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Planning the everyday/everynight : a feminist participatory action research with women nightshift workers Ortiz Escalante, Sara 2019

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    PLANNING THE EVERYDAY/EVERYNIGHT: A FEMINIST PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH WITH WOMEN NIGHTSHIFT WORKERS  by Sara Ortiz Escalante B.A., Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2000 M.A., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009   A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULLFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF   DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (PLANNING) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) May 2019 ©Sara Ortiz Escalante, 2019   ii  The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: PLANNING THE EVERYDAY/EVERYNIGHT: A FEMINIST PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH WITH WOMEN NIGHTSHIFT WORKERS  submitted by SARA ORTIZ ESCALANTE in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in PLANNING  Examining Committee: LEONORA ANGELES Supervisor  LEONIE SANDERCOCK Supervisory Committee Member  PILAR RIAÑO-ALCALÁ Supervisory Committee Member SYLVIA FULLER University Examiner PENNY GURSTEIN University Examiner  Additional Supervisory Committee Members: ZAIDA MUXÍ MARTÍNEZ Supervisory Committee Member    iii Abstract Most research on planning the night focuses on Western city centers’ ‘night-time economy,’ particularly neo-liberal economic revitalization practices related to leisure and alcohol consumption. Although some studies include gender and race analyses, few challenge the underlying male-centered, hetero-patriarchal, and racist night-time cultures. They also overlook the everyday/everynight needs of those people who due to productive, care, and reproductive work use the city after dark on a regular basis, and disregard night-time cycles outside city centers.  This dissertation examines the productive/reproductive continuum of the night economy by studying the everyday/everynight life of women nightshift workers in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area from an intersectional feminist perspective. Using Feminist Participatory Action Research (FPAR), I first analyze the role of contemporary urban planning and mobility practices in shaping women night workers’ everyday/everynight life. Second, I examine the transformational potential of FPAR to promote feminist urban planning for night use.  The results reveal that women nightshift workers experience restricted public space access and differentiated right to the city, mainly because of fear of sexual violence rooted in hetero-patriarchal and gender, race, and class oppressive structures. Women continue using more sustainable modes of transport at night as they face several issues while commuting by foot or public transportation due to reduced frequency, irregular service, poor multimodal connections, and fear of sexual violence. This FPAR also highlights how women embody gender inequalities at work, at home, and in the city, carrying an unequal burden of domestic and care work, and paying through their health and wellbeing outcomes the gender inequalities in unpaid care work and gender discrimination in their workplaces.  I propose to move from a neoliberal approach of planning the night-time economy to an intersectional feminist approach to planning the everyday/everynight life, and argue that FPAR should be a central method of doing planning research and practice. Engaging the everyday/everynight users of cities and spaces – particularly diverse women – in planning analysis is essential to incorporate grounded knowledge that is often absent in institutional urban planning policies.    iv Lay summary Cities are increasingly implementing nightlife economic revitalization through leisure activities. These night policies are often exclusionary and ignore people, especially women, who use the city after dark due to productive and care work. Women restrict their movement in cities at night because of fear of sexual violence. Although women’s fear has strong social components, the way cities are planned also impact women’s safety. I conducted participatory research with women night workers to analyze the barriers they face in their neighborhood-city-workplace. Women suffer discrimination and sexual harassment at home, in the public space and workplace due to gender, class and migration status. Fear of violence, the design of public spaces, and deficiencies in public transportation limit women’s night mobility. Women also highlight health and family consequences. I propose to shift from a night-life planning focused on leisure to a participatory planning approach that responds to everyday/everynight needs and values women’s experiences.     v Preface This dissertation is ultimately based on a Feminist Participatory Action Research conducted with 24 co-researchers and in collaboration with five organizations. Chapter 3, 5 and 6 are based on the collective materials produced for this Feminist Participatory Action Research that have been published as a report with collective authorship under the name Nocturnas: The everyday life of women nightshift workers in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area, Barcelona, 2017 (retrieved May 25, 2019). I coordinated the different research activities, reviewed the collective analysis for this report and wrote most parts of the report, which was reviewed and validated by co-researchers and advisory group comprised of women representatives of Col·lectiu Punt 6, Ca la Dona, Fundació Àmbit Prevenció, the Women’s Secretariat of CC.OO Union, and Fundació Irídia.  A previous version of chapter 2 has been published in English: Ortiz Escalante, Sara. 2016. "Where is women's right to the night in the New Urban Agenda? The need to include an intersectional gender perspective in planning the night." TRIA-Territorio della Ricerca su Insediamenti e Ambiente, 16: 165-180. And Spanish: Ortiz Escalante, Sara. 2017. El lado nocturno de la vida cotidiana: un análisis feminista de la planificación urbana nocturna. Kultur: revista interdisciplinària sobre la cultura de la ciutat, 4(7): 55-78. I conducted the literature review and wrote both manuscripts.  The work reported in Chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6 was approved by the UBC Behavioural Research Ethics Board (Certificate Number H15-02808) Figures in Chapter 3, 5 and 6 are used with permission from co-researchers and applicable sources. Figures 3, 14, 17, 18, 19, 43, 44 and 45 are public domain and were retrieved from web pages of government agencies.    vi Table of Contents ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................ iii LAY SUMMARY......................................................................................................................................... iv PREFACE .................................................................................................................................................... v TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................................ vi LIST OF TABLES ...................................................................................................................................... ix LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................................................... x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ..................................................................................................................... xii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......................................................................................................................... xiii DEDICATION ............................................................................................................................................ xv CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 1 1.1 Focus of the research .......................................................................................................... 3 1.2 Research questions ............................................................................................................. 9 1.3 Contributions ..................................................................................................................... 10 1.4 My positionality during this journey ..................................................................................... 11 1.5 Structure of the dissertation ............................................................................................... 14 CHAPTER 2. AN INTERSECTIONAL GENDER LENS TO PLANNING THE NIGHT-TIME ............. 18 2.1 Gendered bodies in the night ............................................................................................. 19 2.2 Planning the night-time ...................................................................................................... 25 2.3 The night in feminist urban planning: fear, safety and mobility ............................................ 32 2.3.1. Fear and safety in feminist urban planning ................................................................ 32 2.3.2. Feminist analysis of mobility ...................................................................................... 34 2.4 Conclusion: Towards including diverse gendered bodies in planning the night .................... 39 CHAPTER 3. FEMINIST PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH: A METHODOLOGY FOR PLANNING THE EVERYDAY/EVERYNIGHT ........................................................................................ 42 3.1 An overview of the participatory tradition in urban planning ................................................ 42 3.2 Using PAR from an intersectional feminist perspective ....................................................... 45 3.2.1. The history of PAR and FPAR ................................................................................... 45 3.2.2. Different ways to develop PAR .................................................................................. 48 3.3 From an individual dissertation to a collective project: relational ethics of FPAR ................. 50 3.3.1. Home-work: ethical considerations in choosing home to conduct participatory action research ............................................................................................................................. 50 3.3.2. Relational ethics of a collective project: fostering accountability, reciprocity and reflexivity ............................................................................................................................ 53 3.3.3.  Ethics in home-work practice .................................................................................... 55  vii 3.4 Approaching and organizing home-work............................................................................. 57 3.5 Participatory qualitative methods ........................................................................................ 60 3.5.1. Participatory methods to foster collective ownership .................................................. 61 3.5.2.  Co-researchers demographics ................................................................................. 67 3.5.3. Collective ethics and safety protocol .......................................................................... 71 3.5.4.  Participatory methods to analyze everyday/everynight life ........................................ 74 3.6 Data Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 87 3.6.1  Between collective and individual data analysis ......................................................... 87 CHAPTER 4. BARCELONA AND ITS METROPOLITAN AREA’S NIGHT AND MOBILITY PLANNING ................................................................................................................................................ 92 4.1 Barcelona as a compact and mixed-use metropolitan model .............................................. 92 4.2 Barcelona’s urban planning in the last 100 years ................................................................ 96 4.2.1. Barcelona under the Franco dictatorship ................................................................... 98 4.2.2. From the transition period to the Olympic Games (1977-1992): .......................... 102 4.2.3. Period of 2000-2015 .......................................................................................... 104 4.2.4. Barcelona under Mayor Ada Colau (2015 to the present) ................................... 108 4.3 The Barcelona Metropolitan Area (BMA) .......................................................................... 111 4.4 Transportation planning in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area ............................................. 112 4.5 Gender and the night in Barcelona city planning ............................................................... 119 4.6 Municipal and regional planning approaches to nightlife and intersectional gender issues 124 4.6.1. L’Hospitalet de Llobregat ......................................................................................... 125 4.6.2. El Prat de Llobregat ................................................................................................ 126 4.6.3. Barcelona ............................................................................................................... 127 4.6.4. Barcelona Metropolitan Area Agency....................................................................... 128 4.6.5. Final thoughts ......................................................................................................... 130 CHAPTER 5. EVERYDAY/EVERYNIGHT EXPERIENCES OF WOMEN NIGHT WORKERS ........ 132 5.1 The intersectional identities of Women Nightshift Workers ................................................ 133 5.1.1. Their Neighbourhoods ....................................................................................... 136 5.1.2. Their households ............................................................................................... 138 5.1.3. Their jobs .......................................................................................................... 139 5.2 The decision to work at night: the influence of gender, class and other intersectional categories ............................................................................................................................... 141 5.2.1. Reasons to work at night ................................................................................... 142 5.2.2. Women’s night work conditions .......................................................................... 144 5.3 The embodied effects of night work .................................................................................. 148 5.3.1. Physical health effects............................................................................................. 151  viii 5.3.2. Mental health effects ............................................................................................... 164 5.3.3. Physical and mental health effects of sex work ........................................................ 171 5.3.4. The effects of fear of sexual violence....................................................................... 176 5.3.5. The contributions of body mapping .......................................................................... 184 5.4 Night work effects on family and social relations and support ........................................... 185 5.5 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 188 CHAPTER 6. EVERYDAY/EVERYNIGHT MOBILITIES ..................................................................... 191 6.1 Women’s mobility patterns in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area ......................................... 192 6.1.1. Access to a private motorized vehicle ...................................................................... 197 6.1.2. Unreliable night public transportation system ........................................................... 203 6.1.3. Walking and biking .................................................................................................. 208 6.1.4. Mobility debates ...................................................................................................... 209 6.2 Managing everynight fear and safety ................................................................................ 210 6.2.1. Physical design and social configuration ................................................................. 213 6.3 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 242 CHAPTER 7. CONCLUSIONS: WOMEN PLANNING THE EVERYDAY/EVERYNIGHT ................ 244 7.1 Urban planning influences in women nightshift workers everyday/everynight life ................ 245 7.1.1. Night mobility .......................................................................................................... 246 7.1.2. Urban design and safety perceptions....................................................................... 247 7.1.3. Night worker’s health and wellbeing ........................................................................ 249 7.1.4. Everyday/everynight planning.................................................................................. 250 7.1.5. Recommendations .................................................................................................. 252 7.2 Feminist Participatory Action Research as a tool for feminist transformative planning ......... 255 7.2.1. Fostering collective ownership................................................................................. 257 7.2.2. Describing and analyzing the everyday/everynight life ............................................. 259 7.2.3. Sharing the experience ........................................................................................... 259 7.2.4. Working towards action ........................................................................................... 261 7.3 Limitations, challenges and silences .................................................................................. 266 REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................................ 270 APPENDIX 1: COLLECTIVE ETHICS AND SAFETY PROTOCOLS ................................................ 299     ix List of tables Table 1: Summary of women nightshift workers profile ................................................................. 134 Table 2: Commute times of women nightshift workers in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area ............ 195     x List of figures Figure 1: Phases of the project ....................................................................................................... 59 Figure 2: Outreach and recruitment flyer ......................................................................................... 63 Figure 3: Map of the Metropolitan Region and Metropolitan Area of Barcelona................................ 68 Figure 4: Places of work and residence of women nightshift workers .............................................. 69 Figure 5: Examples of everyday/everynight life network .................................................................. 77 Figure 6: Example of exploratory commuting routes ....................................................................... 79 Figure 7: Pictures of individual maps exercise ................................................................................ 80 Figure 8: Collective mobility map .................................................................................................... 81 Figure 9: Body map elaboration process ......................................................................................... 83 Figure 10: Sharing body map experience ....................................................................................... 84 Figure 11: Participatory video process ............................................................................................ 87 Figure 12: Workshops on analysis and elaboration of recommendations ......................................... 88 Figure 13: Diagram to conduct analysis related to Research Question 1 ......................................... 90 Figure 14: Land use in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area ................................................................. 94 Figure 15: Map of the districts of Barcelona .................................................................................... 97 Figure 16: Image of Bellvitge’s housing estates ............................................................................ 101 Figure 17: Image of Sant Ildefons’ housing estates ....................................................................... 101 Figure 18: Map of rail systems: Renfe and FGC ........................................................................... 115 Figure 19: Map of Barcelona’s new orthogonal bus system ........................................................... 119 Figure 20: Txell’s everyday network map ...................................................................................... 138 Figure 21: Body map that summarizes the effects of the night on women’s bodies ........................ 150 Figure 22: Ana’s body map ........................................................................................................... 152 Figure 23: Núria’s body map ......................................................................................................... 154 Figure 24: Neus’ body map........................................................................................................... 155 Figure 25: Susana ’s body map .................................................................................................... 157 Figure 26: Silvia’s body map ......................................................................................................... 158 Figure 27: Cristina L.’s body map ................................................................................................. 159 Figure 28: Yoli R.’s body map ....................................................................................................... 160 Figure 29: Pilar C.’s body map...................................................................................................... 161 Figure 30: Mayte’s body map ....................................................................................................... 163 Figure 31: Conchi’s body map ...................................................................................................... 166 Figure 32: Ángeles’ body map ...................................................................................................... 169 Figure 33: Pilar B.’s body map ...................................................................................................... 170 Figure 34: Alejandra’ body map .................................................................................................... 172  xi Figure 35: Laura E.’s body map .................................................................................................... 174 Figure 36: Pepi’s body map .......................................................................................................... 175 Figure 37: Cristina M.’s body map ................................................................................................ 178 Figure 38: Txell’s body map.......................................................................................................... 181 Figure 39: Detail of the head of Txell’s body map.......................................................................... 182 Figure 40: Detail of the head of Txell’s body map.......................................................................... 183 Figure 41: Mobility routes of women nightshift workers in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area ........... 194 Figure 42: Pictures of Can Parellada and view of Barcelona from the neighbourhood ................... 201 Figure 43: Map of the L9 and L10 projects .................................................................................... 202 Figure 44: Aerial picture of Zona Franca ....................................................................................... 214 Figure 45: Map of Zona Franca .................................................................................................... 214 Figure 46: Bus stop in Zona Franca .............................................................................................. 215 Figure 47: Views of surrounding areas of the Hospital of Bellvitge from the main building ............. 216 Figure 48: View of the Hospital of Bellvitge from the metro station at night .................................... 217 Figure 49: Silvia’s everyday network map ..................................................................................... 218 Figure 50: Picture of one empty lot in Poble Nou .......................................................................... 219 Figure 53: Pictures of Rafaela’s commuting route ......................................................................... 222 Figure 52: Pictures of the tunnel that crosses Gran Via ................................................................. 223 Figure 53: Pictures of the bridge that connects Santa Eulàlia with Collblanc ................................. 225 Figure 54 A, B, C, D: Pictures of routes with obstructed lighting, opaque fences and empty lots .... 226 Figure 55: Pictures of the new L9 metro stations .......................................................................... 230 Figure 56: Alejandra’s everyday life map ...................................................................................... 237    xii List of abbreviations BMA  Barcelona Metropolitan Area    (AMB-Área Metropolitana de Barcelona)  CC.OO.  Workers Commission   (Comisiones Obreras)  CiU  Convergende and Union   (Convergència i Unió)  CPTED  Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design  FGC  Catalan Rail Company   (Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya)  FPAR  Feminist Participatory Action Research  LGBTQ2+ Lesbian. Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Two-Spirit   PAR  Participatory Action Research  PSC   Catalan Socialist Party   (Catalan Socialist Party)  RENFE  Spanish Rail Company   (Red Nacional de Ferrocarriles Españoles)     xiii Acknowledgments I want to begin this dissertation with the same message where I conclude: research is never an individual process, it is always a collective project. This is even more evident when conducting Participatory Action Research. Although I am obliged to claim single authorship of my dissertation , I want to thank all those who worked with me to make it possible. First, I want to thank the twenty-four women nightshift workers who have worked with me in this research: Alejandra, Laura E, Pepi, Ángeles, Conchi, Pilar B., Toñi, Cristina L. Ana, Núria, Susana, Neus, Rafaela, Cristina M, Mayte, Laura L. , Pilar C., Yoli T., Yoli R., Txell, Silvia, Karen, Zenobia, Lidia. I am thankful for your generosity, commitment and energy. Even though you carry out double and triple shifts in difficult conditions, you engaged in this project without hesitation. Sharing individual and group experiences has been a life changing learning experience. Meeting the co-researchers of this project would have been not possible without the support the advisory group members: Felisa, Mercè, Laura and Carla. Four amazing feminist activists who helped me take care of every part of the project. Thank you for your trust and enthusiasm. The support of my colleagues and friends from Col·lectiu Punt 6, Ari, Blanca, Roser and Marta, has been also decisive. When I was hesitant about doing the PhD, you always encouraged me. I would have never been able to conduct a FPAR without the knowledge and experiences accumulated through the work we have conducted together in the last decade. I am grateful for working in a feminist cooperative project that allows us to contemplate radical transformations of our cities, but also for the way we work and we take care of each other. Working with you in the collective has given me the flexibility to take time in decisive moments of this dissertation without pressure and with your full support and cheer.  I feel honoured and privileged for having a supportive committee comprised of four inspiring and generous women: Nora Angeles, Leonie Sandercock, Pilar Riaño-Alcalá and Zaida Muxí. I thank you for trusting me when I was so insistent in conducting FPAR, even though you knew the risks of this method for a PhD dissertation. Thank you also for sharing with me your knowledge and expertise on participatory and community based research, for motivating further reflection and analysis, and for your humanity and care throughout the process.  These years have been (re)productive in many ways. In addition to gestating this dissertation, my two daughters Lila and Maia were born during my doctoral program. Someone told me in  xiv the past that having kids while doing your dissertation was the best moment. I would never know if this person was right or not, because I do not know other way to do a dissertation. But definitely my daughters have provided me so much joy, balance and inspiration these years of heavy work, traveling and family loses. They have accompanied me everywhere I went, spent hours at my office in West Mall Annex, adapted to my night outings during homework and even attended conferences. I am thankful to my partner Jordi for supporting me in this process and for understanding the ups and downs of doctoral life while raising two kids together. My mom has been very present too and missed in my time in Vancouver. She kept me asking if I would never finish studying. She took care of Lila several nights that I went to conduct homework. Sadly, my mom died from a long-term cancer in May 2018 before I finished. I wish I could have spent more time with her, but I am grateful that I was able to accompany her the last months of life and be by her side when dying at home, as she wanted. I am sure she will be very happy and proud to see me completing this chapter in life. Her sense of responsibility and humbleness has impregnated the way of conducting this work.  Doing a PhD also gives you opportunity to meet wonderful people going through the same situation and make friends forever. I feel so lucky to have shared these years at the School of Community and Regional Planning with four wonderful women: Magdalena, Vrushti, Prajna and Lili. We spent together the most hilarious moments at West Mall Annex, shared laughs, tears, dancing floors, lots of chocolate, pregnancies and even births. I special thank you to Magdalena, who has been my inspiration and my peer mentor, but most important who has accompanied me through my two pregnancies and been with us in Maia’s home-birth. In the last months of writing, I was also very fortunate to find my writing buddy, Claudia, with whom we have spent hours writing side by side at the UBC Barber Library. You all made me appreciate the importance of the small things, of sharing food, thoughts and laugh. Finally, I want to thank the women who help me with my (re)productive work. To the women who take care of my daughters in different times of the doctoral journey: Gris, Caro, Aida, Rosario and Maria. And to the interns at Col·lectiu Punt 6 who helped me with transcriptions and maps: Ainara, Mar and Magda.  Research funding acknowledgement: I am thankful for the financial support received from the UBC Public Scholar Initiative, which was essential to make this participatory action research project real.     xv Dedication    For my mom Carmen and my daughters Lila and Maia   1 Chapter 1. introduction This project means many things to us. Working on a concrete project that gives voice to women, that engages them through participation, and that promotes other women’s participation.  This project makes women’s problems visible, especially the problems of women who work at night. It is a topic that, unfortunately, is not discussed much in our society. Through the project people will be aware of what happens, of sexism, of the terror that we experience sometimes when we work at night, of the health issues, because sometimes we get sick.  A high percentage of women choose the night for economic and personal reasons. Women usually work at night to take care of their families, above all of their children, and when they get older, of their parents, in laws, elder people Changing the rhythm of rest and activities changes your body. The quality and quantity of sleep is not the same. You wake up more often, with the light or noise. Also, digestive issues, because you have more stomach aches, and eat worse. The issue of public transportation to go to work, it is not well thought out for those who work at night, because the schedules, and the conditions of the bus stops, the metro, and the infrastructures for people walking or cycling, are not well designed, or signalized. At certain hours, there is barely public transportation when you leave work and you have to wait sometimes an hour.  You have fear because there have been attempts of rape to other colleagues. In reality, when we are working the night shift, all women who work at night don’t usually take the same route, because someone can be watching us out there. The day does not end when the sun goes down. There are many people who work at night, and we want our work to be accepted.   I created this composition from excerpts of stories shared by self-identified women1 nightshift workers who were the co-researchers of this study, in order to show the diversity of issues they face on an everyday/everynight basis. The passage highlights the importance of                                                1 I focus on the everyday/everynight life of self-identified women, which includes diverse gender and sexual identities including cisgender, non-binary, queer, and transgender people, therefore, contesting heteronormativity as the dominant paradigm. Hereafter, I will use the term women when referring to self-identified women.  2 including their experiences and knowledge about the night city when working on urban and regional planning issues, and how the way cities are planned affects their lives.  Using an intersectional feminist lens in planning, this dissertation seeks to make visible the night work that keeps this world running and to reveal the planning barriers women nightshift workers face on a nightly basis, and how women nightshift workers use and access different urban environments at different day and night hours. Intersectionality has been used by post-colonial and post-structural feminists as a critical feminist proposal to disrupt essentialist conceptions of being a “woman.” The term looks at how structural systems of gender, race, ethnicity, class, sexual identity, disability, origin, and migration status exist within an hierarchy of power, as well as how they intersect with other forms of structural oppression such as racism, homophobia, and classism, among others (Carbin and Edenheim 2013; Collins 1998; Crenshaw 1991; Rodó-de-Zárate 2014).  In 1977, the Combahee River Collective, a Black lesbian feminist organisation in Boston, pointed out the futility of privileging a single dimension of people’s experience as if it constituted their entire life. Instead, they spoke of the need of being "actively committed to struggling against racial, sexual, heterosexual and class oppression" and advocated for "the development of integrated analysis and practice based upon the fact that the major systems of oppression are interlocking” (Brah and Phoenix 2004, 78). In 1985, Maxine Molyneux challenged essentialist feminists and started a debate about the need to analyze how women’s identities are interconnected with other identity features (Molyneux 1985). Two years later, in her ground-breaking book Borderlands, Gloria Anzaldúa, (1987) questioned the gender binary and its essentialism when she narrates her story as a queer Chicana who fuses English and Spanish while living in the borderlands, in the South of the United States. Anzaldúa defines herself as “mestiza” to acknowledge the impossibility of identifying herself with the dualism man-women, White-Black, as a person living in the borderlands: “To survive the Borderlands you must live sin fronteras be a crossroads.”  Even though the problematization of essentialist feminism started in the 1970s, the conceptualization of the term intersectionality is attributed to Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989), who uses it to explain the specific oppression of Black women in the USA labor market (Collins  3 1990, 1998; Hooks 1989). Crenshaw uses intersectionality to draw attention to the interconnections, interdependence, and “interlocking” of oppressive categories (Crenshaw 1991). Black feminist Patricia Hill Collins (Collins 1990, 1998) expands the debate by using the term intersectionality to highlight the agency that communities have in the construction of their identities and their efforts to advance social justice. This dissertation uses an intersectional feminist lens to analyze how the multiple and overlapping identities of women nightshift workers condition their everyday/everynight life. As the following pages will show, the use of such an analytical framework sheds light on how the intersections of gender, race, migration status, and class condition women nightshift workers everyday/everynight life, mobility options, access to public spaces, risk of sexual violence, and gender discrimination at home, work, and in the city.2  1.1 Focus of the research The research conducted for this dissertation examines how urban planning in the cities of the Barcelona Metropolitan Area conditions the everyday/everynight life of women nightshift workers. In particular, this research is interested in those aspects related to mobility, the design of public spaces, the perception of safety, and the network of services and facilities that women nightshift workers navigate at various times of day and night. When the project was initially conceptualized, it sought to analyze the participants’ perceptions of safety and mobility, with the objective to assess how prevailing social gender mandates and the sexualization of women’s bodies in the public space condition women nightshift workers’ mobility options. As a result of the collective work involved in this Feminist Participatory Action Research (FPAR), the focus of the study expanded to also include how gender mandates influence women’s decisions to work at night and what the impacts of night work are in the development of everyday life activities, in family and social relationships, in women’s health, and in the work environment.                                                 2 Even though I carry this through this FPAR, an intersectional gender approach is not always reflected in women’s direct quotes. At the end of the methodological chapter 3, I further explain this analytical challenge.  4 The research also explores how women nightshift workers can influence planning policies and practices. Specifically, the inspiration to use this methodology is grounded in the notion of “planning from below” (Beard 2002; Friedmann 1979, 1987; Sandercock 2003; Sanyal 2005), an approach that values community-building and development at the grassroots level, and acknowledges the role of “ordinary” people in the planning process as active agents of transformation (Sandercock 1998a). In addition to bringing to the foreground the experiences and expertise of people often excluded from decision-making, planning from below can be gender-transformative if we include people’s gendered practices and intersectional identities, and  “acknowledge and make visible [how] women’s experiences, and activities, needs, and responsibilities associated with domestic and care work […] respond to the consequences of having a female sexualised body in public space, and the temporal dimension of everyday life, that looks beyond the productive life and responds to the different times when domestic and care work are developed” (Ortiz Escalante and Valdivia 2015, 116).  Having the discussions just introduced as a point of departure, this dissertation is an endeavour to:  1. Examine women’s invisibility in the history of planning and in current planning practice in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area 2. Highlight the relevance of an intersectional feminist perspective in planning, applied in particular to planning the everyday/everynight life and to advancing women’s right to the city. 3. Value women’s everyday/everynight life as a source of knowledge that is essential to include in planning processes through the use of participatory methods. 4. Explore Feminist Participatory Action Research as a methodological approach that offers the potential to acknowledge and make visible the urban knowledge and expertise of women – particularly those who work at night – in ways that other urban planning tools do not. Firstly, this dissertation seeks to expose and explain how the history of planning has omitted the contributions of women, people of color, Indigenous people, LGBTQ2+, and other groups  5 historically excluded from power structures and decision-making (Fainstein and Servon 2005; Sandercock 1998a). This dissertation especially stresses how women continue experiencing restricted access to the night-time as a consequence of still current hetero-patriarchal, gender, class, and racial oppressive structures. The historical conceptualization of the night as a forbidden and dangerous time and space for women (Hooper 1998; Wilson 1991) is still replicated today. Women continue being socialized to expect fear when using the public space at night. “Don’t walk alone at night” is one of many messages that we get through family, media, or educational institutions about how we should protect ourselves from sexual assault by strangers. As a result, women’s fear increases at night, in public spaces, and in the face of strangers, even though research shows that most forms of violence against women occur in the private space of the home and are perpetrated by a relative or person known to the victim (Generalitat de Catalunya 2017; Valentine 1992; Whitzman 2007). As a consequence, when women transgress this public space imaginary and use the space at night, they are still seen as out of place in many social contexts and blamed when they are sexually harassed or assaulted.  Although the reproduction of women’s fear has strong social and cultural components, there is evidence that physical aspects of how cities are planned also impact how safety is perceived and how women use public spaces. Fear also impacts how women navigate the city and move around at night. Transportation studies in Eurocentric contexts have shown that women have more sustainable, complex and diverse mobility patterns than men during the day (Angeles 2017; Grieco, Pickup, and Whipp 1989; Grieco and Ronald 2012; Hanson 2010; Law 1999; Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo, and Marquet 2016). However, women’s mobility can be paralyzed at night because of fear of violence. After dark, women avoid certain parts of the city, do not use certain modes of transportation, or refrain from going out at all. Planning needs to respond to this inequality to guarantee women’s full right to the city during day and night. A second rationale for this dissertation is to respond to Sandercock and Forsyth (1992) call for studying “both feminist planning practice and the relationship of feminist activism to planning” (54), because of the existing gap between planning theory and feminist planning practice. Since the 1970s, feminist planners and geographers have offered a wide variety of contributions to planning theory and practice that can be applied to planning the  6 everyday/everynight life and advancing women’s right to the city (e.g. Greed 1994; Hayden 1980; Leavitt 2003; Little, Peake, and Richardson 1988; Rahder and Altilia 2004; Sandercock and Forsyth 1992; Sandercock 1998a; Wilson 1991). However, there is a gap between the Anglo-western planning literature over the last decade – where feminisms have not been as present (Fainstein and Servon 2005; Leavitt 2003; Rahder and Altilia 2004) – and what is happening at the practical level and the debates found in the Spanish-speaking planning literature. Jacqueline Leavitt (2003) argues that discussions about gender have been silenced in planning theory and education in the USA, while gender analyses are taking place in planning practice, most of all in community development. Rahder and Altilia (2005) also document the loss of interest in gender analyses in North American planning theory. Through the analysis of journal articles and courses in planning programs, they find that feminism was at its peak in the 1990s, but later these debates have been replaced by a growing concern about diversity in planning. While the inclusion of other forms of oppression in planning theory is positive and highlights intersectional identities, the authors consider that this trend has made women’s issues less visible and more marginalized. This declining visibility of feminisms in the Anglo/Western planning literature stands in sharp contrast with the increasing Spanish literature on feminist urban planning (e.g. Arias and Muxí 2018; Falú 2009; Falú 2011; Miralles-Guasch and Martínez Melo 2012; Muxí Martínez et al. 2011), as well as with the increase in feminist planning practices and grassroots movements in different parts of the world. To name a few: Women in Cities International, METRAC and Women Transforming Cities (Canada); Huairou Commission and GROOTS International; Red Mujer y Hábitat de América Latina; CISCSA (Argentina), Colectiva Ciudad y Género (México); Fundación Guatemala (Guatemala); Fundación Vivienda Popular (Colombia); Col·lectiu Punt 6, Dunak (Spain); and Jagori (India). In light of these realities, this dissertation seeks to highlight that feminisms are still used in many non-Anglo/Western contexts, suggesting that we should question the lack of intersectional feminist perspectives in mainstream planning theory and practice dominated by English-speaking scholars.  The third objective of this dissertation is to focus on women’s everyday/everynight life to make visible how their diverse gendered realities have not been included in planning the night policies. In choosing to examine women’s everyday/everynight life, the goal is to problematize the continuum of women’s double shift in the paid formal and informal work, and in the unpaid reproductive, domestic, care, and community work. The role of planning in relation to the  7 nocturnal sphere has been to regulate and control what happens at night, and who has the right to the night city (Beer 2011; Chatterton and Hollands 2003; Eldridge and Roberts 2014; Evans 2012; Thomas and Bromley 2000; van Liempt, van Aalst, and Schwanen 2014). But little has been done to enable and facilitate the everyday/everynight life of people who use the urban night on a regular basis. Nightlife seems to be perceived as an exception, even for leisure, in spite of the fact that “going out” is a weekend routine for certain groups of people with the desire, need, and capacity to do so. Also, much of the literature and proposals on planning for the night-time economy (e.g. hiring of a Night Mayor or Night City Manager) has supported the neoliberal model of maximizing the benefits of the night-time economy and addressing the problems that might interfere with this business, such as binge drinking, revisiting liquor permits, or addressing alcohol-related violence or neighbours’ complaints. In this sense, planning the night has been mostly a response to neoliberal imperatives while disregarding the needs of ordinary people, especially of working class people’s everyday/everynight life. In other words, urban planning has generally ignored the everynight of those people who, due to productive, care, and reproductive work, use the city after dark on a regular basis. At the same time, planning the night, more often than not, lacks a gender and intersectional perspective. Night-time planning interventions have accounted for the gendered bodies of White young adult males, but continue excluding other gendered bodies – the bodies of women, particularly low-income women, women of color, migrant women, as well as transgender people and non-White men.  Critical readers of this dissertation might question why I claim this is a feminist dissertation from an intersectional gender perspective while I only include women, without comparing their experiences to the everyday/everynight life experiences of men night workers. Following a wider debate about feminist studies and gender issues, and acknowledging that not all gender issues concern only women, women’s concerns are gender issues that deserve deeper attention due to gendered, unequal, hierarchical, and asymmetrical experiences of night work that often disadvantage women in the current patriarchal and capitalist society. In that sense, I follow the view that patriarchy is a system of oppression that affects most – if not all – of the world, even though the way in which it is expressed in different societies is contextual and shaped by “differential experiences and negotiation of social relations of gender, 'race', class, and sexuality” (Peake 1993, 428). I see patriarchy as an overarching system of domination but also as a system of conflict, because women have historically  8 resisted it (Peake 1993). It operates in interconnection with other forms of oppression. As Cabnal argues, “Patriarchy is the root of all oppressions, all exploitations, all violences and discriminations that the humanity (women, men and non-binary people) and nature live, it is a system historically built over the sexualized body of women” (Cabnal 2010, 16).  Identifying patriarchy as a universal system of oppression does not mean that I am doing an essentialist analysis of women’s nightwork. Quite the contrary, the use of an intersectional feminist lens is critical to understanding the interconnection of patriarchy with other forms of oppression, and to make visible and value the complexity of people’s everyday lives in a specific spatial and historical context. An intersectional feminist perspective analyzes the interconnections between the multiple sources of oppression that women live, while focusing on the experiences of those women who have been largely excluded from feminist analyses (Bastia 2014; Nash 2008; Yuval-Davis 2006). In addition, an intersectional analysis acknowledges that a person may belong to multiple disadvantaged groups or identities, and this complicates their experiences of oppression in different contexts (Bastia 2014). One person, due to their intersectional identity, can belong to both oppressed and privileged groups at the same time. Therefore, an intersectional lens reveals that oppressive and privilege systems can overlap, interact, and articulate with one another.  Therefore, under this framework, the exclusion of men from this dissertation has been intentional because the goal of this research was not to prove that there is a difference between men and women nightshift workers. Instead of doing a comparative gender analysis, the goal of the dissertation is to make visible the barriers women nightshift workers face on a daily basis for being women, for being of a certain economic status, for living in certain neighborhoods, working in certain areas, being involved in feminized and intimate care jobs, and for having double-shifts combining paid and unpaid domestic work3. Looking at the everyday/everynight life of women nightshift workers from an intersectional feminist                                                3 Women in the context of the study continue to be in charge of 70% of the work related to the home and the family, despite their participation in the paid job market (Muxí Martínez, Casanovas, Ciocoletto, Fonseca, and Gutiérrez Valdivia 2011).  9 perspective reveals the interconnections of gender with other identity characteristics of these workers, in terms of class, race, ethnicity, sexual identity, migration history, or type of household. In other words, the goal has always been to make visible a group of silenced women who have not been included in any planning policy in the Metropolitan Area of Barcelona until now.  In addition, by doing research with women nightshift workers, this research accumulates knowledge about issues that can resonate with a wider group of people, for example, regarding mobility. The mobility needs and barriers faced by women nightshift workers can be used to inform mobility policies in a wider sense. As Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo and Marquet (2016, 416) argue, “women’s mobility should continue to be specifically assessed, recognizing that women have accumulated the knowledge needed to develop a model of sustainable mobility patterns for the future” since they use the most socially and environmentally sustainable means of transport.  Finally, the fourth objective of this dissertation is to reveal how women’s experiential knowledge of their neighbourhoods and cities can influence planning policies through their active participation in all the phases of planning. The use of Feminist Participatory Action Research responds to the desire to make women nightshift workers the main players of this research. 1.2 Research questions  This research is guided by two research questions: 1) How do contemporary urban planning practices shape women night workers’ everyday/everynight life as they live, interact, and move within and across their homes, workplaces, and other nodes within the city and the region? 2) How can Feminist Participatory Action Research promote gender-transformative urban planning regarding the night use of the city?  In order to answer the first research question, I examine how the intersectional identities of women nightshift workers condition their use of spaces in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area (BMA) across the continuum of public and private spaces, such as the home, the workplace, and the neighborhood. I also examine how urban planners plan the city for the night-time, looking at whether the impacts of everyday/everynight life are accounted for in municipal and  10 regional planning policies, specifically policies about mobility, regulation of pubic space, safety, and the provision of public services and facilities.  Regarding the second research question, I investigate how women’s active participation in planning can interrogate and transform the everyday/everynight life of night users of public spaces and work places.  I conduct this research in the context of the city of Barcelona and its metropolitan area. A city with four thousand years of history, which has a world reputation for its urban planning and architectural practices, especially following the 1992 Olympic Games. A city of migrants, with a strong neighborhood movement, influenced by the anarchist and communist past of the city and the region; a city that has historically engaged in promoting local policies to improve the living conditions of residents and neighbourhoods. A city that over the last decades has experienced the impact of neoliberalization, especially in the form of gentrification, touristification, privatization of public services, and an increase of poverty and social inequalities. But it is also a city whose current government – a self-declared feminist government under the leadership of Mayor Ada Colau – has tried to reverse the increasing inequality in the city and to implement progressive social policies from an intersectional gender perspective.  1.3 Contributions This research fills major gaps in the planning the night literature in two ways. First, by focusing on the everyday/everynight life of night-shift working women, rather than merely on the economic or leisure and consumption conceptualizations of night-time planning. And second, by including an intersectional feminist analysis and the everyday/everynight life cycle as a knowledge source, neither of which are present in most night-time economy studies, thus expanding the spectrum of projects and studies within feminist urban planning.  This research also brings light to the night and the nocturnal dimension, not as an exceptional, prohibited, and frontier time-space for women, but as a continuum of the day, exploring the complexity of different life rhythms. It contributes to including diverse gendered bodies in planning the night and making visible the everyday/everynight life of a segment of  11 night workers often unheard, valuing the diversity of experiences of women nightshift workers in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area. Along the same lines, the project contributes to (feminist) planning literature by studying the everyday/everynight life as a continuum and not as a binary. Examining the everyday/everynight life means giving equal relevance in policy-making to the needs associated with paid productive work and unpaid reproductive/domestic/care and community work. In doing so, the study promotes a more equitable gender division of labour, in addition to making visible women’s contributions to the domestic and community economy (Bofill 2005; Gilroy and Booth 1999; Healey 1997; Muxí Martínez et al. 2011).  Also, taking feminist contributions such as the analysis of gendered bodies as a spatial scale, looking at how women’s bodies feel, perceive, experience, and resist the urban night has enabled a better understanding of the role of fear and safety in the co-researchers’ everyday/everynight lives.  In sum, this dissertation’s examination of the routines and lived experiences of women nightshift workers, the types of activities they develop, with whom they develop these activities, at what times, and with which transportation modes, will help us understand the following key areas of research: (1) how women’s bodies condition mobility and accessibility to nightlife, (2) the contributions of night workers to the paid and unpaid night-time economy, (3) how night workers organize their daily needs, (4) the negotiation of gendered mobility in the private and public space, particularly the role of public transportation, as well as (5) women’s forced mobility and immobility caused by the perception of fear and safety. Examining the everyday/everynight life of women working at night will help to make visible women’s use and appropriation of the night territory, to reclaim their ownership of the night, and to promote women’s action to transform planning policies. 1.4 My positionality during this journey This research reflects my commitment to feminism, women’s rights, and social justice. I have embraced feminism and worked on women’s advocacy for the past 20 years through community development, social research, capacity building, and feminist advocacy in different contexts including Spain, El Salvador, Mexico, and the United States. I began to  12 embrace feminism in the late 1990s while studying for my undergraduate degree in Sociology and as an intern for the Women’s Center in Vilafranca del Penedès, my hometown in Spain. There, women of different origins and ages shared their struggles against gender violence. I realized how our society reproduces inequalities and injustices on a daily basis, simply based on the fact of being a woman, and even more when gender intersects with class, race, ethnicity, age, sexuality, disability, and migration status. Since then, my feminist work and activism has focused on advancing gender equity in different areas. Therefore, in this dissertation feminism is not merely used as a perspective (a way of seeing) and an epistemology (a way of knowing), but also as an ontology or way of being in the world (Stanley 1990) which I have embodied through my practice. My research interest also reflects knowledge, experiences, and questions accumulated through my years-long research collaboration with Elizabeth L. (Betsy) Sweet, and through the work with a feminist planning organization – Col·lectiu Punt 6 – in Barcelona, Spain. During my Master’s Degree Program at the University of Illinois, I started working with Betsy Sweet on gender and race issues in planning. With Betsy we have worked together in peer-reviewed journal articles and book chapters, particularly: how planning addresses gender violence, bringing bodies into planning as a scale of analysis as well as including visceral methods such as body-map storytelling on safety audits. Col·lectiu Punt 6 is a non-profit cooperative of five women planners and architects, who work to include an intersectional feminist perspective in urban planning through participatory methods that place people’s everyday life and women’s knowledge at the center of planning policies. I have been part of this collective since 2009, when I moved back to Barcelona after finishing my Master’s Degree. We have collectively written different publications in a variety of formats over these years and we are one of the few organizations in Spain working on feminist urban planning, a field that has received increased interest in cities such as Barcelona and Madrid in the last three years. Both Col·lectiu Punt 6 and Betsy Sweet have sparked my interest in doing a PhD. Most members of Col·lectiu Punt 6 are involved in academic research in addition to planning practice and activism. This academic involvement is a response to our collective goal of increasing feminist presence in urban planning education and research.  Through my work with Col·lectiu Punt 6 I have engaged with feminist participatory and bottom-up methodologies that place everyday life in the center of planning, and particularly  13 diverse women’s experiences, voices, and knowledges. Based on this experience and previous work in Mexico and El Salvador using popular education, I could not imagine doing a dissertation without a strong participatory and action oriented component. Therefore, Feminist Participatory Action Research seemed the most appropriate methodology to use, since this type of research seeks to recognize local knowledge and people’s experience, respecting local practices and research “with” towards action for social transformation and “giving back” (Reid and Frisby 2008; Fine et al. 2003). My latest work with Betsy Sweet, who is a Native American woman (Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2017), as well as my studies at UBC, in the unceded territory of the Musqueam people, have influenced my critique of Eurocentric epistemologies and inspired me to walk towards decolonizing and questioning the way I do research. This is relevant for the context of this study, Spain, a country whose history of invasion, colonization, and oppression of Indigenous communities in Latin America, the Philippines, and Africa has shaped historical and present non-EU migration policies as well as employment patterns for migrant women in Spain (Moss 1997). In particular, working with the members of my committee, Nora Angeles, Leonie Sandercock, and Pilar Riaño-Alcala, all women working on decolonizing and community-based methodologies, as well as Zaida Muxí Martínez, a feminist architect, has deeply influenced and inspired the way this dissertation has evolved and I have learnt tremendously from their academic and activist work and contributions.  In this sense, this dissertation, done in collaboration with Barcelona-based feminist organizations, has been infused by an embodied process of endlessly moving, engaging, and reflecting on the ethical considerations, as further explained in Chapter 3. Ontologically, it is very difficult to distinguish between the language of the women and the language I am using, even though not all women share the activist language when we talk about patriarchal and racial oppressions (for example, as I explain in Chapter 5 when we dealt with one of the co-researches racist comments). One of the main challenges has been moving between we and I, constantly struggling to write a dissertation that should have collective ownership and voice to honour the participatory action component, but that is forced to be written with I and as my individual research product, because of the still existing colonial structures of the university system.    14 1.5 Structure of the dissertation Chapter 2 presents the body of literature that serves as the analytical and theoretical framework. The chapter reviews the role of planning in regulating the night, doing a critique of the existing literature on planning the night-economy from an intersectional feminist perspective and highlighting how women, as well as other non-normative bodies and identities, have been excluded from urban planning policies. In the critique, I argue that urban planning has supported a neoliberal and patriarchal model of maximizing the benefits of the night-time economy and only responding to the problems that interfere with this business. Therefore, this approach has displaced the everyday/everynight needs of those people who, due to productive, care and reproductive work, use the city after dark on a regular basis, but do not fall under the category of a White male: women and other non-normative bodies. In order to disrupt this view, I review feminist contributions to urban planning that can be applied to planning the night. My review of these contributions includes three interests: (1) looking at how the concept of everyday/everynight life as a source of knowledge can be applied in this field to make visible the productive-reproductive spheres of night-life beyond the current consumption approach; (2) reviewing feminist urban planning studies on fear, safety, and mobility that connect these elements with women’s appropriation of public spaces at night; and (3) advocating for the inclusion of gendered bodies as a spatial scale to enable a better understanding of the role of fear and safety in women’s everyday/everynight lives. Chapter 3 presents the methodological framework used in this dissertation. In this chapter, I first review the literature on feminist participatory action research, its history and evolution, examining the contributions of feminist, decolonizing, and critical race theories to this methodology. I then describe the participatory methods and approach used throughout all parts of the project. I also include an ethical reflection reviewing my positionality, the transition from an individual dissertation to a collective project, and sharing the constant reflexivity process in which I have been involved.  Chapter 4 seeks to present in a nutshell Barcelona and its metropolitan area planning evolution, summarizing its history of compact and mixed-uses cities in general, and specifically focusing on the issues that are relevant to this dissertation. Thus, this chapter provides an overview of how the city and the metropolitan area have addressed, or not, the night-time in planning policies. In particular, it examines how the transportation and mobility  15 systems were planned in the city and metropolitan area, linking the repercussions of this history to planning the night from an intersectional gender perspective. Finally, I present how Barcelona and some other cities in the metropolitan area are adopting an intersectional gender perspective in urban planning policies, since in 2017 Barcelona adopted a new city bylaw on urban planning from an intersectional gender perspective to be applied in all planning areas, processes, and projects. The information examined in this chapter combines a literature review of history and planning policies, as well as the analysis of interviews conducted with planners of the city of Barcelona, the Barcelona Metropolitan Area Agency, and planners and staff from two major cities of the metropolitan area where co-researchers live and work: L’Hospitalet and El Prat de Llobregat.  Chapters 5 and 6 are the main analytical chapters. Chapter 5 presents women’s nightshift workers and includes the analysis of how gender roles impact women’s decisions to work at night, how working at night affects family and social relations, women’s bio-psychosocial health, and how gender inequalities in the labour market get magnified in the nightshift. Chapter 6 examines the impact of planning policies and practices in women night workers’ experiences of the built environment, looking specifically into the challenges women face in terms of night mobility, fear, and safety. Both chapters are built upon the collective materials for dissemination that were produced jointly with the co-researchers, including two of the three participatory videos that came out of the FPAR project. Since the very beginning, we discussed with co-researchers about different ways of disseminating the collective work and the main results. And towards the end of data gathering we decided to publish the main results in a report. This report was titled Nocturnas: The everyday life of women nightshift workers in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area, and has been written in the first-person plural and has collective authorship (Nocturnas 2017)4. That report has been published originally in Catalan and Spanish, and later translated into and published in English. During the writing stage, I also sought ways to make this report a collective production. This is an element that other participatory action researchers have tried to implement too (Fine et al. 2003; Reid 2002; Tuck 2009a). In light of the report just described and the collective nature of data gathering, analysis, and writing, the process of writing chapters 5 and 6 has involved constant self-reflection regarding how to do it. I felt that I had to honour the collective essence of the                                                4, retrieved May 25, 2019  16 published report, and thus maintain the first-person plural that was used in the report and respect the collective work we have initially done. However, after several conversations with my supervisory committee regarding how to balance the participatory formulation of the project with the need to meet doctoral requirements defined by the university, in the end, I decided to expand the collective analysis in order to connect the results with previous research and literature. I want to emphasize how the use of the third person ‘she/they’ makes me feel uncomfortable, because I feel I am not being loyal to the joint analysis developed with the co-researchers who also own this project. Therefore, while acknowledging and honouring that the FPAR has a life of its own – which is the result of the collective work – in these pages, I present my doctoral dissertation for which I have a broader responsibility and of which I am the single author. I did my best to be respectful of the collective findings and to honour the women co-researchers’ contributions. In an effort to break language hierarchies, I have included the quotes in its original language, Catalan and Spanish, and then add the English translation. Chapter 7 is the concluding chapter and discusses the main findings and contributions of this dissertation, as well as recommendations that were collectively developed with the women participants. In this chapter I also examine the potential of using FPAR to promote gender-transformative urban planning, in particular regarding the night use of the city. On the one hand, I examine how this project has influenced local and metropolitan planning policies or planning actors. An important section of this chapter looks at the role of the media, in particular participatory video. I examine how the process of making the participatory video, from the script workshop to its dissemination, has impacted the project. I also look at the impact of this FPAR on women co-researchers and the organizations involved.  The participatory video created with co-researchers – entitled “Nocturnas: Visibilizing women who work at night through a participatory action research project” – is the analog of this introductory chapter, and gathers first-person testimonies of members of the advisory group and women co-researchers., retrieved May 25, 2019  17      18 Chapter 2. An intersectional gender lens to planning the night-time The history of planning has omitted the contributions of women, people of color, Indigenous people, LGBTQ2+ and other groups historically excluded from power structures and decision-making (Fainstein and Servon 2005; Sandercock 1998a). Under the umbrella of planning for the public interest, often seen as a single, universal and standardized interest for a century, planners were oblivious to the diversity of realities in our society, and replicated inequalities, privileging the most powerful (Healey 1997b; Fainstein and Servon 2005), for example, including through the expansion of the ‘American suburban model’ that entailed racial segregation and the consolidation of the patriarchal system sending women back to the private sphere of the home (Hayden 1980; 1986). Under the guise of the public interest, women have been excluded and restricted at night because of how their bodies are socially defined and controlled. The night has been conceptualized as a forbidden and dangerous time and space for women (Hooper 1998; Wilson 1991). Therefore, women transgressing this imaginary forbidden space and using the material public space at night are still unwelcome and blamed in many urban contexts5.  Since the 1970s, feminist planners and geographers have provided a wide variety of insights and contributions to planning theory and practice (e.g. Boccia 2016; Hayden 1980; Falú 2009 2016; Greed 1994; Little, Peake, and Richardson 1988; Muxí Martínez et al. 2011; Rahder and Altilia 2004; Sandercock 1998a, 1998b; Sandercock and Forsyth 1992; Wilson 1991) that can be applied to planning the night and advance women’s right to the city6. The role of planning in relation to the nocturnal sphere has been to regulate and control what happens at night and who has the “right to the night” in the city, ignoring how patriarchal power relations interrelated with race, cultural and gender relations affect the right of women and non-dominant male groups to use and participate in nightlife (Fenster 2005). Little has been done to enable and facilitate the everyday/everynight life of those people who, due to their                                                5 For example, when women are sexually assaulted at night, they continue being blamed by media and social structures for using the public space at night.  6 The right to city defined as “the right to appropriate urban space in the sense of the right to use, the right of inhabitants to ‘full and complete use’ of urban space in their everyday lives …The second component of the right to the city is the right to participation. The rights of inhabitants to take a central role in decision-making surrounding the production of urban space at any scale whether the state, capital, or any other entity which takes part in the production of urban space.” (Fenster 2005, 219)  19 productive, care and reproductive work, use the city after dark on a regular basis. At the same time, planning the night lacks gender analysis and intersectional perspective. It has included the gendered bodies of White young adult males in the promotion of heteronormative, sexist and racist night-time entertainment strategies that focus on alcohol consumption, but continues excluding other gendered bodies: the bodies of women, particularly low-income women, women of color, migrant women, as well as trans people, and non-White men.  This chapter argues for the need to include in planning the study of women’s everyday/everynight life with the goal to: (1) make visible how the diverse gendered realities have not been included in planning the night policies; (2) give equal attention and relevance to women’s contributions in paid formal and informal work, and unpaid reproductive, domestic, care, and community work; and 3) emphasize how women’s work at night is essential for keeping the world running during the day7. Finally, including an intersectional feminist perspective in planning the urban night can push policy makers to respond to the needs resulting from women’s double presence in the paid night-economy and the unpaid domestic and care work. Planning can contribute to transforming unpaid work into a social and collective responsibility instead of a burden that often falls on women’s shoulders.  Analyzing how gender and other intersectional identities have been included/excluded in planning the night implies examining research on how gendered bodies have been conceptualized in planning and planning at night, how urban planning has approached the nocturnal sphere, and how fear and safety affect women’s mobility in the nightlife.  2.1 Gendered bodies in the night Feminist scholars have documented how gendered, racialized and sexually diverse bodies have been constructed and regulated through planning (Doan 2010; Green and Singleton 2006; Hooper 1998; Sandercock 1998a). Women’s bodies in particular have been conceptualized in the public sphere as a threat to the social order, as a source of fear that “undoes the idea of plan” (Sandercock 2003), but also as a vulnerable and objectified body to be dominated (Wesely and Gaarder 2004). This exclusion has been reinforced through                                                7 This is a qualitative statement that sheds light on women’s nightshift workers double and triple shift, which remains invisible because they develop their paid job while most people sleep.  20 historical negative connotations attached to women’s bodies in public spaces, and the idealized public-private divide. For example, the term “public woman” has been often associated with a prostitute, a ‘not respectable’ woman, being a sexual temptation to male self-discipline, to the ‘public man’, which is perceived as the statesman (Duncan 1996; Hooper 1998; Massolo 2007; Wilson 1991). Thus, planning has been complicit in reproducing the oppressive public-private binary that places women in the private realm associated with the domestic, the emotional, the embodied, the family, and the unpaid and informal work; and men in the public sphere of production, paid employment, rationality, disembodiment, market, state, and  power (Duncan 1996; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2010). In addition to being androcentric, the public-private dichotomy is ethnocentric and oppressive against queer and trans people. It is ethnocentric because this dichotomy becomes even more limited when used in contexts of informal settlements where “home” does not exist because people live in a shack, a very vulnerable structure where doors cannot be locked or windows secured (Meth 2003). It is queer and trans oppressive when the sexual division of space forces people to respond to hegemonic expectations of gender behaviour restricted to the male-female binary (Doan 2010). The reproduction of this binary and the exclusion of women from the public sphere become more evident when the sun goes down. Women have been restricted at night-time because of how their bodies are defined and controlled in the nocturnal sphere. The context, as well as women’s intersectional identities, restrains their night activity. The night has been historically conceptualized as a forbidden and dangerous time-space for women. The expression ‘woman of the night,’ like ‘public woman’, is negatively charged and also associated with prostitution, disorder, or being a “loose” woman (Patel 2010). Therefore, many societies still blame and stigmatize women using the space at night as if they did not belong or did not have right to be there. Including an intersectional feminist perspective in planning can make visible a more fluid relationship between gendered bodies and the city (Doan 2010; Miranne and Young 2000; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2014), by seeing bodies as a spatial scale that connect public-private spaces, as a biographical space, a space of memory of violence, but also a space of resistance (Falú 2009; Vargas 2009). Looking at the body as a space of self-awareness and resistance, as a unique and private space, the first to be appropriated by women, in order to  21 be able to take ownership of other territories: the home, the neighbourhood, the city, the country (Falú 2009; Vargas 2009).  An intersectional feminist perspective in planning also implies incorporating the everyday/everynight life of women as a source of knowledge, a scale of analysis and a methodology. In the feminist literature on everyday life, specific references to everynight life are made in relation to this concept being used as a methodology (Smith 1990). The other body of feminist literature that has approached the everynight life is sex-related work studies; for example, research on everyday spatial use and knowledge of sex workers (Hubbard 1998; Hubbard and Sanders 2003; Ross 2010, 2013; Schlör 1998). But there is a need to make women more visible in the everynight life beyond the sex workers use of night spaces, and at the same time, studies on the concept of everyday life need to be extended to everyday/everynight life. My objective is to include the night not as an exceptional time, as a deviant, or as a frontier to cross, but as a continuum that explores the complexities of the different rhythms of life (Gallan and Gibson 2011).  Examining the everyday life means giving equal relevance to the needs of the paid productive work and the unpaid reproductive/domestic/care and community work, to promote a more equitable gender division of labour, and in addition, to make visible women’s contributions to the domestic and community economy (Bofill 2005; Gilroy and Booth 1999; Healey 1997; Muxí Martínez et al. 2011).  Lefebvre (1971) and de Certeau (1984) are renowned for their contributions to the study of everyday life. Both authors propose using everyday life as a source of knowledge in scientific research. De Certeau advocates for “bringing scientific practices and languages back toward their native land, everyday life” (de Certeau 1984, 6). Lefebvre (1971) proposes ‘everyday life’ to develop a cultural analysis of space and time of the urban in modern times. However, in this dissertation, I chose to focus my attention on the feminist works on everyday life because Lefebvre and de Certeau’s texts are gender blind and they do not acknowledge how everyday life is experienced differently depending on gender and other intersecting identities, therefore obviating the different gender-based constraints encountered on a daily basis. One example is when de Certeau refers to everyday walking as a process of appropriation of space. He sees the “walker” as a person free to select from the different possibilities offered by the spatial order. This vision is androcentric and ethnocentric, because it does not  22 acknowledge the lack of freedom and limitations many bodies have to appropriate space, for example, low-income women, people of color, non-heteronormative bodies, etc. Their gender blindness is not justified by the time of their texts, because feminist analysis and gender dimensions of everyday life were incorporated in theoretical debates since the 1970s (Lykogianni 2008).   Thus, I use feminist definitions and analysis of everyday life, that acknowledge “engendered sociospatial relations and structures” (Lykogianni 2008, 136). Using everyday life to analyze the role of space and time in the built environment means: 1) giving equal value to all the spheres of life: the productive, reproductive (caring and domestic work), community, and personal; 2) recognizing the social value of the unpaid work and promoting a more equitable gender division between spheres; 3) acknowledging that in our current urban spaces, it is increasingly challenging to develop and organize all these activities in a daily basis, and women carry most of the burden; 4) understanding that this daily organization has material and emotional implications that shape people’s aspirations and expectations; and 5) making visible women’s coping strategies and social supports (Gilroy and Booth 1999; Healey 1997b). Everyday life has been also developed as a methodology to analyze space (Dyck 2005; Lykogianni 2008) since  “…taking a route through the routine, taken-for-granted activity of everyday life in homes, neighbourhoods and communities can tell us much about its role in supporting social, cultural and economic shifts—as well as helping us see how the ‘local’ is structured by wider processes and relations of power.” (Dyck 2005, 234).  For Dyck (2005), the analysis of the everyday life allows taking the space of the body as a methodological point of departure to theorize about other scales, thus connecting the local to the global. Dyck (2005) focuses on everyday activities of care work, which are often unseen and carried out primarily by women and girls. As an example of this connection between the everyday life, the local and the global, she exposes how women migrate to other countries to work as domestic workers or babysitters, while leaving their children behind under the care of relatives. The study of the everyday life of these women have potential for understanding  23 the social, political and economic impacts of globalization over space, at the regional, national and international levels.  Miraftab’s recent book (2016), which documents the case of migrant workers in a meatpacking plant in Beardstown, IL, also analyzes how the production and social reproduction of migrant labour is interconnected. She develops the concept of ‘global restructuring of social production’ to articulate how immigrant workers might spatially restructure their life cycle by spending their working life in the USA while the care work for their children and elders is outsourced to communities across the border to be performed by their families and the public organizations in their countries of origin (Miraftab 2016).  At the same time, studying everyday life contributes to make women visible (Davies 2003; Dyck 2005; Gilroy and Booth 1999; Lykogianni 2008), because their presence in all the spheres of life is greater than men, particularly in the reproductive, caring, and domestic spheres. Using everyday life as a paradigm and as a methodology in planning could help make visible this unpaid work developed mostly by women and change the traditional approach to urban life that has reproduced dualisms such as workplace/home and public/private (Lykogianni 2008). In the 1990s, Scandinavian feminists frustrated with managing the burden and complexity of everyday life, proposed a new paradigm, the ‘New Everyday Life’ that focuses on creating infrastructures for the everyday life that give material and social support to women’s daily routines (Gilroy and Booth 1999, 309). The goal of this new paradigm was to spatially and temporally integrate separated elements of everyday life at the neighborhood level, for example, facilities that help share care and domestic tasks. They recommended actions at two levels: first, providing universal care services for dependents, and second, incorporating into the productive and cooperative system those domestic tasks that could be shared. This integration could be done through government initiatives, but also through neighborhood or resident associations, such as Dolores Hayden (1980) proposed in the HOMES project.  Also, using everyday life as a methodology implies using women’s knowledge and everyday life experiences in urban planning, and considering women as experts of their communities and neighborhoods, because of the knowledge accumulated through the complexity of carrying out paid work, unpaid domestic, caring responsibilities and community work. Despite the differences between women’s experiences, Lykogianni (2008) argues “they have in  24 common the plurality of their everyday activities and of the ways in which they manage to combine them” (140).  An intersectional feminist perspective in planning also looks at how everyday life is structured by time-space, understood as two inseparable and interdependent variables that reflect how spatial variations of time are a constitutive part of social conceptions of time (May and Thrift 2003). In the European context, and with Italian feminists at the forefront, feminist planners have focused on the analysis of time-space as interdependent variables that are integrated in everyday life (May and Thrift 2003). Karen Davies argues: When looking at everyday life, we therefore need to analyse more carefully how we negotiate and switch between different temporal orders, how we weave together different temporal patterns, how temporal meaning is constituted through social interaction and how gender as well as discourses of femininity and masculinity are part and parcel of all this (Davies 2003, 137–38). Feminists have made visible that the way time is planned in urban areas is androcentric (Boccia 2013; Davies 2003; Leccardi 1996; May and Thrift 2003; Paolucci 1996). In our society, the capitalist hierarchy of time and space is directly related to a patriarchal mode of production and consumption that hides and devalues the unpaid work carried out mostly by women, which is essential for our social reproduction. Leccardi (1996) argues that the modern expressions of time that originated in industrial societies gave greater value to paid work, granting this sphere the power to regulate the rest (i.e., domestic, care, community and personal). This conception of time is still reproduced through the capitalist economic system that conceives time as quantifiable, consumable, and an exchangeable commodity (Paolucci 1996). This conception of time has shaped space and converted cities into ‘time machines’: “ …the city appears as the temporal power that marks the rhythm of collective and individual times for millions of people” (Paolucci 1996, 270). This notion of time is also grounded in gendered power relations that favor hetero normative male-dominated hierarchies, but ignore the temporal and spatial implications of conducting domestic and care work (Davies 2003). As a consequence, “women weave complicated temporal tapestries” (Davies 2003, 137) because women’s experiences of time are diverse, plural, complex and interdependent due to the simultaneous activities they develop (Davies 2003; Leccardi 1996); and, I would argue, to the intersectional identities and oppressions that condition their social time.   25 Leccardi (1996) calls for a reformulation of social time to be plural, a-centric and non-hierarchical, in which the public-private dichotomy is challenged because the complexity of simultaneously carrying multiple tasks makes visible the interdependence and circularity between public and private spheres and the impossibility to separate them (Leccardi 1996). I would argue that the reformulation of social time needs to include an intersectional perspective to analyze and respond to how age, race, migration status, sexuality, and other identity variables condition women’s time-space in their everyday life. At the same time, I think seeing time in its 24-hour cycle and include everynight can also help reformulate social time. Seeing the everyday/everynight as a continuum will help break hierarchies between day and night and help formulate planning policies to make them more responsive to the diversity of social time, in particular with regard to mobility systems and the design of public spaces. Italian feminists have promoted changes to time-relevant policies since the 1990s through ‘City Time Plans’. The goal has been to “avoid seeing time reconciliation [between life and work] as an individual problem but instead to make it a collective, political and urban planning issue” (Boccia 2013, 69). These City Time Plans look at urban areas as ‘Chronotopes’8, which implies understanding urban areas as physical places where gendered bodies in different stages of life spend time, taking into account the “microphysics of what we do everyday” (Boccia 2013, 70). City time plans promote urban planning actions both at the micro and macro scale, from development projects in neighborhoods to the planning of new urban centers (Boccia 2013), that are related to changing time conceptions and creating a better equilibrium between paid and unpaid work, and personal, household and community life.  2.2 Planning the night-time Night is a contested term that has been socially and culturally shaped through history. How night is conceptualized and when night begins and ends also differs across cultures, historical periods, and geographic locations. The spread of public lighting in the 19th century changed the meaning and use of the city after dark, and enabled the increase of night-life above all in                                                8 Chronotope is a term that Michael Bakhtin introduced in literary theory to define how configurations of time and space are represented in language and discourse. In the context of City Time Plans, Teresa Boccia looks at Chronotopes as “places where time is spent, or physical places animated by the presence of female and male inhabitants, or both” (Boccia 2013, 70).   26 urban areas, expanding the night-time economy (Edensor 2013; Melbin 1987; Schivelbusch 1988). Lighting of all kinds had different uses and impacts according to social status. It was a strategy of the bourgeois for ordering the city: “extensive illumination was thus part of a moral and political reordering of the city” (Otter in Edensor 2013, 6) in contrast with the dark atmosphere of slums that was synonymous with lack of morality and dangerous ethics. Thus, lighting was another mechanism that served planning to control bodies in the city. Police used lighting as a form of control of the less privileged (Schivelbusch 1988).  In Western societies, the night has been associated with fear, chaos, devil, sin, death and the dark side of society (Edensor 2013; Palmer 2000; Schivelbusch 1988); and the day with the creation of the world, God, the “good”, the “safe”. This Euro-centric, Western imaginary has associated the night with those people that transgress the rational ordering of society, with transgressive sexualities, practices, occupations and ideas: for example, prostitutes, revolutionaries, musicians, or drug dealers (Palmer 2000). However, in non-Western cultures, there are also positive perceptions of the night, where people use this time for community rituals, family events, or religious activities (Amid 2013). Historical accounts of night-time use have also reinforced dualisms between day and night, good and bad, even feminine and masculine (Melbin 1987; Palmer 2000; Schivelbusch 1988). This simplistic dualism between day and night has constructed them as opposite, obviating the diversity of each condition and how artificial lighting has complicated this binary, as well as legitimised conservative social and political agendas that constrain access to the night for certain groups of people (Gibson and Gallan 2011). In the planning field, most research on the night focuses on the so-called ‘night-time economy’. This research has taken place mostly in Western contexts, particularly in the UK, and to a lesser degree, in the United States, Australia and Europe. These studies are focused on the ‘night-time economy’ of city centers that seek economic revitalization, with an emphasis on entertainment and leisure activities, generally associated with alcohol consumption. The term ‘night-time economy’ was first used by Franco Bianchini from the creative cities organization Comedia Consultancy in the 1990s (Bianchini 1995; van Liempt, van Aalst, and Schwanen 2014). ‘Night-time economy’ initially referred to a multi-industry of night cultural production, in which alcohol and leisure would be a part of night activity. However, most night-time economy policies have concentrated on the deregulation of alcohol  27 and leisure consumption (van Liempt, van Aalst, and Schwanen 2014), and become neoliberal strategies for “cities re-inventing themselves as consumption sites” (van Liempt, van Aalst, and Schwanen 2014, 6). Indeed, Chatterton and Hollands (2003) illustrate the ‘McDonaldisation’ of many nightlife districts in the UK: big branded names invading the city centers and standardizing the night-time experience. More recently, cities such as Amsterdam, Paris and Zurich have created the figure of a Night Mayor to bridge the gap between day and night planning (O’Sullivan 2016). This figure responds to the view of making 24-hour places of entertainment and consumption. In sum, most research on the night-time economy looks at the consumption side of the 24-hour city in downtown areas, and issues  such as violence and insecurity (Beer 2011; Bromley, Tallon, and Thomas 2003; Crawford and Flint 2009; Eldridge and Roberts 2013a; Evans 2012; Thomas and Bromley 2000), but typically pays scant attention to the gendered nature of bodies, relations, and work within the night-time economy.  Some studies have included a gender perspective or a critical race analysis (Eldridge and Roberts 2013; Roberts and Eldridge 2012; Roberts 2006, 2013; Schwanen, van Aalst, Brands, and Timan 2012; Sheard 2011; Talbot 2007; Waitt, Jessop and Gorman-Murray 2011). The studies on gender look at exclusion, inequality or access to the night-time economy, revealing that the dominant mainstream forms of nightlife are male dominated and heterosexual (Chatterton and Hollands 2003; Hubbard and Colosi 2013; Sheard 2011). For example, young women’s access to the night-time economy has been in hegemonic heteronormative masculinity terms, adopting heavy drinking and involvement in violence (Chatterton and Hollands 2003; Waitt, Jessop, and Gorman-Murray 2011), or assessing women’s risk perception of sexual abuse (Sheard 2011). Studies on race and ethnicity in the UK and the Netherlands demonstrate the exclusion of non-White groups in the entertainment nightlife because of discriminatory and racist practices by clubs and door staff, but also because of the mainstream nightlife model that excludes non-White groups that seek a more diverse programming and music, avoid heavy drinking cultures and sexualized environments (Boogaarts 2008; Hadfield 2014; Schwanen et al. 2012).  The hegemonic male centered night culture has been challenged since the 1970s through ‘Take Back the Night’ marches and rallies (Hubbard and Colosi 2013), or more recently through the SlutWalks that originated in Toronto (Roberts 2013). Feminist marches to reclaim  28 the night continue in many cities around the globe. In the context of this study, in Barcelona the night of March 7th, just before International Women’s Day, women march at night every year to take the streets and reclaim the night. The  action is not officially sponsored but self-organized by independent feminist groups. But still, much work needs to be done in terms of challenging patriarchal and heterosexist night structures. Chatterton and Hollands (2003) propose to look at the diversity of experiences of young women, for example, looking at how economic and educational statuses influence their participation in the nightlife. Beebeejaun (2017) calls on city leaders to support political initiatives such as SlutWalks and Night Marches to promote gendered rights to public spaces in all the temporal dimensions. Few studies look at the intersection of gender, race and ethnicity in the night-time economy. Schwanen et al. (2012) look at gender, race and ethnicity inequalities in the access to the night-time economy in the Netherlands. This mixed-methods study finds substantial inequalities and results differ in terms of gender and race and conclude that what can be “beneficial in gender terms can be the opposite from a racial/ethnic perspective” (Schwanen et al. 2012, 2083). For example, they argue that the effects of police presence may stimulate higher women’s presence but less non-White inclination to stay. They conclude that a more diverse nightlife entertainment program would enable greater participation of racial/ethnic minorities in the night-time. The authors also advocate for not treating young women as a homogeneous category, or positioning them simply as vulnerable and fearful, and call for more qualitative studies that lead to a better understanding of nightlife exclusion based on gender, race and ethnicity.  Fewer studies are found about the night-time in non-Western contexts (Amid 2013; Hadfield and Hadfield 2014; Patel 2010; Su-Jan, Limin, and Kiang 2012; Tadié and Permanadeli 2014) and for non-leisure activities. Su-Jan et al. (2012) explore the role of informal night-time economy in people’s habitual routines in Singapore. The authors argue that night-life opens more opportunities for informal practices and diverse actors to use the public space because it can be an incubator for small businesses run by new immigrants, attract creative industries in search of areas with low-cost rent and a vibrant nightlife, promote diversity and a more inclusive night leisure time, and protect the public space (Su-Jan, Limin, and Kiang 2012).  In Iran, Amid (2013) looks at the night-life of a city in relation to religious tourism and weather conditions, with a different approach to the night-time economy, which does not involve  29 alcohol. Her goal is to show that Middle Eastern countries have an active nightlife as a result of religious practices and climate conditions. In a recent Special Issue of Urban Studies on ‘Geographies of the urban night’ (van Liempt, van Aalst, and Schwanen 2014), the authors explore four themes related to nightlife: the changing meanings and experiences of the night, the evolution of the night-time economy, the intensification of night-life regulation, and the dynamics in practices of going out. This issue includes a non-Western example of nightlife in Jakarta, Indonesia (Tadié and Permanadeli 2014), as well as some case studies about how gender, sexuality, or ethnicity add to the complexity of nightlife practices and accessibility. For example, Hubbard and Colosi (2013), analyze why sexual entertainment venues such as lap-dancing clubs in England have become a target of feminist debates about the gender inequalities inherent in the night city, and explore the paradox of “women making claims to the city at night often deploy particular myths of women’s vulnerability” (Hubbard and Colosi 2013, 3). The special issue closes with a commentary by Phil Hadfield (2014) who analyzes how contemporary forms of night-time economy still reproduce four mechanisms of exclusion: planning regulation and urban design, police governance, the type of activities and consumption associated with the night-time, and the social exclusion of certain groups based on gender, ethnicity or sexuality. This recent special issue contributes to the planning field by including non-Western examples and gender and ethnicity analysis, but still has a narrow focus of the night-time economy. It is mainly focused on going-out practices and drinking, and does not include everyday/everynight life practices, beyond leisure and consumption. Thus, current research on the night-economy is still missing the analysis of the interaction between the productive and reproductive sphere. Few studies look at the production side of the night-time economy (Buchanan and Koch-Schulte 2000; Macquarie 2017; Patel 2010), despite the reality that production also takes place during the night. Women have always been part of the nightlife as workers regardless of historical attempts to exclude them based on discourses of protection and preservation of their family role, that have created barriers to accessing night jobs (Lowson et al. 2013; Melbin 1987; Patel 2010).  Research on gendered experiences of night work is mostly found in other fields of study such as sociology or labor studies. This research has focused more on the physiological than the  30 social consequences of women’s night work, and the few examples of research looking at social aspects are mostly quantitative (Lowson et al. 2013). The social research about night and shift work with a gender lens looks at the effects of women’s night work in household relationships, revealing the unequal burden women carry with when they choose to work at night to respond to care and domestic responsibilities during the day (Garey 1995; Lowson et al. 2013; Melbin 1987). In recent years, planning-related studies on the production side of the night-economy from a gender perspective have started to be developed (Buchanan and Koch-Schulte 2000; Patel 2010). The mainstream literature on call centre workers often ignore the gender and temporal dimension as they often are silent on the nature of day time or night time work. There are only a few like Patel (2000) and Buchanan and Koch-Schulte (2000) that recognize women night workers in the call centre industry. Rena Patel (2010) analyzes safety issues with women working the night-shift in call-centers in India. In this research, bodies are used as a scale of analysis to understand how space and place are gendered and influence women’s mobility. Patel (2010) explains how women working at night in call-centers challenge the traditional notion that woman’s “place” at night is in the home. Patel makes visible that the notion of ‘women of the night’ continues to be associated with “loose, bold and mysterious women”, hence, the night-shift is still called “the hooker shift”. Her study also highlights that women working the night-shift are changing the meaning of women’s use of the night, because of their presence in the public sphere, and also their access to economic independence. But still, women face many barriers that control and regulate their mobility and safety; they are still subjected to strict surveillance by family members.  Buchanan and Koch-Schulte (2000) conducted a case study of the emerging call centre industry in Canada; although they do not address directly the relation between urban planning and nightwork, they conduct a gender analysis and highlight the feminization and precarity of this type of job, which is also conducted at night.  In general, research on planning the night overlooks night-time cycles outside of the downtown, without looking at other parts of the city or other types of night-time activities. Fewer studies are found about the people that use the night-time for non-leisure activities or in non-Western contexts (Amid 2013; Patel 2010). Thus, planning the night has focused on a small part of the night-life: the consumptionist side of the night-time economy related to  31 leisure and alcohol consumption in downtown areas of Western cities. In general, accounts of night-life have romanticized night users as a special group of the population, without acknowledging that the night is also a space of work, care and reproduction, a space of everyday/everynight life, without any glamour for those constrained to work the night shift.  In sum, there is a need to include in planning the night policies concerning the productive and reproductive side of the night economy from an intersectional feminist perspective that moves beyond downtowns to other neighbourhoods, working centers, towns, and homes; breaks with the male centered and hetero-patriarchal night culture; makes visible night workers everyday/everynight needs; and analyzes how planning can contribute to improve their quality of life and right to the city.  In addition, the emphasis on the night-time economy has excluded everyday life activities (Amid 2013; Williams 2008), as well as the balance between paid and unpaid work. There are some references in the ‘planning the night’ literature that advocate to include the night within everyday life studies. Williams (2008) calls to reinterpret everyday and everynight activities in terms of spatial practices using Lefebvre’s ‘rhythm analysis’: “night does not interrupt diurnal rhythms, but modifies them and specially slows them down” (Lefebvre 1996 in Williams 2008, 516). Gibson and Gallan (2011) propose to include day and night in the study of everyday life, and not see the night as exceptional time, as deviant, as a frontier to cross, but as a continuum that explores the complexities of the different rhythms of life. They argue that meshing day and night, seeing them as inseparable, will improve studies of everyday life. Roberts and Eldridge (2012) also consider that day-time activities are now interjecting more firmly into the night, proposing that “The task for planners and other built-environment professionals, is to respond to both the night’s extraordinary properties and its everyday requirements in an appropriate measure” (209). Su-Jan et al. (2012) use the term everyday (night) life in their study of the role of informal night-time economy in people’s habitual routines in Singapore. Amid (2013) argues that nightlife “can become more inclusive by providing everyday mundane activities in the night-time city” (33). Overall, these are some invitations to look at the everydayness of the night, to which I will try to respond through this dissertation.  Thus, I propose moving from planning the night-time economy to planning the everyday/everynight life in order to make visible how women’s night work is essential for the  32 development of day-time socioeconomic life. Women’s night work help cities function during the day, and we need to push planning to respond to the needs of these night workers and improve their everyday/everynight life.  By looking at the everyday/everynight life, research can fill gaps in the literature such as the role of transportation in the diversification and accessibility to nightlife, the contributions of night workers to night-time economy, or how night workers organize their everyday/everynight life (Eldridge and Roberts 2013; Roberts and Eldridge 2012).  2.3 The night in feminist urban planning: fear, safety and mobility  2.3.1. Fear and safety in feminist urban planning Feminist planning research makes reference to the night-time in relation to issues of fear, safety and mobility. These studies look at how women’s perceptions of fear increase at night (Dammert 2007; Falú 2009; Koskela 1999; Loukaitou-Sideris 2006; Pain 2001; Valentine 1989) or discuss how fear and safety restrict women’s mobility (Atkins 1989; Carter 2005; Ganjavi, Lebrasseur, and Whissell 2000; Whitzman 2002; Whitzman et al. 2013). More recently, this research has been criticized for not including the fear experiences and safety needs of LGBTQ2+ communities within the impact of non-binary gender, white supremacy and economic injustice (Roberton 2016). Fear and safety have been deeply studied in planning. “Planning and urban management discourses are, and always have been, saturated with fear. The history of planning could be rewritten as the attempt to manage fear in the city” (Sandercock 2002, 203). At the same time, research has demonstrated how fear and safety restrict women’s mobility, particularly at night (Pain 1991, 1997; Koskela 1999; Loukaitou-Sideris 2005) as well as LGBTQ2+ use of public spaces (Roberton 2016). In planning, many theories and interventions have focused on how to control and prevent crime through the design of the physical environment, such as Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) or Safer Cities programs. However, these initiatives respond mostly to crime committed by strangers in the public space against private property. Feminists and LGBTQ2+ researchers have criticized them for being gender blind, focusing only on the physical aspect of designing out fear and not including a social analysis of how  33 safety is perceived differently by gender and other intersecting identities (Koskela and Pain 2000; Pain 2001; Roberton 2016; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2010).  Feminist planning research focuses on safety and perception of fear instead of crime, because crime refers mainly to violent acts recognized in legislation, which vary depending on the context. In contrast, fear and safety are broader concepts that take a more complex approach to understanding the impact of violence in people’s lives. They consider not only the public space and activities committed by strangers, but also recognise the continuum between the private and public sphere. Indeed, looking at fear and safety allows the inclusion of sexual harassment on the street, “a form of non-criminal street violence that has a remarkable impact on women’s access to urban space” (Koskela and Tani 2005).  Fear can be defined as embodied emotional and practical responses of people and communities to violence concerns (Koskela 2010; Pain 2001). Fear is based on gendered power relations in spaces (Dammert 2007; Epstein 1998; Koskela 1999, 2010) and reproduced in everyday life practices (Gordon et al. 1980; Koskela 2010; Sandberg and Rönnblom 2014; Valentine 1989). Research in sociology, evolutionary and developmental psychology, and educational studies have documented how fear is reproduced in the socialization process through the replication of stereotyped gender roles that define women as vulnerable, and men as strong and aggressive. This social production of fear unfolds through formal and informal channels, from warnings received at home, to news in the media, daily conversations, or police crime prevention advice (Dammert 2007; Koskela 2010; Maccoby 1992; Mackie 1987; Stockard 1999; Valentine 1992).  There are gender differences in reporting violence and fear (Dammert 2007; Koskela 2010; Pain 1997). The vast majority of violence against women happens in the private space and is committed by people known to their victims (Pain 1997; Stanko 1988; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2010; Valentine 1989, 1992). LGBTQ2+ individuals also negotiate fear, safety and violence in public space, due to their gender presentation and race. The sexual and intimate nature of this violence contributes to the lack of police or media reporting, because women and LGBTQ2+ are afraid of reprisal and because the violence is related intimately with their sexualized bodies (Falú 2011; Koskela 2010; Roberton 2016; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2015). Thus, experiences and manifestations of fear are gendered and reported differently. Women tend to fear sexual violence and rape, the type of violence that attacks their intimate  34 body (Falú 2011; Pain 1991; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2015). In addition, women and LGBTQ2+ individuals are more likely to adapt and restrict their everyday life because of violence than cisgender men (Pain 1991; Roberton 2016; Stanko and Hobdell 1993).  The work initiated in Montreal and Toronto on women’s safety in the 1990s and later adapted and developed in other regions and cities around the world has focused on how fear impacts women’s right to the city and how urban planning elements can condition women’s perception of safety. In the field of “planning safe cities” from a feminist perspective, a key work developed in the city of Montreal, coordinated by Anne Michaud and the Conseil of Montrealaises and published in the 2002 Guide d’amenagement pour un environnement sécuritaire (Michaud 2007), was done through extensive women’s participatory work and examination of neighborhoods and public spaces through exploratory walks. This work gathered a lot of information about the elements that contribute to women's perception of safety, and defined what is known as the six principles for a safe environment for women: (1) Know where you are and where you are going; (2) See and be seen; (3) Hear and be heard; (4) Be able to escape and get help; (5) Live in a clean and welcoming environment; (6) Act collectively. These principles and the urban safety audit and exploratory walks have been adapted to suit different contexts and continue being applied in practice in different parts and cities of the world9.  2.3.2. Feminist analysis of mobility Studies on women’s mobility patterns in the North American and European contexts have shown that women have more sustainable, complex and diverse mobility patterns than men during the day (Angeles 2017; Grieco, Pickup, and Whipp 1989; Grieco and Ronald 2012; Hanson 2010; Hanson and Hanson 1980, 1981; Hanson and Johnston 1985; Law 1999; Miralles-Guasch and Martínez Melo 2012; Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo, and Marquet 2016). Even though the gender component of sustainable transportation has been extensively documented, it is still not considered in climate change debates around transportation (Angeles 2017). However, women’s mobility can be paralyzed at night                                                9 The Latin American Women and Habitat Network, which has been working on safe city projects since the nineties, Jagori in India and Col·lectiu Punt 6 in Spain.   35 because of fear of violence. After dark, women avoid certain parts of the city, do not use certain modes of transportation, or refrain from going out at all (Atkins 1989; Carter 2005; Ganjavi, Lebrasseur, and Whissell 2000; Koskela 1999; Laub 2007; Loukaitou-Sideris 2005, 2006; Lynch and Atkins 1988; Morey 2007; Pain 1991, 1997; Whitzman 2002; Whitzman et al. 2013).  Atkins (1989) in the late 1980s did a review of security surveys in the UK and concluded that there existed “evidence of widespread and serious nature of women’s fears about travelling, particularly at night” (176), and most women avoided going out at night alone. Studies on walking at night in people’s neighborhoods in the US and Canada (Ganjavi, Lebrasseur, and Whissell 2000; Loukaitou-Sideris 2005; Whitzman et al. 2013) illustrate that few women as opposed to men report feeling safe walking after dark; they show differences by age, income and housing tenancy: elders, females not full time employed, residing in rental accommodation, living in the city manifest higher fear (Ganjavi, Lebrasseur, and Whissell 2000). Fear and the conceptualization of dangerous places also produce a more restricted neighborhood play area for girls (Law 1999). Clifton and Livi's (2005) study shows that although women walk more and farther than men in their everyday lives, women avoid walking alone and prefer to walk accompanied by friends or relatives. In this study, the authors argue that safety perceptions did not have any impact on men’s walking behavior. However, studies in US cities show that fear influences men of colour, especially young Latino or black men’s use of the public space. The difference often comes on the type of violence that is feared: women usually fear sexual violence, while men fear physical violence related to being beaten or robbed and not necessarily entailing sexual violence (with the exception of non-cisgender men). In Los Angeles, Latino migrant young men refrain from using certain public spaces because of fear of assault from gang members or white supremacy groups (Hondagneu-Sotelo 2017). A study conducted with young black men and women to analyze perceptions of fear in the use of a park in Philadelphia reveals how young men fear violence, mostly related to beating. However, their desire to respond to hegemonic masculinity models that value strength and fearlessness make them more likely to take risks than young women, who directly avoid using the park because of fear of being raped (Brownlow 2005).   36 Feminist researchers have adopted the term “mobility” to push the boundaries of traditional transportation planning by examining the full suite of interacting and complex activities that involve the household, community and larger society, instead of viewing transportation as an individual choice of unidirectional trips from home to work that prioritize commute to paid work (Hanson 2010; Law 1999; Miralles-Guasch 2010). In the 1970s, transportation researchers started including gender as a variable in their analyses, yet these studies mostly took a male perspective of transportation, focusing on the journey-to-work patterns and privileging the productive sphere of paid work (Atkins 1989; Dobbs 2007; Hanson 2010; Law 1999; Miralles-Guasch and Martínez Melo 2012; Whitzman et al. 2013). Transportation was conceptualized as an individual issue of how one person gets from point A to B, thinking most of the time of linear trips from home to work (Law 1999). Most of these studies on gender and transportation were quantitative analyses of travel patterns such as trip distance, purpose, or mode of transportation. Despite its limitations, this research contributes to making visible the spatial separation of production and reproduction and the public-private dichotomy (Law 1999), documenting different travel patterns of women and men and also how fear of crime has affected the use of transportation. But these studies overshadowed other types of mobilities such as non-work trips or those trips that are never made (Atkins 1989; Law 1999), which have overrepresentation of women (Miralles-Guasch and Martínez Melo 2012). In sum, these studies included sex as a variable, but did not include a complete intersectional gender analysis. Many transportation systems have been planned based on the journey-to-work vision, which has complicated women’s mobility, as well as other sectors of the population such as children, youth and the elderly, because they have excluded the care work and the reproductive sphere (Angeles 2017; Atkins 1989; Dobbs 2007; Miralles-Guasch and Martínez Melo 2012).  In the context of this dissertation, it is essential to cite recent quantitative research published by Carmen Miralles and her team in the region of Catalonia that looks at mobility from a gender perspective and beyond the journey-to-work. Her research (Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo, and Marquet 2016) uses data from the Catalan Everyday Life Mobility Survey (EMQ 2006) and analyses gender mobility patterns  in both rural and urban areas. It is the first research done in Catalonia that crosses different variables to confirm that “Despite the different territorial realities, gender explains mobility patterns much better than other variables  37 such as age or geographical factors … The reasons for gender differences go much deeper, are more structural.” (13)  The study has three contributions to previous quantitative mobility studies. First, all the trips are included in the analysis to examine the complexity of how gender shapes mobility, especially in areas where walking and public transport trips are as frequent as the use of private vehicles. Looking at all trips data show that the average number of daily trips by women is higher than that of men in all age groups, due to the multiple tasks women are responsible for in the domestic and employment sphere. Women have more diverse travel patterns due to double shifts at work and home and optimize travel times, taking shorter trips with greater proximity; and despite this complexity their mobility is more sustainable, moving by foot or public transport. The authors (Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo, and Marquet 2016) argue that research should go beyond examining the individual trips and towards how patterns and practices change everyday activities. Second, the authors conclude that differences of modal choice between women and men have deep cultural and social factors. In general, women move mostly by foot or public transportation, even in middle age when childcare and household responsibilities require higher level of commitment and travel while men’s higher use of private transport is not related to the need to travel further or the lack of access to public transportation, but to gender roles. Data also show that men still have greater access to a car or hold a driver’s license in higher percentage than women. This is also seen in studies (Angeles 2017) that analyse women’s exclusion from labour and participation due to the lack of access to a private vehicle. Finally, Miralles-Guasch et al. (2016) argue that the emphasis of transport systems on the car contributes to “social exclusion by limiting accessibility for certain population groups” in particular women, even though their practices are the most sustainable. Walking and public transport should be valued in transportation policies not only as more sustainable, but also as more democratic because of more universal use. They argue that … if the target of public policy is to promote trips made with less polluting means of transport using less energy, and providing better accessibility (walking, cycling and public transport) – … then women’s mobility should continue to be specifically assessed, recognizing that women have  38 accumulated the knowledge needed to develop a model of sustainable mobility patterns for the future. (15) The authors also encourage complementing these studies with qualitative methodology in order to expand analyses on user’s perceptions and hidden reasons of mobility patterns. In fact, these types of studies could be expanded by looking at social exclusion intersecting gender with class and income, since these are major factors in shaping who works at night and what mode of transportation they use.  In fact, qualitative studies on mobility from a gender perspective have paid more attention to the social and cultural construction of mobility (Hanson 2010). Feminist research on daily mobility includes a needs-base analysis (Atkins 1989), considers mobility as a lived experience, and acknowledges the diversity and complexity of trips people make in all  spheres of everyday life, (e.g. two most significant features of women’s travel are trip-chaining and multi-tasking) because they combine different activities from paid work, to care and domestic work, as well as community work (Greed 2008; Hanson 2010; Hjorthol 2008; Law 1999; Miralles-Guasch 2010; Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo, and Marquet 2016). These trips are shorter and more complex, usually carried out in a polygonal spatial pattern, and mostly by foot or on public transportation (Lynch and Atkins 1988; Miralles-Guasch 2010).  Feminist planners and geographers identify further research that would help better understand gendered mobilities. Law (1999) argues for including the corporeality of the body to acknowledge that bodies are gender constructed and condition mobility choices. Levy (2013) proposes to further explore how negotiation in the private sphere of the home affects gendered travel, accessibility and mobility in the public space. Another line of research is how women’s mobilities become restricted by neoliberal policies that have commodified public transport (Levy 2013; Miralles-Guasch 2010). In many cities, private companies control collective modes of transportation, which makes access more expensive and limits the mobility of women with less economic power (Lynch and Atkins 1988). Also, in many contexts women still have less access to private cars, and fewer driver’s licenses (Angeles 2017; Lynch and Atkins 1988; Miralles-Guasch and Martínez Melo 2012; Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo, and Marquet 2016). Finally, more research is needed about how fear impacts women’s forced immobility (e.g., women who are isolated in their homes) and forced mobility, (e.g.  39 women in low-income communities who travel long trips to access water and sanitation infrastructure) thus, facing the threat of harassment and violence (Miralles-Guasch and Martínez Melo 2012; Whitzman et al. 2013). In Catalonia, a 2006 study on daily mobility showed that six percent of the population stated not leaving their homes, and women of all ages were represented in higher percentages than men within this group (Miralles-Guasch and Martínez Melo 2012).  I would add that all these conditions – how women’s bodies condition mobility, the negotiation of mobility in the private space, the commodification of public transportation, as well as women’s forced mobility and immobility – need to be studied from an intersectional and an everyday/everynight lens, because these issues become even more complex when negotiating, accessing and planning mobility at night. To conclude, what stands out from the gender mobility literature is the contrast that during the day women move more and in more complex and sustainable ways than men, but at night, this mobility becomes restricted or even paralyzed because of fear and insecurity.  2.4 Conclusion: Towards including diverse gendered bodies in planning the night While the role of planning has been to regulate and control what happens at night and who has the right to the night city, little has been done to enable and facilitate the everyday/everynight life of people who use the urban night on a regular basis. Nightlife seems to be perceived as an exception, even for leisure, in spite of the fact that going out is a weekend routine for certain groups of people. Planning has also supported the neoliberal model of maximizing the benefits of the night-time economy and addressing the problems that might interfere with this business, such as binge drinking, alcohol-related violence or neighbours’ complaints. In this sense, planning the night responds to neoliberal policies and disregards the needs of everyday/everynight life. Thus, in general, it has ignored the everynight of those people who, due to productive, care and reproductive work, use the city after dark on a regular basis. At the same time, planning the night lacks a gender and intersectional perspective.   40 This dissertation aims to include diverse gendered bodies in planning the night, and expand the debate of planning the night beyond the night-time economy of leisure and consumption, and make visible women’s contributions to the different night-time economies, and in other parts of urban areas beyond city centers. Taking feminist contributions such as the analysis of gendered bodies as a spatial scale, looking at how gendered bodies feel, perceive, experience and resist the urban night will enable a better understanding of the role of fear and safety in women’s everyday/everynight lives, as well as the use of the everyday/everynight life as a source of knowledge and methodology can help make visible the experiences of women working at night.  Planning the night policies need to include bodies as a spatial scale to question, de-emphasize, and critique the public-private divide; understand how perceptions of fear are experienced and felt by women; and include women as subjects of change and transformation in all the phases of planning from diagnosis to evaluation. The use of bodies as a space can help also emphasize the continuum between private and public spaces, and highlight the embodied gender experiences of the home, community,  neighborhood, or  city (Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2015). In addition, the feminist questioning and deconstruction of the public-private divide can be applied to the day-night dichotomy, which is also constructed by and helps perpetuate patriarchal conceptions of women’s place in society, and what it is associated to “public women” and “night women”. Focusing on the study of everyday/everynight life as a continuum and time-space can help make visible the mundane and routine activities of the night, and challenge the imaginary of the night as a time-space of exception and transgression. Also, planning the night policies have to respond to how fear, safety and risk affect women working the night shift, by including an intersectional analysis that breaks with essentialist accounts of women’s and men’s fear. Finally, planning the night policies have the obligation to respond to the paradox of women’s mobility: notably that, while in general terms, women have a more sustainable, complex and diverse mobility than men during the day, their travel can be paralyzed at night because of fear of violence. There is extensive research that illustrates this paradox, yet urban planning policies have not paid much attention to this issue.  In addition, women’s everyday/everynight life experiences need to be incorporated in planning the night policies as a source of knowledge and methodology. Women’s  41 experiences need to be heard and included in planning to learn how everyday/everynight life works in all its spheres (productive, reproductive, community and personal). The inclusion of women’s everyday/everynight life will help plan better communities with the goal to make the unpaid, domestic and care work a social and collective responsibility. This is something we need to respond to as a society, as a local community, as a municipal government, as a region or as a state, and not something that a person, a family, or a household has to deal with without external support. This would help value domestic and care tasks and remove the overwhelming burden of this responsibility from women’s shoulders.  To conclude, examining women’s routines at day and night, the types of activities they develop, with whom they develop these activities, at what times, and with which transportation mode will help understand: (1) the role of mobility in the accessibility to nightlife, (2) the contributions of night workers to the paid and unpaid night-time economy, (3) the negotiation of mobility in the private space, and (4) the role of public transportation in women’s forced mobility and immobility. In sum, examining the life of women at night can help make visible women’s use and appropriation of the night territory and reclaim their ownership of the night.    42 Chapter 3. Feminist Participatory Action Research: a methodology for planning the everyday/everynight In this chapter, I discuss the use of Feminist Participatory Action Research (FPAR) by first providing an overview of community participation in urban planning, and later focusing on feminist participatory action research as a methodology, reviewing its history and evolution, and examining feminist contributions to this type of research. After this literature review, I open an ethical reflection about using FPAR as a methodology in relation to conducting “home-work”, which I define as the action of conducting research in your home country using a methodology and epistemology that requires personal reflection (homework) regarding the ethics involved. I then explain how I approached and organized the research process, detailing outreach strategies and co-researchers’ engagement, the participatory methods we have used, as well as how data analysis was handled.  3.1 An overview of the participatory tradition in urban planning  In the planning field, there is an extended tradition of collaborative, community engagement and participatory planning research (Bonet i Martí 2012, 2014; Borja 2007; Caldeira and Holston 2015; Douglas and Friedmann 1998; Healey 1997b; Innes and Booher 1999; Ortiz Escalante and Valdivia 2015; Sandercock and Attili 2010a; Verdaguer Viana-Cárdenas and Velázquez Valoria 2012). In the Anglo-Saxon world, the field is particularly rooted in collaborative planning, which fosters engagement and participation with different stakeholders involved in planning processes, from municipal planners to community members. Healey argues that collaborative planning has been recognized as a more efficient approach (reducing regulatory transaction costs in the longer term) in a multi-stakeholder society because it is more politically legitimate and 'adds value' to the on-going flow of place-making actions, through building shared knowledge and understanding, generating opportunities for creative synergy, and developing the capacity among stakeholders to work together locally to solve common problems (Healey 1997b). However, collaborative planning is not always intended to work towards action that is committed to break hierarchies between local and neighborhood knowledge versus technical training, with few exceptions such as the work of Leonie Sandercock using film as a tool of community engagement and dialogue (Sandercock and Attili 2010a; Sandercock, Moraes, and Frantz 2017). In addition, there has been a growing post-colonial and feminist critique, pointing out that not all voices are being  43 heard (Cooke and Kothari 2001; Hickey and Mohan 2004; Listerborn 2008; Mosse 1994; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2010; Shah 1998). In Latin America and the Spanish context, participatory planning as a subfield  has increased its presence in recent decades (Caldeira and Holston 2015; Fernández 2014; Hernandez-Araque 2016; Lopes DeSouza 2006; Mongil Juárez 2012; Ortiz Escalante and Valdivia 2015; Verdaguer Viana-Cárdenas and Velázquez Valoria 2012;). In the case of Spain, the increasing use of participatory planning started with the transition to democracy in the late 1970s. In this context, participatory planning can be defined as the incorporation of civil society (individual citizens or organizations) as stakeholders in the decision-making processes to develop public policies in any of the planning phases: assessment, design, implementation and evaluation (Bonet i Martí 2012). In the 1970s, the main actors were neighborhood movements organized to stop large urban operations in major cities such as Barcelona and Madrid (Bonet i Martí 2012). In the early 1980s, this bottom-up participation was institutionalized through regulations of participatory processes (Bonet i Martí 2012; Mongil Juárez 2012) and in the 2000s through laws that mandated using public participation in different parts of the urban planning process (Law 2/2002 of Urbanism of the Generalitat de Catalunya, reformed by the Law 10/2004 and Legislative Decree 1/2005 to approve a revised text that introduces explicitly for the first time citizen participation in urban planning processes). This has contributed to an increasing production of research in this area that analyzes participatory processes, approaches and methods of participatory planning, as well as the challenges and deficiencies of its implementation (Bonet i Martí 2012, 2014; Borja 2007; Mongil Juárez 2012; Verdaguer Viana-Cárdenas and Velázquez Valoria 2012). Among them are feminist architects, urban planners and geographers who have analyzed participatory planning from an intersectional feminist lens (Casanovas et al. 2013; Garcia-Ramon, Ortiz, and Prats 2004; Muxí and Ciocoletto 2009; Ortiz Escalante and Valdivia 2015; Pérez-Rincón and Tello i Robira 2012; Rodó-de-Zárate 2014).  There is a long history of community engagement, neighborhood organizing and anarchist movements in Spain, and in particular, in the city of Barcelona. This history has had a main role in the transformation of the city and its urban planning. The influence of these movements in Barcelona’s urban planning is unique and does not compare easily with other cities. However, in Spain, binding participatory planning has been a top-down strategy, where local  44 and regional institutions have led these initiatives and decided what type and level of participation to implement (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2017).  Despite the increasing use of participatory planning, the use of participatory action research as a specific methodology in urban planning practice is almost non-existent in Spain. It has been mostly used in university settings as a research methodology. In the North American academy, we find examples of the use of participatory action research as service learning in the work of Ken Reardon in East Saint Louis (Reardon 1998), as well as the use of feminist participatory action research by Leonora Angeles (Angeles 2011) and Penny Gurstein from the University of British Columbia (Angeles and Gurstein 2000). Definitely, the use of PAR is not as widespread as collaborative and participatory planning, despite their common elements.  Within geography, Rachel Pain (2004) reviews PAR conducted in the field, and gathers concrete examples of feminist geographers’ use of PAR on women’s labour, needs and rights, such as “McIntyre’s (2003) study of the lives and communities of working-class women in Belfast, Pratt’s (1999) collaborative research with migrant communities of women in Canada, and Vera Chouinard (personal communication, 2004) on women’s struggles for employment rights in Canada” (654-5).  Working with Col·lectiu Punt 6, I have engaged with feminist participatory and bottom-up methodologies that place everyday life in the center of planning, and particularly diverse women’s experiences, voices and knowledge. We consider them as experts of their neighborhoods; therefore, the best way to analyze their everyday/everynight life is undoubtedly through their active participation and involvement. FPAR is the methodology that allows and values this approach. Based on the experience with Col·lectiu Punt 6 and previous work in Mexico and El Salvador using popular education, I could not imagine undertaking a dissertation without a strong participatory and action oriented component. Therefore, Feminist Participatory Action Research seemed the most appropriate methodology to use, since this type of research goes beyond describing reality and seeks action and social transformation through community knowledge and expertise (Fine et al. 2003; Maguire 1987; Reid and Frisby 2008; Tuck 2009b).  45 Through this dissertation, I hope to help increase the use of participatory action research in urban planning. In this particular case, using this methodology has enabled the creation of rich qualitative data at different scales (neighborhood, city and metropolitan area) of fields that often use quantitative data (mobility and transportation, safety); centered on the everyday/everynight life of women; and taking women as experts of their neighbourhoods.  3.2 Using PAR from an intersectional feminist perspective This project uses feminist participatory action research to facilitate the participation of women who work at night in the urban planning policies related to the use of public space and mobility. Feminist Participatory Action Research (FPAR) has helped to develop a critical understanding of women’s diverse voices and experiences, placing at the center what often has been at the margins of knowledge (Creese and Frisby 2011), while working towards action that could transform the life of self-identified women (Reid et al. 2006).  3.2.1. The history of PAR and FPAR Authors place the origin of PAR in Latin America in the 1960s, a period when social scientists challenged how research was conducted, and engaged in collaborative processes of research, education and action with oppressed and marginalized groups (Maguire 1987, McIntyre 2003). Different perspectives influenced PAR practitioners including Freire’s theory of conscientization, Fals Borda’s ‘science of the proletariat’, Gramsci’s identification of workers as organic intellectuals, and Fanon’s analysis of colonialism and post-colonialism (Fals-Borda and Anisur 1991, Fricke 1983, McIntyre 2003, Rahman 2008, Wicks et al 2008). Some authors, though, especially emphasize the contributions from Paulo Freire’s The pedagogy of the oppressed of using action research for conscientization and liberation as a process of self-awareness raising through collective self-inquiry and reflection (Gatenby and Humphries 2000, McIntyre 2003, Reid 2004).  Participatory Action Research promotes the democratization of research, returning to ordinary people the power to participate in knowledge creation and the power to utilize this knowledge, by combining investigation of problems with participants, education for the researcher and participants and action for radical change (Maguire 1987).  Thus, it aims to transform community and societal structures by bringing together theory, method, and  46 practice as people work collaboratively towards practical results and new forms of knowledge. PAR also challenges invisible power mechanisms enacted in everyday relationships, organizational and economic structures, and cultural and institutional practices (Frisby et al. 2009; McIntyre 2003; Reid et al. 2006). In the process of PAR people reflect on particular aspects of their lives to engage in individual and collective action that leads to community empowerment (Reid 2004). One of the main goals of PAR is to challenge through experience asymmetrical relationships (Fals-Borda and Rahman 1991) and the hierarchy between researchers and the research subjects, working towards more horizontal relationships that acknowledge and question the power differentials (Creese and Frisby 2011). Therefore, participants are co-researchers and can be involved in all stages of the analysis of their reality, from identifying the problem, designing the methods, defining research questions, gathering and analyzing data, and disseminating results (Reid et al. 2006). Methods of data collection and analysis are grounded in the context of the community. Co-researchers increase their power and control over the research through a dialectical process of collective action and reflection (Reid 2004).  However, participatory structures have their own underlying relations of power and we need to be aware of this, being more nuanced about addressing power differentials. Rachel Pain (2004) reviews critical approaches to power in participatory action research projects cautioning about the counteracting effects in communities. This is especially true when supposedly empowerment strategies reinforce paternalistic relationship between researchers and co-researchers, or when participatory processes are used to give an impression of change but they end up containing dissent (Pugh and Potter 2003) or when researchers take for granted that participants will want to have the same power and responsibilities as researchers.  Feminist theories have contributed to the field of PAR, giving a central role to women and gender issues, and introducing feminist methods that take everyday life and women’s experiences as a source of knowledge (Fine et al. 2003; McIntyre 2003). FPAR acknowledges that knowledge is “historically situated, socially embodied, and mediated through multiple and shifting relations of power and privilege” (Creese and Frisby 2011, 3). PAR and feminist research share common values, particularly those that emphasize emancipation, participation and collaboration, people’s experiences and knowledge, and the  47 intent to work towards social, structural and personal transformation as well as political action (Farrow, Moss, and Shaw 1995; Gatenby and Humphries 2000; Maguire 2001). Since the 1980s feminists have criticized PAR for not including feminist analysis and principles (Angeles 2011; Gatenby and Humphries 2000; Maguire 1987; Reid 2004). While Freire’s conscientization was against the domination of the oppressed, his tools ignored men’s domination over women. And the same happened with other PAR researchers such as Fals-Borda. Thus, PAR cannot be seen as emancipatory without the recognition of its androcentric bias, ignoring and marginalizing diverse feminist thinking (Gatenby and Humphries 2000; Maguire 2001; Reid 2004). As Maguire (2001: 60) questions: “Without a grounding in feminisms, what would action research liberate us from and transform ourselves and communities into?”  In the 1980s, Maguire (1987: 105-106) proposed nine elements to consider when conducting Feminist Participatory Research: 1) build on a critique of the positivist and androcentric underpinnings of dominant social science research; 2) gender as a central place in the agenda; 3) feminism that recognizes and celebrates diversity as a central place in the theoretical debates; 4) explicit and equitable attention to gender issues in each of the five phases of participatory research projects; 5) explicit attention to how women and men, as a group, benefit from the participatory project; 6) attention to gender language use; 7) composition and issues of research team and equally including gender, class, race and culture; 8) gender as a factor in project evaluation; 9) track all participatory research projects with gender in mind. Feminist principles of PAR have received criticism for focusing mostly on patriarchy and not analyzing enough intersectionality and how “The complexity of social relations…is infused with race, class, and gender” (Chávez et al. 2008, 93).  In the late 2000s, Reid and Frisby (2008) proposed six dimensions that can guide FPAR and moved beyond the gender analysis towards including an intersectional perspective: 1) Centering gender and women’s daily divergent experiences while challenging patriarchy and other power relations; 2) Accounting for intersectionality, to understand the multiple forms of oppression, domination, and exploitation; 3) Honoring voice and difference through participatory research processes that involve participants in all the stages of research, from design to analysis and action implementation; 4) Exploring new forms of representation  48 through the use of diverse tools from dialogic interviews to participatory workshops, the use of photography and film, or co-writing practices; 5) Reflexivity about power relations and their effects in the research project, intended and unintended consequences of the research, and accountability; 6) Honoring many forms of action, or inaction, the benefits and risks of these actions, and the link of these actions to larger social change agendas.  An important PAR project that includes an intersectional feminist and decolonizing approach is  Michelle Fine and her co-researchers work with women in prison enrolled in a college program. Their PAR project incorporates five turns: research that works toward working with, influenced by Brinton Lykes’ PAR projects; the influence of critical race theories to recognize local knowledge; respecting local practices, such as Maori indigenous theories do; stretching toward a grounded “feminist objectivity”, and giving back (Fine et al. 2003)  In this participatory action research dissertation, the inclusion of an intersectional feminist perspective has allowed us to value the diverse voices and experiences of women nightshift workers in all phases of the project. It does this by bringing new voices into the academy (Pain 2004), exploring a variety of participatory tools, questioning the power relationships and the dilemmas of representation and interpretation, and promoting reciprocity among all co-researchers, as well as including polyvocal research accounts (Maguire 2001). In contrast with other research projects that entail a passive role of participants and rarely provide follow-up, we have worked towards achieving collective appropriation of the project, building horizontal relationships to guarantee transparency, communication and continuity in all phases. The use of the FPAR methodology has allowed women nightshift workers to participate actively in the data collection, analysis, and assessment, revealing the dynamics of multiple locations to grasp social relations (Maguire 2001; Smith 1992). FPAR has also enabled women nightshift workers to propose actions to improve everyday life, with the goal to push for an urban planning that responds to the night use of cities from a feminist perspective.  3.2.2. Different ways to develop PAR There are different ways to approach, initiate (insiders-outsiders) and develop a FPAR project (Angeles and Jeeris-Warder 2000; Angeles 2011; Fine et al. 2003; Lykes and Crosby 2014; Maguire 1987). According to Patricia Maguire “…ideally Participatory Research is initiated at  49 the request of a community. Realistically, Participatory Research projects are more likely to be initiated by outside researchers” (Maguire 1987). Some researchers question the approach of the outsider who enters the community with a predetermined question based on theoretical reading about their personal issue of interest, since transferring control from research to participants can be difficult to reach (Lykes and Crosby 2014). In contrast, they support undertaking FPAR with community organizations that already have begun to develop their own research agenda and seek collaborators from universities or NGOs. In The Action Research Dissertation manual, Herr and Anderson (2012) review different types of PAR used in dissertations:  “(a) a doctoral student seeks out a group or agency with whom to do participatory research…; (b) a practitioner in an organization, who is also a doctoral student, initiates or joins a participatory research project with outside researchers and/or other insiders; or (c) a doctoral student joins a participatory action research project and participates as an outsider, usually under the supervision of a faculty member.” (89)  This research project has been conducted in coordination with a non-profit organization, Col·lectiu Punt 6, which has already conducted research, as well as developed participatory projects with other feminist and grassroots organizations in Barcelona. However, the research topic has been defined based on findings Col·lectiu Punt 6 has made after years of working with women’s groups and conducting research on urban planning from a feminist perspective in Barcelona and the Catalan region. These findings reveal that the night has not been explored enough from the urban planning field, and women still encounter barriers to participate in the nightlife. But, this research did not emerge from a community request, and in this case, there was no explicit demand from women nightshift workers. On the other hand, the issues of safety and mobility are frequently raised as barriers of their everynight life in the meetings held with the groups and organizations during the two years before data gathering started. This PAR is unique in that it does not work with an existing community. The commonality of the co-researchers is that they are all women nightshift workers in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area. But they live in 12 different cities, work in 9 different locations and represent 6 different works/occupations, as is later explained. In sum, they do not belong to a particular organized community.  Thus, the particularities of this research project can be a contribution to the PAR literature, since it explores the potential of using PAR with groups that do not necessarily identify with  50 a specific community. In chapter 7, I further discuss the strengths and limitations of FPAR where the participants do not belong to one single community or identify with a community, examining how this project has led to the self-identification and creation of a community in the course of the research. 3.3 From an individual dissertation to a collective project: relational ethics of FPAR Conducting FPAR requires a constant reflection on the ethical considerations involved in research. In this section, I deal with what is involved in conducting participatory action research in the context of my home country and region, and I discuss the selection of the term home-work instead of fieldwork. Later I review the pillars that have been central in my self-reflexivity process, also discussing Research Ethics Boards’ limitations when implementing PAR methods. I finish this section by explaining how I tried to bring this reflection to practice while doing home-work.  3.3.1. Home-work: ethical considerations in choosing home to conduct participatory action research In this dissertation, I use the term home-work instead of the term fieldwork, to describe the data gathering phase if the research; and to the process of critical reflexivity and situational ethics in the FPAR process.  I have adopted home-work instead of fieldwork, to emphasize that I have gone back home to conduct a PAR project. When I decided that I wanted to do PAR, it was unquestionable for me that I should choose my home land as territory of study. With this, I do not mean that all participatory action researchers should conduct work only in familiar communities and territories. But in my personal case, I would not have felt comfortable doing PAR in a place where I do not have a deep knowledge and attachment, and it would have been unbearable to do it in the context of a dissertation that I wanted to finish in no more than five years. This decision is also directly related to my transnational life during the last six years: moving to Vancouver from Barcelona, leaving behind my (recently then) widowed and sick mom, my family and best friends, an activist job that I love, and a culture and community that I miss every single day. Thus, choosing to conduct home-work, was not only for research interests,  51 but for my personal wellbeing: knowing every time that I arrived to Vancouver that I would go back home soon10.  Doing PAR at home was doable because it is where I had the networks, the knowledge, the experience of working on feminist planning for many years, and where I can do research in my home tongues: Spanish and Catalan. Thus, through this dissertation I use the term home-work when I am referring to the time spent collecting data in the research site, because the word fieldwork made me feel uncomfortable because of the distance and separation that often has attached to that term.  On the other hand, I use the term home-work in terms of self-reflexivity and analysis of privileges, power relations and positionalities. Being aware of the extended body of research related to homework as the development of domestic and care everyday life activities (usually unpaid and still carry out mostly by women), home-work as a process of self-reflexivity is also linked to the idea of taking care of the research process.  Rachel Pain (2004) documents that there is not a long tradition of reflexivity of PR and how “the relationship between having an activist stand and self-reflexivity is a troubled one” (658). This is why critical reflexivity is essential, to be transparent about the role of the researcher and questioning the depth of empowerment in the process (Pain 2004). There are some scholars who have used the word “home-work” in the context of self-reflexivity while conducting research (Spivak 1990; Sundberg 2014).  Juanita Sundberg (2014) discusses how  “Gayatri Spivak uses the term homework to describe the activity involved in identifying the coordinates of one’s location … homework entails a self-reflexive analysis of one’s own epistemological and ontological assumptions; in other words, examining how these have been naturalized in and through geopolitical and institutional power relations/practices.” (10). Sundberg (2014) refers to homework in the exercise of decolonizing research and refers to homework as a key practice in unlearning privilege. Also, Dada Docot (2017) analyses the research dilemmas of incorporating home in anthropological research; in her research of                                                10 I acknowledge the privilege I have had of traveling home very often, when there are many migrants that can never return or can only travel unfrequently.   52 migration in their home community, she discusses how she decided to change the methodology while conducting fieldwork and not screening a film that documented the migration process though her mom’s history. She argues that conducting research at home can have ‘negative productions’ that should not be seen as negative, but as productive because “they open doors for rethinking self-reflexivity, empathy, and our ethical commitments” (Docot 2017, 307). In a similar way, an ethical reflection has accompanied this FPAR project, which is inseparable from a self-reflection of my identity as a feminist and an action researcher. I learnt from other feminist researchers and practitioners to incorporate reflexivity to the process of research, disclose my positionality, identities, feelings in order to “locating [myself] in the research process” (Maguire 2001). For instance, my work with Elizabeth L. Sweet, a Native American woman, on body and community mapping under the framework of territorio cuerpo-tierra developed by Indigenous women in Latin American (Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2017), as well as my studies at UBC, in the unceded territory of the Musqueam people, with the support of a committee of three women with experience and expertise on decolonizing research, has helped me to question Eurocentric epistemologies, and work towards decolonizing11 and questioning the way we do research. This is also of special relevance in the context of this research where I work with migrant women from countries that were colonized and dispossessed by Spain and where feminist organizations and networks are increasingly debating about and incorporating ‘decolonial feminism’ in their practices.                                                11 Decolonizing involves “unlearning privilege” (Spivak 1990) and in planning it “is about historicising the ideological formations of planning, its silences and formative productions, its practices, expressions and rationalities. In other words, it is to persistently critique the structures we inhabit.” (Porter 2010, 156). Decolonizing also involves breaking with “the ontological violence authorized by Eurocentric epistemologies both in scholarship and everyday life…  Decolonizing also involves fostering ‘multiepistemic literacy,’ a term proposed by Sami scholar Rauna Kuokkanen to indicate learning and dialogue between epistemic worlds. Dialogue ‘between a diversity of epistemic/ethical/political approaches,’ or epistemic worlds, works to enact a ‘pluriversal world’:  a world in which many worlds fit.” (Sundberg 2014).   53 3.3.2. Relational ethics of a collective project: fostering accountability, reciprocity and reflexivity “Almost all researchers using PAR express doubts about the “purity” of their projects, but it is important to remember that all research has limitations. Honesty is the best policy in such cases, but it is also necessary to explain why these limitations are not fatal to the study. In fact, this reflexivity about one's role in the research is a key characteristic of all forms of action research.” (Herr and Anderson 2012) As a feminist and participatory action researcher, I paid close attention to the power imbalances that can exist in a FPAR project, as well as my privileges, and walk through the inherent contradictions (Fine and Torre 2006; Tuck 2009b). Aware of my power and privileged situation as a female researcher from a Southern-European country and with higher education, I accompany the dissertation with a process of critical reflexivity that can help make this project into a caring one that looks for harm-less research (Tuck 2009b).  Three pillars have been at the center of this self-reflexivity process: Relational Ethics, Collective Research, and Accountability. Relational Ethics: I find problematic the current methods that academia uses to evaluate ethics in the North American context. Getting approval from Research Ethics Boards often seems more related to learning which ‘language’ to use to get ethics approval, rather than a real discussion and reflection on ethics. I think it is problematic that research ethics codes do not always acknowledge that research is context-based, because North American codes do not apply in many contexts, even within their communities. One example is getting informed consent; depending on the context, written consent may not be appropriate to secure, and we need to consider other possibilities: collective consent, oral consent, among others (Buckle, Corbin Dwyer, and Jackson 2010; Maiter et al. 2008). Reid et al. (2011) and Ponic and Jategaonkar (2012) differentiate between condescending ethics and relational ethics. Condescending ethics position academic researchers as guardians of participants’ wellbeing and safety, and maintain the top-down power relationship between researcher-subject. In a relational ethics model, co-researchers decide whether and how their participation is safe and appropriate within their living context, discuss the boundaries, and explore the risks and  54 benefits of their participation (Ponic and Jategaonkar 2012; Reid et al. 2011). Relational ethics are based on the principles of mutual respect, embodied knowledge, engaged interaction and connectedness between researchers and participants, acknowledging the different perspectives of the research context that is embedded in systems of power (Ponic and Jategaonkar 2012).  In this relational ethics model, taking care of the research process means that researchers should be critically aware and reflexive of power imbalances, and find ways to minimize these differences (Ponic and Jategaonkar 2012). In this case, creating ethics and protocols with the community can help build rapport and accountability with co-researchers. Pranee Liamputtong (2010) suggests giving “more emphasis on trust building, reciprocity and rapport than the mechanistic process of securing informed consent” (50). Taking a relational ethics approach in this FPAR has helped to foster reciprocity and reflexivity through the co-creation of collective ethics and safety protocols with women co-researchers, as a project’s output, that reflect women nightshift workers’ realities and concerns. Collective Research: In order to break unbalanced and oppressive power relations in my research, I have worked towards “Collective Research”, understood as ‘Research with’ that involves to learn from, speak with, listen to, as well as a change of language and behavior (Tuck 2009a). Co-researchers have decided what role to play in this collaboration: whether an active role, defining research questions, methods, and analysis; or a less active role, where co-researchers do not want to be part of all stages of the research project. I found looking at this process as a collective research as a more ethical form of respecting participants’ autonomy and free and informed consent. In this sense, we have invested time in building trust and fostering horizontal communication, to guarantee that women appropriate this research project and self-identify as co-researchers, acknowledging and being aware that without their active participation and time commitment this project would have not taken place.   Accountability: Bagele Chilisa (2011) proposes that research has to respond to four Rs: “accountable Responsibility, Respect, Reciprocity, and Rights and regulations of the researched” (7). I would add reflexivity, positionality, transparency, and relationality. These principles were at the core of this project and negotiated and discussed with co-researchers. Reflexivity and relationality respond to the interactions with co-researchers, where discussing  55 my position and co-researchers’ position required problematizing my power and privileged position in the research process. A self-critical reflection included the different aspects that connect me with co-researchers, as well as the factors that emphasize our differences (Liamputtong 2010): me having been born and raised in a migrant low-income working class family of six, being a feminist activist and researcher, and being a privileged white, married heterosexual woman with graduate education, with higher power in the research process, and speaking all the languages needed for this project.  3.3.3.  Ethics in home-work practice During the whole process of data gathering, analysis and dissemination, I have constantly tried to practice reflexivity in each step: thinking of the consequences of the different actions and steps, for example, in moments where as a research coordinator I had to make decisions where women co-researchers did not want to be involved. In these cases, I have always reached out to the advisory group or my colleagues at Col·lectiu Punt 6, as well as my research supervisors. The intention was to reflect on the different options and check which one was more positive for the project and co-researchers. At the same time, I have been accountable with co-researchers in all the phases of the project, explaining the sources of funding, how they were distributed, sharing plans of research dissemination beyond the ones agreed upon as a group (e.g. international conference presentations), exposing always the different options available regarding data gathering methods, analysis and also dissemination; asking for additional options, deciding which option responded better to the needs of the group, or was more appropriate for what we wanted to share.  Certainly, I have experienced difficulties in breaking researcher and co-researchers power dynamics, realizing that even when using FPAR the power differentials between researchers and participants are impossible to break. In particular, I felt these power differentials in the aspects related to knowledge accumulated through formal education, but also, being always seen by the women co-researchers as the coordinator and the soul of the project. However, I have been constantly reflexive about this circumstance (Ponic and Jategaonkar 2012) and checking constantly my positionality and role coordinating, facilitating, mediating in conflict situations, making sometimes unilateral decisions (and feeling uncomfortable about it), and adapting and being flexible to the situation and moment. An example of flexibility was when facilitating data gathering activities with sex workers; in different occasions, we changed  56 agendas because the group needed to address and share personal issues and these became the priority due to the trust relationship we have built. The whole process of reflexivity, relationality, accountability and transparency led to the creation of a strong trust relationship with advisory group members and with co-researchers. I have developed friendship with members of the advisory board, and closer trust with some co-researchers. Ibáñez-Carrasco and Riaño-Alcalá (2011) argue that building trust and friendship is necessary for a project and to move forward; they talk about friendship as a method as rigorous, reliable and more delicate than others. In my reflexivity part of homework, I have always struggled and felt uncomfortable in the process of translating, in both directions from Spanish to English and vice versa. Several authors have analyzed the use of language in the research process (Anzaldúa 1987; Chilisa 2011; Finnegan 1992; Liamputtong 2010; Riaño-Alcalá 2000). Chilisa (2012) points out that language can be a colonizing instrument, “Language has an important role in knowledge construction, however research knowledge continues to be produced, communicated, and disseminated in dominant languages” (57).  I would add that there is also a hierarchy between colonial languages: English has been imposed over any other colonial language. If something is not written in English, it is not valued in mainstream academia12. Liamputtong (2010) also discusses the challenges of language translation when conducting cross-cultural research, and suggests that translation becomes “a democratic, reciprocal, non-hierarchical, and cooperative process” (148). Riaño-Alcalá cites Finnegan (1992) to stress “the challenges faced in transcription and translations because of the lack of equivalence between a spoken and performed language and a written one” (Riaño-Alcalá 2000). During the dissertation, I have been reflecting about how to break the language hierarchy, between English (the language in which I have to write the dissertation) and Catalan and Spanish (the two languages used in home-work). The translation/interpretation has been challenging, because I have tried to respect as much as possible the poetics and meanings (Riaño-Alcalá 2000) of the home-work languages and avoid interpretation that does not respect the contextual                                                12 It is also essential to problematize Spanish language imposition also as colonial language over the territories where many migrants in Spain come from (indigenous and local languages in Latin America and other colonized countries such as the Philippines or regions such as Ceuta and Melilla in Morocco) and over Catalan, above all during the dictatorship.  57 stories. Throughout the dissertation, I kept the original languages (Catalan and Spanish) and add the translation. As other researchers have done (Riaño-Alcalá 2000) I asked bi-lingual friends and colleagues to review the translation, trying to maintain the essence of the original meaning.  3.4 Approaching and organizing home-work In this section, I share how I contacted the ‘community’ of co-researchers and how I developed the participation structures (Dick 2000 in Like et al. 2005). Previous to starting home-work in November 2015, I used some trips back home to explore the possibilities of conducting this FPAR. Everything started in the summer of 2014. During the first two years of my PhD, I met with different organizations and groups to explore their willingness to engage in the research. Using the networks of Col·lectiu Punt 6, I reached out to different organizations to explain the idea of conducting my dissertation research with women nightshift workers, searching for organizations or groups that provided services or knew of women who work at night. Meeting with these organizations helped me focus the research topic and study area through a dialogical process. I was able to discuss the overall research idea, and learn that the topic is already an issue identified and discussed by women nightshift workers.  One of the first persons with whom I spoke was Felisa Pradas Plou from the Catalan network of feminist organizations Ca la Dona. I have known her for years without knowing she was a nightshift worker at Bellvitge Hospital. It was a great coincidence and also an event that would influence greatly this project. Felisa rapidly explained to me how useful this project could be for the hospital’s female workers, especially for the group of women janitors, nightshift workers who face more mobility and safety challenges because of their 10pm to 5am shift – time when public transportation diminishes considerably and perceptions of fear increase – while the nightshift of medical staff is 8pm to 8am. Felisa also explained that some women janitorial staff have documented incidents of sexual assault and complained about the lack of transportation, particularly when their shifts end. The contacts with organizations continued on a second trip to Barcelona in December 2014. At that time, I was able to meet the director of the Women’s Secretariat of CC.OO.  58 (Comisiones Obreras)13 union who has collaborated with Col·lectiu Punt 6 in different projects related to women’s safety issues. She got excited and agreed to support the project because of the need to know and make visible the labor conditions of this group of workers. I met as well with Carla Alsina from Irídia and discussed the possibility to include sex workers in the project and she recommended that I contact Mercè Meroño from Àmbit Prevenció, a foundation providing support and advocacy services to sex workers in Barcelona and its region since 1993. Working to promote sex workers’ rights and dignify their lives, it has a nocturnal program that serves nightshift sex workers in the Barcelona district of Les Corts, where the city’s major university campus and the Barça soccer field are located. A social worker and a nurse visit twice-a-week workers in the streets to provide support and health services. The foundation also conducts research with sex workers. With Mercè, we connected ‘at first sight’. She showed her skepticism on ‘parachute researchers’ that wanted to study sex workers. But once I explained to her the methodology, she rapidly engaged with the idea and the project. She committed to be part of the project’s advisory group, and helped contact nightshift sex workers who might engage as co-researchers.  In this trip, Felisa also introduced me to a nightshift worker doing cleaning services at Bellvitge Hospital with whom we shared the ideas of the project. This nightshift worker, who later would become a co-researcher, engaged with the project idea and shared some concerns and challenges she and her co-workers have encountered.  After defending my doctoral comprehensive exams in the summer of 2015, I returned to Barcelona and began work on my research prospectus in conversation with all these organizations and groups, sharing the ideas of using participatory action research and qualitative participatory methods. All this preliminary home-work was essential to define the research methods and make sure they were adapted to the target population. These trips also facilitated that I could start conducting home-work at the end of November 2015.                                                 13 The CC.OO. Union is a confederation of different unions that was created in the 1960s, - still under the Franco dictatorship – mostly with members of the Spanish communist and socialist parties. This union has territorial representation in Catalonia and a women’s secretariat in each of the regions. It is currently largest labor union in the country with approximately a million workers affiliated.  59 Even though I started with the organization of the project in 2014, the main activities of the research project were developed in 4 phases from November 2015 to April 2017. Below I describe the different phases of this PAR. Although I enumerate them sequentially, they do not occur always in a linear way: phase 1 has been ongoing through the process and phase 3 and 4 have been developed simultaneously.   Figure 1: Phases of the Project  Source: Nocturnas 2017  60 Phase 1- Fostering collective ownership: In this first phase, there were three elements that were essential to foster collective ownership: the creation and work of an advisory group, the individual dialogues with potential co-researchers/women nightshift workers, and the elaboration of collective ethics and safety protocol with co-researchers.  Phase 2 - Describing and analyzing the everyday/everynight life: In this phase, we conducted data collection and analysis. We used a set of participatory tools that Col·lectiu Punt 6 has developed over the years (Casanovas et al. 2013; Valdivia et al. 2016), adapting them to the nocturnal aspect. These tools consider women as experts of their environments and communities, due to their presence in all the spheres of everyday life. Through the use of these tools we have made visible the everyday/everynight life experiences in relation to how women live and perceive public space, the transportation and mobility networks, and their everyday network at the body, neighborhood, city and metropolitan scales.  Phase 3 - Sharing our experience: The third phase of the project focused on sharing publicly the experience and knowledge accumulated with a larger audience. In the previous phases, we decided to make participatory videos to collectivize the results, as well as a report on the project results relevant to institutions and agents involved in public policies related to planning the night-time, and to organizations interested in this type of work, as well as to women’s relatives.  Phase 4 - Working towards action: The fourth phase, initiated simultaneously with phase 3 and still ongoing, focuses on defining the “action” resulting from this action-research project, in a working plan format that we can present to institutions and organizations involved in urban planning, night work and feminism. This work plan begins once we have initiated the development of the awareness process and dissemination of results. Phase 4 is still ongoing. All phases contributed to fostering collective ownership, but in the following section, I explain how the use of participatory qualitative methods enabled this collective ownership. 3.5 Participatory qualitative methods  Qualitative and participatory methods are the most used in PAR (Angeles and Jeeris-Warder 2000; Kindon 2003; Maguire 1987; Pain 2004). Through participatory methods we were able  61 to analyze the everyday/everynight life of women nightshift workers in a multiscale way and collect qualitative data on fields of planning that tend to be predominantly quantitative: mobility/transportation and safety. Often planning decisions are based on quantitative data on transportation and crime. But this project has collected rich qualitative data on these fields at different scales (street, neighborhood, city, region), proving that it is possible to incorporate qualitative and participatory methods in planning policies. As Pain points out, PAR “enables the drawing of multiple connections between issues and processes at different scales” (Pain 2004, 653). 3.5.1. Participatory methods to foster collective ownership As previously mentioned, in phase 1 of the project, three activities have helped to foster collective ownership: an advisory group, individual dialogues, and the elaboration of collective ethics and safety protocol. Advisory group The advisory group had representation from various organizations and groups that provide services to women who work at night or have knowledge of their reality. The advisory group is composed of 6 women representing: 1. Col·lectiu Punt 6, which has coordinated all phases of the project, facilitating all the activities of data gathering, analysis and recommendations, and provided advice especially in the aspects related to urban planning. Col·lectiu Punt 6 was represented by me, in my role of project coordinator but also as PhD student, and by my colleague Marta Fonseca, who is an architect and supported me in the development of activities. 2. The program Àmbit Dona (Woman Scope) of the Àmbit Prevenció Foundation that offers services to sex workers and has a specific night program. Àmbit Prevenció is a referent organization in the city and the region due to their harm-reduction, rights and needs based approach. Through the Àmbit Dona program we were able to contact women sex workers of different areas of the BMA. Mercè Meroño, the director of the program Àmbit Dona participated in all the meetings, and helped outreach nightshift sex workers.  3. The CC.OO. Union’s Women’s Secretariat for the counties of Barcelonès and Baix Llobregat, whose work focuses on gender equality in the labor market. The CC.OO.  62 Union’s Women’s Secretariat has advocated for country wide women’s rights and gender equity policies in the labour market since 1978. Through the women’s secretariat we were able to contact workers at the airport, at companies in the Barcelona industrial park “Zona Franca” and in different municipalities of Baix Llobregat. Laura Lozano Pintor, a member of the women’s secretariat represented the union in the meetings. But Laura Dieguez Ferrer, from the secretariat of mobility for the same labor union, also provided contacts for women working in Zona Franca.  4. Ca la Dona, the network of feminist organizations, whose representative in the advisory group was Felisa Pradas Plou, who at this time was recently a retired nightshift worker of Bellvitge Hospital, and acted as the direct liaison with women nightshift workers at the hospital.  5. The Gender Area of Irídia – Center for the Defense of Human Rights, represented by Carla Alsina Muro who provided advice in different aspects of the project for her previous professional experience and her activism with sex workers.  These organizations have a history of engagement with larger feminist and social movements in the Catalan region. I do believe that the way these women and organizations apply their feminist principles was key; our feminist views coincide in how we understand fostering networks of support within the local feminist movement. By no means do I want to give the impression that the feminist movement in Barcelona and Catalonia is homogeneous. But I do want to highlight that working with organizations that understand, support and respect each other’s values, as well as acknowledge and honor each other’s experiences and work on the basis of feminist principles, were the basis for making this participatory action research work and creating a strong collaboration. And this was just the start from converting an individual dissertation into a collective and collaborative project. The work of the advisory group was essential to contacting women who work at night, reviewing, accompanying, supporting, validating the development of the different project activities, and disseminating its results. The knowledge and experience of the different organizations was essential to ensuring that the methodology and tools respond to the vulnerabilities and needs of women nightshift workers, and creating relationships between the women and participating organizations that could lead to developing other projects together in the future.   63 As an advisory group, we met four times during the development of the project. The first three meetings focused on reviewing the proposal and defining strategies to contact co-researchers. These meetings took place in December 2015, January 2016 and May 2016. We decided that the available funds for co-researchers’ compensation would allow us to invite a maximum of 25 women, and agreed to compensate 12 euros per hour of participation, based on other group members’ experience in previous research projects. Participation in all the planned activities would equal 15 hours. To start contacting women, we designed a flyer with a project summary, my email, and phone number to allow women to contact me directly (see Figure 2). Members of the advisory group used this flyer to conduct in person or email recruitment.  Figure 2: Outreach and recruitment flyer   64 Different strategies were used in the recruitment of co-researchers. For example, Felisa visited the hospital on different occasions at the start of the nightshift to disseminate the project and the call for co-researchers. This was very effective and Felisa collected the contact information of women who were interested and who I later contacted. But also, a few of them saw the flyer that she had posted in different places of the hospital and contacted me via email.  Laura from the Women’s Secretariat of the CC.OO Union used word of mouth, as well as email lists of the labor union to send the flyer and encourage participation. Word of mouth and direct contacts were the most effective strategies of recruitment.  In the case of sex workers, we tried different strategies to include women from different areas in the city. One strategy was to accompany a social worker and a nurse that do site visits two nights a week using the van of the organization in one of the areas of sex work in the city, next to the Camp Nou (Barcelona soccer team stadium) and the University Campus. During these site visits, Àmbit Dona workers provide condoms, offer the possibility of getting STD exams, and provide psycho-socio-health support. I was able to accompany them on three nights. Although some sex workers initially agreed on being contacted to participate in an individual dialogue, they decided not to get involved for the lack of time and having to deal with other personal issues. Finally, the three sex workers who participated as co-researchers were frequent users of the Àmbit Dona office in El Raval neighborhood (in Barcelona city center) but work in different locations: Raval, Camp Nou and in an ‘apartment’ in Sabadell. I included sex workers because they are a group of nightshift workers more invisible and stigmatized than the other groups. Women sex workers have a very rich knowledge of the public space that often is ignored in planning policies and practices. Wahab (2003) discusses “how many feminist theories have alienated sex workers from participation in knowledge creation about their lives” (626), and for me, this has been a contradiction within feminist research and practice. In order to face this contradiction, their participation has been essential, taking a non-judgmental approach to their decision of doing sex work. And working with them has been eye opening. Doing FPAR involved crossing and blurring personal/professional lines and lives (Pain 2004), and working with the group of sex workers is where these lines were easier to trespass.   65 As an advisory group, we also signed a memorandum of understanding between the organizations. In a fourth meeting in December 2016 we shared with the whole group how the activities in the data collection phase went, and organized phase 3 and 4, of sharing the results with a broader audience, and developing an action plan to continue working. In addition to the meetings, we communicated regularly by e-mail, to communicate any advance or news related to the project. The advisory group also participated in December 2016 recording of the participatory videos, and reviewed the report results and participated in its public presentation in March 2017. After the presentation of results, we were not able to meet the whole group again, but we continue conversations about future activities and how to give continuity to the action plan. Individual dialogues After the advisory group’s first meeting, we started contacting women and invited them to participate in individual dialogues. The individual dialogue as a method aims to create more collaborative relationships with co-researchers, and has the potential to reduce the power differences of people involved. Other feminist researchers have used dialogue as a method, for example, with Black women to assess knowledge claims because of dialogue’s deep roots in African-based traditions (Collins 1990; Hooks 1989); or in participatory research with sex workers (Wahab 2003), because of its capacity to break with unidirectionality and focus on mutuality and reciprocity. Dialogue is an open exchange of information that helps build relationship between the researcher and potential co-researchers and create a climate of trust, free of prejudice. “The self-disclosure on behalf of the researcher that occurs within the context of dialogue significantly differentiates this method of data collection from other qualitative interviewing techniques. Not only were the participants “gazing back” (Harding 1996) at me [the researcher] but so was the academic institution” (Wahab 2003, 636).  Using this method was key for me because the goal was not only knowing about the co-researchers but also them knowing about me and the academic institution, as a strategy to break barriers and power differentials between researcher and co-researchers.   66 Once all the women agreed to be contacted, I called them up to set the time and place to meet. In these individual meetings, I shared my personal, professional, and academic history: introduced myself, my affiliation with UBC and Col·lectiu Punt 6, the different project phases, as well as the organizations participating in the project. We also talked about their previous research experiences; most women have not participated before in a research project; only some nurses had previous experience, but not in a participatory project. We discussed all the information related to the research, and the different project phases. I explained the philosophy and methodology and we discussed the different levels of participation, activities, availabilities, needs, opportunities and expectations of each woman. We also discussed the different job sectors involved in the research and how comfortable they would feel to work together as a group, or whether they preferred working in separate groups. With the exception of sex workers, women were open to working in one group. Sex workers were afraid of being judged and stigmatized and preferred to work in a separate group. Due to their varied schedules and time availabilities, women worked in four separate groups, as I later explain.  In the individual dialogues, we also reviewed the consent form: the ethical protocol and other project considerations, freedom to refuse participating in the project from the beginning or at any time during its development, risk and benefits of participating in the project, compensation for the hours dedicated, co-authorship or confidentiality in the project materials, dissemination of results, among other issues. At the end of the dialogue, we recorded the verbal consent to participate in the project. The individual dialogues lasted approximately an hour and were conducted in a place conveniently close to every woman. The dialogues were also useful for starting sharing experiences related to night work, data that has also been incorporated in the analysis.  These individual dialogues served to contact 24 women who participated in phases 2, 3 and 4 of the project: data gathering and analysis, elaboration of proposed actions, consensus about dissemination strategy to share the experience, and how to continue working. All the women involved in the individual dialogues accepted to participate and were engaged in at least one activity. Nineteen of 24 were co-researchers in the different project phases. Five of 24 participated in the initial activities, and although they were not able to continue participating, they kept in touch via phone or WhatsApp and were informed of all the project activities.   67 3.5.2.  Co-researchers demographics The co-researchers worked in 4 separate groups due to women’s availabilities, and to ensure that activities took place in a close and familiar setting to reduce travel time. Two groups met in Barcelona and two groups in other cities in the county of Baix Llobregat (L’Hospitalet and Cornellà). One of the groups was composed of three sex workers and met at lunch time at the Àmbit Prevenció office located in the central neighborhood of Raval in Barcelona. A group of six women working and/or living in Barcelona gathered in the afternoon at Ca la Dona, the house of the Catalan Feminist Network, in the central neighborhood of Gòtic in Barcelona.  A third group of 10 cleaning and health workers of Bellvitge Hospital met before starting the shift in a meeting room at the hospital, located in the city of L’Hospitalet. And the fourth group of five women living in different cities of the Baix Llobregat county, and working in elder care, cleaning at the airport, a nurse and a police officer met in a community center in the city of Cornellà early in the evening (Figure 3 and 4). Women work in 9 different locations (see Figure 4) and represent 6 different occupations. Ô Bellvitge Hospital: the neighborhood of Bellvitge in the city of L’Hospitalet gives that name to this major hospital that provides service to the West part of the BMA and the province; this area is connected to Barcelona through a metro line, but with limited public transportation towards the rest of the Llobregat Delta. Hospital co-researchers represented cleaners, nurses and nurse’s assistants. Ô The Barcelona Airport, located in the city of El Prat de Llobregat. Two cleaners of one of the airport’s terminal were co-researchers. Ô Zona Franca: a large industrial zone next to the Barcelona port, with a high concentration of second and third sector industry. Street cleaners of Barcelona meet at the cleaning facility located in this area to get on the cleaning trucks before getting distributed through the city. Two co-researchers represented this area.  Ô Poble Nou: it was one of the industrial neighborhoods of Barcelona, and there are still single-use parts of the neighborhood with warehouses and buildings that house small workshops or offices. The neighborhood changes completely from day to night, being an important nightlife area of the city. Two co-researchers work on the Center for Social Emergencies of Barcelona, located in this area.  68 Ô Two municipalities of Baix Llobregat county: with a co-researcher working in an elder care facility in Cornellà, and a police officer of Sant Feliu. (See Figure 4). Ô Sex work zones: one working on the neighborhood of Raval in the center of the city, one in the area of Camp Nou in the outskirts of Barcelona (the two areas of Barcelona where sex work is concentrated) and one working in an apartment in the city of Sabadell (See Figure 4). Figure 3: Map of the Metropolitan Region and Metropolitan Area of Barcelona  Source: IERMB (Research Institute of the Barcelona Metropolitan Region)      69 Figure 4: Places of work and residence of women nightshift workers  Source:  Prepared by the author with the support of Mar Castarlenas and Magda Isart 70 The 24 women nightshift workers were between 25 and 60 years old, and work in different sectors and places: cleaning and medical staff at the Bellvitge Hospital, cleaning at the airport, street cleaning in Barcelona, elder care in different cities of the Baix Llobregat county, Local Police, social emergencies service in Barcelona, and sex work in Barcelona and other areas of the BMA. As we see, all women work in the “care” industry or domestic work-like occupations.  The group members have diverse places of residence, migration experiences, household composition and years working at night. They live in 12 different municipalities of the BMA, with a high representation of the area of the Llobregat Delta in the county of Baix Llobregat (southeast of Barcelona): Barcelona, L’Hospitalet, Castelldefels, Cornellà, El Prat, Sant Boi de Llobregat, Sant Feliu, Molins de Rei, Pallejà, Sant Joan Despí, Rubí, Santa Coloma de Gramenet. They have been working on night shifts between 1 and 20 years. Thirteen of 24 are heads of household: they either live alone, live with dependent parents, or are single mothers.  Only 4 of 24 co-researchers live in the city of Barcelona. The rest live in peripheral neighborhoods of the city, in “the invisible cities” according to historian Marc Andreu (2016) these neighborhoods are highly stigmatized and often marginalized because of lack of political and media attention. The development and construction of many of these neighborhoods have a long history of migration. In the 1960s, these neighborhoods were created with the arrival of waves of migrants from other parts of Spain, mostly from Andalusia and Extremadura, fleeing extreme poverty and hunger to work in a region with increasing job opportunities. Early migrants lived in shacks and housing developments were slowly built during the Franco dictatorship, characterized by their low quality, lack of investment, and urbanization of the streets and neighborhoods. It was community organizing and neighbors’ struggles that helped increase services, facilities and life conditions in these neighborhoods (Andreu 2016; Bonet i Martí 2012; Muxí and Magro 2009). It was only after some years in post-Franco democracy that local governments started to invest in these areas to dignify these neighborhoods and their public spaces and services (Bonet i Martí 2012).  With the economic and housing boom of the late 1990s and early 2000s, the social configuration of these neighborhoods started to change (Muxí and Ciocoletto 2009). Original dwellers started to get older, their children have already moved out to other areas, and those original dwellers  71 with the opportunity and possibilities also moved to other neighborhoods with better housing conditions. Thus, these neighborhoods started to house the new wave of migrants, mostly from outside the European Union, the majority from Latin America, Maghreb and Sub-Saharan Africa (Muxí and Ciocoletto 2009). Despite the low quality of many of the housing units, these neighborhoods have been more affordable than the city of Barcelona, and their proximity to the city attracts many people who cannot afford the prices of the capital: mostly migrant and working-class families. As I later analyze in Chapter 5, the co-researchers group link their class, income, household composition, migration history and work-life conditions with these historical elements that determine who decides to become a nightshift worker. 3.5.3. Collective ethics and safety protocol Before data gathering started, in the first group activity, each group collectively discussed the ethical considerations we need to include in the project. A collective ethics and safety protocol helps build relationships between co-researchers including myself, and guide the research process (Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2017). The goal to collectively define these protocols was to minimize the risks facing co-researchers, observe free and informed consent, but also acknowledge the role they wanted to take depending on each individual situation. “Negotiating ethics as part of participatory research processes enables greater reflexivity by all involved (Kindon and Latham, 2002).” (Pain 2004, 658).  A collective ethics and safety protocol minimizes participants’ risks and is based in free and informed consent; but also, acknowledges people’s agency to decide what elements make them safe and how they want to deal with confidentiality issues (Ponic and Jategaonkar 2012; Reid et al. 2011). For example, Ethics Boards usually assume that participants’ identity should always be protected, while in Collective Ethics and Safety Protocols co-researchers decide whether they want to protect their identity or whether they want to appear as co-researchers and co-authors of possible actions and outcomes (Brydon-Miller, Greenwood, and Eikeland 2006; Guillemin and Guillam 2004; Ponic and Jategaonkar 2012). Compliance with the core principles of Research Ethics Boards (REB) requires informed consent from research participants, providing assessment of risk and benefits, and proof of how to deal with fairness in the inclusion and exclusion of subjects. However, the way that  72 REBs request to comply with these principles becomes a challenge for PAR projects, because “research participants are unable to be actively involved in decisions that have a direct impact on their participation in and the actions that emerge from research” (Reid et al. 2011, 189). Thus, research ethics codes based in Western epistemologies privilege a particular colonial research regime and emphasize individuals and individualized property at the expense of the communities (Chilisa 2011; Tuck 2009a; Tuhiwai Smith 1999). Action researcher Brydon-Miller (2008) argues that, “The very nature of action research itself is founded in this deep and abiding respect for persons as active agents of change” (202). PAR principles are grounded in ethical principles of a constant process of collective action and reflection; participation in democratic processes and the improvement of human lives; the search for reciprocity, shared ownership and equal representation in decision-making challenging invisible power mechanisms and questioning the researcher-researched division; honouring different voices; and a respect for the knowledge and experiences that people bring to the research process (Brydon-Miller 2008; Fine and Torre 2006; Gatenby and Humphries 2000; Reid 2004; Reid and Frisby 2008; Tuck 2009b). These ethical principles are not often recognized by traditional Ethics Boards. After sharing the grounds of collective ethics, in the first group activity, each group developed their collective ethics and safety protocol. In order to draft this protocol, we posed the following questions to be discussed as a group: 1. Do we want to keep our identities confidential or do we want to be co-authors of the Project, and therefore, our names will appear in the project materials? 2. Do we give individual and collective consent to participate in the project? Do we give permission to voice recording, video recording or appearing in pictures? 3. What is the role we want to have in the facilitation of the process and data analysis? 4. How could we break power relations between the research coordinator and co-researchers? How could we share responsibilities in this project? In what aspects do we want to share responsibilities? 5. How do we want to manage the property and dissemination of project development and results?  6. How can we create a climate respectful of the diversity of opinions and experience and foster trust among us?  73 7. How could we guarantee, as a group, the safety and wellbeing of women who are part of the project? 8. Are there other topics that the group would like to include in the project? These questions were first answered individually and afterwards, women discussed and agreed on the elements to include in the protocol. Even though every group created its own protocol (see Appendix 1 for further detail), there were many commonalities between the different protocols, such as: 1. Collective authorship of the project. 2. Voice recording and taking pictures of the activities, to use these materials in the dissemination of results, respecting the confidentiality of those women who did not want to appear. (Sex workers were the only group that did not want pictures to be taken).  3. Level of participation of co-researchers, where some manifested in which activities and phase of the project they wanted to participate, with the flexibility to resume participation at the moment that each one wanted and considered necessary. 4. Materials that could be used to disseminate the project: participatory video, report with results, conferences, among others. At the beginning, sex workers did not want to be part of the videos, but when the possibility was discussed in phase 3 of sharing results they decided to participate without being identified.  5. Audience, to whom to send the results. 6. Elements to create a trustful and respectful climate among co-researchers and in relation to the diversity of the groups. 7. Elements to build horizontal relationships and to foster collective ownership of the project. 8. Elements to guarantee the wellbeing and safety of all women in the group. 9. Other topics that women wanted to include in the project’s initial definition: reconciliation of personal, family and working life; the impact of night work on the quality of life and sleep, as well as the impact on social and family relationships; and the search for strategies to support each other at the personal level and in the job environment. The chapters of this dissertation that analyze the results reflect that these additional topics were included in the activities.  Some of these points were reviewed in the following phases of the project, such as how to disseminate results, the audience, or the follow-up activities. Thus, the elaboration of the  74 protocol was a point of departure, but was reviewed when necessary throughout the research process.   3.5.4.  Participatory methods to analyze everyday/everynight life  Using the following participatory tools, we collected and analyzed information in Phase 2 about the everyday life of women nightshift workers, based in their experiences and herstories. These tools use the study of the everyday life as a methodology (Smith 1990), which means using women’s knowledge and life experiences in urban planning, and considering women as experts of their communities and neighbourhoods, because of the knowledge accumulated through the complexity of carrying out paid work, unpaid domestic responsibilities and community work (Dyck 2005; Gilroy and Booth 1999; Lykogianni 2008). “Feminist scholarship has long prioritized women’s everyday experiences (Hartsock 1974) … Even though there is no unitary women’s experience, feminist-grounded action research embraces experience as a source of legitimate knowledge” (Maguire 2001, 64). In this research project, we have analyzed the everynight as part of the everyday life, therefore, regarding everyday/everynight as inseparable and interconnected.  Col·lectiu Punt 6 has used these methods for more than a decade, adapting them to different contexts and projects. Since 2005, Punt 6 has been increasing its urban knowledge with the shared experiences of more than 1,000 women participating in hundreds of workshops, developed through the “Tools of Participation” with the Catalan Institute of Women and within the participatory diagnostic processes and design of proposals to improve the environments of their neighbourhoods. A first compilation of these methods was published in the guide “Women Working. Urban Assessment Guide from a Gender Perspective” (Casanovas et al. 2013) with the motivation to return to women the accumulated collective knowledge, to encourage autonomy and ownership in the betterment of their neighbourhoods, in a manner that can be expanded to the rest of society. I have adapted methods for this research that Punt 6 has also used to conduct safety audits from a gender perspective and published in “Entornos Habitables. Auditoría de Seguridad Urbana con perspectiva de género en la vivienda y su entorno” (Livable Environments. Urban Safety Audit from a gender perspective applied to housing and its surrounding) (Valdivia et al. 2016).   75 I adapted these methods to this research project on the night work. Punt 6 has built a methodology inspired by previous work conducted by other feminist urban planners, researchers and practitioners in other contexts (e.g. Lidewij Tummers, Red Mujer y Hábitat de América Latina) and that other participatory action researchers have used in a similar way in other projects (Angeles and Jeeris-Warder 2000; Kindon 2003; Pain 1997; Riaño-Alcalá 2000; Sandercock and Attili 2010a; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2014).  The tools have been used to describe the everyday life of women nightshift workers and to elaborate recommendations to improve the everyday/everynight life of night workers. These methods were used in Phase 2 of the project implementation.  In this phase, we conducted 5 group activities and one individual activity. The group activities were: Network of everyday/everynight life, Everyday mobility maps, Body maps, Participatory Analysis of results and Elaboration of actions proposed. These group activities were developed in the form of workshops. Workshops are tools that due to their collective format “can make the participants’ knowledge, histories and viewpoints visible… The workshop embraces praxis as a method (knowledge starts from the experience of participants), which encourages critical thinking directed towards social action” (Riaño-Alcalá 2008, 273). The individual activity was accompanying women in their commute, to document the commuting route between home and work. Most women chose to be accompanied in the route from work to home, which included a diversity of shifts that finished between 5 and 8 in the morning. All these activities were developed with each of the four working groups. Therefore, in total, I conducted 20 group activities and 21 exploratory commuting routes. The activities took place between May and December 2016. It was key to have individual and group activities, because different knowledge was obtained. Individual activities were helpful in fostering trusting relationships and deeper knowledge about individual issues and struggles. Group activities always started doing a reflection at the individual level, and later shared at the group activity level. This transition from individual to collective reflection was essential to understanding personal situations and how these related to the group reflections.   Everyday/everynight life network Women were guided to describe and analyze the different activities in their everyday life, in which spaces they develop these activities, the time invested, with whom and how they move  76 to develop these activities. This exercise serves to analyze and value the spaces where everyday life develops, how the perception of safety influences the development of these activities and the use of certain spaces. The activity lasts two hours and is divided in two parts, individual work and group work.  The activity starts with each woman making a list of the activities they develop in a typical day in their everyday life. The information of the activities is classified in 5 columns: hours invested, tasks developed, people with whom they conduct these activities, type of transportation used to move and the spaces where these activities take place. The list of activities shows all the tasks that are developed inside and outside the home to cover the personal needs and the needs of other people: accompanying children to school, going to work, doing grocery shopping, taking care of elder people, doing administrative errands, etc. (Figure 5). After listing the activities, each woman assessed the favorable and unfavorable aspect of their neighborhoods and the built environment where they develop each of the activities, identifying those urban planning elements that condition their mobility, their use of public facilities and public spaces, the community network and participation, how housing location influences the use of the city. In this analysis, we always focused the attention on how working at night conditions the development of everyday life.            77 Figure 5: Examples of Everyday/everynight life network   The chain of activities of two women night-shift workers, documenting the time and type of activities, with whom they develop these activities, in which mode of transportation and the location of the activity.  78 Following this personal reflection, women share in groups their individual assessments. Each woman explains to the rest of the group her everyday life network and her assessment. Then, collectively women made a list prioritizing the favorable and unfavorable urban planning and design aspects that condition their use of their neighborhoods and the city. After that, each group shared with the other groups the information gathered and elaborated a list of common favorable and unfavorable aspects and discussed possible actions that could improve their everyday life. Exploratory Commuting routes The exploratory routes consist in accompanying each woman in their commuting route to or from work. These routes through women’s everynight environments allow us to analyze the elements that increase or diminish women’s perception of safety in relation to mobility, everyday network, design of public space, relation between housing and its environment and between the work area and its surroundings. The route can start from work to home or vice versa. Through the route, each woman explained those aspects that she wanted to highlight in relation to any of the issues analyzed: mobility, perception of safety, everyday life in her neighborhood, the surroundings of the work area, etc.  Each route was recorded with a GoPro camera that women wear as a vest, or in their helmets and cars, depending of the type of mobility used. The objective was to gather images that reflect in first person what and how they see, walk, and live. In addition to these images, footage was recorded with another camera and we took pictures of different parts of the route.  The routes were done mostly when leaving work, between 5 and 8 in the morning, although some were conducted on the way to work, between 9 and 11 pm. With some women who change shifts, we did the route between 5 and 8 in the morning. Exploring these routes was crucial to understand the clear connection between the everyday and the everynight since women workers might shift from dayshifts to nightshifts as required by their jobs or management. The routes were conducted between May and July; therefore, the images recorded show the experience of a particular season where it gets darker later and dawns earlier (Figure 6). But women always emphasized in the routes and in the group activities how winter darkness increases the perception of fear. These routes provide an essential and ethnographic knowledge that connects the neighborhood scale with the city and metropolitan  79 scales, because, although most women live in a short geographical distance, the type of transport used circulated by different municipalities and through the different scales of urban planning. Figure 6: Example of exploratory commuting routes  The photograph on the left shows walking path from Zenobia’s workplace to the parking lot. She walks between walls that hinder visibility. Photograph on the right shows Txell’s bike parking in the corner of her home. Dialogue was used also in the analysis and validation of the exploratory commuting routes. I realized how important it was to have an individual moment with them, at that moment of home-work after we have shared some time in group. We, the women and I, were able to share more about our everyday lives in these dialogues.  Everyday mobility maps  The everyday mobility maps consist in, first, illustrating individually the everyday/everynight network of each woman and, second, drawing in a collective map the commuting routes of each woman. At the end, we have one map per woman with her everyday network and a collective map with the night mobility in the BMA. The activity is divided in two parts, first an individual exercise and second, group work. Each woman started placing on a map her neighborhood and surroundings, her home and drew her everyday network, made of public spaces and spaces of relations, facilities and services, retail stores, public transportation stops, and streets that connect these elements and that are used to cover everyday life needs. Then, each woman marked on the individual map, with two colors, the neighborhood spaces where she feels safe and comfortable (positives in green color) and those that feel unsafe, unpleasant, she does not use or she avoids (negatives in red color) (Figure 7). After this individual analysis, each woman presented her  80 map and explained the positive and negative elements. We collectively made a list of the common elements from all women’s contributions. Figure 7: Pictures of individual maps exercise   Women nightshift workers. Clockwise: Baix Llobregat group, Bellvitge’s hospital group and Barcelona group.   In the second part of the workshop, in a large map of the BMA (Figure 8), each woman drew her commuting route, indicated what type of transportation she uses, the route and the total travel time. This collective map illustrates the night trips of the 24 women who work at night and makes visible the diversity of journeys, types of transportation and temporalities, problematizing how geographically close some of women work in relation to their homes, but how far in time they live, due to deficiencies in transportation frequencies and connections.      81 Figure 8: Collective mobility map  Commuting routes that women nightshift workers drew manually  Body maps Body maps are “a holistic and non-linear data creation technique that can document intersecting temporal and spatial events, processes, and experiences that include feelings, emotions, perceptions while also visually engaging bodies and spaces around them” (Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2017). Since the 1980s, body mapping has been used in the health field (Cornwall 1992), to document migration experiences and health concerns of undocumented workers (Gastaldo, Magalhães, and Carrasco 2012), and as a tool to reconstruct historical memory in post-conflict contexts where mass violence has occurred (Riaño-Alcalá 2013). In recent research with Elizabeth L. Sweet, we have used body maps to analyse fear and gender violence in urban planning (Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2015; Sweet and Ortiz Escalante 2017). In the context of this research, body maps are used to analyze how we live through our bodies the emotions, sensations and other physical and sensorial manifestations in relation to the spaces and the built environment we inhabit. And in this particular case, in  82 relation to the night work, connecting body experiences of the intimate and private space with the public space and the urban environment where we live.  Through body maps, we analyzed how the environment and the public space impact our women’s bodies and, in particular, how the perceptions of fear and safety are bodily lived and felt. In a real-size map of the body, women represented how they experience the spaces they use on a daily basis, using paint, drawings and objects that can be glued in the body silhouette, or the surrounding or interior of the body. A testimony of each woman accompanies the body map.  The activity has two parts, one of individual work and a second of group work. First, with the help of another woman in the group, each woman drew her real-size body silhouette on a large piece of paper in the position she wants (Figure 9). Then, each woman worked on her body silhouette and represents the response to the following questions: o How does night work affect me? o How and where do I live and perceive fear in my body? o How and where do I feel strength in my body? o How does the urban form affect my body?    83 Figure 9: Body map elaboration process  Women nightshift workers of the Barcelona group working on their body maps  After finishing the body maps (Figure 10), each woman explained how they felt doing this activity and how they answered and represented on the map the 4 questions. Each individual presentation served to collectively reflect on the different impacts that night work has in their bodies, in relation to the maladjustments that night work produces, and how they experience the spaces they travel through, their experiences of fear and safety, and how they face them.      84 Figure 10: Sharing body map experience  Women nightshift workers from Bellvitge Hospital explaining their body maps  In this type of activity, we talk about the intimate and personal sphere and different situations and issues may arise and trigger emotions and memories among participants. For this reason, this activity was conducted after there was enough trust and respect among all women who are part of the project. Participatory video  The participatory video is a storytelling tool where participants have an active role both in script writing, choosing what are their concerning topics, and what elements of the story they want to highlight, and in the review of the final video (Kindon 2003; Sandercock and Attili 2010a). It expands the horizons of qualitative and quantitative research (Sandercock and Attili 2010a). Participatory video has been taken up in the last 20 years by community development practitioners (Hume-Cook et al. 2007) and  “it crucially differs from documentary film-making in that participants create videos according to their own rather than others’ priorities. As such, PV offers participants an opportunity to de-stabilise the usual passive engagement with the dominant cultural form of film and become more actively involved in this media.” (Waite and Conn 2011, 116)   85 It is a tool used in participatory action research projects as another way to conduct research, analyze the data collected, disseminate results to a broader audience, and  represent the city in multidimensional and polyphonic ways (Sandercock and Attili 2010a). The participatory video can reach a broader audience than other dissemination materials, because it is more accessible and easier to understand both for public policy institutions and the public in general. Therefore, it has the potential of being an empowerment tool for women, but also as a dialogue tool for grassroots groups, social organizations and the public administration.  In the first group activities of the project, women chose the participatory video as the tool to disseminate results. For this reason, we defined the following activities to record material (Figure 11), write a script and produce the final videos: 1. Video recording of the activities of description of the everyday/everynight life: All activities of description of the everyday/everynight life of phase 2 were recorded, both group activities and the commuting routes. We obtained many hours of audiovisual material to use in the final videos. 2. Script workshop: In the analysis part of phase 2, we attended a script workshop, facilitated by the Cooperativa de Tècniques14 , a feminist cooperative that works in the production of images, sound and performances, training and research. In this workshop for the first time, the four groups of women got together. This workshop helped to share the topics discussed in each of the activities. It was also the first collective analysis of the gathered information. The methodology was simple, but fostered a rich debate. The facilitator asked two questions to women co-researchers: what stories they wanted to share and how they wanted to explain them. These questions triggered an intense and active debate, where women from different groups discussed what topics were essential to highlight in the videos. Through this debate, the women defined the categories that we later used to classify the qualitative data for its analysis. In addition to defining the topics of the videos, women also discussed how they wanted to explain their stories. Women collectively decided to use the images of the exploratory routes and workshops that we                                                14, retrieved May 25, 2019   86 have previously recorded, and include individual testimonies, for those women that wanted to emphasize their personal stories. To record these testimonies, they proposed that all women would respond to the same question that would focus on women’s personal experience, but the name of the company or workplace would not appear. In the end, twelve of the 24 women recorded their individual testimony. It was impressive to watch the recording of their testimonies, and seeing that all of them did the recording in one shot, without the need for new recordings.  3. Video recording of individual testimonies: After the script workshop, the women who wanted to record their individual experience, participated in a video recording in a movie set where each of them shared their individual testimony responding to the following question: How does working at night influence your daily life? This question was the connecting thread to allow each of them to center on issues they wanted to highlight at the individual level. In addition to recording the individual testimonies of nightshift workers, the testimonies of three members of the advisory group were also recorded.  4. Follow-up of video editing: Once all the material was prepared to start editing, the Cooperativa de Tècniques helped create 3 videos, while in continuous contact with the project coordinator, who transmitted choices and adaptations to the rest of women co-researchers.  5. Review and completion of videos: Once we had the rough cuts of the videos, we reviewed them to give our comments and opinions to include or modify in the final version of the videos. The topics of the videos are: o The mobility and transportation network, commuting routes, as well as the perception of fear, risks and safety strategies, etc. (mixing individual testimonies with commuting routes images) retrieved May 25, 2019 o The impact of night work on the social and family relationships and on all aspects of health (mixing individual testimonies and workshops images) retrieved May 25, 2019 o Making visible women’s night work through participatory action research (interviews of advisory group members) retrieved May 25, 2019    87 Figure 11: Participatory Video Process   Clockwise: Video shot of Conchi’s commuting route, shot of Angeles’ individual testimony for participatory video, picture of the script workshop and picture showing the results of the script workshop.  3.6 Data Analysis 3.6.1  Between collective and individual data analysis After data collection activities, where we analyzed the everyday/everynight life, I went back to Vancouver in September 2016 before continuing with the rest of participatory activities. At this moment, I took the time to transcribe all the individual and group activities, and review the materials created in each activity: everyday life networks, individual and collective mobility maps and body maps. In the middle of this process, in October 2016, I did a short trip to Barcelona to participate in the script workshop and started working on the participatory video. Even though this activity was thought to define the stories we wanted to share through the participatory videos, it was a key step in the analysis process. In fact, the collective analysis started in the script workshop. One of the parts of this workshop was to explain to the facilitator what we had done through the project and to prioritize the issues women wanted to highlight in the video. This question led to an agitated debate and discussion. It was in this moment that I realized that women were defining the categories of analysis, by highlighting the themes that the video must include.  88 At the end, the script writing workshop became one of the data analysis activities, since the definition of categories that happened without my previous awareness, served to categorize the transcribed information before the two subsequent participatory workshops of analysis and recommendation. In sum, the script writing workshop was key to identifying and defining the number of videos and topics, as well as to setting the categories of analysis. Analysis and elaboration of recommendations  The workshops on analysis and elaboration of recommendations served to collectively do a participatory review, validate, and analyze the gathered information, for later proposing recommendations to improve the everyday life of women who work at night (Figure 12). These workshops served to compile and summarize the work done and to have a first assessment of the situation.  Figure 12: Workshops on Analysis and elaboration of recommendations  Left, picture of analysis workshop with Baix Llobregat’s group. Right, picture of analysis workshop with Bellvitge Hospital’s group  Prior to the workshop, the collected and transcribed information of the different activities describing the everyday life (individual dialogues, everyday/everynight life network, mobility maps, body maps and commuting routes) was categorized. I chose pieces of transcripts from each activity that reflected both the diversity and commonality of experiences.  Once data was categorized, each group read the transcriptions per category and analyzed the elements that condition this reality. We also analyzed whether the information chosen was representative of all the work of describing and gathering information or whether we  89 needed to complete any aspect. The group analysis per category was essential to enriching the analysis of all participants. After doing the first collective analysis, we elaborated recommendations that would help improve the everyday life of women nightshift workers. We already had collected some recommendations in the previous activities. Thus, this workshop served to recover these recommendations and propose new ones, and prioritize them. Each recommendation was presented as an action to be developed by corresponding institutions, organizations, and agents to whom we wanted to send the results and the recommendations. We also discussed strategies to disseminate the results and send them to the different agents involved, with the objective of initiating a dialogue with institutions that can include these recommendations in the urban planning and mobility policies.  Doing a participatory analysis of the information gathered was a concern for me, in the sense that as part of the FPAR, it was essential that women co-researchers did part of the analysis to make sure it corresponded to their interpretation. But, as in the other activities of the research, the women co-researchers decided whether they wanted to take a more active role or not. In this workshop, fewer women participated, and when previously asked whether they wanted to have a more active role analyzing, many of them preferred me to do it. Despite this concern, the script workshop and the analysis and recommendations workshop stimulated co-researchers to think about the utility of collected data and raise awareness about the key findings and their central role (Herr and Anderson 2012) To continue with data analysis, I made an outline that reflects all the activities developed and what type of data was obtained through each of them, and signaling the information given at three different scales: body, neighborhood/city, metropolitan area (Figure 13).     90 Figure 13: Diagram to conduct analysis related to Research Question 1  This diagram helped me organize all the collected data and reflect through the color scheme that we collected data at four different scales: the body the neighborhood, the city and the metropolitan area. I classified all the information we have gathered by tool or technique: sources of data. Sources of data have different forms: maps (body, neighborhood, metropolitan area), transcripts of dialogues and group activities, photos and videos. This is one layer of complexity since I ended up having many types of information and each piece complements the others. I also look at what type of information each source of data provided regarding the scale (Body, Neighborhood, City/Region), since this is a way to visualize that urban planning affects women nightshift workers in the continuum body-home-community-neighborhood-city-metropolitan area. Doing this exercise for this dissertation can contribute to breaking the false public-private divide between spaces. The sources of data and the scale are marked in the diagram through the shape, line and color.  Once this first classification was completed, I related each source of data with 8 main categories of analysis: Fear and Safety, Mobility, Everyday life infrastructures, Time constraints, Family and Social Relations, Reasons to choose nightshift, Health impacts,  91 Sexism and labor conditions. This allowed me to understand per each source of data, what categories of analysis were covered, which tools contain more information and at which scales.  This schematization of results and the exercise of linking each source of data/tool with category of analysis, helped me with the process of ordering, classifying and analyzing all data, in a research process with a large amount of data gathered in different ways. This process has been essential in order to ensure that no piece of information is overlooked.  After the process of analysis, I continued with the process of writing. There were two writing phases. First the writing of the collective report, an activity that I began but was reviewed and completed by co-researchers. Second, the writing of the analytical chapters of this dissertation. Chapter 5 and 6 build on the collective analysis and report, yet I expanded on this work initially conducted with co-researchers. The way Chapter 5 and 6 have been written also follow the home-community-neighborhood-city-metropolitan continuum. Thus, Chapter 5 contains the analysis of the everyday/everynight life of women nightshift workers through body and community mapping. While Chapter 6 examines their everyday/everynight mobility challenges at the scales of the neighborhood, the city and the metropolitan area.  In the writing process, moving from the FPAR collective analysis to my individual academic analysis has been challenging. I felt conflicted writing about the collective project without women’s co-researchers involvement. In Chapters 5 and 6 I have expanded upon the intersectional analysis that was not always captured in the collective report and women’s quotes. But I acknowledge my insecurities when doing this analysis without their involvement.     92 Chapter 4. Barcelona and its metropolitan area’s night and mobility planning15 This chapter addresses the question, how does Barcelona and its metropolitan area plan the night-time and mobility networks? It contextualizes the geographical area and the recent urban planning history of the metropolitan city used as a case study in this participatory action research. In the first part of the chapter, I briefly define the location and structure of the Barcelona Metropolitan Area. Later, I summarise the planning history of the city of Barcelona in the last century to understand the origin of the Metropolitan Area and the policies that have influenced the development of the city and the metropolis. Next, the chapter analyses three elements of urban planning policies and their histories that are key for the current research: the mobility and transportation policy history, the history of including an intersectional gender perspective in legislation and planning policies, and finally how cities in the metropolitan area and the BMA Authority as a whole are addressing nightlife and intersectional gender issues through their urban planning departments. This chapter incorporates contextual information about the BMA that I captured from interviews with urban planners of various cities in the BMA who agreed to share with me the urban planning policies that their institutions were implementing. These interviews conducted between December 2016 and March 2017 focused on exploring how urban planners were implementing gender inclusive planning legislation and whether they include the night-time in their policies, actions and practice. These interviews were not part of the FPAR project, but were conducted to broaden the analysis for this dissertation.  4.1 Barcelona as a compact and mixed-use metropolitan model The Barcelona Metropolitan Area (BMA) is located in North-East Spain, along the Mediterranean Sea and only occupies 2% of the total Catalan territory. Barcelona is the capital city of the Catalan historic nation, which today is formally an autonomous region of                                                15 My approach to the history of Barcelona and its region is written from a political point of view shaped by my intersectional identities.  I am a feminist urban planner, working member of an urban planning cooperative that is part of the local solidarity and feminist economy, and the granddaughter of an Andalusian anarchist and an Extremadura communist raised in a working-class migrant family, and the first in the family to have a university degree. This political point of view is reflected in my criticism of neoliberal policies implemented in the city of Barcelona and the region.   93 the Spanish Constitutional Monarchy. For Spanish standards, Catalunya16 is a highly urbanized region within Spain, occupying an area of 30,000 km2, with 7.5 million inhabitants and a thousand municipalities, and only a few areas in the Pyrenees mountains (in the North) and along the Ebro river (in the South) that are not well-connected (Borja 2010). The recent history of Catalonia and Spain is also a history of migrations: internal migrations during the dictatorship, and foreign immigration starting in the 1980s (initially mostly from the Maghreb) with its peak in 2005, when Spain became the second country of the 30 OECD members in reception of documented migrants17. Currently 14 percent of the population is made up of foreign migrants, mostly from Latin America (35%) and the EU (20%). The BMA is one of the largest metropolitan regions in Europe, the 8th most populated and the densest of the region (Eurostat: metropolitan regions. Eurostat 2012). Located in the region of Catalunya where 95% of people live in highly urbanized areas (Borja 2010), the BMA is the home to half of the Catalan population (3.2 million inhabitants of 7.5 million). It is located in a small territory of 636 km2 and 36 municipalities, of which 48% of the land is urbanized and 52% is forests, natural areas and farms. Its geographic location and singular topography determine the high density of the BMA (Figure 14). The large proportion of natural land and the natural limits of the area (bordered by the Mediterranean Sea and the Collserola, Marina and Garraf mountains) has limited the growth of the area and fostered a high population density, that makes the BMA the densest European metropolitan area, and one                                                16 Catalunya (Catalonia in English) is one of the 17 autonomous communities of Spain, and has the second largest population after Andalusia. The form of government in Spain is a parliamentary monarchy, a democratic constitutional monarchy, in which the King is the head of the state and the president is the head of government. Regional governments function under the system of autonomous communities (17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities), a decentralized system of administration based on asymetrical devolution to regions that constitute the country (the “richest” autonomous communities give to the “poorest”) in which the central government retains full sovereignty. Catalunya has been historically one of the most prosperous autonomous communities, along with the Basque Country and Madrid. Also, it is one of the three “historical nations” of the country, in addition to the Basque Country and Galicia, with its own language, culture and history. Since democracy, it has had certain autonomy from the central government, particularly in health, education, housing and security affairs. However, the historical demand to become an independent country has become an increasing social and political claim due to injustices and repressions committed by conservative and fascist-oriented central governments. The regional government of Catalonia is the Generalitat de Catalunya, whose council members are elected through a Parliamentary system.  17 Data on Foreign Population extracted from Idescat (Institut Català d’Estadística – Catalan Institute of Statistics)   94 of the most polluted due to the higher concentration of motorized vehicles per square kilometer.  Figure 14: Land use in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area  Source: web page of Barcelona Metropolitan Area, 2017, retrieved May 25, 2019 The BMA is the economic center of the Catalan region and concentrates 51% of employed (1.7 million) people, but also 41% of the total registered unemployed people in Catalonia18. The BMA agency does not gather disaggregated economic and employment data by gender, age or migration status. Data about nightwork is not available for the metropolitan area either. The statistics available from 2016, show that the BMA total unemployment rate was 14.4% (16 to 64 years old). For the city of Barcelona, in the last semester of 2016, the unemployment                                                18, retrieved May 25, 2019  95 rate was lower, 11,6% for women and 11.3% for men19. The unemployment rate in Barcelona has been usually lower than in the rest of the metropolitan area and province, because of a higher concentration of job opportunities in the city. Unemployment has decreased in the last five years, showing a slow recovering of the economic crisis that the country experienced from 2008 to 201320, where unemployment rates in the province of Barcelona peaked at 24% and over 40% among youth between16 to 25 years old. The current household annual median net income in the BMA is 33,724 € and the personal annual median net income 14,073€21. The Gini coefficient, which measures income inequality, was 0,304 in 2016, below the overall Catalan Gini (0.314), and lower than in the peak of the crisis when it was 0.346. The economic crisis also increased the percentage of people at risk of poverty, which represented 18.4 of the BMA population in 2016 (Sarasa, Navarro-Varas, and Porcel 2016). Gender disaggregated poverty data for the Catalan region show that women have increased the risk to poverty in 2016 from 18.8%, to 21.6% while men’s risk diminished from 20.7% to 20.2% (Rovira and Fuertes 2016). Finally, the Survey on Life Conditions 2016, which classifies population by class, shows that 55% of the BMA population are classified as middle class, 18.5 % living under poverty, 15% as upper class, and 11.7% under precariousness conditions (Sarasa, Navarro-Varas, and Porcel 2016).                                                 19 Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) and City of Barcelona Statistics Department, retrieved May 25, 2019  20 “Between 1998 and 2007, the profit-driven interests of banks and private corporations supported and subsidized by the different levels of governments fed a housing bubble in the country. At that time, real estate represented 18% of the country’s GDP and the construction and real estate sectors employed 13% of the population, in comparison to 7% in Germany and 8% in the UK (Colau and Alemany 2013). More housing was built than could be absorbed, due to credit liberalization and low interest rates mortgages. Just before the bubble burst, the average household income dedicated to pay a mortgage was 51% (Colau and Alemany 2013). However, the Spanish dream collapsed in 2008. With one of the toughest mortgage laws in the world, more than 400,000 foreclosures left hundreds of thousands of families in the street and with debt for the rest of their lives. Under the Spanish mortgage law, people must continue to pay off their mortgages, complete with interest and penalty charges, even after they have been evicted and their home has been repossessed.” (Valdivia and Ortiz Escalante 2018, chap. 6). Many migrant who arrived to Spain to fill the workforce demand were forced to return home under a policy that pushed migrants from countries such as Ecuador to receive their unemployment benefits only if they accepted to return to their home country. The number of Latin American migrants in the city was reduced by half. (Department of Statistics. Ajuntament de Barcelona., retrieved May 25, 2019 21 Data extracted from the web page of the Barcelona Metropolitan Area Agency., retrieved May 25, 2019   96 The city of Barcelona is the largest city of the BMA. For that reason, to study the Barcelona Metropolitan Area means going back to the origins of the city.  4.2 Barcelona’s urban planning in the last 100 years The city of Barcelona has more than four thousand years of history. Its origins documented at the end of the Neolithic period revealed it was the home of the Ibers indigenous group called Laietans, until Romans arrived in the 1st century B.C. After the fall of the Romans, various empires ruled the city, including the Visigoths and the Muslims. By the 10th century, the city and region began to gain some level of independence and autonomy. With the development of the Catalan language in the 9th century, the region began to form an independent identity (Hughes 1992).  One example of this autonomy was the creation of a self-governmental institution, the Consell de Cent (the Council of the Hundred, formed by one hundred members), that ruled the city from the 13th to the 18th century, and provided advice on political decisions to the kings of the time.   In this section, I cover the most recent urban planning history of the city, in particular: the period of the Franco dictatorship (1939-1975), the subsequent restoration of democracy (1978-1992) and the impact of the 1992 Olympics under Mayor Pasqual Maragall (1980s-1990s). Then, I focus on the recent globalization and neoliberal trends initiated with the 2004 Forum of Cultures operation (2000s-until 2015), and finally, the efforts of current Mayor Ada Colau to stop a regional re-structuring process and respond to the needs of city residents through a participatory and feminist governance model.  Architect Josep Maria Montaner (2003) explains the form of the city of Barcelona through the image of a square, with the four edges being: the Mediterranean sea, the Besòs River, the mountain of Collserola and the Llobregat River Delta. This geographical square of 10 km of length and approximately 100 km2, has evolved from being a Roman grid to a medieval and later organic and radial city. It was not until the 18th century that the medieval city opened to a new urban layout, at the beginning of the industrial era. This era saw the creation of orthogonal neighborhoods such as La Barceloneta (1753) and the opening of new streets and squares in the interior of the old city after the confiscation of convents in the first part of the 1800s. All this process of urban renovation later reunified with the Eixample’s Plan of Ildefons Cerdà, originated in 1859 and developed over a long period of almost a century. This  97 plan created a new order for the city, moving the city center, and annexing the surrounding municipalities (currently districts) (Montaner 2003). Thus, the city of Barcelona is the amalgamation of a medieval city and annexed old towns, now organized into 10 districts and 73 neighborhoods (Figure 15). The old city, currently the district of Ciutat Vella, was originally located within the Roman walls that were absorbed with the growth of the medieval city. The Eixample, developed under the Plan Cerdà; and the towns of the periphery which currently include the districts (Sants, Les Corts, Sarrià, Gràcia, Horta, Sant Andreu, Sant Martí) annexed to the city at the end of the 19th century (with the exception of Sarrià that was integrated in 1921). There is also the Nou Barris district developed in the second half of the 20th century (Borja 2010; Montaner 2003). Figure 15: Map of the districts of Barcelona  Source: Ajuntament de Barcelona,, retrieved May 25, 2019  The urban planning of Barcelona has been historically characterized by the existence of a unique architecture and planning style and an active civil society engaged in urban planning (Borja 2010). As mentioned, the urban planning of the city in the last century can be explained through four historical periods: the Franco dictatorship, the transition to democracy with the  98 culmination of the 1992 Olympics, the neoliberal period when the Barcelona model was branded, and the current city council under grassroots activist Mayor Ada Colau that belongs to the current Spanish phenomenon known as the “City councils of change”22. 4.2.1. Barcelona under the Franco dictatorship During much of the twentieth century, Spain was under the fascist rule of General Francisco Franco (1939-1975). It is perhaps less well-known that in the period just prior to the Civil War and dictatorship, during the Second Spanish Republic (1931-1939), the politics in Spain and the city of Barcelona were highly progressive. Curiously, the progressive policies reached their peak during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) when Anarchists and Communists controlled key government ministries in the Catalan government (Brenan 1995) and the violence had not yet arrived in the city because much of the fighting was elsewhere in Spain. During this progressive period, the city implemented many innovative policies, particularly in education, family law, women’s emancipation, labour policies, and cooperative initiatives. Marriage was not a mandatory institution required to be recognized as a family. The collectivization of water and electricity were piloted under anarchist and socialist influences (Ackelsberg 2000). The progressive policies and initiatives implemented in this period halted when the Republican side lost the Civil War and the Franco-led troops invaded the city on January 26, 1939.  At the end of the Spanish Civil War, one million people lived in Barcelona. Barcelona’s urban planning under the dictatorship (1939-1975) was a dark period characterized by inaction in the 1940s-1950s and a chaotic growth from the end of the 1950s to the early 1970s. This period, under Franco’s Mayor Jose María de Porcioles, known as the Porciolismo (1957-1973), was characterized by a lack of reconstruction policies after the Franco bombings, urban informality, social segregation, housing overpopulation, the massive construction of social and subsidized housing estates and the negation of public space as social and cultural space. Collective activities were prohibited in squares and streets. My father recalled that                                                22 In the municipal elections of 2015, in several cities of Spain (Barcelona, Madrid, Cadiz, A Coruña, Valencia, Zaragoza, …) progressive grassroots coalitions without previous representation in local governments gained the elections and have tried to change the old way of doing politics of previous political parties.  99 when he walked in the street he was afraid to stop to greet a neighbour or sit on a bench in case the police of the regime would interrogate him or threaten to take him to the police barracks. It was during this period that the regime also prohibited and persecuted Catalan language and culture23.  In the 1950s to 1960s, Catalonia received around 400,000 immigrants from other parts of Spain, mostly Extremadura and Andalusia. Migrants fled extreme poverty and hunger in the rural south of Spain, searching for better economic opportunities in the industrialized Catalonia. Entire families, like my father’s and my mothers’ families, arrived to cities in the region eager to find jobs and start a new life. Half of these migrants settled in Barcelona, increasing Barcelona’s area population to 2 million in the early 1970s. In the 1950s, with the celebration of the Eucharistic Congress in Barcelona, the Franco regime decided to give Barcelona a face-lift and started to build “social” housing and eliminate marginal neighbourhoods (although most marginal neighbourhoods were maintained until the 1970s)24 as a response to the drastic housing shortage resulting from the migration wave (de Solà-Morales 2008).  Between the mid 1950s and the early 1970s, more than 900 hectares of social and subsidized housing emerged. This housing was developed in vertical forms, building massive high-rise housing estates (polígonos de vivienda) as well as lower buildings in popular and working-class neighbourhoods and peripheral cities. Most housing estates were poor quality, lacked essential infrastructures, facilities and social services, above all those that were developed by private developers. But the social housing built for the supporters of the Franco regime was of better quality in its interiors and access to public space. Many of these housing estates had between 15,000 and 20,000 housing units occupied by 60,000 to 80,000 inhabitants. These low-cost housing estates designed under ‘polygonal’ conception had the goal to                                                23 The use of the Catalan language has been prohibited in different periods of the Spanish history, since the early 18th century with the invasion of Catalonia by the troops of Felipe V. The persecution of Catalan has been used as a tool to silence and erase the Catalan culture and identity, and to create a unified imperial and colonial Spanish identity through the use of a single language. 24 Even before the Civil War, the Falange, the political party of Francisco Franco and its union, “Obra del Hogar Nacional Sindicalista” promised to develop housing policies that will allow the working class to access “happy, modern and hygienic homes”. But in practice, the economic autarchy, social control and the lack of human and technical resources marked the social housing policies under the dictatorship (López Díaz 2002).   100 maximize the number of homes built per hectare and to minimize costs by using  low quality materials. Housing estates covering between 20 and 40 hectares were common, and some such as Bellvitge reached 91.6 hectares. Densities varied greatly, ranging from 60 to 320 apartments per hectare (de Solà-Morales 2008). The development efforts focused on building housing complexes, but forgot public spaces. For years, the streets of these new neighbourhoods were unpaved, some of them functioned literally like creeks, and there were no public spaces, squares or facilities that supported life in these estates. “Whereas the Eixample was constructed over the course of a century, the mass housing estates were built all at once.” (de Solà-Morales 2008, 472) The mass housing estates were articulated in numerous partial operations, with different projects and different designers, as a mosaic of scattered fragments, from the Llobregat to the Besòs River and from the seafront to the Collserola mountain (de Solà-Morales 2008). Of interest to this dissertation is the Bellvitge estate (1969), the neighbourhood where the research site of Bellvitge Hospital is located. It is the largest housing estate in the entire metropolitan area (Figure 16) with a population of more than 50,000 (de Solà-Morales 2008). In contrast, the Sant Ildefons estate (1960), one of the neighborhoods where some co-researchers live, is half the size of Bellvitge (Figure 17). Architect Manuel de Solà-Morales (2008) argues that Bellvitge estate was developed without any orientation criteria, without leaving enough distance between blocks, and without thinking about the road layout or the basic services for residents However, more recent critiques of this neighbourhood argue that Bellvitge estate is of better quality than other estates in the region (Hormias and Bestraten 2015). One of the more significant values is that the project incorporated in the buildings, spaces for “production” (retail, services and office space): 1,140 units of 50m2, representing 10% of the land. In addition, Bellvitge neighbourhood has more open and public space than other estates of the period. At the beginning these spaces were not urbanized nor asphalted, and there was a lack of public facilities and access to public transportation. However, in the 1980s a process of urban improvement began dignifying public spaces, squares, parks and avenues and increasing the health, administrative, cultural, sport, transportation and university facilities, which makes Bellvitge today a well-connected, equipped and endowed neighbourhood (Hormias and Bestraten 2015). However, this FPAR will argue that it is well-connected through public transportation with the city of Barcelona, but not with the rest of neighboring cities.    101 Figure 16: Image of Bellvitge’s housing estates  Source: Author’s picture   Figure 17: Image of Sant Ildefons’ housing estates  Source: Archive of newspaper “La Premsa del Baix”, retrieved May 25, 2019   By the end of the Franco dictatorship, in the mid 1970s, social mobilizations started to demand better infrastructures, facilities, public spaces and services in popular  102 neighbourhoods. Neighbourhood associations25 under the umbrella of Barcelona’s Federation of Neighbourhood Associations (FAVB for its Catalan acronym) opposed official urban planning and had a key role in demanding municipal elections in 1979 to restore democracy. These associations worked closely with architects and planners affiliated to the University to design alternative plans (planes populares) in some BMA neighbourhoods. This neighbourhood grassroots activism has been central to Barcelona’s urban political and contemporary history, and has influenced local planning policies.  4.2.2. From the transition period to the Olympic Games (1977-1992):  After Franco’s death in 1975, the new regime known as the Transition to Democracy began. From the beginning of the Transition in 1977 to the 1992 Olympic Games, the city saw intense transformations, particularly in the 1980s and early 1990s. These transformations were designed from a people-centered and redistributive urban planning model (Borja 2003). The general strategy was to complete the form of the city, and solve its deficiencies: build infrastructure in large empty lots that previously had other uses (e.g. train stations and lines, industrial buildings, etc.), create new public spaces, and improve the rail system (Montaner 2003). Even though some of the interventions were questioned (housing improvement was not included) and brought unexpected results, the transformations developed under a coherent strategy that sought territorial equilibrium through a redistributive approach, integrating partial interventions within an overall project for the whole city (Montaner and Muxí Martínez 2002).  The most important interventions were: (1) the regeneration of the Old City urban center with the goal of avoiding gentrification and maintaining social networks; (2) the inclusion of neighbours in urban transformation projects through a more participatory urban planning approach; (3) the creation of more than one hundred new public spaces and facilities distributed across the city to foster social and cultural integration; (4) the improvement of public transportation infrastructures (extension of the subway and better connections by train with the periphery), especially private transportation infrastructures with the construction of Barcelona’s beltways (rondas); (5) the creation of new centralities outside the city center, four                                                25 Neighborhood associations were authorized by the Franco regime in 1964, disguised under supposed parents associations, and later they will become the root of political movements in the 1970s  103 new Olympic areas and development of special plans in neighborhoods in the periphery that led, for example, to opening the beach front to the city neighbors;  (Garcia-Ramon and Albet 2000, 1332; Montaner and Muxí Martínez 2002). In fact, the four major interventions conducted for the 1992 Olympics were located in the 4 corners of Barcelona’s “square”: Montjuïc, Vila Olímpica, Vall d’Hebron and Diagonal (Montaner 2003)  These transformations resulted from a combination of social and political factors. First, the public leadership of Barcelona City Council in the design and management of urban transformation projects, under the Catalan Socialist Party PSC and the charismatic Mayor Pasqual Maragall (who would become President of the Generalitat de Catalunya in 2003). As geographers Dolores Garcia-Ramon and Abel Albet (2000) argue, few planning interventions of this calibre have developed through a public initiative. Second, the city of Barcelona managed such transformation, despite severe financial constraints, by developing “multiple, small-scale, and inexpensive interventions in public spaces in popular, mainly working-class neighbourhoods that enlarged the social support on which to build more ambitious projects” (Garcia-Ramon and Albet 2000, 1333). At that time, private capital was not interested enough in these transformations because the prospective profits seemed not significant enough. Third, these interventions were also feasible due to the support of a strong civil society represented by the neighbourhood movement (FAVB among them) and active sections of intellectuals, artists and professionals (Borja 2003; Garcia-Ramon and Albet 2000). Finally, the 1992 Olympics event was a galvanizing moment in making it easy for the city to involve public administrations at the regional and national level to fund projects.  The Barcelona Olympic experience might seem like a contrast with the displacement policies of marginalized communities that characterize the majority of urban interventions pre Olympics in other cities. But, As Dolores Garcia-Ramon states:  “… the Barcelona experience shows that planning and urban management, based on interventions in public spaces to introduce elements of urban quality and social dignity and to promote values of tolerance, solidarity, and a sense of belonging to the city and to the community, can be successful” (Garcia-Ramon and Albet 2000, 1334).   104 The Olympic Games planning operations were also valued for their positive results because they closed the dark period marked by Franco’s dictatorship and the process was free from corruption scandals and without running huge public debts (Garcia-Ramon and Albet 2000).  In addition, all these transformations were brought under the general framework of the Metropolitan General Plan approved in 1976 (Borja 2003; Garcia-Ramon and Albet 2000, 1332; Montaner and Muxí Martínez 2002). In the 1970s and 1980s, the city would lose population who moved to the periphery of the city and the metropolitan area (1970s and 1980s). The political transition period to democracy was a good opportunity to implement policies at the metropolitan level. The quantity and quality of the urban planning and architecture projects developed in this period quickly gained worldwide recognition and admiration. The urban planning team that took leadership in Barcelona’s transformation were propelled onto the world stage and positioned themselves in well-known planning and architectural institutions26. The approach adopted in Barcelona during the preparation of the 1992 Olympic Games became known as the Barcelona Model (Montaner and Muxí Martínez 2002).  While there were clear elements of success in Barcelona’s transformation, there are emerging and persistent critiques of the Barcelona Model. This model stands out for the adaptation of planning to the local reality, where the participation, territorial re-equilibrium, and quality of new spaces and buildings were considered exemplars of good planning (Montaner and Muxí Martínez 2002). However, many critics agree that this was not a model to export, due to the contextual, historical and political characteristics already summarized. 4.2.3. Period of 2000-2015 In the period following the Olympics, and with the arrival of the new millennium, the City, supported by establishment architects, saw the possibility of exporting the Barcelona Model. However, as Josep Maria Montaner and Zaida Muxí Martínez argue:                                                26 For example, Joan Busquets was offered a full-time faculty position at Harvard’s Graduate School of Design, Josep Anton Acebillo joined the faculty of architecture at the Università de la Svizzeria in Switzerland and Jordi Borja became a consultant to Latin American cities eager to replicate Barcelona’s success.  105 “… the evolution of the model after the Olympics, and above all in the first decade of the 2000s cannot be considered anymore the Barcelona model, but an imported and imposed model product of the globalization: invitation to architects of the star system to supposedly guarantee the architectural quality; fragmentation and segregation of projects that foster the arrival of international investment real estate operators and the urban scission; politically correct discourses of public space and sustainability that mask any questioning of the neoliberal model.” (Montaner and Muxí Martínez 2002) The population of the city of Barcelona was 1.5 million in 2000, and increased to 1.6 million in 2005 due to foreign migration (15% of the total population, being South Americans the largest group of migrants, 40%, followed by EU migrants, 20%). Due to public policies implemented in the first decades of democracy, Barcelona had reduced its inequality gap; there was a mix of population in the different city districts, despite some contrasts between the richest (Sarrià-Sant Gervasi) and poorest districts (Nou Barris) (Borja 2010). However, inequalities increased in the 2000s period, a product of the neoliberal development model promoted by the city and the 2008-2013 economic crisis that hit the country, and from which the region is still slowly recovering.  The main planning project during this period was the Forum of Cultures 2004, an international event Mayor Joan Clos invented and linked to an urban neoliberal development strategy. Detractors argued that Barcelona stopped learning and reinventing itself from its own tradition and urban cultures and began to import North American urban planning models (Montaner and Muxí Martínez 2002). The urban planning interventions developed after 1997 followed globalization trends and responded to global neoliberal and capitalist interests: building new areas for private interests, incorporating shopping malls into new developments, bringing famous architects of the star system (predominantly male architects often seen as celebrities, idols and associated with avant-guardist novelty) to brand the city and favouring the interventions of large international real estate companies and the urban divide (Montaner 2003). Private real estate operations without any tradition in the city were justified: gated residential neighborhoods such as Diagonal Mar, shopping malls, and infrastructures of fast mobility that benefited particularly the upper class (highways, the high speed train and new  106 airport) (Montaner 2003). Some argue that this operation led the city to become “a chic city for affluent elites” (Garcia-Ramon and Albet 2000, 1333). The socialist government (more social democrats than real socialists) supported the imported neoliberal models of urban planning from 1997 to 2015 under Mayor Joan Clos (later Executive Director of UN Habitat 2010-2017) and Jordi Hereu, and later by conservative nationalist party CiU (Convergència i Unió) under Mayor Xavier Trias (the Mayor of the elites). Despite being two different political parties, there was continuity in their urban planning policies because they both have embraced neoliberal logics. In a recent publication, Valdivia and I argue: “They had very similar approaches to urban policies in their political programs, responding to the pressures of lobbies such as the hotel guild and the Port public-private consortium, and ignored the needs of community residents, above all in the city center neighbourhoods.” (Valdivia and Ortiz Escalante 2018)  For example, it was during this period, in 2006 and under Mayor Joan Clos (PSC), that the municipal government approved a city bylaw “The Civic Ordinance” (Ordenança del Civisme), the first in the country that punished sex workers and their clients with administrative fines in the public space. In 2012, Mayor Trias (CiU) confirmed the commitment to persecute this practice in the city. This ordinance increased the precariousness of sex workers, above all migrant sex workers, whose use of the public space has been restricted by constant police persecution.   The urban planning policies of these governments fostered gentrification and touristification dynamics in the city. During this period, central parts of the city began catering more and more to visitors and tourists, gaining elements that resembled a theme park. This started a severe process of touristification: increasing the number of permits to build new hotels, opening the door to tourist flats licenses, expanding the port for the arrival of cruises27 and mass tourism, converting the local commercial model to an open street-level shopping mall                                                27 The port is jurisdiction of the Spanish government, but the Barcelona and Catalan government of the time did not oppose this expansion.   107 and displacing residents who moved to other parts of the city. Since 2005, the number of tourists who visit the city has increased 78% from 4.2 million tourists in 2005 to 7.5 million registered in 201728.  During this period, most municipal investments were made in Barcelona’s Northwest neighbourhoods where wealthy neighbourhoods are located, and cut investment and improvement plans in the low-income neighbourhoods of the city’s Northeast (with high concentration of non-EU migrant population), aggravating the situation in these areas that were deeply affected by the economic crisis. Barcelona has become the place where tourists can accomplish the “Spanish dream” and do in the street what they are not allowed in their home countries: drink alcohol in public, or walk the streets in a swimsuit or almost naked. These periods saw: “…open doors without conditions to international real estate investment funds and touristification lobbies (hotel guilds, vacation rental platforms, AirBnB), and multinational retail chains, all of which damaged the social fabric of neighborhoods by displacing local long-time residents and local retail stores, increasing housing and job insecurity and exploitation, fracturing people’s everyday life, and eliminating neighborhood physical support of care and mutual support networks” (Valdivia and Ortiz Escalante 2018) The economic crisis of 2008 was a turning point because it exacerbated the city’s problems of inequality and reliance on the tourism economy. These problems specifically relate to the housing and mortgage crisis. However, local politicians and the private sector used the crisis to advance a corporate city model of development that privileged tourism and a ‘smart city’ strategy as a response to the economic recession. Above all, under CiU, many public services and facilities were privatized, creating the worst period for local residents, especially the poor and marginalized sectors29. The city government embraced a ‘smart city’ model for urban development under the claim of connecting people in the city. However, it focused on                                                28 Department of Statistic. City of Barcelona, retrieved May 25, 2019  29 The regional government of Catalonia, ruled also by the same political party, supported these privatizations and social services cuts that were conducted across the region.  108 the control and surveillance of people through CCTV, and other tracking technologies that benefited smart city private sector business (Valdivia and Ortiz Escalante 2018). Under this period, the city also implemented a model of “preventive” urban planning, using CPTED (Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design) criteria, and focused on reducing the quality of public spaces, eliminating benches and any possibility of encounter, stay, rest and socialization in central streets and squares. These policies reduced the quality of neighbors’ life; the city center was branded for mass tourism, and the popular neighborhoods of the periphery were forgotten and left without any public investment for four years.  In response to the economic recession and social crisis, in the Spring of 2011, people took to the streets, and the Indignados movement occupied public spaces and squares of major cities throughout the country, particularly Madrid and Barcelona.30 Different social movements demanded reforms in the political system to address the adverse impacts of the privatization of housing, health, education, and social services. Among these movements, the Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca - PAH31 (Platform of People Affected by Mortgage Loans) created in February 2009, gained popularity and visibility. The president of the PAH at that time, Ada Colau, gained popularity and decided to lead a grassroots-supported candidacy for Mayor in Barcelona’s 2015 municipal elections.   4.2.4. Barcelona under Mayor Ada Colau (2015 to the present)  With far less resources than traditional establishment political parties and breaking all expectations, Ada Colau and her candidacy Barcelona En Comú (Barcelona in Common) won the municipal elections in May 2015. As the first woman mayor in the history of Barcelona, in the last four years, Mayor Colau’s government has promoted social and political changes the city has never seen before.                                                 30 This movement was later called the “Occupy movement” in North America, but activism in Spain pre-dated activism in North-America. Activism in Spain was inspired by the Spring Revolution in the Middle East. 31 The PAH is a grassroots organization comprised of those affected by foreclosures and evictions that take direct action to stop evictions and campaigns for housing rights. Since their creation, they have stopped more than 1,600 evictions, rehoused 2,500 people, and renegotiated hundreds of mortgage payments. retrieved May 25, 2019  109 A self-declared feminist, and openly bisexual, Mayor Ada Colau has aimed to reverse the neoliberal strategies that were ruling the city: touristification32, gentrification, increasing poverty and social inequalities, and in general, neoliberal private initiatives that historically concentrated power and resources in few hands in the city. In contrast, her government’s policies have focused on the “common good” and on increasing transparency and the mechanisms of neighbours’ participation, focusing on returning the city to its residents. The city has promoted progressive policies in terms of housing, urban planning, mobility, social and environmental justice and city management. Currently the city government is working on: - The implementation of the Gender Justice Plan that incorporates an intersectional feminist perspective in all municipal policies including urban planning, mobility and safety.  - A Tourism Plan that for the first time in the history of the city aims to manage tourism in a sustainable way and has limited tourist apartment licensing and stopped the construction of new hotels in the city. - A Mobility Plan that aims to reduce car use and pollution for motor vehicles, and promote active and sustainable modes of transport, for example, through the construction of 150 km of bike paths, and the creation of two Superilles (pedestrian superblocks). - A plan to re-municipalize utilities by creating its own municipal electricity company and prioritizing the re-municipalization of the water company currently managed by the Suez company group. - A Housing Plan to increase social housing, affordability and diversify the type of tenancies by promoting cooperative housing. Under this plan, the city council has recently approved a policy that mandates new housing constructions to reserve 30% of units to social housing;                                                 32 In 2017, a city survey on municipal services revealed that Barcelona residents’ first preoccupation was the increasing affluence of tourists in the city and their impact on housing, public space and transportation use., retrieved May 25, 2019  110 - The expansion of public services with the creation of 10 new municipal daycares, 13 primary and secondary public schools, and the opening of a municipal funeral service company.  All this is occurring in a context where the city is trying to promote an alternative economic model, challenging the predatory neoliberal system that has ruled the city in previous decades, and promoting and supporting the social and solidarity economy of the city, which currently represents 7% of Barcelona’s GDP and more than 4,700 economic initiatives. Grassroots social movements are vigilant and continue pressuring the current government, even though Ada Colau’s party has been ruling as a minority government and constantly receiving criticisms by a privileged and predominantly white heterosexist opposition. One major criticism is that the current government has not abolished the “Civic Ordinance” that was approved in 2006 and sex workers collectives have continued reporting persecution by the local police. Being part of one of the solidarity economic initiatives, Col·lectiu Punt 6 is collaborating with the city in developing urban planning processes from a feminist perspective. Through the collective, I have been able to learn from the inside how the city hall works. Although as an organization, we agree that the changes the current government is implementing are progressive in terms of social justice, we take a critical position towards the implementation of some policies. But at the same time, we recognize that most government initiatives are constantly battling against homogenous and powerful capitalist and patriarchal structures. The elites in the city, linked to the hotel guild, Catalan banks, insurance companies, real estate and other powerful multinational corporations, have seen their power jeopardized and they have constantly campaigned against Ada Colau’s government.  There will be municipal elections again in May 2019, and both fascist groups and conservative national parties are choosing populist and media personalities as candidates for the municipal elections. The candidacy that would represent the biggest loss for the city’s progressive gains is the nearly-fascist anti-Catalan political party Ciutadans. They have chosen Manuel Valls, former Prime Minister of France, as their candidate for Mayor. Future election results will definitely have serious consequences for the city. A continuity of Ada Colau’s government or a coalition between her candidacy and other progressive parties can lead to consolidation of the social programs the city has started to implement. In contrast, the  111 potential victory of a fascist candidate can take the city back to the past, which is deeply disturbing for those who believe in the fundamentals of social justice, and in particular for women, LGBTQ2+ and migrants due to their misogynist, racist and homophobic agenda33. 4.3 The Barcelona Metropolitan Area (BMA) In contrast with the long history of the city of Barcelona, the BMA only has 45 years of history. As previously mentioned, the Metropolitan Corporation was created in 1974 as the supra-municipal entity in charge to administrate the 26 municipalities that were part of the Metropolitan Municipal Entity of Barcelona34. In its beginning, the metropolitan corporation had the responsibility to manage and develop the Metropolitan Plan approved in 1976. The political transition period to democracy was a good start to implement local and integral policies at the metropolitan level.  Since then, there had been no metropolitan government structure. There were only different agencies that managed and regulated water, solid waste, transportation, and other metropolitan infrastructures. The nationalist conservative Government of Catalonia under CiU’s President Jordi Pujol, who stayed in power for 25 years after the restoration of democracy, opposed efforts to create a metropolitan entity or government. The demand to create a metropolitan government came from progressive sectors that knew that a metropolitan institution would benefit neighborhoods and cities in the periphery, composed mostly of migrants and working class, and promote social mix and wealth redistribution. This is why Pujol’s government, whose interests aligned with the bourgeois and Catalan elites,                                                33 As I write the final parts of this dissertation, right-wing party PP and fascist party Ciudadanos have built a coalition in Andalusia to control the regional Parliament, with the support of VOX (a Nazi, fascist, racist, misogynist homophobic party, followers of KKK). VOX gave their essential support for the creation of this government in exchange of changing the application of the Spanish Law of Prevention of Violence Against Women, that they consider discriminatory against men. They openly want to persecute the “gender ideology” and the feminist movement. The rise of VOX is of major concern in Spain and in Europe, because until now, Spain had not had an extreme right and openly racist party. Spain is no longer the European exception in this regard.   34 The 26 municipalities were: Badalona, Barcelona, Cerdanyola del Vallès, Castelldefels, Cornellà de Llobregat, Esplugues de Llobregat, Gavà, L'Hospitalet de Llobregat, Molins de Rei, Montcada i Reixac, Montgat, Pallejà, El Papiol, El Prat de Llobregat, Ripollet, Sant Adrià de Besòs, Sant Boi de Llobregat, Sant Climent de Llobregat, Sant Cugat del Vallès, Sant Feliu de Llobregat, Sant Joan Despí, Sant Just Desvern, Santa Coloma de Cervelló, Santa Coloma de Gramenet, Sant Vicenç dels Horts, Tiana i Viladecans.  112 was not interested in a metropolitan government structure. As a consequence, the Government of Catalonia (Generalitat de Catalunya) dissolved the Metropolitan Corporation in 1987, and since then until 2011, there has not been any entity, planning institution or government body that effectively managed the territory as a whole (Borja 2010).  Barcelona’s geographer Jordi Borja had tirelessly argued that the metropolitan city is a multi-municipal city that deserves to have its own government structure (through direct or indirect election) to share common forms among municipalities to build the metropolitan city in the service of people. He argues that the BMA can follow models that already exist in other metropolitan areas of the world, such as the Greater London Council, Montreal and Toronto. For him, not having this structure represents a democratic deficit that contributes to the lack of transparency and redistribution (Borja 2010). Just a few years ago, in 2011, after 8 years of a progressive three-party coalition that ruled the Generalitat de Catalunya, the BMA was constituted as a distinct public administration unit (Law 31/2010 approved by the Catalan Parliament on July 21, 2011). Before then, three metropolitan entities composed the BMA: the BMA Commonwealth of Municipalities, the Environmental Entity and the Transportation Metropolitan Entity. The establishment of this metropolitan administration intensifies the level of institutionalization and creates a metropolitan government with its own competencies: transportation and mobility, water management, and environmental and waste management. In addition, this new administration strengthens the government’s urban and regional planning competences.  Under the current context of progressive municipalism in the metropolitan area, there are debates to expand the competences of the BMA and expand its capacity to regulate housing policies. In particular, the city of Barcelona and the BMA are advocating to create a public-private housing agency (Metròpolis Habitatge- Housing Metropolis) with the goal to build more affordable rental housing (Antón-Alonso and Porcel 2017). 4.4 Transportation planning in the Barcelona Metropolitan Area  This might be surprising for audiences of more car-dependent societies, but, the history of Barcelona’s mobility infrastructures reflects that pedestrian mobility has little importance in the different historic periods of the region. Today, car and motorcycle infrastructure still  113 occupies 70% of Barcelona’s public space, even though this mode represents only 28,5% of metropolitan mobility and it is predominantly used by men (EMEF 2016). The car became the hegemonic transportation by the 1960s, due to  quality of life improvement, the construction of the access highways between 1958 and 1978, and the adoption of the American model linked to construction policies that promoted private transportation (de Solà-Morales 2008; Miralles-Guasch 1998).  According to transportation geographer, Carme Miralles-Guasch, the street as the space for pedestrians was designed in two historic periods. The first came in the reform of the old city when it became necessary to redo the medieval road layout in the 18th century; the second, with the expansion of the Eixample in the 19th century when streets were intended to include different transportation modes: from the train to pedestrians. However, between the mid 19th century and the end of the 20th century, transportation policies ignored pedestrians as part of the mobility system. It was not until the 1980s that public space was reconsidered as part of a global strategy to revitalize the central space of the city. Throughout the 20th century, private motorized transportation was consolidated in the city, with the exception of the historic old city where other modes of transportation were promoted (e.g., walking, cycling and public transportation) (Miralles-Guasch 1998). Despite car dependency, collective transportation infrastructures were already present in the city since the 19th century. In its origins, from 1860 to 1940, transportation was privately managed. First, horse-drawn trams (1872), followed by steam-operated trams (1877) and electric trams (early 1900s) constituted the main collective mode of transportation in the city. The first suburban rail service began in 1863, connecting the town of Sarrià with the city center. Two funicular lines, Tibidabo and Vallvidrera, opened in the early 1900s, the second one connecting the Collserola mountain with the Sarrià suburban train line, and one in 1928 connecting the mountain of Montjuïc with the town of Sants. The first metro line opened in 1924 running from Lesseps in the town of Gràcia to the center of the city, Plaça Catalunya. Buses were introduced in 1906. In its beginning, though, trams dominated collective transportation services until the 1950s.  The metro system was initiated under President Josep Puig-i-Cadafalch, an architect and planner turned politician and President of Catalonia from 1917 to 1924. In the 1920s, the city  114 had the vision to begin to create a subway system like the larger cities of Europe.  Puig-i-Cadafalch was later forced into exile because of his political ideas.  During the construction of the public transportation system, private companies prioritized the center-periphery relationship, privileging the use of private motorized transportation by the bourgeois. This is clear in the first two funicular lines and the first metro line. In consequence, the expansion of collective transportation followed this initial dynamic, building a radial network.  After the Spanish Civil War, the use of private motor vehicles was privileged in the city and public transportation was marginalized. In the 1950s, public transportation stopped generating profits to the private companies and in 1952, the state felt obliged to take over the public transport system, but the Franco regime did not have interest in improving public transportation infrastructures. A harsh press campaign against the tram company and its poor service, aggravated by the electrical restrictions of the time, provoked users’ discontent. This negative atmosphere experienced its worst moment in 1950 with the increase in transportation fees. This detonated a strong popular protest that boycotted the trams in 1951. This situation provoked the beginning of the municipalisation of urban transportation, a process that lasted from 1952 to 1958 with the direct control of public transportation by Barcelona’s City Council (Fundació TMB 2017). It was not until 1987 that the Metropolitan Transportation Entity started to manage public transportation, followed in 2011 by the Barcelona Metropolitan Area agency (Fundació TMB 2017).  Under Franco’s dictatorship, the regime focused on improving public infrastructures for private transportation and disregarded public transportation. It is during this period that the government dismantled the network of trams that had worked for more than 100 years. This happened at the same time that the first Spanish affordable car, SEAT 600, began to be manufactured in 1957. The metro was promoted rather than the tram or the bus, without reviewing the radial network that continued abandoning service provision to the peripheries of the city (Miralles-Guasch 1998).  In the 1960s, the metropolis had exceeded the municipality of Barcelona beyond the Collserola mountains and the two rivers. And the metropolitan transportation system needed to be more coordinated with the regional rail system: Renfe, the Spanish managed  115 commuting rail system, and FGC, the Catalan managed commuting rail system. However, the effort to coordinate the city’s transportation (metro) with the regional system also followed a radial network, since it used the railway infrastructures built by private agents in the second part of the 19th century to connect Catalan industrial cities with the port of Barcelona (Miralles-Guasch 1998). By 1927, most of the railway tracks were laid out, with their terminus at Sants station in Barcelona. This railway layout, established according to the industry specifications, conditioned metropolitan residential development, and began to connect the city with the periphery, such as L’Hospitalet. Cornellà, Sant Joan Despí, Sant Feliu de Llobregat, Molins de Rei. Thus, the course of the railway and the existence of small stations in places of secondary geographical importance was an important factor in the development of suburban neighbourhoods, towns and cities around Barcelona, a fragmented development that lacked general urban structure (de Solà-Morales 2008).  Still today, the regional and metropolitan railway system has a radial structure and this structure has not been modified. However, the railway system continues having a key role in the organization of urban and metropolitan mobility: reinforcing centrality, connecting the different peripheries with the centre of the city, as an alternative to private transportation, and avoiding the environmental degradation of the centre of the city (Miralles-Guasch 1998).  Figure 18: Map of rail systems: Renfe and FGC   Source: Renfe (Commuter rail system), retrieved May 25, 2019  116 The new metro and bus lines opened in the last decades have tried to balance this radial structure and improved the connections among the peripheral neighborhoods and cities. Many connections within the metropolitan area still pass through Barcelona’s city center, which makes the periphery well connected with the center but it increases commute time when people commute between cities of the periphery. As we will see in the following chapters, this layout has a negative impact for women nightshift workers, who face longer and unsafe commutes. In the 1990s, public transportation infrastructure plans did not address the growing public investment needs. With the restitution of democracy and the Olympics urban planning strategy, the city and the region missed the opportunity to invest and improve public transportation infrastructures. Instead, private transportation had priority, with the construction of Barcelona’s beltways, road junctions, new highways and car facilities. Although these  were also necessary,  they mainly benefited private motor vehicle owners as these were built without comparable investments in public transportation (Garcia-Ramon and Albet 2000; Montaner 2003).  In the 2000s, the housing boom led to building new residential areas outside the first ring of the metropolitan area. This context promoted the creation of low-density residential suburbs linked to higher investment in motorized infrastructures. According to geographer Jordi Borja (2003), this era saw “10 times more investment in motorways infrastructures than on metro and commuter train and 20 times more kilometers in motorways than in public transportation infrastructures.”  This lack of investment in public transportation continued in the urban operation of the Forum 2004. In this period, larger infrastructures, linked to meeting the needs of a particular economic class, were developed: a new airport terminal, the arrival of the high-speed train AVE, and the increase of private vehicle parking areas (Montaner and Muxí Martínez 2002).  The 2000s, despite the unequal investment supporting private transportation infrastructures, was the decade that saw major improvement in the public transportation network. The creation of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority in 1997 and the transportation policies promoted by the three-party progressive coalition that ruled the Generalitat de Catalunya from 2003 to 2010 helped to improve public transportation infrastructures. On one hand, new  117 metro lines were created, connecting marginalized neighborhoods of Barcelona and the peripheral cities; as well as the construction of two new tram lines in 2004 and 2005. One line connected the north of Barcelona’s Diagonal Ave with the Baix Llobregat county, and the second connected the south of Barcelona’s Diagonal Ave with the Barcelonès Nord county on the other side of Besòs river.  It is also in this period that the Generalitat of Catalunya and the Metropolitan Transportation Authority created the Everyday Mobility Inquiry questionnaire (hereafter, EMQ06). In Catalonia, mobility patterns have been studied since the 1970s through the Catalan census. However, the census only recorded the first outbound journey of the day to work or place of study (Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo, and Marquet 2016). In 2006, for the first time, a wide-ranging survey to gather data on the mobility of the Catalan population during workdays and weekends was conducted. This questionnaire was designed by geographer Carme Miralles and it is the first that analysed mobility patterns by sex, age, mode of transportation, type of journey and type of urban-rural area, among other variables (Miralles-Guasch, Martínez Melo, and Marquet 2016) and that collected disaggregated data for the Catalan region. Since then, the region has gathered this type of data annually.  It is through this questionnaire that we know that the main mode of mobility of residents in the BMA is walking (39.7%), followed by public transportation (29.3%) and private motorized vehicle (28.5%); biking represents only 2.3% (EMEF 2017). As mentioned in Chapter 2, this data also talks about women’s sustainable mobility, since they mostly move by foot and using public transportation, while men still rely mostly on private vehicle mobility35. The survey also gathers information about public transportation demand. The metro transit gathers the most annual metropolitan trips (381.5 million trips), followed by the bus system (356.1 million trips), the commuter rail system Renfe (108,2 million trips) and the FGC train system (81,4 million trips) (EMEF 2017).                                                  35 The survey collects information about transportation use on the 24 hours cycle. However, previous studies have not analyzed the night mobility data. And it was not the purpose of this FPAR to exploit this large data set.   118 Finally, it is necessary to mention the current situation in terms of public transportation infrastructures. At the city level, Ada Colau’s government has committed to improve public transportation and pedestrian infrastructures. The previous government began to implement a new orthogonal network of buses in Barcelona to improve the North-South and West-East connections (Figure 19). However, the current government has shown its commitment to improve and promote sustainable transportation infrastructures. The city has targets to reduce traffic, largely driving the high levels of air pollution in the metropolitan area, especially NO2 (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2018). The BMA currently faces dangerous levels of air pollution, considered the main environmental risk for inhabitants that has provoked 659 premature deaths and 1135 illness (preterm birth, stroke, hypertension, low birth weight and respiratory problems). Air quality measurements frequently do not comply with EU and WHO recommended levels (Consorci Sanitari de Barcelona 2017). Planners in Barcelona have pointed to the dangerous concentrations of particulate matter and poor air quality as a reason to implement policies pertaining to public transportation and street pacification. Examples of these policies are the improvement of bike network and increase on numbers of bike paths. Another example is the project to connect the two segments of the trams in the north part of Diagonal and the other in the south part (which the entire opposition unfortunately rejected). Other examples include the calming of transit through the creation of the Superilles (Superblocks) in different districts of the city, and the creation of an economic incentive to cover three years of public transportation for those BMA  residents that unregister their car, among other initiatives.          119 Figure 19: Map of Barcelona’s new orthogonal bus system  Source: Transports Metropolitans de Barcelona (Barcelona Metropolitan Transport), retrieved May 25, 2019    4.5 Gender and the night in Barcelona city planning In the 1990s and 2000s, new legislation and policies started to include a gender perspective36 in urban planning at the Catalan and Spanish level: the Catalan Law for Neighborhood Improvement (Llei 2/2004 de millora de barris, àrees urbanes i viles), the Spanish Equity Law (Ley de Igualdad 3/2007), the Spanish Land Law (Ley del Suelo 2/2008), modifications of the Catalan Urban Planning Law (Text refós de la Llei d’Urbanisme 3/2012) and the Catalan                                                36 In general legislation talks about “a gender perspective” in the titles of these frameworks. Some incorporate in the text an intersectional approach, but not always. Intersectionality is a debate that has been incorporated in feminist organizations and debates, but still has not permeated legislation.  120 Equality Law (Llei Catalana 17/2015 d’igualtat efectiva entre dones i homes)  (see Appendix 2).  This new political framework was pushed forward by international gender mainstreaming policies initiated with UN Women Conference in Beijing in 1995. In the same year, at the European level, the European Charter for Women in the City was drafted. This charter advocated a gender perspective and women’s participation in 5 areas: urban planning and development, mobility, safety, housing and political decision making. This Charter was later ratified at the same time women signed the Charter of Women’s Right to the City of 2004 at the International Forum of Women hosted in Barcelona in 2004. The inspiration behind the ratification were examples of the city of Vienna with a Gender Urban Planning Office created in 1998, and Montreal’s Femmes et Ville program focused on improving women’s safety and everyday life through urban planning. Other inspiring projects in the implementation of women-centered and gender-inclusive urban planning policies was the work of the Red Mujer y Habitat de América Latina (Women and Habitat Latin American network) to improve women’s safety in Latin American cities.  In the specific context of Catalonia, architect Anna Bofill, historian Isabel Segura and Rosa Maria Dumenjó from the Maria Aurèlia Capmany Foundation, initiated in 1996 the project Women and the city with funds of the European Commission. The goal of this project was to address women’s needs and desires through their participation in urban planning37. As a project result, the coordinators published El llibre blanc. Les dones i la Ciutat (year 1996) (The White Book. Women and the City), which compiled policy recommendations to transform Catalan cities. In addition, the project fostered a national and transnational network of advocates on gender issues and the city. Different institutions participated in this network: the cities of Barcelona, Lleida, Reus, Donosti, Arbeit und Leben de Sachsen Anhalt; the province of Barcelona, the county of Garraf, the Catalan Institute of Woman, the Women Council of the Community of Madrid, the VES Emancipatie Bureau Zuid-Holland, the network of Quartiers en Crise, and the network of Educational Cities.                                                37 The category of women was understood as diverse women, and the project included activities with women of different territories (rural, urban, suburban, etc.), ages and migration histories.   121 This project was a milestone in the history of Catalan feminist urban planning, and influenced the policies and legislation that began in the early 2000s. In particular, in 2004, the regional Catalan government enacted the Law of Neighborhood Improvements. The law was approved in a period when Catalonia had a progressive coalition of three parties that unseated the conservative government that had been in power for 25 years. This government advanced gender equity policies in many areas, and one of them was urban and regional planning. The Catalan Neighborhood Improvement legislation was the first in Spain that included a gender perspective in urban planning. The law regulated the projects of rehabilitation that were co-funded 50% by the Generalitat de Catalunya and 50% by each respective city. In order for neighborhoods to receive matching funds, the law establishes social, economic and physical criteria to guide implementation of the rehabilitation projects in old centers, housing estates and marginal suburbs. In particular, it established eight criteria, of which criteria number 6 required gender equity in the use of urban space and facilities. It is through this legislation that several municipalities began to implement a gender perspective in urban planning. Some examples were building facilities for women’s needs (women’s centers), conduct mobility assessments from a gender perspective, or urban planning assessment processes with the active participation of women. In this context, in 2005, a small collective of feminist architects and planners of different origins, led by Zaida Muxí Martínez, started to work under the name of Col·lectiu Punt 6, due to the increasing demands that municipalities had to learn how to apply an intersectional feminist perspective in planning. Point 6 of the neighborhood law inspired the name of the collective, Punt 6- Point 6. I joined this women’s collective in 2009. The Neighborhood Improvement legislation was a precedent for other legislation that started to mandate the inclusion of a gender perspective in urban planning. The Catalan Law of Urban Planning of 2005 (Text refós de la Llei d’Urbanisme Decret Legislatiu 1/2005 de la Llei dels Plans d’Ordenació Urbanística Municipal) requires that Municipal Urban Plans evaluate the gender related impacts of urban planning proposals. The law modified in 2012 stipulated that the Catalan Department of Territorial Policies and Public Works include a gender perspective to guarantee the equal representation of women and men in the collegiate urban planning agencies.  122 A year after the approval of this law, the government of the province of Barcelona in coordination with the Catalan Institute of Women, the Catalan College of Architects and the Superior School of Architecture of Barcelona, organized the first Conference of Gender and Urban Planning. Experts on this area, such as Lisa Horelli, Anne Michaud, Maria Ángeles Durán, Daphne Spain, Anna Bofill, were invited to present the different experiences of implementing a gender perspective in housing, safety, urban planning, mobility, architecture, etc. The conference concluded with the commitment of the different institutions involved to integrate a gender perspective in urban planning policies. The Generalitat de Catalunya incorporated this objective in the Neighborhood law and in a Mobility Decree. The government of the province of Barcelona committed to incorporating this perspective in projects that supported local governments and related to facilities, public spaces and neighborhood improvement. The Catalan College of Architects also committed to work with the rest of organizing members in creating an Observatory of Urban Planning and Gender. The Spanish Equality Law of 2007 and the Spanish Land Legislation of 2008, and the recent Catalan Equality Law of 2015 incorporated a gender perspective in urban planning. The Catalan Equality law mandates that urban planning, housing, mobility and sustainability policies include a gender perspective in all the phases of planning, from design to evaluation, through the participation of women and women’s organizations. In order to accomplish these measures, the public administration has to guarantee the following (1) access to capacity building of political and technical personnel on gender issues; (2) disaggregation of quantitative data by gender; (3) elaboration of gender impact assessments and the definition of corrective measures; (4) application of urban planning policies  to create compact cities with mixed uses and proximity to respond to people’s everyday life; (5)  creation of programs to facilitate women’s access to housing; and (6) mobility policies that give priority to everyday life activities, particularly  those related to the domestic and care work.  In sum, since the 1990s, many frameworks have promoted the inclusion of a gender perspective in urban planning38. However, its application in practise, as often happens, has                                                38 The application of a gender perspective in urban planning might vary depending of the municipality, the staff or the consultancy group involved. From the view of Col·lectiu Punt 6, a feminist urban planning proposes a change of priorities in the current society, placing people’s everyday lives at the center of decisions to transform the inequalities that the neoliberal, capitalist and patriarchal city has  123 not been implemented as fast as the legislation mandates. At the political and technical level in municipalities, and at the education level, in urban planning schools, there is still resistance to implementing this perspective. In contrast, the grassroots feminist movement has pushed this issue since the 1990s, with higher intensity in the last four years (2014 to present), above all, with the support of the progressive municipal environment that exists in the cities governed by the “City Councils of Change”. Under this context, the interest in applying feminist urban planning has increased in these cities. For example, Madrid has aimed to become the “City of Care” and in Barcelona, Mayor Ada Colau declared the government would work towards a Feminist City. It is in this context that, in March 2017, Barcelona City Council approved a Government Measure (the equivalent to a municipal bylaw) to implement an intersectional gender perspective in all urban planning policies, processes and projects. Then in May 2017, the city passed a Government Measure for the Democratization of Care, that acknowledges care work as an essential part of the socioeconomic life and promotes social co-responsibility of care to end the sexual labor division that has historically imposed this unpaid work on women. These new municipal policies have created opportunities to make visible the issues women nightshift workers face and to include the everynight life in the design of urban planning strategies, as I discuss in Chapter 7. Despite efforts in raising awareness of the importance of a gender perspective and legislation that mandates its application, radical societal changes take decades. Working at Col·lectiu Punt 6, I have seen a qualitative and quantitative change. In the beginning, skeptics continually questioned and challenged our work; and it continues to face challenges.                                                reproduced. Feminist urban planning places people’s lives at the center of urban planning decisions, acknowledging people’s diversity and how gender roles have direct impact in the use and right of the city. Putting the everyday life of people at the center means designing cities that privilege and respond to care, domestic and reproductive unpaid work, which is still mostly carried out by women, and claiming that this work should be a social and public responsibility and not exclusively a women’s job. Feminist urban planning works for the transformation of places that give physical support to the development of domestic, care, and community activities. And to guarantee women’s full right