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Language socialization in the post-colonial Korean diaspora in Japan : language ideologies, identities,… Son, Jeonghye 2017

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LANGUAGE SOCIALIZATION IN THE POST-COLONIAL KOREAN DIASPORA IN JAPAN: LANGUAGE IDEOLOGIES, IDENTITIES, AND LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE  by  Jeonghye Son  B.A., Catholic University of Korea, 1998 M.A., Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 2004 M.A., The University of British Columbia, 2008   A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF  THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF   DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY  in   The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies  (Asian Studies)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  (Vancouver)  April 2017   © Jeonghye Son, 2017 ii ABSTRACT  This ethnographic research investigates Korean language socialization within the Korean resident (Zainichi Korean) community in Japan, particularly focusing on the community connected to Chongryun (pro-North Korean organization) schools.  That is, this study seeks to find (1) how Korean children in the community of Chongryun schools are socialized to learn and use Korean and (2) how they are socialized through language to culturally significant values, beliefs, and identities that affect their Korean development.  To this end, I collected data through participant observation in a Chongryun middle school and school-related events, audio and video-recorded family interactions, and interviews with schoolteachers, students, and parents.  The study results show that the younger generation in this community were exposed and socialized into multiple language ideologies that linked the Korean language not only to Korean identity and the space of school, but also to morality (e.g., a good student, patriot), politeness, the status of Chongryun school students, and foreignness/outcast through participating in a variety of interactional practices.  Also, in this study I paid attention to the agency of Chongryun school students and found that their socialization outcomes were partial, selective, and situational.  In other words, not only did they play a part in reproducing and reinforcing the existing ideologies of language and ethnic boundaries (i.e., Japanese vs. Koreans) but they also contributed to redefining the relationship between the Korean language and Korean identity and reorganizing the evaluative order of Korean varieties.  Lastly, I argue that the sociocultural phenomena engendered by globalization (e.g., Korean Wave and power of English) motivated some students to further improve their Korean proficiency on the one hand, but on the other hand, they demotivated others in continuing to study and maintain their Korean abilities in the future.      iii PREFACE  This dissertation is an original intellectual product of the author, Jeonghye Son.  The fieldwork reported from Chapter 4 through Chapter 7 was covered by UBC Ethics Certificate number H09-01452 that was approved under the project title “Colonial and post-colonial fates of Korean: Language, identity and ideology at home and in diaspora.”                   iv TABLE OF CONTENTS   ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................... ii!PREFACE ...................................................................................................................................... iii!TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................... iv!LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................................... x!LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................................... xi!ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................... xii!DEDICATION ............................................................................................................................. xiii!CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 1!1.1 Prologue ................................................................................................................................ 1!1.2 Purposes of the Study............................................................................................................ 2!1.3 Early Studies on Korean Language Education and Maintenance in Japan ........................... 5!1.4 Limitations of Early Studies ................................................................................................. 8!1.5 Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 11!1.6 Theoretical Frameworks ..................................................................................................... 11!1.6.1 Language Socialization ................................................................................................ 12!1.6.2 Language Ideologies .................................................................................................... 13!1.6.3 Identity and Language Learning .................................................................................. 16!1.7 Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 18!1.8 The Term for Koreans in Japan .......................................................................................... 19!1.9 Structure of the Dissertation ............................................................................................... 19!CHAPTER 2 HISTORICAL AND SOCIOPOLITICAL CONTEXTS OF THE STUDY .......... 21!2.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 21!2.2 The Rise of Korean Communities in Japan ........................................................................ 21!2.2.1 Colonial Migration to Japan (1910-1945) .................................................................... 21!2.2.2 Homecoming and Staying Behind in Postwar Japan ................................................... 25!2.3 Zainichi Koreans’ Identity Politics in Postwar Japan ......................................................... 29!2.3.1 Regaining the Status of Korean Nationals ................................................................... 29! v 2.3.2 Korean Ethnic Schools ................................................................................................. 33!2.3.3 Establishment of Chongryun ........................................................................................ 36!2.4 Change and Diversity in Zainichi Korean Community ...................................................... 38!2.4.1 Emergence of New Identity Discourses ....................................................................... 38!2.4.2 Curricular Reform of Chongryun Schools ................................................................... 40!2.4.3 The Ambivalent Status of Zainichi Koreans in the 21st Century ................................ 43!2.5 Summary ............................................................................................................................. 47!CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ........................................................................... 49!3.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 49!3.2 Research Sites ..................................................................................................................... 49!3.2.1 Kansai Korean School .................................................................................................. 49!3.2.2 Hana Korean School .................................................................................................... 51!3.3 Participants .......................................................................................................................... 52!3.3.1 Teachers in Kansai Korean School .............................................................................. 52!3.3.2 Teachers in Hana Korean School ................................................................................. 54!3.3.3 Students in Kansai Korean School ............................................................................... 55!3.3.4 Parents .......................................................................................................................... 57!3.4 Data Collection ................................................................................................................... 60!3.4.1 Participant Observation ................................................................................................ 60!3.4.1.1 Kansai Korean School ........................................................................................... 60!3.4.1.2 Hana Korean School ............................................................................................. 61!3.4.2 Interviews ..................................................................................................................... 62!3.4.2.1 Teachers ................................................................................................................ 62!3.4.2.2 Students ................................................................................................................. 62!3.4.2.3 Parents ................................................................................................................... 63!3.4.3 Family Interaction ........................................................................................................ 63!3.4.4 The Magazine ‘IE (In Succession)’ ............................................................................. 64!3.5 Data Analysis ...................................................................................................................... 64!3.6 Researcher’s Reflexivity ..................................................................................................... 66!CHAPTER 4 KOREAN ETHNIC SCHOOLS  IN PRESENT-DAY JAPAN: TRANSNATIONAL IMAGINED COMMUNITIES AND LANGUAGE IDEOLOGIES ......... 70! vi 4.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 70!4.2 Mindan Schools .................................................................................................................. 71!4.3 Chongryun Schools ............................................................................................................. 74!4.3.1 Educational Goals and Curriculum .............................................................................. 75!4.3.2 Teachers ....................................................................................................................... 79!4.3.3 Ideologies of the Korean Language ............................................................................. 80!4.3.3.1 Learning and Speaking Korean to Become Koreans ............................................ 81!4.3.3.2 Correct Korean for Intra-Ethnic Communication ................................................. 82!4.3.3.3 Language Ideologies in the Magazine ‘IE (In Succession)’ ................................. 86!4.4 Hana Korean School ........................................................................................................... 90!4.4.1 Educational Goals ........................................................................................................ 91!4.4.2 Trilingual Education .................................................................................................... 93!4.4.3 Transfer Students from Chongryun Schools ................................................................ 97!4.5 Summary and Discussion .................................................................................................. 100!CHAPTER 5 LANGUAGE SOCIALIZATION PRACTICES AND LANGUAGE IDEOLOGIES FOR KOREAN EDUCATION AT CHONGRYUN SCHOOLS ...................... 102!5.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 102!5.2 Life as Chongryun School Students .................................................................................. 103!5.2.1 Daily Routines ........................................................................................................... 103!5.2.2 Classroom .................................................................................................................. 105!5.2.3 Korean Language and History Lessons ..................................................................... 106!5.3 Socialization into Speaking Korean .................................................................................. 110!5.3.1 The ‘100% Our Language Movement’: Good vs. Bad Korean Students .................. 110!5.3.2 Responsibility to Enhance Our Superior Language ................................................... 117!5.4 Socialization into Speaking Correct Korean ..................................................................... 124!5.4.1 Corrective Feedback .................................................................................................. 126!5.4.2 Speaking Correct Korean to Become True Koreans .................................................. 133!5.5 Students’ Language Ideologies and Language Use .......................................................... 139!5.5.1 ‘My Language Mode Naturally Changes to Korean’ ................................................ 139!5.5.2 ‘Zainichi Korean is also Korean’ ............................................................................... 142!5.5.3 ‘My Korean Proficiency is Perfect as a Korean’ ....................................................... 147! vii 5.6 Summary and Discussion .................................................................................................. 150!CHAPTER 6 CONSTRUCTING, NEGOTIATING AND RESISTING IDENTITIES ............ 153!6.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 153!6.2 Socialization not to Become Japanese .............................................................................. 155!6.2.1 ‘We’ Speak English Better than ‘the Japanese’ ......................................................... 155!6.2.2 Japan is a Country of ‘Others’ ................................................................................... 157!6.2.3 Our School is Our Hometown .................................................................................... 166!6.3 Socializing to Overseas Nationals of North Korea ........................................................... 174!6.3.1 Our School is not a South Korean School ................................................................. 174!6.3.2 Blurred Boundary between Languages ...................................................................... 184!6.3.2.1 ‘It is a Mixed Language’ ..................................................................................... 184!6.3.2.2 ‘Let’s Listen to Softer, Colloquial Korean’ ........................................................ 188!6.4 Students’ Self-Identification ............................................................................................. 190!6.4.1 Negotiating Identities ................................................................................................. 191!6.4.2. Resisting the School-imposed Identity ..................................................................... 193!6.5 Summary and Discussion .................................................................................................. 198!CHAPTER 7 SCHOOL CHOICE AND LANGUAGE SOCIALIZATION PRACTICES AT HOME AND IN THE COMMUNITY ....................................................................................... 201!7.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 201!7.2 The Yang-Kim Family ...................................................................................................... 202!7.2.1 Family Background .................................................................................................... 202!7.2.2 Motivations for School Choice .................................................................................. 204!7.2.2.1 To Cultivate Koreanness ..................................................................................... 204!7.2.2.2 Struggles for Children’s Future, Identities, and Networks ................................. 209!7.2.3 Home Language Socialization Practices and Language Ideologies .......................... 217!7.2.3.1 Language Use at Home: ‘Because We are Living in Japan’ .............................. 217!7.2.3.2 Korean Language Development and South Korean Pop Culture ....................... 220!7.2.3.3 Summary ............................................................................................................. 223!7.3 The Ch’a-Shin Family ....................................................................................................... 225!7.3.1 Family Background .................................................................................................... 225!7.3.2 Motivations for School Choice .................................................................................. 230! viii 7.3.2.1 Education in a Safe Space ................................................................................... 230!7.3.2.2 Shared Language, Experiences, and Sentiments ................................................. 232!7.3.2.3 Making Adjustment: ‘Sŏdang’ ............................................................................ 235!7.3.3 Home Language Socialization Practices and Language Ideologies .......................... 237!7.3.3.1 Investment in Multilingualism ............................................................................ 237!7.3.3.2 Language Use at Home: ‘It’s the First Generation’s Fault’ ................................ 241!7.3.3.3 Summary ............................................................................................................. 242!7.4 Voices from Other Parents ................................................................................................ 243!7.4.1 Motivations of School Choice ................................................................................... 243!7.4.2 Home Language Socialization Practices .................................................................... 249!7.5 Speaking Korean in the Community ................................................................................. 252!7.5.1 Socializing Politeness through Korean ...................................................................... 252!7.5.2 Korean is an ‘Active-duty’ Student Language ........................................................... 255!7.6 Summary and Discussion .................................................................................................. 257!CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................................. 261!8.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 261!8.2 Language Socialization, Language Ideologies, and Identities at School .......................... 263!8.2.1 Ambivalence in Language Ideologies and Identity Formation .................................. 265!8.3 Students’ Agency: Co-constructing, Negotiating, and Challenging Language Ideologies................................................................................................................................................. 268!8.4 Language Socialization, Language Ideologies, and Language Use Beyond School ........ 270!8.4.1 Power Relations between Languages and Investment in Korean .............................. 273!8.5 A New Resource and Community for Korean Maintenance in Japan .............................. 275!8.6 Limitation of the Study and Future Directions ................................................................. 277!BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 279!APPENDIX A: Classroom Observation Consent Form ............................................................. 298!APPENDIX B: Family Interaction Consent Form ...................................................................... 303!APPENDIX C: Interview Consent Form .................................................................................... 308!APPENDIX D: Sample Interview Questions ............................................................................. 311! ix APPENDIX E: Note of Transcription ......................................................................................... 315!                x LIST OF TABLES  Table 2.1 Annual Conscription of Korean Workers by Industry (1939-1945) ............................. 24!Table 2.2 Annual Number of Returnees to North Korea .............................................................. 29!Table 2.3 The Number of Korean Ethnic Schools in 1948 ........................................................... 34!Table 2.4 Zainichi Koreans’ Multiple Identities ........................................................................... 40!Table 3.1 General Profile of Kansai Korean School Teachers ..................................................... 52!Table 3.2 General Profile of Hana Korean School Teachers ........................................................ 55!Table 3.3 General Profile of Kansai Korean School Students ...................................................... 56!Table 3.4 General Profile of Parent Participants .......................................................................... 58!Table 4.1 Educational Goals of Mindan Schools .......................................................................... 72!Table 4.2 Curriculum of Chongryun Primary and Middle School ............................................... 76!Table 4.3 Curriculum of Chongryun High School ........................................................................ 77!Table 4.4 Curriculum of Hana Korean School ............................................................................. 94!Table 5.1 Timetable of Grade 9 in Kansai Korean School ......................................................... 104!Table 6.1 References to Japan .................................................................................................... 159!Table 6.2 The Lyrics of 'Our School is Our Hometown' ............................................................ 173!Table 6.3 References for North Korea in the Performance ........................................................ 182!Table 6.4 Paraphrased Interview Comments about Identity ....................................................... 196!Table 7.1 The Yang-Kim Family Profile .................................................................................... 204!Table 7.2 The Ch’a-Shin Family Profile ..................................................................................... 229!Table 7.3 Parents' Speeches in the Graduation Ceremony at Kansai Korean School ................ 254!Table 8.1 Socializing into Speaking Korean and Language Ideologies at School ..................... 265!      xi LIST OF FIGURES  Figure 5.1 Layout of Classroom .................................................................................................105 Figure 5.2 Wall Posters that Introduce Primary Students’ Achievement at the School ……….115  Figure 5.3 Posters on a Primary Classroom Window ………………………………………….117  Figure 5.4 Posters of ‘Let’s Correct Awkward Language’ …………………………………….126  Figure 6.1 A Poster about ‘Strong Chosŏn’ and the North Korean Flag at a Soccer Tournament ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 176 Figure 6.2 ‘Our Language Class’ on a Classroom Bulletin Board …………………………….185 Figure 8.1 Multiple Language Ideologies in the Korean Community and Japan ……………...262 Figure 8.2 Opposition Relations between Koreans and Japanese in Classroom Interactions ... 264                               xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study was completed with the support of many people and I would like to take this opportunity to express my deepest gratitude.  First, I am truly grateful to all of the people I met during my fieldwork in Japan.  Particularly, I would like to thank the teachers, students, and parents who participated in my study.  Without their assistance and allowing me into their lives and giving generously with their time to speak with me, it would not have been possible to start and complete this study.  Whenever I had difficulty writing this dissertation, my pleasant memories with them provided me with a strong impetus to continue my progress.  Furthermore, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Professor Noriko Ijichi and Professor Yong-soo Ko for introducing me to the principal of Kansai Korean School and to colleagues and friends who shared their opinions on my research and considered my emotional stress from loneliness and homesickness in Japan, including Kyung-hee, Misa ŏnni, Ki-dong sŏnbae, Kyŏng-jo sŏnbae, Song Ki-chan sŏnsaengnim, and Oum Kang-su sŏnsaengnim.        This dissertation has benefited significantly from the mentorship of my supervisor, Dr. Ross King and my committee, Dr. Patricia Duff and Dr. Hyung-gu Lynn.  I am grateful for their patience, faith in me, and detailed comments on earlier versions of this study.  Also, I would like to thank all of my friends who have supported me throughout the years in the Department of Asian Studies at UBC, including Dafna Zur, Daniel Pieper, Eun-son Kim, Eurie Shin, Jee-yeon Song, Jeong-eun Park, Minami Orihara, Scott Wells, and Si-nae Park.      Lastly, my deepest thanks go to my parents, sister, and brother in South Korea and my husband, Jimmy.  Their unwavering support sustained me in this journey.  Without their encouragement and trust, I could not have complete this dissertation.    xiii DEDICATION         To My Parents, Jae-bong Son and Ji-ae Hwang    1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION  1.1 Prologue  One day in 2003, I sat in a seminar room at the Japanese university where I was enrolled in a master’s program.  The room was packed with undergraduate and graduate students who were working on their theses, as well as five professors who were experts in Korean linguistics and ready to give insightful feedback on the students’ presentations of their research.  The first presenter of the day was a second-generation Korean female who had been educated in Japan in Korean ethnic schools (Chongryun schools) up to the university level and was working in Japan as a Korean language instructor at Chosŏn1 (Korea) University, which falls under the pro-North Korean organization, Chongryun.2  Her research focus was on erroneous patterns of Korean usage by Korean students studying in Chongryun schools.  She started her presentation by narrating the motivations that led to her interest in the research topic.  However, soon her narration unexpectedly became emotional and dramatic.  She lamented that, although many Chongryun school students had long been studying Korean to maintain their Korean identity, their command of Korean was still imperfect.  What is worse, despite her eagerness to teach her students standard and ‘correct’ Korean, her own Korean competence was also flawed and she was continuously passing down ‘broken’ Korean to the                                                 1 For Korean language forms, I follow the McCune-Reischauer Romaniazation for citation in expository prose, and the Yale Rominization for citing of linguistic data.  For Japanese, I use the Hepburn Rominization and underline it.  2 ‘Chongryun’ is the way in which the organization spells their name in English.  I will use it throughout this dissertation.     2 younger generation.  Unable to swallow her feelings, she eventually burst into tears as she wound up her presentation.  As someone who was born and had grown up in an ethnically, racially, and linguistically homogeneous environment up to that time, the experience left a strong impression on me and at the same time raised several questions.  Why do Korean residents in Japan want to learn Korean even though they are living in Japan?  What is wrong with having only Japanese proficiency?  Her Korean proficiency was sufficient and I had no problem understanding her.  In spite of that, why did she feel such shame and self-contempt about her Korean?  My Japanese (my second language, Korean being my first) was also not perfect but I didn’t feel shame about it.  Rather, I felt proud of my bilingual abilities; so why not her?   My current research has been motivated by my personal experience encountering several Korean residents in Japan like the second-generation Korean female mentioned here, and aims to make the experiences and voices of Koreans in Japan, a minority group that has received relatively little attention within the field of language maintenance and shift, heard by people who may have similar questions to mine.                           1.2 Purposes of the Study Since the late 1980s, Japan has witnessed remarkable growth in the number of foreign nationals within its boundaries.  As of 1985, there were approximately 850,000 foreign nationals in Japan (Chung, 2010), but this number has steadily increased to approximately 2.3 million (2,307,388)3 in 2016, representing a little less than 2% of the total population.  Some studies (Aiden, 2011; Chapman, 2008; Chung, 2010; Iwabuchi, 2016) attribute this to the scarcity of domestic labour occasioned by domestic economic prosperity during the 1980s, an increasingly                                                 3 The figure is from the 2016 statistics on registered foreign nationals issued by the Immigration Bureau of Japan.     3 aging population, and a declining birthrate in Japan.  This changing demographic face of Japan has pushed central and local governments to act in response to the increasing population of foreign residents.  The central government has been enacting policies and plans for ‘Multicultural Co-living’ (tabunka kyōsei) since 2006 and local governments have supported their local foreign residents by providing them with information in multiple languages in aid of their initial settlement (Aiden, 2011; Kawabata, 2016; Kim, 2011).  In addition, Japanese classes for foreign students have been established in Japanese public shools (Kanno, 2008; Ueda, 2011) and some universities have opened new departments to educate students who “respect diversity and live together beyond differences” (Ueda, 2011: 41).4   However, in actual fact, the large-scale labor migration into Japan is not a new phenomenon.  About a century ago, prewar Japan also had a similar experience – but at that time, the masses of migrants were Japanese colonial subjects from the expanded territories and not ‘foreigners’ in principle – even now, the first generation of that colonial migration and their descendants constitute a part of the total population in Japan.  This study is about one of the colonial migrant groups – Koreans – and their descendants in Japan, focusing in particular on their efforts to transmit the Korean language to younger generations and maintain it in Japan.5 Following Japanese colonization of Korea (1910-1945), the Korean language was demoted from                                                 4 Several studies have problematized Japan’s concept and policies of ‘Multicultural Co-living.’  Iwabuchi (2016) criticizes the lack of full engagement with multiculturalism at the national level and the central government’s dependence on grassroots activities at the local level.  Flowers (2012), Kawabata (2016), and Kim (2011) critically argue that issues relevant to old-timers (e.g., colonial migrants and their descendants of Korean and Chinese descent), sexual minorities, and those with disabilities are excluded from the multicultural policies.  Furthermore, Ueda (2011) condemns the phenomenon whereby the term ‘Multicultural Co-living’ has been consumed in Japan as a mere cliché and hollow catchphrase without clear definition, while Hatano (2011) asserts that multicultural policies and practices in present-day Japan are designed to meet the demands and imaginations of the majority group (i.e., the Japanese) rather than those of minority groups.                   5 Besides foreign residents, indigenous peoples of Japan such as the Ainu and the Ryukyuans also contribute to the nation’s ethnic, cultural, and linguistic diversity.  For indigenous language education and policy in Japan, see Gottlieb (2008) and Maher (1997).       4 ‘national language’ in Korea to simply a regional language, and the imperial language, Japanese, replaced it as the national language in Korea (King, 2007).6  As a result, the medium of instruction in schools in Korea became Japanese and students who spoke Korean at school were fined or punished (Cho, 1997; Ch’oe, 1997; Hŏ, 2004).  From the late 1930s, not only at school but also in households and workplaces, speaking Japanese was strongly encouraged, and families and workers who used Japanese well were given attractive benefits (e.g., wage increases, employment) (Ch’oe, 1995).  Similarly, for Korean children who wanted to receive an education in Japan, there was no choice but to attend Japanese schools.  At the school, it was forbidden to provide them with ethnic education (Ozawa, 1999).7  It was from 1945 when Korea was liberated from Japan’s colonial rule that Koreans in Japan began to establish Korean ethnic schools in earnest.  In order to de-Japanize Japan-born Korean children and cultivate a Korean identity for ethnic Koreans as a liberated people, these schools taught Korean history, language, and culture – subject that had been suppressed under the policies of Imperial Japan.  Such schools continue to exist in Japan today and provide Japan-born Korean children with alternative schooling to Japanese mainstream schools and play an important role in passing on the Korean language to them.  This study aims to examine the processes of Korean language socialization within a Korean community specifically connected to the Korean ethnic schools (Chosŏn hakkyo in Korean and Chōsen gakkō in Japanese) run by Chongryun, a pro-North Korean organization (hereafter, Chongryun schools).  In other words, I focus on (1) how Chongryun school students are socialized to (or not to) learn and use Korean in schools, households, and communities and (2)                                                 6 In the Japanese Empire, Japanese (kokugo = ‘national language’) was considered as encapsulating the essence of the Japanese and as essential for Koreans to know in order to become Imperial Subjects and have equal status with the Japanese (Cho, 1997; Lee, 2006).   7 According to Ozawa (1999), there were some secret after-school classes that Korean children could attend to learn the Korean language privately.      5 how they are socialized through language into language ideologies (people’s perceived values and beliefs about language) and identities that affect their Korean language development.  This study adopts the view that the ways in which individuals understand a certain language or language variety and define themselves in relation to others organize and constrain their everyday communicative practices and language learning (e.g., Canagarajah, 2008; Garrett, 2012; Kulick, 1992; [Norton] Peirce, 1995; Paugh, 2012).     1.3 Early Studies on Korean Language Education and Maintenance in Japan  Research on Korean language education and maintenance within the Korean community in Japan tends to fall into three different strands: (1) linguistic characteristics of the local Korean variety, (2) historical development of Korean ethnic schools, and (3) individual Koreans’ perceptions of the Korean language and their everyday language use.   Works included in the first category are Itō (1989, 1997), Kim Chŏng-ja (2002), Kim Mi-sŏn (2002), Son (2008), and Tsukamoto and Kim (1992).  Kim Chŏng-ja (2002), Kim Mi-sŏn (2002), and Tsukamoto and Kim (1992) examined the phenomenon of code switching between Korean and Japanese in conversations of first-generation Korean immigrants to Japan, and identified their Korean as a pidgin-like language.  The studies of Itō (1989, 1997) and Son (2008) looked into the characteristics of the Korean language spoken in the Chongryun community.  As a result, Itō found that the local Korean variety in the Chongryun community was characterized by significant influence from Japanese, and Son (2008) argues that their Korean was not only significantly interfered with by Japanese, but was also comprised of linguistic features from both the North Korean standard and regional dialects of South Korea.   The social anthropological research of Kim (1994) and Ryang (1997) also briefly touches on the attributes of the Korean language spoken and taught in Chongryun schools.  According to  6 them, Chongryun school teachers’ and students’ Korean speech was marked by bookish Korean that was dominated by formal~deferential verb endings such as -(su)pnita and -(su)pnikka.  In addition, they pointed out the lack of everyday vocabulary and expressions in this variety, resulting from the schools’ concentration on teaching North Korean political ideologies to students.  Other research has focused on documenting the historical development and socio-political struggles of Korean ethnic schools to preserve and revitalize their existence in post-war Japan (Inokuchi, 2000; Kim, 2009; Ozawa, 1999), or on describing the curricular and educational content of Korean ethnic schools (Kim 1994; Kim Mi-sŏn, 2009; Maeda Tadahiko, 2005; Pak, 2013; Ryang, 1997; Ryu, 2009; Shin, 2005; Song, 2012; Wakisaka, 2015).  I will refer to these studies in Chapters 2 and 3, where I will discuss the historical background and current situation of Korean ethnic schools in Japan.   Lastly, there is a body of research that has investigated individuals’ views on the Korean language and Korean education in Japan, and their language choices according to different contexts, which is particularly relevant to my study.  Based on a questionnaire survey of students and their parents in a pro-South Korean school, Ogoshi (2005) found that the majority of the participants had a positive attitude toward Korean language proficiency and transmitting Korean to the next generations.  Eighty percent of Ogoshi’s research participants replied that Korean proficiency was valuable in their personal lives and their children’s future, and many Japan-born participants expressed their envy of Koreans with high Korean proficiency.8  Other studies such as Im (2005, 2013), Kim Yu-na (2004), Maeda Tatsurō (2005), Pak (2016), and Sŏ (2014) also                                                 8 Ogoshi (2005) included as research participants both ‘newcomers’ who were born in South Korea and came to Japan after the 1980s, and ‘old-timers’ who crossed over to Japan during the colonial period and their descendants.   7 reported similar findings: numerous participants opined that Koreans in Japan must know the Korean language for their Korean identity.  Ueda (2009) examined the language ideologies that support Korean education in Chongryun schools by analyzing essays written by Chongryun school students.  According to him, many of the students linked the Korean language to Korean ethnicity and Korean bloodline in their essays, a strand of language ideology that the two former leaders of North Korea, Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, have long emphasized since the 1960s.  Ueda therefore proclaims that Chongryun school students learned at school that Koreans with Korean competence were “great” and “real” Koreans, and otherwise were “fake” and “half” Koreans (p.129).  Moreover, he argues that in the educational venue, Korean linguistic forms in violation of language norms (i.e., North Korean standard language) were regarded as “disorderly,” “contaminated,” and “wrong” (p. 137).   A similar point was made in Pak’s (2016) study as well.  He reports that 70% of his research participants regarded the local variety of Korean spoken in the Chongryun community as problematic in many respects and in need of correction, whereas the remaining 30% of participants replied that the local variety of Korean did not have any problems.  Pak attributes this result to the respondents’ differing degrees of alignment to the home country.  That is, the majority of respondents had a strong desire to connect themselves to the Korean peninsula, while the others pursued the originality of Koreans living in Japan. Some studies have also investigated the daily language use of Koreans in Japan and have reached the same conclusion: that the lives of old-timer Koreans are remarkably Japanese-dominant (Im, 2005, 2013; Kang, 2005; Kim, 1994; Maeda Tatsurō, 2005; Ogoshi, 2005; Pak, 2016; Sŏ, 2014).  According to Ogoshi (2005), while the participants who were born in South Korea (newcomers) spoke Korean everyday, the Japan-born participants (old-timers)  8 predominantly spoke Japanese in their everyday lives and it was only in limited contexts that they used Korean: for example, when they spoke with elderly and close friends and when they made speeches in public meetings with other Koreans (see also Im, 2005, 2013 and Sŏ, 2014).  Ogoshi therefore contends that for old-timer Koreans, the Korean language is reserved for particular functions only – namely to express one’s respect and comradeship.   Kim (1994) examined the language use of Chongryun community members and argued that within the community, Japanese serves as a “private language (shiteki gengo)” and Korean as a “public language (kōteki gengo)” (p. 195).  That is, whereas the community members’ everyday language is Japanese, they use Korean within the domains of the Chongryun organization, including Chongryun schools, Chongryun offices, and Chongryun-related events.  A parallel claim is proposed in Ryang (1997) as well.  In contrast to Kim (1994) and Ryang (1997), two studies that drew a sharp line between spaces where Chongryun-affiliated Koreans used Korean and Japanese, Pak (2016) asserts the vagueness of the language use domains.  On the basis of his research participants’ responses about when they used Korean outside of Chongryun schools, he argues that within the Chongryun community, Korean is spoken not only in public spaces (e.g., community assemblies, community members’ weddings) but also in private spaces (e.g., on the bus or subway during private conversations among friends, at grandparents’ houses) and consequently, that there is no rigid demarcation between the two languages’ spheres of use and function.   1.4 Limitations of Early Studies    In recent years, Koreans in Japan have attracted the attention of many researchers outside of Japan.  The amount of English-language literature has been growing and allows us a more nuanced and flexible perspective on Japan-based Koreans’ experiences beyond the discourses of  9 either victimizing or heroicizing them (e.g., Chapman, 2008; Lee, Murphy-Shigematsu, and Befu, 2006; Lie, 2008; Ryang, 2000; Ryang and Lie, 2009).  Nevertheless, it is unfortunate that the great majority of these studies has been undertaken within the scope of history, sociology, literature, cultural studies, and social anthropology, and attempts to examine the experiences of Koreans in Japan through the lens of linguistics (including sociolinguistics, applied linguistics, and linguistic anthropology) have been minimal.  As reviewed above, studies related to Korean language learning and maintenance in the Korean community have largely been authored by researchers based in Japan and South Korea and writing in Japanese and Korean.  As I will discuss below, these studies also leave a number of issues unexplored.      First, such studies have focused mainly on Korean language education in ethnic schools and as a result shed little light on the roles of households and communities in developing (or not developing) Korean children’s language abilities.  Heritage or minority language maintenance and shift is a complex phenomenon that is impacted by various factors across a wide range of settings, such as educational institutions (e.g., public schools, community-based heritage language schools, religious organizations), households, community networks, and peer play interactions (e.g., Chinen and Tucker, 2006: Garrett, 2012; He, 2006, 2008; Howard, 2008; Juan-Garau, 2014; Lo Bianco & Peyton, 2013; Pauwels, 2008).  Therefore, studies that examine multiple sites where Korean children are exposed to and participate in a variety of language and cultural practices and activities will provide us with a more holistic view of Korean children’s development of the Korean language.  It is also important to note that previous studies have tended to pay attention only to language ideologies that were explicitly expressed by Koreans in Japan.  Language ideologies – shared values and beliefs about language and language use – are not only “consciously held ideas  10 that are expressed in explicit discourses, but they are also implicitly embodied in, and constituted by, social practice” (Howard, 2008: 189).  Thus, a number of studies in other ethnolinguistic communities have found a gap between the members’ explicit discourses valorizing a certain variety of language and their actual language practices and usage in reality (e.g., Garrett, 2005; King, 2000; Kulick, 1992; Paugh, 2012).  Attending to tacit language ideologies that are inscribed in the everyday language practices of Koreans in Japan will enable us to grasp better the multiple language ideologies inherent in the community, as well as the processes by which the language ideologies are (re)produced, acquired, and transformed at a micro-level. Lastly, a perceived lack of children’s agency – “the socioculturally mediated capacity to act” (Ahearn, 2001: 118) – can be pointed to as a limitation of the preceding studies.  For example, Ueda (2009) and Ryang (1997) described Korean students in Chongryun schools as passive in their learning and using Korean and constructing their language ideologies.  That is, they assumed that knowledge of language forms and communication ways, school language practices, and dominant language ideologies were transmitted unidirectionally and linearly from teachers to students.  As a result, such studies made it difficult to see the dynamic and interactive developmental processes of Korean children in Japan.  In order to fill in the gaps left by earlier works, this study has been based on fieldwork in multiple sites, including two Korean ethnic schools (a Chongryun school and non-Chongryun school), Chongryun school students’ households, and Chongryun community activities and events, while paying particular attention to everyday interactional practices between community members.     11 1.5 Research Questions  In order to examine the process through which the younger Korean generation in Japan is socialized to learn and use Korean as well as to form multiple language ideologies and identities, the following questions have guided this study:   (1) What are the primary goals including language socialization goals of Chongryun        educational programs?  How are the goals different from other Korean ethnic          schools?   (2) How do Chongryun schools attempt to socialize students to learn and speak Korean?         What sociocultural knowledge and views are transmitted to students through these            processes?  (3) What are the language socialization processes outside of Chongryun schools?  That is,        what are the home and community language socialization practices?  What language        ideologies underlie these practices?    (4) How do Chongryun school students conceptualize Korean language learning and use        in Japan?  What roles do these conceptualizations play in their Korean development        and maintenance?      1.6 Theoretical Frameworks   This study draws on three interrelated theoretical frameworks: language socialization, language ideology, and identity and language learning.  In the following sections, I first outline the paradigm of language socialization and then discuss the concepts of language ideology and identity by providing some examples of research that elaborates or adopts these notions.    12 1.6.1 Language Socialization  Language Socialization (LS) research aims to examine the process through which individuals or novices (e.g., children, students, immigrants) become or do not become competent members in a certain sociocultural group through language-mediated interactions with more experienced individuals or experts (e.g., parents, teachers).  In other words, it focuses on understanding how novices are socialized to use language(s) effectively and appropriately and how they are socialized through language(s) into historically and socio-culturally grounded values, beliefs, and identities to become recognized as legitimate members in a certain community (Bayley & Schecter, 2003; Duff, 2003, 2010; Garrett & Baquedano-López, 2002; Kulick & Schieffelin, 2004; Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986; Ochs, 1986; Ochs & Schieffelin, 2012).   LS takes the perspective that language acquisition is closely intertwined with the acquisition of socio-cultural knowledge.  In this view, language is not a “self-contained system impervious to the social worlds of its speakers,” but is “thoroughly interpenetrated by those worlds” (Garrett & Baquedano-López, 2002: 344).  Therefore, when children interact with their caregivers, family members, peers, and others around them, they learn not only particular linguistic forms, a language variety, and communicative manners, but also grasp the meanings that the elements index in their culture (e.g., Baquedano-López, 2000; Byon, 2003; Clancy, 1999; Cook, 1999; Fader, 2001; Friedman, 2006, 2009; Garrett, 2012; Howard, 2009; Lo, 2009; Park, 2006, 2008; Paugh, 2012; Schieffelin, 1986).  Thus, LS approach enables researchers to link micro-interactional contexts to macro-societal and global contexts.  While emphasizing the important role of experts in leading novices to successfully become socialized into the target culture and language, LS research has paid great attention to the agency of novices as well (e.g., Duff, 2002; Guardado, 2008, 2009; He, 2003, 2004; Klein,  13 2013; Makihara, 2005a; Morita, 2004; Paugh, 2012; Talmy, 2004, 2008).  By illustrating interactional engagements between experts and novices, these studies show that novices are not passive and submissive participants, but are active in constructing and reproducing linguistic, pragmatic, and socio-cultural knowledge and sometimes play a role in promoting change in the knowledge.  Thus, LS research has highlighted that LS processes are not unidirectional, linear, and stable but are bi/multidirectional and dynamic, thereby often entailing conflict, negotiation, and unexpected outcomes.                LS is also considered to transpire across developmental time and space – that is, it is a lifespan process.  Individuals begin to engage in the language socialization process “at the developmental point at which members of a community recognize that a person enters into existence and continues throughout the life course until a person is viewed as no longer a living social being” (Ochs & Schieffelin, 2012, section 1, para. 6).  Hence, whenever a person is placed in a new situation, s/he becomes a novice and needs to learn the novel linguistic and cultural norms to fully participate in the context.  This view of LS provides researchers with insight into the flexibility of the relationship between ‘novice’ and ‘expert’ in socializing contexts.  1.6.2 Language Ideologies Language ideologies can be defined as shared bodies of cultural beliefs about the structure, uses, acquisition, and values of languages or language varieties (Kroskrity, 2004; Riley, 2012; Woolard, 1994).  In contrast to the scholarly tradition that has legitimatized only linguists’ expertise, language-ideological research attends to common people’s perspectives on language and examines the relationship between language ideologies and language change, use, learning, and policy-making.     14 Kroskrity (2004) elaborates on the concept of language ideologies through five features that partially overlap with one another: “(1) group or individual interests, (2) multiplicity of ideologies, (3) awareness of speakers, (4) mediating functions of ideologies, and (5) role of language ideology in identity construction” (p. 501).  Firstly, language ideologies are constructed and rationalized for particular groups’ and individual’s interests.  People’s views of language –  for example, what language should be spoken by citizens or what language variety is more linguistically and aesthetically developed than others – are far from neutral, but often promote, protect, and legitimize their political and economic benefits (e.g., Blackledge, 2004; Blommaert & Verschueren, 1998; Bokhorst-Heng, 1999; Jeon, 2007, 2008; Park and Bae, 2009).  Secondly, language ideologies are understood as multiple, “because of the plurality of meaningful social divisions (class, gender, clan, elites, generations, and so on) within sociocultural groups” (Kroskrity, 2004: 503).  Viewing language ideologies as multiple leads us to recognize power relations among various language ideologies and the presence of contestation and conflict between groups attempting to perpetuate or transform the hegemonic linguistic order (e.g., Collins, 1999; Myhill, 1999; Shannon, 1999).     Thirdly, Kroskrity has also underlined that not all local language ideologies are explicit to social members.  Some language ideologies are clearly expressed by the members, whereas others may be “very rarely brought up to the level of discursive consciousness” (p. 506).  In order to discern the tacit language ideologies, he therefore suggests researchers need to be greatly attentive to individuals’ language use and communicative practices.  Fourthly, “members’ language ideologies mediate between social structures and forms of talk” (Kroskrity, 2004: 507).  Individuals’ language ideologies are shaped through their sociocultural experience and are reflected in their ways of speaking.  Therefore, individuals’ forms of talk are a social practice  15 that contributes to reproducing or changing social structure (e.g., Canagarajah, 2008; Dong & Blommaert, 2009; Kang, 2012; Park & Bae, 2009; Song, 2010, 2012).  Lastly, language ideologies are used to create and represent a certain group’s identity; for example, in the political discourse that emerged after the race-riot in England in 2001, Asians’ lack of English represents non-citizens and subverters of social order (Blackledge, 2004).    A number of language socialization studies, particularly those investigating multilingual settings, have drawn on the concept of language ideology and explored the relationship between local language ideologies and language maintenance and shift (e.g., Garrett, 2005; García-Sánchez, 2010; Guardado, 2008, 2009; Klein, 2013; Kulick, 1992; Makihara, 2005a, b; Paugh, 2012; Pease-Alvarez, 2002, 2003; Riley, 2007; Schecter & Bayley, 1997; Zentella, 1997).  To give some examples, in his study of a Papua New Guinea village, Kulick (1992) illustrates that although the villagers expected their children to become speakers of the traditional vernacular, Taiap, their different understanding of Taiap and Tok Pisin (one of the national languages) promoted language shift among their children.  In the village, Taiap was associated with femininity, backwardness, and the notion of hed (the willful, selfish, backward side of the self).  On the other hand, the villagers identified Tok Pisin with masculinity, modernity, Christianity, and the notion of save (the enlightened, sociable, cooperative side of the self).  Thus, the villagers’ attempts to suppress outward expression of hed while cultivating display of save led to no longer providing their children with sufficient exposure to Taiap and shifting their language to Tok Pisin.  Similarly, Paugh (2012) found that in the Caribbean Island of Dominica, stigmatization attached to the local language, Patwa (e.g., backward, rural, and stagnant) caused parents to forbid their children from speaking Patwa and instead exhort them to speak English, the official  16 language of government and education.  However, what is significant is that this study paid particular attention to children’s agentive role in preserving and revitalizing Patwa.  Through a close investigation of children’s peer play beyond adults’ supervision, the study revealed that the children regularly used Patwa to enact the role of adults in their play.  Paugh claims, therefore, that the children contributed not only to “the ongoing language shift by learning and speaking English as their primary language” but also to “the maintenance of Patwa for certain culturally valued pragmatic functions” (p. 209).   1.6.3 Identity and Language Learning Social constructionists and poststructuralists have conceptualized identity as a social construct as well as something multiple and changeable across time and space, in opposition to the conventional notion that there is a deep underlying primordial identity or an immutable ‘deep-self’ within individuals (Bucholtz & Hall, 2004; Pavlenko & Blackedge, 2002; Nagel, 1994; Ochs, 1993).  Taking this stance on identity, Norton [Peirce] (1995; 2001) highlights a close connection between individuals’ identities and their language learning.  That is, a person’s identity, an understanding of his or her relationship with others and to the world across time and space, sometimes leads the person to make an investment9 in a target language (e.g., an identity as a primary caregiver in an immigrant family), but at other times it hinders the person from investing in the language (e.g., an immigrant identity as linguistically deficient).  Norton also emphasizes a learner’s imagined identity (see also Kanno & Norton, 2003).  Further expanding                                                 9 [Norton] Peirce (1995) problematizes the traditional conception of ‘motivation’ in that it does not “capture the complex relationship between relations of power, identity, and language learning” (p. 17).  That is, she emphasizes that even though learners may be highly motivated, their learning and speech in a target language are often restricted by certain social conditions.  In order to grasp more complex relationships between language learner identity and their learning commitment, she suggests the notion of ‘investment’ and states “if learners invest in a second language, they do so with the understanding that they will acquire a wider range of symbolic and material resources” (p.17).             17 the concept of ‘imagined communities’ originally coined by Anderson (1991), she explains that a language learner imagines the community in which s/he wants to participate in the future via command of a target language.  S/he has not yet become a member in the imagined community, but has a desire to gain a membership in the community.  Therefore, Norton argues, a learner’s view of whether or not a target language would enable her or him access to the imagined community and consequent identity has an important bearing on her or his investment in the target language:   The central point here is that a learner’s imagined community invited an imagined identity, and a learner’s investment in the target language must be understood within this context. (Norton, 2001: 166)               Drawing on the notions of imagined communities and imagined identities, Dagenais (2003) and Kanno (2003, 2008) demonstrate that not only individual learners but parents and schools also envision imagined communities in which their children and students may participate in the future.  In Dagenais’s (2003) study, immigrant parents in Canada saw multilingualism in English, French, and their heritage language as a valuable resource to facilitate their children’s access to various imagined communities (i.e., the Canadian French-English bilingual community, and their heritage language communities in Canada and abroad).  Therefore, they choose to enroll their children in French immersion schools in Canada while maintaining their heritage language at home.  Kanno (2003, 2008) focuses on illustrating how four schools in Japan differently projected the imagined communities in which their students would engage in the future and how the visions were reflected in the schools’ policies and practices.  Kanno argues that it was “the least privileged bilingual students who are socialized into the least privileged  18 imagined communities” (Kanno, 2003: 298) and that many of the schools contributed to reproducing and reinforcing the socioeconomic and linguistic hierarchy in Japan.                      Guided by the theoretical frameworks mentioned above, the present study examines the language ideologies and identities that were socialized into the younger Korean generations across multiple sites and their roles in constructing, reproducing, and changing the language ideologies and identities.        1.7 Significance of the Study    This is the first study investigating Korean language socialization in the Chongryun school community based on fieldwork in multiple sites such as Chongryun schools, students’ households, and community events.  With a central focus on the natural settings where younger generations of Koreans develop their Korean language abilities, this study seeks to demonstrate how these young people acquire the ways of speaking, thinking, and acting in order to be recognized as legitimate members within the multiple communities to which they belong.  Several earlier studies have provided valuable research on how Koreans in Japan have perceived learning and maintaining the Korean language in Japan and their local Korean variety, how they identified themselves, and what sociopolitical factors (e.g, colonial experience, the Cold War) have affected their identity formation (e.g., Cho, 2013; Fukuoka & Kim, 1997; Im, 2005, 2013; Im & Kim, 2008; Kim, 2009; Nam, 2011; Pak, 2016; Sŏ, 2014; Ueda, 2009).  However, they leave vague the question of how they came to have those perceptions and identities in their everyday lives.  Drawing on the theoretical and methodological paradigm of language socialization, therefore, this study aims to examine not only language ideologies and identities that Koreans in Japan have, but also the processes through which they form these language ideologies and identities through language in their daily lives.  As a result, it is hoped that this  19 study can shed light on more dynamic and comprehensive aspects of Korean language education and maintenance within the Korean community in Japan.    1.8 The Term for Koreans in Japan   ‘Zainichi’ literally means ‘resident in Japan’ in Japanese.  Thus, it can be used to refer to foreign nationals living in Japan for the long-term such as Zainichi Chinese, Zainichi Americans, or Zainichi Brazilians.  However, the term Zainichi has long been associated specifically with ethnic Koreans who originated in the colonial migration and their descendants due to their large population in Japan as compared to other ethnic groups.  It is of course true, as Ha (2016) points out, that the term does not merely indicate “one’s physical location in Japan” (p.42).  Because of the history of discrimination against Koreans in Japan, the term Zainichi implies a marginalized and stigmatized position in the Japanese context.  While recognizing the fact that the term Zainichi could connote diverse meanings and positions situationally, this study uses this term, Zainichi Koreans, to refer to the migrant group from Korea during the colonial period and their descendants in order to distinguish them from those who came to Japan from South Korea in more recent years. 1.9 Structure of the Dissertation  Chapter 2 documents the historical and socio-political background of Koreans in Japan. The chapter provides an overview of the emergence of the Korean community and Korean ethnic schools in Japan and various changes in Zainichi Koreans’ relationship with the Korean peninsula and Japan.  Chapter 3 discussed in more detail the research methodology employed in this study.  It describes the research sites, research participants, and the methods used to collect and analyze data.   20 The following three chapters focus on describing language socialization contexts in Korean ethnic schools.  Chapter 4 examines the educational goals of two different Korean ethnic schools (a Chongryun school and a non-Chongryun school) and the language ideologies explicitly expressed by the schoolteachers.  In Chapter 5, I investigate the language socialization practices and activities used to make students speak Korean in Kansai Korean School, a Chongryun school.  This chapter demonstrates that the students were socialized into a variety of language ideologies and identities by participating in the practices and activities.  Chapter 6 describes how students in Kansai Korean School were socialized not to become Japanese and South Koreans.  The results show that the socializing practices were not always consistent but sometimes, ambiguous, and contradictory.                   In Chapter 7, my focus moves away from school contexts to students’ homes and the local communities.  This chapter introduces the motivations of Korean parents in sending their children to either Chongryun schools or non-Chongryun schools, and their language ideologies and language use at home.  In addition, this chapter shows how students use language outside of their school and households.  Chapter 8 summarizes the study’s findings and considers the relationship between broader social and global contexts and Korean language maintenance in Japan.                         21 CHAPTER 2 HISTORICAL AND SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTEXTS OF THE STUDY   2.1 Introduction   This chapter presents the past and present socio-political contexts of Zainichi Koreans.  I will first explain how the Korean community was formed in Japan.  This is followed by sections on how Koreans in Japan attempted to elevate their legal and social status in postwar Japan and how their positions with relation to Japan and the two Koreas have fluctuated since the 1970s.  Lastly, I present the changes and dilemmas that Chongryun schools have been experiencing in recent years.  This information helps us to better understand the backdrop of the language socialization practices and activities in the current Chongryun school community that I will present in the subsequent chapters.    2.2 The Rise of Korean Communities in Japan  2.2.1 Colonial Migration to Japan (1910-1945)  It was after the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 when the number of Koreans in Japan began to grow considerably.  According to the statistics compiled by the Ministry of Home Affairs, in 1909 there were 790 Koreans in Japan, most of whom were government- and self-financed students, political exiles or consular officials.  However, the number reached 30,175 within a decade after the start of Japanese colonial rule in 1910 and had risen to one million by the time the Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937.  During the Second World War, the number increased more dramatically until it surpassed the two million mark (2,100,000) by the time the war concluded in 1945 (Kang & Kim, 2000; Kim, 2010).  Several prior studies (e.g., Kang &  22 Kim, 2000; Kim, 2010; Weiner, 1989; Weiner & Chapman, 1997) attribute the rapid growth of the Korean population in Japan between 1910 and 1937 to the interplay of Japanese colonial policies in Korea and the labour shortage in Japan due to its development of a capitalistic economy: both push and pull factors acted upon Korean migration.    Soon after the 1910 annexation, Japan embarked on a Land Survey (1910-1918) in Korea to “determine and safeguard ownership rights, simplify the commercial transfer of landholding, reform the tax system, provide the data necessary for planned agricultural development, and rationalize landlord-tenant relations” (Weiner, 1989: 39), the ultimate goal of which was to develop Korea as a major provider of food for Japan.  In this process, landowners were required to provide evidence that they had possessed their land before the annexation by submitting “documentation concerning the size, type, and location of their holding within a fixed period time” (ibid.: 39).  If they failed to do so, the land was confiscated by the Japanese Government-General in Korea (Kang & Kim, 2000; Kim, 2010; Weiner, 1989).  This procedure consequently produced thousands of tenant or owner-tenant farmers – 76% of the total peasants in Korea (Kang & Kim, 2000) – because many Korean peasants at that time were illiterate or ignorant of the new laws while others farmed state and royal lands, “lands for which sufficient evidence of ownership was not [able to be] provided” (Weiner, 1989: 39).  The superflux of landless peasants led to cut-throat competition to gain tenancy among them, thereby resulting in high tithes and a greater burden on the peasants (De Vos & Lee, 1981; Kang & Kim, 2000; Weiner, 1989).  The Campaign to Increase Rice Production (1920-1934) implemented in Korea as a solution to food deficits in Japan further exacerbated Koreans’ living conditions, since quantities of rice greater than the actual increased yield were shipped out of Korea to Japan (Kang & Kim, 2000; Kim, 2010).  The impoverished rural conditions caused by the colonial economic policies and a lack of  23 industries to absorb the landless peasants in Korea were therefore crucial ‘push’ factors that displaced tens of thousands of Korean peasants to Japan.   While the Korean peninsula overflowed with unemployed peasants, Japan faced a labour shortage due to the economic boost driven by the outbreak of the First World War, which became a significant ‘pull’ factor that attracted many Koreans to Japan (particularly those who resided in southern Korea due to its geographic proximity).10  The majority of Korean females were employed in textile factories while Korean males were recruited for coal mining, stevedoring, and construction industries, jobs at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy in Japan (Kim, 2010; Weiner, 1989).  The working and living conditions for Korean workers in Japan were extremely poor and discriminatory.  They were generally paid significantly lower wages compared to their Japanese counterparts (on average, a third less than Japanese workers), placed in high-risk jobs that Japanese avoided, and disdained by Japanese workers in the same workplaces.  In addition, they had tremendous difficulty in finding accommodations due to the unwillingness of Japanese landlords to rent property to Koreans.  Consequently, they had no choice but to live in the confined quarters of tenements or flop houses near factories or landfills with dozens of people together (Kim, 2010; Weiner, 1989; Weiner & Chapman, 1997).  According to Weiner (1989), inadequate housing conditions, hygiene, and basic health care were constant problems in Korean residential districts, but were completely ignored by Japanese employers and Japanese society.  Instead, these were regarded as cultural and racial characteristics of the Koreans – dirtiness, laziness, and backwardness.  With the start of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937), the number of Koreans rapidly increased in Japan because numerous Koreans were mobilized to Japan for wartime manpower.                                                  10 As of 1923, 79.2% of the total Korean population in Japan was from southern areas of the peninsula (i.e., Kyŏngsang province and Chŏlla province, including Cheju Island), and as of 1938, southerners comprised 81.2% of the total (Kang & Kim, 2000).  24 In 1939, the Japanese authorities expanded to Korea the jurisdiction of the National Labour Mobilization Law (kokka sōdōinhō) that was first announced in 1938 in Japan (Kim, 2010; Weiner, 1994).  As a result, Japanese enterprises were permitted to mobilize as many Korean workers as it authorized.  Table 2.1 below shows the annual labour quotas that were authorized by the Cabinet Planning Board and the actual number of Koreans who were transported to Japan via the labour mobilization programs between 1939 and 1945:   Table 2.1 Annual Conscription of Korean Workers by Industry (1939-1945)  Number scheduled for labour mobilization Number of workers transported to Japan 1939 85,500 53,120 1940 97,300 59,398 1941 100,000 67,098 1942 130,000 119,851 1943 125,000 128,354 1944 290,000 286,000 1945 50,000 10,622                From Weiner (1994: 193)  From Table 2.1, it is clear that whereas the number of workers transported to Japan fell short of the scheduled numbers for the initial three years (1939-1941), it came closer to the scheduled number in 1942 and actually exceeded the labour quota in 1943.  This is arguably the result of a change in mobilization methods starting in 1942.  Between 1939 and 1941, the Japanese authorities had employed a method of voluntary recruitment – ‘company-directed recruitment’ – to meet the demand for labour in Japan (Weiner, 1994).  However, the program was ineffective in satisfying the labour quotas as evinced in Table 2.1 above: “the number of Koreans transported to Japan between 1939 and 1941 was approximately 35 percent lower than the predicted quotas” (Weiner, 1994: 193).  Thus, the Japanese authorities decided in 1942 to take a  25 more coercive method or ‘government-directed system’ whereby government officials and local police intervened more directly in the process of labour mobilization (Han, 2006; Weiner, 1994).  According to Han (2006), with the introduction of the government-directed system, Japanese employers were required to pay all expenses for labour mobilization in advance to the Administration of Korean Labour established by the Japanese Government-General in 1942.  Hence, Han argues that the prepaid system for labour mobilization must have led government officials in charge to resort to more forceful measures to satisfy their labour quotas. As the war situation further deteriorated, Japan seemed to have no choice but to employ a labour conscription system from 1944.  As shown in Table 2.1, with the implementation of the forced draft system, the scheduled labour quota more than doubled compared with that of the previous year, and the actual number of conscripted Koreans nearly reached the full quota.  Although it is difficult to pin down the precise figure of mobilized Koreans from 1938, approximately 720,000 to 990,000 Koreans seem to have been conscripted to Japan with the result that more than two million Koreans were residing in Japan when the Second World War ceased (Chapman, 2008; Weiner, 1994).   2.2.2 Homecoming and Staying Behind in Postwar Japan  Following the defeat of the Japanese Empire in August 1945, a large number of Koreans in Japan rushed to return to the Korean peninsula.  Statistics from the Japanese Welfare Ministry indicate that approximately 1.3 million Koreans returned to the peninsula from August 1945 through March 1946, either at their own expense by arranging for small crafts such as fishing boats or through transport arranged by the Japanese government with support from the Allied Powers (Kim, 2010).  The Japanese government gave particular priority to the repatriation of  26 Korean workers who were mobilized under the wartime conditions because the government “feared the surplus labor force would cause social problems” (Inokuchi, 2000: 145).11       From March of 1946, the Allied Powers began a registration system for repatriation applicants.  At first, out of about 640,000 Koreans who remained in Japan at that time, 514,000 registered for repatriation to Korea (Chŏng, 1995; Kang & Kim, 2000; Kim, 2010).12  However, the actual number of Koreans who returned to their homeland through the repatriation programs fell below the total registered applicants; the number of Koreans who returned to Korea from April through December of 1946 was merely 82,900, which represented only 16% of the total registered applicants (Kang & Kim, 2000).  Kang and Kim (2000) attribute this result to the chaotic state of politics and the economy in Korea and to restrictions on the cash and goods that Koreans could carry with them back to Korea.  Soon after repatriation commenced, many Koreans in Japan found dire living conditions in Korea – for example, lack of housing, jobs, and food – and political instability and strife that caused by the de facto geographical and ideological division of Korea.  Furthermore, the Allied Powers and the Japanese government restricted the cash and goods that Koreans could take with them to only 1,000 Yen and 250 pounds.13  This policy aimed ultimately to prevent Koreans from returning to Northern Korea, which was under the control of the Soviet Union, and to prevent an outflow of property from Japan to outside (Kim, 2010).  Given that the amount of money “would allow its bearer to exist for [little] more than a few days, and [was]…extremely inadequate to enable to begin life anew” in the Korea of those days (Caprio and Jia, 2009:32), it is not surprising that many Koreans in Japan who had                                                 11 According to Kim (2010), construction workers were encouraged to return earlier than coal miners because securing sufficient resources for energy (i.e., coal) was essential for postwar Japan and the U.S. armed forces in Japan and Korea.     12 Among them, 701 Koreans applied to return to northern Korea (Kang & Kim, 2000). 13 According to Caprio and Jia (2009), the Occupation authorities issued a receipt for the funds that were confiscated in excess of the limited amount, but “they gave insufficient information on how to use it to claim the money (p.32).”    27 once desired to go back to their homeland with their hard-earned savings modified their decision and instead opted to stay on in Japan – an option they would not have expected it to become permanent.   Aside from the factors above, the inhospitable treatment of the returnees by the administration of Syng-man Rhee, the first president of the government of South Korea established in 1948, discouraged homecoming among Koreans in Japan (Caprio & Jia, 2009).  Since the administration of Syng-man Rhee was established with the support of the U.S. and had adopted a strong anti-communist stance, Koreans who had been affiliated with left-wing organizations in Japan (the Korean organization Choryŏn and the Japan Communist Party; see below for detail) were prohibited from returning to South Korea.  Even after they succeeded in returning to South Korea, they were frequently confronted with “interrogation, imprisonment and possible execution” (ibid.: 31).  Moreover, cultural differences that Japan-born Korean returnees would face or faced in Korea such as a language barrier and unfamiliar customs made thousands of Koreans waver on repatriation to Korea or return to Japan (ibid.; Kashani, 2006; Lie, 2008).14  The tide of homecoming to the peninsula was halted with the outbreak of the Korean War (1950-1953) and Koreans who desired to return to their homeland had to wait until 1959 when repatriation was resumed – but this time it was a one-way voyage to North Korea, and not South Korea.  Morris-Suzuki (2009) asserts that the repatriation movements to North Korea (called ‘puksong saŏp’ in Korean) were significantly motivated by political reasons rather than by a humanitarian stance as presented to the world in general.  Postwar Japan carried forward the repatriation to North Korea in order to drive Korean residents in Japan out from its territory for                                                 14 In 1946, the number of Koreans arrested on the charge of ‘illegal’ entry to Japan was 17,733 (Chŏng, 1996; Kim, 2010).  Yet, Kim (2010) anticipates that there would have been more people who were smuggled into Japan but never caught.    28 security concerns and also to reduce the financial aid needed for destitute Koreans.15  On the other hand, North Korea, which was not interested in large-scale repatriation before 1958, actively pushed for the repatriation movement due to the need for labour and military manpower that had been diminished by “a decline in Soviet technical assistance and the withdrawal of some 300,000 Chinese “volunteers” who had been sent to the DPRK during the Korean War” (ibid.: 51; see also Nam, 2010).  Furthermore, North Korea wanted to hinder the ongoing normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and South Korea by clinching a mass repatriation – South Korea vigorously opposed the repatriation (Lee, 1981b; Morris-Suzuki, 2009).  The Soviet Union was also involved in the process of repatriation with the intent of regaining its influence over North Korea.16  The USSR acted as an intermediary in negotiations between North Korea and Japan and provided ships for the repatriation while guarding them from possible attacks by South Korea (Morris-Suzuki, 2009).  After several years of negotiations between the Japanese and North Korean Red Cross on behalf of each government, the first repatriation ship bound for North Korea left Niigata port in December of 1959, with 2,942 passengers on board (Kim, 2010; Morris-Suzuki, 2009; Nam, 2010).  The statistics from the Japanese Red Cross show that from 1959 through 1984, approximately 93,000 Koreans returned to North Korea, although the number began to decrease from 1962 after it was revealed that life in North Korea was not the ‘paradise on earth’ that propaganda suggested (Kim, 2010; Lee, 1981b; Morris-Suzuki, 2009).17                                                  15 The then-Japanese government gave only minimal assistance to very poor Koreans and Taiwanese, the total of which amounted to “at all levels a total of 2.5 billion yen” (Morris-Suzuki, 2009:49). 16 At that moment, “relations between the USSR and North Korea had become strained following power struggles in the DPRK and a purge of pro-Soviet figures in the upper echelons of the North Korean ruling party” (Morris-Suzuki, 2009: 51). 17 Morris-Suzuki (2009) claims that although most Koreans in Japan voluntarily returned to North Korea to seek to a better life, the ‘voluntary’ return was constrained by their vulnerable position in Japan (e.g., poverty, unemployment, non-Japanese status, etc.), misleading information about North Korea by  29 Table 2.2 Annual Number of Returnees to North Korea Year Number of returnees  Year Number of returnees 1959 2942  1967 1831 1960 49036  1971 1318 1961 22801  1972 1002 1962 3495  1973 704 1963 2567  1974 470 1964 1822  1975 379 1965 2255  1976 256 1966 1860  1977 180               From Kim (2010: 221)    The official repatriation to North Korea was terminated in 1967.  However, a sporadic number of Koreans in Japan departed for North Korea via a North Korean ship named Man’gyŏngbong “with the tacit consent of the Japanese government” (Lee, 1981b: 108).  The Man’gyŏngbong travelled between Wŏnsan in North Korea and Niigata in Japan until recently, providing Chongryun high school students on school excursions with transportation to North Korea.  But it has been forbidden from entering the Niigata port since 2006, due to the North Korean nuclear issue and abductions of Japanese citizens. 2.3 Zainichi Koreans’ Identity Politics in Postwar Japan 2.3.1 Regaining the Status of Korean Nationals            Although Zainichi Koreans have a century-long history of migration, quite a number of them (340,481)18 have not been naturalized as Japanese and have opted to maintain their Korean                                                                                                                                                        Chongryun and Japanese mass media (i.e., ‘paradise on earth’), and patriarchal family structures (i.e., the less powerful female position in raising their voice in terms of repatriation).    18 This figure is from the 2016 statistics on registered foreign nationals issued by the Immigration Bureau of Japan.  According to these statistics, 32,622 people have Chōsen as their national status while 307,859 people hold South Korean nationality.   30 national status.19  The reasons for keeping their Korean nationality may vary from one person to the next, but there seems to be a consensus among scholars that Korean organizations established after Korea’s liberation have contributed to a great extent to forging strong ethno-national identity in the population of Zainichi Koreans (e.g., Lie, 2008; Mikuni, 2002; Ryang, 1997).  In October 1945, the League of Koreans in Japan or Chaeilbon chosŏnin yŏnmaeng (henceforth, Choryŏn for short) was established with a communist view20 in order to assist Korean residents in Japan in returning to the Korean peninsula, improving their living conditions in Japan, and promoting their ethnic solidarity for the building of a united country on the peninsula.  In November 1945 and January 1946, on the other hand, those who took an anti-communist line organized the League of Young Koreans to Expedite the Foundation of Korea (Chosŏn kŏn’guk ch’okchin ch’ŏngnyŏn tongmaeng) and the League for the Establishment of a New Korea (Sin chosŏn kŏnsŏl tongmaeng), respectively, to counter the rival Choryŏn; the two groups were combined in October 1948 and renamed as the Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Chaeil chosŏn kŏryu mindan, Mindan henceforth).  In the early postwar period, Choryŏn was more successful in gaining Korean residents’ support than their counterpart Mindan.21  Whereas Mindan “assiduously avoided intervention in Japanese politics, aligned itself squarely behind South Korea, and was broadly pro-Japanese because of South Korea’s pro-U.S. stance” (Lie, 2008: 39), Choryŏn actively conducted negotiations with the Allied Powers and Japan to improve Koreans’ living conditions in Japan (ibid.; Kim, 2016; Mikuni, 2002).  In particular, Choryŏn’s activities such as “offering ethnic                                                 19  Japan takes the principle of jus sanguinis, meaning that Japanese citizenship is not determined by place of birth but by having one or both parents who are citizens of Japan.        20 Choryŏn was an apolitical organization at first but quickly moved to the left after Kim Ch’ŏn-hae, a Korean communist who acted as a member of the executive committee of the JCP (Japanese Communist Party), was released from prison and took over the league’s leadership (Chapman, 2008; Mikuni, 2002).  21 Choryŏn recruited 1.5 million members in the initial stages (Ōnuma, 1980, cited in Kashiwazaki, 2000).     31 education to Korean children, extracting welfare benefits from local governments, and applying for bail for those who were arrested on charges of moonshining” helped to increase resident Koreans’ trust toward Choryŏn and awakened them to who was their enemy and who were their comrades (Mikuni, 2002: 113).                            The strong affiliation of many Koreans to the left-wing organization Choryŏn concerned the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers (SCAP) and Japanese government with respect to social order in Japan.  In December 1945, the Japanese Diet therefore resolved to suspend Koreans’ voting rights that had been granted to Korean males living in Japan in 1925 and impeded left-leaning Koreans’ involvement in Japanese national politics (Kashiwazaki, 2000, 2009).  In 1947, the Alien Registration Law stipulated Koreans in Japan as people from Chōsen22 and no longer Japanese nationals and built a foundation to deport Korean offenders from Japan.  However, it is paradoxical that on some occasions, the SCAP and Japanese authorities nonetheless treated Japan-based Koreans as Japanese nationals.  For example, even after 1945, Koreans were still subjected to criminal jurisdiction and property tax and Korean children were obliged to receive Japanese compulsory education and banned from taking ethnic education in Korean schools (Ch’ae, 2006; ibid.).  The legal status of Koreans in Japan was thus contingent upon the ruling authorities’ interests in maintaining social order and security in immediate prewar Japan.        In contrast to the ambiguous stance of the SCAP and Japan toward Koreans’ status, Choryŏn (and Mindan) unequivocally identified Koreans in Japan as non-Japanese nationals from their foundation.  In their perspective, recognizing Koreans living in Japan as Japanese was                                                 22 The term Chōsen merely indicated the fact that the person originated from the Korean peninsula and was not a mark of an official nationality because Japan and the Korean peninsula had not yet established diplomatic relations at that time (Kashiwazaki, 2000).     32 no better than perpetuating the hierarchical relations that had existed between Japanese and Koreans during the colonial years.  Kashiwazaki (2009) notes:   For Koreans, redefining themselves as gaikokujin [foreigners] meant altering hitherto vertical relations vis-à-vis the Japanese based on colonial rule to a horizontal one – horizontal in the sense that all national states, be they small or large, poor or rich, theoretically have equal status in the international order, as enshrined in the one-country-one-vote system of the United Nations.  Contemporary international order thus provided Koreans in Japan with a normative underpinning as they sought to establish a respectable status (p. 130).           In addition to this, the material advantage attached to the status of foreign nationals motivated Choryŏn to declare Koreans in Japan as full-fledged foreign nationals (Chŏng, 2013; ibid.).  In postwar Japan, ex-colonial subjects, Koreans and Taiwanese, were classified as ‘third-country nationals’ distinct from the Japanese and other foreign nationals such as citizens of the Allied countries.  Those in the category of ‘third-country nationals’ were considered to be of a lower status than other foreign nationals, and they were provided with fewer food rations than the occupation- and other Allied nationals.  Thus, Choryŏn, which defined itself as an official organization of Koreans in Japan or liberated foreign nationals, appealed to the Allied Forces to equally ration out 4 gō (approx. 600g) of food to Koreans, just as other foreign nationals received (Chŏng, 2013).  Although the identity of foreign nationals meant that Japan-resident Koreans were in “a vulnerable position as a target of surveillance and control by the authorities and were restricted in their legal rights” (Kashiwazaki, 2009: 131), the ultimate goal of repatriating Koreans in Japan to the peninsula and the material and symbolic values of foreign status (i.e., more food rations and equal status) drove Korean organizations to actively claim their foreigner identity.               33 The San Francisco Peace Treaty was ratified in 1952 and all Koreans in Japan officially lost their Japanese nationality (regardless of their intent).  It was in 1965 when South Korea and Japan established diplomatic relations that Zainichi Koreans could have a more stable status in Japan.  People who opted for South Korean nationality were allowed to apply for Japanese permanent residency, attain wider welfare and social benefits in Japan, and travel to South Korea to visit their family and other countries (Lee, 1981a; Ryang, 2000).  Ryang (2000) notes that this was a very appealing option for Zainichi Koreans and that many decided to sever their relationship to Chongryun (a successor to Choryŏn) and choose South Korean nationality.  On the other hand, those who opted to adhere to the nationality of Chōsen had to wait until 1981, when the Immigration Control Law was revised and they were granted permanent resident status (Kashiwazaki, 2000).      2.3.2 Korean Ethnic Schools  The Korean organizations, Choryŏn and Mindan, immediately established Korean ethnic schools after the war.  For them, Japanese schools were venues to nurture Japanese nationals (Kashiwazaki, 2009) and it was regarded as urgent to build schools providing Japan-born Korean children with education that de-Japanized them and inculcated Korean identity into them before returning to Korea (Chŏng, 2013; Inokuchi, 2000; Lee, 1981c).  As of 1948, therefore, 586 Choryŏn schools including 1,361 teachers and 60,336 students were established while 56 Mindan schools with 6,810 students were established throughout Japan (Ozawa, 1999).       34 Table 2.3 The Number of Korean Ethnic Schools in 1948 Mindan schools  Choryŏn schools  Schools Students   Schools Teachers Students Primary 52 6,279  Primary 541 1,196 56,210 Middle 2 242  Middle 9 25 2,330 Training 2 289  Youth 36 140 1,796 Total 56 6,810  Total 586 1,361 60,336 From Ozawa (1999)   In the early stages of the Allied occupation, the SCAP and the Japanese government did not pay attention to Koreans building ethnic schools (Inokuchi, 2000; Kim, 2009; Lee, 1981c).  The occupation authorities were “preoccupied with rebuilding and restructuring the Japanese school system, and Korean schools built by Koreans’ own efforts tended not to attract the[ir] attention” (Inokuchi, 2000: 149).  However, from 1947, the SCAP shifted their attention to Korean ethnic schools and viewed them as hostile because they saw the schools as a potential source of socio-political unrest (ibid.).  On January 24, 1948, the Japanese Ministry of Education issued an official order (the so-called ‘1.24 Order’) that required Korean children to receive Japanese compulsory education.  This meant that Korean ethnic schools had to reorganize as per the Japanese education laws by adopting the Japanese standard curriculum and using Japanese as the medium of instruction.  Teaching the Korean language was only permitted as an extracurricular program.  Moreover, Korean schools were commanded to apply for accreditation as private schools by local prefectures, and any nonaccredited schools would be closed down (Inokuchi, 2000; Kim, 2009; Lee, 1981c; Ozawa, 1999).  Many Koreans in Japan resisted this order by protesting that “the directive was actually intended to deny the right of Koreans to maintain an autonomous educational system” (Lee, 1981c: 164).  In particular, the clash between Korean protesters and armed Japanese police in Osaka on April 26, 1948 gave rise to dreadful  35 consequences, with the arrest of more than two hundred people and heavy causalities, including the death of a 16-year-old boy, Kim T’ae-il (Ch’ae, 2006; Inokuchi, 2000; Kim, 2009; Lee, 1981c; Ozawa, 1999).  The strife between the ruling authorities and Zainichi Koreans settled down in May 1948.  The Japanese Minister of Education and Korean representatives reached an agreement that “Korean schools were to comply with the school education law, and to be subject to accreditation, but were to maintain autonomous ethnic studies programs within the limits accorded to private school systems in Japan” (Lee, 1981c: 165).  That is, through this agreement, Korean schools were allowed to teach Korean history, language, culture, and literature in Korean, but only as extracurricular subjects.  However, this agreement did not last long.  In September 1948, when two separate political regimes were established on the Korean peninsula, Choryŏn officially announced that it supported North Korea and began to hoist the North Korean flag in public assemblies (Inokuchi, 2000; Kim, 2009).  In addition, it set one of its ethnic educational goals as “cultivating loyal sons and daughters of the DPRK” (Ozawa, 1999: 234).  As a result, the SCAP and the Japanese government became increasingly antagonistic to Choryŏn and in September 1949, they gave orders to dissolve Choryŏn for the reason that it was “an anti-democratic, terrorist organization” (Inokuchi, 2000: 154).  In the month following the dissolution order, 92 schools under the supervision of Choryŏn were ordered to be shut down and another 245 schools were forced to be reorganized and authorized by local prefectures.  Of the 128 schools that applied for accreditation, only three schools that took a politically neutral stance were approved and Korean children in other schools were transferred to Japanese schools (Ozawa, 1999).  According to Inokuchi (2000), the occupation period was a time to rebuild Japan as a democratic and homogenous nation and thus, “[t]he suppression of Korean ethnic schools  36 was a moment of force struck to secure the Japanese state’s reformation and its hegemony” (p.155).         2.3.3 Establishment of Chongryun  In 1955, not long after the Korean War came to a halt, Korean nationalists in Japan established Chongryun (Chaeilbon chosŏnin ch’ong-nryŏnhaphoe, the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan) and Korean ethnic schools were once again revitalized, including the establishment of Chosŏn University in 1956.  Officially, Chongryun identified itself as an overseas organization of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and declared that it would no longer intervene in Japan’s internal politics.  In contrast to Choryŏn and its successor Minjŏn (the Democratic Front of Koreans), which had focused on Japanese revolution and the spread of communism in East Asia under the leadership of the JCP (Lie, 2008; Ryang, 1997), Chongryun set as its primary goal achieving “the peaceful unification of the Korea peninsula” under the guidance of Kim Il-Sung (Ryang, 1997: 90):   (1) We shall organize all the Korean compatriots in Japan around the Democratic          People’s Republic of Korea.   (2) We shall fight to achieve the peaceful reunification of the fatherland…  (3) We shall institutionalize our own education among the Korean children in Japan.  (4) We shall safeguard firmly our honor as overseas nationals of the Democratic         People’s Republic of Korea        (Han, 1986: 170-171, cited in Ryang, 1997: 90)      Chongryun vehemently denied the idea that Zainichi Koreans were an ethnic minority in Japan.  They identified Zainichi Koreans as North Korean nationals and considered that their stay in Japan was merely temporary and that they would eventually return to a reunited Korea (Chapman, 2008; Hester, 2008; Lie, 2008; Ryang, 1997).    37 According to Ryang (1997), the mass education program through Chongryun schools had played a crucial role in constructing a secure identity as overseas nationals of North Korea and maintaining an anti-assimilationist stance among Zainichi Koreans.  Chongryun concentrated its energies on building its own schools in Japan from the initial stages.  In 1955, there were only four Chongryun schools established, but the number increased continuously, reaching 135 in 1965 and 205 in 1971 (Ozawa, 1999).  Ozawa notes that North Korean financial aid to Chongryun from 1957 provided an impetus to school construction.  Chongryun unified the curriculum of all Chongryun schools in 1963 and since then, has reformed it every decade (Ryang, 1997).  Ryang writes that the 1973 reform was a significant turning point in these schools because Chongryun “broadly incorporated the focus on Kim Il Sung into teaching” (p. 55).  Following this reform, students were required to study Kim-related subjects such as the ‘childhood of Father Marshal Kim Il Sung’ (primary school), ‘revolutionary activities of the Great Leader Kim Il Sung’ (middle school) and ‘revolutionary history of the Great Leader Kim Il Sung’ (high school).  Through the classes, the students from an early age were instructed to memorize Kim Il-sung’s teachings and trained to use appropriately the epithets for Kim Il-Sung and his various family members: for example, ‘Our Father Marshal’ or ‘the Respected and Beloved Leader’ for Kim Il-Sung, ‘Mother of Korea’ for Kim’s mother, Kim Pan-sŏk, and ‘Our Dear Leader’ for Kim Jong-Il.  Additionally, Korean history textbooks came to embody a historical view of North Korea, and Japanese textbooks published by Japanese publishers were replaced with versions created by Chongryun schoolteachers that provided students with “the ability to represent North Korea and their North Korean identity in Japanese” (ibid.: 55).  Ryang therefore asserts that through this institutionalized training, the students came to learn how to  38 perform a Chongryun Korean identity as overseas nationals of North Korea and also formed their self-identity as Chongryun Koreans.      2.4 Change and Diversity in Zainichi Korean Community   2.4.1 Emergence of New Identity Discourses The 1970s and 1980s were marked as a significant turning point in the Zainichi Korean community because the preceding homeland-centered discourse was challenged by Japan-born younger generations.  In 1979, Japanese scholar, Iinuma Jirō, and a second-generation Korean, Kim Tong-myŏng, exchanged views about the future of Zainichi Koreans (Chapman, 2008; Tai, 2004).  In this discussion that appeared in Chōsenjin (1979), Kim Tong-myŏng proposed a new way of living for Zainichi Koreans or a ‘Third Way’ – living “in Japan as home, without being totally Korean or totally Japanese but instead being ‘Zainichi’” (Chapman, 2008: 44).  In other words, he asserted that Zainichi Koreans would not return to either the present Korea (North or South Korea) or an (anticipated) reunified Korea in the future and thus they needed to seek a way to live in Japan as an ethnic minority with Korean nationality.  This proposal was completely contrary to the ideologies that the first generation and Korean ethnic organizations had hitherto sustained, and therefore, as Chapman argues, became a virtual challenge to the power hierarchy that was controlled by the first generation within Zainichi Korean communities.   Interestingly, but not surprisingly, this idea of a Third Way was contested later on for its exclusionary framework.  Although the discourse of the Third Way opened a new dimension to what it meant to be Zainichi, it “still presented Zainichi identity as contained and limited” by excluding naturalized Koreans as Japanese and so-called mixed-blood Korean-Japanese from the boundaries of the Third Way (ibid.: 58).  For the supporters of the Third Way, naturalized and  39 mixed-blood Koreans were no better than assimilationists, traitors, spies, and half-Japanese.23  However, in tandem with the increasing number of naturalized Koreans,24 several people promoted from the late 1980s the legitimacy of a dual Korean-Japanese identity, one that was labeled as a ‘Fourth Way’ (Chapman, 2008; Hester, 2008).  They “refut[ted] the argument that acquiring Japanese nationality [was] tantamount to abandonment of ethnic sentiments and absorption into a monoethnic Japan” (Hester, 2008: 147) and suggested the possibility that even naturalized and ethnically-mixed Koreans could live as Koreans in Japan by “maintaining pride in Korean heritage, including the display of one’s Korean heritage through the regular use of ethnic names” (ibid.: 146).  Furthermore, it is intriguing that they reinterpreted the naturalization of Zainichi Koreans – long degraded within the communities – in a positive way such that encouragement of the Fourth Way could be a powerful impetus to rejuvenate Korean identity among Zainichi Koreans and transform Japan into a multicultural society (Chapman, 2008; Hester, 2008; Tai, 2004).     Some empirical studies reflect the presence of diverse identities in the Zainichi Korean community (Fukuoka and Kim, 1997; Kim, 2009; Im, 2009).  Table 2.4 below shows the Zainichi Koreans’ identity categories that the studies established on the basis of questionnaire surveys or interview data.  They categorized the identities in different ways, but equally highlighted the multiplicity and/or fluidity of Zainichi Koreans’ identities.                                                      23 In effect, Chŏng (2001) reports that the prevailing contempt for naturalized Koreans in the Zainichi Korean community has held some Zainichi Koreans back from changing their nationality.      24 The number of those naturalized during the 1980s maintained a level of approximately 5,000 people per annum, but passed 7,000 in 1992 and reached 10,000 people in 1995 (Kashiwazaki, 2009; Tai, 2004).     40 Table 2.4 Zainichi Koreans’ Multiple Identities Research Identity Types of Zainichi Koreans Fukuoka & Kim (1997) • Nationalist: living for the homeland and the nation • Ethno-solidarity: living to improve Zainichi Koreans’ standard     of living  • Pluralist: harmoniously living together with Japanese while         respecting mutual differences  • Individualist: living for individual success through upward       social mobility  • Conflict-avoiding: living without the tendency to obsess over      an ethnic identity  • Conflict: always living while facing an identity crisis  • Naturalizing: living with a desire to become Japanese Im (2009) • Cosmopolitan: stressing the importance of solidarity all together      among Koreans on the peninsula, Zainichi Koreans, and      Japanese • Ethno-solidarity: stressing only solidarity among Zainichi     Koreans and thus, being isolated from the dominant Japanese     society  • Individualist: contemplating a new identity formation as      ‘Zainichi’ while holding Japanese nationality Kim (2009) • Assimilationist: living as Japanese while hiding a Korean     background • Ethnic-centered: living as Koreans while using a Korean name     and disclosing ethnic background    2.4.2 Curricular Reform of Chongryun Schools   The shift of Zainichi Koreans’ understanding of their relationship with Korea and Japan seemed to become a trigger for extensive curricular reform in Chongryun schools in 1993.  Chongryun has reformed its school curriculum every decade since 1963.  However, among others, the 1993 reform is particularly significant because Chongryun reflected to a large extent the reality of Zainichi Korean children or the fact that they are living and will live in Japan and will not return to North Korea (Pak, 2013; Ryang, 1997).           41  One of the biggest changes in the new curriculum was to eliminate the subjects for ‘ideological education’ such as ‘Childhood of Father Marshal Kim Il-Sung’ and ‘Revolutionary History of the Great Leader Kim Il-Sung,’ replacing these teaching hours with the subjects of Japanese history, society, and language (Ryang, 1997).  This revision enabled students to learn how to “talk in Korean about daily life and occurrences and events in the Japanese locality, that is, the nonorganization life that takes place outside Chongryun’s field” (p. 54) and helped them to prepare for entrance examinations for Japanese schools (ibid.).  Under the new curriculum, moreover, the past lessons that invoked anti-Japanese, anti-South Korean, and anti-American sentiments disappeared from textbooks (Pak, 2013).   Another remarkable change in the 1993 revisions was that Korean textbooks focused on teaching colloquial forms of Korean (Kim, 1994; Ryang, 1997; Sin, 2005).  The old Korean textbooks had aimed to develop students’ literacy skills and the textbooks were written by and large in formal (or written) forms of Korean (e.g., handa and hapnita forms).  As a result, the Korean speech of Chongryun school students became “predominantly text-dependent” (Ryang, 1997: 36).  However, under the 1993 reform, the Korean textbooks came to devote more attention to teaching informal and colloquial styles (e.g., hay and hayyo forms) than before25 and to emphasize all four language skills – reading, writing, speaking, listening – to the same extent (Ryang, 1997; Sin, 2005).  Sin (2005) attributes these changes to the decreasing number of first-generation Koreans.  That is, when the Zainichi Korean community consisted of many first-generation members whose first language was Korean, younger generations had opportunities to hear and use colloquial Korean with the first-generation members outside of Chongryun schools.                                                  25 For example, whereas none of the lessons in the old Korean textbook for the 2nd grade introduced the spoken version of Korean, the 1993 new Korean textbook devoted 14 out of 28 lessons to its education (Ryang, 1997).        42 However, as the number of first-generation Koreans declined, these opportunities decreased and it became necessary to teach the colloquial forms at school.  Despite the considerable reduction of references to Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il from the new curriculum, however, it is important to note that the political ideologies of North Korea still underlie the education of Chongryun schools.  Pak (2013) argues that some fables in the new primary school Korean textbooks such as ‘The Ant and Cicada,’26 ‘The Three Little Pigs,’ and ‘The Squirrel and Raccoon’ were selected to teach students socialist values like the importance of labor, diligence, and egalitarianism.27  Furthermore, the 2013 Investigation Report on Chongryun Schools by Tokyo Metropolis28 shows that the high school textbooks for social studies introduce Chuch’e (self-reliance) ideology – the official political ideology of North Korea – and praise the ideology highly:   Chuch’e Ideology was created by the Great Marshal Kim Il-sung and developed and  enriched by Dear Leader Kim Jong-il and is a new idea for human liberation.     Chuch’e Ideology is an idea of ethnic liberation to eliminate an ethnic subordinate position and inequality and realize ethnic autonomy and as well, an idea of internationalism to establish an international society that is autonomous and peaceful.  (The 10th-grade textbook for social studies, cited in the Investigation Report on Chongryun schools, 2013: 9)         The report also informs that in the high school textbooks on modern Korean history, the epithets for the two former leaders, “the Respected Marshal Kim Il-sung” and “Dear Leader Kim Jong-Il,” appear 353 times while their pictures appear 43 times.  Much the same thing occurs in the music textbooks for primary and secondary schools, the report highlights.  As will be discussed                                                 26 This is the equivalent to ‘The Ant and Grasshopper.’ 27 He said that the fable of ‘The Ant and Cicada’ is introduced in a primary school Korean textbook in North Korea as well.    28 This report investigated the eligibility of Chongryun high schools for the policy of tuition exemption for high schools (http://www.seikatubunka.metro.tokyo.jp/shigaku/sonota/0000000845.html).  43 below, recently this North Korea-oriented education puts Chongryun schools at risk of continuing to exist.    2.4.3 The Ambivalent Status of Zainichi Koreans in the 21st Century   At the start of the twenty-first century, Zainichi Koreans were placed in another new, but fairly ambivalent set of sociopolitical circumstances.  In 2002, South Korea and Japan co-hosted the World Cup of Soccer.  Also, since 2003 when the South Korean TV drama ‘Winter Sonata’ was broadcast in Japan, South Korean popular culture such as movies, music, dramas, and cosmetics have gained tremendous popularity in Japan, a phenomenon known as the Korean Wave or Hallyu in Korean.  This unprecedented popularity of South Korean pop culture has contributed to changing the Japanese people’s attitude toward Zainichi Koreans and Koreans in general, as well as the self-perception of Zainichi Koreans themselves (Han et al., 2007; Hanaki et al., 2007; Hwang, 2009; Iwabuchi, 2008; Kim, 2010; Shim, 2008).  Hanaki et al. (2007) found that the TV drama ‘Winter Sonata’ led several research participants to have “an opportunity to understand them [Zainichi Koreans] better and feel emotionally closer to them” (p. 288).  Hal et al. (2007) and Kim (2010) show that the increased power of Korean pop culture in Japan has enabled many Zainichi Koreans in their studies to feel more empowered and more positive about their ethnic background in Japan.      Nevertheless, it is important to note that an antagonistic attitude toward the Korean Wave and Zainichi Koreans has simultaneously escalated in Japan.  In 2005, the comic book entitled ‘Hate Korean Wave Manga’ (Manga Kenkanryū) was published and became a best seller.29  After North Korea admitted on September 17, 2002 that it had abducted several Japanese citizens                                                 29 The comic book organizes Korean colonial history with very essentialized views (e.g., colonial migration of Koreans was voluntary) and describes Koreans as irrational, ignorant, and self-centered in direct opposition to the depiction of Japanese as rational, knowledgeable, and ethical (Sakamoto and Allen, 2007).        44 during the 1970s and 1980s (henceforth, the 9/17 Incident), further strong hostility toward North Korea and Zainichi Koreans arose in Japan.  Zaitokukai (Zainichi tokken o yurusanai shimin no kai, Association of Citizens against the Special Privileges of the Zainichi) was established in 2007 and has been engaged in hate speech against Zainichi Koreans.30             The surge of anti-North Korean sentiment put Chongryun schools and their students and parents in a particularly dire predicament.  After the media reports, Chongryun schools that are widely perceived to be affiliated with Chongryun and North Korea began to receive hate mail and threatening telephone calls.  Chongryun schoolgirls had their Korean-style uniforms slashed with knives by anonymous perpetrators on the street and on public transportation (Noguchi, 2005; Ryang, 2009).  These kinds of threats and harassment are reported unceasingly whenever conflict and tension between North Korea and Japan occur; during my fieldwork, I learned that Kansai Korean school also received a threatening phone call when the news broke out that North Korea had launched a short-range missile in 2012, and a male student experienced having his bicycle kicked by someone on the way to school.  In order to protect their students’ safety, Chongryun schools implemented various measures such as a dual-uniform system (female students wear a western-style uniform on the way to and from school and change to the Korean-style uniform at school), teachers and parents escorting young children to subway stations or schools, and erasing school names from school buses.  Furthermore, the 9/17 Incident adversely affected the Japanese government’s verdict on whether Chongryun high schools are eligible for a scheme to waive tuition fees.  In April 2010, the Japanese government enforced the Act on Free Tuition at Public High Schools and the High                                                 30 Xenophobic rallies organized by the Zaitokukai and other conservative organizations were held 1,152 times from April 2012 to September 2015.  In May 2016, the Japanese Diet first passed an anti-hate speech law to curb racial discrimination, even though critics denounced the legislation as ineffective because of the unclear definitions of discriminatory language and behaviour and because of the exclusion of racism toward foreign residents without valid visa status (Osaki, 2016).      45 School Enrollment Support Fund “to ease family educational expenses and to contribute to equal opportunity in upper secondary education.”31  Under this law, students in public high schools no longer need to pay school tuition and each student in private high schools, including institutions catering to non-Japanese students, is annually provided with ¥ 118,800.32  However, a few months before the bill was passed, Hiroshi Nakai, the state minister in charge of the North Korean abduction issue, raised questions about the eligibility of Chongryun high schools for the program by reason of their close link to Chongryun (Hongo, 2010).  His posing of this problem was widely supported by right-wing groups (ibid.) and led to a resumption of full deliberation of this issue (Kyodo News, 2010; Martin, 2011).  Eventually, the conclusion was unfavorable to Chongryun high schools.  Although Chongryun high schools were initially included in the plan, the Ministry enforced the law excluding Chongryun high schools and announced that they would decide what to do with Chongryun high schools in the future after they confirmed the suitability of their curriculum and educational contents (Ito, 2013).  In 2013, almost three years after the enactment of the law, the education ministry officially announced a preclusion of Chongryun high schools from the tuition waiver program for the reasons that “the government would not be able to get the public to support a tuition-waiver program that includes pro-North Korea schools, because they have close ties with the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan” (Chongryun) and “because there has been no progress toward resolving the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korean agents” (“Treat all students equally,” 2013).  The 9/17 Incident and the federal government’s exclusion of Chongryun high school from the tuition-waiver program prompted several local governments to stop annual subsidies to Chongryun schools as well.  In 2011, Osaka Prefecture, an area with a high proportion of ethnic                                                 31 The website of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology in Japan (MEXT) (http://www.mext.go.jp/english/elsec/1303524.htm)    32 An amount 1.5 or 2 times higher is given to students from low-income households (MEXT website).   46 Koreans, decided to withdraw the funding (about ¥ 185 million) that it had granted to Chongryun schools since 1991, because the schools did not satisfy the four demands that the then-Osaka vice-governor, Hashimoto Tōru, put forward in March 2010: (1) to conduct educational activities that conform with Japanese education guidelines, (2) to disclose financial information about Chongryun schools to the public, (3) to cut off relations with a particular political organization (that is, Chongryun), and (4) to remove particular political leaders’ portraits (Fujinaga, 2013).33  This move was followed by other local governments such as Tokyo, Hiroshima, Kanagawa Prefecture, Saitama Prefecture, Miyagi Prefecture, and Chiba Prefecture.  In March 2016, education minister Hiroshi Hase requested 28 prefectural governments to “re-evaluate the public benefits and effectiveness of subsidies” to Chongryun schools and put pressure on the local governments’ provision of subsidies (Takahama & Katayama, 2016).  It may go without saying that this financial pressure by both federal and local governments on Chongryun schools imposed severe economic hardships not only on Chongryun schools themselves, but also the on teachers and parents.  A large portion of annual subsidies from local governments had been applied to school operating expenses, including teachers’ salaries and students’ tuition grants.  However, since Chongryun schools lost the subsidies in several prefectures, many teachers ended up working unpaid: in fact, I was informed that Kansai Korean School teachers had been unpaid for fourteen months as of early 2013.  The financial burden of parents also increased because they had to pay the tuition that was previously covered by local government allowances.  Against the discriminatory treatment of Chongryun schools, Chongryun schoolteachers, students, their parents, and Japanese supporters have held rallies in various areas.  In April 2013, a Chongryun school delegation comprised of five mothers of                                                 33 Osaka prefecture first ceased to provide the annual subsidies to the Osaka Chongryun high school in 2011 and did the same to primary and middle schools in the following year.  47 Chongryun school students visited Geneva, Switzerland to appeal to the UN to urge the Japanese government to include Chongryun high schools in the tuition waver program.  In addition, Osaka Chongryun Educational Foundation, Aichi Chongryun High School, and Tokyo Chongryun High School filed a lawsuit demanding the application of a tuition-free high school education program and this case is still in progress.  2.5 Summary  In this chapter, I have illustrated how the Zainichi Korean community was formed and how Zainichi Koreans have sought to live in Japan while maintaining their Koreanness.  The pro-North Korea organization, Chongryun, prioritized the prosperity of the homeland North Korea and reunification of the Korean peninsula under the leadership of Kim Il-sung over Zainichi Koreans’ well-being and rights in Japan.  The education in Chongryun schools therefore focused on teaching students North Korean political ideology and producing the future generation of overseas nationals of North Korea who would devote themselves to North Korea and their leaders, Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il.  However, in recent decades, homeland-centered ideologies such as “repatriatism” (Hester, 2008: 146) to the peninsula and the notion of Koreans’ status as sojourners in Japan has been waning in the Chongryun community.  The ideological and geographical partition of North and South Korea show no signs of change and Japan-born, second- and third-generation Koreans have come to constitute the vast majority of the Zainichi Korean population and seek a way to live in Japan as an ethnic minority group.  With this trend, Chongryun schools initiated curricular reforms that took into account their students’ real lives in Japan.  However, this does not necessarily mean that Chongryun has cut off its relationship with North Korea and pursues more inclusive education with the blanket term of ‘Koreans.’  As will be seen in the following chapters, Chongryun schools still aim to cultivate Koreans and not  48 Japanese, and also overseas nationals of North Korea and not overseas nationals of South Korea, who can dedicate themselves to the fatherland.  To that end, they believe that the Korean language is an essential element in their curriculum.                      49 CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY   3.1 Introduction  This study is based on a yearlong ethnographic research project conducted in Osaka Prefecture, Japan.34  The primary fieldwork was conducted from October 2012 through August 2013 in a Chongryun school that I will refer to as Kansai Korean school, the Chongryun school students’ households, other community settings, and a non-Chongryun Korean school that I will call Hana Korean School.  I returned to the site in March 2014 for follow-up research for one month.  I chose Osaka Prefecture for the primary research site because the largest population of Zainichi Koreans in Japan resides in the area.  In this chapter, I provide a full description of the research venues, participants, data collection and analysis procedures.  School names and all participants’ names presented in this study are pseudonyms.         3.2 Research Sites 3.2.1 Kansai Korean School  Located in a quiet residential area, Kansai Korean School includes a preschool, primary school, and middle school in an old four-story, L-shaped building.  The school first began with a primary school in the late 1950s, following by the establishment of the middle school in the 1960s and the preschool in the 1970s.  In the past, Kansai Korean School could boast several hundred students.  However, when I commenced my fieldwork, the total enrollment for the 2012                                                 34 There is only a small number of Chongryun schools in Osaka Prefecture.  In order to protect confidentiality, therefore, I have decided not to specify the cities where the schools I visited were located.  In Chapter 6, I have given the city where Kansai Korean School is located a pseudonymous name: Midori.       50 academic year was barely 80 students: 6 students in the preschool, 43 students in the primary school, and 31 students in the middle school.  The next academic year from April 201335 began with an even smaller number of students.  Due to a rumor of the possibility that the middle school would be combined shortly with another Chongryun middle school nearby, several students transferred to other schools and the school also decided not to accept new middle school students for that year.36  As a result, the new academic year started with just 11 middle school students: 8 students in the 9th grade and 3 students in the 8th grade.                    Through a Japanese university professor that I had built up personal contact with, I was put in touch with Mr. Han, the principal of Kansai Korean School.  The professor, who was devoted to activities for Chongryun schools, saw Mr. Han as open-minded and she thought that he would allow me to do research at his school.  In the first meeting with Mr. Han, I verbally gave him some general information about my research and later sent him a documented research plan via email as per his request.  But a few weeks later when I visited the school again, I sensed he was holding back from letting me into his school.  Because of the term ‘language ideology (ŏnŏ sasang)’ that I used in my research plan, Mr. Han seemed to misunderstand that my research was to explore the political ideologies that Chongryun schools instilled into their students.  Thus, on the spot, I gave him a detailed account of what the term referred to and sent him a revised version of my research plan thereafter.  Mr. Han also invited me to the school’s open house while we were in the process of negotiating my entry into the school.  After the open house, he introduced me to the chairman of the local Chongryun school board and several other school authorities over lunch.  This may have been Mr. Han’s intended plan to familiarize them                                                 35 The academic year at Japanese schools normally begins in April and ends the following March.   36 However, the board of education for Chongryun schools in the city resolved to preserve the middle school and from 2014, Kansai Korean School granted admission to new middle school students.      51 with me and mitigate any potential sources of conflict over opening up their educational venue to an outsider.   About one and a half months after I started negotiating entry into the school with Mr. Han, I was permitted to conduct my fieldwork in Kansai Korean School.  Thus, it was from January 2013 that I began to attend the middle school’s classes and observe school activities and events.  3.2.2 Hana Korean School  Hana Korean School is a relatively new Korean ethnic school that was established in 2008.  Unlike Mindan and Chongryun schools that are affiliated with either South Korea or North Korea, Hana Korean School rejects supporting either of the two Koreas and pursues fostering global ethnic Koreans beyond geographical and ideological boundaries (see Chapter 4 for more details).  The school offers secondary education to approximately seventy students as of 2012.  At the outset of my research, I did not have a plan to conduct fieldwork in any Korean ethnic school other than a Chongryun school.  However, while I was in waiting mode with concerns as to whether I would obtain permission from Mr. Han, I learned from the school website that Hana Korean School would have a cultural festival soon.  Hence, with an interest in seeing how different the school might be from Chongryun schools and in order to seek to arrange an interview with the school principal, I visited the school on the festival day.   After all of the students’ performances for the festival came to an end, I approached the principal, Mr. Min, and introduced myself, explaining the reason why I had come to Japan from Canada.  To my surprise, Mr. Min, who showed an interest in my research, immediately introduced me to Mr. Ko, the head teacher of Korean language.  Despite the unannounced nature  52 of visit, Mr. Ko kindly took the time to explain the Korean language education program in Hana Korean School to me and also willingly accepted my request to observe the school’s Korean classes then and there.  Consequently, I could begin to sit in on different levels of Korean classes, interact with several teachers, and observe a few school events from December 2012.   3.3 Participants  3.3.1 Teachers in Kansai Korean School  Five teachers in Kansai Korean School participated in this study: Mr. Han (the principal), Mrs. Song (Korean teacher), Ms. Hwang (English teacher), Mr.Yi (Music teacher), and Mr. Ch’oe (Korean history teacher).  Table 3.1 below provides an overview of the teachers’ general profiles, except for Mr. Ch’oe because he left the school prior to the beginning of the 2013 academic year and I did not have a chance to interview him.  Table 3.1 General Profile of Kansai Korean School Teachers         The principal, Mr. Han, was a third-generation Korean in his 50s.  His grandparents migrated to Japan from Cheju Island during the colonial period.  After Korea’s liberation, his paternal grandfather played important roles in Chongryun activities and in the foundation of Chongryun schools.  Therefore, Mr. Han said, he naturally started studying in a Chongryun elementary Name Role Generation Birth Year School Education Mr. Han Principal 3rd 1957 K-12: Chongryun Chosŏn University Mrs. Song Korean teacher 3rd 1979 K-12: Chongryun Chosŏn University Mr.Yi Music teacher 3rd 1969 K-12: Chongryun Chosŏn University Ms. Hwang English teacher 3rd 1977 K-12: Chongryun  Chosŏn University  53 school and continued to be educated in Chongryun schools up to the university level.  He was granted a bachelor’s degree from the Department of Literature at Chosŏn University.  Following university graduation, Mr. Han took a teaching position in a Chongryun middle school as a Korean language teacher and since then, he has been involved in Chongryun ethnic education by moving around several different schools.  It was in 2010 that he started in his new post as principal of Kansai Korean School.   Mrs. Song, a third-generation Korean in her early 30s, was a part-time Korean language teacher.  Since graduating from Chosŏn University, she had worked as a full-time teacher in a number of Chongryun schools.  However, after marrying and having children, she shifted her status to part-time.  Mrs. Song grew up in a family of teachers; both her father and mother were Chongryun schoolteachers.  Mrs. Song thus explained that it might be partially her family background that resulted in her entering Chosŏn University and not considering other options, such as taking a Japanese university entrance examination.  She also received a bachelor’s degree from the Department of Literature at Chosŏn University.  Her desire to learn more about the Korean language motivated her to choose her major and it was her insight into “the need for key figures in the organization (i.e., Chongryun)” during her university years that led her to become a teacher.     Ms. Hwang, an English teacher, was also a third-generation Korean in her 30s and her father too had dedicated his career to teaching in Chongryun schools.  From her childhood, she said, becoming a teacher had been her lifelong dream and she chose to major in English at Chosŏn University to improve her English competency.  Mr.Yi was a music teacher and the homeroom teacher of the students who participated in my research.  He grew up with parents who had worked as manual laborers.  Like the other teachers, he had studied at Chosŏn  54 University and majored in music in the Department of Education.  His spouse is a newcomer from South Korea and he seemed to be more familiar with expressions from the South Korean standard language than the other schoolteachers.                    Most of the teachers informed me that their home language had been Japanese-dominant during their childhood, not only with their parents but also with their grandparents.  Therefore, like many of their current students, they had begun to learn Korean once they entered a Chongryun school.   3.3.2 Teachers in Hana Korean School  The Hana Korean School teachers involved in my research were: Mr. Min (the principal), Mr. Sŏ (the vice-principal), and three Korean language teachers, Mr. Ko, Ms. An, and Mrs. Yu.  The principal, Mr. Min, was the school’s third principal and was appointed in 2010.  He was born and grew up in South Korea and came to Japan to study for graduate school.  According to him, an invitation from one of the Hana Korean School board members motivated him to work for Hana Korean School.  The vice-principal, Mr. Sŏ, was a fourth-generation Korean who had worked in Chongryun schools as a mathematics and science teacher.  After he left the environment of Chongryun schools, he was asked to build up Hana Korean School by the then principal.  However, despite his empathy with the school’s education ideologies, he did not initially accept the invitation as he viewed working in Hana Korean School could be considered an act of betrayal against Chongryun schools.  Thus, it was not until 2011 that he accepted the second invitation from Hana Korean School.  All of the Korean language teachers were newcomers from South Korea.  They had come to Japan for undergraduate or graduate studies and were very fluent Japanese speakers.  Their majors in undergraduate and graduate schools  55 ranged from Japanese literature and theater studies to studies of cultural heritage and teaching Japanese as a foreign language.  Table 3.2 General Profile of Hana Korean School Teachers Name Role Birth Place Birth Year School Education Mr. Min Principal South Korea 1966 K-12 & Undergrad: South Korea Grad school: Japan Mr. Sŏ Vice-principal  & Science teacher Japan (4th generation) 1967 K-12: Chongryun schools Undergrad: Chosŏn University Grad school: Japanese University Mr. Ko Korean teacher South Korea 1975 K-12 & Undergrad: South Korea Grad school: Japan Ms. An Korean teacher South Korea 1981 K-12: South Korea Undergrad & grad school: Japan Mrs. Yu Korean teacher South Korea 1978 K-12: South Korea Undergrad & grad school: Japan   3.3.3 Students in Kansai Korean School  In Kansai Korean School, I attended middle school classes that consisted of eight ninth-graders (as of the 2013 academic year) and I received written consent from all of the students’ parents (Appendix A).  The students started their middle school life with eleven classmates (eight female students and three male students).  However, three students moved to other Chongryun schools and the 2013 academic year ended up starting with eight students (seven female students and one male student).       56 Table 3.3 General Profile of Kansai Korean School Students Name Gender Generation School education Nationality Chi-min Female 4th K-9: Chongryun High school: Chongryun Chosŏn Hye-jin Female 4th K-9: Chongryun High school: Chongryun South Korea Min-a Female 4th K-9: Chongryun High school: Chongryun Chosŏn Na-rae Female 4th K-9: Chongryun High school: Japanese South Korea Na-yŏng Female 4th K-9: Chongryun High school: Chongryun South Korea Su-ji Female 4th K-9: Chongryun High school: Chongryun South Korea Yu-ri Female 4th K-9: Chongryun High school: Chongryun Chosŏn Min-u Male 4th K-9: Chongryun High school: Japanese South Korea    All of the students were fourth-generation Koreans who were born and grew up in the Kansai area (southern-central region of Japan’s main island).  Except for Yu-ri, who had transferred from another Chongryun school when she was in the fourth grade for family reasons, all of the students had been educated in Kansai Korean School from the kindergarten or primary level.  Therefore, one student told me that they were more like “siblings” than simply classmates.  However, of those eight students, two made decisions to take a different path from the others.  Min-u and Na-rae entered Japanese high schools, whereas the other six students advanced to a local Chongryun high school in April 2014.  I document Min-u and Na-rae’s motivations to leave the realm of Chongryun schools in Chapter 6.  Except for three students, Chi-min, Min-a, and Yu-ri, all students were holders of South Korean nationality, although they had never been to South Korea and many of them did not have a passport yet.37                                                   37 Having the legal status of South Korean does not guarantee a South Korean passport for Zainichi Koreans.  To have a passport issued, they are required to be interviewed by a consular official; Zainichi Koreans who are related to Chongryun seem to be asked especially many questions about their political  57 3.3.4 Parents  I recruited parents who were sending or had sent their children to Chongryun schools through snowball sampling.  I first considered inviting the parents of the student participants to my study by sending them a recruitment letter.  However, the Kansai Korean School principal, Mr. Han, advised me that it would not be efficient because a formal letter could lead them to think that the project might delve into their private information.  Therefore, I tried to make acquaintances with the school parents by attending several school events.  As a result, I was able to recruit several parents and they also introduced me to some other parents.   In Hana Korean School, I sent a recruitment letter to parents through students who attended Korean language classes.  Given the political stance of Hana Korean School, I thought that the parents might be more accepting of an outsider from South Korea and open to sharing their experience than the parents in Kansai Korean School.  However, contrary to my expectations, I did not hear from any parents.  Thus, I asked Mr. Ko, a Korean teacher, for help and he introduced me to Mrs. Kang who invited other parents to my research.  See Table 3.4 for the general profile of the parent participants.                                                                                                                                                               views.  People who are working for the Chongryun organization (such as schoolteachers) hardly have a chance to be issued a passport even though they have South Korean nationality.         58 Table 3.4 General Profile of Parent Participants Name Birth Year (Generation) School  Education Children38 Mrs. Kim & Mr. Yang  1968 K-12: Chongryun  Chosŏn U.  Daughter 9th grade in a Chongryun middle school 1967 Daughter 8th grade  in a Chongryun middle school Mrs. Shin 1970 (3rd) K-12:  Chongryun Chosŏn U. Son 10th grade in a Japanese school (K-9: Chongryun schools)  Son 9th grade  in a Chongryun middle school Daughter Three years old Mrs. O 1968 (3rd)  K-12: Chongryun Chosŏn U. Son 2nd year in a Japanese university (K-12: Chongryun schools) Daughter 11th grade  in a Chongryun high school Daughter 6th grade  in a Chongryun primary school Mrs. Cho &  Mr. Im 1968 (3rd) K-12: Chongryun Japanese U. Daughter 12th grade  in a Chongryun high school 1968 (2nd) K-12: Chongyrun Japanese U. Son 8th grade in a Chongryun middle school Daughter 6th grade  in a Chongryun primary school Mrs. Hong 1967 (3rd ) K-12: Chongryun Chosŏn U. Son 1st year in Chosŏn University (K-12: Chongryun schools) Son 11th grade  in a Chongryun high school  Son 9th grade  in a Chongryun middle school  Son 4th grade  in a Chongryun primary school Mrs. To 1975 (3rd) K-12: Chongryun Japanese U. Son 5 years old  in a Chongryun preschool Daughter 3 years old Mrs. Kang Unknown (2rd) K-12: Chongryun Son 3rd year in a Japanese university (K-12: Chongryun schools) Daughter 12th grade  in a Japanese high school (K-9: Chongryun schools) Son 7th grade  in Hana Korean School  (K-6: Chongryun school)                                                  38 The grades of the children are indicative of when I first met their parents.   59 Name Birth Year (Generation) School  Education Children Mrs. Nam  Unknown (3rd) K-12: Chongryun U: Chosŏn U. Daughter 27 years old (K-12: Chongryun schools   & Japanese University) Daughter 25 years old (K-12: Chongryun schools  & Japanese University) Daughter 1st year  in a South Korean university (K-9: Chongryun schools K10-12: Hana Korean School)  Son 10th grade  in Hana Korean School (K-6: Chongryun school) Mrs. Kwŏn 1969 (2nd) K-12: Chongryun Son 8th grade  in a Chongryun middle school Son 6th grade  in a Chongryun primary school   In general, mothers appeared more often at school events than fathers and I had more chances to meet them and build a rapport with them.  Therefore, the parent participants in this study were composed mainly of Zainichi Korean mothers.  Although their experiences with post-secondary education varied, all of the parents were educated in Chongryun schools from primary through the high school level.  Some of the parents (Mrs. O, Mrs. Cho, Mrs. Hong, Mrs. Kwŏn, and Mrs. Nam) had worked as teachers in Chongryun schools.   When I met them, a majority of the mothers were full-time homemakers or had part-time jobs in various places (Chongryun-unrelated places).  I did not have a chance to ask them about their socioeconomic status because I thought it was a sensitive question.  However, from my observation of their homes and information from other community members, it can be said that their socioeconomic status varied from lower middle to upper class.                60 3.4 Data Collection   In order to enhance the trustworthiness of the study (Creswell and Miller, 2000; Duff, 2008), I collected the data through multiple methods: (1) participant observation in Kansai Korean School and Hana Korean School classes and various school and community events; (2) semi-structured interviews with Kansai Korean School and Hana Korean School teachers, students who were attending or had attended Chongryun schools, and parents who were sending or had sent their children to Chongryun schools; (3) audio- and video-recordings of family interactions during mealtimes; and (4) accumulation of related documentation (e.g., newspaper articles and handouts from a wide range of events and public meetings), DVDs of Chongryun school events, Chongryun school textbooks, and magazines published by a Chongryun publisher.   3.4.1 Participant Observation  3.4.1.1 Kansai Korean School  From January 2013 through July 2013, I regularly attended a Korean language class that was conducted by Mrs. Song once a week.  I chose to observe the Korean class because I believed that the class would deal with language-related issues more than other subject classes.  However, soon after I started observing Mrs. Song’s class, I realized that a Korean history class was arranged next to the Korean class.  Thus, with permission from the principal, Mr. Han, and the teacher, Mr. Ch’oe, I attended the class from January to February 2013.  As a result, audio-recorded data from 14 lessons (10.5 hours) was collected from the Korean language class and from 4 lessons (3 hours) of the Korean history class.  Throughout the classroom observations, I kept taking field notes and making notes of ideas, questions, and themes that emerged.  I also tried to arrive at the classroom earlier than the start time of the Korean class and stayed there for a while after the class in order to interact with the students and develop a good rapport with  61 them, as well as to observe the students’ interactions and language use among them during breaks.  I collected Chongryun school textbooks (elementary school Korean textbooks and middle school Korean, English, and history textbooks) in order to get a better understanding of the curriculum content.  In addition, I attended and observed several school events (e.g., a school open house, cultural festivals, speech contests, and graduation ceremonies) and Chongryun-sponsored community events and meetings to gain some insights into the culture of Chongryun schools, language use among the community members, and their perceptions on various issues.  Chongryun schools manufactured DVDs of their school events and sold them to parents after the events (probably to earn money to aid school management).  Those DVDs are also a part of my collected data.       3.4.1.2 Hana Korean School  With the cordial consent of Mr. Ko and other schoolteachers, I also visited Hana Korean School once a week.  I was allowed to sit in on a number of different levels of Korean classes and observe school events.  As a result, I collected audio-recorded data of 28 lessons (21 hours) with condensed written field notes.  However, I decided not to provide a detailed description and analysis of classroom interactions in Hana Korean School in this dissertation.  The Korean classes differed from those in Kansai Korean School in many respects: educational goals, contents of the class, instructional language, student backgrounds and so on.  Therefore, I thought that it would be better to approach and analyze the data with a different research focus.  In this study, instead, I describe the school’s educational ideas, curriculum, and language policy primarily on the basis of the interview data from schoolteachers (see Chapter 4).        62 3.4.2 Interviews Before starting interviews with each participant, I first briefly explained my study and asked them to carefully read the informed consent form.  I also highlighted that they could stop the interview whenever they wanted without any negative consequences and were free to ask me to pause the audio-recorder to speak off the record and delete certain information that they did not want to include in my study.39   3.4.2.1 Teachers  I held semi-structured interviews with four teachers in Kansai Korean School and five teachers in Hana Korean School.  The interviews ranged from 30 minutes to an hour and a half and all of the interviews were conducted in Korean and audio-recorded.  The teachers were mainly asked about their family, education, and career backgrounds, their views of ethnic education including Korean language teaching, and goals and challenges with their teaching.  3.4.2.2 Students All of the 9th-grade students in Kansai Korean School participated in my interviews (1 male student and 7 female students).  I interviewed them two or three times mainly during extracurricular activity time at the school.  All of the interviews, ranging from one hour to an hour and a half in length, were audio-recorded and carried out mostly in Korean, the students’ preferred language, although they often inserted Japanese in Korean sentences.  During the interviews, the students were asked about their school life, their language use within and outside of the school, their opinions about local Korean variety – Zainichi Korean – and the standard languages of North and South Korea, and their own self-identification.                                                  39 Refer to Appendix D for sample interview questions.   63 At first, I planned to conduct one-on-one interviews with the students.  However, when I had the first interview with Min-a in a vacant classroom, other students, Chi-min and Yu-ri, were making posters for a school event in the corner of the classroom.  Although the two girls were trying to talk and laugh in a low voice, it inevitably disturbed me while I was trying to focus on the interview with Min-a.  Therefore, I suggested an interview with all three of them together; as best friends in the same grade, they willingly accepted the proposal.  After the interview with Min-a, Chi-min, and Yu-ri, some students who had learned that the three girls did an interview together asked me if they could also do an interview with other classmates.  Respecting their preference, I arranged the subsequent interviews in groups of two or three students.  At the end of my fieldwork, I interviewed Min-u and Na-yŏng individually because of the necessity to ask them some personal questions. 3.4.2.3 Parents   The interviews with the parents were mostly conducted in their homes or in coffee shops and in the language that they preferred.  The interviews lasted from an hour and a half to two hours of recording time.  Questions were primarily asked in terms of their family background, children’s schooling, their views about and efforts in developing their children’s Korean and other language abilities at home, and home language use patterns.  With the permission of some parents, I also interviewed their children.  3.4.3 Family Interaction   In order to examine language use patterns between family members, I asked some of the parents I had interviewed about the possibility of them audio-recording or video-recording their family interactions during mealtimes.  I obtained an agreement from two families: Mrs. Kim’s family and Mrs. Shin’s family.  Mrs. Kim provided me with approximately three hours of audio- 64 recorded family interactions and I also received from Mrs. Shin about three hours of video-recorded family interactions.  I will provide detailed descriptions of the family members in Chapter 7.             3.4.4 The Magazine ‘IE (In Succession)’ The magazine ‘IE (In Succession)’ is a monthly magazine that has been published in Japan since 1996 by the Chongryun publisher, Chōsen Shinbosha, in order to “maintain the second generations’ mind toward the homeland and ethnic group and establish a network of Zainichi Koreans.”40  This magazine covers a variety of issues, ranging from Korean food, famous Zainichi Korean athletes, and South Korean movies, to ethnic education in Chongryun schools, political relations between Japan and North Korea, and social welfare and immigration law in Japan.  I accumulated a number of the magazine articles, covering in particular Korean ethnic education and Korean language education.             3.5 Data Analysis    My analysis of the data started from as soon as I entered the research sites and continued throughout the process of data collection and writing of this study.  That is, it was not a distinct stage, but a constant and iterative process during the entire period of my research (Duff, 2008; Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007).    While I was attending classes at Kansai Korean School, I wrote down a detailed description and an initial interpretation of my observations in my field notes.  After I returned to my place of residence, I listened to the audio-recorded classroom interactions once again (at least, before my next visit to the school) and transcribed those fully or partially in Korean.  I highlighted some interesting and prominent segments of the transcript in color and labeled a                                                 40 The website of the magazine: http://www.io-web.net/about/.   65 theme (sometimes multiple themes) next to each segment in the margin by using the Comment function in Microsoft Word.  Questions that emerged during observations and transcription were also added to the transcript in order to identify what I still needed to clarify and whom I should ask.  After completing all of the fieldwork, the initial transcripts were continuously reviewed, changed, and elaborated while examining my field notes and listening to several selected audio-recorded data once again, both before and during the process of writing this study.  The segments pertinent to language socialization were transcribed in a more detailed manner by noting pauses, overlapping speech, emphasized words, and so on, and were scrupulously analyzed through discourse analysis.  I particularly focused on the ways in which language ideologies and identities are indexed through verbal and non-verbal forms.   Interview data from teachers, parents, and students were also analyzed in a similar fashion.  After interviewing, I listened to the audio-recordings again while they were still fresh in my memory and summarized the gist of the responses from each question that I had asked and the topics that naturally emerged in Korean.  I assigned a code to certain parts with salient themes and annotated the transcript with some questions that I needed to further ask the person in the subsequent meeting.  These processes were reiterated until I left the field sites.  After I came back to Vancouver, I read the transcripts multiple times, compared what each participant said, and grouped common and unique themes within the data.     The data from family interactions during mealtimes were collected to examine when and how they used Korean with each other at home.  When I listened to the audio-recorded interactions of Mrs. Kim’s family and watched the video-recorded interactions of Mrs. Shin’s family, I first focused on identifying Korean words, expressions, and sentences used by the family members.  However, the results show that in the family interactions, Japanese was  66 overwhelmingly dominant and Korean was reserved for only limited vocabulary and speech acts; for example, kinship terms (apeci for father, emeni for mother, hammay for grandmother), greetings (annyenghaseyo for hello to a grandfather), congratulating (chwukhahayyo for congratulating a grandfather on his birthday), school-related vocabulary (yeksa for history) and so on (see Chapter 7).                      3.6 Researcher’s Reflexivity   Researchers are “part of the social world they study” (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007: Reflexivity section, para. 1) and that it is impossible to eliminate the impact of the researchers on their research procedures, analysis, interpretations, and the way they present their findings.  Therefore, many studies emphasize the importance of researchers being “aware of their positionality in relation to their research participants, their lack of objectivity in getting, analyzing, and reporting data, and how ‘traditional’ methods may influence their work” (Brayboy & Deyhle, 2000: 168) throughout the research process (see also Guillemin & Gillam, 2004; Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007; Pillow, 2003).           The Chongryun school community was an unfamiliar setting to me, as someone who was born and had lived in South Korea until my mid-20s.  When I studied in a Japanese graduate school (2002-2004), I had opportunities to meet and talk with a few Zainichi Koreans who had been educated in Chongryun schools, but I had never visited the schools and participated in any Chongryun-related meetings and events.  Therefore, prior to the fieldwork, I read numerous studies on Zainichi Koreans’ history, ethnic schools, current social situations, and identities, as well as watched movies about Chongryun schools in order to familiarize myself with the possible contexts to which I would be exposed.  Furthermore, I asked a researcher who had experience with people in Chongryun schools for some advice about things that I should be aware about  67 when I spoke with them (e.g., appropriate references to North Korea).  This preparatory research helped me to “expand the range of recognisable things – not everything will be totally strange and unexpected – and lower the risk of asking the wrong questions and behaving totally out of order” (Blommaert & Jie, 2011: 19). I commenced my fieldwork with an awareness that my life experience was different in numerous ways from the Zainichi Koreans whom I would meet in the research sites.  Even though I share the same ethnic background with them, I had spent my childhood, adolescence, and early twenties in a Korean-dominant society and had never felt threatened or uncertain about my identity as a (South) Korean.  My first language is Korean (more precisely, the standard language of South Korea) and Japanese is my second language, whereas their first language is Japanese and Korean is their second language.  People who studied in Chongryun schools between the 1970s and the 1980s underwent an intensive ideological education that focused on Kim Il-sung and his family (Chapter 2), but I had experienced a strong anti-communist and anti-North Korean education in South Korea during the 1980s.  Hence, in the initial stages of my fieldwork, I strove to acquire and understand the community culture (e.g., their routine conduct, shared outlook) through participating in as many school and community events as possible.   In contrast to the Chongryun school community, where I needed to consciously control my speech and actions so as not to be regarded as arrogant (e.g., ‘real’ Korean, more educated researcher) and to not disrespect their history and life experiences, I found myself relaxed and enjoying the time in Hana Korean School from the outset of my fieldwork.  All of the Korean teachers were approximately my age and had received most of their formal education in South Korea.  Moreover, they had studied in a Japanese graduate school and had a master’s degree or higher, which was also similar to me.  We sometimes shared over lunches and at evening  68 gatherings our interests in and criticisms of politics in South Korea and Japan and a variety of issues the school faced.  All teachers and students in Hana Korean School made me feel free to roam the school and attend school events.  My sense that I shared a similar experience, interests, and language with the Korean teachers, and that the school had a liberal and flexible stance, led me to ask the teachers about diverse topics and openly discuss those with them, both on and off the record.     As my fieldwork progressed in the Chongryun school community, I realized that my positionality had changed.  The students in Kansai Korean School first called me sŏnsaengnim (teacher), but a few months later some of them started calling me ŏnni (an older sister), an expression of intimacy.  In school and community events, I came to see more and more familiar faces and felt more comfortable about being around and interacting with the community members.  I was also surprised when I found myself accommodating my Korean speech to the way they spoke by using the polite ~ formal verb-ending form (hapnita form).  As Blommaert and Jie (2011) point out, my fieldwork was not only data collection, but also “a learning process” whereby I moved “from the margins of the social environment to a more central position” (pp. 26-27; see also Riley, 2009).      However, it is important to note here that as I became closer to the students, teachers, and community members, I became sympathetic toward the dire predicaments that Chongryun schools have recently faced; e.g., threats and harassment by anonymous anti-North Korean people and financial pressure by the federal and local governments due to the exacerbated political relationship between Japan and North Korea.  I often wondered if there were any ways that I could help them through my research.  Also, I sometimes became concerned about the possibility that my research could exacerbate the negative image of Chongryun schools.  This  69 struggle to find a balance between emic and etic perspectives continued in the processes of my fieldwork and writing of this study and I have made every effort to produce a more balanced interpretation by triangulating a variety of data resources and giving deep and rich descriptions in the following chapters.         70 CHAPTER 4 KOREAN ETHNIC SCHOOLS IN PRESENT-DAY JAPAN: TRANSNATIONAL IMAGINED COMMUNITIES AND LANGUAGE IDEOLOGIES    4.1 Introduction Having experienced multiple predicaments and changes since their foundation (Chapter 2), there are now approximately 70 Korean ethnic schools in present-day Japan: as of 2012, 66 Chongryun schools, four Mindan schools, and Hana Korean School that is not affiliated with either organization.  This chapter will examine the educational objectives (or language socialization goals) of those Korean ethnic schools.  That is, drawing on the concept of ‘imagined communities’ (Kanno and Norton, 2003; Kanno, 2003, 2008; Norton, 2001; see Chapter 1), I seek to find what visions or imagined communities the schools had for their students’ futures, what curriculum and school policies and practices they adopted to that end, and what beliefs and values (particularly about languages) underpinned the curriculum and school policies and practices.  This chapter will primarily provide the details of Chongryun schools and Hana Korean School, whereas rudimentary information about Mindan schools will be given on the basis of previous studies because I did not conduct fieldwork in Mindan schools.                    The results show that both Chongryun schools and Hana Korean School aimed to nurture new generations of ethnic Koreans and perceived the Korean language as an essential tool for that goal.  However, I argue that the schools envisioned their students’ future roles in the imagined communities differently and as a result, created different language learning spaces for the students in their schools.     71 4.2 Mindan Schools  Currently, there are four Mindan Schools in Japan: Kŏn’guk School, Kŭmgang School, Kyoto International School, and Tokyo Korean School.  Kŏn’guk School was established in 1946 and has a kindergarten, primary, middle, and high school while Kŭmgang School was established in 1950 and has a primary, middle, and high school.  Both schools are located in Osaka prefecture.  Kyoto International School was established in 1947 and offers secondary education.  Tokyo Korean School was established in 1954 and includes primary and secondary education.  Three of these schools, Kŏn’guk, Kŭmgang, and Kyoto International School were accredited as Article 1 schools or full-fledged schools by the Japanese MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology).  Therefore, the schools follow the national curriculum set by MEXT and teach Korea-related subjects as extracurricular activities.  On the other hand, Tokyo Korean School is a miscellaneous school (kakushū gakkō) or a non-accredited school and has more autonomy in designing its curriculum.  All of the schools were recognized as formal schools by the South Korean Ministry of Education and they are subsidized by the South Korean government in addition to receiving financial aid from their local Japanese prefectures. According Yi and Ka (2010), a large portion of Mindan school students are those who came from South Korea with their parents in recent years, namely newcomer students.  Particularly at Tokyo Korean School, newcomer students constitute about 70%-80% of the entire student body: as of 2016, 432 South Korean-born students and 190 Japan-born students are enrolled in the middle and high schools.41  Unlike Chongryun schools, Mindan schools grant non-ethnic Korean students admission and a small number of local Japanese students are enrolled.                                                  41 The school website can be found at http://www.tokos.ed.jp/smain.html.   72 Although Mindan schools show differences with each other in regard to school status in Japan, curriculum, and student demographics, they seem to share the educational goals of inculcating students with ethno-national pride as South Koreans and instilling in them a broad view as global citizens/leaders:  Table 4.1 Educational Goals of Mindan Schools School Educational Goals Kŏn’guk School • To instill in students self-consciousness and pride as Zainichi      South Koreans   • To cultivate students’ ability to actively participate in international       society  • To cultivate students who serve society through autonomous life        performance • To foster students’ individuality and creativity  Kŭmgang School • To cultivate global leaders who have big dreams and a grand       outlook toward the world • Trilingual education in Korean, English, and Japanese  • Education to foster self-identity in the globalized world and ethnic     pride • Scrupulous educational guidance that accedes to students’ hopes       and demands  • Education to promote consideration for others and a warm heart to      live together  Tokyo Korean School • To cultivate South Koreans who vigorously and valorously work as     global leaders  Kyoto International School • People who realize their roots and take pride in their existence  • People who strive to improve their possibilities   • People who esteem human rights as global citizens and accept and       live together with other cultures * From the websites of each school  Amid a shortage of studies about Mindan schools, Maeda (2005) is valuable in terms of informing us of the details of ethnic education as carried out in Kŏn’guk School and the language environment of the school.  Kŏn’guk School offers one hour of Korean geography class to fifth and eighth graders and Korean history class to sixth and ninth graders once a week.  Korean  73 language class is provided to all primary school students for four hours and all middle and high school students for three hours every week.  The Korean class is largely divided into two types: one is for Zainichi Korean students (or old-timer students) who came to the school with little proficiency in Korean and the other is for newcomer students who have plans to return to South Korea in the future.  Therefore, in the former classes, Korean is taught as a second language by Zainichi Korean teachers, whereas the latter class is taught by teachers dispatched by the South Korean Ministry of Education using Korean textbooks for South Korean public schools.   Except for the Korean classes, all classes are conducted in Japanese at Kŏn’guk School and the everyday school language of students and teachers is also predominantly Japanese.  Maeda (2005) reports that it is rare to see teachers pointing out students’ use of Japanese in the school, which is a striking contrast from the case of Chongryun schools (see Chapter 5).  As for the reasons, Maeda cites two factors: a lack of teachers’ proficiency in Korean, and teachers and students’ preoccupation with language norms.  In Kŏn’guk School, there are Japanese teachers (one third of the teachers, as of 2004) and they are Japanese monolinguals.  Although they try to learn Korean, Maeda asserts that it is not easy for them to reach a fluency level where they can communicate with students in Korean.  Moreover, even Zainichi Korean teachers who have Korean competence to a certain degree tend to entrust native Korean-speaking teachers with students’ Korean learning.  Because they perceive native teachers’ Korean as the norm and their own Korean is deficient, they seldom express their opinions about Korean language education or speak Korean in the school.  Maeda claims that this is the same among many Zainichi Korean students.  Zainichi Korean students are surrounded by native Korean-speaking teachers and classmates at school and hesitate to experiment with their Korean, which is perceived as imperfect.  74 Pak (2013) briefly presents distinct features of ethnic education in other Mindan schools. Similar to Kŏn’guk School, Kŭmgang School offers two different types of Korean language classes, one for old-timer students and another for newcomer students who plan to return to South Korea.  The first- and second-grade students attend Korean class for six hours and students from the third through sixth grades study Korean for five hours every week.  Whereas both Kŏn’guk School and Kŭmgang School use textbooks designated by the MEXT and Japanese is the medium of instruction for all classes except Korean language, Tokyo Korean School uses textbooks that schools in South Korea utilize and Korean is the medium of instruction because most of the students plan for a temporary stay in Japan.  Judging from the intensity of students’ exposure to Korean at each school, Pak (2013) assumes that students in Tokyo Korean School would have a more “balanced bilingual ability” (p.103) in Korean and Japanese than students in Kŏn’guk School and Kŭmgang School.                4.3 Chongryun Schools  Chongryun schools are located over a wide area in Japan (even though many are based in Tokyo, Osaka, and Kobe, where Zainichi Koreans are concentrated) and fulfill kindergarten through university education with a unified curriculum.  All are accredited as miscellaneous schools.  A vast majority of the student population are offspring of old-timer ethnic Koreans.  Considering the fact that Chongryun schools are widely known as connected to North Korea, it is not surprising that there are very few newcomer students from South Korea in contrast to Mindan schools and Hana Korean School.42  Chongryun schools do not accept Japanese ethnic students.  They only permit admission to children having at least one parent who has an ethnic                                                 42 It is not unprecedented for new arrivals from South Korea to enroll in Chongryun schools.  Song (2012) reports the presence of one Korean student from Pusan in South Korea and one Korean-Chinese student from China in the Chongryun school where he conducted his fieldwork.     75 connection to Korea, which may allow their curriculum and class content to be very Korea-centered as will be discussed below.  4.3.1 Educational Goals and Curriculum  It is specified on the Chongryun website that the ultimate purpose of its ethnic education programs is to “educate Korean children who were born and raised in Japan to have a genuine personhood and healthy body by teaching ethnic autonomy (minzoku jichu ishiki), ethnic knowledge (minzokuteki soyō), and a correct perception of history as Koreans (chōsenjin), as well as contemporary scientific knowledge (my emphasis).”  That is to say, cultivating future generations of Koreans in Japan is one of the main missions pursued by Chongryun schools.  This educational goal was self-evident to the Kansai Korean School principal, Mr. Han.  In response to my question about the educational goals of the school, Mr. Han stated without a moment’s hesitation that it was to “cultivate great Koreans (hwullyunghan Cosenin)” and not Japanese.  According to him, there is a high probability that Japan-born Korean children will be assimilated into the Japanese language and culture and become Japanese, without the intervention of ethnic education.  Therefore, Chongryun schools strive to foster a strong and positive Korean identity in their students by teaching Korean history, culture, and language, which will lead them to contribute to developing to a “wealthy and harmonious” Zainichi Korean community while “maintaining friendly and equal relations with the Japanese” and “acting as a bridge between North and South Korea and Japan.”  Mr. Han claimed that Japan-born Korean children’s self-esteem as Koreans could be inculcated only within the premises of Chongryun schools and not within Japanese schools.  In his view, the curriculum in Japanese schools is designed to “cultivate great Japanese” and not to cultivate “great Koreans,” and it is difficult for Korean children to construct and retain Korean identity and ethnic pride:   76 I think that school is a place that provides students with a certain set of circumstances.  Japanese schools educate their students to cultivate great Japanese, not great Koreans, don’t they?  All of the students around them [the Korean children] are also Japanese children.  Of course, depending on the district, there are Japanese schools where many Korean children are enrolled and Korean ethnic classes are operated as extracurricular lessons.  However, although the classes teach Korean customs and knowledge, they are fragmentary and moreover, they are taught under the Japanese education system.  So self-consciousness as Koreans would weaken little by little there, I think.  (Interview 1, K, 04/12/2012)     The schools’ strong emphasis on reproducing Koreans is well projected in their curriculum, as shown in Table 4.2 and Table 4.3 below.     Table 4.2 Curriculum of Chongryun Primary and Middle School                     * From the Chongryun website (http://www.chongryon.com/j/edu/index7.html)                     * Weekly instruction hours              Subjects Primary school Middle school G1 G2 G3 G4 G5 G6 G7 G8 G9 Korean (kugŏ) 9 8 7 7 6 6 5 5 6 Japanese 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 English - - - - - - 4 4 4 Social Studies - - 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 Korean History/ Geography - - - - 2 2 2 2 2 Math 4 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 4 Science - - 3 3 3 3 4 4 3 Music/Art 4 4 4 4 4 4 2 2 2 Physical Education/ Homemaking/ Information 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 Total 23 23 26 27 28 28 30 30 30  77 Table 4.3 Curriculum of Chongryun High School                                               * From: Investigation Report of Chongryun Schools by Tokyo Prefecture (2013)       * Abbreviations: LA (Liberal Arts), NS (Natural Sciences), CI (Commercial Information)       * Weekly instruction hours    The Chongryun school curriculum is characterized by putting top priority on teaching Korea-related content.  The Korean language class occupies the most instructional time in all grades from the primary to junior high school level: from grade 1 to 4, the instruction time for the Korean language is at least twice that for Japanese language class.  From grade 5, Korean Subjects  G10 G11 G12 LA NS CM LA NS CM Prerequisite Korean 5 5 4 4 8 7 7 Social Studies 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 Korean History - - - - 5 3 3 (Korean) Modern History 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 World History - 3 2 2 - - - World Geography 2 - - - - - - Math 5 3 - 2 5 - - Science 3 2 - 1 3 - - Japanese 4 4 3 3 7 5 5 English 5 5 3 3 9 6 6 Physical Education 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 Music 1 - - - - - - Information 1 - - - - - - LA (optional) Music  2    2    Art    Chinese focus  2    2    Korean focus   Japanese focus   4    4   English focus   NS  Math    7   10  Physics   3   4  Chemistry   2   3  Biology   2   3  CI Information Theory    3    Information Practice    2   2 Information Accounting        3 Calculation    2   3 Bookkeeping    4   6 General Commerce       6 Total  32 32 32 32 50 50 50  78 geography and Korean history are added as regular subjects.  In contrast, the content of Japanese society, history, and geography are introduced all together in a class of social studies along with social issues of North and South Korea and the Zainichi Korean community.  During music class, Korean songs that contain “ethnic sentiment (mincokcek cengse)” in the lyrics, melody, and rhythm are taught (Mr. Yi, Interview, K, 04/03/2014), whereas it is forbidden to teach and sing Japanese songs in Chongryun schools.   Chongryun high schools offer three different curricular tracks from the 11th grade: Liberal Arts (LA), Natural Sciences (NS), and Commercial Information (CI).  The liberal arts (bunkei) program is designed to educate students further about humanities fields such as languages, history, music, and art while the natural sciences (risūkei) program focuses more on fields like mathematics and natural science.  These two programs are academic courses for students preparing for higher education or university.  On the other hand, the commercial information (shōgyō jōhōkei) program is a course for students who expect to find a job after finishing high school.  Therefore, the students in this course take classes such as information theory, information accounting, bookkeeping, and so on.   While the educational content and academic goals of these programs differ, all students in these programs are required to attend Korean language and Korean (modern) history classes.  The Korean language lessons invariably comprise a large proportion of the high school curriculum across grades and programs.  It is striking that the teaching hours of Korean language and Korean (modern) history – subjects that do not account for a large portion of entrance examinations for Japanese universities – increase in the 12th grade.  This may result from the fact that Chongryun high schools in principle aim to lead their students to proceed to Chosŏn University.         79 As mentioned in Chapter 2, through the 1993 curricular reform, Chongryun schools allocated more hours to teaching Japanese language, society, and history.  Nevertheless, because of their foremost mission to foster a strong Korean identity in students through teaching Korea-related knowledge and language, Chongryun schools necessarily limit the instructional hours of Japan-related subjects to less than in Japanese schools.  This reality brings about the result of putting students who want to advance to a Japanese school at a disadvantage, whereby they must spend extra time and effort to fill the gap in educational content between Chongryun schools and Japanese schools.  According to a student who transferred to a Japanese high school, he had a hard time acquiring new knowledge and accustoming himself to Japanese academic terms that were different from those he had learned in Chongryun schools, when he was studying at a cram school for entrance examinations for a Japanese high school; for instance, in Chongryun schools, the Korean War is called choguk haebang chŏnjaeng (the Great Fatherland Liberation War) as in North Korea, but in Japanese schools it is called chōsen sensō (the Korean War).  The curricular differences between Chongryun schools and Japanese schools consequently seem to become a factor leading to a number of Zainichi Korean parents and students turning their backs on Chongryun schools.    4.3.2 Teachers  A majority of Chongryun schoolteachers are Zainichi Koreans recruited from Chosŏn University that was established in 1956.  Chosŏn University is composed of the departments of literature, history and geography, political economy, business, science, engineering, foreign languages, and education (Kim, 1994).43  Chongryun kindergarten and primary schoolteachers are mainly graduates from the department of education, which offers two-year and three-year                                                 43 The department of political economy is considered an educational venue to train future executives of the Chongryun organization (Song, 2012).    80 diploma courses.  To become middle and high school teachers, a diploma in a four-year course of the department is required.  Even though a few Zainichi Korean teachers who graduated from a Japanese university also work in Chongryun schools, according to Song (2012), they generally teach subjects that are not connected to ethnic education, such as Japanese, art, music, and mathematics.  In effect, all of the Kansai Korean School teachers, except for one Japanese language teacher, were graduates of Chosŏn University.           4.3.3 Ideologies of the Korean Language    One of the central principles in Chongryun schools is that all school-relevant activities must be conducted in Korean.  Except for Japanese, all academic subjects are taught in Korean by Korena-Japanese bilingual teachers, and students are obliged to use only Korean, not only during classes but also during recess, lunchtime, and extracurricular activities.  For pupils who come to the schools with little or no Korean proficiency, teachers in charge of lower grades use Japanese remediatively at times during classes (Pak, 2013; Ryu, 2009), but generally the students become able to understand Korean-only instruction within two years (Cary, 2000).  Students in Chongryun schools are also encouraged to speak correct or normative Korean.  In Kansai Korean School, students’ incorrect use of Korean was frequently corrected by teachers (see Chapter 5).  In addition, students were instructed to write down an incorrect Korean form that they widely used on the blackboard every day and pay attention not to use it for a day and also, to correct their peers’ misuse of Korean during conversation.  Kansai Korean School teachers articulated that speaking (correct) Korean at school was of critical importance because the Korean language would foster students’ identity as Koreans and link them to co-members in other Korean communities.         81 4.3.3.1 Learning and Speaking Korean to Become Koreans  The Kansai Korean School teachers that I interviewed unanimously asserted the inextricable connection between the Korean language and Koreanness.  That is, they placed the Korean language at the center of the construction of their students’ Korean identity.  Mr. Han, the Kansai Korean School principal, addressed:             When one says I am a Chosŏn saram (North Koreans) or Han’guk saram (South Koreans) - it becomes complex again if we start talking about whether one is Chosŏn saram or Han’guk saram.  Lately, chaeil korian (Zainichi Koreans)?  There are some people who use the term.  Anyway, even though being born and growing up in Japan, [one is] not Japanese.  I am Chosŏn saram or Han’guk saram.  Of course, I need to know uri mal (our language = Korean).  It is the foundation of self-mincoksim (ethnic identity) to know uri mal.  By extension, an identity concerning self-existence?  [Korean] lays the foundation for it. (Interview 1, K, 04/12/2012).          Mr. Han says that the Korean language fosters students’ consciousness as ethnic Koreans and furthermore, establishes their dignity as human beings.  Without high self-esteem as Koreans, he went on to say, students could not live in Japan while “sticking out their chests with confidence (kasum phyeko tangtanghakey).”  The English teacher, Ms. Hwang, echoed this view: “I am also not good at [Korean], but I wonder if it can be said that you are one of the country’s people unless you’re able to use the language” (Interview, K, 25/02/2014).   When I asked Mrs. Song, the Korean language teacher, about the instructional goals of her class, she also gave me a similar response.  All Korean classes in Chongryun schools, regardless of grade level, intend to equip students with high competence in Korean so as to “use it and develop their thinking in Korean,” and enrich their ethnicity in the process.  Unlike Korean classes in private language institutes, where the focus is primarily on improving the students’ “language skills,” she highlighted, Korean classes in Chongryun schools aim not only to improve students’ Korean abilities, but also to “evolve their minds (maum) through the contents of  82 Korean textbooks” (Interview 1, K, 29/04/2013).  Given the fact that many parts of the textbooks introduce Korean literary works and culture, Mrs. Song’s statement above can be interpreted as believing that learning Korean through compositions with Korean sentiments and culture (a stark difference from Korean classes in language institutes, in her view) will lead students to deepen their understanding of their own ethnic group and country and consequently, enhance and strengthen their Koreanness.  Similarly to the findings in other diasporas in different countries (e.g., Dagenais, 2003; Garcia-Sanchez, 2010; Guardado, 2009; Klein, 2013; Lo, 2006; Nesteruk, 2010; Zhang and Slaughter-Defoe, 2009), in Chongryun schools, the Korean language was regarded as a vital resource and marker of being Korean.     4.3.3.2 Correct Korean for Intra-Ethnic Communication    After I commenced my fieldwork, I frequently encountered schoolteachers’ complaints and concerns about the quality of the Korean that their students and/or community members spoke.  They commonly depicted the local variety of Korean or ‘Zainichi Korean’ as “shameful,” “awkward,” and “strange” and thus, needing correction.  For instance, a teacher who asked me about my research topic during the early days of my fieldwork labeled the local Korean “shameful” because “it is a Zainichi Korean language (chaeil chosŏnŏ) with an Osaka dialect intonation.”  The school principal, Mr. Han, also frequently described the Korean spoken by students and community members (including even school teachers) as “strange” and “awkward,” due to pragmatically inadequate register usage, prevalent code-switching, and distinctive linguistic features largely influenced by Japanese.  For example, “onul un nalssi ka cham chwupsupnita ne? (Today’s weather is very cold, isn’t it?), where the Japanese sentence ending particle ne is attached to the end of a Korean sentence to ask for an interlocutor’s agreement; and “mekusio (eat),” when students use the Blunt Style imperative form among themselves instead of  83 the more appropriate Intimate Style form, “meke.”  A similar comment was made by Mrs. Song, who problematized her students’ use of Korean with heavily-Japanese-influenced expressions (e.g., word-for-word translation from Japanese to Korean) and new coinages that are nonexistent on the Korean peninsula, their lack of Korean vocabulary, and restricted variation in their Korean registers.   For the teachers, such marked or non-standard features in the Korean of their students were regarded as targets for correction.  They did not see them as a unique identity marker of Zainichi Koreans that differentiates them from other Korean groups in different communities.  When I asked Mr. Han if there were public discourses in the community that called for the need to validate or embrace the local Korean variety as a regional dialect in its own right, he promptly and vehemently denied the possibility while repeatedly saying “epseyo, epseyo! (There aren’t, there aren’t!).”  And he expressed his reluctance to even broach such a topic in public, even if he was required to do so, which indicates that the valorization of correct and prescriptive Korean is widely and indisputably naturalized in the public space of the community.  The schoolteachers I interviewed explained the significance of using correct Korean on the basis of the issue of ‘comprehensibility.’  That is, they claimed that learning and using correct Korean was for the purpose of communicating with other Koreans around the world, while assuming that the local variety or Zainichi Korean would not help them understand Koreans in other speech communities and would not be understood by those Koreans.  Mrs. Song stated: “It would be better to rectify those Korean expressions that are intelligible only among Zainichi Koreans and largely influenced by the Japanese language” and “I think it is reasonable to have a command of the Korean language that is understood wherever we go in the world” (Interview 1, K, 29/04/2013).  Mr. Yi, the music teacher, also remarked:   84 The Korean spoken by graduates of Chongryun schools in our community    wouldn’t be understood on the peninsula, right? ((I hesitated to react   to the question both verbally and behaviorally)) It wouldn’t be understood!    If one comes to speak it correctly, whether the North Korean language or South   Korean language, s/he will be able to communicate [with Koreans on the   peninsula], won’t s/he?  I think that is our language education.  It is necessary to   have the ability to communicate.  But if [we] make up incorrect words among   ourselves and create [our own] community with it and if people who grow up in   the community become teachers and continue to teach incorrect Korean and also,   the Korean language is treated like a minority language, what is our language  education in ethnic education for?  That’s how I feel.  (Interview, K, 04/03/2014)     Mr. Yi does not see the local Korean or Zainichi Korean as something valuable to be preserved and passed down to the next generation within the school and community.  For him, the Zainichi Korean variety is little more than a hindrance to intra-ethnic communication.  Therefore, he laments the vicious cycle whereby incorrect forms of Korean are handed down from generation to generation and underlines the importance of upgrading the quality of Korean language education in Chongryun schools.  However, what is interesting is that there were subtle differences among the teachers’ views as to what extent the non-standard form of Zainichi Korean is acceptable.  Regarding the importance of learning and speaking correct Korean, Mr. Han, the Kansai Korean School principal, said:      We need to teach Korean and although the meaning of the word ‘international society’ may be too big, we need to teach a form of Korean that is internationally recognized, don’t we?  What I say with my friends is [that we need to educate students to have] Korean abilities that are socially recognized, rather than end up doing ethnic education just for self-contentment.  To give you one small example, this becomes evident if one passes the second-level Han’gŭl Proficiency Test.  Or if one passes the fifth or sixth level of the Han’gugŏ Proficiency Test, it means that her/his Korean abilities are [socially and internationally] recognized.  What Korean abilities are they if s/he can’t communicate with visitors from South Korea and if s/he can’t understand Pyongyang people, even if one received more than 90% on a school exam?  Our [Japanized] intonation is forgiven and we need to develop our abilities to communicate with Seoul people or Pyongyang people. (Interview 3, K, 31/07/2013)   85 In a similar vein to other teachers, Mr. Han points out the necessity of ethnic education that can offer students a chance to learn Korean that is socially and internationally recognized, so as to communicate with Koreans on the peninsula.  He gave the example of achieving a high level on one of the Korean Language Proficiency Tests – either the Han’gŭl or Han’gugŏ Proficiency Test44 – as a yardstick by which to measure one’s level of authoritative Korean language proficiency.  Thus, he suggests the standard languages of North and South Korea as the model languages that students have to strive to learn in order to achieve effective communication with “Seoul people” and “Pyongyang people” (and perhaps all Koreans on the peninsula and around the world as well).  However, worth noting here is that while Mr. Han emphasizes the significance of students learning and speaking standard Korean, he asks for tolerance or forgiveness of the non-standard or Japanized Korean intonation of Zainichi Koreans: “Our [Japanized] intonation is forgiven (yongse patko) and we need to develop our abilities to communicate with Seoul people or Pyongyang people” (emphasis added).  Given that he counts the use of standard Korean as crucial for communication with other Koreans, this remark can be considered as evidence that he views Japanized intonation in the Korean spoken by Zainichi Koreans as a linguistic feature that has the smallest impact on comprehensibility.    On the contrary, Mr. Yi vehemently problematized all of the features (vocabulary, syntax, and intonation) that deviate from the Korean norms:     For example, in Japanese education, [teachers say] to little children “kyō wa- getsuyōbi desu (Today is Monday).” ((He prolonged the pronunciation of the Japanese particle, wa))  The particle “kyō wa- getsuyōbi desu.”  Likewise, “onul un- welyoil ipnita.” [Chongryun school teachers also] pronounced the [Korean] particle long.  “Onul un-”  The Japanese intonation should be changed when Korean is spoken.  [However, Chongryun school                                                 44 Whereas the Han’gugŏ Proficiency Test (Test of Proficiency in Korean or TOPIK) was created in South Korea on the basis of the South Korean standard language, the Han’gŭl Proficiency Test was created in Japan on the basis of both standard languages of North Korea and South Korea.   86 teachers speak Korean] in a way that entirely carries over Japanese intonation into Korean.  I think this is unacceptable.  (Interview, K, 04/03/2014)   In this statement, Mr. Yi problematizes the Korean of schoolteachers who simply carry over a Japanese intonation into their Korean intonation.  Unlike Mr. Han, therefore, he asserts that a non-standard intonation of Korean is also “unacceptable” and must be prevented from being transmitted to succeeding generations.     In sum, the Kansai Korean School teachers gave weight to students learning and speaking correct Korean at school because it serves as a symbolic resource defining who they are and connecting them with other Koreans around the world through effective communication.  From their perspective, the inauthentic and impure linguistic features endemic to the local Korean variety raise communicative and emotional barriers vis à vis other ethnic Koreans and impair Zainichi Koreans’ ethnicity and self-esteem as Koreans.  This prescriptive view of language is evinced in the preface of a Korean language textbook for schoolteachers:45    Our language as an ‘ethnic language (mincoke)’ is meant to be a language whereby we can exchange words with ethnic members standing in the same place as ‘ethnic members (mincok)’ and not a ‘language for communication among ourselves (wuli kkili thonghanun mal).’  A language that we orient to [teach and learn] is not ‘our language’ that has been created through literal translation from Japanese or on our own for over fifty years, but is speech that tastes authentic (thopayki mas i nanun mal).                       4.3.3.3 Language Ideologies in the Magazine ‘IE (In Succession)’ The language ideologies that were explicitly expressed by Kansai Korean teachers were also found in articles in the magazine ‘IE.’  The February 1997 issue featured an article titled                                                 45 Chongryun schoolteachers seem to regularly get together and study Korean in order to improve their knowledge of Korean expressions, vocabulary, and grammar with a textbook, ‘Uri Mal Haksŭp (Our Language Study)’ published by the Chongryun publisher, Hagu sŏbang, for teachers.   87 ‘Language Creates People (Gengo ga ningen wo tsukuru)’ and the April 2000 issue introduced an article called ‘This is Strange: ‘Zainichi Korean’ (koko ga hendayo ‘zainichi chōsengo’)’ and an interview article with the Chosŏn University professor, Pak Chae-su (Dean of the Department of Literature).  These articles equally foregrounded the significance of the Korean language for Zainichi Koreans in constructing and sustaining their Koreanness and strengthening their ties with other Koreans through clear communication.         First, the article ‘Language Creates People’ begins with the contention that language is the most critical foundation for cultivating one’s sense of ethnicity.  It asserts that “sense of ethnicity” refers to the unique consciousness and sentiment of an ethnic group that shares community life and that it is formed unconsciously while the ethnic group members speak the same language to each other.  “Language, therefore, is the same as ethnic group (kotoba sunawachi minzoku),” articulates the author.46  The author gives a specific example of how language creates a people based on his own experience.  When he met and talked with his Japanese friend from his elementary school for the first time in 30 years, he realized that his friend very often used the Japanese adverb dōse (anyway, in any case, after all) that connotes a speaker’s attitude of resignation.  At first, he thought it was from the weight and pain of his friend’s life.  However, after carrying on talking, the author became aware that it was caused by his friend’s Japanese ethnicity.  That is, he contends his friend’s frequent use of the adverb dōse as a reflection of a unique Japanese quality that is afraid of facing and challenging reality and thus, compromises with reality for the sake of immediate comfort.  As opposed to this Japanese trait, he describes ethnic Koreans as a group that is “optimistic and vigorous” and never daunted by predicaments, as manifested in the Korean proverb, “Even if the sky falls, there is a hole to escape through” (meaning that even in the most desperate situation, there is still hope).  In                                                 46 The article provides only the author’s name (Pak Chŏm-su) with no information about his background.     88 conclusion, he repeatedly highlights that “ethnic history, culture, tradition, and sprit are housed in the language” and that an ethnic group that speaks its own language is oriented toward special ethnic sentiments and qualities.       The article on ‘This is Strange: ‘Zainichi Korean’’ and the interview with professor Pak Chae-su are meant to arouse Zainichi Koreans’ attention to their “strange” and “unnatural” Korean.  The former introduces a large number of “disorderly and incorrect” Korean usages that are found in Zainichi Koreans’ speech.  Similarly to what Kansai Korean School teachers indicated, the article problematizes Zainichi Koreans’ unclear Korean pronunciation (e.g., the distinction in syllable-final consonants between ‘n’ and ‘ng,’ and between syllable-final ‘k’ and ‘t’); their Japanized intonation; their lack of knowledge about Korean onomatopoeia, mimetic words, exclamations, and colloquial forms; and their predominant use of code-switching, loan translations, and new coinages (e.g., mas i issta sō (it looks delicious), coca ka napputa (I don’t feel well), kippecayng’i (people who become happy with a little thing)).  While presenting these “strange” Korean forms, the article likens the status quo of Zainichi Korean to “the terminal stage” of a disease, and proclaims that it is no longer Korean, but Japanese (“koko made kitara mō nihongo, urimaru to wa yobenai”).  Similarly, in the interview with professor Pak Chae-su, Zainichi Korean is identified as “strange.”  Prof. Pak notes that Zainichi Korean is characterized by marked linguistic features that are considerably influenced by Japanese.  In his view, this non-standard Korean variety is not understood by other Koreans and as a result, confines Zainichi Koreans to their ethnolinguistic community alone.  These days, he says, Zainichi Koreans come to have more opportunities to connect with other Koreans than before (e.g., through the internet).  Moreover, he assumes that it will not be long before diplomatic relations between North Korea and Japan  89 will normalize and the two Koreas will be reunited.  Hence, it is indispensable for Zainichi Koreans to have correct Korean competence in order to communicate with other compatriots and have “the sense that they are of the same ethnic group and mind to cooperate and help to each other” when such events become reality.      In order to improve the poor quality of Zainichi Korean, Prof. Pak emphasizes the need for Zainichi Koreans to speak Korean not only in schools, but also in the community.  If all community members join forces for this goal, it would not be impossible to “restore” correct Korean to their daily lives, he states.  However, what is interesting here is his view toward using non-standard Korean intonation outside of the educational venue.  He asserts that it must be based on the standard language of North Korea when students read a book at school and give performances at school events, but it is not necessarily required to speak Korean with the standard intonation outside of school.  Like Japanese students in the Kansai areas who speak a Kansai dialect in their everyday lives even though they are educated in the standard language of Japanese at school, Korean children can be allowed to speak Korean in their own intonation pattern outside of school.  Despite the fact that Kansai regional dialects are distinguishable from the standard Japanese language not only in terms of intonation, but also grammar and lexicon, Prof. Pak paradoxically limited Korean children’s deviations from standard language norms to intonation.  In similar fashion to Mr. Han (section 4.3.3.2), therefore, Prof. Pak seems to believe that the non-standard Korean intonation spoken by Zainichi Koreans does not have a negative effect on communication with other co-ethnic members.   More than any other ethnic schools, Chongryun schools invest concerted efforts in making their students use (correct) Korean at school.  They enforce a strict Korean-only policy on students and direct students’ attention to learning and speaking correct Korean through  90 various language socialization practices (as will be seen in more detail in the following chapters).  From the vantage point of Chongryun and the schools, (correct) Korean competence is the basic and prerequisite condition for their students to become genuine and legitimate Korean members in the imagined communities which the schools desire the students to actively join in the future.      Chongryun schools expect their students to play an initiating role in the reunification of the divided Korean peninsula and in the improvement of the relationship between the two Koreas and Japan as Koreans.  In their view, this future will be realized by their students only if they have a proven bilingual ability in both Japanese and standard Korean.  The reality that the students’ dominant language outside of school is Japanese, seems to be all the more reason not to discard the Korean-only policy on the part of Chongryun schools.                4.4 Hana Korean School  Hana Korean School is a newly established Korean ethnic school that opened in 2008.  The school is approved as a miscellaneous school and offers secondary-level education.  Like Mindan schools, the school does not put restrictions on students’ ethnic background for admission.  Hence, although a majority of the students are from old-timer and newcomer Korean families, a few students from Japanese and mixed marriage families attend the school.  Hana Korean School defines one of the school’s educational goals as creating new generations of ethnic Koreans in Japan.  Yet, the school does not want to confine their students within the boundaries of the two Koreas and Japan.  It expects and encourages them to go beyond East Asia and encounter and embrace diverse cultures to have a broader worldview.  The school’s focus on developing students’ language abilities not only in Korean but also in English is a reflection of these school’s educational principles.   91 4.4.1 Educational Goals Hana Korean School was founded with the hope of providing a new kind of ethnic education for Korean children in Japan.  The school’s educational principles (from the school’s website) are:  (1) Multicultural coexistence:        Knowledge, skills, and attitude to realize a multicultural-coexistence society            while maintaining one’s own ethnic identity and pride  (2) Human rights and peace:           Veneration of human rights and the democratic process as essential values in the                       work toward world peace and a sustainable society  (3) Freedom and creation:        Freedom, individuality, creativity, and imagination as vital qualities of a real         human being    Hana Korean School aims to nurture students with roots anchored in Korea and who respect and connect with other cultures and people while contributing to world peace and social justice.  This school is similar to other Korean ethnic schools in that it emphasizes the importance of fostering students’ ethnic identity and ethnic pride as Koreans through education.  However, it is remarkably distinct from them in the sense that Hana Korean School rejects supporting either North Korea or South Korea.  In this regard, the school principal, Mr. Min said:     Zainichi Korean children experience an identity crisis while growing up.  Not Japanese but Han’gugin (South Koreans) or Chosŏnin (North Koreans).  In addition to this, because of the conflicts between North and South Korea, they can’t develop a kind of self-esteem.  So, in that sense, let’s get away from the complicated matters.  Isn’t it possible that we can make a school for that?  The first-generation Koreans established a number of [Korean ethnic] schools in the age when they did not have much and were terribly discriminated against.  But these days when their descendants have a stable life socially and economically, the number of schools is rather decreasing.  The enrollments are also falling.  So [it means] the ethnic education of the past is at odds with this day and age.  It becomes strange [wrong] if our educational ideas would be interpreted as remaining politically neutral … We are [based on] silsa kusi (an idiom with the meaning  92 of examining the truth based on facts).  To put it plainly.  What’s right is right and what’s wrong is wrong … We want to break away from the split between my side and your side.  That must be the ethnic education that this epoch requires and the way to offer international education. (Interview, K, 31/01/2013)                  Mr. Min says that the historical and socio-political circumstances around Korean children in Japan – perhaps the myth of monoethnicity in Japan and the political confrontation between Japan and North Korea and South Korea – lead many children to deny and/or feel shame about their Korean background and prevents them from improving their self-esteem.  In order to emancipate them from these struggles, he goes on to say, education that enables them to go beyond the polarized political views is needed and Hana Korean School attempts to pursue such an education.  However, Mr. Min asks us not to misunderstand that Hana Korean School takes a neutral attitude toward the two Koreas.  The school does not want its students to be indifferent or silent about past history and contemporary socio-political issues involving the two Koreas.  Rather, the priority of the school is to encourage the students to openly exchange their creativity and critical thinking and discover “universal” truths independently.  Ethnic education that goes beyond chauvinism is what this era demands for Korean children in Japan, highlights Mr. Min.  The fact that the school calls the subject of the Korean language Koriago (an English loanword for the Korean language in Japanese) and neither Kankokugo (South Korean language) nor Chōsengo (North Korean language), and that no national flag of South Korea or North Korea can be found on the school grounds and in school events are signs of the school’s educational ideas. Hana Korean School also envisions its students becoming global citizens who respect different cultures and races and are committed to resolving diverse worldwide problems for world peace and social justice.  ‘Wŏlgyŏngin (people crossing borders)’ is the term that the school created to refer to the global talent and to differentiate from the word ‘kukjein  93 (international people)’ that primarily refers to people who physically move between countries for business and diplomacy (Wakisaka, 2015).  Hana Korean School designed and carried out various programs and courses to cultivate students as wŏlgyŏngin.  For instance, the students were provided with opportunities to visit South Korea, Canada, the Philippines, and Fiji on school trips and interact with local students and people in those countries.  In addition, through courses on multiculturalism and liberal arts, the students studied issues of minorities, race, gender, and leadership in the world and also had chances to visit nearby schools with a high proportion of (ethnically and linguistically) minority students and volunteer there.47  Hana Korean School was accredited as a UNESCO Associated School and several students participated in the 2014 National UNESCO Schools Conference and shared their ideas with other students from 30 different countries (Wakisaka, 2015).  During the fieldwork period, Hana Korean School gave me the impression of being a very liberal space that was open to new ideas and differences and that empowered its students to lead school practices, activities, and events.48      4.4.2 Trilingual Education  Hana Korean School considers communicative abilities in multi-languages as a necessary component for students to become wŏlgyŏngin.  Therefore, the school devotes a large amount of curriculum time to language education, as shown in Table 4.4: all students from middle school to                                                 47 In contrast to Hana Korean School where the discourses of multiculturalism in Japan were often brought to the surface, in Kansai Korean School I had never witnessed multicultural-related matters being articulated, even though the issue of living harmoniously with the Japanese was sometimes highlighted.  This absence from the discourse would require further investigation, but may partially result from Chongryun’s avowed position of staying out of Japan’s internal politics.       48  The tuition fees at Hana Korean School are not as high as at other international schools.  According to the principal, Mr. Min, whereas the annual tuition of other international schools is about ¥1,500,000 (approx. $12,800) per year, the school fees at Hana Korean School are about ¥500,000 ($4,300) per year.  This amount is not much different from the tuition at Chongryun high schools.  Mr. Min said that the socioeconomic status of average Zainichi Koreans is not so high and that therefore the school could not ask the parents to pay more than this.  Thus, with the desire of the school to provide the younger Korean generation with a different education, the school has had to endure a heavy deficit.          94 high school learn English for 10 hours while all middle school students learn Korean for 6 hours and all high school students for 5 hours every week.  Table 4.4 Curriculum of Hana Korean School  Middle School High School G7 G8 G9 G10 G11 G12 Korean 6 6 6 5 5 5 English 10 10 10 10 10 10 Japanese 4 4 4 4 4 2 Social Studies 5 5 5 6 5 (1) 3 (1-3) Mathematics 4 4 4 5 Elective Elective Science 3 3 3 2 1 - Physical Education 2 2 2 3 2 2 Health - - - - - 1 Music 1 1 1 1 1 1 Art 1 1 1 0 - - Information Technology 1 1 1 1 1 1 Domestic Science 0 0 1 0 0  Literal Arts 1 1 1 1 1 1 Homeroom 1 1 1 1 1 1 Total  37 37 37 37-38 37-41 37-41 * From the school website  * Weekly instruction hours   The language teachers are all native speakers of English and Korean from diverse English-speaking countries and South Korea.  They also have Japanese proficiency to varying degrees.  All of the Korean teachers received undergraduate and/or graduate education in Japan, and they were very fluent in Japanese (as compared to the English teachers).  Perhaps due to the students’ awareness of differences in the teachers’ Japanese proficiency, they seemed to speak Japanese more often to Korean teachers than to English teachers in and out of classes. The language classes were divided according to the students’ language proficiency levels.  English class in the middle school had three levels (beginner, intermediate, and advanced English) and the high school had one more level (i.e., proficient English after the level of advanced English).  The head teacher of an English course stated that the primary goal of  95 English education in Hana Korean School was “to improve students’ confidence in communicating in English” (Wakisaka, 2015: 69).  Consequently, during his classes, he encouraged the students to speak freely about numerous topics that emerged from the teaching materials (e.g., English storybooks and news articles) and from their everyday experiences, and he tried to be open to diverse answers from students in contrast to English classes in Japanese schools where only one answer was deemed correct (ibid.).  Korean language classes were divided into four levels in the middle school (beginner, elementary, intermediate, and advanced Korean) and three levels in the high school (beginner, intermediate, and advanced Korean).  Each level was classified into three different courses – speaking, writing, and media literacy.  In speaking class, the teachers led students in expressing themselves in Korean by using various sentence patterns and vocabulary that they learned.  For beginner, elementary, and intermediate levels, the teachers used Korean textbooks for non-Korean speakers that were published in South Korea, and for advanced levels, they used a Korean textbook for South Korean middle schools and South Korean short fictions.  In writing class, students were expected to write and submit essays on certain topics, and in media literacy class, they watched South Korean movies, dramas, or documentaries and read news articles to deepen their understanding of social and cultural issues in South Korea.              Hana Korean School did not enforce a strong school language policy as in Chongryun schools.  The principal medium of instruction in most classes was Japanese.  Only in Korean and English classes were students required to speak Korean and English in principle.  Outside the language classes, the school encouraged (and did not force) the students to speak evenly in three languages (Japanese, Korean, and English).  For example, students were expected to record how much they used each language every day and share it with other classmates on the last day of the  96 week.  In order to further promote students’ use of Korean and English, a student council created an English Day and a Korean Day, where students had to use only the corresponding language on that day.  The school also held a trilingual speech contest with a nearby international school every year and stimulated the students to develop their language capabilities, and led students to conduct school events in three languages.  For instance, at the 2013 graduation ceremony I attended, one student presided over the ceremony in Japanese and Korean while another recited the same lines in English, and three graduates delivered an appreciation message to their teachers and juniors in each of the three languages.  In addition, the school deliberately assigned bilingual teachers in Japanese and Korean as middle school teachers and guided them to expose the students to as much Korean as possible during lessons.  The vice principal, Mr. Sŏ, told me that he lectured in Japanese but wrote on the blackboard in Korean during his science class.  The presence in the school of newly-arrived students from South Korea and school trips to South Korea and English-speaking countries increased students’ exposure to Korean and English.   I believe that these various activities and strategies certainly motivated the students to use Korean and English more frequently at school and helped in improving their language abilities and confidence to some extent.  I observed several times that students tried to communicate with their classmates in English or Korean during recess time.  Nevertheless, it is undeniable from my observation that the dominant language of many of the students was Japanese.  In the early period, Hana Korean School taught all subjects (perhaps except for English and Japanese) in Korean and enforced a Korean-only policy at school, just as in Chongryun schools.  However, this did not last long because many parents and students complained about the difficulty in understanding class content.  Given that the students’ Korean language learning experience before coming to Hana Korean School was quite diverse, from virtually nil to six or nine years of  97 education in Chongryun schools, their plea for Japanese instruction was not surprising.  The principal, Mr. Min, thus acknowledged the need for a more productive idea and plan to further encourage their students to use Korean and English at school.  For now, he said, the school would concentrate on Korean education at the middle school level and English education at the high school level.              4.4.3 Transfer Students from Chongryun Schools  Not surprisingly, the Korean language teachers in Hana Korean School highlighted the importance of their Korean students learning Korean by linking it with Korean identity.  Mrs. Yu said that Korean was “imperatively a necessary language for the students to know who they are” (Interview, K, 04/07/2013).  Ms. An echoed the same view by stating, “the students can find their [Korean] identity” through learning Korean (Interview 2, K, 02/07/2013).  The vice principal, Mr. Sŏ, clearly differentiated the function of Korean from that of English and Japanese: “Korean is to cultivate one’s [Korean] identity.  English and Japanese are communication tools to understand each other.  The weight is different” (Interview 1, K, 07/02/2013).  However, what was interesting was that unlike the case of Kansai Korean School, the Hana Korean School teachers did not bring into question their students’ code-switching and non-standard Korean use – particularly Zainichi Korean spoken in Chongryun schools.  They seemed to consider Zainichi Korean as a legitimate variety of Korean and moreover, they did not appear to think that it would hinder effective communication with native Korean speakers.  Ms. An said that she did not desire her students to “master Korean” unless they wanted to work with the language, for example as an interpreter, and it would be sufficient if their Korean fluency reached a level where they would identify themselves as Koreans (Interview 1, K, 23/05/2013).  It is uncertain what extent of Korean proficiency she thought would be needed for the students to maintain  98 Korean identity, but at least it can be said that for her, a prescriptive imperative to master Korean was not an essential prerequisite to fostering her students’ Koreanness.         Hana Korean School had several transfer students from Chongryun schools.  Some of them began to attend the school from the middle school level and others from the high school level.  Therefore, I asked the Korean teachers about the students’ adaptation to the Korean courses, considering that the Korean variety that Chongryun schools and Hana Korean School taught were different.  Not surprisingly, they told me that many of the students tended to avoid speaking Korean.  The students saw the Korean language that they had learned in Chongryun schools as different from what was taught and spoken in Hana Korean School and thus, as incorrect.  According to Mrs. Yu, a Korean teacher who took charge of testing the Korean proficiency of students from Chongryun schools, one student first pretended not to understand her Korean at all, despite the fact that he had been educated in Chongryun schools for nine years.  As a result, he ended up being placed into a beginner Korean class in the high school until Mrs. Yu tenaciously persuaded him and moved him into an intermediate class later – despite his protestations that his Korean pronunciation was weird and he could not understand the Korean that the teachers spoke.  There was another case that I witnessed in a middle school Korean class.  It was a few weeks before the trilingual speech contest.  In order to choose who would enter the speech contest, Ms. An, a Korean teacher in charge of the class, asked some students in advance who wanted to take part in the contest to prepare a script for their speeches.  On the day I attended, two students presented their scripts in front of the class: Chi-yŏng was a student who had begun studying Korean in Hana Korean School and Chun-ho was a student who had recently transferred from a Chongryun school.  To me, it was astonishing to see how other students  99 responded differently to the students’ presentations.  When Chi-yŏng finished her presentation, nobody criticized her Korean pronunciation, intonation, or expressions.  In contrast, soon after Chun-ho’s speech, some students openly denounced his Korean as being filled with “a way of speaking Korean in Chongryun schools” and “strange.”       The Korean teachers reportedly endeavored to enhance the transfer students’ confidence in their Korean abilities and create a safe space where they could freely speak Korean in a number of ways.  Ms. An said that she tried to learn the Korean vocabulary and expressions that were widely used in Chongryun schools from the students and the vice-principal, Mr. Sŏ.  And she did not mark those forms spoken only in Chongryun schools and the community as incorrect on tests and homework.  Instead, she provided the students with the standard forms of South Korea as possible replacements.  She also told me that when she saw students who were teasing the transfer students’ ways of speaking Korean, she rebuked those students.  Another Korean teacher, Mrs. Yu, told me that she often brought up in her Korean lessons the topic of varieties in a language, such as American English and British English, and Mandarin and Cantonese, to lead her students to consider the Korean variety spoken in Chongryun schools as of the legitimate Korean varieties and not as an incorrect form of the language.       The Korean teachers were well aware that even though they called the Korean language at the school Koriago (Koriaŏ in Korean) as a way to include all varieties of Korean, their Korean classes were based on the South Korean standard language and they were unfamiliar with other Korean varieties, including the Zainichi Korean spoken by Chongryun school members.  Thus, the teachers pointed out the need in future to hire teachers who could compensate for their own shortcomings, and design a training program to educate them in the Korean variety used in Chongryun schools and offer them opportunities to interact with Chongryun schoolteachers:   100 Even though we call it Koriaŏ (Korean), it is the South Korean [standard] language because we use South Korean textbooks.  I hope that there are teachers who can make up for the weak points as long as we call the subject Koriaŏ.  When I check students’ [assignments and test papers], I ask the vice principal about how Chongryun schools teach [certain words].  Because I don’t want to judge those as wrong.  Many of the students from Chongryun schools chose to come to this school because they rejected Chongryun school education, right?  However, that is also kind of their roots and their background, and the experiences they had there cannot change, right?  So, I hope that Hana Korean School can provide them with education so they can recognize it [positively]. (Ms. An, Interview 2, K, 02/07/2013)                              4.5 Summary and Discussion         In this chapter, I have focused on presenting the language socialization goals of two different types of Korean ethnic schools – Chongryun schools (Kansai Korean School) and Hana Korean School – and investigated the relationship between their educational principles and their curricula, school language policies, and practices within the schools.  As a result, I found that the schools projected different futures or different imagined communities for their students and thus, that they formed different language spaces at school; a monolingual space vs. a multilingual space.  Both schools likewise expected their students to develop and maintain a positive ethnic identity and live as Koreans in the future.  Accordingly, the schools were devoted to developing their students’ Korean abilities with the view that the Korean language enabled them to foster their Koreanness.  However, there were clear differences between the two schools with regard to their school language policies and language practices.  Chongryun schools strictly enforced a Korean-only policy on their students and focused on creating a monolingual Korean space at school.  In contrast, Hana Korean School exhorted its students to use Japanese, Korean, and English in a balanced way, which allowed the school space to become multilingual.  This distinction can be explained by the different visions that the schools espoused for their respective  101 students.  Chongryun schools want their students to play leading roles not only within the Zainichi Korean community and Japanese society but also in promoting political relations between Japan and the Korean peninsula and in reunifying the two Koreas.  That is, Chongryun schools seem to envision that the imagined communities in which their students will actively participate in the future will mainly affiliate with the spheres of Japan and the Korean peninsula where Japanese and Korean are the dominant languages.  Along with Japanese, therefore, Korean competence (more precisely, proficiency in standard Korean) was regarded as allowing their students to access these imagined futures and communities.    On the other hand, the projected future that Hana Korean School imagined for its students went beyond the borders of just Japan and the two Koreas.  The school expected its students to develop as people who appreciate and have a sense of pride in their ethnic origins and at the same time, respect and embrace different cultures, languages, and races and as a result, creatively contribute to sustainable development and harmony in the world.  From the view of the school, not only Korean but also English will lead their students to the future because English is an international language while Korean will help them to maintain a positive ethnic identity.  Consequently, although Hana Korean School seemed to be grappling to find a better way to motivate its students to further use Korean and English at school, it was evident that the school space was more multilingual than Chongryun schools and was also more tolerant toward Zainichi Korean, which was regarded as ‘incorrect’ and ‘strange’ in Chongryun schools.              102 CHAPTER 5 LANGUAGE SOCIALIZATION PRACTICES AND LANGUAGE IDEOLOGIES FOR KOREAN EDUCATION AT CHONGRYUN SCHOOLS  I like our language (Korean) class hours the most … When I get more excited and practice [the pronunciations] hard, beautiful our language flows readily from my mouth … In my mind, a sprout to keep studying our language well, and become a great Chosŏn (Korean) student, has started to blossom.   (‘Our Language Study is Fun’ in the 4th grade Korean textbook)    There are about 3 million people in Wales.  Only about 20 percent of them are able to speak Welsh.  All the rest speak only English.  Some people say that Welsh will die out in this century … So schools now have Welsh classes to keep the language alive.  Language is the life of the people who use it.  “Cenedl heb iaith, cenedle heb galon (A nation without a language is a nation without a heart)”  (‘Language – Life of a People’ in 9th grade English textbook)      5.1 Introduction The focus of this chapter is on language socialization at Kansai Korean School (and other Chongryun schools) in leading their students to learn and speak (‘correct’) Korean at school.  Whereas Chapter 4 looked at the clearly articulated language ideologies by teachers of Kansai Korean School, this chapter moves the focus to language socialization practices that were formed on the basis of the language ideologies (i.e., nationalistic and pure and prescriptive language ideologies) and as well, additional language ideologies that the students came to acquire through participating in the language socialization practices.  As a result, I found that the students in Kansai Korean Schools were exposed to not homogeneous but multiple and layered language ideologies, some of which were not reported in previous studies.  Also, by paying close attention to the teacher-student and peer interactions at school, along with their interview data, I argue that the students were also contributors to forming and reinforcing the language ideologies, and not  103 merely passive receivers, and their language socialization occurred partially and selectively rather than fully as expected.  5.2 Life as Chongryun School Students  Before proceeding to the main body of this chapter, I delineate the school setting, including classroom descriptions and lesson routines, to provide a better understanding of the students’ school life and their interactions with teachers.   5.2.1 Daily Routines  The daily life of the students in my study by and large revolved around school.  They came to the school by 8:30 in the morning and attended classes from 9:05 AM to 2:55 PM, except for their lunch break (Table 5.1): all classes were conducted for 45 minutes, with a 10-minute break in between.  Students who belonged to a traditional Korean dance club (Min-a, Yu-ri, and Chi-min) often came to school earlier than other students in order to practice dancing together.  After all classes were over, the students cleaned their classroom and had time for the end-of-the-day meeting to review the day with their homeroom teacher, Mr. Yi (a music teacher).  From about four o’clock, the students began participating in school club activities to which each student belonged.  When I commenced my fieldwork, there were four different school clubs in Kansai Korean School; traditional Korean dance, volleyball, soccer, and traditional Korean instrument.  However, at the start of the new academic year in 2013, it became difficult to maintain the soccer and volleyball clubs due to the decrease in student enrollment and the school instead created the fine arts club and a beach volleyball club for junior high school students.  All students left the school at approximately six o’clock.           104 Table 5.1 Timetable of Grade 9 in Kansai Korean School Time Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday 8:45~ Morning assembly 9:05 – 9:50 English Math Social studies Korean history English 10:00 – 10:45 Science Science Japanese Korean Social studies 10:55 – 11:40 Math Korean Korean Japanese Japanese 11:50 – 12:35 Physical education Japanese English Physical education Math 12:35 – 13:15 Lunch break 13:15 – 14:00 Korean history Fine arts Science Math Korean 14:10 – 14:55 Korean Computing Korean grammar English Music 14:55 – 15:40 Classroom cleaning & the end-of-the-day meeting (Ch’onghwa) 15:50 – 17:45 School club (Sojo) activity  In the same way as Japanese schools, Chongryun schools adopt the 5-day school system.  However, the students in Kansai Korean School seemed to be frequently called upon to be at the school on Saturday as well, in order to practice their performances for an upcoming school event or take part in school events such as a marathon, open house, and cultural festival.  In addition, I found that the students in my study even went to the school during school vacation for school club activities, and they could stay home for only a few weeks.  Consequently, the students appeared to have very school-centric lives and a limited social network that consisted mainly of Zainichi Koreans.  A majority of the students told me that they did not have close Japanese friends and that even if they got to know some Japanese peers, for example, at a cram school, they only made small talk with them.    105 5.2.2 Classroom  The classroom for 9th graders was bright and spacious but was an old room located at the end of the fourth floor hallway.  Both sides of the room were covered with windows and during the spring and fall seasons, a gentle and refreshing breeze blew in and warm sunlight found its way into the room.  Yet, there was no air conditioner, ceiling fans or heating system in the classroom and it was fairly hot and cold during the summer and winter, which reflected the school’s poor financial situation.     At the front of the classroom, a blackboard was mounted with bulletin boards on both sides (Figure 5.1).  A teaching desk where the teacher stood and delivered lectures was positioned in front of the blackboard.  Near the front door was a set of media devices (a TV and DVD player) and on the opposite side, a homeroom teacher’s desk sat close to the windows.  A bookshelf-like item was placed along the sidewall where the students could store their personal and shared belongings.  The wall at the back of the classroom was covered with a long bulletin board decorated with a class timetable, students’ personal information such as their birthday and year’s resolution with their picture, the class’s academic achievements, and other items.  Student desks were set in two parallel rows, all facing the front.  Student seating was assigned but seemed to be rearranged on a regular basis.  My spot was always in the corner of the classroom to clearly observe the interactions between the teacher and students.  The students stayed in the same classroom for all of their classes, with the exception of computing, physical education, and music, and different teachers rotated through for different subjects.         106            5.2.3 Korean Language and History Lessons      In general, Mrs. Song came into the classroom with the ringing of the school bell and stood behind a teaching desk, facing the class.  This was the moment when all of the students should stop what they were doing (e.g. chatting with classmates, reading a book, etc.) and stand up from their seats to greet the teacher.  Confirming all students were standing upright, the class DOOR TEACHING  DESK TEACHER’S DESK WINDOW BULLETIN BOARD BLACKBOARD WINDOW BULLETIN BOARD D O O R BOOKSHELF Figure 5.1 Layout of Classroom  107 chairperson (pundan wiwŏnjang), Minu, ordered the other students: “Swie (at ease)” and “Chalyes (attention).”  If Mrs. Song was satisfied that everyone was attentive and ready for the lesson, she allowed them to sit down by saying, for example, “ney cohsupnita (OK, good)” or “ney ancuseyyo (Ok, sit down).”     Mrs. Song started a new unit by instructing new Sino-Korean words.  After writing the Chinese characters for new Sino-Korean words on the blackboard, she asked some students to come out and write the proper sounds of those words in Korean on the blackboard or she asked the entire class to read out the characters and wrote them down on the blackboard.  The new Sino-Korean words were always tested through a quiz in the following class.  After introducing the new Sino-Korean words, Mrs. Song first gave the class a brief explanation of what the unit was about and moved on to reading out the entire unit alone.  Sometimes she would ask the students to listen to her reading with their textbooks closed as if she wanted them to practice listening to Korean.  Following this, she would give the class some time to read the unit aloud in chorus or individually and guide them to divide the content into specific sections and find out the main theme of the unit.    When the lesson was not the first class of a unit, Mrs. Song would open her class by reviewing what the students had learned in the previous class through a question-and-answer session.  After that, she introduced new vocabulary from the section she would cover that day.  She explained the meanings of the vocabulary in Korean or provided the class with Japanese equivalents.  The class was then instructed to listen carefully to what Mrs. Song would read out (i.e., the part of the unit for that day).  Later, they were instructed to read the part aloud in person.  In order to determine how much the students understood the details of the reading, Mrs. Song posed a series of questions.  In order to obtain the floor to answer the questions, students mainly  108 had to raise their hands and be selected by Mrs. Song.  So it was Mrs. Song who had the power to decide who had the right to speak.  When the students could not understand her question clearly, Mrs. Song would repeat the same question a few times or rephrase it.  In addition, when the students had a difficult time finding the answer she sought, she provided them with the page on which the answer was written.      Whenever a major lesson point was brought up through the question-and-answer routine, Mrs. Song highlighted the point and wrote it on the blackboard.  Then immediately, the students began to copy it down in their notebooks.  The students’ notebooks were regularly handed in and censored by Mrs. Song.  According to her, it was to inspect whether each student took notes of the lecture carefully and neatly (if it was covered with doodles, the students could not get any grade) and to introduce a good example to other students and share the idea of organizing their notebooks better.   It was not the bell ringing that marked the end of the class.  It was the teacher’s verbal confirmation and/or demeanor.  Whether or not the school bell rang, the students had to attend to the lesson until Mrs. Song signaled to them the end of the lesson by saying, for example, “ipen sikan machikeysssupnita (That’s all for today’s class)” and/or closing her textbook and looking at the class from behind the teaching desk.  And then, once again, all of the students stopped moving and stood up from their seats.  With the commands of “Swie (at ease)” and “Chalyes (attention), the class chairperson asked all of the students for their attention to see the teacher off.  The class could be dismissed only when Mrs. Song approved it by saying something such as “ney machikeysssupnita (Yes, we will end here).”      The Korean history class was also opened with the same greeting protocol.  Shortly thereafter, the teacher, Mr. Ch’oe, prepared the class to take a quiz about what they had learned  109 in a previous lesson.  He gave the students approximately five minutes for the quiz, and later asked them to exchange their test papers with a student sitting next to them so as to grade the test.  The quiz was always a fill-in-the-blanks test and Mr. Ch’oe provided them with the correct answers by reading out the completed question sentences.  The students’ grades on such quizzes were not regarded as private in this class.  Each student who got back her/his test paper was required to publicly inform Mr. Ch’oe of her/his mark.  The main part of the lesson took place after the teacher had finished recording the students’ marks.  Perhaps from the nature of the subject, the majority of the time in Mr. Ch’oe’s class was spent on delivering a lecture about the background of certain historical events to the students and thus, the question-and-answer interactions between the teacher and students were not observed as frequently as in Mrs. Song’s class.  Mr. Ch’oe usually closed the class by calling upon a student to read the part of the textbook that he had covered that day aloud.  While the student read it, Mr. Ch’oe would correct the student’s mispronunciations of Korean and instruct the class to draw a line under key phrases and passages.                      Mrs. Song and Mr. Ch’oe’s classes were largely teacher-centered and textbook-based instruction.  It was very rarely that the students worked in pairs and in groups; I only observed once when the students discussed in groups about how to make a class newsletter during Mrs. Song’s class.  Classroom talk was dominated by the teachers who focused to a great extent on transmitting the information in the textbooks to the students.  I did not see many students who spontaneously inquired to the teachers about the content of the lessons (students’ questions were mainly about vocabulary meanings) or posed questions to the teachers’ explanation.  To me, the students appeared to mainly concentrate on looking for the answers to Mrs. Song’s questions and taking down lecture notes during the classes.         110  Nonetheless, it should be noted that the classroom was not merely a site where academic knowledge was transmitted to students.  The space was also a “venue[s] in which cultural and social norms are [were] reified and reinforced” (Baquedano-López & Kattan, 2008:164) and at the same time, a space in which those were challenged and changed (Ibid.; Kanno, 2003).  The following sections (and next chapter) will focus on the complexity of socializing contexts in the school classroom.     5.3 Socialization into Speaking Korean  Built on a language ideology that equates language with ethnicity, ethnic identity, and ethnic culture, Chongryun schools have strictly enforced a Korean-only policy on students at school.  Because Korean had disappeared in most Zainichi Korean households and Japanese was the students’ dominant language outside of the school, teachers in Kansai Korean School asserted, the school language policy was critical in providing students with a milieu where they could develop and maintain their Korean proficiency and foster ethnic consciousness by continuously using Korean.  In this section, I describe how the Korean-only policy was carried out in Kansai Korean School and what language ideologies were constructed and conveyed to the students in the process.  The studies by Ryang (1997) and Song (2012) also briefly document Chongryun school language rule, with a particular focus on the ‘100% Our Language Movement.’  But I will pay more attention to language ideologies that were (re)produced through the language policy and language practices and the role of students in jointly constructing the language ideologies. 5.3.1 The ‘100% Our Language Movement’: Good vs. Bad Korean Students   In Chongryun schools, students must use only Korean for the entire academic year.  Whether they are within or outside of the realm of school, as long as they are participating in  111 school activities and events, students are obliged to speak Korean.  The campaign of a ‘100% Our Language Movement (Uurimal 100% Untong)’ is one of the school practices that is regularly carried out in all Chongryun schools to further encourage students to use Korean.   During the movement (usually two or three weeks in length),49 students in Kansai Korean School kept watch over each other’s language use.  That is, students pointed out whenever someone spoke Japanese at school and the offending student had to deduct 1% from her/his default percentage of 100%, the daily goal given to all students being 100% Korean use; however, infractions were forgiven if a student who inadvertently blurted out a Japanese word self-corrected to Korean right away.  According to some students, they used to use ‘urimal (our language) cards,’ whereby all cards represented 100% and a student who transgressed against the language policy had to surrender one of his/her cards into a card box.  However, they told me that the rule was not effective any longer in Kansai Korean School because “it is tiresome.”  Instead, this system was replaced with verbal confirmation by merely indicating to a student who spoke Japanese, “Japanese!” or “You are deducted 1%.”   One student informed me that some students became keener about their peers’ and their own language use during this campaign in order to receive a prize that was given to a mobŏm bundan (model class) and mobŏm haksaeng (model student).  During the campaign period, students’ language performance was assessed every day at the end-of-the-day meeting.  At the meeting, each student was required to raise her/his hand when s/he corresponded to a category that a class chairperson proposed; for example, those who used Korean 100% or more than 90% or 80% on that day.  Then the chairperson recorded each student’s accomplishment in Korean on                                                 49 The campaign seemed to be carried out three or four times a year.   112 a prepared sheet of paper. 50  Even though I did not have a chance to observe such a meeting, I was informed by some students (in Kansai Korean School and other Chongryun schools) that students who performed poorly on their Korean use on the day had to stand up and pledge better language performance to the entire class by saying something like, “I will use Korean well from tomorrow.”  The total average of each class and of individual students during the campaigns became a judging factor for an award certificate and a prize: the class and student achieving the highest average are awarded a small prize and certificate with the title of mobŏm buntan (model class) and mobŏm haksaeng (model student).  Kansai Korean School also put the students into a competition once a year with other Chongryun schools nearby for the title of mobŏm hakkyo (model school) through the Young Pioneer Movement (Sonyŏndan Undong),51 including campaigns like the 100% Our Language Movement (Urimal 100% Undong), Assignment and Study Movement (Kwaje Hakspŭ Undong), Social Practice Movement (Sahoe Silch’ŏn Undong), and so forth.  This competition among schools is called the Alliance Movement (Lyŏnhapdan Undong).     The specific ways in which the Language Movement proceeded seemed to vary a little from school to school.  According to a student who was attending another Chongryun middle school, his school also carried out practices similar to those in Kansai Korean School during the Movement: language censorship among students, daily reporting of each student’s language                                                 50 Among the students, it was acceptable to underreport their actual usage of Japanese at the meeting, but not too much because it could cause other students to object.       51 Sonyŏndan (Young Pioneers) is a sort of scout group that all school children from the fourth year of primary schools to the third year of middle school must join.  From high school, students need to join the Chosŏn Ch’ŏngnyŏn Dongmaeng (Youth League; Choch’ŏng for short).  For the Young Pioneer Movement, each class is required to set a collective goal, such as using Korean 95% of the time, completing school assignments 100% of the time, always preparing well for classes, and so on.  According to a teacher in Kansai Korean School, the Young Pioneers originated in the armed struggle against Japan in the colonial era and therefore aimed to cultivate outstanding individuals to contribute to the nation.     113 performance, and self-reflection on poor language performance.  However, interestingly, the school conferred a specific title on students according to their achievements in speaking Korean.  Students who achieved more than 95% of Korean use per day were called ‘King Sejong,’ after the 15-century historical figure who invented the Korean script, Han’gŭl (Hunminjŏng’ŭm or ‘The Correct Sounds for Instructing the People’ was its original appellation).  Students who used Korean more than 90% and up to 95% were called ‘Chu Si-gyŏng,’ after the well-known founder of modern Korean linguistics who coined the modern name Han’gŭl.  Although both titles imply ‘outstanding’ and ‘excellent,’ given the fact that King Sejong and the Korean linguist, Chu Si-gyŏng, are perceived as great contributors to the development of the Korean language and script, it is intriguing that their differences in terms of social class and achievement are clearly reflected in the criteria of the titles granted to students in accordance with their Korean performance.   On the other hand, in the middle school above, students who use Korean below 90% were labeled as outcasts from the mobŏm (model and good) ideal.  Students whose daily Korean use was between 80% and 90% were designated as katcha mobŏmsaeng (fake model student).  This implies that only students who use Korean more than 90% can gain the honour of being mobŏm students while those with the title of ‘fake model student’ need to go the extra mile to become ‘real’ model students.  Yet, the biggest troublemakers were those who could not even reach 80% and as a result, were entitled ‘Nolbu.’  Nolbu is the greedy and selfish brother in the Korean traditional fairy tale, “Hŭngbu and Nolbu.”  In the story, Nolbu kicks out his younger brother, Hŭngbu and his family so as to take sole possession of the fortune that their father left to his sons, and does not feel even the slightest sympathy for Hŭngbu’s family and their poverty.  Simply put, Nolbu is a bad and selfish person.  Therefore, the title Nolbu reflects the school’s implicit beliefs and values that poor language performance in Korean is bad and problematic and, as the students  114 I interviewed understand it, that it is an egocentric behaviour that impedes the students’ collective goal of being a model class and model school.52    It is noteworthy that the routinized school activity, the ‘100% Our Language Movement,’ both in Kansai Korean School and in the other middle school mentioned earlier, linked speaking Korean to an explicitly moral stance – mopŏm (model and good) – and to a particular identity – a model and good student.  Through awarding material and symbolic benefits, namely a prize worth about $10 (in Kansai Korean School), an award certificate, and the titles of ‘model school,’ ‘model class,’ and ‘model student’ (and ‘King Sejong’ and ‘Chu Si-gyŏng’ in the other middle school) to the school, class, and student that established the best records in Korean use, speaking Korean was marked as right, desirable, and praiseworthy verbal behaviour: in other words, the more they speak Korean, the better Korean students they become.  In contrast, speaking Japanese in the school was identified as wrong, undesirable, and scold-worthy verbal behaviour by deducting points for Japanese use, publicly pledging better language performance, and designation of titles like ‘fake model student’ and ‘Nolbu’: therefore, the more they speak Japanese, the worse Korean students they became.  In Chongryun schools, that is, speaking Korean was a moral practice while speaking Japanese was an immoral one (see Ryang, 1997; Song, 2012 for a similar finding).                                                      52 I was informed by a Chongryun high school student that a discussion meeting was sometimes held to talk about the importance of learning and speaking Korean among students in the high school.      115                                                                 Kansai Korean School students were also surrounded by many reminders of their duty to speak only Korean in the school and its indexical meanings (i.e., Korean-ness, exemplary, and desirable), such as posters on walls, classroom windows, and classroom bulletin boards.  As I had a chance to look closely around the inside of the school building, what first caught my attention was the large number of wall posters that made reference to students’ Korean language learning and use as one of the goals for their successful academic life.  Under the title of ‘mobŏm sogae (model introduction)’ (Figure 5.2 above), posters that covered a stairway wall between the second and third floors proudly introduced that the first-grade students studied Korean while reading a book for five minutes every morning, and the second-grade students studied Korean by properly changing Japanese words inadvertently blurted out back into Korean words.  On the posters about the middle school students’ yearly goals, nyŏngan mobŏm ch’angjo undong gwŏlgimun (a pledge for yearly model creation movement) – attached to a stairway wall leading  Figure 5.2 Wall Posters that Introduce Primary Students’ Achievements at the School  116 up to the middle school students’ classrooms – students were directed to cherish the Korean language and always learn and use correct Korean under the theme, aegukŏsim (), meaning “To love our country is to love our language.”  It was interesting that the posters framed learning and speaking Korean as an indication of political commitment and emotional alignment with a geographically remote home country (i.e., North Korea).  This may imply that Korean language learning and use are a moral practice not only to become model/good students, but also to become model/good overseas nationals (of North Korea).  I will return to how Chongryun schools attempt to socialize students into the identity of ‘overseas nationals of North Korea’ in Chapter 6.   The posters of each school club’s yearly pledge likewise urged members to use Korean during practices and games without fail: “Use Korean 90%” (a Korean traditional instrument club), “We will conduct our school life while using correct Korean well in order to perform beautiful Korean dance exploding with ethnicity” (a Korean dance club), and “Making 100% Korean use a way of life during practices and games” (a volleyball club). 53   From these posters as well, it is perceived that the school placed great importance on students’ Korean use in all domains of their school life and was committed to socializing students into speaking Korean by encouraging them to participate in poster-making work so as to expose their obligation to speaking Korean and its attendant meanings.                                                     53 Many posters seemed to be created and posted on walls and windows before school events, such as open houses and cultural festivals.   117                                From left to bottom: “For Victory,” “Korean 100% All Together,” “Korean Completely         100%” and “Our goal is the best and strongest class”    5.3.2 Responsibility to Enhance Our Superior Language  Not long after I began my regular observation of Mrs. Song’s class, I witnessed that the significance of speaking Korean was brought explicitly to the forefront in her class.  During the class about the creation of the Korean script, Han’gŭl,54 Mrs. Song strongly emphasized that the students should have a sense of responsibility to speak, preserve, and enhance the Korean language in Japan as Koreans or the owners of the language, as illustrated below.                  As usual, Mrs. Song started the class by reviewing what the students had learned in the unit, ‘Our script in which national wisdom dwells (mincok uy sulki ka kistun wuli kulca)’ last time and then moved on to explaining new vocabulary, reading a part of the unit that she would cover for the day, and explaining the content in detail.  Through previous classes, the students                                                 54 The Korean textbook refers to the Korean script as Chosŏn kŭlja (Korean script) following the way in which North Korea refers to it.                  Figure 5.3 Posters on a Primary Classroom Window  118 had learned that Han’gŭl was their “ethnic treasure (mincokcek caypu)” on the grounds that (1) it was an alphabetic script, the most advanced type of script followed by phonetic scripts and ideographs and (2) it was created by “our own nation (wuli mincok)” and was not borrowed from another country’s script.  The day I attended, Mrs. Song focused on the third outstanding quality of Han’gŭl or the scientific way in which the script was designed: consonants were created on the basis of the shapes of the tongue, palate, teeth, and throat as they are articulated and vowels are based on three elements, the Sun in the heavens, the flat Earth, and the upright Human.  Thus, all lessons regarding the Korean script seemed to be designed to make the students take great pride in the inherent “superiority of our script (wuli kulca uy wususeng).” 55  The following excerpt occurred after Mrs. Song finished an explanation about the third characteristic of Ha’ngŭl and read the concluding part of the unit.  Mrs. Song induced the students to draw the gist from the last part, which was, “Let us enhance the superiority of our script more and more (wuli kul uy wuswuseng ul tewuk pichnaye nakaca).”   Example 5.1 A Korean Class about the Korean Script (1) ((After reading the concluding section))    01 Mrs. Song: kyellon mues ipnikka? (0.4) loncey ka issumyen loncung hako  02                   macimak kyellon i isseya hapnita. kyellon. i pupun eyse chaca  03                   poseyyo.                             What is the conclusion? (0.4) If there is a topic, there must be                             demonstration and a final conclusion. Conclusion. Please look for it                              in this part [I read].     04 (0.9)        ((A girl, Na-yŏng, reads a sentence in the textbook where she thinks the conclusion is))                                                   55 This discourse with regard to the outstanding features of Korean script – “Korean script nationalism” (p. 221) – is prevailing both in North and South Korea and has contributed to construct an ethno-national identity of the people in the countries (King, 2007).      119 05 Mrs. Song: ney olhsupnita. (xxx) wulikul uy wuswuseng ul tewuk pichnaye  06                   nakaca’nun kyellon. (0.5) wuli nun icey kkaci wulimal ila hamyen un  07        mincok uy mal inikka cikhye nakaya hanta cal payweya hanta ilehkey  08        hay wassko iyek ey salato cosen salam ulosse cosen salam uy neks ul  09        cikhiki wihayse mal ul cal payweya hanta ko paywe wasssupnitaman              10        ilehkey kwahakcek ulo pomyen ne?56 wuli kul ilan kes un cengmal              11        wuswu hako wuli uy caypu kwicwung han pomul lo toyl manhan kes              12         ita kulen kel alkey toyesstako sayngkak hapnita. kulehki ttaymun ey              13        kyellon. wulikul uy wuswuseng ul tewuk pichnaye nakaca.  14        pichnaycamyen ettehkey hamyen cohsupnikka? (0.2) pichnayki wihay  15        ettehkey hamyen coha? sayngkak hay poseyyo.       Yes, that is correct. (xxx) the conclusion of ‘let’s enhance the         superiority of our script.’ (0.5) We have learned so far that we should      protect and learn it well because our language is an ethnic language      and although we live in a foreign land, [we] should learn the language      well to preserve the Korean spirit as Koreans, but if [we] see how      scientific it is right? I think you have realized our script is really      superior and it is worthy of becoming our caypu, a precious treasure.       Therefore, the conclusion. Let’s enhance more and more the      superiority of our script. (0.2) What shall [you or we] do to enhance      [our script]? Please think about it.     A few seconds after Mrs. Song’s question of “What is the conclusion?” (line 1), Na-yŏng who is sitting in the front of the classroom responds by reading aloud verbatim a sentence in the concluding section, a typical way for the students to respond to Mrs. Song’s questions regarding a unit, rather than replying in their own words.  As soon as Na-yŏng finishes her answer, Mrs. Song gives positive feedback to her (“Yes, that is correct” in line 5) and reminds the class of the reasons that they should learn Korean.  In her statement (line 6-9), Mrs. Song maps the Korean language and script onto Korean ethnic heritage, Korean identity, and spirit, and makes the point that the students should learn Korean in order to retain a Korean spirit and live as Koreans in Japan.  She then reemphasizes the scientific characteristics of the script and the gist of the unit (“Let’s enhance more and more the superiority of our script”) and asks the class how they can                                                 56 It was very common for the teachers and students to add the Japanese sentence-final particle -ne (to seek confirmation from a listener) to the end of Korean sentences, clauses and words.        120 enhance the script (line 14-15).  However, nobody willingly stepped forward to respond to the question for a while and there was silence in the classroom until Mrs. Song broke it.                      Example 5.2 A Korean Class about the Korean Script (2)     ((The class stays silent after Mrs. Song’s question))   16 Mrs. Song: tongmu tul kwuho kwuho to haciyo? wuntong sicak hamyen un.  17                   ((animating students’ voice)) “wulimal ul pichnayca” “100% sayong 18        haca” ((students laugh)) kwuho hanuntey pichnaylyemyen ettehkey  19        hamyen cohayo? sayngkak hay poseyyo.                                       You chant slogans, right? As the [Sonyentan] movement begins.                                        ((animating students’ voice)) “Let’s enhance our language” “Let’s use                                        [Korean] 100%” ((students laugh)) You chant slogans and what can                                       you do to enhance [our script/language]? Please think about it.     20 (0.2)   21 Girl 1:        manhi paywunta.                         Learn a lot.    22 Mrs. Song: manhi paywunta. tto?                                     Learn a lot.  And?    23 (1.3)    24 Mrs. Song: kuce kuce kwuho lul pulumyen an toypnita icen. ttus ul sayngkak 25         hayyaci. wuli kul wulimal ul pichnayca (0.2) hal ttay ettehkey hamyen  26        cohayo? manhi paywunta nun uykyen i nawasseyo. tto?                                       You aren’t supposed to just chant the slogans any longer. [You] should                                think about the meanings. Let’s enhance our script and our language                               (0.2) when [you] say it how can [you] do it? The opinion of learning a                               lot was suggested. And?       27 Girl 2:      manhi anta.                                          Know a lot.    28 Mrs. Song: manhi anta. anta nun kes un cwungyo haciyo. tto?                                      Know a lot. It is important to know [have much knowledge about                                         Korean]. And?    29 Girl 3:        olhpalukey                                  Correctly    121  30 Mrs. Song: OLHPALO sseya hanta. olhsupnita. wuli nun yeksi ilponmal hako 31         wulimal ul sekkun wuliponmal ul manhi sse peliko ekyang to  32         ILPONSIK. ilpon palum i ta tuleka peliciyo? (0.3) tto?                                          [We] should use [Korean] CORRECTLY. That’s right. We largely                                         use wuliponmal57 where our language and Japanese are mixed, and         our intonation is also JAPANIZED. [Our Korean] becomes Japanized                                         pronunciation, doesn’t it? (0.3) Anything else?         33 (0.7)   34 Mrs. Song: MUES POTATO MUES POTATO cwungyohan kes isscyo? mues  35          ipnikka?                                       ABOVE EVERYTHING ELSE, ABOVE EVERYTHING ELSE                                       there is an important one, right? What is it?  36 (0.4)    37 Chimin:      kwuke kongpu lul cal haca. ((giggling))                Let’s study the subject of Korean well. ((giggling))   38 Mrs. Song: ((laughing)) kwuke kongpu lul cal haca. CAL hayya toyciyo. ku kes  39                    to cwungyo haciman (0.2) SSEYACIYO.                                   ((laughing)) Let’s study the subject of Korean well. You should do it                                         WELL. Even though it is also important (0.2) [you] SHOULD USE it.      40 Students:    A:ha.                         A:ha.    41 Mrs. Song: AN ssumyen NAMCI ANHAYO. ((a student says “A::ha” again)) “aha 42        aha” ((imitating students’ reaction)) alasssupnikka? ((some students  43        answer “Yes”)) an ssumyen pichnayki cen ey an ssumyen wulimal  44        namci anhko thukhi ilpon eyse i hwankyeng sok eyse nun wulimal ilan  45        kes un WULI ka an ssumyen NAMCI ANHSUPNITA. hankul kōza ey  46                          taniko issnun ilpon salam eykey mathkikeysssupnikka? ((students  47                          laugh)) wuli kul pichnaynun kel? aniciyo? kulenikka wuli losse sseya  48                          hanta. cal ssuki wihaysenun cikum yayki ka naon cal paywuki lul cal  49                          hayya hanta olhpalo sseya hanta ilen kes tul ul cal hayya hapnita.  50                          ilen kel cal haki wihan Sonyentan wuntong. KUCE KUCE KUCE  51                          kwuwel inikka tasi wuntong sicak hanta ileci malko ku uyuy lul  52                          sayngkak hay cwumyen kippupnita.                                               If [you or we] DON’T use it, it won’t SURVIVE. ((a student says                                “A::ha” again)) “Aha, Aha” ((imitating students’ reaction))                                Understand? Unless it is used, before [you or we] enhance it, unless                                                   57 A compound blend formed with the first two syllables of wulimal (our language) and the last two syllables of ilponmal (Japanese).    122                             it is used, our language won’t survive. Especially in Japan. In this                       environment, our language won’t survive if WE don’t use it. Will                                you assign [this task] to the Japanese who are studying in Hankul                                 class? ((students laugh)) To enhance our language? No, right? That’s   why we should use it on our own. To use it well, as suggested just         now, [we] should learn it well and use it correctly; [we] should do                                these well. Sonyentan movement to do these well. Do not SIMPLY                                SIMPLY SIMPLY think the movement starts again because it is                                   September and I will be glad if you consider the meanings.  Perhaps to orient the students to the answer that she had in her mind or using Korean well, Mrs. Song breaks the silence among the students and suggests the example of slogans that the students would chant when the Young Pioneer Movement starts, like “Let’s enhance our language” and “Let’s use [Korean] 100%” (line 17-18).  She may intentionally choose these two slogans among many and juxtapose them, thereby guiding the students to grasp the correlation between using Korean and enhancing it.  However, the students fail to arrive at the answer that Mrs. Song is seeking from the students, even after several question-and-answer exchanges between Mrs. Song and some students.  Three female students volunteer to propose three ways to enhance Korean – learning a lot about Korean (line 21), knowing a lot about Korean (line 27), and using Korean correctly (line 29) – which demonstrates the students’ understanding of their roles in studying Korean and at the same time, their cooperative participation in constructing the meaning of enhancing Korean in Japan.  Mrs. Song affirms the students’ suggestions while repeating their responses and positively evaluating them with comments like, “It is important to know” (line 28) and “That’s right” (line 30).  Nevertheless for Mrs. Song, these are not the ‘right’ answer or the most significant way to enhance Korean, as discernible from her statement in line 34-35: she repeats the intensifier mues potato (above everything else) and asks the class for another answer.  To respond to Mrs. Song’s exhortation, another female student (Chi-min) breaks the short silence and says that it is studying the subject of Korean well, but with a little doubt, as noticeable from  123 her giggling (line 37).  Her reply elicits laughter among other students and from the teacher and defuses some of the tension created by the long delay in finding the ‘right’ answer and several moments of heavy silence between Mrs. Song’s questions for other answers and students’ replies (line 23, 33, 36).   After acknowledging Chi-min’s answer with a smile, Mrs. Song eventually reveals what she had in mind, namely “you should USE it” (line 39).  In a slightly excited, but a mildly rebuking tone of voice, she expresses her opinion on why using Korean is so crucial for students living in Japan.  In her view, a language disappears unless it is used by people and if so, there will be no chance for the students to enhance it.  To be more precise, she formulates using Korean as a fundamental prerequisite for enhancing the language.  The students’ reactions in line 40 (“A:ha”) and 41 (“A::ha”) that express their convictions consolidate the validity of the logic behind Mrs. Song’s argument.  Next, while putting emphasis on the inclusive pronoun, “WULI (WE)” in line 45, Mrs. Song underlines that it is Koreans’ or our responsibility to use Korean, enhance it, and protect it from disappearing in Japan, and not the responsibility of Japanese who are studying Korean in private language institutes.  Interestingly, she does not consider Korean to be alive in the case where Korean is being studied or used by Japanese people.  Korean will be preserved in Japan only if “WE (Koreans)” use it, according to her.  Consequently, Mrs. Song tells the students that Korean people are the only agents for the survival and enhancement of the superior language, Korean, because it is our language – Koreans’ ownership of and authority over the Korean language.  The students’ laughter (line 46-47) following Mrs. Song’s question as to whether they would assign the task of enhancing Korean to the Japanese, displays their view that the assumption is peculiar and abnormal and evidences their alignment with the teacher’s perspective that Korean should be used and enhanced by Koreans.   124  In her subsequent utterance (line 48-49), Mrs. Song restates the importance of using Korean well, while learning it well and using it correctly in order for ‘us (Koreans)’ to enhance and preserve ‘our language’ in Japan.  Afterwards, she reminds the students about participating in the Young Pioneer Movement (including the ‘100% Our Language Movement’) with a higher level of consciousness (i.e., being fully aware of the meanings of speaking Korean) and not participating habitually and mindlessly.  Mrs. Song’s repetition and stress on the word  “KUCE (just, simply)” in line 50 indicates her displeasure with the students who were not fully aware of the significance of speaking Korean.  Lastly, she formulates her feeling of being “glad” as depending on how the students will accommodate her request for being more attentive to the Young Pioneer Movement: “I will be glad if you consider the significance [of the Soyentan Movement])” in line 51-52.  Considering that “labeling an event in emotional terms is a social act which can have implications for how participants are expected to react” (Lo, 2009: 226), it can be said that Mrs. Song’ remark implicitly conveys to the students what is expected of them in the school (i.e., enthusiastic and sincere participation in the ‘100% Our Language Movement’) and what identities are assigned to them upon answering the expectation (i.e., good and model Korean students).     5.4 Socialization into Speaking Correct Korean    Kansai Korean teachers exhorted their students not only to speak Korean but also to speak correct or prescriptive and standard Korean.  The Korean teacher, Mrs. Song, created a list of ‘awkward’ Korean forms that were widely used among students, posted those on the wall, and led a Korean language chairperson (kugŏ wiwŏnjang) in each class to share the information with the entire class (Figure 5.4).  In addition, students were instructed to write one-extensively-spoken-incorrect-form on one side of a blackboard everyday and pay attention not to use the  125 form for a day.  In a vein similar to the findings in several studies of language socialization in schools (e.g., Duff, 1995, 1996; Friedman, 2006, 2009; García-Sánchez, 2010; Howard, 2009; Moore, 2006; Paugh, 2012; Riley, 2007), teachers in Kansai Korean School explicitly and immediately pointed out students’ incorrect Korean forms (from their point of view) and provided a replacement, frequently not only to the individual student who uttered it, but also towards the entire class or those around the student.  According to Mrs. Song, Kansai Korean School students followed the Korean-only policy relatively well, unlike students in another middle school nearby, and the teachers paid more attention to students’ usage of correct Korean, although it was not possible to point out every erroneous usage, so as not to interrupt the flow of the conversation with students.  In students’ annual speech contest performances, the importance of learning and speaking correct Korean was one of conventional leitmotif.  This section will illustrate in detail how teachers’ corrective feedback was provided during interactions with students and how students engaged in the language practice and reproduction of concomitant language ideologies.               126          Wall posters listing examples of incorrect Korean forms (highlighted in pink) and their corrections (written in red)  5.4.1 Corrective Feedback In Kansai Korean School, all teachers were Korean language teachers.  Whether s/he was a primary or middle school teacher and whether s/he taught Korean or not, the school teachers pointed out students’ incorrect usage of Korean and were committed to raising students’ awareness that they should speak correct Korean.  To give an example, it was when the Korean history teacher, Mr. Ch’oe, explained about the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1905 (also known as the Ŭlsa Treaty or Japan-Korea Protectorate Treaty) during his class.  While focusing on how Korea was made to sign the treaty unequally by force by Japan, he showed the students pictures of five Korean government officials who participated in signing the treaty; to borrow Mr. Ch’oe’s words, “five people who betrayed the nation.”  When he showed a picture of “Ri Wan-yong,” one of the five “maykwukno (traitors),” one student, Chi-min, seemed to recognize his face and spoke bluntly in Korean “sinmun ey thako issnun [sacin].”    Figure 5.4 Posters of 'Let's Correct Awkward Language'   127 Example 5.3 A Korean History Class about the 1905 Japan-Korea Treaty     01 Mr. Ch’oe: ((showing Ri Wanyong’s picture on his iPad)) kacang tayphyocekin  02        inmul i i inmul ipnita. (xxx)                                         ((showing Ri Wanyong’s picture on his iPad)) This person is the most                                       representative figure. (xxx)      03 Boy:           nwukwu?                                          Who?   04 Chi-min:     sinmun ey thako issnun                 [a picture] ‘got on’ [appeared] the newspaper         05 Mr. Ch’oe: ((in a half-mocking tone)) thako issci anhsupnita. sinmun ey thako          issci anhsupnita. ((some students starts laughing)) sinmun ey notte iru              (xxx) sillin, sillin.                                                                                          ((in a half-mocking tone)) Not ‘got on’ the newspaper. It is not                                              ‘riding on’ the newspaper. ((some students start laughing)) It                                               appeared in the newspaper. (xxx) Appeared, appeared.  08 Chi-min:     ((laughing)) sinmun ey sillin       ((laughing)) Appeared in the newspaper  In order to say “[the picture] that appeared in the newspaper,” Chi-min uses the Korean verb tha- (ride, get in/on, board, etc.) for the meaning of ‘appear or be published (in newspapers)’ and not the verb silli-.  Furthermore, she inserts a form of the progressive aspect in -ko iss- between the verb tha- and the perfective adnominal form -n that makes a preceding clause a modifier of the following noun, in this case (unuttered) “sacin (the picture).”  It is assumed that Chi-min drew on her Japanese knowledge for the Korean expression.  In other words, she translated the Japanese expression, shinbun ni notteiru [shashin] into Korean word-for-word (the phenomenon of calque or loan translation) by equating the Japanese verb nor- with the Korean verb tha- and the Japanese aspectual form in -te iru with the Korean progressive aspect in -ko iss-: the semantic range of the Japanese verb nor- includes both the meaning of ‘appearing in’ or ‘being published  128 in print media’ and ‘riding’ or ‘getting in/on a vehicle,’ and the Japanese aspectual form -te iru can signify both the progressive and resultant states of an action.  As soon as Chi-min blurts this out, Mr. Ch’oe disapproves of the Korean expression, “sinmun ey thako issnun,” by repeating the verb and aspectual form that she used with the negation pattern in -ci anhsupnita (line 5).  And then, in the following turn, he changes the code from Korean to Japanese, when he says the Japanese predicate notte iru after the Korean noun phrase sinmun ey.  His code-switching for the predicate highlights which part is misused in Chi-min’s Korean expression and why it is incorrect (i.e., word-for-word translation from Japanese) without a lengthy explanation.  Lastly, he feeds a replacement, sillin, back to the class, averting his gaze from Chi-min, who is sitting in front of the class, to the entire class and emphasizes it by repeating the correct form twice as in line 7.  Friedman (2006) identifies this correction feedback as teacher-initiated teacher-correction in which the teacher both initiated and completed the correction.58  Chi-min takes up his correction by repeating it (line 8) with a laugh, which displays her understanding that her prior turn was problematic as well as her alignment with Mr. Ch’oe’s stance that inappropriate Korean forms should be corrected.  As noted in Friedman (2006), this sort of example illustrates that “the practice of “doing correction” is a collaborative activity, with children as active participants” (p. 221).  I also often observed that Mrs. Song corrected the students’ misuse of Korean in her class while providing the class with metalinguistic accounts for the students’ errors.  One day, she gave the class some time to think about an essay topic for a certain argument because the lesson they were studying that day was about how to logically defend one’s opinion.  When she looked                                                 58 Other categories of teachers’ correction feedback that Friedman (2006:201) noted are (1) teacher-initiated self-correction in which the teacher prompted a student to correct his or her own error, and (2) teacher-initiated peer-correction in which the teacher initiated the correction but asked another child to complete it.         129 around the classroom while checking the students’ progress, she asked a student if he had decided on his essay topic and the student replied, “acik ipnita (I haven’t done it yet).”  As soon as she heard the answer, Mrs. Song indicated, “That’s an awkward expression (esaykhan mal ieyyo)” (although it sounded fine to me) and asked the class to correct it (i.e., teacher-initiated peer-correction).  One girl responded, “acik mos haysssupnita (an adverb acik (still; not yet) + a negative adverb mos (cannot) + a deferential form of verb ha- (do) with the past tense),” which also sounded natural to me.  However, Mrs. Song did not give any sign that she had heard the girl’s answer.  Instead, she provided a different expression, “acik melesssupnita (an adverb acik (still) + a deferential form of the verb mel- (far from, have a long way to) with the past tense)” with an explanation of why the form “acik ipnita” that the male student first used was wrong: “acik (still) is an adverb and thus, it cannot be followed by the deferential form of the copula -ita.”  Some of the students seemed to be hearing the expression for the first time, judging from their surprise by raising their intonation or putting a stress on the first syllable (mel-) of “melesssupnita” when repeating the expression among themselves.   During her classes, Mrs. Song also used to call the students’ attention to phonological infelicities in their Korean speech.  She would require students to practice Korean pronunciation together with a handout that she distributed to them before her class started.59    Moreover, when a student read aloud from a textbook and the class was drilled in new vocabulary by repeating after her, Mrs. Song pointed out students’ inarticulate pronunciations and immediately corrected them by pronouncing the words back to the students and/or providing explicit explanations about mouth shapes or pronunciation rules.  According to Mrs. Song, the reason she asked the students                                                 59 There was a school practice called ‘i bun jŏn junbi (two-minute preparation before class)’ whereby a student chairperson for each subject needed to prepare other students two minutes before a class by reviewing what they had learned before or by reading a part of the unit they had studied in a previous class together.            130 to pay careful attention to their Korean pronunciation was that otherwise their pronunciation would become Japanized (“ilponesik palum”).  Teachers’ correction feedback was not restricted to class time.  It occurred outside of class as well.  When Na-yŏng chatted with her friends in the schoolyard after the school open house, she produced the ubiquitous expression in the community, kaluchye patta (to be taught).60  Then immediately, a primary teacher within earshot intervened in their conversation and rebuked Na-yŏng for using incorrect Korean loud enough for other nearby students to hear (while asking me, standing next to the teacher, if there was such a word in Korean).  Looking down, Na-yŏng quietly listened to the teacher’s scolding and then returned to the conversation with her friends, but this time their voices became more silent than before as if they did not want their Korean to become audible and overheard by the teacher again.   A similar case happened when I visited the classroom of the students in my study during lunchtime.  When I entered the classroom, Mr. Yi (the homeroom teacher) seemed to have just finished his lunch at the teacher’s desk and Ms. Hwang, an English teacher, was braiding a female student’s hair for a school activity (samul nori, a performance using traditional Korean percussion instruments) after school.  A girl who noticed my haircut, Min-a, asked me, “meli callasseyo? (Did you get a haircut?)”  Although there was nothing wrong with her Korean in terms of grammar and comprehensibility, I hesitated a little to answer her because firstly, it was my second visit to the class after I had gotten a haircut and I needed time to think about how to answer and secondly, I realized that Min-a had omitted use of the honorific suffix -(u)si- in the verb (i.e., callasseyo? vs. calu-sye-sseyo?).  At that instant, Ms. Hwang may have interpreted my                                                 60 In South Korea, the verb paywu- means ‘to learn’ and the verb kaluchi- ‘to teach’; but the latter cannot be converted into a passive form.  The expression kaluchye patta that the student used is a direct calque (or loan translation) from the Japanese expression, oshie-te morau ‘teach-converb receive.’  There is no pattern in standard Korean along the lines of -e pat- for passives.       131 hesitation as a reaction to the student’s inappropriate verb choice.  She problematized the verb that Min-a had used by firmly saying, “callasseyo aniciyo (It’s not ‘callasseyo’, is it?).”  However, Ms. Hwang did not provide her with the replacement and continued what she was doing (perhaps because the proper replacement did not come to her mind?).  After a short silence, Min-a, who had lowered her eyes, gazed at me and asked again by rephrasing the verb calu- to kkakk- (another verb meaning ‘to cut’) – “meli kkakkasseyo?” – but in a timid voice (and again without the honorific marker).  Before I could respond, this time Mr. Yi intervened and suggested another expression, “khethu haysseyo? (a loanword from English ‘cut’ + the past tense of ‘do’: again, the honorific -(u)si- was still missing),” implying that Min-a’s second try was also unsuccessful even though all three expressions were linguistically (if not pragmatically) plausible to me.  The student seemed to be unfamiliar with the expression because she repeated it slowly while cocking her head to one side.  Before she could ask me again with the new expression, I quickly replied using the last expression that Mr. Yi had provided, “ney, khethu hayssseyo (Yes, I cut my hair)” because I felt sorry for Min-a as I seemed to have possibly put her in an embarrassing or awkward position due to my belated reply to her question and wanted to extricate her from the situation: since Min-a and Mr. Yi were located in the front of the classroom and Ms. Hwang was standing in the back of the classroom, every student in the room could observe and hear our interaction.  This common and recurring practice of error-correction by teachers might convey a clear message to the students – purist and prescriptive language ideologies.  That is, each language had a more ideal, correct, and standard model and any forms that deviated from the norm were incorrect, inauthentic, and stigmatized and thus in need of correction.  Put differently, the pervasiveness of corrective feedback in Kansai Korean School made students aware of the  132 existence of a hierarchical structure among varieties of the Korean language: for example, the standard language(s) of North and/or South Korea is more prestigious and valuable than the local variety of Korean, Zainichi Korean.  In addition, given that “marked identities are also ideologically associated with marked language: linguistic structures or practices that differ from the norm” (Bucholtz and Hall, 2004:372), the error-correction practice may have the potential of orienting the students to linking themselves to the marked identities of ‘untrue’ or ‘inauthentic’ Koreans and ‘semi-owner’ of the Korean language.  In effect, this identity-positioning was overtly manifested in the performance by high school students in a speech contest, as I will show below (section 5.4.2).                  Another significant point here is that the ideologies of purist and prescriptive language were not simply passed down from the teachers to the students in a linear and unidirectional way.  Rather, as we have seen above, the students also engaged in the processes of (re)producing, reinforcing, and legitimizing such language ideologies: for instance, by silently listening to and accepting it when a teacher indicated an error of their Korean speech and rebuked them for the incorrect use; suggesting a replacement for an erroneous use of Korean by a classmate; self-repairing what s/he said following a teacher’s indication; and/or giving signs that a teacher’s correction was taken up (e.g., repeating an expression suggested by the teacher).  That is, the students were not “merely passive, uniform recipients of socialization” (He, 2008: 211) but they were also contributors to constructing and legitimatizing the dominant language ideologies at school.  Even one student, Chi-min, appropriated and enacted the language ideologies on her own accord.    Two minutes before Korean class started one day, Chi-min, who was a Korean language chairperson, walked up to the front of the classroom and started to ask the class  133 about what they had learned in a previous class: they had learned about rhetorical techniques such as metonymy and metaphor through a lesson about the famous Korean poem Chindallae kkot (Azaleas).  In response to Chi-min’s last question about the way to distinguish between metonymy and metaphor, Yu-ri mispronounced the topic marker -un in the clause, “unyupep un (metaphor + topic marker -un).”  In Korean, when a syllable-final consonant is followed by a vowel, the consonant is carried over to the following syllable and pronounced as an initial consonant.  Thus, in the case of unyupep un, the final consonant [p] in unyupep (metaphor) should be carried over to the topic marker [ŭn] and pronounced as its initial consonant but with a voiced sound [b] due to the vowel [ŭ] such as [ŭnyubŏbŭn].  However, in her answer, Yu-ri pronounced the consonant [b] as [g]: [ŭnyubŏgŭn].  When she passed by Yuri to return to her own seat after the school bell chimed, Chi-min pointed out Yu-ri’s mispronunciation by modelling the correct pronunciation [ŭnyubŏbŭn] to Yu-ri with an emphasis on the last syllable [bŭn].  Yu-ri showed her recognition of the troublesome source in her pronunciation by saying “Ah.”                       ‘Student-initiated student-correction’ of peers’ incorrect Korean forms like this did not seem to be as commonplace as the practice of pointing out Japanese usage among students.  Therefore, this is a good and worthy illustration demonstrating the student’s understanding of the perspective that incorrect use of Korean should be corrected and also showcasing her agency in appropriating the practice of error-correction and enacting the prescriptive language ideology on another student. 5.4.2 Speaking Correct Korean to Become True Koreans In Chongryun schools, speaking correct Korean was highlighted not only for its utility in enabling more effective communication with Koreans in other speech  134 communities and having close ties with them