second Generation indicates that some nisei did marry others outside of the Japanese Canadian community, but they do not indicate their nationalities. In the Canadian Japanese Association, Report of the Survey of the Second Generation Japanese in British Columbia, 1935, series XXIV.E, number 3, Dr. Masajiro Miyazaki Collection, Japanese-Canadian Research Collection, University of British Columbia Library Rare Books and Special Collections, Vancouver, Canada, 32. Also see Toyo Takata, Nikkei Legacy: The Story of Japanese Canadians from Settlement to Today (Toronto: NC Press, 1983), 117.   14 Jason Ellis also raises similar issues in his research on Canada’s first special education teachers between 1910 and 1942. In Jason Ellis, “Exceptional Educators: Canada’s First Special Education Teachers, 1910–45,” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 30, no. 2 (2018), 47-77.  15 Ibid., 68.  30  until 1921, the schools that the Japanese Canadians attended through newspaper articles, and in some cases, photographs. This process became increasingly difficult in the years leading up to the Second World War. Information about the Japanese Canadian women, particularly those who attended normal school between 1937 and 1942, did not seem to exist as abundantly as that accessible for those who did in earlier years. One reason for this may be due to that fact the Japanese Canadians who attended normal school in the later years were born after the 1921 census was conducted. This resulted in my inability to locate them in the 1921 census – the last census with publicly accessible enumerators’ reports as of this writing. At times, this could be resolved by referring to the municipality listed beside their names on the list of normal school graduates printed in newspapers and at times, in yearbooks.  Due to a lack of resources, I was unable to rule out two potential false positives I located for Yuki Watanabe, whose story I discuss in chapter five. Yuki Watanabe was listed as Yuki Tamaki and Yuki Matsui in sources available at the Nikkei National Museum. Thus, my research on her story explore all possibilities—as becoming Mrs. Tamaki or Mrs. Matsui, and possibly both—as I was unable to confirm. I discuss this further in chapter five.  2.5 Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic  The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has changed how we work, including that of graduate students such as myself. The regulations set to fight the pandemic also resulted in a lack of access to materials deemed essential for historical researchers such as those in libraries and archival collections. Thus, my research, particularly chapters four and five, have largely been based on digitized materials, in addition to the tireless work of volunteers and archivists who 31  have assisted me with gathering vital materials. Those who have offered their kind assistance are credited in the footnotes accordingly.  2.6 Work in Footnotes: “Empathic Inferences” Throughout the footnotes in this thesis, I have inserted my own experiences and memories into my analysis of the Japanese Canadians’ stories. Mona Gleason describes “empathic inferences” as a way for researchers in history to actively engage with actors who do not appear in historical documents and in this respect, are deemed powerless by those with power.16 Gleason argues that using “empathic inferences” rather than “reifying ‘agency’” is productive for making meaning and finding the historical significance, especially when exploring absences in history.17 Utilizing this methodology in her research on childhood and youth in the history of education, Gleason writes that “empathic inferences invites historians to think deeply and critically about how young people might have responded to any given situation in the past.”18 Rather than overlooking their significance because of the absence of sources, “empathic inferences” are deeply creative and critical ways of doing historical analysis. In my attempt to make emphatic inferences and to make sense of the stories, I have weaved in my own experiences in the footnotes. 2.7 The Japanese Canadian Teachers The majority of the Japanese Canadian women I discuss in this thesis trained, but in many cases were not certified, and none, with the exception of Hyodo, were hired to teach in BC public schools. In total, I was able to locate eleven Japanese Canadian women who trained to  16 Mona Gleason, “Avoiding the Agency Trap: Caveats for Historians of Children, Youth, and Education,” History of Education 45, no. 4 (July 3, 2016): 446–59, https://doi.org/10.1080/0046760X.2016.1177121, 458.  17 Ibid., 449. 18 Ibid.  32  become public school teachers.19 Of these eleven Japanese Canadian women, six were certified, while the remaining five were likely unable to be certified. To be clear, I indicate that these Japanese Canadian women were likely unable to receive certification as no list of “uncertified teachers” exists, but instead, is based on my observation that their names were missing in the documents explored that lists certified teachers. As circulated within the historiography of Japanese Canadians, Hyodo was the only Japanese Canadian to be hired to teach in the pre-war years. In this thesis, I refer to all of the Japanese Canadian women who attended normal school as “teachers” regardless of whether they were certified or hired as little evidence that suggested that they were unqualified to teach. Table 2.5 includes the results of my exploration of the BC Annual Reports from 1872, when the province of BC enacted the School Act enforcing compulsory public school education, to 1942. As normal schools were not established in BC until 1901, there was no list of normal school attendants during these years. Therefore, I consulted the lists of certified and active teachers that were included in the BC Annual Reports between 1872 and 1901. I was unable to locate additional Japanese Canadian teachers who were certified or hired prior to 1916. As a result, this thesis focuses on the years from 1916 to 1942 as reflected the subtitle in the far right column of the table, which asks: “Hired in BC public schools between 1916 - 1942?” I only examine materials up to 1942, as the purpose of this thesis is to shed light on the experiences of Japanese Canadians prior to internment. Furthermore, there were no Japanese Canadians who trained, were certified, or were hired to teach in BC public schools in the several years following  19 All of the teachers, with the exception of Annie Nakabayashi, Cana Okamura and Itoko Suzuki, appeared in Moritsugu’s research. In Frank Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile: A History of the Schools for Japanese-Canadian Children in British Columbia Detention Camps during the Second World War (Toronto: Ghost-Town Teachers Historical Society, 2001), 33-34, 134. 33  1942, as people of Japanese descent could no longer stay along the BC coast due to their forced removal in the internment years. Fujimoto Akiyama and Koichiro Miyazaki were two additional Japanese names that appeared in the 1931-2 Vancouver Normal School album along with Teruko Hidaka. However, it was made clear that these two were visiting students from Japan, rather than students who were pursuing certification and employment in BC public schools.20 Thus, their names have been left out of this table and research project.  This thesis began with an exploration of normal school yearbooks and documents at the BC Archives to look for the names of Japanese Canadians who trained to become public school teachers. This was helpful for initially locating Japanese Canadians who had attended Vancouver or Victoria Normal School, besides Hyodo. It also offered a new entrance into the history of Japanese Canadians in the prewar years. Once I had gathered several names, I consulted the list of certified teachers in the BC Annual Reports and documents at the BC Archives to see how many of those teachers had become certified. Finally, I went through the list of hired teachers which confirmed that Hyodo was the only Japanese Canadian teacher to be hired in the pre-war years. Consulting these sources revealed the gradual disappearance of Japanese Canadian teachers—a pattern that seemed to suggest a bigger story. By working with archives from without and reading them from within, I gathered more information about the individual teachers, which offered clues to investigate the story behind the lists of trained, certified, and hired teachers. Using these archival and historical materials, the next few chapters follow the lives of eleven Japanese Canadian women who trained to become public school teachers in BC.  20 Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, “Annual,” 1931-1932, BC Historical Documents, 34. 34  What is revealed, I argue, is how anti-Asian racism and franchise laws were used to keep them from pursuing their teaching aspirations and the multitude of ways they responded to a system that excluded them.  35   Table 2.5 Table of Japanese Canadian normal school students and their certification and hiring status in British Columbia between 1872-194277  77 I use the spelling of names indicated in the sources from the BC Archives and BC Annual Reports. First Name Last Name Normal School Attendance Certification Appointment Year Location in BC Year Level of Certificate Year Hired in BC public schools between 1916 - 1942? Chitose Uchida 1916-17 Vancouver 1921 Academic -- No Annie Nakabayashi 1920-21 Victoria 1st Class -- No Hide Hyodo 1925-26 Vancouver 1926 1st Class 1926 Yes Cana Okamura 1930-31 Vancouver Likely No -- No Itoko Suzuki Vancouver 1931 2nd Class -- No Teruko Hidaka 1931-32 Vancouver Likely No -- No Cazuko Iwasa 1933-34 Vancouver 1934-6 Interim 1st Class -- No Aya Suzuki Vancouver Likely No -- No Frances Takimoto 1937-38 Vancouver Likely No -- No Yukiko Watanabe 1938-39 Vancouver 1939-41 Interim 1st Class -- No Tatsuko Takahashi 1941-42 Vancouver Likely No -- No 36  Chapter 3: Colouring invisible barriers into BC teacher hiring practices, 1916-1926 Between 1916 and 1926, three Japanese Canadians—Chitose Uchida, Annie Kiku Nakabayashi, and Hide Hyodo—received provincial teaching certificates after attending the Vancouver or Victoria normal schools. Of these three teachers, only Hyodo was hired in the British Columbia school system. In this chapter, I unfold the stories of Uchida, Nakabayashi, and Hyodo to show how they navigated a teacher training and certification system that presented itself as colour-blind but was coloured with “race-based barriers” that they confronted at the time of hiring.  By exploring the historiographies of Japanese Canadians and education in British Columbia in that decade, I offer a series of plausible reasons why only one teacher—despite them all having more than necessary qualifications—was hired to teach in the province. While references to voting rights were used to prevent Asian Canadians from accessing various employment positions such as law and pharmacy, no such reference was made to exclude Japanese Canadians from teaching in this period.1 Rather, I argue that the standardization of teacher training and certification2 and the anti-Asian attitudes that persisted at the time3  1 Patricia Roy, The Oriental Question: Consolidating a White Man’s Province, 1914-41 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), 39; Roy Miki, Redress: Inside the Japanese Canadian Call for Justice, 18. 2 Jean Barman, “British Columbia’s Pioneer Teachers,” in Children, Teachers, and Schools in the History of British Columbia, ed. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J. Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1995), 171-190; Thomas Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond: Public School Leadership in British Columbia, 1849-1960 (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 2010). 3 Ken Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was: A History of the Japanese Canadians (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976); Laura Madokoro, Francine McKenzie, and David Meren, eds., Dominion of Race: Rethinking Canada’s International History (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2017); Roy, The Oriental Question. 37  normalized the exclusion of non-white public school teachers, removing the need for explicit policies that excluded them from teacher hiring processes in this period.  3.1 Historical Context: 1901-1925 3.1.1 The BC School System: Prior to 1901 Prior to the turn of the century and the creation of the first normal school in 1901, British Columbian schoolteachers were, as Jean Barman writes, “essentially self-selected.”4 This meant that those who wanted to become public school teachers were often able to do so due to the shortage of teachers and lack of standards or requirements expected of teachers.5 As Barman reveals in her study of the motivations of British Columbian teachers in the late 1800s, many of the “pioneer teachers” were young women who were fresh out of high school, women who needed a job to make a living, men who needed cash, emerging doctors and lawyers, and experienced teachers.6 As Barman concisely writes, “men and women who became teachers were motivated primarily by their own needs and desires rather than responding to any criteria set by the larger society or by the occupation itself.”7 Thomas Fleming further argues that school principals did not have “much control or influence over the quality of teachers that board members appointed.”8 Rather than school principals, school board secretaries often hired teachers in rural schools for practical reasons, such as the teacher candidates’ willingness to teach at a school far from their home, their availability, and their willingness to take up duties beyond teaching, such as sweeping and  4 Barman, “British Columbia’s Pioneer Teachers,” 171.  5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., 171-190.  7 Ibid., 171. 8 Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, 114.  38  cleaning—all for a low salary.9 Thus, many of the teachers who were hired to teach in the late nineteenth century were single women “with few pedagogical or academic credentials” and were ready to move to rural parts of British Columbia.10 Both rural and urban school trustees, selected and hired teachers irrespective of “experience and instructional competency,” and followed a hiring practice that emphasized the above characteristics.11  In their discussions on teachers in the late 1800s, neither Barman nor Fleming emphasize race as a factor for hiring teachers prior to the 1900s. Although this sheds a critical gap in the history of teachers in Canada, the reasons for the lack of stories about Japanese Canadian teachers during the inception of the public school system in British Columbia may be due to the absence of Japanese Canadians who sought the role. As historians of Japanese Canadians have generally argued, unlike the issei (first generation Japanese immigrants), the nisei (second generation Japanese Canadians) often sought out professions such as law and dentistry, because they attended Canadian public schools and learned to speak English from a young age.12 The first nisei was born in 188913 making Uchida, who was born in 1895, among the first nisei women to be born in Canada.14 As Uchida became one of Japanese Canadians’ pioneer teachers in the mid- 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid. 12 Toyo Takata, Nikkei Legacy: The Story of Japanese Canadians from Settlement to Today (Toronto: NC Press, 1983), 23-4; Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 172-3. 13 Takata, Nikkei Legacy, 21. 14 In the enumerator’s report of the 1901 census, the name “Tose” appears under a list of names listed under “Uchida.” Based on the alignment of her mother’s name, “Kinu,” (shortened for Kinuko) father’s name, “Chiyo,” (Chiyoshichi) as well as her brother, “Mata,” (Matasaburo) drawn from Uchida’s biography accessible through the Nikkei National Museum, I have inferred that “Tose” who appeared in the 1901 census, referred to “Chitose” who I discuss here. In “Chitose Uchida Collection,” Nikkei National Museum (hereafter NNM), accessed March 31, 2020, http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/collections_detail.php?col_id=F820; Statistics Canada, Library & Archives Canada, Census of Canada, Fourth Census of Canada, 1901, accessed June 30, 2020, http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.item/?app=Census1901&op=pdf&id=z000010504, 2.  39  1910s, it is likely that many of the nisei who sought out such positions would not have been of working age until sometime during the early 1900s. Although the absence of other Japanese Canadian teachers in this time period differs from the general lack of discussion about them in the historiography of Japanese Canadians and education, the timing of Uchida’s birth offers one explanation for the absence of a discussion on race as a factor for certifying and hiring Japanese Canadian teachers in the history of education prior to 1900. 3.1.2 The BC School System: After 1901 The growth in the general population of British Columbia,15 including that of the Japanese Canadian community,16 translated into an immense growth in its public schools at the turn of the century. These factors resulted in the standardization of the teaching profession in British Columbia, evidenced by the developments of various institutions such as the Vancouver and Victoria normal schools in 1901 and 1915, respectively.17 The creation of these institutions reveal the province’s efforts to centralize the school system, which also meant streamlining and regulating teachers in the province’s public schools. During the decade between 1901 and 1911, there were two pathways to becoming a teacher. Some teachers were certified by taking the knowledge-based examination held annually in Victoria as was the case prior to 1901. Others became teachers by obtaining training at the Vancouver provincial normal school.18 In 1911, a decade after the first normal school was  15 From 1897 to 1924 public schools witnessed an immense increase in enrollment numbers. With public school attendees rising from 15,798 to 96,000 so too did the number of teachers, increasing from 384 to 3200. In Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, 141.  16 From 1901 to 1911, the documented population of Japanese Canadians increased from 4,597 to 8,587. In Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 423. For a full table outlining the changes in the Japanese Canadian population between 1901 and 1971 throughout the provinces in Canada, see also 422-3.  17 Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, 156.  18 Nancy M. Sheehan and J. Donald Wilson, “From Normal School to the University to the College of Teachers: Teacher Education in British Columbia in the Twentieth Century,” in Children, Teachers, and Schools in the History 40  established in Vancouver, and four years before a normal school was established in Victoria, it became mandatory for aspiring BC public school teachers to complete teacher training at a provincial normal school.19 No longer could a high-school level of education measured by an exam guarantee a teaching credential. By 1922, junior matriculation, which was equivalent to a three-year high school education, became a prerequisite for normal school admission.20 Furthermore, the normal schools that ran free of charge required a forty-dollar tuition fee from 1923.21 Therefore, by the early 1920s, it was necessary for aspiring teachers to have the financial means and sufficient educational background to pursue the role.22 While William Burns, the principal of the Vancouver normal school, and Alexander Robinson, the Superintendent of Education, were directly involved with normal school  of British Columbia, ed. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J. Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1995), 309.  19 Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1964), 77, 86; British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, 1910-11, Thirty-Ninth Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, (Victoria: Government Printer), https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcsessional/items/1.0064475, A 40. 20 Johnson, A History of Public Education in British Columbia, 86.  21 Ibid., 210.  22 As public school education was an important part of Japanese Canadians’ lifestyle in the early twentieth century, one might speculate that the nisei who wanted to go to normal school had the educational credentials to be admitted. Historian Eiji Okawa writes, “[Japanese] Settlers wanted to raise their children as Canadian citizens, and for that, education in Canadian schools was essential.” In Eiji Okawa and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Japaneseness in Racist Canada: Immigrant Imaginaries during the First Half of the Twentieth Century,” Journal of American Ethnic History 37, no. 4 (2018): 22. This can also be inferred from their “nearly perfect” attendance and punctuality in elementary school. In Rigenda Sumida, “The Japanese in British Columbia,” Master’s thesis, (University of British Columbia 1935), https://open.library.ubc.ca/cIRcle/collections/ubctheses/831/items/1.0105515, “Comments of High School Teachers on the Japanese Pupils in Rural and in Vancouver in British Columbia, 1934.” Some also continued their education at the high school level and became involved in their school community. While engagement in sports was seen more commonly among male Japanese Canadian students, some female Japanese Canadian students seemed to involve themselves with the Hi-Y club (the present-day YWCA) and the school newspaper. In Lord Tweedsmuir High School, The Salute, 1942, University of British Columbia Education Library (LA418 .L69 1942), 58, 60; University of British Columbia Library Rare Books and Special Collections, Finding Aid for Joan Gillis Fonds (RBSC-ARC-1786), accessed August 27, 2018, http://rbscarchives.library.ubc.ca/downloads/joan-gillis-fonds.pdf. These findings are drawn from a term paper: Haruho Kubota, “Negotiating Japanese and Canadian Identities in Schools: The Story of Second Generation Japanese Canadian Students in British Columbia, 1920-1941,” (unpublished paper, EDST 509, University of British Columbia, 2018), 10-11.  41  admissions,23 the secretary of the Council of Public Instruction, a branch of the Department of Education that was created in 1891, issued normal school diplomas and teaching certificates.24 As was the case prior to the 1900s, teacher hiring still fell under the responsibility of the school board.25 Here, it is possible to see the multi-layered nature of the educational system in British Columbia which defined the qualification of teachers in the public schools. As Uchida, Nakabayashi, and Hyodo all received teaching certificates, their stories show that the Council of Public Instruction, through issuing teaching certificates, saw all three of them as qualified teachers. However, the absences of both Uchida and Nakabayashi from the list of hired teachers suggests that the attainment of a teaching certification may not have necessarily guaranteed a teaching position even if one met the newly raised certification standards.  3.1.3 Anti-Asian Racism26 The standardization of the teaching profession in BC occurred around the same time as expressions of anti-Asian racism were formalized and increased in frequency. As the population of Japanese Canadians grew at the turn of the twentieth century, one of the ways the province ensured that only white settlers would maintain their social positions was by disenfranchising  23 John Calam, “Teaching the Teachers: Establishment and Early Years of the B.C. Provincial Normal Schools,” BC Studies: The British Columbian Quarterly, no. 61 (1984): 47, https://doi.org/10.14288/bcs.v0i61.1176. 24 Hide Hyodo’s teaching certificate. Prior to the Council of Public Instruction, the Board of Education, and later the Board of Examiners had certified teachers. In Donald Leslie MacLaurin, “The History of Education in the Crown Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia and in the Province of British Columbia” (PhD Dissertation, Seattle, University of Washington, 1936, 219, 222; First Annual Report of the Public Schools in British Columbia, 1871-2, p. 13;  25 Nancy M. Sheehan and J. Donald Wilson, “From Normal School to the University to the College of Teachers: Teacher Education in British Columbia in the Twentieth Century,” in Children, Teachers, and Schools in the History of British Columbia, ed. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J. Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1995), 309. 26 Parts of this section are drawn from an unpublished term paper: Haruho Kubota, “A History of Unwritten Policy:  Limiting Japanese Canadians to Teach in B.C. Public Schools, 1901-42” (unpublished paper, EDST 504A, University of British Columbia, 2019), 1-23.  42  visible minorities.27 In 1895, the Provincial Voter’s Act officially added “Japanese” to the list of disqualified voters. The lack of the right to vote was used as a means to exclude visible minorities, including Japanese Canadians, from pursuing professional positions.28 When Tomekichi (Tomey) Homma, a naturalized citizen, submitted an application to be registered onto the list of voters in 1901, he became the first Japanese Canadian to confront disenfranchisement in British Columbia.29 The 1895 Act had also codified the “Penalty to Collectors” who inserted “the name of any Chinaman, Japanese, or Indian in any such Register.”30 Accordingly, when Thomas Cunningham, the collector of voters for Vancouver, received Homma’s application, he rejected it.   As a naturalized citizen, Homma and his lawyer, R. W. Harris, claimed that he was “entitled to all political and other rights, powers, and privileges to which a natural-born British subject is entitled in Canada,” as was outlined in the Naturalization Act.31 They further claimed that section 91 of the British North America Act gave the federal government “the authority over naturalization,” and thus the BC law prohibiting him from franchise was argued to be  27 Patricia Roy, The Oriental Question, 26. 28 Ibid., 26-54; Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 157-178; John Price, “Asian Canadians and the First World War: Challenging White Supremacy,” in Dominion of Race: Rethinking Canada’s International History, ed. Laura Madokoro, Francine McKenzie, and David Meren (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2017), 54–72; Miki, Redress, 13-37; Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 20–43. 29 Patricia E. Roy, A White Man’s Province: British Columbia Politicians and Chinese and Japanese Immigrants 1858-1914 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1989), 21; Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law”; Adachi, The Enemy that Never Was, 53. Miki, Redress, 26. A naturalized citizen is defined as “an alien to whom a certificate of naturalization” and is “entitled to all political and other rights, powers and privileges, and be subject to all obligations, to which a natural-born British subject is entitled or subject within Canada…” In “An Act respecting Naturalization and Aliens,” Revised Statues of Canada, 1886, c. 113, s.15, https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?collection=castatutes&handle=hein.castatutes/resappa0002&id=296&men_tab=srchresults, 6.  30 “An act to amend the ‘Provincial Voters’ Act,” Statutes of British Columbia, 1895, c.20, s.2, https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.psc/statbc0024&id=79&collection=psc&index=psc/statbc, 73 in Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 21; Miki, Redress, 26. . 31 “An Act respecting Naturalization and Aliens,” Revised Statues of Canada, 1886, c. 113, s.15, 6 in Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 24, 29; Miki, Redress, 26.  43  unconstitutional.32 Initially, the BC Supreme Court sided with Homma, but the victory was short-lived.33 Unsatisfied, the BC government challenged the ruling and escalated Homma’s case to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London, the highest appeal court for Canada at the time.34 In 1902, the Privy Council reversed the original ruling, as naturalized citizens were expected to abide by the “obligations of allegiance” without “the privileges attached to it.”35 Not only did this ruling for the Cunningham v Homma case clarify that the “Japanese,” who were prohibited from voting in the 1895 Provincial Voter’s Act, was in reference to race rather than nationality, but it also, as Andrea Geiger-Adams writes, ensured that it acted as a “prerequisite to obtaining various kinds of occupational licenses.”36 Thus, as Geiger-Adams argues, it solidified “race-based barriers into Canadian law.”37  Driven by the decision to disenfranchise Japanese Canadians and in light of the significant number of migrants from Japan to Canada peaking in 1907,38 local newspaper writers expressed concern over what they called a “yellow peril.”39 Ken Adachi explained that “yellow peril” became “a catchword in speech and print for many years to come, especially in relation to  32 “Distribution of Legislative Powers,” British North America Act, 1867, s. 91, https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/csj-sjc/constitution/lawreg-loireg/p1t13.html in Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 29.  33 Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 25-6; Adachi, The Enemy that Never Was, 54; Miki, Redress, 27-8; Roy, A White Man’s Province, 21. This sentence appears in Kubota, “A History of Unwritten Policy,” 8.  34 Miki, Redress, 27; Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 25-6; Adachi, The Enemy that Never Was, 54; Roy, A White Man’s Province, 21.  35 Miki, Redress, 27.  36 Here, I keep “Japanese” in quotations marks, as indicated in the Provincial Voters’ Act, because it shows how Japanese Canadians were seen as “Japanese” not “Japanese Canadians.” Ibid., 37; “An act to amend the ‘Provincial Voters’ Act,” Statutes of British Columbia, 1895, c.20, s.2, 73; Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 31; Miki, Redress, 27-8.  37 Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 33. This analysis is drawn from my EDST 504A paper: Kubota, “A History of Unwritten Policy,” 9.  38 Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 63.  39 Ibid., 65.  44  the Japanese ‘problem’ on the west coast.”40 The normalization of anti-Asian attitudes gave rise to a mass parade in Vancouver on September 7 of 1907, where a crowd of five thousand people gathered to call for the resignation of Premier McBride for refusing to sign the Natal Act, which required immigrants to take an English test to enter Canada.41 In 1907, the crowd raised concerns around economic competition, as well as how migrants from China, Japan, and India would impact the province’s social and cultural fabric. Stemming from the San Francisco-based organization called the Asiatic Exclusion League, the crowd gathered by Vancouver’s city hall and targeted minority BC residents for turning what they believed should be “White Canada,” into a “Mongolian province.”42 These events led to the anti-Asian riots, which followed after the parade and rally.43 The rise in Japanese migrants to British Columbia and the anti-Asian parade, rally and riots provided momentum to establish the Gentlemen’s Agreement in 1908, in which Japan agreed to limited the number of passports issued to Japanese migrants to 400 per year.44 Although racial exclusions were not explicitly written into teaching qualifications unlike professions in law and pharmacy, the fear of a “yellow peril” associated with the anti-Asian  40 Ibid., 67.  41 Knowing that the issei were not fluent in English, the Act was proposed to the BC provincial legislature in 1900 as a means to exclude Japanese immigrants to Canada. In ibid., 72-3. 42 Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 73 43 The anti-Asian parade, rally and riots were separate events. The content discussed here refers to the parade and rally that took place on Cambie Street and the area around City Hall. The riot refers to the events that followed, when the members from the crowd attending the parade and rally targeted properties owned by Chinese and Japanese people up north, in the present-day downtown area of Vancouver. In Julie F. Gilmour, “The Riots,” in Trouble on Main Street: Mackenzie King, Reason, Race, and the 1907 Vancouver Riots (New York: Penguin Group (Canada), 2014), chap. 1, Adobe EPUB version. For an insightful piece on how the history of the parade, rally, and riots still matters today, see Laura Ishiguro and Laura Madokoro, “White Supremacy, Political Violence, and Community: The Questions We Ask, from 1907 to 2017,” Active History: History Matters, September 7, 2017, http://activehistory.ca/2017/09/white-supremacy-political-violence-and-community/.  44 Erica Gagnon et al., “Gentlemen’s Agreement, 1908,” Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21, accessed December 8, 2018, https://pier21.ca/research/immigration-history/gentlemens-agreement-1908. 45  series of events in the early 1900s occurred around the same time as the standardization of the teacher training and certification system in British Columbia. In this chapter, I argue that this overlap in the expressions of anti-Asian racism and the standardization of the teaching profession in BC had an impact on questions of who could be hired as a public school teacher in the province during the early 1900s. While Uchida, Nakabayashi, and Hyodo became the first three Japanese Canadian teachers to successfully graduate from normal school and receive teaching certificates from the province of British Columbia, only Hyodo was hired to teach in a BC public school. 3.2 The First Three Japanese Canadians to Train as Public School Teachers 3.2.1 Chitose (“Tose” or “Josi”) Uchida Chitose Uchida was the first Japanese Canadian teacher who I was able to locate in the Vancouver and Victoria Normal School yearbooks.45 She lived a life of many firsts. Born into the Uchida family in 1895, she became to be known as one of the first nisei women born in Canada.46 Her family resided on Powell Street or paueru gai, known as the centre of the so-called Japantown in Vancouver in the early twentieth century.47 Uchida was initially educated in “a makeshift school”48 there, until attending Strathcona School as an elementary school student.49  45 Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, Annual, 1916-17, BC Historical Documents, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bchistoricaldocuments/bcdocs/items/1.0370828#p37z-5r0f:, 36, 38. 46 “Chitose Uchida Collection”; “School for first Japanese Children born in Canada. Mr Gomei Asano teacher; Vancouver, BC,”  photograph, 1904, 2010.23.2.4.250, Canadian Centennial Project fonds, Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, Canada http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/item_detail.php?art_id=A10393. (Hereafter NNM). 47 “Chitose Uchida Collection.”  48 Ibid.; “School for first Japanese Children born in Canada, Vancouver, BC,” photograph, 1904, 2010.23.2.4.250, Canadian Centennial Project fonds, Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, Canada http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/item_detail.php?art_id=A10393.  49 “In Days of Yore,” The New Canadian, July 15, 1939, 6.  46     Figure 3.1 A group photo of students who were some of the earliest Japanese children born in Canada, taken in 1904. Uchida is pictured in the far right. Nikkei National Museum, 2010.23.2.4.250. Reproduced with the permission of the Nikkei National Museum.  Many students who attended Strathcona School continued their education at Britannia High School.50 Following this trajectory was Uchida, who was the first nisei girl to have attended Britannia High School sometime between 1908 and 1910, based on historical accounts created by the Vancouver School Board.51 Uchida, known as “Tose” was an exceptional student,  50 Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, 114. 51 The Vancouver School Board blog confirms that the high school was undergoing construction when Uchida graduated from Strathcona School. The blog further indicates that Britannia High School opened on August 24, 1908, “with two classes in the upper storey, north wing of the Seymour School.” In February of 1910, the north wing of the present building was finished, and the classes moved from Seymour [to Britannia].” Accordingly, if Uchida attended Britannia High School while it was undergoing construction, then I speculate that she attended sometime between 1908 and 1910. In “The Early History of Britannia High School: 1908-1939,” VSB Archives & Heritage, February 24, 2018, https://blogs.vsb.bc.ca/heritage/2018/02/24/the-early-history-of-britannia-high-school-1908-1939/. 47  described as one of the “many brilliant students featured [in] the years from 1911 to the Great War.”52  Upon graduating from Britannia High School, Uchida entered the Arts program at McGill University College of British Columbia in 1913,53 which became the University of British Columbia (UBC) in 1915.54 Not only was Uchida the first Japanese Canadian at UBC, but she was a part of the first graduating class in 1916.55 Furthermore, university education was one of the highest educational qualifications one could obtain, particularly at a time when those who completed junior matriculation was considered to be “far above the average education young people attained in the first four decades of the century.”56 In fact, a university degree was generally only required for those pursuing teaching in high schools and universities, or becoming clergymen in Protestant churches.57 Described as “shy” and “reserved,”58 Uchida was one of the top educated people of her time. Upon graduating from UBC, Uchida attended the Vancouver Normal School from 1916 to 1917 in hopes of becoming a schoolteacher.59   52 Ibid. 53 The Royal Institution for the Advancement of Learning of British Columbia, Annual Calendar of the McGill University College of British Columbia, 1912-13, UBC Publications, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/ubcpublications/calendars/items/1.0304085#p0z-2r0f:, 76.  54 “In Days of Yore,” The New Canadian, July 15, 1939, 6.  55 “First Directory on Japanese UBC Grads To Appear Shortly,” The New Canadian, November 24, 1939, 1; Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 172; Jorgen Dahlie, “The Japanese in B.C.: Lost Opportunity? Some Aspects of the Education of Minorities,” BC Studies 8, no. Winter (January 1970): 3; “Degrees Are Conferred on University Graduates; Proves Brilliant Success,” The Vancouver Sun, May 5, 1916, 10; “Uchida,” The Vancouver Sun, December 9, 1989, 69; “Uchida,” The Province, December 19, 1989, 127. 56 R. D. Gidney and W. P. J. Millar, How Schools Worked: Public Education in English Canada, 1900-1940 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2012), 148. For more on nisei and university education see Takata, Nikkei Legacy, 23.  57 Gidney and Millar, How Schools Worked, 148.  58 The University of British Columbia, UBC Annual, 1916, UBC Publications, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/ubcpublications/ubcyearb/items/1.0118999#p0z-2r0f:, 22. 59 Annual, 1916-17, 36, 38. 48  The Council for Public Instruction issued teaching certificates based on one’s level of education. As Uchida had obtained a university degree from UBC, she received the Academic Certificate, which was the highest teaching certificate one could receive at the time.60 However, Uchida received her teacher’s certification in 1921, four years after completing normal school. It is unclear what Uchida did between the time she graduated from normal school in 1917 and the time of certification in 1921. Further, there is a lack of evidence explaining whether she applied for teaching positions in British Columbia. If she did apply for teaching positions, it may indicate that she was refused, indicating that white teachers were preferred over qualified racialized teachers. If she did not apply, it may have been due to a mixture of complex emotions. For example, she may have been disappointed, frustrated or, perhaps, angry at the circumstances of the time.61 In addition, or alternatively, she may have been worried about how she might be treated in the teaching profession as a racialized teacher. Her decision to not apply despite having the highest teaching qualifications of the time may also have been an intentional response against a hiring practice that excluded her. Although these details are still unknown, what is clear is that, despite Uchida’s high level of educational credentials, she remained absent from the teaching force in BC public schools and instead relocated to Alberta.62  60 Teachers certificate register book between 1919-1932, GR-1471, Volume 7, File 1, BC Archives, Victoria, British Columbia, Canada, 276 (hereafter BCA); Donald Leslie MacLaurin, “The History of Education in the Crown Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia and in the Province of British Columbia,” (PhD Dissertation, Seattle, University of Washington, 1936), 227; British Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Fiftieth Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1920-21, (Victoria: Government Printer), https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcsessional/items/1.0224422, F99. 61 As mentioned previously, Adachi wrote about how aspiring teachers, as well as nurses, from the Japanese Canadian community were “discouraged from taking training.” In Adachi, The Enemy that Never Was, 172. Although Uchida had already obtained training at this time, it is possible that she shared similar sentiments as those who were thinking of obtaining training but did not do so due to being discouraged.  62 “Canadians from Japan Study English Here,” The Vancouver Province, Saturday Magazine section, January 7, 1939, 2. 49  Historians of education, Harold Keith Hutchison and Jorgen Dahlie, have written about Uchida’s move to Alberta.63 So too, have Japanese Canadians.64 The accessible historiographies allude to race as a factor, but do not expand upon why Uchida did not become a teacher in the province. In the paragraphs to come, I take up these questions an speculate how and why she remained absent from the teaching force in BC public schools—without explicit policies excluding her from the profession on the basis of race.  One factor is timing. Historians of education, R.D. Gidney and W.P.J. Millar, argue that the emerging public school systems across Canada experienced shortages of qualified teachers in the early 1900’s.65 As previously mentioned, the beginning of the twentieth century saw an increased enrolment of students in public schools due to a growth in the population as a result of new settlements, including that of the Japanese Canadians. The increasing population, coupled with the loss of teachers who enlisted during the First World War, created a high demand for qualified teachers, so much so that those with third-class and temporary certificates were considered.66 Although Gidney and Millar discuss general trends in Canada, these trends can also be seen in British Columbia.   63 While Hutchison writes that Uchida taught in Alberta due to “failing to find a teaching position,” Dahlie suggests that she was “compelled to take a teaching position in Alberta for several years.” In Keith Harold Hutchinson, “Dimensions of Ethnic Education: The Japanese in British Columbia, 1880-1940” (M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1972), 54; Dahlie, “The Japanese in B.C.: Lost Opportunity?,” 5. 64 In the tri-annual publication created by the Nikkei National Museum called “Nikkei Images,” Uchida is noted to have “moved to Alberta to teach for 8 years” but it does not indicate the reasons why she had to relocate to Alberta to teach. In “Celebrating Nikkei Women,” Nikkei Images 18, no. 1 (Spring 2013), https://centre.nikkeiplace.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/2013-Volume-18-No-1.pdf, 17. Adachi also writes that “Chitose Uchida, the first Nisei to graduate from the University of British Columbia in 1916, had to go to Alberta to find a teaching job.” In Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 172. In addition, Roy Ito writes: “unable to obtain a position in the province, she taught for eight years in the Red Deer-Rocky Mountain district in Alberta.” In Roy Ito, Stories of My People: A Japanese Canadian Journal (Hamilton: S-20 and Nisei Veterans Association, 1994), 21. 65 Gidney and Millar, How Schools Worked, 127. 66 Ibid.  50  In British Columbia, the Department of Education was in the midst of centralizing the training, certification, and hiring of teachers in the province, while addressing the teacher shortage. In other words, the BC school system was attempting to resolve the teacher shortage within an educational system that was still forming. In 1908, there was a “cry for new teachers,” due to “the province…growing and expanding in all directions” with “new schools…springing up daily in locations where but yesterday the district was unsettled, and old schools are being enlarged.”67 The discussions on the shortage of teachers that had emerged amidst the expansion of the BC school system had declined. This implies that there were likely fewer jobs available for new teachers by the time Uchida graduated from Vancouver Normal School. While Gidney and Millar have argued that enlistment had caused a shortage in teachers before the First World War, after the First World War male teachers who had enlisted were permitted to return to their teaching roles.68 Thus, by the early to mid-1920s, the shortage of teachers had flipped into a surplus, tightening the qualification of teachers.69 Indeed in British Columbia, the “standards for entry into teaching”—that is, the hiring stage—"were driven primarily by supply and demand” in the early 1900s.70 The particular time that Uchida obtained her teaching certificate coincided at a time when there was no longer a shortage but a surplus of teachers affecting her opportunities to be hired. In this sense, timing may have been a major factor in her inability to find a teaching position in British Columbia.   In addition, the anti-Asian sentiments that had propelled the 1907 riot influenced parliamentary decisions, such as the endorsement of the Gentlemen’s Agreement in 1908 which  67 “Teachers Scarce,” The Daily Colonist, September 6, 1908, 2.  68 “To reinstate all former teachers,” The Victoria Daily Colonist, December 12, 1918, 11.  69 “Standard for teachers to be raised,” The Victoria Daily Province, December 3, 1924, 36.  70 Gidney and Millar, How Schools Worked, 128. 51  limited the number of passports issued to Japanese people. Following the Gentlemen’s Agreement, which symbolized a wider set of racist law and practices implemented by the federal and provincial governments, the McBride government refused to issue numerous licenses to non-voters within the first two decades of the 1900s including timber, cannery and fishing, licenses, as well as licenses to access poolrooms.71 The formal mechanism for the non-issuing of these licenses was due to disenfranchisement72—which was reaffirmed in 1919, when the Premier of British Columbia, John Oliver “announced that he would withdraw the clause enfranchising Japanese Canadian veterans” who had served the First World War.73 Furthermore, the confirmation that Japanese Canadians, even those who had served in the war, would not have the right to vote was explicitly used to exclude Japanese Canadians from accessing other jobs, such as law. In April 12 of 1919, the Credentials Committee of the Vancouver Law Students Association, membership of which was necessary in order to become a local lawyer, enforced the following rule: “No person shall be admitted or enrolled who is not the full age of 16 years, is a British subject, and who would, if  71 Roy, The Oriental Question, 20; 21-2; 14-15. 72 Ibid; Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was: A History of the Japanese Canadians (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 157-178; Price, “Asian Canadians and the First World War, 54–72; Miki, Redress, 13-37; Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law, 20–43. 73 Along with some members of the Great War Veterans Association (GWVA) and the support of the MLA for Fernie, British Columbia, A. I. Fisher, Japanese Canadian veterans pushed for a second reading of the new franchise bill by March of 1920. Other members of the GWVA as well as the Women’s Canadian Club opposed, issuing a protest letter against adding Japanese Canadian veterans to the voter’s list. The Women’s Canadian Club’s main argument was that it would “jeopardize [our racial traditions] and undermine [Christianity]." By March 14, the Premier of British Columbia, John Oliver, “announced that he would withdraw the clause enfranchising Japanese Canadian veterans” due to opinions expressed by the opposing members of the GWVA. In Price, “Asian Canadians and the First World War,” 66-67. The denial of the franchise of Japanese Canadian war veterans further solidified the outcome from Tomey Homma’s fight for the right to vote in 1901. 52  of the age of twenty-one years, be entitled to be placed on the Voter’s list under the Provincial Elections Act.”74  As Joan Brockman insightfully points out, this was a “reliable” means of excluding some visible minorities, particularly Japanese, Chinese and Indigenous people, because the “race-based barrier”75 could be enforced invisibly.76 In fact, it was so “reliable” that lawyers representing other professions had written to the Credentials Committee asking for insight as to how they were able to enforce policies that “exclude[d] Orientals from practicing law” even though they “[could] find nothing in the ‘Legal Professions Act’ or in the Rules which show[ed] how the Benchers managed some time ago.”77 Tying employment to one’s inclusion on the voters list was a common practice used to “keep Orientals out” from these professions. However, the teaching profession did not implement such mechanisms preventing people of Asian descent from being certified or working in the field, indicating that other devices were used.78 By the 1920s, the Japanese Canadians had already been denied the right to vote twice, and de facto exclusions were written into law. Thus, when Uchida was in search for a teaching position in British Columbia, it is likely that the teacher shortage shifting to a surplus, the reinstatement of teachers who had served the First World War, and the anti-Asian attitudes and policies that affected Asian Canadians’ ability to work, all had a part in limiting her opportunities to be hired—even though no official or formal exclusions appeared in teacher hiring practices.   74 Brockman, “Exclusionary Tactics,” 521; Roy, The Oriental Question, 103.  75 Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law,” 33. 76 Brockman, “Exclusionary Tactics,” 522. 77 Ibid., 522-3. 78 Ibid. One reason that the teaching profession did not refer to the voter’s list at this time may have been due to the lack of franchise for women. As teaching relied heavily on women in ways other professions did not, franchise laws may not have been used in the early twentieth century. 53  Unable to be hired as a teacher in British Columbia, Uchida relocated for a teaching position in rural Alberta. She taught in several schools located in Benalto and Innisfail, just outside of Red Deer from around 1920 to 1931.79 In addition to the multiple forms of anti-Asian racism that may have affected Uchida’s inability to teach in British Columbia, her ability to do so in Alberta may reveal how timing may have been another factor. While BC experienced its expansion within the first two decades of the 1900s, Alberta’s schooling system grew mainly between 1920 and 1935.80 This caused a teaching shortage. Uchida may have been able to enter into the schooling system in Alberta at a time when the province was experiencing the teaching shortage that BC had experienced a decade earlier. However, this did not mean that her Japanese Canadian heritage was irrelevant. In a book outlining the histories of schools in rural Alberta called Schools of Parkland, Uchida was distinguished from the list of teachers recorded, as a note that read “a Japanese lady,” appeared next to her name in the sources used to write the history about the Innisfail school in the Pleasant Valley School District, while other teachers had no such note.81 While it might be possible to suggest that the teacher hiring policies were more relaxed—that is, less racist—in Alberta than in British Columbia, it is perhaps more plausible that Uchida was hired in Alberta to accommodate the rising need for teaching positions in rural schools following an increased school enrolment. Although race could have been less a factor in teacher hiring practices for rural schools in Alberta than in British Columbia; further research is  79 “Ten Years Ago,” Red Deer Advocate, September 3, 1930, 2; “Fifteen Years Ago,” Red Deer Advocate, September 4, 1935, 2; Red Deer District Local, Alberta Teachers’ Association, Schools of the Parkland: N.W.T, 1886 - Alberta, 1967 (Red Deer District Local A.T.A. No. 24 Centennial Project, 1967), http://contentdm.ucalgary.ca/digital/collection/p22007coll8/id/257248, 21, 115. 80 Amy J. Von Heyking, Creating Citizens: History and Identity in Alberta’s Schools, 1905-1980 (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2006), 29.  81 Red Deer District Local, Alberta Teachers’ Association, Schools of the Parkland: N.W.T, 1886 - Alberta, 1967 (Red Deer District Local A.T.A. No. 24 Centennial Project, 1967), http://contentdm.ucalgary.ca/digital/collection/p22007coll8/id/257248, 115. 54  required to make this claim. Thus, here, I argue the many expressions of anti-Asian racism and timing are more plausible causes of Uchida’s absence in the list of hired teachers in BC.  After teaching in Alberta for just over a decade, Uchida returned to Vancouver.82 The initial reasons for her return to Vancouver are multifaceted. An article in The Province suggests that Uchida returned to Vancouver in 1931 to be closer to her aging mother,83 while Dahlie suggests that she returned in hopes of teaching in her home province.84 However, the reasons for why she initially moved and was not hired to teach in British Columbian public schools are not stated. The lack of sources about Uchida’s absence in the teaching force in BC may illuminate the intentions to create a particular provincial and federal image behind the preservation of records. If racism had caused Uchida’s absence, then it is possible that such records could have been destroyed, have yet to be found, or have been found and are restricted or not yet archived, to maintain particular image of British Columbia and Canada, such as one that is “raceless.”85 Further speculation on how historical artifacts and information about teacher hiring processes are managed could clarify why overt and covert racism in the past remain difficult to substantiate. Despite not being hired in the BC school system prior to the Second World War, Uchida utilized her teaching credentials by opening her own school, where she offered English night classes in the Vancouver Japanese United Church. She later opened another branch in the Kitsilano area in Vancouver. Her school enabled other nisei, like Peter Shinobu Higashi, who  82 Roy Ito, Stories of My People: A Japanese Canadian Journal (Hamilton: S-20 and Nisei Veterans Association, 1994), 184-5; “Canadians from Japan Study English Here,” The Province, the Saturday Magazine section, January 7, 1939, page 36. 83 “Canadians from Japan Study English Here,” The Province (in the Saturday Magazine section), January 7, 1939, 36. 84 Dahlie, “The Japanese in B.C.: Lost Opportunity?,” 3.  85 Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded: A Legal History of Racism in Canada, 1900-1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999).  55  was the editor of the local nisei newspaper called The New Canadian, to teach. Uchida ran the school through a nominal fee until the early 1940s, when she and all other Japanese Canadian people were displaced to the interior of BC, Alberta, Manitoba, and parts of Ontario.86 During the internment, Uchida was placed in the Taylor Camp in the Cariboo area of the BC interior, where she not only continued to teach but became principal of the camp school from grades four to eight.87 Uchida continued to stay in the Cariboo area even after internment to teach in schools “in the Lone Butte area, 100 Mile House and Springhouse,” finally landing a public school teaching job in her home province.88  In 1949, Uchida finally obtained her Canadian citizenship after renouncing her Japanese citizenship.89 She devoted her life to education, by continuing to teach in schools in British Columbia until retiring in 1961.90 Uchida passed away at the age of 94 on November 27th, 1989.91    86 Ito, Stories of My People, 184-5; “Canadians from Japan Study English Here,” The Province, January 7, 1939, (in the Saturday Magazine section), 36. 87 “The Class of 1916,” Trek: A Publication of Alumni UBC, 2016, https://trekmagazine.alumni.ubc.ca/files/TREK-39.pdf, 37; “Chitose Uchida Collection”; “Chitose Uchida dies at age 94,” The Tribune, March 22, 1990, 19; Linda Kawamoto Reid, “Memories of Taylor Lake 1942-1946,” Nikkei Images 17, no. 1 (Spring 2012), 18.   88 “Chitose Uchida dies at age 94,” The Tribune, March 22, 1990, 19; Alumni Association of the University of British Columbia, UBC Alumni Chronicle, 1961, UBC Publications, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0224213, 31.  89 “Official Gazette (English Edition),” December 14, 1949, No. 1114, Japan Legal Information Institute, Nagoya University, Furo-cho, Nagoya, Japan, http://jalii.law.nagoya-u.ac.jp/official_gazette/nag_pdf/19491214d_ea.01114.010.000_0010.0010.0_a.207700.02334900.pdf, 6. For an insightful reading on citizenship for Japanese Canadians, see Laura Madokoro, “Citizen Beings, Being Citizens: Reflections on Japanese-Canadian Experiences in War and Peace,” in Witness to Loss: Race, Culpability and Memory in the Dispossession of Japanese Canadians, ed. Jordan Stanger-Ross and Pamela Sugiman, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2017), 167–93, https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/chr.99.4.br14. 90 “The Class of 1916,” 37. 91 “Tose Uchida, 1895-1989,” Chronicle 44, no. 1 (Spring 1990), http://www.library.ubc.ca/archives/pdfs/chronicle/AL_CHRON_1990_1.pdf, 27.  56  3.2.2 Annie Kiku Nakabayashi The second teacher I was able to locate was Annie Kiku Nakabayashi, born in 1901, and is “believed to be the first Japanese Canadian” born in Victoria, British Columbia.92 She resided in the Oriental Home, which functioned as a women’s shelter for Chinese and Japanese women and girls in Victoria.93 Nakabayashi’s mother also resided at the Oriental Home while her husband worked in San Francisco.94 In April 1901, Nakabayashi’s mother left the Home to be with her husband.95 However, they returned in mid-January of 1902 in hopes that the Oriental Home would look after their additional family member—Annie Nakabayashi. Unfortunately, Nakabayashi’s mother fell ill several months later and passed away the same night she was taken to the hospital. The teachers at the Oriental Home and School looked after Nakabayashi for a tuition fee of one dollar a week paid by her father. She continued to receive full care at the Home, even after her father’s death when she was nine.96  Nakabayashi was most likely educated by the Oriental Home, which ran their own schools. Appearing in a photo taken around 1910, young Nakabayashi is pictured in the background of a photo wearing a striped dress in two braided pigtails.97   92 Toyo Takata, “Victoria’s Community That Vanished,” The Daily Colonist, April 23, 1972, 12. 93 Ann-Lee Switzer and Gordon Robert Switzer, Gateway to Promise: Canada’s First Japanese Community, Revised edition (Victoria: Ti-Jean Press, 2015), 87; Shelly Dee Ikebuchi, “Marriage, Morals, and Men: Re/Defining Victoria’s Chinese Rescue Home,” BC Studies: The British Columbian Quarterly, no. 177 (January 6, 2013): 65-6, https://doi.org/10.14288/bcs.v0i177.182457.  94 Register, 1888-1901, Box 563, Vol. 2, March 8, 1901, Oriental Home and School Fonds (hereafter OHS Fonds) Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives, Bob Stewart Archives, Vancouver, Canada (hereafter BSA). 95 Register, 1886-1936, Box 563, Vol. 4a, page 30, OHS Fonds, BSA. 96 Ibid.; Cindy Che-Wen Lin, “The History of the Oriental Home (1888-1942),” ed. David J. Fuller, McMaster Journal of Theology and Ministry 18 (2016/2017), 19; Register, 1888-1901, Box 563, Vol. 2, March 8, 1901, OHS Fonds, BSA. 97 “Millie, Kate, Haru, Victoria, Annie,” photograph, n.d., Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives, Oriental Home and School fonds, box P-31, file 1, OHS_2004-0275-29.  57    Figure 3.2 Millie, Kate, Haru, Victoria, Annie, photograph, n.d., Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives, Oriental Home and School fonds, box P-31, file 1, OHS_2004-0275-29. Reproduced with the permission of Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives.  A photo taken in 1915, depicts a clear, focused image of a teenage-old Nakabayashi in a school uniform at the Oriental home, with a large white bow on the back on her head and a book clutched in her left hand.98 These photos offer evidence of Nakabayashi’s childhood at the Oriental Home.  98 “Annie Nakabayashi, fall of 1915,” digitized photograph, 1915, OHS_2004-0275-32, Oriental Home and School photograph album, OHS Fonds, BSA,  https://www.flickr.com/photos/firstmetarchives/23414130376/in/album-72157661823684156/.  58    Figure 3.3 Annie Nakabayashi, fall of 1915, photograph, 1915, Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives, Oriental Home and School fonds, box P-31, file 1, OHS_2004-0275-32. Reproduced with the permission of the Pacific Mountain Regional Council Archives.  As illuminated by Cindy Che-Wen Lin, Nakabayashi was an exceptional student who excelled in her studies. In fact, Lin writes that Nakabayashi, along with another student named Agnes Chan, “were considered by the Home to be examples of the real effects of the Home’s educational program.”99 Their passion for education was further solidified five years later in 1920, around the time that Nakabayashi would have been 19 years old, when both of their names appeared in “The Camosun,” the Victoria High School yearbook.100 In it, Nakabayashi was described as being “very quiet and studious.” It also noted that she “excel[led] in literature and [was] also clever with her pencil and brush.”101 Following her high school education,  99 Lin, “The History of the Oriental Home (1888-1942),” 14. 100 Victoria High School, The Camosun, 1920, The Camosun Collection, The University of Victoria, https://archive.org/details/camosunv12n7uvic/page/24/mode/2up/search/nakabayashi, 24. 101 Ibid. 59  Nakabayashi went on to receive teacher training at Victoria Normal School from 1920 to 1921 and a year later, she obtained her first-class teaching certification.102 In contrast to Uchida, who had an Academic certificate based on her UBC degree, Nakabayashi received a first-class certificate, which was issued to those who had a senior matriculation certificate, or a first-year standing at a post-secondary institution like UBC and a Normal School Diploma.103 Nakabayashi was then hired to work as a “public school teacher” at the Oriental Home, where she grew up.104  The Women’s Missionary Society (WMS) reports indicated that Nakabayashi was hired as a “public school teacher”; however, it is important to note that she was not hired by the Victoria School Board. She was hired to teach at the Oriental Home and School which operated on funds raised by active members of the WMS and a committed group of middle- and upper-class women.105 Nakabayashi’s story illuminates the various ways that Japanese Canadians utilized their provincial teaching credentials for teaching outside of the public education system. Although historian Toyo Takata writes that “the best she could do was to teach at an Oriental orphanage in Victoria,” it is unclear whether Nakabayashi wanted to teach at the Oriental Home, or if she had preferred to teach in the BC public schools upon teacher certification.106 As I was unable to locate information about Nakabayashi applying for other  102 Switzer and Switzer, Gateway to Promise, 87-88; Fiftieth Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1920-21, Part III. Appendix, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0224422, F 100; Teachers certificate register book between 1919-1932, GR-1471, Volume 7, File 1, BCA, 204. 103 MacLaurin, “The History of Education,” 231. A senior matriculation certificate was issued to students who had achieved grade 12 or 13, reflecting a first-year university standing but had not attended university. In Gidney and Millar, How Schools Worked, 125.  104 Register, 1886-1936, Box 563, Vol. 4a, page 31, OHS Fonds, BSA; The Methodist Church of Canada, Fortieth Annual Report of the Women’s Missionary Society of the Methodist Church of Canada, 1921-2, (Toronto: The Ryerson Press), BSA, cxxiv; Lin, “The History of the Oriental Home (1888-1942),” 16.  105 Annual Report of the Women’s Missionary Society, 1921-2, BSA, cxxiv; Karen Van Dieren, “The Response of the WMS to the Immigration of Asian Women 1888-1942,” in Not Just Pin Money: Selected Essays on the History of Women’s Work in British Columbia (Victoria: Camosun College, 1984), 82. 106 Toyo Takata, “Victoria’s Community That Vanished,” The Daily Colonist, Sunday April 23, 1972, 12. 60  positions, such as in the public schools in Victoria, her story suggests that the lack of hiring may not have been due to racism, but that she simply did not apply to any other teaching positions. As a former resident of the Oriental Home, her decision to transition directly into a teaching position at the Oriental Home and School may have been to give back to the home where she grew up.107 In a report about the Home, Nakabayashi writes: “I have felt great gratitude that it has been my privilege to be able to pass on to others, in part at least, the service that has been in the past bestowed so unstintedly [sic] upon me by all those in connection with the Home, but especially by Mrs. Tate to whom I owe more than a daughter’s love and gratitude.”108  It was not uncommon to see such positive affection towards the Oriental Home. As an excerpt from a hand-written, unpaginated report of the Oriental Home and School in February 1934 indicates, one of the girls who visited the home after leaving it seemed “happy to come ‘home,’ as she calls it.”109 Thus, it is plausible that Nakabayashi’s absence within the Victoria public school board was due to not applying for teaching positions within it. On the other hand, even if Nakabayashi had applied for teaching positions, her opportunities to teach within the Victoria public school system would have been limited. Nakabayashi was the only Japanese Canadian who I was able to locate in the Victoria Normal School yearbooks and archival materials. Furthermore, there were no additional teachers of Japanese descent who taught in the Victoria school system. This tells us that race may have been one factor that shaped teacher hiring in the Victoria School Board in the 1920s. The case of  107 Annual Report of the Women’s Missionary Society, 1921-2, BSA, cxxiv.  108 Gladys W. Beall, research and writing done in March 1959, Box 563, Vol. 35, Other Records – Historical Notes, page 5, OHS Fonds, BSA. The name of her teacher here, is a pseudonym. 109 “Report of the work of the Oriental Home,” Reports—1926-8 and 1933, February 9, 1934, Box 563, Vol. 9, Annual Reports 1926-1934, OHS Fonds, BSA. 61  Lavina Frances Dickman, the first Chinese-Canadian public school teacher to be hired the Victoria school board, offers further evidence.110 Dickman received her second-class certificate the same year that Nakabayashi graduated from normal school and received her first-class certificate. She was hired to teach a class in a school in Rock Bay that was “entirely young Chinese, many of whom have scant knowledge of the English language,” during a time when the Victoria schools had been discussing possibilities of segregating Chinese Canadian and white Canadian students.111 Here, Dickman’s hiring process offers a glimpse of the teacher hiring priorities in Victoria in the 1920s. Rather than her qualifications, Dickman was hired because of her Chinese-Canadian background and her assumed language skills. In fact, George Deane, the municipal inspector of schools, considered Dickman’s appointment “an interesting experiment.”112 Although it is not possible to generalize that such was the case for all non-white teachers, I speculate that a non-English speaking class of students was a necessary condition for racialized teachers to be considered and hired. Nakabayashi’s first appointment at the Oriental Home and School in 1921 was the kindergarten class.113 She was responsible for teaching the primary classes and the day school from 1922.114 As a kindergarten teacher, Nakabayashi spent a large portion of her time preparing her students for various school recitals. For example, an article in The Victoria Daily Times in December of 1921 sheds light on a performance called the “Little Red Hen” by her kindergarten  110 “Chinese girl to serve as teacher” The Colonist, September 9, 1921, 8. 111 Ibid. For more on the Chinese Canadian students’ access to education in Victoria, see Timothy J. Stanley, Contesting White Supremacy: School Segregation, Anti-Racism, and the Making of Chinese Canadians (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011). 112 “Chinese girl to serve as teacher” The Colonist, September 9, 1921, 8. 113 “Christmas Closing at Home,” The Victoria Daily Times, December 17, 1921, 10; “Closing exercises at oriental home kindergarten,” Victoria Daily Times, Monday June 26, 1922, 6.  114 The Methodist Church of Canada, Forty-first Annual Report of the Women’s Missionary Society of the Methodist Church of Canada, 1922-3, (Toronto: The Ryerson Press), BSA, ix. 62  class.115 The following year, Nakabayashi directed a program that was considered “very pleasing” along with two other teachers, Miss. Grace B. Baker and Miss Henderson.116 In addition, Nakabayashi was also responsible for writing about the Oriental Home and School in the Women’s Missionary Society (WMS) annual reports.117 Although it is not clear if the evidence captured above reflected all of her responsibilities as a teacher at the Oriental Home and School, Nakabayashi’s academic desires were unmet, as she furthered her education by obtaining a university degree at the University of Washington in 1926.118 After teaching at the Oriental Home for about four years, Nakabayashi entered the University of Washington in Seattle in 1926 and graduated in 1929.119 There, she became a member of the Fuyo-kai, the “Japanese women students’ club” which was incepted in 1923.120 Later, she served as the president of the club.121 The Fuyo-kai gathered to discuss various topics such as social activities, war bond sales, as well as “updates on the evacuation order”122 in 1942  115 “Christmas Closing at Home,” The Victoria Daily Times, December 17, 1921, 10. 116 “Closing exercises at oriental home kindergarten,” Victoria Daily Times, Monday June 26, 1922, 6. 117 Annual Report of the Women’s Missionary Society, 1922-3, BSA, cxi-cxii; The Methodist Church of Canada, Forty-second Annual Report of the Women’s Missionary Society of the Methodist Church of Canada, 1923-4, (Toronto: The Ryerson Press), BSA, cxxi-cxxii; clvii-clviii. It is likely that Nakabayashi continued to write the reports for the WMS Annual Reports; however, I was unable to confirm this as the reports after 1925 were managed by the United Church of Canada and are not kept at the BSA. 118 Another possible reason for Nakabayashi’s decision to go the University of Washington may have been due to the stigma attached to those residing at the Oriental Home. Within the Japanese Canadian community, historian Midge Ayukawa illuminates in her study of “picture brides” that “it was considered a social disgrace among the Japanese to seek assistance outside the Japanese community.” Although this kind of stigma may have been applied to issei women more so than nisei, whose parents would have decided to put them into care under the hands of the Oriental Home, some Japanese women like Hana Murata and Tagashira, “did make use of the Home as a refuge from poverty and abuse.” In Midge Ayukawa, “Good Wives Wise Mothers: Japanese Picture Bides in Early Twentieth-Century British Columbia,” BC Studies, no. 105–106 (Spring/Summer 1995), 114. 119 Register, 1886-1936, Box 563, Vol. 4a, page 31, OHS Fonds, BSA.  120 University of Washington, The Tyee, 1927, UW Yearbooks and Documents, University of Washington, Seattle, https://digitalcollections.lib.washington.edu/digital/collection/uwdocs/id/15671, 343. 121 University of Washington, The Tyee, 1928, UW Yearbooks and Documents, University of Washington, Seattle, https://digitalcollections.lib.washington.edu/digital/collection/uwdocs/id/16488/rec/4, 378.  122 “Fuyo-Kai Minutes,” University of Washington, University Libraries, accessed April 6, 2020, https://www.lib.washington.edu/specialcollections/collections/exhibits/harmony/interrupted/text/minutes. 63  in the United States. Although it is unclear how Nakabayashi’s education and student involvement at the University of Washington may have affected her teaching career, her story offers an opportunity to learn more about the connection between Japanese Canadian and Japanese or Asian American experiences in the pre-war years.   In the mid-1930s, Nakabayashi moved to Japan. Toyo Takata, who wrote about the “vanishment of the Japanese Canadians” in The Daily Colonist in 1972, suggests that “she left Canada for Japan to pursue a more suitable career.”123 Although Nakabayashi expressed gratitude and shared a heartfelt message to the Oriental Home, it is plausible that she felt that her teacher training and educational attainment did not align with her career in British Columbia. In fact, Takaya wrote that Nakabayashi had graduated from the University of Washington, “at a time when only a minority of Canadians graduated from high school, and especially true among girls.” He continued, “[f]or a Japanese-Canadian university graduate; however, there was little opportunity befitting her training.”124 It is difficult to identify a specific reason as to why Nakabayashi was not hired to teach in the public schools in Victoria. However, her ambition, persistence, and passion for education must be acknowledged as she navigated a system that did not welcome her. 3.2.3 Hide Hyodo Hide Hyodo was born about one decade after Uchida and Nakabayashi on May 11th 1908.125 She attended John Oliver High School in South Vancouver, passing “Preliminary Junior  123 Takata, “Victoria’s Community That Vanished,” 12. 124 Ibid. 125 Hide Hyodo, birth certificate, The Government of the Province of British Columbia, 1908, Box 1, Folder 1, Shimizu (Hide) papers, The Thomas Fisher Rare Books Collection, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada (hereafter TFRB). 64  Grade” with “honours” in June of 1922, a year after Uchida and Nakabayashi had both obtained their teaching certificates. 126 Hyodo continued her education at the University of British Columbia for one year between 1924 and 1925, until the campus relocated from Fairview to Point Grey.127 Being the eldest in her family, Hyodo decided to enter the one-year program at the Vancouver Normal School which was located close to her home in Fairview to alleviate family expenses.128 Unlike the descriptions observed in Uchida’s UBC yearbook and Nakabayashi’s Victoria High School yearbook, Hyodo was not described by others as “shy” or “quiet.” In the normal school yearbook for the years 1925 to 1926, the short description about her read: “Her heart is in her work. Heart and hand that move together. Yes, that is Hide, ever prepared for the sorest trials, music tests, etc., and always willing to give her friends a hand to guide them along the way they should go.”129 Upon graduating and receiving her diploma from normal school in June of 1926,130 Hyodo received an “Interim First-Class Teacher’s Certificate” in November of the same year, valid for a year and a half until June 30th, 1928.131 The interim certificate, established in May of 1923, was “issued to students-in-training whose work left doubt as to their adaptability to the work of teaching.”132 Further exploration for the particular reasons why  126 Hide Hyodo, John Oliver High School Report Card, 1922, Box 1, Folder 2, TFRB. 127 Jesse Nishihata, “Faces of Redress: Hide Hyodo Shimizu,” Nikkei Voice, May 1992, 11; Jean Barman, Invisible Generations: Living between Indigenous and White (Halfmoon Bay: British Columbia: Caitlin Press Inc., 2019), 121; John B MacDonald, Higher Education in British Columbia and a Plan for the Future (Vancouver: The University of British Columbia, 1962), 26. 128 Nishihata, “Faces of Redress: Hide Hyodo Shimizu,” Nikkei Voice, May 1992, 11. 129 Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, 1925-26, Annual, BC Historical Documents, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bchistoricaldocuments/bcdocs/items/1.0370828#p37z-5r0f:, 22. 130 Hide Hyodo, Provincial Normal School Diploma, 1922, Box 1, Folder 8, TFRB. 131 Hide Hyodo, Interim First Class Certificate, Department of Education of the Province of British Columbia, Box 1, Folder 6, TFRB.  132 MacLaurin, “The History of Education,” 232; Fifty-Second Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1922-23, F 48. 65  Hyodo’s work left doubt to her adaptability of teaching to the Council of Public Instruction is needed to decipher whether it may have been due to her race.  Soon after graduating from normal school, Hyodo worked at a Japanese firm, until she found an advertisement in a local newspaper for a teaching position in Richmond, BC in September of 1926.133 Hyodo had heard from a friend from UBC that the schools in Steveston in the Richmond area were struggling particularly with “the language programs.”134 Hoping she could teach, rather than continue to work at a Japanese firm, she applied and was successfully hired by the Richmond School Board in October of 1926.135 As Hyodo had not received her teaching certificate until November, about one month after her appointment, it becomes evident that teacher candidates could apply for teaching positions and be hired, prior to receiving their certification documents. Thus, the public school teacher hiring process in the 1920s may not have been so much about having the actual qualifications as meeting the needs identified by the school boards.  Hyodo was hired and assigned to teach the “[grade school] Japanese Primary” class at a salary of $850 per annum by the Richmond School Board, with her salaries increasing each year, up until 1941, one year before the internment of Japanese Canadians.136 Hyodo continued to  133 Jesse Nishihata, “Faces of Redress: Hide Hyodo Shimizu,” Nikkei Voice, May 1992, 11; Bill McNulty, Steveston: A Community History, 1858-2011 (Richmond, B.C: The Steveston Community Society, 2011), 50. 134 “JCCC recognition dinner – speech (TS and copy),” 1982, Box 1, Folder 38, page 3, TFRB.  135 Ibid.  136 Meeting minutes, Richmond School Board, Series 1, File 2, page 114, Richmond School Board fonds (Community Records), City of Richmond Archives, Richmond, Canada; Fifty-Sixth Annual Report, 1927-28, M 57; Fifty-Seventh Annual Report, 1927-28, II. Statistical Returns, V 57; Fifty-Eighth Annual Report, 1928-29, II. Statistical Returns, R 65; Fifty-Ninth Annual Report, 1929-30, II. Statistical Returns, Q 65; Sixtieth Annual Report, 1930-31, II. Statistical Returns, L 65; Sixty-First Annual Report, 1931-32, II. Statistical Returns, L 65; Sixty-Second Annual Report, 1932-33, II. Statistical Returns, M 66; Sixty-Third Annual Report, 1933-34, II. Statistical Returns, N 77; Sixty-Fourth Annual Report, 1934-35, II. Statistical Returns, S 78; Sixty-Fifth Annual Report, 1935-36, II. Statistical Returns, H 201; Sixty-Sixth Annual Report, 1936-37, II. Statistical Returns, I 171; Sixty-Seventh Annual Report, 1937-38, II. Statistical Returns, J 171; Sixty-Eighth Annual Report, 1938-9, II. Statistical Returns, H 179; 66  teach a class of grade one students Japanese with Japanese ancestry throughout her teaching career at Lord Byng Elementary School. This is evidenced by her “Inspector of Schools” reports from 1926 to 1941, which specified that “the pupils are all Japanese who can speak but very little English,” or that the standing of pupils were “a Japanese class,” or had “limited knowledge of English.”137    Figure 3.4 A photo of Hyodo’s Grade 1 B & A class at Lord Byng Elementary School that appeared in one of her scrapbooks. Gr. 1 B&A, photograph in album, June 1928, Box 3, Album 3, Folder 19. Courtesy of the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto.  Throughout the duration of her first-class interim certificate, Hyodo developed a steady teaching record at Lord Byng. In order to receive permanent certificates, interim certificate  Sixty-Ninth Annual Report, 1939-40, II. Statistical Returns, B 188; Sixty-First Annual Report, 1940-41, II. Statistical Returns, D 200.  137 Hide Hyodo, Teaching evaluations, B.C., Department of Education, Lord Byng School, 1926-28, Box 1, Folder 11, TFRB. 67  holders were required to “receive favourable reports from Provincial Inspectors of Schools.”138  Hyodo received exemplar reports consistently from the inspectors of schools, who left comments such as “Miss Hyodo is energetic and interested in her work. She has a good knowledge of methods,” and “Miss Hyodo is an intelligent, progressive and forceful teacher. She would do good work with a junior grade class in any school.”139 In the 1932 report, “Miss Hyodo” it read, “[was] an unusually good teacher.”140 As I did not have access to the reports for other teachers, I was unable to compare how this particular comment may have stood out. However, here, the word “unusually” seems to indicate a moment of surprise in the inspector’s review of Hyodo’s teaching capabilities. Based on previous comments that suggested that she would do well “in any school,” this surprise may signify how impressed the inspectors were by Hyodo, not because she was “unusually good” for a Japanese Canadian, but because she was “unusually good” among other teachers. Yet, her background continued to be emphasized as the word, “Japanese,” was carefully written next to her name in the “Register of Certificates” indicating her attainment of a Permanent First-Class teaching certificate in 1929.141  By the time that Hyodo was hired in the Richmond School Board, Uchida was already working in Alberta and Nakabayashi, at the Oriental Home. Thus, Hyodo’s hiring may indicate that she had applied for a teaching position at the right time, place and for the right body of students. However, the fact that she was initially given an interim certificate, might also signify  138 MacLaurin, “The History of Education,” 232-3; Fifty-Second Annual Report, 1922-23, F 48. 139 Hide Hyodo, Teaching evaluations, B.C., Department of Education, Lord Byng School, 1927; 1930, Box 1, Folder 11, TFRB. It is interesting to note that in this second comment, terms such as “progressive” and “forceful” were used in a positive sense. 140 Hide Hyodo, Teaching evaluations, B.C., Department of Education, Lord Byng School, 1932, Box 1, Folder 11, TFRB. 141 Teachers certificate register book between 1919-1932, GR-1471, Volume 7, File 1, BCA, 120.  68  that the Department of Education didn’t initially believe in her capabilities, and saw her as an “experiment” as was the case with the first Chinese Canadian teacher, Lavina Dickman who was hired to teach in the Victoria school board.142 Rather than motivated by ideas of inclusion, these teachers were perhaps hired to accommodate particular needs in public schools.143  Hyodo was instrumental in setting up the schools in the internment camps and was later recognized for her work by being inducted into the Order of Canada in 1982. During a ceremony dinner for her achievements at the Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre in Toronto, Ontario in the late 1980s, she clarified that she “was the 3rd Nisei teacher (‘not the 1st’ in B.C -1 Chitose Uchida, Vancouver 2 – Ann Nakabayashi, Victoria)” and that “there were 8 Nisei to graduate from teacher training.”144 She continued to narrate that “Unfortunately they did not receive appointments in the regular schools. However, 3 went to Japan and made successful careers there, 2 taught in Japanese language schools in Vancouver, 2 taught in the United Church kindergartens and several are active in community services to this day.”145 Her remarks in the 1980s shows that she knew about other Japanese Canadian women who were training to become teachers around the same time, but did not end up in the BC school system. Hyodo continued to  142 “Chinese girl to serve as teacher,” The Daily Colonist, September 9, 1921, 8. Although different, the story of Irene Kelleher, a public school teacher in British Columbia with mixed white settler and Indigenous heritage shows the extent to which she had to hide her Indigenous heritage in order to continue her teacher training and be hired as a teacher. These stories show how narrow the scope of who could be a teacher was in the 1920s and the various ways that aspiring public school teachers navigated these tight systems. For Irene’s story, see Barman, Invisible Generations. 143 Alison Norman also makes a similar interpretation in her study of Kanyen’kehá:Ka teachers who colonial officials hired to teach in mission-run day schools in Ontario in the 1800s. Alison Norman, “‘Teachers Amongst Their Own People’: Kanyen’kehá:Ka (Mohawk) Women Teachers in Nineteenth-Century Tyendinaga and Grand River, Ontario,” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 29, no. 1 (Spring 2017), https://doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v29i1.4497, 37. 144 JCCC recognition dinner – speech (TS and copy),” 1982, Box 1, Folder 38, page 2, TFRB. 145 Ibid. 69  stay active in the Japanese Canadian community in Ontario and passed away on August 22, 1999.146 3.3 Conclusion  The three Japanese Canadian teachers who were discussed in this chapter all obtained the necessary qualifications to be certified as provincial public school teachers. They had the necessary educational background to be admitted into normal school, they passed their classes, and received the two highest teaching certificates one could obtain at the time. Such patterns reveal how the teaching profession in British Columbia had, in fact, presented itself as colour blind by enabling Japanese Canadians to train and become certified as public school teachers in the province. However, their general absence from the school system upon their certification during the first two and a half decades of the twentieth century, shows the various ways that the school system was coloured with barriers, particularly at the time of hiring.  The only teacher to be hired by the public school board in British Columbia between 1916 and 1926 was Hyodo. Even when hired, she was assigned to teach a class of Japanese Canadian children throughout her sixteen-year career in the BC school system from 1926 to 1942. She received stellar comments on her inspection reports and her success was even taken by surprise. Despite having higher qualifications than Hyodo, Uchida relocated to Alberta, where she taught at several rural public schools for over a decade, until returning to teach in her home province by establishing her own school. While it is possible that Nakabayashi did not apply for a public school teaching position in Victoria, her motivations to continue her education at the  146 Emily Gwiazda, “Hide Hyodo Shimizu,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, July 6, 2018, https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/hide-hyodo-shimizu. 70  University of Washington and move to Japan raise questions about how race may have affected her ability to teach professionally in British Columbia.  Franchise was used to “keep Orientals out” from the professional law society.147 In addition, historian Patricia Roy writes that “few white British Columbians questioned how the ‘exclusion from the voter’s list’” did not only mean that Japanese Canadians and other visible minorities “could not vote in federal elections,” but excluded them from “run[ning] for public office, serv[ing] as jurors, or practic[ing] the professions of law and pharmacy.”148 However, the stories of Uchida, Nakabayashi, and Hyodo and their gradual disappearance from the history of education in British Columbia show how franchise, that was used to formally prevent Japanese Canadians from entering those professions, did not directly affect entrance into teaching. Rather, the normalization of anti-Asian attitudes and the exclusion of Japanese Canadians from other employment opportunities, the standardization of teaching professions in BC, and the timing of applying for teaching positions were some factors that affected teacher hiring practices without explicit policies—even a reference to the voters’ list—ever appearing in reports, policies, and other historical documents. Borrowing Geiger-Adams’ analysis of how franchise laws became “race-based barriers,” I argue that these “race-based barriers” were already firmly embedded and normalized in BC by the 1920s, that neither explicit nor de facto policies excluding Japanese Canadians from teaching positions in public schools were deemed necessary. Racism in general, rather than franchise in particular, affected teacher hiring in British Columbia between 1916 and 1927. 147 Brockman, “Women and Visible Minorities in the Legal Profession,” 508-561.  148 Patricia Roy, The Oriental Question, 39.  71  Chapter 4: Race and Religion, 1927-1935 Between the mid-1920s and the mid-1930s, five nisei trained to become teachers in the provincial normal schools: Cana Okamura, Itoko Suzuki, Teruko Hidaka, Kazuko Iwasa, and Aya Suzuki.1 Unlike Uchida, Nakabayashi, and Hyodo, three of the five teachers explored in this section did not receive a teaching certificate after attending normal school. Thus, during the late 1920s and early 1930s, I argue that the unwritten barrier that limited Japanese Canadians from teaching crept from hiring to certification. At the same time, two teachers—I. Suzuki and Iwasa—were able to receive certification. Although they were not hired, their ability to obtain teaching certificates shows that there, in fact, was likely no formal or official ban placed against Japanese Canadians from receiving teaching certificates as was stated in the widely shared historiography of Japanese Canadians.2  As with the discussion on teacher hiring in the previous chapter, it is unclear if the teachers who were not certified or hired were excluded specifically due to racism or if it was simply due to them not applying for a teaching certificate or position within the public school system. While I will explore these possibilities within the teacher’s stories, I continue to argue that the Japanese Canadian teachers’ absence from the histories of education in British Columbia and of Japanese Canadians more generally indicates the presence of racial discrimination within teacher certification and hiring practices in the early twentieth century. More specifically, this chapter shows how religious factors were used by educational authorities to implement discriminatory regulations based on race. As this chapter will reveal, all  1 When necessary to make the distinction, I address Itoko Suzuki as I. Suzuki and Aya Suzuki as A. Suzuki, for clarity. 2 See chapter one for more on this.  72  of the teachers whose lives I explore were involved with their local Christian youth groups before normal school, and many stayed involved upon graduation. This is significant given that Christian values were built into the foundation of Canadian public schools, and in British Columbia, as marked by the stipulations written into the 1872 School Act.3 Thus, the commitment of the Japanese Canadian teachers to their local Christian youth groups reflects their alignment with the values embraced within the British Columbian, and more generally, Canadian school systems. Yet, some were not certified, and none were hired. The commitment that niseis made to Christianity caused internal rifts within the Japanese Canadian community, which historians have referred to as a “generation gap” between the issei and the nisei.4 Although in some cases this may have been a deliberate decision by the nisei to disassociate themselves from their parents’ generation, this chapter reveals a more complex process. Here, I demonstrate how embracing Christianity was more so the nisei’s unique approach to assimilating to an unforgiving British Columbian society in preparation to care for their parents’ generation. Rather than an account of indifference to their parents’ values, the stories of these teachers reveal their adherence to a community history of care.  The absence of Japanese Canadian teachers from the general history of education in BC reflected an oppressive system that permitted racist attitudes to exclude Japanese Canadian teachers from practicing within the school system. However, I do not argue that their absence revealed signs of defeat or surrender to these oppressive forces. Instead, I draw attention to how religion was used to enforce subtle mechanisms of racism and the ways in which Japanese  3 Douglas A. Lawr and Robert D. Gidney, “The Role of the Church in Public Education," in Educating Canadians: A Documentary History of Public Education, (Toronto: Von Nostrand Reihold, 1973), 67. 4 Ken Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was: A History of the Japanese Canadians (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 157-178. 73  Canadian teachers responded to the nebulous, yet pervasive forces within the BC education system. Their stories behind their absences in the histories of Japanese Canadians and of education reveal how the teachers navigated a complex web of discriminatory attitudes. In doing so, they asserted not only their belonging to the society in which they were born and educated, but also their desire to care for their elders who had raised them. 4.1 Historical Context  4.1.1 Manchuria and the Japanese Canadian Community   Anti-Asian sentiments continued to rise into the mid-1920s. The 1908 Gentlemen’s Agreement that had sought to control the population growth of Japanese Canadians had limited men from entering Canada but not women.5 This brought emergence to the “picture bride” system in which women immigrated from Japan to Canada to begin a life with their husbands.6 Women who joined their husbands in Canada started families and this fostered immense growth in the Japanese Canadian population. In response, the Mackenzie King government revised the immigration agreement with Japan in June of 1928.7 This time, the Gentlemen’s Agreement  5 Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 87-108.  6 For more on the picture bride system, see Midge Ayukawa, “Good Wives Wise Mothers: Japanese Picture Bides in Early Twentieth-Century British Columbia,” BC Studies, no. 105–106 (Spring/Summer 1995): 103–18. For individual stories of those who might consider themselves to be a part of the “picture bride system,” see Tomoko Makabe, Picture Brides: Japanese Women in Canada, trans. Kathleen Chisato Merken (Toronto: Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1995).  7 Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 138. While it may be possible to interpret the increase in the population of Japanese Canadians after the Gentlemen’s Agreement as a countereffect, Enakshi Dua argues that the initial entrance of Japanese women into Canada reduced fear caused by the “mixed race problem.” In Enakshi Dua, “Exclusion through Inclusion: Female Asian Migration in the Making of Canada as a White Settler Nation,” Gender, Place & Culture 14, no. 4 (August 2007): 445–66, https://doi.org/10.1080/09663690701439751, 456. However, later, in 1928, the Gentlemen’s Agreement was revised to exclude Japanese women from the quota, so that Japanese men would be no more than temporary residents. Ibid, 450. Japanese Canadians were not the only minority group to experience such policies. In 1908, the Canadian government implemented the continuous journey regulation, which prevented migrants, mainly from India, from entering Canada unless coming in one continuous journey. The 1920s witnessed the emergence of other anti-Asian immigration laws such as the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1923, which terminated all immigration from China to Canada, after the implementation of a series of immigration head taxes. 74  included women and children in the annual quota of 150 immigrants allowed into Canada from Japan.8 As a result, the rate of growth in the population of Japanese Canadians slowed down in the years after 1928.9  Three years later in 1931, racist attitudes towards Japanese Canadians heightened after Japan withdrew itself from the League of Nations upon China’s appeal regarding the Manchuria Incident.10 This news was propagated in British Columbia, as evidenced by the headlines written in large, bold letters on the front pages of local newspapers that read, “League’s Power for Peace Threatened,”11 and “Jap Oranges Boycotted by City Chinese.”12 While historian Patricia Roy suggests that only few British Columbians were concerned how the Japanese Imperial Army’s military action in Manchuria would directly affect them, Peter Ward writes that “[the] Japanese were the sole targets” of anti-Asian racism in the 1930s.13 Although the degree to which the  8 Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 138. 9 The chart of the population of Japanese Canadians included in the Appendix of Ken Adachi’s The Enemy that Never Was shows that between the years of 1901 to 1921, the population of Japanese Canadians in Canada increased over than three times, from 4,738 to 15,868. Between the years 1921 and 1941 however, the population showed meagre growth from 15,868 to 23,149, likely as a result of the 1928 revision to the original Gentlemen’s Agreement. In Adachi, The Enemy that Never Was, 423. Jean Barman also shows how the “picture bride” system affected neighbourhoods in Vancouver. For more, see Jean Barman, “Neighbourhood and Community in Interwar Vancouver: Residential Differentiation and Civic Voting Behaviour,” BC Studies 69/70 (1986): 111, particularly footnote 29.  10 The Manchurian Incident refers to the explosion that took place on the South Manchurian Railway on the eve of September 19, 1931. The Kwangtang Army, which was one of the largest armies of the Japanese Imperial Army of the time, blamed the Chinese soldiers for the explosion. This was used as a justification for the Japanese Imperial Army’s military campaign in what was at the time known as Manchuria. China reported the Manchurian Incident to the League of Nations, the forerunner of the United Nations. After ruling that the explosion on the railway did not warrant actions of self-defence by the Japanese Army, Japan withdrew from the League, in order to further their occupation in China. The Shanghai Incident followed in 1932, led to the Chinese boycotts of Japanese goods, further intensifying the Sino-Japanese relations. Sandra Wilson, “The Manchurian Crisis and Moderate Japanese Intellectuals: The Japan Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations,” Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 3 (July 1992), https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X00009896, 507-9.  11 “League’s Power for Peace Threatened,” The Vancouver Sun, November 19, 1931, 1. 12 “Jap Oranges Boycotted by City Chinese,” The Province, November 20, 1931, 1.  13 Peter Ward, White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy Toward Orientals in British Columbia (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1978), 142; Patricia Roy, The Oriental Question: Consolidating a White Man’s Province, 1914-41 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), http://deslibris.ca.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/ID/404315, 170.  75  China-Japan relations affected British Columbians is unclear, this thesis argues that the series of events occurring in Japan and China exacerbated, rather than instigated, attitudes about Japanese Canadians that circulated in this period. An example of the types of concerns raised can be gleaned from an article published in the MacLean’s Magazine in 1933. Expressions of fear can be gathered from the article that reckoned Japan as a “national genius” that would direct a “peaceful penetration into Canada” with the use of different weapons.14 Earlier, the article addressed “Canadians” and pointed out that they “should never forget that a large portion of Japanese immigrants to Canada [were] ex-soldiers and sailors many of whom have seen active service and are of the military Samurai class…” as a means to ground their concerns about the Japanese Imperial Army in the early 1930s.15  Nevertheless, the Japanese Army’s activities in Manchuria affected the Japanese Canadian community in multiple ways. Not only did newspaper headlines draw unnecessary and unwanted attention to the Japanese Canadians whose relationship with white Canadians was already fragile, but it also caused tensions within the Japanese Canadian community itself. Maryka Omatsu, the first Asian North American woman to become a judge, records “as in Germany in the same period, the Japanese right-wing was silencing all opposition to its imperialist views.”16 She continues to reveal that “in the Japanese Canadian community the idealists were the exception and not the rule,” indicating that those who expressed critical views  14 C. E. Hope and W. K. Earle, “The Oriental Threat” (Maclean’s Magazine, May 1, 1933, 12, 54-55) in Charles Hurlburt Young, W. A. Carrothers, and Helen R. Y. Reid, The Japanese Canadians, ed. Harold A. Innis, 2d ed (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1939), 115-6.  15 Ibid. 16 Maryka Omatsu, Bittersweet Passage: Redress and the Japanese Canadian Experience (Toronto: Between The Lines, 1992), 63. Omatsu’s book has been translated into Japanese for readers of the Japanese language. See Maryka Omatsu, Yusuke Tanaka, and Deidre Tanaka, ほろ苦い勝利―戦後日系カナダ人リドレス運動史 [Horonigai Shori—Sengo Nikkei Kanadajin Ridoresu Undoshi] (Tokyo: Gendai shokan, 1992). 76  against the actions taken by the Japanese Imperial Army were treated as social outcasts.17 In fact, the Canadian Japanese Association (CJA), the largest organization with a membership of 4,000 members at the time, defended the Japanese Imperial Army’s military campaigns in Manchuria.18 This may have been due to the organization’s close ties with the Japanese Consulate, in addition to the attitudes upheld by urban issei businessmen who comprised the association.19 Besides the CJA, there were other Japanese Canadian groups pursuing their own priorities.20 Although the large number of Japanese Canadian associations created an image of a coordinated and tight-knit community, the diversity in groups meant that there was a wide range of priorities and goals. Rather than groups taking on various projects to work towards a shared community vision, the groups worked separately, none leading the Japanese Canadians in BC as a whole.21   One reason for the growth in the number of community organizations was due to the emergence of the nisei, many of whom were reaching the age of majority and beginning their own initiatives. This is marked by the establishment of the community newspaper, The New Age,  17 Such treatment against Japanese Canadians who expressed contrasting positions is not a phenomenon only relevant to this time. There are multiple examples of Japanese-identifying individuals who have been excluded from Japanese Canadian communities due to expressing non-mainstream viewpoints. For an excellent overview of recent discussions and complications within the Japanese- and Japanese-Canadian communities, see Satoko Oka Norimatsu, “Canada’s ‘History Wars’: The ‘Comfort Women’ and the Nanjing Massacre,” The Asia-Pacific Journal Japan Focus 18, no. 4 (March 15, 2020): 1–18. 18 Ann Gomer Sunahara, The Politics of Racism: The Uprooting of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War (Toronto: J. Lorimer, 1981), 12-3. 19 Ibid. 20 For a list of some of the Japanese Canadian organizations that existed in the early 1900s, see Young, Carrothers, and Reid, The Japanese Canadians, 109,113. 21 Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 12-3; Young, Carrothers, and Reid, The Japanese Canadians, 115-6. From my personal observation, some of these complexities still exists in the community today. In fact, it seems that some of the unresolved attitudes within the community from this time period have carried over into the current generation. Presently, the experience of internment also adds to the multitude of ways of being “Japanese Canadian.” For example, many of the issei and nisei who are discussed in this thesis are distinguished from post-war immigrants arriving after 1945. The latter group of Japanese immigrants are at times referred to as “shin-issei” or “shin-nisei,” where the prefix, shin- (新), meaning “new,” functions as a determiner of when they arrived.  77  founded by artist and writer, Muriel Kitagawa (nee Fujiwara).22 Although The New Age only operated for one year, the existence of such a newspaper shows the capabilities of and the methods used by the nisei to vocalize their concerns and assert their presence.23 As the nisei became more vocal about their place in society, we also begin to see a larger number of students accessing professional programs, such as normal school training in this period.  An additional effect of the nisei’s development was the growing generation gap between the issei and the nisei. Many nisei were reluctant to accept the practices and traditions of their Japanese ancestry as they were well-aware of the kind of message this would send to non-Japanese observers. Rather than an unwillingness, the decision to not engage with the traditional Japanese practices such as honouring the emperor24 and observing Buddhism25 may have been the nisei’s way to fully integrate into an unforgiving white British Columbian society. Variations among individual experiences existed as some nisei practiced these common traditions and publicly expressed appreciation for their Japanese heritage.26   22 Muriel Kitagawa and Roy Miki, This Is My Own: Letters to Wes & Other Writings on Japanese Canadians, 1941-1948 (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1985). 23 Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 159. For an informative and insightful overview of various Japanese Canadian community newspapers see Tsuneharu Gonnami, “The Perception Gap: A Case Study of Japanese-Canadians,” The Centre for Japanese Research, Institute of Asian Research, University of British Columbia, February 19, 2005, https://doi.org/10.14288/1.0041749. 24 For a thought-provoking and informative analysis on this practice called daijosai and how it also constructed the Japanese Canadian community in the pre-war years, see Aya Fujiwara, “The Myth of the Emperor and the Yamato Race: The Role of the Tairiku Nippô in the Promotion of Japanese-Canadian Transnational Ethnic Identity in the 1920s and the 1930s,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 21, no. 1 (May 9, 2011): 37–58, https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/jcha/2010-v21-n1-jcha1519262/1003042ar/. 25 Ken Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was: A History of the Japanese Canadians (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 111-6.  26 Eiji Okawa brings attention to an article that was written by a nisei in the Tairiku Nippo who expressed a sense of duality between their Japanese heritage and English language capabilities and responsibilities. He writes, “we must pursue our paths while never forgetting the homeland.” In Eiji Okawa, “Japanese Culture and Language in the Prewar Canadian ‘Mosaic,’” Meiji at 150 Digital Teaching Resource, 2018, https://meijiat150dtr.arts.ubc.ca/essays/okawa-2/. For examples of nisei’s engagement with the Buddhist temples, see also Fujiwara, “The Myth of the Emperor and the Yamato Race,” particularly pages 47-8.  78  As will be revealed in this chapter, most of those who trained to become teachers were involved within their local Christian community activities in some way. From participating in Canadian Girls in Training (CGIT) programs in their childhood, to the Student Christian Movements (SCM) and Young People’s Christian Conferences (YPCC), the aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers showed their devotion to the Christian community. Although religious membership may have taken on multiple forms, the heightened sensitivity towards Japanese Canadians reinforced externally by foreign affairs and internally through a growing generation gap, made it seem necessary to choose one religious group. While the aspiring teachers discussed in this chapter may have found ways to identify with multiple religions and forms of spirituality, they showed their eligibility and capabilities as public school teachers through their Christianity.  4.1.2 Christianity and Schools in Canada  The involvement of Japanese Canadians in Christian programs is significant, given the religious influences in Canada’s public school systems.27 In the early nineteenth century, the settler population on the British North American colonies consisted of Catholics and Protestants.28 However, conflicts between them persisted throughout the century which delayed the development of schools in various parts of Upper and Lower Canada, and more broadly, hindered the unification of the British North American colonies.29    27 Paul Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling: Education in Canada, 1800-1914 (University of Toronto Press, 1997), 6, 15, 17-18. Much of this analysis is drawn from an assignment completed for the course, EDST 509, Constructing Citizens: Canada and the Educational Past taken with Dr. Jason Ellis in Winter I 2018. Haruho Kubota, “Building Canada’s Nation-State: Schools and Christian Moral Consciousness” (unpublished paper, EDST 509, University of British Columbia, 2018), 1-9. 28 Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling, 9. 29 Ibid., 12-19; Kubota, “Building Canada’s Nation-State,” 2. 79  The inclusion of separate schools in the 1841 act resolved the rifts between Catholics and Protestants which allowed minority religious groups to continue to teach their doctrines in public schools.30 This meant that Catholic schools in majority Protestant areas and Protestant schools in majority Catholic areas could continue to operate. Further, the educational terms in the 1867 British North American Act sealed this arrangement, as reflected in the provincial rather than the federal jurisdiction over public schools. The Act permitted provinces to sustain pre-existing educational systems within their colonies, even after the confederation of Canada.31 British Columbia, however, did not have a large Catholic population. Therefore, it did not have the confessional conflict seen in Eastern Canada and thus, did not have separate schools. When the British Columbian colonies joined confederation in 1871, it maintained its schools that reflected the teachings of the settler Protestant majority.32 Another conflict that is important to discuss regarding Christianity and Canadian public schools is one that is denominational. After separate schools offered a resolution between Catholics and Protestants in Eastern Canada, inter-denominational tensions rose between Anglicans and Evangelical Protestants over religion in common schools. While Anglican School Promoters preferred common schools that taught the Anglican doctrine, Evangelical Protestants, such as Egerton Ryerson, pushed for schools that reflected the commonalities of what they  30 J. Donald Wilson, “Education in Upper Canada: Sixty Years of Change,” in Canadian Education: A History, ed. J. Donald Wilson, Robert M. Stamp, and Louis-Philippe Audet (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall of Canada, Ltd., 1970), 210-3.  31 Ibid., 212; Canada, Department of Justice, “British North America Act,” s.93, 1867, accessed on May 14, 2020, http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/csj-sjc/constitution/lawreg-loireg/p1t13.html;  32 Jean Barman, “The Emergence of Educational Structures in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia,” in Children, Teachers and School In the History of British Columbia, ed. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J. Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 1995), 17-23. 80  thought of was the majority, which they deemed was a “common Christianity.”33 Provincial governments supported Ryerson by passing a series of School Acts with the principle of non-denominational common schools.34 In the British Columbian colonies, denominational tensions were not as prominent as in Eastern Canada. In fact, even before confederation, BC operated non-denominational, that is, “common Christian,” schools.35 This was formally recognized and stipulated in the 1872 School Act which explicitly stated that “[a]ll Public Schools established under the principles of this Act, shall be conducted upon strictly non-sectarian principles.”36 By the early twentieth century, however, even the Evangelical protestants whose teachings were more or less reflected in the public school systems were losing grip of their influences on youth. Youth were leaving the churches.37 As a way to encourage youth to stay involved, denominational leaders implemented educational programming such as the YMCA’s Canadian Standard Efficiency Training (CSET) for boys and the YWCA’s Canadian Girls in Training (CGIT) for girls.38 Unlike the boy’s program that was slow to take off, the girls program was received positively and quickly gained popularity.39 Four years after its first  33 Douglas Lawr and Robert D. Gidney, “The Role of the Church in Public Education," in Educating Canadians: A Documentary History of Public Education, (Toronto: Von Nostrand Reihold, 1973), 67; J. Donald Wilson, “The Ryerson Years in Canada West,” in Canadian Education: A History, ed. J. Donald Wilson, Robert M. Stamp, and Louis-Philippe Audet (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall of Canada, Ltd., 1970), 216-225. Here, I refer to the term, the “School Promoters” which was coined by historian Alison Prentice. Alison Prentice, “Class and the Schools,” in The School Promoters: Education and Social Class in Mid-Nineteenth Century Upper Canada (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1977), 138–169; Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling , 30; Kubota, “Building Canada’s Nation-State,” 3. 34 Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling: Education in Canada, 1800-1914, 39; Kubota, “Building Canada’s Nation-State,” 3. 35 Barman, “The Emergence of Educational Structures in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia,” 17-23. 36 British Columbia, “An Act respecting Public Schools,” c.16, s. 35, 1872, accessed on August 27, 2020, https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.psc/statbc0001&i=52; Ibid., 24. 37 Lucille Marr, “Church Teen Clubs, Feminized Organizations? Tuxis Boys, Train Rangers, and Canadian Girls in Training, 1919-1939,” Historical Studies in Education/Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 3, no. 2 (1991): 249; Lynne Sorrel Marks, Infidels and the Damn Churches: Irreligion and Religion in Settler British Columbia (Vancouver, BC: UBC Press, 2017), 142-149.  38 Ibid. 39 Ibid., 262.  81  implementation in 1917, the CGIT program became a regular church-sponsored program.40 Later, completion of the CGIT programming could even be counted towards some provincial normal school diplomas.41 As historians Lucille Marr and Margaret Prang argue, this may have been due to its focus on teaching girls “the art of Christian womanhood” or delivery of activities that ensured the development of a “Christian character” which reinforced the socially accepted roles of women and girls.42 General acceptance of the CGIT can also be understood through the history of public schooling in Canada, which offers evidence of the lineage of a common Christian moral consciousness within Canada’s social fabric. The CGIT also had an abundant selection of leaders, many of whom were practicing teachers, had previously trained as elementary school teachers, or were recent university graduates who likely would have taken part in the Student Christian Movements (SCM) that gained momentum in the 1930s.43 They were keen to not only teach, but also guide and become friends with participants.44 Girls also looked up to their leaders and were influenced by them for they were relatively close in age, compared to the boy’s CSET leaders who were older clergymen.45 All of the Japanese Canadian teachers explored in this chapter were a part of their local CGIT groups in their childhood. Many also continued to take leadership positions within local Japanese Canadian youth Christian groups. Furthermore, the emphasis on building a “co- 40 Ibid., 255.  41 Margaret Prang, “‘The Girl God Would Have Me Be’: The Canadian Girls in Training, 1915–39,” Canadian Historical Review 66, no. 2 (June 1985): 154–84, https://doi.org/10.3138/CHR-066-02-02, 161. 42 Ibid., 162; Marr, “Church Teen Clubs, Feminized Organizations?,” 262. 43 Marr, “Church Teen Clubs, Feminized Organizations?,” 256, 262; Paul Axelrod, “The Student Movement of the 1930s,” in Youth, University and Canadian Society: Essays in the Social History of Higher Education, ed. Paul Axelrod and John G. Reid (Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1989), 216–46. 44 Marr, “Church Teen Clubs, Feminized Organizations?,” 262. 45 Ibid., 256. 82  operative spirit” within CGIT participants aligned with the valued qualities of a teacher at the time.46 This becomes evident in the “Normal School” section of the BC Annual Reports that praised students for showing “a wonderful spirit of enthusiasm” and “a spirit of most willing co-operation with the staff.”47 Seeing that the CGIT experiences made teachers in BC more attractive, the aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers had what it took to pursue the profession in public school teaching.  By 1930, the minimum requirement for normal school admission was raised to a four-year high school course and the attainment of a Grade XII, Normal School Entrance certificate.48 The stories of the five teachers who will be explored in this chapter attended normal school between 1930 and 1935, signifying that the raised normal school qualification standards did not hinder, but proved, their capabilities as a teacher. Put differently, not only were the Japanese Canadian teachers prepared to commit to a profession that inherently upheld Christian values, but they were academically equipped for the role. This leaves the consequences of racism as a remaining explanation for their general absence from the history of education in BC.  4.2 Responding by Moving Away 4.2.1 Cana Okamura Cana Okamura was born in New Westminster, British Columbia to Misao and Paul (formerly known as Tsunenojo) Okamura around 1912.49 New Westminster had marked the  46 Ibid., 255. 47 Sixty-Third Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1935-6, H 30.  48 Donald Leslie MacLaurin, “The History of Education in the Crown Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia and in the Province of British Columbia.” (PhD Dissertation, Seattle, University of Washington, 1936), 234. Based on my research, a normal school entrance certificate seemed to be a kind of examination particularly catered for those wanting to become teachers. 49 I speculate that Okamura was born around 1912, as the 1921 Census indicates that she was 9 years old at the time.  Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada [database online], http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.item/?app=Census1901&op=pdf&id=z000010504, Statistics Canada. The BC Archives genealogy search 83  location of where the first documented immigrant from Japan—Manzo Nagano—arrived in 1877. By the time Okamura was born, a Japanese district in the Sapperton neighborhood of New Westminster already existed, including a Japanese Methodist Church.50 More generally, New Westminster temporarily served as the capital of the mainland colony of British Columbia from 1859 to 1866 and remained the centre of civic, military and academic work in the province, even after the colonial capital moved to Victoria in 1868.51 Although many Japanese Canadians were employed in the sawmill and woodworking industries, Okamura’s father, Paul Okamura, who had trained as an artist in Japan, worked in a local photography studio.52 He later became a professional photographer and opened his own studio in his home in 1902 at Royal Avenue and 4th street.53 Okamura’s father became known for his photography skills and was even hired by William H. Keary, the mayor of the city of New Westminster.54 As a resident of New Westminster, Okamura attended Duke of Connaught High School from around 1926 or 27 until 1930.55 It is possible to get a sense of what life as a young woman was like in New Westminster in the 1920s based on Muriel Kitagawa’s letters to her brother Wes  tool suggests that Paul Okamura was baptized in 1893, in which his name, Paul Louis Okamura, is indicated as an “alias.” In “Genealogy - General Search,” BC Archives, May 14, 12020, http://search-collections.royalbcmuseum.bc.ca/Genealogy. Jim Wolfe confirms that he became to be known as Paul Louis after acquiring the name upon becoming Catholic. In Jim Wolf, Royal City: A Photographic History of New Westminster, 1858-1960 (Surrey: Heritage House Publishing Co, 2005), 114. 50 Toyo Takata, Nikkei Legacy: The Story of Japanese Canadians from Settlement to Today (Toronto: NC Press, 1983), 64-5.  51 Ibid., 64.  52 Ibid.. Before practicing photography, Okamura taught drawing at the St. Louis College in New Westminster and the St. Ann’s Academy. In Wolf, Royal City, 114. 53 Wolf, Royal City, 114.  54 Ibid. For a collection of photos taken by Paul Louis Okamura, see http://archives.newwestcity.ca/ and search for the key word “Okamura.” 55 I speculate that she attended Duke of Connaught High School from around this time, based on the appearance of her name in The Vancouver Sun indicating that she had passed Grade XI in 1929. In “Over fifteen hundred pass junior matric,” The Vancouver Sun, July 25, 1929, 12. I was unable to locate where she went for elementary school.  84  Kitagawa.56 While no two experiences regardless of a shared gender or closeness in age or family background are identical, Kitagawa’s writing is helpful here as I could not locate additional historical materials written by Okamura. Around the time that Kitagawa was seven or eight years old, she wrote in an unpublished autobiography that she “first became aware of the ‘two Worlds…separate, irreconcilable…the world of the Japanese, the world of the Hakujin (the whites).”57 She also notes that while she got along with other peers at school, the she spent most of her time after school in “the small Japanese community” and that she felt a growing distance between her and her friends outside of the Japanese Canadian community by the end of high school in 1929.58 From this account, it is possible to speculate that even at the age of seven or eight years old, Kitagawa was aware of her difference.59 Okamura may have had a similar experience, seeing that she appeared to be the only student in her class that looked like her.60  56 Muriel Kitagawa and Roy Miki, This Is My Own: Letters to Wes & Other Writings on Japanese Canadians, 1941-1948 (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1985).  57 Muriel Kitagawa, unpublished autobiography in Kitagawa and Miki, This Is My Own, 20-1. This took place after Muriel’s family moved to New Westminster from Sidney on Vancouver Island around 1920. 58 Kitagawa, unpublished autobiography in Kitagawa and Miki, This Is My Own, 21. 59 Although it was several years after Kitagawa’s age, I can relate to this story from my own experiences of first realizing my difference in relation to my American friends in middle school. I clearly remember a moment when I was walking down one of the biggest hallways in the school where placed at the end, was a large mirror. I saw a small girl walking next to some of her tall friends with blond hair and blue or hazel coloured eyes. Even though I had spent some time in the United States by that time, it wasn’t until that moment that I had internally realized this difference. 60 The Connaught Chronicle was a newsletter written by students published by the Connaught High School. I send my gratitude to Dr. Allan Blair, the Registrar at the Museums and Heritage Services at the Anvil Centre at the City of New Westminster Archives, for taking the time and care to look through the collections and The Connaught Chronicle to locate this photo.  85   Figure 4.1 Photo of Cana Okamura in the Division Two Class at Connaught High School, photograph in The Connaught Chronicle, Volume 5, Number 5, (New Westminster: Students of Duke of Connaught High School, c. 1929), 6, PAM561. Reproduced with permission of the City of New Westminster Archives.  During her schooling days, Okamura was also a part of the local CGIT group within the Japanese United Church in New Westminster.61 Although it is unclear whether the leaders of the local CGIT group, Betty Copeland and Margaret Ryan, had specifically influenced Okamura’s  61 “Japanese Girls Make Fine Canadian Girls in Training,” The Vancouver Province, March 10, 1928, 5.  86  decision to attend Vancouver Normal School, it is possible given that Ryan went on to attend a two-year program for physical education at the Margaret Eaton School in Toronto.62  Okamura appears in the Vancouver Normal School yearbook in 1930-1 and was described as “a dainty miss with raven locks; an artist through and through.” A short appreciative message for her cleverness and friendship followed.63 As I was unable to locate her name on the list of certified teachers, I speculate that she was unable to receive a teaching certificate. It is also unclear what Okamura did soon after graduating from normal school. Thus, it is difficult to state whether Okamura was not certified due to explicit race-based barriers, or if she simply did not apply to become certified upon graduation.  Several years after normal school, Okamura appeared in The Ubyssey, the UBC student newspaper, which described her contributions to the UBC debate team in 1937, for which she travelled to Seattle to compete.64 Although I was unable to locate Okamura in the UBC yearbooks, it is quite plausible that she was enrolled as an article in the Taihoku Nippo, a Japanese American newspaper run in Seattle, described her as “a third-year honor student in psychology and English.”65 The Taihoku Nippo also recognized Okamura for her “eloquent oratory.”66 From these activities, it is possible to gather that Okamura was also acquainted with  62 “In and Out of Town,” The Vancouver Sun, July 4, 1931, 17; The Margaret Eaton School in Toronto offered one of the first formal training opportunities in theatre and physical education. In Marlene Power, “Margaret Eaton School Digital Collection: The School,” Redeemer Library, November 21, 2019, https://libguides.redeemer.ca/MES; Elizabeth Marian Smyth and Paula Bourne, Women Teaching, Women Learning: Historical Perspectives (Toronto: Inanna Publications and Education, 2006), 14.  63 Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, yearbook, 1930-1, “Annual,” BC Historical Documents, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bchistoricaldocuments/bcdocs/items/1.0370832#p38z-5r0f:normal%20school, 36.  64 “Japanese to Debate with Washington,” The Ubyssey, February 19, 1937, 1; “Japanese Students Win from U. of W.,” The Ubyssey, February 23, 1937, 1,  65 Kazuma Uyeno, “Busy Xmas Week Debate, Casaba Tests Planned,” Taihoku Nippo, December 7, 1938, 1.   66 Ibid.  87  young Japanese Canadians and Americans who had gone through similar experiences in their childhoods.67 In fact, she is pictured with Muriel Kitagawa, and other prominent figures such as Tom Shoyama, who became the editor of the New Canadian, and Frances Takimoto, another teacher who appeared in the Vancouver Normal School yearbooks in 1937-8, in a photo taken in 1937.68    Figure 4.2 A gathering of students from the Japanese Students Club in 1937. Nikkei National Museum, 2001-4-4-5-51. Reproduced with the permission of the Nikkei National Museum.  It is significant to note that Okamura appeared in the UBC community publications at a particularly heightened time of the student movements in the 1930s. The YWCA and YMCA had religious influences on students beyond its adolescent programming such as the CSET and  67 Muriel writes about how she first met like-minded Japanese Canadian friends who had similar experiences as her during her one-year experience at UBC. In Kitagawa, unpublished autobiography in Kitagawa and Miki, This Is My Own, 23.  68 Japanese Students Club, 1937, photograph, 1937, 2001-4-4-5-51. Roy Ito Collection, Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada, http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/item_detail.php?art_id=A32837.  88  CGIT, but also at the university level. The Student Christian Movement (SCM) founded in 1921, was instrumental in raising political consciousness of young adults in the 1930s.69 Historian Paul Axelrod describes it as “the most important and enduring element of the Canadian student movement of the 1930s.”70 Despite this, Axelrod reveals that the SCM did not result in any mass political movements among the university student community due to the immediate concerns brought upon students by the Depression.71 The persistent appearance of Christian influences on Canadian youth is significant for Okamura’s story as she, along with other Japanese Canadian university students, kept up with it and immersed themselves with the priorities of the time. This is evident in her involvement in local community efforts within and outside of the university as the vice-chairman for the 4th and the chairman for the 5th annual Young People’s Christian conference in 1938 and 1939 respectively.72 In fact, an article in the Vancouver Sun indicates that Hide Hyodo served as an advisor for the same conference suggesting that Okamura and Hyodo must have known each other.73 While I was unable to locate correspondence between the two, it is plausible that aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers were connected through their religious affiliations and influenced each other in their pursuits of the teaching profession.  While further research is required to gather Okamura’s trajectory after attending normal school, it seems that upon her marriage to Toshimi Maeda, a teacher at the Showa Igaku Senmon  69 Axelrod, “The Student Movement of the 1930s,” 217. 70 Ibid.  71 Ibid., 222.  72 “Japanese Young People Convene” The Vancouver Sun, November 5, 1938, 7; “Program for Fourth Annual YPCC at Vancouver to Start on Sunday,” Taihoku Nippo, November 2, 1938, 8; “Cana Okamura 1939 Chairman for 5th Canadian Y.P.C.C.,” Taihoku Nippo, November 7, 1938, 8.  73 Ibid. 89  Gakko (Showa Medical Specialization School) in Tokyo, Okamura went to Japan with him.74 While her decision to relocate to Japan may not have been directly tied to her lack of certification, it may have been a contributing factor, as was the case for Nakabayashi whose story I explored in the previous chapter. Although many details about Okamura’s life after normal school are unknown, it is plausible to suggest that she was a prominent figure in the Japanese Canadian community in the pre-war years through her involvement in the CGIT, which was growing in its influence in Canadian society in the 1920s, the YYCC, during the peak of the Student Christian Movement (SCM), and her active participation in the UBC debate team. More generally, Okamura’s story shows that the young Japanese Canadians who trained to become teachers were active members in their own religious youth groups. This pattern cannot be overlooked, particularly in relation to the history of public education in Canada. As well, her decision to move back to Japan upon her education, civic engagement, and teacher training in Canada may not necessarily be so much a defeat as one way of responding to a system that silently pulled her away from attaining her goals. Such can also be surmised from Itoko Suzuki who attended normal school the same year as Okamura.  74 “Dan Cupid Still Busy,” The New Canadian, April 17, 1940, 7. It was interesting to find that Myea Okamura, Cana Okamura’s younger sister by three years, was another active member in the Japanese Canadian community both in New Westminster. While the accounts of Okamura’s sister seem to have survived as she taught in the schools at Tashme camp and became the principal at the Tashme Elementary School, Okamura’s records seem to be missing after the 1940s. In Frank Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile: A History of the Schools for Japanese-Canadian Children in British Columbia Detention Camps during the Second World War (Toronto: Ghost-Town Teachers Historical Society, 2001), 200, 224. This suggests that Okamura likely did leave Canada for Toronto upon her marriage in 1940, prior to internment.  90  4.2.2 Itoko Suzuki Itoko Suzuki was born around 1912, into a family with three sisters and two brothers.75 As a resident of the Powell Street neighborhood, Suzuki attended Strathcona Elementary School.76 By 1927, Suzuki had moved onto high school as a Grade IX student and was recognized for achieving second class honours.77 She smoothly progressed, passing each grade each year, and by 1930, she graduated from Britannia High School, the same year that Okamura graduated from Duke of Connaught High School in New Westminster.78 Suzuki appears in the 1930-1 Vancouver Normal School yearbook on the same page as Okamura.79 As was the case with Okamura’s story, by this time, it was necessary for aspiring teachers to have Grade XII education in order to apply for normal school. It is significant that these women were successfully graduating from Grade XII, particularly at a time when students were dropping out of school often times for employment opportunities, but other times for their inability to pass their end-of-year exams, which led to other factors such as being over the age of their grade level.80 Historian Jean Barman illuminates that such patterns emerged more  75 Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada [database online], http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.item/?app=Census1901&op=pdf&id=z000010504. It is interesting to note that Ima Suzuki, who I believe was Itoko Suzuki’s grandmother was a sister of Kinuko Uchida, Chitose Uchida’s mother. I believe this would mean that Uchida was Suzuki’s aunt. In “Chitose Uchida Collection,” Nikkei National Museum, accessed May 15, 2020, http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/collections_detail.php?col_id=F820;“Koto Suzuki (1892-1970),” Find a Grave, accessed May 15, 2020, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/26372209/koto-suzuki. Uchida was one of the first Japanese Canadian teachers who I was able to find in the Vancouver and Victoria Normal School yearbooks, and I explored her story in the previous chapter.  76 Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada; “Vancouver Public Schools Honor List is Announced: Department, Proficiency, Honor Points: Pupils Who Show Perfect Records Are Tendered Recognition,” Vancouver Daily World, July 9, 1923, 2-3.  77 “Promotion Lists in High Schools are Made Public: large Proportion of Pupils are Successful,” The Vancouver Sun, June 27, 1927, 1,4.  78 “Local Girl First in Matic. Exams: Vancouver Pupils Win High Honours,” The Vancouver Sun, July 24, 1930, 2.  79 Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, yearbook, 1930-1, “Annual,” 37-8. She was described as “A dainty little Japanese Miss. Her quiet, friendly manner has won the admiration of her class mates." 80 “Normal School Diplomas Issued,” The Vancouver Sun, June 17, 1931, page 12, https://www.newspapers.com/image/490539519/?terms=%22itoko%2Bsuzuki%22; “Bessie Moore Leads Normal 91  prevalently in the eastern neighborhoods of Vancouver, rather than in western parts of the city. Thus, Suzuki, who was raised in the Strathcona neighborhood within the East Side of Vancouver, likely went to school among classmates who had dropped out due to some of the reasons mentioned above. As Barman shows, these reasons correlated with the wealth of the neighbourhoods of the students. That is, students from wealthier families, many from Vancouver’s West Side or West End, tended to show higher compulsory school completion rates, whereas students from working-class families and neighborhoods had lower completion rates. Given these circumstances and Suzuki’s background, her ability to attend Vancouver Normal School is significant. After her training at normal school, Suzuki made an appearance as a guest at the CGIT re-union social at the Powell United Church in 1940, indicating her involvement with local CGIT groups.81  It is interesting to note that Okamura’s and Suzuki’s names both appeared in the list of students who attended normal school and received their normal school diplomas printed in The Vancouver Sun and The Vancouver Province.82 However, I was only able to locate Suzuki’s name in the list of certified teachers at the BC Provincial Archives, even though were raised in Japanese Canadian communities and both excelled in academics.83 Furthermore, while I was able to find records of Okamura’s consistent involvement with the local youth Christian groups and within Japanese Canadian gatherings, it is only after normal school that I was able to find  School Graduates,” The Vancouver Province, June 15, 1931, p 8; Jean Barman, “‘Knowledge Is Essential for Universal Progress but Fatal to Class Privilege’: Working People and the Schools in Vancouver during the 1920s,” Labour / Le Travail 22 (1988): 9–66, https://doi.org/10.2307/25143027, 22.  81 “Town Topics,” The New Canadian, August 28, 1940, 4.  82 “Normal School Diplomas Issued,” The Vancouver Sun, June 17, 1931, 12, “Bessie Moore Leads Normal School Graduates,” The Vancouver Province, June 15, 1931, 8. 83 Teachers certificate register book between 1919-1932, GR-1471, Volume 7, File 1, BC Archives, Victoria, British Columbia, Canada, 261.   92  Suzuki’s involvement with such activities. Accordingly, it is difficult to decipher why Okamura was not certified while Suzuki was able to obtain the second-class certificate upon normal school graduation.84 It remains uncertain if Okamura decided to attend UBC instead of applying for a teaching certificate after normal school. Other explanations might remain in their normal school records—where differences may appear in their academic performances. To make sense of how race may have played a factor in the stories of teacher training and certification of Okamura and Suzuki, further exploration is required. Instead of teaching, Suzuki began writing for The Nippon Times. By then, she was married to a man with the surname, Muraoka.85 An article written in the Vancouver Sun in 1964 recounts that Suzuki moved to Japan to live with her sister to work as the editor of The Japan Times, the oldest English-language newspaper in Japan.86 While the exact reasons for Suzuki’s move to Japan are unknown, given the trajectories of the preceding Japanese Canadian teachers, Suzuki may have chosen to move to pursue a more attainable and fulfilling career as an editor, instead of as a teacher. Like Annie Nakabayashi, whose story was explored in the previous chapter, Okamura and Suzuki both moved to Japan after their normal school training.87 Although the reasons for their move were likely different, I speculated the possibility that Nakabayashi’s move may been related to her inability to teach in the public schools in Canada. The lack of precise evidence to  84 Ibid. 85 Muraoka’s first name was not specified. “Vancouver in Tabloid,” The Province, August 24, 1948, 13.  86 Catherine Breslin, “Not Wanted,” The Vancouver Sun, June 27, 1964, Weekend Magazine section, 2-4, 34. I speculate that the “Itoko Muraoka” who is mentioned in this article is in fact, the Itoko Suzuki I found in the normal school yearbooks, because Aiko Suzuki, her sister, also appeared in the census in 1921, although it was misspelled as “Iko.” In Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada. 87 I use the word “moved” here, instead of “returned” as these women were born in Canada. Accordingly, their move to Japan would likely have been their first time, if not, one of the few times that they would have entered Japan.   93  this effect makes it difficult to argue that such was the case; however, it is one plausible reason for her decision to relocate. Similarly, the exact reasons why Okamura went to Japan are unclear. It is possible that she may have chosen to relocate to Japan to be and begin a life with her husband, who was a professor of medicine in Tokyo. Other possibilities include her inability to obtain a fulfilling job, even after receiving a normal school diploma. Suzuki, on the other hand, seemed to have moved to Japan to pursue another passion of hers—to become a newspaper editor. Her sister’s presence in Japan could also have been an added impetus for Suzuki’s move. Although differences exist between the reasons for the women’s mobility, the emerging patterns reveal that moving may have been one way that Japanese Canadian teachers responded to the invisible but persistent policies that excluded them from their pursuit of a teaching profession. Other teachers such as Teruko Hidaka, Kazuko Iwasa, and Aya Suzuki remained in Canada and found other ways to respond to a public school system that would not allow Japanese Canadians to practice despite their religious and educational training. They taught in other forms, often within their own community.  4.3 “…(H)er appointment might set a precedent for the appointment of a Buddhist teacher” 4.3.1 Teruko “Terry” Hidaka Teruko Hidaka was born in 1913 to her parents, Kume and Teizo Hidaka.88 The Hidakas lived in the Fraser Valley and were active members of the local Japanese Canadian community. In fact, her father was a founding member of the Haney nokai, the Haney farmer’s association,  88 Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada [database online], http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.item/?app=Census1901&op=pdf&id=z000010504, Statistics Canada. 94  which played an important function in fostering the transnational community of Japanese Canadians in the Haney region of British Columbia.89 In 1928, Hidaka achieved Grade XI matriculation from MacLean High School, a small six-room school that operated within the Maple Ridge School Board.90   89 Anne Dore, “Transnational Communities: Japanese Canadians of the Fraser Valley, 1904-1942,” Transnational Communities, no. 134 (Summer 2002): 35–70. Between 1904 and 1942, Japanese Canadian families established what Dore described as “unique transnational farming communities across British Columbia’s Fraser Valley.” In Dore, “Transnational Communities,” 35. Dore writes that the transnational experience in the Fraser Valley was “unique” because the racialization imposed externally onto the Japanese immigrants by white Canadians was not a unilateral activity, but one that had already been cultivated within Japanese migrants prior to their arrival to Canada. Referred to as yamato-damashii, the racialization of Japanese Canadians was not detrimental, but in fact, necessary for the preservation and strengthening of the first generation of migrants’ cultural and ethnic practices from Japan. In short, the Japanese Canadians who began the community in the Fraser Valley resisted against the discriminatory attitudes about them by using it to strengthen their internal consciousness as distinctly superior. Put differently, the issei did not internalize the external images or attitudes imposed onto them. In fact, they created, strengthened, and internalized their own distinguished senses of selves. Dore further discusses how the rural location of the Fraser Valley contributed to the construction of the issei differently than the issei in the urban areas.  90 “Matriculation Results Announced for B.C.,” The Vancouver Sun, July 26, 1928, evening issue, 12. Photograph, 1926, P03266, Vera Newby Collection, Maple Ridge Museum and Archives, Maple Ridge, Canada. I would like to express my gratitude to Fred Braches for his knowledge of the community history of the Fraser Valley and for sharing this photo with me, as well as to Val Patenaude for assisting me with the citation format of the photo. 95   Figure 4.3 Teruko Hidaka pictured in the middle. MacLean School Grade 9 Class Photo, photograph, ca. 1926, P03266, Vera Newby Collection, Maple Ridge Museum and Archives, Maple Ridge, Canada. Reproduced with permission of the Maple Ridge Museum and Archives.  Three years later, Hidaka attended Vancouver Normal School from 1931 to 1932. By this time, normal school entrance exams were required for admission. Thus, like the previous teachers, Hidaka must have passed the minimum schooling required to enter normal school in addition to passing the examinations. Furthermore, she was an active member in the normal school community, seeing that she served on the “Athletic Executive” during the first term of the 1931-2 academic year.91 Described as “happy” and “full of vim,” Hidaka was positively recognized for her skills in swimming and diving in the normal school yearbook.92 In fact, she  91 Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, 1932, “Annual,” 1931-32, BC Historical Documents, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0370827, 25-6, 45. 92 Ibid., 25-6.  96  was later recognized for these skills as the recipient of the Royal Life Saving Society award at the Life Saving Awards Ceremony in 1932.93 In the same year, Hidaka’s name appeared on the “Pass List” published in The Vancouver Sun. Out of the total number of 206 students enrolled at the end of the session, she was one of the 189 who were granted diplomas.94  Although Hidaka had successfully received her normal school diploma in 1932, she was unable to receive a teaching certificate.95 While historian Anne Dore writes that Hidaka was “refused a teaching certificate,” the reasons remain unclear.96 The reasons for her non-hiring within the Hammond School district, however, are explained in Rigenda Sumida’s UBC Master’s thesis written in 1935.97 Rather than due to her lack of a teaching certificate, he suggests that Hidaka, who was initially appointed as a substitute teacher in the Hammond School district, was dismissed from her appointment after “some of the ‘British’ parents” refused to send their children to the school.”98 Later, a delegation from the Canadian Legion had approached the School Board, demanding Hidaka’s dismissal. Sumida records the School Board’s response: “School Trustee, Franklin, who admitted that Miss Hidaka was a fine Christian girl, maintained that her appointment might set a precedent for the appointment of a Buddhist teacher and ‘surely no one would want their children brought up by such a person.’ He proposed a resolution excluding all those who were not British subjects from being given a position as a teacher. Later the Board was informed  93 “Life Saving Awards: B.C. Society to Meet Nov. 18 at Crystal Pool,” The Vancouver Sun, November 12, 1932, 12.  94 “Normal School Pass List,” The Vancouver Sun, June 15, 1932, 26; “Normal School Pass Lists,” The Victoria Daily Times, June 15, 1932, 4.  95 Whonnock Community Association – Historical Project – 1985, transcription of alphabetical card file by Fred Braches, 1996, 15, Mission Community Archives, Mission, British Columbia, Canada. As cited in Dore, “Transnational Communities,” 62, footnote 112.  96 Dore, “Transnational Communities,” 62.  97 I thank Fred Braches for illuminating this and for directing me to historian, Patricia Roy’s article in which she also recounts Hidaka’s story. Patricia Roy, “‘Due to Their Keenness Regarding Education They Will Get the Utmost out of the Whole Plan’: The Education of Japanese Children In the British Columbia Interior Housing Settlements during World War Two,” Historical Studies in Education/Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 4, no. 2 (1992): 211–31, particularly footnote 32. Hidaka’s story also appears in Adachi, The Enemy that Never Was, 172.  98 Rigenda Sumida, “The Japanese in British Columbia” (University of British Columbia, 1935), https://doi.org/10.14288/1.0105515, 581. 97  from Ottawa that Miss Hidaka was a British subject, and the resolution was amended to exclude anyone who was not eligible to vote.”99   Accordingly, the reason why Hidaka was not hired was not because of her lack of certification, but based on the ongoing anti-Asian racism expressed through claims of a perceived “Buddhist” religious background and on the assumption that she, being of Japanese descent, was not a British subject. References made to the voters list, including the amendment made to exclude those who were disenfranchised from the teaching profession, was a de facto means of exclusion. As several authors have noted, franchise laws were used to administer discriminatory attitudes on the basis of race, without leaving evidence of racist policies.100 A few points can be made from Hidaka’s story. First, we can speculate that a teaching certificate was not necessary in order to be a substitute teacher, especially because the reasoning for her non-hiring in the Hammond School board was due to trying not to set a precedent for the hiring of teachers with an assumed Buddhist background, rather than due of her lack of certification.101 Here, it is possible to suggest that race, under the façade of religion, trumped qualifications. Although further research is needed, other districts may have followed suit by using the voter’s list as a smoke screen for hiring.  99 Ibid.  100 Roy Miki, Redress: Inside the Japanese Canadian Call for Justice (Raincoast Books, 2004); Andrea Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law: Upholding B.C.’s Denial of the Vote to Its Japanese Canadian Citizens, Homma v. Cunningham, 1902,” in Nikkei in the Pacific Northwest, ed. Louis Fiset and Gail M. Nomura (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005), 20–43; Joan Brockman, “Exclusionary Tactics: The History of Women and Visible Minorities in the Legal Profession in British Columbia,” ed. Hamar Foster and John McLaren, Essays in the History of Canadian Law: The Legal History of British Columbia and the Yukon 6 (1995): 508–61. 101 An article written in Burnaby entitled, “New B.C. Ruling Hits Substitute Teachers; Require Certificates,” notes how the “appointment of new teachers with academic certificates only,” will become compulsory, resulting in the necessity for school boards to ‘[go] outside’ to look for teachers. In The Province, July 2, 1936, p. 18. From this article, it can be inferred that it was unnecessary for substitute teachers to be certified, let alone have normal school training until 1936. 98  Secondly, Hidaka’s story also reveals the degree of power that the parents of the Hammond School Board had in the operations of the school system. This can be gleaned from Hidaka’s story, as the input and actions taken by the parents had a great impact on decisions on her non-hiring. A similar case can be deciphered from the episode of when a Japanese Canadian was selected as the May Day Queen in Maple Ridge in 1927.102   Another aspect of Hidaka’s story that is worth discussing is that Rigenda Sumida thought that it was important to include Hidaka’s experience with the Hammond School Board in his 1935 Master’s thesis in Economics on the Japanese and Japanese Canadian experiences of life in British Columbia in the early 1900s. Focusing on nisei experiences, Sumida’s thesis captured detailed stories and statistical evidence of how anti-Asian racism affected their economic, and more generally, daily activities. Policies around publicizing personal stories such as Hidaka’s for research purposes may have looked different over eighty years ago; therefore, it is difficult to claim if Hidaka wanted her story shared in this way. However, I draw attention to Sumida’s decision to include Hidaka’s story, as he saw the importance of it—as we do today—regarding how Japanese Canadians were excluded from teaching in public schools. The experiences of the issei who lived in the Fraser Valley had a different experience than the Japanese Canadians who lived in the urban centres. Unlike those who worked in sawmills, lumber companies, and fisheries in urban areas such as Vancouver, New Westminster,  102 When the Principal of Maclean High School selected a Yaeko Fujishige, a Japanese Canadian student as the May Day Queen in 1927 because she was considered “the youngest and most pretty,” the parents within the Maple Ridge School District strongly opposed. The chair of the May Day Queen committee even threatened to resign from the committee if Yaeko’s selection was not altered. In the end, Yaeko became the first and perhaps the last Japanese Canadian student to be selected as May Day Queen. “Not Forgetting Our Japanese Neighbours,” Maple Ridge News, December 14, 2011, https://www.mapleridgenews.com/community/not-forgetting-our-japanese-neighbours/; Yasutaro Yamaga and William T. Hashizume, History of Haney Nokai: Farmer’s Association (North York: Musson Copy Centre Print Division, 2006), https://hcmc.uvic.ca/landscapes/products/directories/haney_nokai_book.html, 51.  99  and Richmond, many Japanese Canadians in the Fraser Valley were self-employed farmers.103 This difference was critical, as the Japanese Canadians in the Fraser Valley could be self-employed in the agricultural sector, instead of competing for jobs in resource industries.104 Despite these differences in Japanese Canadian experiences based on locale, the nisei experience was nevertheless similar across the various communities in the province.105 That is, “once the [n]isei completed high school, they encountered many of the same types of job discrimination that their parents had faced decades earlier, before taking up farming. Education choices were also severely limited or led to dead ends in the job market.”106 Roy Miki, in the introduction to Kitagawa’s collection of letters to her brother also writes, “[e]ven in instances when they were not kept out of a profession, engineering for example, the racist climate of their society made it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to find employment at any professional level.”107 Hidaka’s story illuminates evidence of this. The rejection of Hidaka’s appointment in the Hammond School Board, most importantly for the purposes of this thesis, reveals the anti-Asian attitudes that parents and school trustees held and the mechanisms they used to act on them. Parents initially protested her appointment based on her perceived religious background. The School Board amended their initial resolution of excluding non-British subjects to excluding those who were not eligible to vote from the teaching profession. Religion, citizenship, and franchise laws were mechanisms used to exclude Hidaka from teaching on the basis of race.   103 Dore, “Transnational Communities,”43. 104 Ibid., 45.  105 Ibid., 61-2.  106 Ibid., 65. 107 Muriel Kitagawa and Roy Miki, This Is My Own: Letters to Wes & Other Writings on Japanese Canadians, 1941-1948 (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1985), 23-4.  100  Hidaka did not give up on her passion for teaching. She ran the Women’s Missionary Society (WMS) kindergartens in Whonnock, BC and Ruskin, BC and during the internment years, Hidaka worked with Hyodo and became the supervisor of the schools in the Tashme, BC internment camp.108 She also remained loyal to the communities that supported her, by taking part in the Maple Ridge chapter of the Japanese Canadian Citizen’s League109 and participating in the Young People’s Christian Club.110 Hidaka helped establish the education systems for the Japanese Canadian youth in the internment camps and made use of her educational qualifications to give back to her own community. At the end of the Second World War and the termination of the camps in 1945, Hidaka moved east to Ontario like many of the other Japanese Canadians.111 The remaining evidence of Hidaka’s trajectory referred to her work at the “Housing for Senior Citizens” as a social worker and her contributions to the Community Development Committee. Her duties included introducing affordable housing options to seniors and gathering information about day care centres as well as foster and boarding homes.112 Given the tone written about her death in The New Canadian, Hidaka who was referred to as “Terry,” was a well-respected, important, and caring figure within the Japanese Canadian community. After she passed away “suddenly at the Royal Victoria Hospital” on April 1, 1980, the “Terry Hidaka Memorial Fund” was set up in her honour to be used for projects specifically for senior citizens that she would have endorsed.113   108 “Terry Hidaka Memoria Fund tribute to outstanding J.C.,” The New Canadian, May 2, 1980, 1; “New School Structures,” The New Canadian, December 19, 1942, 1.   109 “Maple Ridge JCCL Drives for Members,” The New Canadian, November 21, 1941, 6; “Kazuo Okano heads Maple Ridge J.C.C.L,” The New Canadian, October 3, 1941, 7.  110 “N.W. YPCC,” The New Canadian, November 24, 1939, 4. 111 “Terry Hidaka Memoria Fund tribute to outstanding J.C.,” The New Canadian, 1980 May 2, 20, 2.  112 Ibid. 113  “Suddenly at the Royal Victoria Hospital,” The Gazette, Montreal, “Births and Deaths,” April 5, 1980. 101  4.3.2 Kazuko “Cazuko” Iwasa114 Like Hidaka, Kazuko Iwasa grew up outside of Vancouver. Born in 1914, Iwasa spent her childhood on Vancouver Island.115 Many Japanese Canadians worked as coal miners in that area, but Matsutaro Iwasa, her father, was a general store manager after serving as a bell boy at the Vancouver Hotel.116 By 1906, his store was well recognized within Cumberland, which suggests that the Iwasa family was well-established in their neighborhood and local Japanese Canadian community before her birth.117  Iwasa excelled in her studies throughout elementary and high school, often making the honour roll and achieving perfect attendance based on monthly school reports published in the local newspaper.118   114 Kazuko is spelled with a “K” in The New Canadian articles; in other sources, her name is spelled with a “C.” I use the former spelling, as it derives from texts from her own nisei community. 115 Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada. The 1921 census notes that she was located in Nelson at the time the census took place. However, her name also appears in The Cumberland Islander, a local newspaper in Cumberland located on Vancouver Island, indicating that she was a local elementary school student. Although it is unclear, it is plausible that she was born in Nelson and then relocated to Cumberland in her early childhood.  116 Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada; Roy Ito, Stories of My People: A Japanese Canadian Journal (Hamilton: S-20 and Nisei Veterans Association, 1994), 20. 117 “Local and Personal,” The Cumberland News, August 15, 1906, 1.  118 The Cumberland Islander printed monthly newsletters regarding the students’ performances in school. Out of the 63 articles that I accessed regarding the Cumberland School, 45 articles indicated who made it onto the Honour roll. Iwasa was listed for 41 of them. Out of the 24 articles indicating students who achieved perfect attendance, Iwasa was listed for 22 of them. 102    Figure 4.4 In this photo taken circa 1923, I suggest that Iwasa appears third from the right in the second row of students with her class in Division 7. I make this inference by comparing this photo with her photo in the 1933-4 Provincial Normal School yearbook. Cumberland School Div. 7, 1923. C240-037, Cumberland Museum and Archives. Reproduced with permission from the Cumberland Museum and Archives.  As is evident in an article in the Cumberland Islander in which she was recognized for achieving the second highest performance on the Cumberland Public School Entrance exams for high school, Iwasa did exceptionally well in her upper years of schooling.119 In 1931, Iwasa passed junior matriculation120 and was active in her local school community by participating in the Cumberland High School debating team.121 Although I could not find evidence indicating  119 “Local Pupils Do Well in Recent Examinations,” The Cumberland Islander, August 3, 1928, 1. 120 “2,054 High School Students Pass B.C. Matriculation," The Sunday Sun, July 25, 1931, 15. 121 “Medal is Presented,” The Cumberland Islander, November 2, 1928, 1, 2.  103  that she had passed Grade XII, based on her appearance in the Vancouver Normal School yearbook in 1933, it is safe to suggest that she attended and completed senior matriculation a year before in 1932. Outside of school, Iwasa served as the president of the local Japanese CGIT group.122  After starting normal school in 1933, Iwasa completed the program in 1934 and received an interim first-class certificate from 1934 to 1936. She was described as “the class artist, who did much of the decorating for the track meets.”123 Additionally, Iwasa was an athletic individual who “did her part in the swimming meet, and helped Class IV win the basketball championship.”124 She received an interim first-class certificate which indicates that bans against Japanese Canadians from obtaining teaching certificates did not spread from one municipality to another. While it is unclear whether and how Iwasa used her teaching certificate soon after normal school, her absence from the list of hired teachers in British Columbia might have been influenced by the anti-Asian attitudes that existed in the 1930s, as seen in Hidaka’s story.   In a letter written by Betty Huff, a classmate of Iwasa’s at the Vancouver Normal School from 1933 to 1934, it becomes evident that Iwasa had taught in schools that operated in the internment camps.125 Although I was not able to find documentation of her teaching activities in the internment camps, like Hyodo and Hidaka, she also ensured that her teacher training was put to use for the education of Japanese Canadian youth during the war.  122 “Girls In Training Conduct Services on Mothers’ Own Day,” The Cumberland Islander, May 16, 1930, 2. 123 Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, yearbook, 1933-4, “Annual,” 21.  124 Ibid.  125 Kazuko Iwasa to Betty Huff, n.d., (Toronto, Canada), Box 1 Folder 25, Shimizu (Hide) papers, Japanese Canadian Collections, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada. 104  After internment, Iwasa relocated to Toronto where she became a founding and active member of the Toronto Nisei Women’s Club, established in 1954. In fact, Iwasa served on the committee with Hyodo for over thirty years.126 Mike Murakami, whose mother Aiko Murakami was a member of the club, writes that the women involved in this group “challenged discrimination through quiet persistence that ultimately benefitted all Canadians.”127 For example, in 1982 the Nisei Women’s Club purchased under garments and knitted clothing to donate to the Ontario Welcome House for new immigrants and to the Toronto Welfare Depot. They also volunteered for the Momiji Kai (Momiji Society),128 to facilitate social activities for the issei, from inviting speakers to watching films, organizing craft and cooking activities and instructions for creating sumi-e (sumi-ink art) and tai-chi exercise. In addition, along with Iwasa and Murakami, another active member, Vi Kagetsu, had all trained to be teachers and eventually became presidents of the Toronto Nisei Women’s Club at varying times.129 This illuminates the strong sense of leadership these women had and activated. Similar to Hidaka, Iwasa also had a strong will to give back to the community that had raised and supported her. While some teachers moved away, for others, looking after their own community may have been one way of  126 Ibid. 127 Mike Murakami, “Momiji Health Care Society and the Greater Toronto Chapter NAJC Honours the Toronto Nisei Women’s Club,” Greater Toronto Chapter of the NAJC, accessed May 6, 2020, http://www.torontonajc.ca/2012/12/14/momiji-health-care-society-and-the-greater-toronto-chapter-najc-honours-the-toronto-nisei-womens-club/. 128 Now a home for seniors including the nisei and post-war immigrants, the Momiji Health Care Society was first developed as a Drop-In Centre. In “History,” Momiji Health Care Society (blog), accessed May 16, 2020, https://momiji.on.ca/en/about/momiji/history/. 129 Ibid. Kagetsu and Iwasa, addressed as “Kaz”, became president of the Toronto Nisei Women’s Club in 1954 and 1956, respectively. In “Toronto Women’s Group elects Vi Kagetsu First President,” The New Canadian, November 20, 1954, 8; “Kaz Umemoto Elected President of Third Year for nisei Women’s Club,” The New Canadian, October 13, 1956, 7. 105  responding to the barriers that were placed upon them, as they attempted to pursue their teaching roles. By 1950, Iwasa became to be known as “Kazuko Umemoto” upon her marriage to George Umemoto.130 George and Kazuko Umemoto were members of the Toronto Young Married Couples group and together, they served as the group’s recording secretary. Three years later in 1953, the Umemotos announced the birth of their daughter, Elizabeth Anne, on September 23 at the Women’s College Hospital in Toronto.131 In 2019, Iwasa passed her 105th birthday at Momiji Senior’s Home in Toronto.132 4.3.3 Aya Suzuki  Born in 1915, Aya Suzuki grew up in the Point Grey area of Vancouver with her parents, Sentaro and Shika Suzuki, and her five brothers.133 This area was considered to be a wealthier neighbourhood of Vancouver, largely comprised of middle-class residents, compared to the residence of the other teachers.134 Like the other teachers, Suzuki was a part of her local Christian group, involving herself with the Girl Guides program in Point Grey.135 She attended Magee High School and graduated with Second Class honors in Grade XI, reflecting a standing  130 “Married Couples Set Xmas Party,” The New Canadian, December 5, 1951, 8. Betty Huff to Joan, April 18, 1997, White Rock, (British Columbia, Canada), Box 1 Folder 25, Shimizu (Hide) papers, Japanese Canadian Collections, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada. 131 “Births,” The New Canadian, October 14, 1953, page 8. 132 Momiji Health Care Society, Momiji Matters, Fall 2019, http://momiji.on.ca/wp-content/uploads/publications/en/momijimatters.pdf.  133 Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada.  134 According to a survey conducted by the YMCA, Cambie Street marked the line between the middle- and working- class neighborhoods. In Barman, “Knowledge is Essential,” 14. Thus, the neighborhoods of South Vancouver, before it amalgamated in 1929, and East Vancouver, comprised those the working class.  135  “Point Grey Girl Guides to Give Musical Play,” May 29, 1929, 11; “Girl Guides Give Tea to Celebrate Their Birthday,” The Sunday Province, October 30, 1927, 17.  106  in the 60th to 70th percentile.136 In 1932, she completed Grade XII prior to attending normal school in 1933.137 Not only was Suzuki involved in the local chapter of Girl Guides, but she attended the Sunday School in Marpole, where Margaret (Peggy) Foster, who was an influential figure in the education of Japanese Canadian youth, taught Suzuki when she was 15 years old.138 During the week, Foster taught kindergarten at the Japanese Anglican Church of Ascension in the growing Japanese Canadian community in Vancouver’s Kitsilano district. On Saturdays, she taught the girl’s group in Kitsilano and then relocated to Marpole to teach Sunday School, where Suzuki attended. In an account recorded by Moritsugu, Suzuki notes that her decision to become a kindergarten teacher was largely inspired by Foster.139 As was illuminated by Prang, it was common, and ultimately the goal, for CGIT and Sunday School leaders to influence girls.140 Moreover, by 1923, normal school students in some provinces, were permitted to take leadership training in girl’s work offered by National Girls’ Work Board (NGWB), which oversaw the CGIT.141 The course covered topics such as Bible and mission studies and the psychology of the adolescent girl. It even tested students the content of the CGIT Leader’s Book through an oral  136 “4800 High School Pupils Promoted to Higher Grades,” The Vancouver Sun, July 3, 1931, 18; “High School Results,” The Daily Province, July 3, 1931, 8, 23.  137 “Magee Pupil awarded coveted ‘institution’ prize,” The Vancouver Sun, July 26, 1932, 1, 10; Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, yearbook, 1932-3, “Annual,” BC Historical Documents, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, 32.  138 Based on her speculated birth year as 1915 based on the 1921 census, I speculate that Suzuki would have been taught by Foster around 1930.  139 Frank Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile: A History of the Schools for Japanese-Canadian Children in British Columbia Detention Camps during the Second World War (Toronto: Ghost-Town Teachers Historical Society, 2001), 134.  140 As described in The Torch, a bi-monthly magazine started by and written for CGIT leaders.  In Prang, “‘The Girl God Would Have Me Be,’” 162; Megan Baxter, “‘Know God, Serve Others’: Religion in the Canadian Girls in Training in the Interwar Years,” Historical Papers: Canadian Society of Church History, 2012, 161.  141 Prang, “‘The Girl God Would Have Me Be,’” 161; Megan Baxter, “‘Know God, Serve Others,’” 160. 107  exam. Students were also given credit for an eight-week teaching practicum at Sunday School and CGIT sessions.142 These developments show that, despite the secularization of public schools in Canada in the late-nineteenth century, Christian influences still constructed the public education system. For that, Suzuki, who was engaged with Christian youth groups and inspired by her Sunday School teacher to pursue a profession in teaching, shows how prepared she was for her aspired role as a public school teacher within the BC school system.  Between 1933 and 1934, Suzuki attended Vancouver Normal School, where she was described as “a quiet, able girl” and had achieved “one of the best teaching averages in Class VII.”143 She also played the guard position on the school basketball team and served as the “vice-captain for the spring track meet,” and as a “member of folk dancing and sketch clubs.”144 It is interesting to note here that despite her engagement in normal school activities, she was described as “quiet” in the yearbooks. This might suggest that these descriptions did not necessarily mean uninvolved or lacking in leadership, but perhaps closer to soft-spoken. How such descriptions impacted Suzuki’s ability to receive a teaching certificate is unclear; however, it may have indirectly affected her ability to be recognized as a qualified teacher given that many of the previous unhired teachers were also described as “quiet” or “shy.” After completing normal school, Suzuki served on the Board of Oriental Missions in Vancouver, a branch of the Missionary Society of the Church of England in Canada (MSCC), established in 1915, and focused on organizing ways to minister to Japanese and Japanese  142 Prang, “‘The Girl God Would Have Me Be,’” 161.  143 Provincial Normal School, British Columbia, yearbook, 1933-4, “Annual,” 32. 144 Ibid.  108  Canadians.145 Later, she attended the Anglican Deaconess House from 1936-7.146 Following the footsteps of Foster, a kindergarten teacher and her Sunday School leader, Suzuki attended Kindergarten Teacher Training in Toronto the following year from 1937 to 1938.147  The minimum requirement to become a kindergarten teacher was normal school training and a teaching certificate, with preference given to teachers with teaching experience.148 Thus, I am unsure if I had possibly missed Suzuki’s name on the list of normal school certificates upon her conferral of her Vancouver Normal School diploma. Alternatively, it is possible that she was able to obtain a certificate specifically for teaching kindergarten based on her normal school training and community involvement. Further research is necessary to confirm this. The one factor that can be gleaned from Suzuki’s experience is that she wanted to become a kindergarten teacher and even trained specifically to become one, in contrast to Hidaka who turned to teaching kindergarten after being rejected from the Hammond School district.  145 Timothy M. Nakayama, “Anglican Missions to the Japanese in Canada,” Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 8, no. 2 (1966): 29-31. For more on the Board of Oriental Missions in Vancouver, see Kay Anderson, Vancouver’s Chinatown: Racial Discourse in Canada, 1875-1980, McGill-Queen’s Studies in Ethnic History 10 (Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991), 142-3 and Dulcie Ventham, ed., “The Newsletter: Historical Issue-Spring 1988” (Association of Professional Church Workers Anglican Church of Canada & United Church of Canada, 1988), https://uccdeaconesshistory.ca/wp-content/uploads//The-Newsletter-Historical-Issue-Spring-1988.pdf, 20. 146 Dulcie Ventham, ed., “The Newsletter: Historical Issue-Spring 1988” (Association of Professional Church Workers Anglican Church of Canada & United Church of Canada, 1988), https://uccdeaconesshistory.ca/wp-content/uploads//The-Newsletter-Historical-Issue-Spring-1988.pdf, 20. 147 Ibid. It was necessary for Suzuki to relocate to Toronto to train to become a kindergarten teacher as kindergarten programs were not prevalent in BC. While kindergarten programming began to be funded by the Toronto Board of Education since 1883, it was only after the Second World War that kindergartens significantly developed in BC. In Henry Johnson, A History of Public Education in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1964), 171-2. Although kindergarten classes were first established in 1922 in BC, kindergarten theory and methods courses began to be offered through UBC’s summer school programs, more than two decades later in 1945. In Gillian Weiss, “The Development of Public School Kindergartens in British Columbia” (Master’s Thesis, Vancouver, The University of British Columbia, 1979), 107-8. Given this climate and attitude towards kindergarten, it is quite understandable why Suzuki relocated to Toronto to obtain kindergarten training. There are Toronto normal school yearbooks accessible through Ryerson University archives and the OISE Library. I express my thanks to Curtis Sassur at the Ryerson University Archives who meticulously checked the Toronto normal school yearbooks for the years 1934-5 and 1938-9 to confirm that Suzuki did not appear in them.  148 Weiss, “The Development of Public School Kindergartens in British Columbia,” 107-8.  109  After her kindergarten training in Toronto, Suzuki returned to work for the Board of Oriental Missions in BC from 1938 to 1944.149 In fact, she is listed as one of the teachers hosting the Japanese Church of Ascension kindergarten graduation in Vancouver.150 Coupled with the intensifying anti-Asian sentiments and the closures of the coastal missions and the Buddhist temples, the Japanese Canadians relied on these sorts of activities offered by the Church of the Ascension to gather.151 Furthermore, Suzuki was involved with the local Japanese Anglican Young People’s Association (AYPA) for which she served as a member on the executive team.152 The AYPA was one of the few religious spaces in which Japanese Canadians were permitted to be a part of “Christian Fellowships” as it sought to “breakdown ‘race prejudice.’”153 In other words, the AYPA was one of the few spaces that created cross-cultural opportunities between Japanese and White Anglicans.154 Other forms of Anglican congregations refused to include Japanese Canadians for fear that they were collecting information about BC on behalf of the government of Japan as a military tactic,155 or spreading Buddhism and Shintoism.156 Although the Anglican congregations were not united in their efforts to include Japanese Canadians into their religious spaces—creating what historian Patricia Roy calls an “ambiguous  149 Dulcie Ventham, ed., “The Newsletter: Historical Issue-Spring 1988.” 20.  150 A photo of a kindergarten class at the Church of Ascension can be found here: BiblioArchives / LibraryArchives, Kindergarten Class Graduation Ceremonies, Japanese Church of the Ascension, Vancouver, British Columbia / Cérémonie de Graduation d’une Classe de Maternelle, Église Japonaise de l’Ascension, Vancouver (Colombie-Britannique), June 6, 2005, photo, https://www.flickr.com/photos/lac-bac/32652584450/; Yoko Urata, “The Japanese-Canadian Community in Pre-World War II Kitsilano,” The Capilano Review 3, no. 35 (2018): 38–41, https://journals.sfu.ca/capreview/index.php/capreview/issue/view/143/259. 151 Patricia E Roy, “Anglicans and the Japanese in British Columbia, 1902-1949,” BC Studies, no. 192 (Winter 2016): 116.  152 “A.Y.P.A.,” The Daily Province, March 21, 1936; 31; “Luke Tanabe Chosen Seikokai Y.P. Head,” The New Canadian, October 17, 1941, 3.  153 Roy, “Anglicans and the Japanese in British Columbia, 1902-1949,” 114.  154 Ibid., 123.  155 Rev. Neville L. Ward in Roy, “Anglicans and the Japanese in British Columbia, 1902-1949,” 111.  156 Rev W. H Gale in Roy, “Anglicans and the Japanese in British Columbia, 1902-1949,” 114. 110  relationship” between the Anglican Church and the Japanese Canadian community— Suzuki seemed to be able to find moments of relief and a way to give back to the Japanese Canadian community within select branches of the Anglican churches of British Columbia.157 In May 1942, Suzuki assisted Foster, her Sunday School teacher who had inspired her to pursue the kindergarten teaching profession, with teaching in the Slocan City internment camp.158 Suzuki and Foster operated the Anglican kindergarten classes together, as the high schools were mostly taught by teachers who were sent by the Roman Catholic Church.159 By September of the same year, Suzuki became a faculty member of a much-needed high school in the camp and later went back to teaching kindergarten in Slocan City, Popoff, and Bay Farm, BC.160 In addition to teaching high schools and in kindergartens, Suzuki spent time in the public library in Slocan City, sponsored by the Anglican Church.161 Not only was Suzuki a teacher and involved in the local library, but she was also a vocal activist who stood up for Japanese Canadians’ rights during the internment years. This is evident from the two letters that she wrote to the Canadian government. Through her critical yet thoughtful writing, Suzuki confronts the Canadian government for selling her family’s home despite their promise to protect it.162 Although she did not teach in the BC public school system,  157 Roy, “Anglicans and the Japanese in British Columbia, 1902-1949,” 104–24. 158 Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 133. 159 Ibid., 135.  160 Ibid., 140. A photo of Suzuki also appears on this page. 161 “Slocan City Notes: Rev. G. Nakayama Back from East,” The New Canadian, October 2, 1943, 2.  162 Nicole Yakashiro, “Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective Working Paper #6, Record Group: Women in the Archive” (Landscapes of Injustice, July 2018), https://www.landscapesofinjustice.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Working-Paper-6-Women-in-the-Archive-Yakashiro-Nicole_July-2018.pdf, 6; Eric M Adams, Jordan Stanger-Ross, and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Promises of Law: The Unlawful Dispossession of Japanese Canadians,” Osgoode Hall Law Journal 54, no. 3 (Spring 2017): 687–739, https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3156&context=ohlj;  111  her strong sense of justice and leadership may have been a reflection of her education and teacher training.  After internment, Suzuki worked with Grace Tucker, another teacher from within the church, to assist her with the adjustment process for Japanese Canadians relocating to the East, mainly Ontario.163 Later, she married Ken Saegusa, and gave birth to their first son at St. Michael’s Hospital in November of 1951. Upon internment, she joined the Toronto chapter of the Japanese Canadian Cultural Association (JCCA), to continue giving back to the community from where she came.164  4.4 Conclusion In this chapter, I discussed the trajectories of five women who trained to become teachers at the Vancouver Normal School between 1927 and 1934. Two of the five teachers explored were able to receive certification. I. Suzuki received the second-class certificate in 1931, five years after Hyodo’s certification, and Iwasa received the interim first-class certificate from 1934 to 1936, a couple of years after Hidaka was denied her appointment in the Hammond School Board. Neither of them were hired to teach in BC public schools but their ability to be certified indicates that an overarching ban was not placed against Japanese Canadians after Hyodo’s hiring in 1926, as widely accepted in the historiography of Japanese Canadians. Moreover, even after the Hammond School Board used franchise laws to justify the non-hiring of Hidaka, Japanese Canadians could still train to become teachers, and be certified.   Aya Suzuki to P. H. Russel, January 19, 1944, Slocan City (British Columbia, Canada), Office Files: C-9476, Vancouver Files, Office of the Custodian of Enemy Property, Canadiana Heritage, http://heritage.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.lac_reel_c9476/1334?r=0&s=1. 163 Grace Tucker, Interview with Grace Tucker, July 25, 1983, Vancouver, British Columbia, Japanese Canadian Oral History Collection, SFU Digitized Collections, https://digital.lib.sfu.ca/islandora/object/johc:204. 164 “Ambitious Program for Toronto JCCA Chapter,” The New Canadian, January 24, 1948, 1. 112  However, not all trained teachers were certified. Three of the five teachers who attended Vancouver Normal School in this period were not only missing from the list of hired teachers, but also from the list of certification. While the exact reasons for their lack of certification and hiring are unclear, their general absence from the history of education in BC may be explained by increasing anti-Asian discrimination in the 1930s.  The mechanisms of how anti-Asian racism worked in the BC education systems can be gleaned from Hidaka’s story. At first, Hidaka was rejected from a teaching position because of an assumed “Buddhist” background. However, all of the teachers explored in this chapter were involved with their local youth Christian groups such as the CGIT and many of them continued to stay involved after normal school. Furthermore, the use of a non-Christian religious background as a means of exclusion, also signified that public school teachers were expected to be Christian. Upon confirming Hidaka’s Christian background, she was then rejected for not being a “British subject.” When it was confirmed that Hidaka was, in fact, a “British subject,” for she was born in Canada, the school board finally enforced a regulation that excluded her from the profession based on her inability to vote. That is, despite Hidaka’s alignment in “common Christian” values that underpinned Canadian school systems and her status as a “British subject,” she was rejected from teaching based on franchise laws that had been used to exclude Japanese Canadians from participating in other occupations. From this, it becomes evident that religion, citizenship, and franchise laws were some of the mechanisms used to exclude trained Japanese Canadian teachers in one municipality of British Columbia on the basis of race. Hidaka’s experience also shows how franchise laws were used to justify discriminatory regulations within the BC school system without explicitly writing them into school acts. This may be one reason 113  why the discussion of race in the history of public school teachers in BC has remained relatively absent.. One way the Japanese Canadian teachers responded to “the intricate network of discriminatory regulations” was by moving away. Like Nakabayashi, whose story I discussed in the previous chapter, Okamura and I. Suzuki moved to Japan to begin a life with their husbands or to pursue a different career. Another way of responding was by vocalizing their experiences. Rigenda Sumida saw it worth sharing Hidaka’s story in his own Master’s thesis. Others found ways to utilize their teacher training to ultimately give back to their own Japanese Canadian communities. Iwasa remained and took part in debate teams with other Japanese Canadian peers. After the war, she ensured that her elders were looked after, by founding and leading the Nisei Women’s Club in Toronto. A. Suzuki ultimately followed her dreams of becoming a kindergarten teacher. She sought training in Toronto to become a professional kindergarten teacher for youngsters, including those of her own Japanese Canadian community.  While Ken Adachi discusses the causes and effects of the generation gap between the issei and the nisei, the nisei women who aspired to be teachers found their own ways of responding to a system imbued with racist attitudes—one of the major reasons for the emergence of the generation gap in the first place. Aya Fujiwara writes about a group of Buddhist individuals who established the newspaper, the Tairiku Nippo, and generally opposed Japanese Canadians who converted to Christianity, even if it meant assimilating to the mainstream Canadian society. While Fujiwara illuminates the internal disconnect between the issei and nisei, she later writes that “the issei had to rely on the nisei, who had a birthright to Canadian citizenship, to reinforce their organized activities to resist mounting anti-Japanese sentiment in 114  British Columbia and be accepted in Canadian society.”165 She continues, “for young nisei too, issei were important for guidance and deserved respect, for they had built the economic foundation of Japanese life in Canada.”166 It seems that the issei and nisei had, in fact, a common goal of trying to find a sense of belonging in Canada; however, their approaches to achieving this goal differed due to the anti-Asian racism that intensified throughout the 1920s and 1930s.  For the nisei teachers, establishing belonging was done through involvement with the CGIT and Christian youth groups. Given the nexus between Christianity and the public school system in BC, this makes good sense. Despite their religious alignment, however, the teachers were unable to be hired, and some not certified, because of their perceived religious background, their citizenship, and franchise laws. Thus, it was in 1936, that a delegation of four nisei made a trek to Ottawa to fight, yet again, for their right to vote—this time as Canadian citizens by birth.  165 Aya Fujiwara, Ethnic Elites and Canadian Identity: Japanese, Ukrainians, and Scots, 1919-1971, (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2012), 40-1.  166 Ibid., 41.  115  Chapter 5:  “…(T)he Nisei begins to find an invisible barrier growing up around himself…”, 1935-1942 From 1935 to 1942, three Japanese Canadian women trained to become teachers in British Columbia. Although two of the teachers—Frances Takimoto and Tatsuko Takahashi—were not certified, Yuki Watanabe successfully received an interim first-class certificate valid from 1938 to 1941. No one out of the three was hired to teach in public schools in BC. Building off of the last chapter, their appearances in the provincial normal school, and Watanabe’s ability to receive a teaching certificate in this period, offers further evidence that explicit policies preventing Japanese Canadians from obtaining teacher training or certification likely did not exist in the pre-war years. Their absence from the list of hired teachers also reveals a pattern seen in the previous two chapters. In this chapter, I follow the stories of these three Japanese Canadian women within the historical context of the late 1930s to early 1940s in British Columbia to discuss how the BC teacher training, certification, and hiring system persisted to present itself as colour-blind and to explore why the three teachers were not hired.  During this period, the Japanese Canadian community received an invitation to present themselves at the House of Commons in hopes of convincing government officials for their right to vote as Canadian-born citizens of Canada. I suggest that the results of this visit, the hostilities that escalated between Japan and China in the late 1930s, the heightened anti-Japanese racism in British Columbia, and internment are some factors that affected the teaching trajectories of Takimoto, Watanabe, and Takahashi. Like many of the teachers discussed in the previous chapters, Takimoto, Watanabe, and Takahashi attended and graduated from Vancouver Normal School even as anti-Asian sentiments 116  manifested throughout the province. Moreover, they appeared in the normal schools even after multiple predecessors were unable to obtain teaching positions. While in the previous chapters I have mainly explored how Japanese Canadian women responded to the obstacles caused by anti-Asian racism and disenfranchisement after their teacher training, certification, or in Hyodo’s case, hiring, in this chapter, I interpret the three teachers’ appearances in normal school itself as a response. This chapter also reveals how Takimoto, Watanabe, and Takahashi utilized their teacher training to uplift and strengthen their own community. 5.1 Historical Context 5.1.1 Voting, Nanking, and Internment in the historiography of Japanese Canadians  As the nisei became older, they became more self-aware of their place in society.1 With this, came a growing consciousness of the invisible barriers placed against them and their futures in Canada. In fact, based on the survey by and about the nisei in British Columbia conducted in 1935, a quarter of those who participated indicated that they had experienced “race differences” which was described as “any unpleasant incident caused by racial animosities in one’s association with the white people.”2 Furthermore, a similar ratio was reflected in their experience with “racial prejudice,” such as “discriminatory customs, discriminatory regulations, and legal  1 In a house-to-house survey made during the summer of 1935, six staff members of the Canadian Japanese Association (CJA) under the supervision of Nobuichi Yamaoka, a graduate of University of Alberta, collected data through personal interviews and group discussions in districts across the British Columbia Province. The research team included UBC students, Shinobu Higashi, Joichi Kato, Hiroshi Okuda, Shinichi Takimoto, and Koji Tasaka, a graduate of Waseda University in Tokyo, Japan, In the Canadian Japanese Association, Report of the Survey of the Second Generation Japanese in British Columbia, 1935, series XXIV.E, number 3, Dr. Masajiro Miyazaki Collection, Japanese-Canadian Research Collection, University of British Columbia Library Rare Books and Special Collections, Vancouver, Canada, i, 1. Although the survey indicates that the average age among the nisei was eleven years old, it also recorded that the oldest nisei male who was included in the survey was 46 years old and the oldest female, 40 years old. In the Canadian Japanese Association, Report of the Survey of the Second Generation Japanese, 4.  2 The Canadian Japanese Association, Report of the Survey of the Second Generation Japanese, 46.  117  disabilities” in one’s occupation.3 Although these ratios may appear to be surprisingly low, it is important to note that “very few second generation people…applied for jobs where race discriminations would be felt.”4 More than the emphasis on the numbers, these statistics are included here to indicate that some nisei were becoming aware of racism and could attest to the mechanisms of discriminatory regulations that were affecting their ability to belong in Canadian society. Although it is unclear if the voices of the aspiring teachers were included in the survey, it gives us a general sense of the mindset of young Japanese Canadians in the mid-1930s. Put differently, by the 1930s, the nisei had identified the existence of systemic racism and how it affected their everyday life and career opportunities.  Although some historians of education illuminate that exclusionary policies didn’t always sit well with educators, discriminatory attitudes lived within educational institutions.5 Such can be seen in the interactions that took place between two UBC students: Shinobu Higashi, the editor of The Ubyssey, and George Hill, who wrote a letter to the editor. Referring to claims made by eugenicists, Hill attempted to induce panic in his readers by claiming that the average family households who had three or fewer children was not enough “if the white race is to be perpetuated” as “there must be four children to a family.”6 He further suggested that an increasing population of Japanese Canadians would cause a rivalry between the “white and  3 Ibid., 25-6. In the survey, it was calculated that about 24.2% of nisei males and 21.6% of nisei females had experienced racial prejudice up until 1935.  4 Ibid, 25.  5 For specific examples in BC, see Thomas Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, Vol. 1: Public School Leadership in British Columbia, 1849-1960 (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 2010), 288; Helen Raptis, “A Tale of Two Women: Edith Lucas, Mary Ashworth, and the Changing Nature of Educational Policy in British Columbia, 1937-1977,” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 17, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 293–319, https://doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v17i2.80, 298.  6 “Correspondence – Japanese Franchise,” The Ubyssey, November 30, 1934, 3. 118  yellow” as they “strive[d] for economic and political leadership.”7 He continued to suggest that British Columbia will be able to “bring out their desired object,” which he clarified was the “political, economic, and social control of the life of our province,” without Japanese Canadians.8 “The solution,” he claimed, was to “deport the Oriental to Manchuria and points in Asia,” as the future of BC “is highly jeopardized if we allow them to remain.”9 He ended his piece by suggesting that “magnanimity and philosophical idealism cannot be considered when the future of a race is at stake.”10 As one of the editors of The Ubyssey, Higashi published Hill’s piece in the November 20th, 1934 issue along with his response to Hill.11 In his initial response, Higashi explained to readers that “Mr. Hill considers us as rabbits and guinea pigs” and challenged him to provide proof of the family growth of Japanese Canadians.12 He further invited Hill to make a clearer distinction between the first and second generation Japanese Canadians upon which Higashi offered to propose a better solution than deportation to “Manchuria and points in Asia.” The exchange between Higashi and Hill shows the kind of attitudes that existed among university students, and how Japanese Canadians fought back against the racist attitudes inflicted on them in the higher education setting.   7 Ibid. This point adds to Patricia Roy’s argument regarding the connection between economic competition and inassimilability. She writes: “Because it transcended particular economic interests, the concept of inassimilability frequently appeared in arguments for restrictions on Asian immigration and economic competition.” Patricia Roy, The Oriental Question: Consolidating a White Man’s Province, 1914-41 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), http://deslibris.ca.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/ID/404315, 26. 8 “Correspondence – Japanese Franchise,” The Ubyssey, November 30, 1934, 3. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Shinobu also published one more letter exchange that followed in the same issue of The Ubyssey. 12 Ibid. 119  Connections with allies such as UBC Professor of Economics, Henry Angus, helped the nisei put their experiences into words. For example, Angus publicly supported the “enfranchisement of the second generation of the Orientals in BC” because they were “born on British soil, reared and educated [in British Columbia], but [were] of Oriental parentage” in The Ubyssey.13 He further clarified that the disenfranchisement of Japanese Canadians and other Asian Canadian people functioned as a “de facto discrimination” as they were subject to “legal disabilities” which resulted in their “exclusion from several professions, dominion franchise, [and] jury service.”14 Angus further argued that the enfranchisement of “Orientals in BC” was “inevitable” because “disenfranchisement for British subjects on the grounds of parentage was basically wrong.”15 The 1935 Survey also quoted Angus who had clarified that the 1924 statute disqualified “any person of Japanese race, naturalized or not” from voting at any election meant that they were not only excluded from voting in municipal, provincial, and federal elections, but also from participating in certain fields of work.16  Other allies included Angus MacInnis, a Member of Parliament for the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), a socialist party established in Calgary. MacInnis had initially  13 “Assimilation of B.C. Orientals Inevitable,” The Ubyssey, March 6, 1934, 1. 14 Ibid. I have discussed how franchise worked as a de facto means of exclusion in previous chapters. I include this discussion again here, as it signifies that the historical actors themselves had also identified this in their time, rather than a point made in the present in the historiography about them.  15 Ibid. Angus later argued that “prejudice and racial distinctions” could be overcome “by a considerable lapse of time” based on biological or cultural assimilation. Although he discredited the “quasi-scientific belief” that racial discrimination would dissolve through multiple generations of inter-racial marriages, he suggested that “cultural assimilation” could occur through “the total extinction of separate Oriental communities.” He then suggested avoiding specialization in one industry and recommended “the scattering of the different races into different societies or occupations” in ibid. 16 The Canadian Japanese Association, Report of the Survey of the Second Generation Japanese, 17. Angus asserts that it had become clear by this time that disenfranchisement meant that Japanese Canadians were excluded from the legal and pharmaceutical professions, and also prevented Japanese Canadians from “obtaining a license for hand logging,” “the employ of contractor of any public work,” and buying “crown timber” for logging.  However, Angus did not mention teaching as one of the excluded professions. In ibid.   120  brought up the franchise question to the House of Commons in February of 1936. This shifted into an invitation for a Japanese Canadian delegation to appear at the Special Committee on Elections and Franchise Acts of the House of Commons in May of that year.17 Fully aware of the effects of disenfranchisement, the nisei formed the Japanese Canadian Citizen’s League (JCCL) and organized a four-person delegation to send to Ottawa to be a part of the franchise discussions.18 Hide Hyodo was one of the JCCL delegates chosen to represent the nisei to request “clause XI of section 4 of the Dominion Franchise Act, 1934 and amending Acts, be repealed, to permit British subjects of the Japanese race to vote in Dominion elections.”19 5.1.1.1.1 1936 – Trip to Ottawa20 On May 22, the delegation appeared before the House of Commons. While limitations placed specifically on teaching were not mentioned, the delegates carefully explained how policies that referenced the voter’s list limited Japanese Canadians from working, even in  17 Maryka Omatsu, Bittersweet Passage: Redress and the Japanese Canadian Experience (Toronto: Between The Lines, 1992), 64; Ken Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was: A History of the Japanese Canadians (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 160-1.  18 This analysis is drawn from an assignment completed for the course, EDST 504A, History of Educational Policy taken in Summer I 2019. Haruho Kubota, “A History of Unwritten Policy: Limiting Japanese Canadians to Teach in B.C. Public Schools, 1901-42” (unpublished paper, EDST 504A, University of British Columbia, 2019), 1-23. Furthermore, Sumida writes in his 1935 thesis: “In British Columbia, there is no discrimination on the basis of nationality, but there is discrimination upon the grounds of race and the races so affected including Japanese, Chinese, and East Indians are restricted in their public rights, and in their attempts to earn a living.” In Sumida, “The Japanese in British Columbia,” 548; Roy Miki, Redress: Inside the Japanese Canadian Call for Justice (Raincoast Books, 2004), 30-31.  19 Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Proceedings of the Special Committee on Elections and Franchise Acts, “Minutes of Proceedings,” session 1936, appendix no. 5: lvi, http://www.cpac.ca/en/1936-special-committee-on-election-and-franchise-acts/# in Miki, Redress, 31. The delegation was created after some contemplation within the Japanese Canadian community. While the issei thought it necessary to have someone who was older to go, many nisei expressed concern for their treatment at the House of Commons, particularly with regards to their English language abilities. Hide Hyodo was selected to go as the province’s only Japanese Canadian public schoolteacher. It is interesting to note that Hyodo had initially recommended Teruko Hidaka as one of the representatives since Hidaka, by that time, was teaching at the United Church kindergarten. In “Faces of Redress: Hide Shimizu,” Nikkei Voice, April 1992, 11, Nikkei Research and Education Project of Ontario, Jim Wong-Chu Personal Library Collection, University of British Columbia Library Rare Books and Special Collections, Vancouver, Canada.  20 Most of the analysis in this section is drawn from an unpublished paper: Kubota, “A History of Unwritten Policy,” 1-23. 121  occupations where explicit exclusionary policies did not exist. Hyodo was one of the first to speak, as meticulously recorded in the “Special Committee on Elections and Franchise Acts.”21 After explaining the purpose of the JCCL delegation’s visit and sharing her educational experiences in Canada, she boldly stated how racism worked in British Columbia:   “We have come to plead the cause for the Canadian-born Japanese who are disqualified at the present time, not only from exercising the franchise but also by this disqualification, are restricted from the enjoyment of certain privileges and also from entering certain lines of work. We feel that the present provincial disqualification of Japanese is not governed by the British principles of fair play…”22   Furthermore, in her “brief history of Japanese in British Columbia,” Hyodo explained how Japanese Canadian families made “every endeavor to prepare their children for citizenship in Canada.”23 Hyodo continued her speech by outlining the academic and athletic achievements of naturalized and nisei children and young adults to “show [the] adaptability of these young Canadians into the life of British Columbia, and that the process of Canadianization is extraordinarily complete…”24 Thus, she built the foundation of the JCCL’s visit to Ottawa on the grounding that their request differed from Homma’s challenge in 1901 as they were nisei, Canadian-born Japanese, rather than naturalized citizens.25 Through her “capacity as a Canadian school teacher,” Hyodo then concluded her piece by illuminating how the lack of franchise  21 Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Proceedings of the Special Committee on Elections and Franchise Acts, “Minutes of Evidence,” session 1936, appendix no. 5, http://www.cpac.ca/en/1936-special-committee-on-election-and-franchise-acts/#, 204.  22 Ibid., 200.  23 Ibid.  24 Ibid., 201. Hyodo’s point would later become even more relevant as the Council of Public Instruction required all public school teachers “to take a loyalty oath and directed schools to hold flag exercises each morning” in addition “to sing the national anthem” beginning in February of 1940. In Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, Vol. 1, 283.  25 In the early 1900s, naturalized citizen, Tomekichi Homma was denied the right to vote as the Privy Council had determined that he was considered a Canadian citizen and expected to abide by the “obligations of allegiance” without “the privileges attached to it” in Miki, Redress, 27. For more, see chapter three.  122  affected her duty as a teacher. She explained that her Japanese Canadian students would be met with a world that “deprived” [them] of their normal rights of citizenship” upon completion of their schooling. Accordingly, she addressed how essential voting rights were for the development of young children in Canada.26  The next speaker, Minoru Kobayashi, a life insurance agent,27 continued to emphasize how the lack of franchise was used to cover up racist attitudes that limited Japanese Canadians from working on the basis of race:  The lack of franchise not only deprives us of the right to vote at elections, but in many of the professions appearance on the voters’ list is made a preliminary qualification to the exercise of those occupations. The use of the voters’ list in this way is a means by which some professions debar Canadians of Japanese origin without naming them explicitly, that is to say without putting into their professional regulations any open statements of racial discrimination or prejudice.28   The last two speakers, E. Chutaro Banno, a dentist, followed by S. Ichie Hayakawa, an English Literature and Philosophy professor at the University of Wisconsin, shared the history of the JCCL and the Japanese Canadian’s commitment and interest in being active, participating, democratic citizens.29 By the end of the visit, the JCCL had clearly explained how the lack of franchise that was rooted in anti-Asian racism excluded them from various sectors of work, and that it also infringed upon their entitlements as Canadian citizens.  One year later, after two follow-up meetings among members of the House of Commons on March 11th and 16th, 1937, the federal government arrived at an answer that reinstated the Cunningham v Homma ruling from three decades earlier. A. W. Neill, a Member of the Canadian  26 Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, “Minutes of Evidence,” session 1936, 202. 27 Miki, Redress, 31.  28 Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, “Minutes of Evidence,” session 1936, 202. 29 Miki, Redress, 31-33.  123  Parliament (MP) for Port Alberni and Thomas Reid, the MP for New Westminster, two vocal advocates of disenfranchising “Japanese” and other racial minorities, deflected the franchise issue from the House of Commons to the Province of British Columbia. Referring to an article called “An Oriental Problem,” published in The Province on November 14, 1936, Neill and Reid reinforced its claims: “these people are not Caucasian, they cannot be of the Canadian people in any racial kinship. Yet, they are with us to stay. Rightfully, they enjoy all the practical rights of citizenship—except the right to vote.”30 They stood by these attitudes because they claimed that The Province reflected the “feelings of the country.”31 In short, the federal government upheld the attitudes of the general public who saw voting and citizenship rights as mutually exclusive for visible minorities, even though the JCCL had clearly shown how these rights were inseparable.  Later, Neill and Reid referred to a brief that was prepared by Vancouver lawyer, T.G. Norris, who the Japanese Canadian community had hired, to explain their request for a revision of the franchise laws and the inclusion of nisei voters in the upcoming federal elections.32 The MPs dismissed the claim made in the brief that the right to vote limited employment opportunities for Japanese Canadians, suggesting that it was simply untrue:  30 “An Oriental Problem,” The Vancouver Province, November 14, 1936. Hyodo kept a scrapbook of newspaper articles published around the time of her visit to Ottawa as a delegate of the JCCL. Hyodo had included this particular article in her scrapbook. In Scrapbook of Ottawa Trip, 1936, MS113-Folder 7-1999.7.2.1, Hide Hyodo Shimizu Collection, Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada.  31 Canada, House of Commons, “Special Committee on Elections and Franchise Acts: Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence,” session 1937, no. 10, Tuesday, March 16, 1937 (Ottawa: J.O., Patenaude, I.S.O., printer to the King, 1937), “Minutes of Evidence,” https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015006609757&view=1up&seq=330, 238. To be sure, the article did say that “The Oriental brother has many admirable attributes” such as “a habit of minding his own business” and “traits of independence and stoicism that make him outstanding in any community.” However, these points were used to emphasize how Japanese Canadians did not, in fact, qualify for Canadian citizenship and its entitlements. 32 Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 160. 124  The statement is made on Page 16 of the Brief that as the result of their being denied the right to be elected to public office, such as the Provincial legislature, Municipal Council, School Board, etc., the Japanese in British Columbia find it difficult to obtain employment with Canadian people. This is not only a gross exaggeration but is entirely misleading and untrue. One has only to visit British Columbia to see for himself the inroads made by Orientals in industry to realize just how untrue such a statement really is.33  Further, they asserted that no legislative restrictions were placed on Japanese Canadians from becoming “lawyers and druggists” as the JCCL delegation had suggested, because the restriction “which stated that in order to qualify for these professions they must be on the voters lists” was made by the “Law Society, and the Association of Pharmacists.”34 Thus, Reid and Neill shifted the responsibility of addressing franchise laws that were rooted in and also normalized anti-Asian racism on the part of the federal government, to one of “get[ting] that regulation struck out,” by the professional societies.35  To be sure, voting rights fell under provincial jurisdiction under the BNA Act. Therefore, the House of Commons, as a representation of the federal government, may have been hesitant to make changes to provincial franchise laws.36 However, the professional law and pharmacy societies had used the franchise laws to exclude Asian Canadian people “without,” as Minoru explained in his speech, “putting into their professional regulations any open statements of racial discrimination or prejudice.”37 Thus, the JCCL delegation made evident here that the lack of  33 Canada, House of Commons, “Special Committee on Elections and Franchise Acts: Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence,” session 1937, no. 9, March 11, 1937 (Ottawa: J.O., Patenaude, I.S.O., printer to the King, 1937), https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015006609757&view=1up&seq=285, 208.  34 Ibid., 226. 35 Ibid.  36 As Adachi illuminates, for the federal government to be able to influence provincial jurisdiction over franchise rights, it would have been necessary for the House to change the BNA Act. In Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was, 164. 37 As discussed in Chapter Three, lawyers representing professional associations had inquired how the Vancouver Law Students Association how they had managed to exclude Asian Canadians from the law profession without the usage of explicit policies. In Joan Brockman, “Exclusionary Tactics: The History of Women and Visible Minorities 125  explicit policies excluding Japanese Canadians from various occupations did not mean that racist policies did not exist. Instead, they illuminated how multiple institutions were silently upholding racist attitudes and the colour bar by utilizing the voter’s list. Ultimately, “by doing nothing,” as Roy Miki states, the House of Commons “endorsed the exclusionary provisions of the BC Election Act.”38 The inaction to change these mechanisms further reveals why, as I argued in chapter three, the use of the voter’s list within teacher training, certification, and hiring policies was unnecessary. Anti-Asian racism and franchise laws normalized the exclusion of Japanese Canadian teachers. 5.1.1.1.2 1937 – Nanking In December of the same year that the JCCL heard back from the House of Commons, the news that the Japanese Imperial Army had entered the city of Nanking in China had made its way into Canada.39 Miki argues that this news “resulted in the boycott of [Japanese Canadians’] stores,” and “voices rising and calling for them to be registered and placed under surveillance.”40 In order to counteract the intensifying anti-Japanese sentiments, the Japanese Canadian community responded in multiple ways.  in the Legal Profession in British Columbia,” ed. Hamar Foster and John McLaren, Essays in the History of Canadian Law: The Legal History of British Columbia and the Yukon 6 (1995), 522-3; Minoru Kobayashi in Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, “Minutes of Evidence,” session 1936, 202. 38 Miki, Redress, 36.  39 For a rare collection of stories regarding the events in Nanking, known as the Nanking Massacre, see Tamaki Matsuoka, Torn Memories of Nanking: Testimonies of Japanese War Veterans and Chinese Survivors of the Nanjing Massacre (Toronto: ALPHA Education, 2016). Educator and researcher Matsuoka collected stories of both the Chinese victims and Japanese soldiers and their experiences in Nanking in late 1930s. 40 Aya Fujiwara, “The Myth of the Emperor and the Yamato Race: The Role of the Tairiku Nippô in the Promotion of Japanese-Canadian Transnational Ethnic Identity in the 1920s and the 1930s,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 21, no. 1 (May 9, 2011): 37–58, https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/jcha/2010-v21-n1-jcha1519262/1003042ar/, 50. 126  As Aya Fujiwara illuminates, the Tairiku Nippo, the Japanese language community newspaper, circulated the words of Consul Hirokichi Nemichi who justified the actions of the Japanese Imperial Army by suggesting that it was “for stability in East Asia,” and that “[u]nless Japan defeats the anti-Japanese Chinese force…neither peace in Japan nor happiness for four-million Chinese can be achieved.”41 While Fujiwara argued that such was “nothing more than propaganda,” she shows that some issei and nisei both adopted these ideas as a survival tactic to live through emerging anti-Japanese racism in BC.42  In contrast, to uplift the voices of the nisei, Tom Shoyama and Ed Ouchi established The New Canadian newspaper in November of 1938.43 Although not all nisei voices were represented in The New Canadian, those whose were, focused their energy on elevating their work as good Canadian citizens. Carefully naming and explaining how unwritten policies continued to limit Japanese Canadians from working, Hide Hyodo’s article in the May 27th issue of 1939 identified the “invisible barrier”:  As the Nisei is so limited in the field of employment the changes are that he will find himself engaged in work with other Japanese and consequently his personal daily contacts are confined to members of his own race. The opportunity of cultivating friendships with his former schoolmates grows less as the days go by and thus it is that whether he desires it or not, the Nisei begins to find an invisible barrier growing up around himself with which he is unable to cope.44   41 Ibid.  42 Aya Fujiwara, “The Myth of the Emperor and the Yamato Race: The Role of the Tairiku Nippô in the Promotion of Japanese-Canadian Transnational Ethnic Identity in the 1920s and the 1930s,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 21, no. 1 (May 9, 2011): 37–58, https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/jcha/2010-v21-n1-jcha1519262/1003042ar/, 50; Aya Fujiwara, Ethnic Elites and Canadian Identity: Japanese, Ukrainians, and Scots, 1919-1971, Studies in Immigration and Culture 7 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2012), 43. 43 It must be noted that I made use of the digitized version of The New Canadian accessible online at: https://newspapers.lib.sfu.ca/. However, this website only makes available the issues from 1939. Thus, the content from 1938 is not included in my analysis.  44 “Contacts After Graduation,” The New Canadian: The Voice of the Second Generation, May 27, 1939, https://newspapers.lib.sfu.ca/tnc-34694/new-canadian, 13.  127  In response to the rising anti-Japanese racism in the late-1930s and early 1940s, some nisei began to strengthen their connections to Japan. Others continued to bring mechanisms of racism—the “invisible barrier”—to light even after the Ottawa visit in 1936 and the uprising of the Japanese Imperial Army’s invasion into China. Besides being driven by their desire to become teachers, some nisei women may have responded by attending normal school to prove their belonging in Canada.45 5.1.1.1.3 1941 – Pearl Harbour It was important that the nisei had a platform to write about their experiences, as anti-Japanese sentiments escalated immediately after December 7, 1941, when Japan attacked Pearl Harbour and William Lyon Mackenzie King enacted the War Measures Act the same day.46 Although these policies aligned with the patterns of discriminatory policies implemented throughout the decades since the arrival of Japanese people to Canada, the directness and abruptness of the War Measures Act and the events that preceded it, shocked local Japanese Canadians.47  By mid-January of 1942, Japanese Canadian activities were strictly controlled. The federal cabinet accepted the demands of the BC provincial government which enforced the restrictions on Japanese Canadians in BC to fish, purchase vessels, gasoline, and dynamite, as  45 Timothy Stanley argues that the Chinese and Chinese Canadian community protested in Victoria to confront the anti-Chinese racism inflicted on them and affecting their access to education in the 1920s. Despite the diversity within the Chinese and Chinese Canadian community, racism homogenized them and made them Chinese. In Timothy J. Stanley, Contesting White Supremacy : School Segregation, Anti-Racism, and the Making of Chinese Canadians (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011), 43-4. Similarly, Japanese Canadian women may have sought the BC public school teaching profession in response to anti-Japanese racism.  46 Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 3, 27; Leah-Simone Bowen and Falen Johnson, “Why Aren’t There More Japantowns in Canada?,” The Secret Life of Canada, accessed June 10, 2020, https://www.cbc.ca/radio/secretlifeofcanada/why-aren-t-there-more-japantowns-in-canada-1.5567426. 47 Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 27. 128  well as use shortwave radios during the war.48 While many nisei were fired from their jobs and UBC pulled students of Japanese ancestry from the institution, Tatsuko Takahashi managed to complete her program.49  Five days after President Roosevelt had issued the order to forcibly displace Japanese Americans living on the West Coast on February 19, 1942,50 Canada followed suit by administering the order-in-council to “remove and detain ‘any and all persons’ from any designated ‘protected area’” with Japanese ancestry.51 The answer to the long duration of uncertainty as to whether Japanese Canadians could be considered full Canadian citizens was now clarified. The answer was a clear “no” as Sunahara writes, “[w]hether Issei or Nisei, Japanese alien or Canadian citizen, everyone had become an enemy alien.”52 In short, the web of discriminatory regulations was no longer intricate, but rather straightforward.  5.1.1.1.4 1942 – Hastings Park A three-man team appointed by the federal government called the British Columbia Security Commission (BCSC) took temporary control of one section of Vancouver’s Hastings Park (now the Pacific National Exhibition grounds).53 By mid-March, Hastings Park became the temporary internment grounds for Japanese Canadian women, children, and any remaining men who were not sent to work on road camps.54 Most Japanese Canadian males who were between  48 Ibid., 37.  49 Ibid., 38. 50 Ibid., 47.  51 Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 47; Toyo Takata, Nikkei Legacy: The Story of Japanese Canadians from Settlement to Today (Toronto: NC Press, 1983), 116. 52 Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 52.   53 Takata, Nikkei Legacy, 120-1; Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 55. 54 Many were sent to build roads along the BC and Alberta border. This later became a part of the Trans-Canada Highway. In Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 55, 77. 129  18 and 45 were removed from their homes and sent to work in the BC interior by April first.55 Some issei and nisei males were sent to other road camps in Schreiber, Ontario particularly if they were deemed “fit for work” or “fit for light work.” 56 Others were sent to prisoner-of-war camps located in Petawawa and Angler, Ontario.57  By November of 1942, over 20,000 Japanese Canadians were uprooted and sent to the internment camps spread across Canada from their homes after being surveilled and surviving the horrendous conditions at Hastings Park.58 Those who were financially capable, went to self-supporting camps in the BC interior such as Bridge River-Lillooet and Minto City.59 The three teachers whose stories are explored in this chapter attended Vancouver Normal School throughout the late 1930s and early 1940s, as the lifestyle of Japanese Canadians drastically changed in the difficult years prior to internment and the Second World War. 5.1.2 The BCTF, Schools, and Teachers in the Years Prior to the War During the years that Takimoto, Watanabe, and Takahashi attended normal school, the BC education system experienced a teacher shortage. Despite it, normal schools continued to raise tuition fees.60 Teachers’ salaries also showed little change—a possible contributing factor  55 Takata, Nikkei Legacy, 115. 56 Ibid.  57 Ibid; Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 88. 58 Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 76. Here, I borrow Sunahara’s usage of the term, “uprooted,” as her work was instrumental in writing this section. Other historians have utilized the terms “dispossessed” to describe this process. See Eric M Adams, Jordan Stanger-Ross, and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Promises of Law: The Unlawful Dispossession of Japanese Canadians,” Osgoode Hall Law Journal 54, no. 3 (Spring 2017): 687–739, https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3156&context=ohlj. 59 Ibid., 49.  60 Until 1914, normal school students did not have to pay an entrance fee. In fact, travel expenses for students from out of town were covered. In “Seventy-First Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia,” 1941-2, BC Sessional Papers (Victoria, Government Printer), UBC Open Collections, http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0224422, B 43. 130  for the teacher shortage.61 In the late 1930s, the Council of Public Instruction required candidates to have Senior Matriculation, in addition to achieving Junior Matriculation, or one year of university. Prospective normal school students were also expected to have requisite standing in Arts, Health, Geography, and Arithmetic.62 Furthermore, after 1935, it became necessary for students to have completed two summer school sessions in addition to the previously required two years of successful work experience as a teacher in order to be granted a permanent teacher’s certificate.63 Thus, while the province witnessed a teacher shortage, the gradual increase of tuition fees and the tightening of admissions requirements made it more difficult for aspiring teachers to attend normal school, rather than creating space for individuals like Takimoto, Watanabe, and Takahashi to become teachers the late 1930s to early 1940s.64  Coupled with the effects of the House of Commons’ endorsement to keep Japanese Canadians disenfranchised in 1937, the news of the Japanese Imperial Army’s progression into Nanking also made its way into the BC education system. For example, a brief history of Japan’s progression into China appeared in the January 1938 issue of The B.C. Teacher, a monthly newsletter published by the British Columbia Teacher’s Federation (BCTF).65 In an article in the  61 Tuition fees began increasing in 1923, rising from $40 to $135. In addition, starting in 1927, subsidies for those travelling in to attend normal school were no longer offered. The starting salary of a teacher was around $780 upon certification after attending normal school for one semester in the first two decades of the 1900s. While the starting salary remained stagnant, the endorsement of normal school tuition fees did not increase, and instead has dropped back to where it was thirty years ago. In Seventy-First Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1941-2, B 43.  62 Donald Leslie MacLaurin, “The History of Education in the Crown Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia and in the Province of British Columbia.” (PhD Dissertation, Seattle, University of Washington, 1936), 236.  63 Ibid., 233-4.  64 Their presence in the provincial normal school might also indicate their ability to pay for and meet the raised educational requirements and also one way that the admissions process may have kept other students interested in becoming teachers out. 65 “Highlights of the World News,” The B.C. Teacher, November 1938, 255-6.  131  February 1938 issue, The B.C. Teacher informed its readers that there were “a million refugees without food, clothing, or shelter and many crazed with fear thronged Shanghai at Christmas.”66 An article in the March 1938 issue reported that “250,000 Chinese refugees faced famine because Japan blocked attempts to bring food” to the Nanking international safety zone.67 Whether the details shared in these reports were accurate requires further exploration. However, as Fujiwara argued, some issei and members of what she calls the nisei elite, chose to strengthen ties to Japan in this period because they saw that anti-Japanese attitudes did not, at this point, depend on connections to Japan, or lack thereof.68 Put differently, these select issei and nisei changed their response towards Japan to survive the anti-Japanese racism that exacerbated during these years by embracing their Japanese background. Furthermore, they joined the Canadian Japanese Association (CJA) in their support of Japan in 1937, after the Japanese Imperial Army invaded China.69 The changing attitudes of some issei and nisei towards mainland Japan and the circulation of aggressive depictions of the Japanese Imperial Army in the province, may have worked to generally associate the nisei with the Japanese Imperial Army, rather than as Canadians, to further entrench anti-Japanese attitudes in the province.  To counteract, The New Canadian found a place in the 1939 November issue of The B.C. Teacher. An article clarified that The New Canadian and the nisei who supported it were “trying to speak the truth of their unique position, voice their hopes and aspirations to a society fraught  66 “Highlights of the World News,” The B.C. Teacher, February 1938, 303.  67 “Highlights of the World News,” The B.C. Teacher, March 1938, 368. Safety zones were created in the city of Nanking for civilians to seek refuge from the violence occurring throughout the city among Japanese and Chinese soldiers. In Zhang Lianhong, “The Nanjing Massacre: The Socio-Psychological Effects,” ed. Peter Li (London: Routledge, n.d.), 121-2. For a map of Nanking in 1937 and the location of the International Safety Zone, see Matsuoka, Torn Memories of Nanking, 46-7.  68 Fujiwara, Ethnic Elites and Canadian Identity, 43. 69 Ibid., 43-5.  132  with misunderstanding,” and “that they might work for the attainment of their destiny,” described as the “recognition in the national and political life of the country of their birth.”70 It is evident that some members within the BC education community supported these nisei who still found BC as their home. Some teachers even made trips to Japan to attend education conferences in the years leading up to the war. Hyodo attended one of these trips in the summer of 1937 which she wrote about in the December 1937 issue of The B.C. Teacher.71 Sympathetic attitudes towards the Japanese Canadian community existed within the BCTF as suggested by their recognition of The New Canadian in The B.C. Teacher. This kind of support may have contributed to the Japanese Canadians’ ability to train as public school teachers and reveals how the education system may also not have been entirely discriminatory.72  When British Columbia received the news that the Japanese Imperial Army had bombed Pearl Harbour, the Victoria High School conducted an air raid precautions (ARP) drill the following day on December 8, 1941.73 Public schools in British Columbia saw immediate changes afterwards. As Peter Smith writes, the removal of Japanese Canadian students brought tears to the other students at Victoria High School, during “a brief but emotional” final assembly.74 Strathcona Elementary School lost 600 Japanese Canadian students, about half of its  70 “Our Magazine Table,” The B.C. Teacher, November 1939, 115-6.  71 Hide Hyodo, “A Trip to Japan,” The B.C. Teacher, December 1937, 185.  72 For more on how select members within the BC school system supported and advocated for Japanese Canadians and their education, see Helen Raptis, “A Tale of Two Women: Edith Lucas, Mary Ashworth, and the Changing Nature of Educational Policy in British Columbia, 1937-1977,” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 17, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 293–319, https://doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v17i2.80 73 Smith, Come Give a Cheer, 103 in Thomas Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, Vol. 1: Public School Leadership in British Columbia, 1849-1960 (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises Ltd., 2010), 286.  74 Ibid. 133  school population, in response to the order-in-council.75 Similar patterns were seen in schools across the province including those in Maple Ridge, Mission, and Richmond.76 However, Japanese Canadian students were not left without an education. Under Hyodo’s leadership, a group of volunteer teachers established a school for the children who were pulled from their local classrooms into the temporary gathering area at Hastings Park before being dispersed into camps across Canada.77 Some of the Japanese Canadian women who trained at the provincial normal schools became volunteer teachers at the schools at Hastings Park.   75 Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, Vol. 1, 287.  76 Ibid., 288 While I was unable to locate examples of whether students and parents organized to protest against the expulsion of Japanese Canadian students from schools—as was seen in the Chinese Canadians’ reaction to school segregation in Victoria in 1921-22—the letters donated by Joan Gillis who maintained correspondence with her Japanese Canadian classmates from Queen Elizabeth High School in Surrey include the time frame. Gillis’ letters are held at the Rare Books and Special Collections at the University and may offer more clues to the immediate reactions of Japanese Canadian high school students. In 1921-2, Chinese Canadian students in Victoria organized a strike against the Victoria School Board, to fight against their school segregation. For more on the Chinese Canadian student strikes, see Timothy J. Stanley, “White Supremacy, Chinese Schooling, and School Segregation in Victoria: The Case of the Chinese Students’ Strike, 1922-23,” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire De l’éducation 2, no. 2 (1990): 287–305, https://doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v2i2.1318.  Although the context is vastly different, it might be possible to imagine the abruptness in how the orders-in-council affected Japanese Canadian students in the 1940s, by recalling the unfolding of recent events in response to the CoVid-19 virus pandemic. On March 16, 2020, I recall Prime Minister Trudeau announcing the closure of Canadian borders for visitors from abroad. Schools were closed by this time, and before the end of the month, UBC closed its facilities, including its libraries. I cannot, however, imagine how it must have felt to be pulled out of UBC or unable to walk outside without feeling immensely visible because of my Japanese background. 77 Frank Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile: A History of the Schools for Japanese-Canadian Children in British Columbia Detention Camps during the Second World War (Toronto: Ghost-Town Teachers Historical Society, 2001), 24; Patricia Roy, “‘Due to Their Keenness Regarding Education They Will Get the Utmost out of the Whole Plan’: The Education of Japanese Children In the British Columbia Interior Housing Settlements during World War Two,” Historical Studies in Education/Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 4, no. 2 (1992): 211–31. The establishment of schools at Hastings Park were twofold. Frank Moritsugu writes that “[t]he altruistic reason was that even in the throes of the expulsion process, the children should not be deprived of their normal education. The practical reason was that regular classes would keep the children occupied, as well as soothe their parents’ concerns somewhat—thus easing some of the tensions that threatened to make the temporary internment camp at Hastings Park difficult to supervise.” In Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 24. It is interesting to note that the reasons for endorsing schools at Hastings Park were similar to the reasons for the emergence of public education in Canada. For an overview of the emergence of public schools in Canada, see Paul Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling: Education in Canada, 1800-1914 (University of Toronto Press, 1997), 24-43, particularly pages 28-9 on the point about “keeping children occup[ied].” This shows how the aims of schooling were similar across different communities and settings. Ironically, the argument used to endorse educational programming in Hastings Park was “the right of every Canadian-born boy or girl to receive a truly Canadian education.” W.S. McRae in Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 29. This clashed with the effects of the War Measures Act, which deemed all people with Japanese ancestry in British Columbia as “enemy aliens” regardless of whether they were naturalized or 134  These series of events were obstacles that made it even more difficult for Japanese Canadians to pursue the teaching profession. As I argued earlier, a teacher shortage did not make space for Japanese Canadians to enter the profession. Yet, each of the three teachers successfully graduated from normal school in the years leading up to internment. In the following sections, I unfold the stories of these three Japanese Canadian teachers and argue that their normal school attendance was one way to respond to rising anti-Japanese racism. They also became educators in their own community instead of state-recognized public school teachers. 5.2 Attending Normal School as a Response 5.2.1 Frances Takimoto  Frances Takimoto was born in 1918 in New Westminster, BC and had three siblings, Albert, Richard, and Kimi Takimoto.78 It is possible that Takimoto relocated to Vancouver from New Westminster during her schooling years, based on newspaper articles that indicated that she was in grade XI at Britannia High School in 1934.79 She was a prominent piano player, as evidenced by her attainment of the grade IV certificate in pianoforte in July of 1936.80   birthright citizens of Canada. Furthermore, high school Japanese Canadian students were recruited as teachers, which Moritsugu illuminates was “an unheard-of idea in pre-war British Columbia.” In Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 29. This sheds light on the tendency for Canadian government officials to perceive Japanese Canadian youth as inferior enough to grant them Canadian-status, and young adults and adults who may pose an economic threat as “enemy aliens.” It also illuminates the contradictory position that educational officials were placed—on the one hand serving the province by following the orders implemented by the War Measures Act and on the other, wanting to provide access to education to all children regardless of their background. Despite this, Japanese Canadians were deemed “enemy aliens” based on their appearance and the activities of the Japanese Army. McRae ran the schools in Hastings Park with Hyodo. In Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 37.  78 “Frances Ayako (Takimoto) YOSHIDA,” The Hamilton Spectator, September 9-16, 2017, https://www.legacy.com/amp/obituaries/thespec/195317048; Library & Archives Canada, 1921, Census of Canada [database online], http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.item/?app=Census1921&op=img&id=e002874150, Statistics Canada. 79 “Britannia High Examination Results,” The Vancouver Sun, January 20, 1934, 4. 80 Frances received honorable mention in pianoforte. “B.C. Examinations Results in Royal Schools of Music,” The Province, July 9, 1936, 19; “Many Successful Candidates for Associated Board Examiners,” The Vancouver Sun, July 9, 1936, 5.  135  Takimoto was involved with the UBC Japanese Canadian Students’ Club and surrounded herself with prominent members of the Japanese Canadian community like Tom Shoyama, the founder of The New Canadian and Cana Okamura, a fellow aspiring Japanese Canadian teacher.81 As Okamura had attended UBC after her normal school training, she may have shared her experiences at normal school with Takimoto as they are both pictured in a group photo taken in 1937 (see figure 4.2). Thus, it is possible that Okamura had influenced Takimoto’s decision to attend normal school during their involvement with the UBC Japanese Students’ Club.82 Based on this speculation, Takimoto was likely aware of the barriers placed against aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers throughout the past decade from her nisei peers.  Yet, later that year, Takimoto attended Vancouver Normal School and appeared on the list of students who successfully passed the normal school examinations in June of 1938.83 She also received a Grade “B” certificate in Physical Education, a subject that slowly found a place in normal school education following the endorsement of first-aid instruction and a partnership with the Metropolitan Health Committee.84 It is significant that Takimoto entered into normal school in 1937, not only because of the raised entrance standards at the time, but also because  81 Japanese Students Club, 1937, photograph, 1937, 2001-4-4-5-51. Roy Ito Collection, Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada, http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/item.php. Although I was unable to locate Frances in the UBC yearbooks from 1937, it is quite plausible that she attended, as she was pictured in a photo with the UBC Japanese Student’s Club. As stated in the 1937 UBC yearbook, the primary purpose of the Japanese Student’s Club was to: “promote intellectual and social intercourse among the Japanese students and between them and students of other races represented on the campus” in The University of British Columbia, yearbook, 1937, “The Totem,” UBC Publications, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/ubcpublications/ubcyearb/items/1.0119012#p149z-3r0f:takimoto, 142. 82 Japanese Students Club, 1937, photograph, 1937, 2001-4-4-5-51, NNM. 83 Provincial Normal School, Vancouver: Student Register (alphabetical), 1911-1938, GR-1471, Volume 10, File 1, BC Archives, Victoria, British Columbia, Canada; “Normal Exam Results Out,” The Daily Province, June 16, 1938, 23. 84 Sixty-Ninth Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1939-40, http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0224422, B 37. 136  Japanese Canadians had been denied the right to vote three times at this point – once in 1901, another time in 1919, and again in March of 1937.85 Although it is unclear if Takimoto was certified, her appearance on the list of successful normal school graduates in 1938 signifies that the decision to not enfranchise nisei in 1937 did not explicitly prevent Japanese Canadians from training to become public school teachers. Although speculative, it may also indicate that the nisei’s lack of the right to vote had propelled Takimoto’s motivation to pursue teacher training as a means to strengthen and prove the capabilities of the Japanese Canadians even after their disenfranchisement. Takimoto also attended normal school during a time when the news about the Japanese Imperial Army’s invasion into China circulated within the province. Although accounts of her experience in normal school are unavailable, it is significant that the “ominous turn of events” as Miki describes the latter half of 1937, did not deter Takimoto from completing her program.86  Upon graduation, like Hidaka and A. Suzuki, Takimoto supported kindergarten programming at the United Church on Powell Street, by working as an assistant.87 It does not appear that she received teacher certification or was hired in local schools, despite likely having attended UBC prior to normal school. Due to a lack of evidence, it is uncertain if supporting kindergarten programs was her desired role, as was the case for A. Suzuki, or if it had been a  85 The normal school academic year usually ran from September to June of the following year. Thus, when the Takimoto attended normal school in September of 1937, the JCCL would have already heard back from the House of Commons about their disenfranchisement that took place in March of that year. “Sixty-Seventh Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia,” 1937-8, BC Sessional Papers (Victoria, Government Printer), UBC Open Collections,  https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcsessional/items/1.0308765#p33z-3r0f:%22normal%20School%22, J 32.  86 Roy Miki, Redress: Inside the Japanese Canadian Call for Justice (Raincoast Books, 2004), 36. 87 “Tots Given Diplomas at Kindergarten Graduation Exercises,” The New Canadian, July 1, 1939, page 1,4. It is unclear whether she worked in the kindergarten unit because the article doesn’t specify this. The article only states that she was “an assistant at the Powell United Church.” 137  position that she took after attempting to teach at a local school board, as was the case for Hidaka. Her general absence from the teaching force in British Columbia, however, reveals the persistence of the mechanisms that worked to keep Japanese Canadians out of the profession. Later that year, in August of 1939, she married Thomas Tomiharu Yoshida. Marriage was a pattern seen among young couples in the general Vancouver community in the years leading up to 1942.88 Upon internment, Takimoto moved to Beamsville, Ontario before finally settling in Hamilton, Ontario.89 There, she taught nursery school and later acquired specialized training in teaching kindergarten at the Hamilton Board of Education, perhaps inspired by her previous work at the Powell United Church. Later, she became involved with the Hamilton Kindergarten Teachers Association, the Retired Women’s Teacher’s Organization (RWTO),90 Retired Teachers of Ontario (RTO), and volunteered as a leader for children’s groups at the Chedoke-McMaster Hospital.91 Takimoto passed away on the eve of her ninety-ninth birthday.92   88 Province of British Columbia, Registration of Marriage, August 23, 1939, GR-2962, Reel no. B13743, Vols. 242-250, British Columbia Vital Statistics Agency, Marriage Registrations, BC Archives, Victoria, Canada,  http://search-collections.royalbcmuseum.bc.ca/Image/Genealogy/1fad264c-c8de-426b-bc86-f752aee4d219. Thomas Fleming writes: “young couples flooded the Vancouver registry office with marriage applications—two hundred in the first week of the war” in Fleming, The Principal’s Office and Beyond, Vol. 1, 283. 89 “Frances Ayako (Takimoto) YOSHIDA,” The Hamilton Spectator, September 9-17, 2017. It is unclear how Takimoto contributed during internment. Although I was unable to find specific information regarding Takimoto, Moritsugu wrote about her siblings’ contributions at the Hastings Schools and the schools in the internment camps. While it seems that Takimoto’ family members were greatly active in Japanese Canadian affairs, it was difficult to find information particularly about Takimoto.  90 “Hamilton-Wentworth, Haldimand District13 in Memoriam 2017,” Thirteenth World 33, no. 2 (Winter 2018): 1–35, https://district13.rto-ero.org/sites/district13.rto-ero.org/files/district-files/Newsletters/winter_rto_nwslr_2018.pdf, 29.  91 “Frances Ayako (Takimoto) YOSHIDA,” The Hamilton Spectator, September 9-16, 2017; “Frances Ayako Yoshida Obituary,” The Toronto Star, September 11, 2017, accessed June 10, 2020, https://www.legacy.com/amp/obituaries/thestar/186624640. 92 Ibid. 138  5.2.2. Yukiko “Yuki” Watanabe   Yukiko Watanabe was born around 1920 or 1921 to Itoko Watanabe.93 Likely growing up in the East Vancouver area, Watanabe smoothly progressed through her education at Strathcona public school.94 By 1933, Watanabe was in grade eight.95 Also a student at Vancouver Japanese language school on Alexander Street, Watanabe was a part of the Meiro-kai graduating class of 1935.96 In the mid 1930s, about two-thirds of the nisei population attended Japanese language school, as illuminated in the survey about Second Generation Japanese Canadians in BC conducted in 1935.97 Among the teachers explored in this thesis, Watanabe appears to have been one of the only aspiring teachers to have records of attending Japanese language school besides Uchida, who attended the makeshift school on Powell Street for the first nisei children born in Vancouver.98 In addition, like Takimoto, Watanabe excelled in her musical talents—particularly  93 Kunitoshi Suyenaga, “カナダ・ヴァンクーヴァーにおける日系カナダ人の居住地域と営業活動” [Japanese Canadians’ Residential Area and Business Activities in Vancouver in 1938], The Doshisha University Economic Review 57, no. 4 (March 2006), 18; “Tots Given Diplomas at Kindergarten Graduation Exercises,” The New Canadian, July 1, 1939, 1,4. Moritsugu and various other Japanese Canadian sources list Yukiko Watanabe’s name as “Yuki Watanabe.” However, in the archival documents at the BC Archives, her name was listed as “Yukiko Watanabe.” See Table 2.5. In effort to centre Japanese Canadian voices and stories, I use “Yuki Watanabe” in this section.  94 A Group Portrait of the Grade Four Class, Strathcona Public School, 1929, photograph, 1929, 2011.47.06.03.11, Tom Matsui Collection, Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/item_detail.php?art_id=A19721; A Group Portrait of the Grade Eight Graduating Class, Strathcona Public School, 1933, photograph, 1933, 2011.47.06.03.12, Tom Matsui Collection, Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/item_detail.php?art_id=A19722.  95 A Group Portrait of the Grade Four Class, Strathcona Public School, 1929, photograph.   96 A Group Portrait of the Graduating Class of the Japanese Language School, Meiro Kai, 1935, photograph, 1935, 2011.47.06.02.02, Tom Matsui Collection, Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada,  http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/item_detail.php?art_id=A18920; Pat Adachi, Interview transcript by Lisa Uyeda, April 14, 2011, 2010-005, Sedai Oral History Project, Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, http://jccc.on.ca/assets/documents/heritage/transcripts/2010-005%20Pat%20Adachi%20Transcription%20Final.pdf, 23.  97 The Canadian Japanese Association, Report of the Survey of the Second Generation Japanese, 11.  98 See Chapter 3, for Chitose Uchida’s story.  139  in piano and singing throughout the mid- to late- 1930s.99 She also found ways to be involved with the local churches by performing for gatherings such as Easter Sunday and CGIT gatherings for girls and mothers.100  Prior to attending Vancouver Normal School from 1938 to 1939, Watanabe attended UBC.101 She became one of the 125 students to successfully graduate from the Vancouver provincial normal school.102 Later, Watanabe was granted an interim first-class certificate valid from 1939 to 1941, yet she was not hired.103   From here, I offer a more speculative insight into Watanabe’s trajectory after normal school. I located two sets of sources which referred to her name, Yuki Watanabe. However, due to a lack of materials, I was unable to confirm which source was, or whether both were, part of Watanabe’s story. Although Watanabe was not hired to teach in the BC public school system, the first plausible story is that she taught at the Fairview Japanese Language School after normal  99 “Successful in Recent Associated Board Exams,” The Province, July 6, 1935, 29; “Associated Board Examination Results,” The Vancouver Sun, July 6, 1935, 17. 100 “Joyous Choral Programs in Vancouver Churches,” March 27, 1937, The Sunday Sun, 7; “C.G.I.T. Girls Fete Mothers at Dinner,” The New Canadian, February 15, 1939, 8.  101 The University of British Columbia, 1938, The Totem, UBC Publications, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/ubcpublications/ubcyearb/items/1.0119013#p88z-3r0f:watanabe. A photo of Watanabe also appears in the 1939 UBC yearbook, however, she is listed as “Satoru Watanabe,” a name usually given to males. This was likely a typo in the yearbook, as Watanabe would have been in normal school by this time. In the University of British Columbia, 1939, The Totem, UBC Publications, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/ubcpublications/ubcyearb/items/1.0119025#p115z-3r0f:watanabe, 120.  102 Sessional registers of students at Provincial Normal School (Victoria and Vancouver), 1927-1956, Vol. 1, GR-1752, BC Archives, Victoria, British Columbia, Canada; Sixty-Eighth Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia, 1938-9, BC Sessional Papers (Victoria, Government Printer), UBC Open Collections, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcsessional/items/1.0314207#p36z-2r0f:certification, H 36; “Tots Given Diplomas at Kindergarten Graduation Exercises” The New Canadian, July 1, 1939, 1,4; Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 34.  103 Sessional registers of students at Provincial Normal School (Victoria and Vancouver), 1927-1956, Vol. 1, GR-1752, BCA. 140  school.104 Not only did she, identified as “Mrs. Yuki Tamaki, nee Watanabe,” appears in a photo of teachers lined up in front of the language school, but an article in The New Canadian also indicated that she was a valuable bilingual member of the Japanese Canadian community. Watanabe translated English speeches into Japanese at community gatherings such as the reports made by two public school teachers, Miss Marjorie Scott and Miss Doris Laverock, regarding their tour to Japan in 1939.105 These two pieces of evidence suggest that although Watanabe was not hired to teach in a BC public school, she taught at the Fairview Japanese Language School. Other sources suggest an alternative story. Another article in The New Canadian, published on April 10, 1942, announced the birth of a baby girl to “Mrs. M. Matsui (nee Yuki Watanabe),” at Salmon Arm.106 It is difficult to decipher from these sources if the Yuki Watanabe who attended Vancouver Normal School from 1938 to 1939 later became Yuki Tamaki, who worked at the Fairview Japanese Language School or Yuki Matsui, who had a baby girl at Salmon Arm.107 It is also possible that Yuki Watanabe was formerly known as Ms. Tamaki, and later became to be known as Ms. Matsui. While further research is needed to clarify Watanabe’s story, it is useful to consider the possible significances that these trajectories reveal. If it was the case that the Watanabe who attended Japanese language school was the same Watanabe who trained at the normal schools and later worked at the Fairview Language School, this reveals how the language schools did construct a large part of nisei lives in the prewar years  104 The Fairview Japanese Language School, photograph, 1941, 2011.18.06.06, Koji Goto Collection, Japanese Canadian Cultural Centre, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/item_detail.php?art_id=A24097.  105 “Japan Tour Teachers Tell Travel Tales,” The New Canadian, October 20, 1939, 4. 106 “Blessed Event,” The New Canadian, April 10, 1942, 3. 107 It was indicated in another article that Yuki Matsui sat on the board of the Powell Jr. Church, with Hide Hyodo. “Powell Jr. Church Reaffirms Loyalty,” The New Canadian, January 23, 1942, 2. 141  as argued by recent historians.108 In contrast to Ken Adachi who wrote about how language schools had a relatively negative impact on nisei by forcing them to attend and thus hindering their process of becoming Canadian, Watanabe shows us how she was able to benefit from and utilize her language education in her career.109 She also found a way to combine her language education and Canadian teacher training by becoming a Japanese language school teacher.  If Watanabe came to be known as Yuki Matsui, further research is required to decipher more information about her trajectory in the pre-war years. Although I was unable to find specific information about her during internment as was the case with Takimoto, she may have taught at the Hastings Park school, based on her teacher training background. Relying on accessible information regarding Yuki Matsui during the post-war years, it appears that she moved to Toronto with her husband.110  If Watanabe came to be known as both Mrs. Tamaki and Mrs. Matsui, her trajectory reveals, how one aspiring Japanese Canadian teacher responded to the rising anti-Japanese  108 Eiji Okawa and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Japaneseness in Racist Canada”; Daniel Lachapelle Lemire, “Bittersweet Memories.”  109 Adachi, The Enemy that Never Was, 127-8, 166; Eiji Okawa and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Japaneseness in Racist Canada,” 22. Okawa also brings attention to how language education “has not fared well in historiography.” In Okawa and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Japaneseness in Racist Canada,” 21. I am reminded of my own experiences of attending Japanese language school on Saturdays during my childhood. Although I only attended language school on Saturday mornings, I recall the bitterness I felt toward this commitment. Late Friday nights of rushing to complete homework due the next day, studying for the kanji-character tests during Saturday morning car rides, and the anxiety-inducing requirement of reading Japanese textbooks aloud in class were some of the bitter memories that come to my mind. In general, these experiences seemed to tell me how incompetent I was in the Japanese language, even though I identified as a “Japanese” person. This dissonance in my sense of language incapability and my self-claimed identity confused me. The feeling of unresolvedness derived from this dissonance is something that I still carry with me and think about often. At the same time, there is also a sweetness. I made good friends and familiarized myself with the Japanese school curriculum. I even polished my skills in daifugo, a popular card game played in Japan. Maintaining this language was important not only to communicate with family and relatives, but in preparation to face the many uncertainties in life—such as, beginning the end of my public education in Japan. Of course, my personal experiences at present-day language schools cannot be equated to the nisei experience in the pre-war years, however, I include my experiences here as a reference point in my attempt to understand the past.  110 “Sansei Wins Toronto Youth Award,” The New Canadian, June 9, 1972, 1. I was unable to locate information regarding Yuki Tamaki in the post-war years.  142  racism of the time by crafting her own way of being “Japanese Canadian” in the pre-war years. By attending and working at a Japanese language school, she saw the importance of holding onto her traditions of her heritage even as general attitudes and policies normalized the exclusion of members of her community. By obtaining teacher training and a teacher’s certificate in preparation to become a public school she also belonged to the nisei community that identified themselves as Canadian. Utilizing her language education and teacher training and certification, Watanabe found a unique away to respond to a teacher hiring system that presented itself as colour-blind but one that maintained a colour bar. 5.2.3. Tatsuko Takahashi  Growing up in Steveston, Tatsuko Takahashi attended Lord Byng Elementary School, along with many other Japanese Canadians residing in Richmond, BC.111 As one might recall from a previous chapter, Hyodo was the only Japanese Canadian to be hired as a public school teacher in the BC school system. When hired, Hyodo was assigned to teach classes of Japanese Canadian students at Lord Byng Elementary School from 1927 until 1942. This period coincided with the time that Takahashi attended Lord Byng School as an elementary school student prior to her studies at Richmond High School in 1936.112 In fact, it is likely that Hyodo and Takahashi  111 Tatsuko Takahashi, Miyoko Matsuzaki, Steveston B.C., photograph in album, c.a. 1928, Box 3, Album 2, Folder 26, Shimizu (Hide) papers, The Thomas Fisher Rare Books Collection, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada (hereafter TFRB). Due to the lack of resources, I am unsure when Takahashi was born. However, based on her graduation from grade eight in 1936, it is possible to guess that she was born in 1921 or 1922. In “More entrance examination results,” The Province, July 25, 1936, 10; “Pupils Promoted to Richmond High School,” The Richmond Review, August 5, 1936, 1. It is interesting to note that most of the students listed in this last article had Japanese names, which reveals the density of the Japanese Canadian community in Richmond at the time. 112 Pupils Promoted to Richmond High School,” The Richmond Review, August 5, 1936, 1; “More entrance examination results,” The Province, July 25, 1936, 10; “Pupils Promoted to Richmond High School,” The Richmond Review, August 5, 1936, 1. It is interesting to note that most of the students listed here, had Japanese names. It is possible to imagine the extent of the Japanese Canadian community of Richmond at the time. 143  knew each other as a photo of Takahashi appears in an album that Hyodo created during her time at Lord Byng in 1928.113     Figure 5.1 A photo of Takahashi with another young girl, drawn from one of Hyodo’s photo albums. Tatsuko Takahashi, Miyoko Matsuzaki, Steveston BC, photograph in album, c.a. 1928, Box 3, Album 2, Folder 26. Courtesy of the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto.  The year Takahashi attended Richmond High School was described as one with an exceptionally high enrolment rate, so much so that it was expected to be “taxed to capacity.”114 In 1940, Takahashi passed the Junior Matriculation examination, along with 27 other students from Richmond High School.115   113 Tatsuko Takahashi, Miyoko Matsuzaki, Steveston B.C., photograph in album, c.a. 1928, TFRB. 114 Pupils Promoted to Richmond High School,” The Richmond Review, August 5, 1936, 1. 115 “Eburne Girl Wins Richmond Honors,” The Province, June 29, 1940, 16; “Ten Students Pass Examinations,” The Richmond Review, July 24, 1940, 1; “Successful Nisei Matriculants Announced,” The New Canadian, July 24, 1940, 1. 144  Throughout her elementary and high school years, Takahashi, like the other teachers, excelled in her musical skills in piano. In 1933, she was recognized for honors in the Toronto conservatory exam for elementary piano.116 Three years later in 1936, she was recognized for grade six honours in piano and in 1939, she played for an oratorical contest on the topic: “The Importance of School Spirit.”117 It is difficult to say whether the attainment of musical skills was a coincidence, or if it had become something of an unwritten and unspoken expectation for aspiring teachers. In fact, Aya Suzuki, whose story I explored in the previous chapter, had also trained in piano prior to her teacher training.118 The consistency among the aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers for their recognition of musical skills emerging in this chapter may indicate that as educational requirements were rising, additional unspoken expectations were also placed on aspiring teachers.  In 1941, Takahashi entered Vancouver Normal School and graduated in 1942.119 Although I was unable to find records of her completing senior matriculation, it is safe to assume that she successfully passed, as it was a requirement for admission into normal school.120 Takahashi likely completed senior matriculation after Junior Matriculation in 1940 and  116 “Toronto Conservatory Exam. Results,” The Vancouver Sun, July 19, 1933, 4.  117 “Toronto Conservatory of music Examination Results,” The Vancouver Sun, July 14, 1936, 9. Takahashi also passed grade V in pianoforte in 1937. “Associated Board Examination Results,” The Vancouver Sun, July 17, 1937. In 1938, Takahashi is recognized for Grade VIII Honours in piano. “Toronto Conservatory Exams Place Vancouver Pupils High,” The Vancouver Sun, July 16, 1938, 8; “High School Highlights,” The New Canadian, October 13, 1939, 4. 118 “Pupils’ Recital,” The Sunday Province, June 28, 1931, 12; “Piano Recital,” The Vancouver Sun, July 8, 1932, 22; “Pupils’ Recital,” The Sunday Province, July 10, 1932, 8; “Toronto Conservatory of Music Examination Results Announced,” The Vancouver Sun, July 26, 1932, 11.  119 “Normal School 149 Students Win Diplomas,” The Daily Province, June 15, 1942, 3; Sessional registers of students at Provincial Normal School (Victoria and Vancouver), 1927-1956, Vol. 1, GR-1752. 120 Even after admissions requirements were relaxed in 1942, at least one subject in senior matriculation was required. In “Seventy-Second Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia,” 1942-3, B 37.  145  beginning normal school in 1941. On June 15, 1942, Takahashi appeared in The Province under a list of 149 students who received a normal school diploma out of 156 total students.121  It is remarkable that Takahashi’s name appeared on the list of normal school graduates in June of 1942 as the order to uproot Japanese Canadian women and children to Hastings Park had begun a few months earlier.122 As Japanese Canadian students were dismissed from public schools and higher education institutions, and Japanese language schools were ordered to close,123 Takahashi was able to continue and complete her teacher training at normal school. This might indicate that aspiring teachers who were training at the normal schools were not seen as an immediate threat to the BC province. In other words, she may have been able to complete her training due to being the only Japanese Canadian teacher at normal school in 1941-2. The small number of Japanese Canadian students in normal schools may not have appeared to pose as much of a threat to British Columbians as the visibility of Japanese Canadians within the public school and UBC student bodies. Such fear caused by a concentrated growth in the Japanese Canadian community can be gleaned from Hill’s letter to Higashi in The Ubyssey. The visibility of Japanese Canadians in schools and economic activities was also a long-standing concern that had officially come to the fore in the mid- to late- 1920s, when the BC Legislative Assembly addressed “the question of Oriental penetration of British Columbia,” in 1927.124 In contrast, it is possible that the administrative team at the Vancouver Normal School allowed Takahashi to finish her program and obtain her degree, knowing that there were educational administrators  121 “Normal School 149 Students Win Diplomas,” The Daily Province, June 15, 1942, 3.  122 Sunahara, The Politics of Racism, 55. 123 Ibid., 38. 124 Province of British Columbia, Report on Oriental Activities Within the Province, BB 4; Dahlie, “The Japanese in B.C.: Lost Opportunity?,” 5-6.  146  who advocated for the education of Japanese Canadians, such as Edith Lucas, Anne Miller, and Cleo V. Booth during the war.125   Upon leaving normal school, Takahashi became a volunteer teacher at Hastings Park.126 There, she became one of the many nisei university graduates, undergraduate students, and high school graduates who trained to become volunteer teachers under the leadership of Hyodo.127 The classes at Hastings Park were held in the former hockey forum in the Exhibition lined with furniture formerly used at the Japanese language schools in the Vancouver area.128  Not all teachers were volunteers. Paid teachers included Albert and Kimi Takimoto, the brother and sister of Frances Takimoto, whose story I discussed in the previous chapter. They were a part of a four-person full-time teaching team, while two others taught part-time.129 Although Moritsugu indicates that Takahashi became a volunteer teacher at Hastings Park, he did not specify whether she was ever hired as a paid teacher. It is quite possible that Takahashi became a paid teacher because of her teacher training at the normal school. In fact, a short teacher training program at the Vancouver Normal School became available for the high school volunteer teachers who taught in the Hastings Park school.130 Takahashi, having completed a full normal school diploma, would have been an ideal candidate for a paid teaching position. After internment, Takahashi completed her Associate Degree at the Royal Conservatory of Toronto (ATCM) at Alma College in St. Thomas, Ontario.131 Soon after, she relocated to  125 Lucas, Miller, and Booth advocated for access to correspondence courses by Japanese Canadian students in the internment camps. Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 288; Raptis, “A Tale of Two Women.” 126 Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 34.  127 Ibid., 25, 20. 128 Ibid., 20.  129 Ibid., 26.  130 Ibid., 25, 27; Sunahara Politics of Racism, 97. 131 “CGIT Notes and Plans,” The Ottawa Citizen, August 27, 1947, 15.  147  Montreal and joined a local CGIT group.132 She became one of the four leaders of the Bible study for the Edgewood CGIT senior camp in addition to spearheading an interest group called “World Leadership,” intended to discuss “the causes and friction among people, and studying the most practical, common-sense ways of co-operation and mutual understanding.”133 Takahashi also continued to stay active within the nisei community. In addition to playing the piano for the “Town of Mount Royal Young People’s Society” one Wednesday evening in 1949,134 like Okamura and Iwasa, Takahashi also participated in community debates. She was a panelist at the Montreal Nisei Fellowship Group’s meeting in which they discussed the topic of “Assimilation” along with their guest speaker, Tom Shoyama.135  Takahashi followed her passion for education throughout the post-war years. In fact, her name appeared in Concordia University’s periodical in Fall of 2014—listed as an alumnus of the institution for obtaining her BA in 1969.136 Takahashi was married to Takeru Furuya and passed away in the spring of 2014.137  5.3. Conclusion Takimoto, Watanabe, and Takahashi attended Vancouver Normal School in a province at a time that both overtly—through their disenfranchisement—and covertly—through racist attitudes expressed in letters, denial of the effects of their disenfranchisement, and ultimately, internment—told them that they didn’t belong. The presence of these women in the provincial  132 “CGIT Notes and Plans,” The Ottawa Citizen, June 18, 1947, 14.  133 “CGIT Notes and Plans,” The Ottawa Citizen, August 27, 1947, 15.  134 “Fellowship Pair Wins in Debate,” The New Canadian, March 9, 1949, 8. 135 Ibid.  136 “In Memoriam,” University Magazine Concord, Fall 2014, https://www.concordia.ca/content/dam/concordia/aar/docs/magazine/2014-Fall.pdf, 61. 137 “Remembering,” The Gazette, May 27, 2014, 34.  148  normal schools in the six years leading up to 1942 shows how they continued to follow their aspirations of becoming teachers amidst heightened anti-Asian and anti-Japanese racism. Although explicit bans preventing Japanese Canadians from teacher training, certification, and hiring did not exist, this chapter argued that anti-Asian and anti-Japanese racism, in general, rather than franchise laws specifically, were factors that led to their absence.  Based on the availability and accessibility of sources, the specific reasons for their absence in the BC public school teaching force are unclear. It is quite possible that these teachers did not apply for teaching positions in the province because of their awareness of how racism manifested itself in the BC work force. It is also quite possible that these teachers did not want to become public school teachers but instead, wanted to train to become educators in the Japanese Canadian community. Timing is another factor that affected their ability to be hired—once interned, no Japanese Canadians were permitted to stay along the BC coast, much less, teach in the BC public school system.  Although these reasons are still unclear, what is clear is that three Japanese Canadian women attended and graduated from Vancouver Normal School at an incredibly turbulent time for them and their community. Thus, their appearances in the Vancouver Normal School must not be overlooked. In fact, their appearance was a response to the obstacles they faced; even more, they all found ways to pursue careers in education and give back to their own communities. While Takimoto worked as an assistant at the Powell United Church, it is likely that Watanabe, who was able to receive a first class interim certificate from 1939 to 1941, worked as a teacher at the Fairview Japanese Language School.138 Recently, historians have  138 This analysis is based on materials regarding Ms. Yuki (Watanabe) Tamaki.  149  argued that Japanese language schools have been framed bitterly in the historiography of Japanese Canadians.139 However, Watanabe’s position as a Japanese language school teacher reveals how language schools were not a hindrance, but were, in fact, a necessity for her role as a teacher. Takahashi was still a normal school student when the BCSC proceeded to displace Japanese Canadian communities between 1941 and 1942. Yet, she completed her teacher training and volunteered as a teacher at the Hastings Park school, where women and children were exiled “in transit.”140 The trajectories that these women took show the multiple ways that they responded to the anti-Asian and anti-Japanese racism that impacted their opportunities in BC from 1937 to 1942. Rather than defeat, they continued to pursue teacher training—a response that reveals their strength.    139 Okawa and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective, “Japaneseness in Racist Canada,”; Lemire, “Bittersweet Memories.” 140 Moritsugu, Teaching in Canadian Exile, 20.  150  Chapter 6: Conclusion The stories of the aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers shared in this thesis tell us how anti-Asian attitudes that prevailed in British Columbia and overlapped with the standardization of the teaching profession limited Japanese Canadians’ ability to become public school teachers in the province in the early 1900s. Using yearbooks, annual reports, archival materials, and secondary sources, I located eleven teachers who had attended normal school between 1916 and 1942. As Table 2.5 shows, only about half of those who trained were certified and only Hyodo was hired. The rest of this thesis explored the mechanisms—how—and the reasons—why—this pattern emerged. More broadly, their stories were used to fill in the absences that I addressed at the beginning of this thesis. In chapter one, I addressed the absence of Japanese Canadian teachers who had trained at the Vancouver and Victoria normal schools in the existing history of education and of Japanese Canadians. I also identified the lack of an official or formal policy that explicitly excluded them from the teaching profession, as claimed within the historiography of Japanese Canadians. In chapter two, I gave an overview of the methods used in this research project. After I located the eleven teachers’ names in the BC archival documents and BC Annual Reports, I used various archival materials in British Columbia and Toronto, Ontario, and worked with them from “without” and read them from “within” to gather more details about these teachers. This process helped locate more clues about their general absence from the history of teacher certification and hiring in BC. Chapter three explored the stories of Uchida, Nakabayashi, and Hyodo who were the first three Japanese Canadian teachers I was able to locate in the Vancouver and Victoria Normal School yearbooks. All three teachers were able to receive teacher training and teaching certificates. In fact, Uchida and Nakabayashi sought university education beyond their normal 151  school training and were among the best-educated in Canada at the time.141 Yet, Hyodo was the only one to be hired to teach in a BC public school in the pre-war years. Placing their stories in the context of BC between 1916 and 1927, I argued that the ruling of the Homma vs. Cunningham court case in 1902, the Asian-Riots in 1907, followed by the Gentlemen’s Agreement in 1908 were factors that both normalized and were symptoms of anti-Asian attitudes in BC. These events also overlapped with the standardization of the teaching profession in BC in the early 1900s, marked by the establishment of the Vancouver and Victoria normal schools.142 Thus, I argued that this overlap affected the inability for Uchida and Nakabayashi, who had more than enough qualifications to teach, from the teaching profession in public schools in BC. Although I was unable to obtain evidence of whether Uchida and Nakabayashi applied for teaching positions in BC schools, their general absence indicates the possibility that anti-Asian racism, more so than franchise laws affected their teaching trajectories.  In chapter four, I explored the stories of Okamura, I. Suzuki, Hidaka, Iwasa, and A. Suzuki. The ability for I. Suzuki and Iwasa to receive teaching certificates in 1931 and 1934 respectively, shows that there was no policy limiting Japanese Canadians from obtaining teaching certificates after Hyodo’s hiring in 1926, contrary to what some of the works about Japanese Canadians have claimed. Alternatively, the presence of certified Japanese Canadian teachers in the 1930s may also suggest that even if there was a policy limiting Japanese Canadians from obtaining teaching certificates, it was not enforced. Moreover, as evident from  141 R. D. Gidney and W. P. J. Millar, How Schools Worked: Public Education in English Canada, 1900-1940 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2012), 148.  142 In Jean Barman, “British Columbia’s Pioneer Teachers,” in Children, Teachers, and Schools in the History of British Columbia, ed. Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J. Donald Wilson (Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1995), 189–208. 152  Hidaka’s experience, the lack of an explicit policy limiting Japanese Canadians from teaching, resulted in the usage of other mechanisms such as religion, citizenship and franchise laws to exclude her from being a part of the teaching force in the Hammond municipality. Ironically, all of the aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers discussed were involved in their local youth Christian groups which, the history of education in Canada tells us, was an important underlying value within education institutions across Canada.  In the early 1930s, BC was also facing a teaching surplus, which resulted in the tightening of teaching qualifications. While tightened qualifications may have been one factor affecting the ability of Japanese Canadians to become teachers, it is more likely that other factors defined the scope of who could become public school teachers in the 1930s in BC. Nothing in their qualifications suggested that they were weak candidates—they had obtained teacher training and were all socially engaged in the Christian community, a key value that was embedded into the BC education system.    The stories of Takimoto, Watanabe, Takahashi were shared in chapter five. The ability for these three nisei women to attend normal school after the House of Commons denied JCCL’s request for the nisei to obtain franchise rights in 1936, shows that the continued disenfranchisement of nisei did not affect the ability of Japanese Canadians to attend and obtain teacher training at the normal schools in BC. In fact, Watanabe’s ability to receive an interim first-class certificate also shows that disenfranchisement did not prevent Japanese Canadians from obtaining teaching certificates, even in the late 1930s. The result of this trip to Ottawa ultimately signified Canada’s commitment to exclude Japanese Canadians, even if they were birth-right citizens of Canada, from various positions of work both through franchise laws and by upholding anti-Asian attitudes. The conversations that took place at the House of Commons also 153  reveals the sneaky and complicated ways that various actors used franchise laws to maintain a colour bar within professional associations and hiring practices, without explicitly admitting to systemically excluding Japanese Canadians on the basis of race. The chapter also discussed other factors that may have normalized such attitudes through letters written in The Ubyssey and the effects that rising tensions between China and Japan had on the Japanese Canadian and larger BC education community. In addition to exploring the mechanisms and the reasons behind those mechanisms that affected aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers from the teaching profession in BC, I also showcase how Japanese Canadian teachers responded to the systemic racism inflicted on them. One form of response was moving. While Uchida ended up in British Columbia, she first relocated to Alberta to teach in a rural public school. Nakabayashi eventually relocated to Japan after teaching at the Oriental Home where she grew up. Okamura and I. Suzuki also moved to Japan to live with their husbands and to pursue careers that better suited their goals and dreams. Rather than a failure, these actions, I argue, were a response. They intentionally distanced themselves from the subtle and overt means of oppression inflicted on Japanese Canadians that did not allow for them to fully participate in Canadian society and achieve their goals. Other ways that the teachers responded was by utilizing their provincial teacher training to give back to their own communities. Upon her return to British Columbia, Uchida opened her own night school, where she taught English language to members of her own Japanese Canadian community. Although their reasons and motivations differed, Hidaka and A. Suzuki taught kindergarten at their local churches including the Women’s Missionary Society (WMS) kindergartens in Whonnock, BC and Ruskin, BC and the Japanese Church of Ascension. Takimoto also assisted with the Powell Street Church upon completing her teacher training. 154  Although the details of what Iwasa did upon normal school are unclear, she became a founding member of the Nisei Women’s Club in the post-war years which offered social services to her local Toronto community. Furthermore, Watanabe became a Japanese language school teacher, upon receiving her teacher certification. Watanabe’s story is particularly interesting as it also revealed one way that nisei were, in fact, engaged with institutions connected to their Japanese ancestral roots, which many works about Japanese Canadians have often been hesitant to highlight. In addition, Takahashi became a volunteer teacher at Hastings Park—where many women and children were first displaced in 1942. All of these actions show how the aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers who did not appear on the list of hired teachers in BC were not failures or insignificant as their general absence from archival and historical materials may suggest. It shows quite the opposite—that they were significant people and that they responded with strength.  At the same time, Hyodo, who did appear in the list of teachers in the BC Annual Reports, was without a doubt, a leader within the Japanese Canadian community. Her efforts must be honoured. Not only did she excel in her teaching role as the only Japanese Canadian public school teacher in the province in the first half of the twentieth century, but she also led her community in multiple ways. Her continued appearance in this thesis is evidence of this. This thesis discussed her magnificent teaching skills at Lord Byng, contributions with the fight for franchise as part of the JCCL delegation in 1936, as well as, her efforts in setting up schools in Hastings Park and in the internment camps spread out across the BC interior. Her legacy must not be forgotten. While I am honoured to have learned about the incredible women whose stories are discussed here through the sources I was able to access, this thesis has limitations. Due to the 155  lack of materials created by the Japanese Canadian women themselves, their feelings, thoughts, and inner motivations are missing from this project. On the one hand, as Mona Gleason argued, this opens up space for the researcher to make “emphatic inferences” in the process of making sense of and determining the historical significance of absences. On the other hand, it would be of great benefit for the enrichment of Japanese Canadian histories and of the history of education in BC to conduct oral histories with these women, if still alive, and their families to recount and honour their contributions that could not be captured in this thesis. That is, to explore other ways to “undermine the archives from without.”143 In addition, while this research focused on the histories of aspiring Japanese Canadian teachers, it would be interesting to conduct a comparative analysis of their stories with other aspiring Asian Canadian teachers, including those of Chinese Canadians and South Asian Canadians in the first half of the twentieth century. More generally, more research and stories about racialized teachers in Canada will help to contextualize the experiences of the Japanese Canadians who trained to become teachers. I began with a response to the need to historicize race into Canadian history as signified by various scholars such as Constance Backhouse, Laura Madokoro, Francine McKenzie, David Meren, John Price and Henry Yu.144 This thesis showed how both franchise laws and racism affected the lives of Japanese people in British Columbia in both subtle and obvious ways, including Japanese Canadian women’s access to the teaching profession. This thesis also adds to  143 Michelle T. King, “Working With/In the Archives,” in Research Methods for History, ed. Lucy Faire and Simon Gunn (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012), 20.  144 Constance Backhouse, Colour-Coded: A Legal History of Racism in Canada, 1900-1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999); Henry Yu, "Conceiving a Pacific Canada: Trans-Pacific Migration Networks Within and Without Nations" in Within and Without the Nation: Canadian History as Transnational History ed. by Karen Dubinsky, Adele Perry, and Henry Yu (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015); Madokoro, McKenzie, Price, and Henry Yu in Laura Madokoro, Francine McKenzie, and David Meren, eds., Dominion of Race: Rethinking Canada’s International History (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2017).  156  the literature on education in BC, by historicizing race in the history of education. Until recently, the history of teachers in the Canadian context has generally focused on the gendered nature of the profession. Although historians have been aware of race as a factor for shaping the teaching profession, many have not offered in-depth discussions on race. Building off of the important work of scholars such as Annette Henry, Goli Rezai-Rashti and Funké Aladejebi have recently brought this conversation into the history of education.145 Alison Norman and Jean Barman have also written about the experiences of Indigenous teachers and further add to the much-needed conversations around race and teachers from a historical perspective. Although I have identified areas needing more research in this conclusion and throughout this thesis, I add to these discussions by examining how race shaped the teaching profession in BC through the stories of the eleven Japanese Canadian teachers explored here. By using race as a category of analysis, this thesis offered new ways to examine and understand how racism affected teacher certification and hiring processes in the early twentieth century in BC. At a first glance, the history of education in BC, and more largely, Canada, appears as if it did not have exclusionary policies on the basis of race, in terms of teacher training, certification, and hiring. However, once we question the absence of particular groups of people and the ways that franchise laws and other forms of racism were used as a means of exclusion, it becomes evident that “race-based barriers” were embedded into the history of education in BC.146 Backhouse also writes that “Canada maintained a strong sense of its ‘racelessness’” despite the fact that “Canadian history is rooted in racial distinctions, assumptions, laws and  145 Other scholars worth mentioning are  146 Andrea Geiger-Adams, “Writing Racial Barriers into Law: Upholding B.C.’s Denial of the Vote to Its Japanese Canadian Citizens, Homma v. Cunningham, 1902,” in Nikkei in the Pacific Northwest, ed. Louis Fiset and Gail M. Nomura (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005), 33. 157  activities.”147 The history of how unofficial and informal policies limited Japanese Canadians from teaching in BC public schools, is one way to shed light on the complexities of discussing race in the first half of the twentieth century not only in the history of education in British Columbia, but also in Canada.   147 Backhouse, Colour-Coded: A Legal History of Racism in Canada, 1900-1950, 13, 7.  158  Bibliography Primary Sources Articles C. E. Hope and W. K. Earle, “The Oriental Threat” (Maclean’s Magazine, May 1, 1933, 12, 54-55) in Charles Hurlburt Young, W. A. Carrothers, and Helen R. Y. Reid, The Japanese Canadians, ed. Harold A. Innis, 2d ed (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1939), 115-6.   Artifacts Scrapbook of Ottawa Trip. 1936. MS113-Folder 7-1999.7.2.1, Hide Hyodo Shimizu Collection. Nikkei National Museum, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada. Books Yamaga, Yasutaro, and William T. Hashizume. 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Maple Ridge News  “Not Forgetting Our Japanese Neighbours.” Maple Ridge News, December 14, 2011, https://www.mapleridgenews.com/community/not-forgetting-our-japanese-neighbours/ Red Deer Advocate- Retrieved from Newspapers.com. “Newspapers.Com - Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s.” Accessed July 5, 2020. http://www.newspapers.com/. “Ten Years Ago.” Red Deer Advocate, September 3, 1930, 2 “Fifteen Years Ago.” Red Deer Advocate, September 4, 1935, 2 Taihoku Nippo (The Great Northern Daily Times) – Retrieved from Hoji Shinbun Digital Collection, Stanford University. “Taihoku Nippō.” Accessed July 5, 2020. https://hojishinbun.hoover.org/?a=cl&cl=CL1&sp=gnd&e=-------en-10--1--img---------. “Cana Okamura 1939 Chairman for 5th Canadian Y.P.C.C.” Taihoku Nippo, November 7, 1938, 8.  “Program for Fourth Annual YPCC at Vancouver to Start on Sunday.” Taihoku Nippo, November 2, 1938, 8. 162  Uyeno, Kazuma. “Busy Xmas Week Debate, Casaba Tests Planned.” Taihoku Nippo, December 7, 1938, 1.   The Cumberland Islander – Retrieved from UBC Open Collections. “Newspapers - Cumberland Islander.” Accessed July 5, 2020. https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/bcnewspapers/cumberlandis. “Girls In Training Conduct Services on Mothers’ Own Day.” The Cumberland Islander, May 16, 1930, 2. “Local and Personal.” The Cumberland News, August 15, 1906, 1.  “Local Pupils Do Well in Recent Examinations.” The Cumberland Islander, August 3, 1928, 1. “Medal is Presented.” The Cumberland Islander, November 2, 1928, 1, 2. The Daily Colonist - Retrieved from University of Victoria Libraries. “The British Colonist, 1858-1980.” Accessed July 5, 2020. http://www.britishcolonist.ca/. “Chinese Girl to Serve as Teacher.” The Daily Colonist, September 9, 1921, 8. “Teachers scarce.” The Daily Colonist, September 6, 1908, 2.  “To reinstate all former teachers.” The Daily Colonist, December 12, 1918, 11.  Takata, Toyo. “Victoria’s Community That Vanished.” The Daily Colonist, April 23, 1972, 12. The Daily Province - Retrieved from Newspapers.com. “Newspapers.Com - Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s.” Accessed July 5, 2020. http://www.newspapers.com/. “High School Results,” The Daily Province, July 3, 1931, 8, 23.   “A.Y.P.A.,” The Daily Province, March 21, 1936, 31. “Normal Exam Results Out,” The Daily Province, June 16, 1938, 23.  “Point Grey Girl Guides to Give Musical Play,” The Daily Province, May 29, 1929, 11. “Normal School 149 Students Win Diplomas,” The Daily Province, June 15, 1942, 3.   163  The Gazette - Retrieved from Newspapers.com. “Newspapers.Com - Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s.” Accessed July 5, 2020. http://www.newspapers.com/. “Suddenly at the Royal Victoria Hospital,” The Gazette, April 5, 1980. “Remembering,” The Gazette, May 27, 2014, 34. The Hamilton Spectator  “Frances Ayako (Takimoto) YOSHIDA.” The Hamilton Spectator, September 9, 2017. https://www.legacy.com/amp/obituaries/thespec/195317048. The New Canadian (arranged alphabetically) - Retrieved from SFU Digitized Newspapers. “The New Canadian.” Accessed July 5, 2020. https://newspapers.lib.sfu.ca/tnc-1/new-canadian. “Ambitious Program for Toronto JCCA Chapter.” The New Canadian, January 24, 1948, 1. “Births.” The New Canadian, October 14, 1953, 8. “Blessed Event.” The New Canadian, April 10, 1942, 3. “Contacts After Graduation.” The New Canadian, May 27, 1939, 13.  “C.G.I.T. Girls Fete Mothers at Dinner.” The New Canadian, February 15, 1939, 8.  “Dan Cupid Still Busy.” The New Canadian, April 17, 1940, 7. “Fellowship Pair Wins in Debate.” The New Canadian, March 9, 1949, 8. “First Directory on Japanese UBC Grads To Appear Shortly.” The New Canadian, November 24, 1939, 1 “High School Highlights.” The New Canadian, October 13, 1939, 4. “In Days of Yore.” The New Canadian, July 15, 1939, 6.  “Japan Tour Teachers Tell Travel Tales.” The New Canadian, October 20, 1939, 4. “Kaz Umemoto Elected President of Third Year for nisei Women’s Club.” The New Canadian, October 13, 1956, 7. “Kazuo Okano heads Maple Ridge J.C.C.L.” The New Canadian, October 3, 1941, 7.  164  “Luke Tanabe Chosen Seikokai Y.P. Head.” The New Canadian, October 17, 1941, 3.   “Maple Ridge JCCL Drives for Members.” The New Canadian, November 21, 1941, 6. “Married Couples Set Xmas Party.” The New Canadian, December 5, 1951, 8. “New School Structures.” The New Canadian, December 19, 1942, 1.   “N.W. YPCC.” The New Canadian, November 24, 1939, 4. “Powell Jr. Church Reaffirms Loyalty.” The New Canadian, January 23, 1942, 2. “Sansei Wins Toronto Youth Award.” The New Canadian, June 9, 1972, 1. “Slocan City Notes: Rev. G. Nakayama Back from East.” The New Canadian, October 2, 1943, 2. “Successful Nisei Matriculants Announced.” The New Canadian, July 24, 1940, 1. “Terry Hidaka Memoria Fund tribute to outstanding J.C.” The New Canadian, May 2, 1980, 1, 2, 20. “The Nisei Task.” The New Canadian, November 24, 1939, 3. “Toronto Women’s Group elects Vi Kagetsu First President.” The New Canadian, November 20, 1954, 8. “Tots Given Diplomas at Kindergarten Graduation Exercises.” The New Canadian, July 1, 1939, 1,4. “Town Topics.” The New Canadian, August 28, 1940, 4. Nikkei Voice Nishihata, Jesse. “Faces of Redress: Hide Hyodo Shimizu.” Nikkei Voice, May 1992, Nikkei Research and Education Project of Ontario, Jim Wong-Chu Personal Library Collection, University of British Columbia Library Rare Books and Special Collections, Vancouver, Canada. The Ottawa Citizen - Retrieved from Newspapers.com. “Newspapers.Com - Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s.” Accessed July 5, 2020. http://www.newspapers.com/. “CGIT Notes and Plans,” The Ottawa Citizen, June 18, 1947, 14.  165  “CGIT Notes and Plans,” The Ottawa Citizen, August 27, 1947, 15.  The Province - Retrieved from Newspapers.com. “Newspapers.Com - Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s.” Accessed July 5, 2020. http://www.newspapers.com/. “An Oriental Problem.” The Vancouver Province, November 14, 1936. “B.C. Examinations Results in Royal Schools of Music.” The Province, July 9, 1936, 19. “Bessie Moore Leads Normal School Graduates.” The Vancouver Province, June 15, 1931, 8.  “Canadians from Japan Study English Here.” The Vancouver Province, Saturday Magazine section, January 7, 1939, 2, 36. “Eburne Girl Wins Richmond Honors.” The Province, June 29, 1940, 16. “Girl Guides Give Tea to Celebrate Their Birthday.” The Sunday Province, October 30, 1927, 17. “Jap Oranges Boycotted by City Chinese.” The Province, November 20, 1931, 1.  “Japanese Girls Make Fine Canadian Girls in Training.” The Vancouver Province, March 10, 1928, 5.  “More entrance examination results.” The Province, July 25, 1936, 10. “New B.C. Ruling Hits Substitute Teachers; Require Certificates.” The Province, July 2, 1936, 18. “Pupils’ Recital.” The Sunday Province, June 28, 1931, 12. “Pupils’ Recital.” The Sunday Province, July 10, 1932, 8. “Successful in Recent Associated Board Exams.” The Province, July 6, 1935, 29. “Uchida.” The Province, December 19, 1989, 127. “Vancouver in Tabloid.” The Province, August 24, 1948, 13.  The Richmond Review - Retrieved from Newspapers.com. “Newspapers.Com - Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s.” Accessed July 5, 2020. http://www.newspapers.com/. “Pupils Promoted to Richmond High School,” The Richmond Review, August 5, 1936, 1.  166  “Ten Students Pass Examinations,” The Richmond Review, July 24, 1940, 1. The Ubyssey - Retrieved from UBC Open Collections. “Ubyssey.” UBC Library Open Collections. Accessed July 5, 2020. https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/ubcpublications/ubysseynews. “Assimilation of B.C. Orientals Inevitable.” The Ubyssey, March 6, 1934, 1. “Correspondence – Japanese Franchise.” The Ubyssey, November 30, 1934, 3. “Japanese Students Win from U. of W.” The Ubyssey, February 23, 1937, 1. “Japanese to Debate with Washington.” The Ubyssey, February 19, 1937, 1. The Vancouver Sun - Retrieved from Newspapers.com. “Newspapers.Com - Historical Newspapers from 1700s-2000s.” Accessed July 5, 2020. http://www.newspapers.com/. “2,054 High School Students Pass B.C. Matriculation." The Sunday Sun, July 25, 1931, 15. “4800 High School Pupils Promoted to Higher Grades.” The Vancouver Sun, July 3, 1931, 18. “Associated Board Examination Results.” The Vancouver Sun, July 6, 1935, 17. “Associated Board Examination Results,” The Vancouver Sun, July 17, 1937, 7. Breslin, Catherine. “Not Wanted.” The Vancouver Sun (Weekend Magazine), No. 26, June 27, 1964, 2. “Britannia High Examination Results.” The Vancouver Sun, January 20, 1934, 4. “Degrees Are Conferred on University Graduates; Proves Brilliant Success.” The Vancouver Sun, May 5, 1916, 10.  “In and Out of Town.” The Vancouver Sun, July 4, 1931, 17. “Japanese Young People Convene.” The Vancouver Sun, November 5, 1938, 7. “Joyous Choral Programs in Vancouver Churches.” March 27, 1937, The Sunday Sun, 7. “League’s Power for Peace Threatened.” The Vancouver Sun, November 19, 1931, 1. “Life Saving Awards: B.C. Society to Meet Nov. 18 at Crystal Pool.” The Vancouver Sun, November 12, 1932, 12. 167  “Local Girl First in Matic. Exams: Vancouver Pupils Win High Honours.” The Vancouver Sun, July 24, 1930, 2.  “Magee Pupil awarded coveted ‘institution’ prize.” The Vancouver Sun, July 26, 1932, 1, 10. “Many Successful Candidates for Associated Board Examiners.” The Vancouver Sun, July 9, 1936, 5.  “Matriculation Results Announced for B.C.” The Vancouver Sun, July 26, 1928 (evening issue), 12.  “Normal School Diplomas Issued.” The Vancouver Sun, June 17, 1931, 12. “Normal School Pass List.” The Vancouver Sun, June 15, 1932, 26. “Over fifteen hundred pass junior matric.” The Vancouver Sun, July 25, 1929, 12.  “Piano Recital,” The Vancouver Sun, July 8, 1932, 22. “Toronto Conservatory Exams Place Vancouver Pupils High.” The Vancouver Sun, July 16, 1938, 8. “Toronto Conservatory Exam. Results.” The Vancouver Sun, July 19, 1933, 4. “Toronto Conservatory of Music Examination Results Announced.” The Vancouver Sun, July 26, 1932, 11. “Uchida.” The Vancouver Sun, December 9, 1989, 69. 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Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2017. https://utpjournals.press/doi/10.3138/chr.99.4.br14. 176  Prentice, Alison. “Class and the Schools.” In The School Promoters: Education and Social Class in Mid-Nineteenth Century Upper Canada, 138–169. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1977. Price, John. “Asian Canadians and the First World War: Challenging White Supremacy.” In Dominion of Race: Rethinking Canada’s International History, edited by Laura Madokoro, Francine McKenzie, and David Meren, 54–72. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2017. Sheehan, Nancy M., and J. Donald Wilson. “From Normal School to the University to the College of Teachers: Teacher Education in British Columbia in the Twentieth Century.” In Children, Teachers, and Schools in the History of British Columbia, edited by Jean Barman, Neil Sutherland, and J. Donald Wilson, 307–21. Calgary: Detselig Enterprises, 1995. Van Dieren, Karen. “The Response of the WMS to the Immigration of Asian Women 1888-1942.” In Not Just Pin Money: Selected Essays on the History of Women’s Work in British Columbia, 79–97. Victoria: Camosun College, 1984. Yu, Henry. "Conceiving a Pacific Canada: Trans-Pacific Migration Networks Within and Without Nations." In Within and without the nation: Canadian history as transnational history. Edited by Karen Dubinsky, Adele Perry, and Henry Yu. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015.    Journal Articles Adams, Eric M, Jordan Stanger-Ross, and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective. “Promises of Law: The Unlawful Dispossession of Japanese Canadians.” Osgoode Hall Law Journal 54, no. 3 (Spring 2017): 687–739. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3156&context=ohlj. Axelrod, Paul. “The Student Movement of the 1930s.” In Youth, University and Canadian Society: Essays in the Social History of Higher Education, edited by Paul Axelrod and John G. Reid, 216–46. Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1989. Ayukawa, Midge. “Good Wives Wise Mothers: Japanese Picture Bides in Early Twentieth-Century British Columbia.” BC Studies, no. 105–106 (Spring/Summer 1995): 103–18. Barman, Jean. “Birds of Passage or Early Professionals? Teachers in Late    Nineteenth-Century British Columbia.” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 2, no. 1 (May 1, 1990): 17–36. https://historicalstudiesineducation.ca/index.php/edu_hse-rhe/article/view/1030. ———.  “Neighbourhood and Community in Interwar Vancouver: Residential Differentiation and Civic Voting Behaviour.” BC Studies 69/70 (1986): 97–141. 177  ———. “‘Knowledge Is Essential for Universal Progress but Fatal to Class Privilege’: Working People and the Schools in Vancouver during the 1920s.” Labour / Le Travail 22 (1988): 9–66. https://doi.org/10.2307/25143027. Baxter, Megan. “‘Know God, Serve Others’: Religion in the Canadian Girls in Training in the Interwar Years.” Historical Papers: Canadian Society of Church History, 2012, 157–72. Brockman, Joan. “Exclusionary Tactics: The History of Women and Visible Minorities in the Legal Profession in British Columbia.” Edited by Hamar Foster and John McLaren. Essays in the History of Canadian Law: The Legal History of British Columbia and the Yukon 6 (1995): 508–61. Calam, John. “Teaching the Teachers: Establishment and Early Years of the B.C. Provincial Normal Schools.” BC Studies: The British Columbian Quarterly, no. 61 (1984): 30–63. https://doi.org/10.14288/bcs.v0i61.1176. Che-Wen Lin, Cindy. “The History of the Oriental Home (1888-1942).” Edited by David J. Fuller. McMaster Journal of Theology and Ministry 18 (2017 2016): 3–28. Dahlie, Jorgen. “The Japanese in B.C.: Lost Opportunity? Some Aspects of the Education of Minorities.” BC Studies 8, no. Winter (January 1970): 3–16. Danylewycz, Marta, and Alison Prentice. “Revising the History of Teachers: A Canadian Perspective.” Interchange 17, no. 2 (June 1986): 135–46. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01807475. Dore, Anne. “Transnational Communities: Japanese Canadians of the Fraser Valley, 1904-1942.” Transnational Communities, no. 134 (Summer 2002): 35–70. Dua, Enakshi. “Exclusion through Inclusion: Female Asian Migration in the Making of Canada as a White Settler Nation.” Gender, Place & Culture 14, no. 4 (August 2007): 445–66. https://doi.org/10.1080/09663690701439751. Ellis, Jason. “Exceptional Educators: Canada’s First Special Education Teachers, 1910–45.” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 30, no. 2 (2018): 47-77. Fujiwara, Aya. “The Myth of the Emperor and the Yamato Race: The Role of the Tairiku Nippô in the Promotion of Japanese-Canadian Transnational Ethnic Identity in the 1920s and the 1930s.” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 21, no. 1 (May 9, 2011): 37–58. https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/jcha/2010-v21-n1-jcha1519262/1003042ar/. Geiger, Andrea. “Reframing Nikkei Histories: Complicating Existing Narratives.” BC Studies, no. 192 (2016): 13–18. 178  Geiger-Adams, Andrea. “Writing Racial Barriers into Law: Upholding B.C.’s Denial of the Vote to Its Japanese Canadian Citizens, Homma v. Cunningham, 1902.” In Nikkei in the Pacific Northwest, edited by Louis Fiset and Gail M. Nomura, 20–43. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005. Gilmour, Julie F. Trouble on Main Street: Mackenzie King, Reason, Race, and the 1907 Vancouver Riots (New York: Penguin Group (Canada), 2014), Adobe EPUB version. Gleason, Mona. “Avoiding the Agency Trap: Caveats for Historians of Children, Youth, and Education.” History of Education 45, no. 4 (July 3, 2016): 446–59. https://doi.org/10.1080/0046760X.2016.1177121. Gonnami, Tsuneharu. “The Perception Gap: A Case Study of Japanese-Canadians.” The Centre for Japanese Research at the Institute of Asian Research of UBC., February 19, 2005. https://doi.org/10.14288/1.0041749. Ikebuchi, Shelly Dee. “Marriage, Morals, and Men: Re/Defining Victoria’s Chinese Rescue Home.” BC Studies: The British Columbian Quarterly, no. 177 (January 6, 2013): 65–84. https://doi.org/10.14288/bcs.v0i177.182457. King, Michelle T. “Working With/In the Archives.” In Research Methods for History, edited by Lucy Faire and Simon Gunn, 15–30. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012. Kobayashi, Audrey. “Social Consequences of Regional Diversity Among Japanese Immigrants to Canada: A Preliminary Review.” In Asian Canadians: Contemporary Issues, 1–48, 1986. Kobayashi, Audrey, Reuben Rose-Redwood, Sonja Aagesen, and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective. “Exile: Mapping the Migration Patterns of Japanese Canadians Exiled to Japan in 1946.” Journal of American Ethnic History 37, no. 4 (2018): 73–89. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jamerethnhist.37.4.0073. Lemire, Daniel Lachapelle. “Bittersweet Memories: Narratives of Japanese Canadian Children’s Experiences before the Second World War and the Politics of Redress.” BC Studies 192 (Winter 2016): 71–104. Marr, Lucille. “Church Teen Clubs, Feminized Organizations? Tuxis Boys, Train Rangers, and Canadian Girls in Training, 1919-1939.” Historical Studies in Education/Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 3, no. 2 (1991): 249–67. McAllister, Kirsten Emiko. “Captivating Debris: Unearthing a World War Two Internment Camp.” Cultural Values 5, no. 1 (January 2001): 97–114. https://doi.org/10.1080/14797580109367223. 179  Nakayama, Timothy M. “Anglican Missions to the Japanese in Canada.” Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 8, no. 2 (1966): 26–48. Norimatsu, Satoko Oka. “Canada’s ‘History Wars’: The ‘Comfort Women’ and the Nanjing Massacre.” The Asia-Pacific Journal Japan Focus 18, no. 4 (March 15, 2020): 1–18. https://apjjf.org/2020/6/Norimatsu.html. Norman, Alison. “‘Teachers Amongst Their Own People’: Kanyen’kehá:Ka (Mohawk) Women Teachers in Nineteenth-Century Tyendinaga and Grand River, Ontario.” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 29, no. 1 (Spring 2017). https://doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v29i1.4497. Okawa, Eiji. “Japanese Culture and Language in the Prewar Canadian ‘Mosaic.’” Meiji at 150 Digital Teaching Resource, 2018. https://meijiat150dtr.arts.ubc.ca/essays/okawa-2/. Okawa, Eiji, and The Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective. “Japaneseness in Racist Canada: Immigrant Imaginaries during the First Half of the Twentieth Century.” Journal of American Ethnic History 37, no. 4 (2018): 10–39. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jamerethnhist.37.4.0010. Prang, Margaret. “‘The Girl God Would Have Me Be’: The Canadian Girls in Training, 1915–39.” Canadian Historical Review 66, no. 2 (June 1985): 154–84. https://doi.org/10.3138/CHR-066-02-02. Raptis, Helen. “A Tale of Two Women: Edith Lucas, Mary Ashworth, and the Changing Nature of Educational Policy in British Columbia, 1937-1977.” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 17, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 293–319. https://doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v17i2.80. Roy, Patricia. “‘Due to Their Keenness Regarding Education They Will Get the Utmost out of the Whole Plan’: The Education of Japanese Children In the British Columbia Interior Housing Settlements during World War Two.” Historical Studies in Education/Revue d’histoire de l’éducation 4, no. 2 (1992): 211–31. Roy, Patricia E. “Anglicans and the Japanese in British Columbia, 1902-1949.” BC Studies, no. 192 (Winter 2016): 104–24. Stanley, Timothy J. “White Supremacy, Chinese Schooling, and School Segregation in Victoria: The Case of the Chinese Students’ Strike, 1922-23.” Historical Studies in Education / Revue d’histoire De l’éducation 2, no. 2 (1990): 287–305. https://doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v2i2.1318. Sugiman, Pamela. “Memories of Internment: Narrating Japanese Canadian Women’s Life Stories.” The Canadian Journal of Sociology 29, no. 3 (2004): 359–88. 180  ———. “Passing Time, Moving Memories: Interpreting Wartime Narratives of Japanese Canadian Women.” Social History 37, no. 74 (2004): 51–79. https://hssh.journals.yorku.ca/index.php/hssh/article/view/4374. ———. “‘These Feelings That Fill My Heart’: Japanese Canadian Women’s Memories of Internment.” Oral History 34, no. 2 (2006): 69–84. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40179898. Suyenaga, Kunitoshi. “カナダ・ヴァンクーヴァーにおける日系カナダ人の居住地域と営業活動/Japanese Canadians’ Residential Area and Business Activities in Vancouver in 1938.” The Doshisha University Economic Review 57, no. 4 (March 2006): 679–734. Urata, Yoko. “The Japanese-Canadian Community in Pre-World War II Kitsilano.” The Capilano Review 3, no. 35 (2018): 38–41. https://journals.sfu.ca/capreview/index.php/capreview/issue/view/143/259. Wilson, Sandra. “The Manchurian Crisis and Moderate Japanese Intellectuals: The Japan Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations.” Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 3 (July 1992): 507–44. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X00009896. Magazine and Other Periodical Articles  Alumni Association of the University of British Columbia. “Tose Uchida, 1895-1989.” The U.B.C. Alumni Chronicle 44, no. 1 (Spring 1990): 27. http://www.library.ubc.ca/archives/pdfs/chronicle/AL_CHRON_1990_1.pdf. Alumni Association of the University of British Columbia. UBC Alumni Chronicle 15, no. 1 (Winter 1961) UBC Publications, Open Collections, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.14288/1.0224213.  “Celebrating Nikkei Women.” Nikkei Images 18. No. 1 (Spring 2013): 18. https://centre.nikkeiplace.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/2013-Volume-18-No-1.pdf.  “Chitose Uchida dies at age 94,” The Tribune, March 22, 1990, 19. “Hamilton-Wentworth, Haldimand District 13 in Memoriam 2017.” Thirteenth World 33. No. 2 (Winter 2018): 1–35. https://district13.rto-ero.org/sites/district13.rto-ero.org/files/district-files/Newsletters/winter_rto_nwslr_2018.pdf. “In Memoriam.” University Magazine Concord. (Fall 2014): 61. https://www.concordia.ca/content/dam/concordia/aar/docs/magazine/2014-Fall.pdf. Reid, Linda Kawamoto. “Memories of Taylor Lake 1942-1946.” Nikkei Images 17. No. 1 (Spring 2012): 18-21. http://centre.nikkeiplace.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/2012-Volume-17-No.-1.pdf 181  Steeves, Harold. “Nikkei Memories: Lord Byng School: The Possible Demolition of an Important Steveston Landmark.” The Bulletin, February 1996. Shimizu, Hyodo (nee Hyodo) Biography Files. City of Richmond Archives. “The Class of 1916.” Trek: A Publication of Alumni UBC. 2016. https://trekmagazine.alumni.ubc.ca/files/TREK-39.pdf.  Ventham, Dulcie, ed. “The Newsletter: Historical Issue-Spring 1988.” Association of Professional Church Workers Anglican Church of Canada & United Church of Canada, 1988. https://uccdeaconesshistory.ca/wp-content/uploads//The-Newsletter-Historical-Issue-Spring-1988.pdf. Podcasts Bowen, Leah-Simone, and Falen Johnson. “Why Aren’t There More Japantowns in Canada?” The Secret Life of Canada. Accessed June 10, 2020. https://www.cbc.ca/radio/secretlifeofcanada/why-aren-t-there-more-japantowns-in-canada-1.5567426. Reports and Guides Verspoor, Frederike. “Research Orientation Guide.” Royal British Columbia Museum Corporation, 2016. https://royalbcmuseum.bc.ca/sites/default/files/sites/default/files/images/08_22_2016_BC_ARCHIVES_Research_Orientation_Guide_2016.pdf. Yakashiro, Nicole. “Landscapes of Injustice Research Collective Working Paper #6, Record Group: Women in the Archive.” Landscapes of Injustice, July 2018. https://www.landscapesofinjustice.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Working-Paper-6-Women-in-the-Archive-Yakashiro-Nicole_July-2018.pdf. Theses and Dissertations Aladejebi, Funké Omotunde. ““Girl You Better Apply to Teachers’ College”: The History of Black Women Educators in Ontario, 1940s – 1980s.” Ph.D. Dissertation, York University, 2016. Hutchinson, Keith Harold. “Dimensions of Ethnic Education: The Japanese in British Columbia, 1880-1940.” M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1972. MacLaurin, Donald Leslie. “The History of Education in the Crown Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia and in the Province of British Columbia.” PhD Dissertation, University of Washington, 1936. 182  Weiss, Gillian. “The Development of Public School Kindergartens in British Columbia.” Master’s Thesis, The University of British Columbia, 1979. Yakashiro, Nicole. “Daffodils as Property: Settler Colonial Renewal and the Dispossession of Nikkei Farmers in the 1940s.” M.A. Thesis. University of British Columbia, 2019. https://doi.org/10.14288/1.0380621. Websites and Blogs  “Chitose Uchida Collection.” Nikkei National Museum. Accessed March 31, 2020. http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/collections_detail.php?col_id=F820. Gagnon, Erica, Jan Raska, Lindsay Van Dyk, Monica MacDonald, and Steve Schwinghamer. “Gentlemen’s Agreement, 1908.” Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21. Accessed December 8, 2018. https://pier21.ca/research/immigration-history/gentlemens-agreement-1908. Gwiazda, Emily. “Hide Hyodo Shimizu.” The Canadian Encyclopedia, July 6, 2018. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/hide-hyodo-shimizu. “Hide Hyodo Shimizu Collection.” Nikkei National Museum. Accessed May 31, 2019. http://www.nikkeimuseum.org/www/collections_detail.php?col_id=F1172.  Ishiguro, Laura, and Laura Madokoro. “White Supremacy, Political Violence, and Community: The Questions We Ask, from 1907 to 2017 – Active History.” Active History: History Matters, September 7, 1907. http://activehistory.ca/2017/09/white-supremacy-political-violence-and-community/.  Murakami, Mike. “Momiji Health Care Society and the Greater Toronto Chapter NAJC Honours the Toronto Nisei Women’s Club.” Greater Toronto Chapter of the NAJC. Accessed May 6, 2020. http://www.torontonajc.ca/2012/12/14/momiji-health-care-society-and-the-greater-toronto-chapter-najc-honours-the-toronto-nisei-womens-club/.  Power, Marlene. “Margaret Eaton School Digital Collection: The School.” Redeemer Library. November 21, 2019, https://libguides.redeemer.ca/MES. “Remembrance Day 2015,” The Bulletin (blog), November 1, 2015, http://jccabulletin-geppo.ca/remembrance-day-2015/. “The Early History of Britannia High School: 1908-1939.” VSB Archives & Heritage, February 24, 2018. https://blogs.vsb.bc.ca/heritage/2018/02/24/the-early-history-of-britannia-high-school-1908-1939/. 183  University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections. “Fonds RBSC-ARC-1786 - Joan Gillis Fonds,” August 27, 2018. http://rbscarchives.library.ubc.ca/index.php/joan-gillis-fonds. Unpublished papers Kubota, Haruho. “A History of Unwritten Policy: Limiting Japanese Canadians to Teach in B.C. Public Schools, 1901-42.” 2019. Unpublished paper. EDST 504A. The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, British Columbia. 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University of British Columbia, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, British Columbia.  

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