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UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Reception of "Journey to the West" in early modern Japan Vakhnenko, Yevheniy 2017

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RECEPTION OF JOURNEY TO THE WEST IN EARLY MODERN JAPAN  by  Yevheniy Vakhnenko     A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS  in  THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Asian Studies)    THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  April 2017 © Yevheniy Vakhnenko, 2017 ii Abstract As one of the most prominent works of Chinese literature, Xiyouji 西遊記 (literally, The Record of the Westward Journey, or Journey to the West) has received considerable attention in Western scholarship, focusing on issues of its antecedents, textual formation, authorship, character prototypes and religious allegory, which attests to its complexity in terms of the history of its composition and contents. However, not much has been written about the equally remarkable influence that the Journey to the West has had on literary and visual cultures of East Asian countries neighboring China, where it was appropriated, re-created either in full or abridged forms, and re-envisioned over the centuries—an impact greater than that of any other single work of vernacular Chinese literature. Inspired by Professor Joshua S. Mostow‘s scholarship in the reception history of classical works of Japanese literature, as well as by the work of his students Maiko Behr and Gergana Ivanova, this study is devoted to the exploration of the profound and continuous impact that the Journey to the West has had on Japanese culture—the importation of this vernacular Chinese narrative, the history of its translation, and an examination of specific works related to its literary and visual reception. This study will focus on the reception history of Journey to the West in the Japanese context, highlighting the history of its first Japanese translation that extended over a lengthy period of nearly seventy years (1758–1837) —an intermittent ―relay‖ of changing translators—until its complete translation was made available to the widest audience of readers, and one of its adaptations, a gōkan (bound book) by Tamenaga Shunsui 為永春水 (1790–1844) Fūzoku onna Saiyūki 風俗女西遊記 (Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style, 1828), in the context of the ―writerly‖ reception of Journey to the West and cross-artistic phenomenon of onna-mono (items for women) in the Kaseiki years (1804–1830) of the late Tokugawa period.  iii Preface I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person, nor material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma of the university or other institute of higher learning, except where due acknowledgment has been made in the text.  iv Table of Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... ii Preface ........................................................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents ......................................................................................................................... iv List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. v Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... vi Dedication ..................................................................................................................................... ix Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 2: History of the Japanese translation of Journey to the West ................................... 8 Chapter 3: Reception of Journey to the West in Early Modern Japan ................................... 13 Chapter 4: Socio-literary Analysis of Tamenaga Shunsui’s Fūzoku onna Saiyūki ............... 20 4.1  Socio-cultural Topography of the Late Tokugawa Period .............................................. 20 4.2  Cross-generic Phenomenon of Onna-mono .................................................................... 28 4.3  Literary Analysis of Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (1828) .......................................................... 37 4.3.1  Title, Preface and Dramatis Personae ...................................................................... 39 4.3.2  Plot and Text ............................................................................................................. 45 Chapter 5: Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 65 References .................................................................................................................................... 67 Appendices ................................................................................................................................... 71 Appendix A: Character Chart .................................................................................................... 71 Appendix B: Mitate-e Illustrations of the Main Characters ...................................................... 72 Appendix C: The Motif of the Hand of the Tathāgata .............................................................. 73 Appendix D: English Translation of Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (Vol. 1 and 2) ............................... 74 Appendix E: Japanese Text of Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (Vol. 1 and 2) ......................................... 99 v  List of Tables  Table 1 List of publications related to JW published in the Tokugawa period ............................. 17 Table 2 List of onna-mono works published in the Tokugawa period ......................................... 35    vi Acknowledgements In the preparation of this thesis, in all its stages, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Professors Joshua Mostow, Christina Laffin, and Catherine Swatek, who, each in his or her own inimitable style, contributed not only to the completion of this thesis but also to my education in the broadest sense of the word. I owe sincere thanks to Professor Mostow for his invaluable advice, high expectations, and consummate patience throughout my graduate program at UBC. His scholarship and generosity have helped show me what to strive for as both a scholar and as a teacher. I account myself very fortunate to have enjoyed the counsel of Professor Laffin, an outstanding scholar and pedagogue, on procedural as well as scholarly concerns in graduate seminars. I have benefitted immensely from conversations with Professor Swatek and her insightful, lucid comments on the role of Journey to the West in the Chinese context, as well as a long list of readings she provided me with on the topic. I would also like to acknowledge my sincerest gratitude to Professor Sharalyn Orbaugh for dedication as a graduate adviser and scholarship that provided me with enriching perspectives on modern Japanese literature, anime and manga. In ways more numerous than I can express, I am sincerely thankful to Jasmina Miodragovic, Graduate Program Assistant of the Department of Asian Studies at UBC, for her unfailing support, friendly advice, and great forbearance in all matters of an administrative nature throughout the term of my graduate program. I must express my profound appreciation to Dr. Galia Petkova Todorova Gabrovska who provided me with portions of her dissertation on onna-mono in Edo kabuki and never failed to respond to my numerous fretful questions regarding the phenomenon we both pursue. vii On the Chinese side of the Department of Asian Studies at UBC, I would like to extend my deepest thanks to Professor Jerry Schmitt who taught me the basics of the Classical Chinese and provided kind assistance with the translation of the preface to Xiyouji. His teaching style proved to be the most remarkable among all I encountered in my decade-long teaching career. I also wish to address posthumous thanks to Professor Anthony Yu of University of Chicago, who despite his outstanding stance in the field of Asian Studies did not turn a deaf ear to an email from an obscure graduate student from Canada, and even provided me with the most generous support and corrections of my translation of the Xiyouji preface. His death is indeed a great loss for the field of Asian Studies. Further, I would like to express my gratitude to those in Japan who made my research possible. To Professor Nakajima Takashi from Waseda University who generously offered his insights on the phenomenon of onna-mono in early modern Japan, introduced me to the Japanese scholarly sources I did not know, and brought me into contact with Professor Hiyama Yūko who had made the initial transcription of Fūzoku onna Saiyūki. I am deeply grateful to her for clarifying many instances in the text that still remained unclear. I would also like to thank Professor Kanda Masayuki from Meiji Gakuin University who provided me with guidance on Bakin‘s oeuvre and particularly on the text of Konpirabune rishō no tomozuna. I am deeply indebted to private individuals in Japan, Takimoto Keizo and Inoue Shūichi, who provided me with unfailing help in editing my transcriptions of the aforementioned Japanese texts by Shunsui and Bakin. Their continued friendship and contribution to my work is invaluable beyond measure. Many thanks also go to Professor Barabara Wall who organized a panel ―The Construction of Xiyouji (西遊記) in the Sinographic Cosmopolis and beyond‖ for participation in viii the Association for Asian Studies Conference (AAS 2016, Seattle) and was able to bring together a tandem of young researchers like me to represent the scholarship on Xiyouji in Japan, China by Nick Stember, Vietnam by Nguyen Hoang Yen, and Korea. The feedback from the presentation, as well as our informal conversations, also helped shape this thesis. I would also like to thank Professor Jessica Maine for being my discussant in the Asian Studies Graduate Student Conference at UBC and offering thought-provoking insights on my work from the Buddhist perspective. I would also like to acknowledge the friendly and intellectual support from my fellow graduate students at UBC, especially Casey Collins, Suzuki Saeko, Elsa Chanez, Elle Marsh, Haley Blum, Jeeyeon Song, Kazuhiko Imai, and Kimberley McNelly. I express my thanks for always being friendly, supportive, engaged and making this work possible in ways they probably do not realize.         ix Dedication For my parents who imparted to me most invaluable talents and love for Japan.  1 Chapter 1: Introduction In a seminal study on the reception of Chinese vernacular narrative in Korea and Japan, Emanuel Pastreich identifies four strands of reception of Chinese literature in Tokugawa-period Japan.1 The first strand was the massive influx of Chinese vernacular novels flowing into the intellectual circles of Edo and Kyoto through the port of Nagasaki from the seventeenth century on. Private Confucian academies, such as the Ken‘en 蘐園 academy of Ogyū Sorai 荻生徂徠 (1666-1728) in Edo, and Kogidō 古義堂 academy of Itō Jinsai 伊藤仁斎 (1627 –1705) in Kyoto, had a substantial following and advocated for the learning of Chinese as a spoken language and the reading of the Chinese vernacular texts as educational primers among its adepts. The movement known as tōwagaku 唐話学 (Vernacular Chinese studies) led Japanese intellectuals to take a serious interest in Chinese vernacular language and produced a number of influential figures that spearheaded the dissemination of Chinese vernacular literature among the general reading public outside the circles pursuing studies of spoken Chinese. The second strand of reception was through annotated versions of Chinese popular novels produced by early eighteenth-century annotators as Okajima Kanzan 岡嶌冠山 (1674–1728) and Oka Hakku 岡白駒 (1692–1767), [Which] made it possible for readers without a strong grasp of vernacular Chinese, but [with] some knowledge of literary Chinese, to enjoy these novels as literature. […] Related to these annotated editions were straight translations of popular Chinese narrative into Japanese that retained many of the turns of phrase from the originals. These popular                                             1 I use Pastreich‘s framework with some modifications, such as I change the order of the third and fourth stages to follow the chronological order of occurrence. The stages of reception of Chinese vernacular fiction in Japan can be found in Emanuel Pastreich, ―The Reception of Chinese Vernacular Narrative in Korea and Japan‖ (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1997), 254-257. 2 translations of Chinese novels, aimed at a large readership, emerged at the end of the seventeenth century and retained a steady niche in the literary world through the early twentieth century. […]2 The third strand of reception was the emergence of the literati novel of the mid-eighteenth century, In which independent scholars of the Kyoto area transformed Chinese vernacular fiction into a new genre of indigenous literature (the forerunner of the yomihon 読本 [reading books]) by combining it with elements from the Japanese literary tradition. In the works of Tsuga Teishō 都賀 庭鐘 (1718–1794), Takebe Ayatari 建部綾足 (1719–1774), and Ueda Akinari 上田秋成 (1734–1809), Chinese vernacular fiction was not merely rendered into a form more accessible to readers through happy analogies to Japanese equivalents; the relative weight in the final text shifted towards the reframing of Japanese subjects, not just the familiarization of the Chinese text.3 The fourth manner of reception for Chinese vernacular fiction in the late eighteenth and nineteenth century occurred via gesaku 戯作 (playful literature)—late yomihon and extended picture books of gōkan 合巻 (bound books). Humorous juxtapositions between the highest and lowest registers of Chinese or Japanese culture, for example Confucius visiting a Japanese brothel, were a common theme in                                             2 Ibid., 255.  3 Ibid., 256. Beginning with Takebe Ayatari‘s 建部綾足 (1719–1728) adaptation of Shuihuzhuan 水滸伝 (Water Margin, J. Suikoden, 1589) in the yomihon Honchō Suikoden 本朝水滸伝 (Japanese Water Margin, 1773) and Ueda Akinari‘s 上田秋成 (1734–1809) adaptation of huaben short stories known as Ugetsu monogatari 雤月物語 (Tales of Moonlight and Rain, 1776), the translation of Chinese vernacular fiction became integrated into the scholarly work of Japanese intellectuals related to kokugaku, or the nativist learning, and presented new means of reframing the Japanese literary tradition.  3 gesaku fiction. […] Although these playful works are not necessarily renderings of Chinese vernacular fiction, the new approach in Confucian studies involving the combined study of both the vernacular and literary Chinese played a major role in their formation.4 The Kaseiki (1804–1830) years of the late Tokugawa period saw an unprecedented rise in the ―wholesale ransacking‖ of Chinese (and Japanese classics) as inspirational material in the production of gesaku literature.5 As a result of the profoundly detrimental Kansei Reforms (1787–1793) that targeted sharebon 洒落本 (books of wit and fashion) and kibyōshi 黄表紙 (yellow cover illustrated books) fiction, gōkan (bound books) and yomihon (reading books) received new prominence in the attempt by contemporary writers to avoid restrictions of the bakufu 幕府 censorship.6 In the early nineteenth-century, Santō Kyōden 山東京伝 (1761–1816) and Kyokutei Bakin—the leading writers of popular fiction of the day—produced numerous adaptations of Chinese vernacular novels as lengthy serial gōkan and yomihon distinguished for their high literary seriousness.7 One of the most famous works from a series of such adaptations by Kyōden is the yomihon Chūshin Suikoden 忠臣水滸伝 (The Loyal Vassal’s Water Margin; 1799–1801), which                                             4 Ibid., 256.  5 Ibid., 256. ―Wholesale ransacking‖ expression belongs to Andrew Markus. In Andrew Lawrence Markus, The Willow in Autumn: Ryūtei Tanehiko, 1783-1842 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 120. Gesaku, or vernacular ―playful writing,‖ is a term inclusive of various genres of Edo‘s popular literature (dangibon, gōkan, kibyōshi, kokkeibon, sharebon, ninjōbon, yomihon) that emerged in the mid-eighteenth century replacing ukiyo-zōshi (books of the floating world).  6 Haruo Shirane, Early Modern Japanese Literature: An Anthology, 1600-1900 (Columbia University Press, 2013), 359, 484.  7 Emanuel Pastreich, ―The Reception of Chinese Literature in Japan,‖ in The Columbia History of Chinese Literature, ed. Victor H. Mair. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 1093. 4 combined a resetting of Water Margin in the context of the popular jōruri play Kanadehon Chūshingura 仮名手本忠臣蔵 (Chūshingura: The Storehouse of Loyal Retainers, 1748).8 Bakin wrote about Loyal Vassal’s Water Margin as a work of immense popularity and commercial success, deeming it the most remarkable publication since the days of Takebe Ayatari‘s Japanese Water Margin.9 Kyōden‘s adaptation was likely memorable to gesaku readers not because of its content but because of the ingenious use of literary devices and polished literary style as exemplified by Kyōden in previously published kibyōshi.10 In his subsequent works, Kyōden also adapted Tsūzoku Kōshukuden 通俗孝粛伝 (Popular Edition of the Tale of Xiaosu, 1770) based on a series of biographies of legendary Song dynasty (960–1279) governor Bao Zheng 包拯 (or, Bao Gong 包公, 999–1062), in a protracted vendetta story entitled Fukushū kidan Asaka no numa 復讐奇談安積沼 (A Strange Story of Revenge in the Swamp of Asaka, 1803) of Kohada Koheiji 小幡小平次, murdered by his wife‘s lover and risen from the grave to avenge himself as a ghost; and Udonge monogatari 優曇華物語 (The Tale of the Three Thousand Year Flower, or The Tale of Udumbara Flowers, 1804), another vendetta story built upon numerous tropes from a wide array of literary forebears.11 However, the most outstanding of Kyōden‘s works, perhaps, is the yomihon Sakurahime zenden akebono-zōshi 桜姫全伝曙草紙 (The Book of Dawn: The Complete Account of Princess Sakura, 1805),12 in which he combined elements of the early                                              8 Ibid., 1094. The same sekai and shūko were employed by a number of later writers. Shunsui has also used this combination of sekai/shūko in the writing of Gedai kagami (1838). In Ishikawa Hidemi, ―Chūshin Suikoden ni okeru ―fukai no riron‖ (jō),‖ Tōhoku Daigaku daigakuin kokusai bunka kinkyūka ronshū 9 (December 2001), 246.  9 Jane Devitt, ―Santō Kyōden and the Yomihon,‖ Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 39, no. 2 (December 1979), 264.  10 Hidemi, ―Chūshin Suikoden (jō),‖ 245.  11 Devitt, ―Santō Kyōden and the Yomihon,‖ 265.  5 Qing‘s (1644–1912) Jin Yun Qiao zhuan 金雲翹傳 (The Tale of Jin Zhong, Cuiyun, and Cuiqiao, ca. 1660) with Japanese classics, nō and bunraku jōruri plays to produce most delicately imbricated narrative. Kyokutei Bakin, formerly Kyōden‘s protégé, had surpassed his teacher13 in literary productivity by having produced an even larger number of inexhaustible yomihon productions based on classics of the Chinese literature, ancient and modern, that he ―lorded as his unassailable domain.‖14 In the early days of his career, when his literary oeuvre consisted of predominantly kibyōshi, Bakin already attempted to weave elements of Chinese vernacular fiction into plots of his novels. One example from his early works is the kibyōshi entitled Heso ga wakasu Sayu monogatari 臍沸西遊記 (A Navel-boiling Record of the Westward Journey, 1803)15—a compilation of humorous short stories collected from the travelers to Naniwa (Osaka). Bakin‘s first yomihon Takao senjimon 高尾船字文 (The Ciphers of Takao, 1796), represents a preliminary effort to create a new kind of fiction that exploited various literary forbears, indigenous and native—a technique that likely originated with Kyōden and was to be used again in the production of Chūshingura: The Storehouse of Loyal Retainers.16 In Chinsetsu yumiharizuki 椿説弓張月 (Strange Tales of the Crescent Moon, 1807–1811), Bakin integrates                                                                                                                                             12 Yōji Ōtaka, ―Bunka san, yonen no Kyōden, Bakin to Sakurahime zenden akebono-zōshi,‖ Kokubungaku kenkyū shiryōkan kiyō Bungaku kenkyūhen 34, no. 17 (2008), 125-126. For the discussion of Sakurahime zenden akebono-zōshi see Jane Devitt, ―Santō Kyōden and the Yomihon,‖ 265-266, and, Satoko Shimazaki, ―The End of the ―World‖: Tsuruya Nanboku IV‘s Female Ghosts and Late-Tokugawa Kabuki,‖ Monumenta Nipponica 66, no. 2 (2011), 236-238.  13 Yōji Ōtaka suggests that Kyōden and Bakin were ―brother authors,‖ rather than teacher and disciple. In Yōji Ōtaka, ―Development of the late yomihon: Santō Kyōden and Kyokutei Bakin,‖ in Haruo Shirane et al., eds., The Cambridge History of Japanese Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 542.  14 Markus, The Willow in Autumn, 121.  15 Isobe Akira, Tabi iku Son Gokū, higashi Ajia no Saiyūki (Tokyo: Taga Shuppan, 2011), 203.  16 Yōji Ōtaka, ―Development of the late yomihon,‖ 542. 6 elements of a nō 能 play, gunki-mono 軍記物 (military chronicle) and the Water Margin to create a saga about Minamoto no Tametomo 源為朝 (1096–1156), the progenitor of the Ryukyuan monarchy. The most famous of Bakin‘s yomihon is Nansō Satomi hakkenden 南総里見八犬伝 (The Chronicle of the Eight Dogs of Nansō Satomi Clan; 1814–1842), a tale consisting of 106 fascicles about eight dog warriors descended from Fusehime, which is also loosely based on the Water Margin.17 In the prime of his literary career, during his later years, Bakin also serialized the eight-volume gōkan Konpira-bune rishō no tomozuna 金毘羅船利生纜 (Life Lines of Grace of the Konpira’s Boat, 1825–1831), in which he adjusted the plot of Journey to the West to a Japanese setting, recast the King of Monkeys, Son Gokū, as the King of Tengus, Iwasaku,18 and replaced original religious topoi with myths from the Kojiki 古事記 (Record of Ancient Matters, 712) and motifs of the Konpira cult popular during the Tokugawa period; together with Jin Yun Qiao zhuan 金雲翹傳 (The Tale of Jin Zhong, Cuiyun, and Cuiqiao, ca. 1660) as the gōkan  Fūzoku Kingyoden 風俗金魚伝 (The Tale of the Golden Fish in the Current Style, 1829–1831), Jin Ping Mei 金瓶梅 (Plum in the Golden Vase, 1368–1644) in another lengthy gōkan Shinpen Kinpeibai 新編金瓶梅 (New Edition of the Plum in the Golden Vase, 1831–1834), and many other Chinese vernacular novels into Japanese. In 1833, Bakin also published a critical appraisal entitled Zoku                                             17 Ibid., 548; and, in Pastreich, ―The Reception of Chinese Literature in Japan,‖ 1093.  18 Iwasaku no Kami (Boulder Splitter) is the deity created by Izanami (He Who Beckoned) after he beheaded his son, the fire deity Kagutsuchi (Flickering Elder) who caused the death of Izanagi (She Who Beckoned) by his birth. The figure of Iwasaku no Kami became equivalent with Konpira (S. Kumbhira), a protective and healing deity, and one of Twelve Divine Generals in Buddhism. The cult of Konpira became widespread during the Tokugawa period. The original Kojiki myth can be found in Yoshinori Yamaguchi et al., eds., Kojiki, Shinpen Nihon koten bungaku zenshū 1 (Shōgakukan, 2007), 43; the English translation of the same myth can be found in Gustav Heldt, The Kojiki: An Account of Ancient Matters (Columbia University Press, 2014), 13-14. For the discussion of the Konpira cult in Japan, please see Shanti Devi, ―Hospitality for the Gods: Popular Religion in Edo, Japan, an Example‖ (Ph.D. diss., University of Hawaii, 1986). 7 Saiyūki kokuji hyō 続西遊記国字総評 (General Commentary on the Record of the Westward Journey in the Native Script: Continued) devoted entirely to the Journey to the West, which was later continued by Kimura Michiaki 木村 通明 (1787–1856) in Go Saiyūki kokuji hyō 後西遊記国字総評 (General Commentary on the Record of the Westward Journey in the Native Script: Postscript, 1834).  8 Chapter 2: History of the Japanese translation of Journey to the West The first ―official‖ Japanese translation of Journey to the West went through a lengthy relay of changing translators in the course of almost eighty years (1758–1837) until a complete version was finally made available to the widest audience of readers. Nishida Korenori 西田維則 (?–1765), a Confucian scholar and professional translator of Chinese vernacular fiction from Kyoto, was to become the first Japanese translator of JW.19 Not much is known about Nishida‘s life, except that he was born in Ōmi Province (modern-day Shiga Prefecture) and was an acquaintance of Sawada Issai 沢田一斎 (1701–1782), a prominent Confucian scholar, a litterateur with wide connections to cultural figures in Western Japan, an author, a professional publisher and an owner of the Kyoto-based Fūgetsudō (Fūgetsu Shōzaemon) 風月堂 (風月荘左衛門) bookstore.20 The postface to Sawada‘s translation of huaben21 話本 stories, Engi kyōgiden 演義侠妓伝 (The Vernacular Tale of the Righteous Courtesan), published around 1749, is attributed to Nishida. He was also a disciple of Oka Hakku 岡白駒 (1692–1767),22 a professional teacher and writer, and arguably the first intellectual to take up the promotion of Chinese vernacular fiction outside of Confucian circles.23 Hakku was trained in Itō Tōgai‘s (1670−1738) academy, the Kogidō 古義堂, lectured on Shuihuzhuan  水滸伝 (J. Suikoden, Water Margin) in                                             19 In the discussion of the Japanese translation of JW and its reception in early modern Japan, I rely on the extensive scholarship of Isobe Akira, and his voluminous research—Isobe Akira, Saiyūki jūyōshi no kenkyū (Tokyo: Taga Shuppan, 1995); and, Isobe Akira, Tabi iku Son Gokū, higashi Ajia no Saiyūki (Tokyo: Taga Shuppan, 2011).  20 Pastreich, ―The Reception of Chinese Vernacular Narrative,‖ 400.  21 Huaben, or vernacular story, is a genre of a short or medium length narrative written in vernacular Chinese.  22 Kawaguchi Ken‘ichi, ―Nguyen Du (Guen Zū) to Bakin: Futatsu no Sakuhin o Megutte,‖ in Nihongo-Nihongaku kenkyū 3 (Kokusai Nihon kenkyū Sentaa, 2013), 200.  23 Pastreich, ―The Reception of Chinese Vernacular Narrative,‖ 395-419.  9 the 1720‘s for a growing audience for non-classical Chinese texts in Osaka and Kyoto and published several titles through the auspices of Sawada‘s Fūgetsudō.24 Nishida has initially translated first chapters of JW, chapters 1 through 26, published under the title Tsūzoku Saiyūki 通俗西遊記 (literally, Popular Edition of the Record of the Westward Journey) in 1758, with the Kyoto publisher Araya Heijirō 新屋平次郎.25  Isobe Akira describes an earlir publication of the translation of JW, published in 1756, under the title of Saiyūki kangeshō 西遊記勧化抄 (Selection of the Buddhist Teachings from the Journey to the West), which appeared in the book catalog of Kyōto shorin gyōji kamikumi saichō hyōmoku 京都書林行事上組済帳標目 (1756).26 This earlier publication was a ―pilot version‖ created by Nishida for the preliminary evaluative purposes of hyōban 評判 (book critic).27 Numerous other translations of vernacular Chinese texts were produced by Nishida aimed at a general reading audience. Among those titles—Tsūzoku Zui no Yōdai gaishi 通俗隋煬帝外史 (Popular Edition of an Unofficial History of Emperor Yang of Sui, 1760), Tsūzoku sekijō kien 通俗赤縄奇縁 (Popular Edition of the Strange Fate of the Red Strings, 1761), Keinō jirei 奚嚢字例 (The Pouch of Chinese Verses: Examples of Texts 1762), and Tsūzoku Kingyōden 通俗金翹伝 (Popular Edition of the Legend of Jin Zhong, Cuiyun, and Cuiqiao, 1763)—were also published through Fūgetsudō. His translation of JW stood as close and the most accurate version                                             24 Ibid., 400, 418.  25 Isobe, Tabi iku Son Gokū, 194.  26 Ibid., 192.  27 Ibid., 193.  10 of the original text,28 which may attest to Nishida‘s extensive knowledge of the Chinese vernacular language and Chinese culture which resulted in his straightforward and transparent translation.29 Korenori seemed to be using Xiyou zhengdao shu 西遊証道書, or Xiyou zhengdao qishu 西遊証道奇書 (1662), a Qing-dynasty version of the JW in his work, which is a shorter, abridged version of the JW in comparison to the Shidetang version. He passed away in 1765 without completing the full translation of the novel. After a long stall of twenty-six years, another translator by the name of Ishimaro Sanjin 石磨呂山人 (?-?) from Edo continued the work initiated by Nishida. Ishimaro translated chapters 27 through 39, which were published under the same title as the first chapters of Tsūzoku Saiyūki by the Kyoto publisher Maruya Ichibee 京都丸屋市兵衛 in 1784. Two years later in 1786, chapters 40 through 47 were also published. The review of the translation made by Sanjin shows that he was sufficiently knowledgeable in vernacular Chinese,30 however, not much is known about his experience of translating other Chinese texts. Ishimaro used a different Qing-dynasty abridged ten-volume-version of JW entitled Xiyou zhenquan 西遊真詮 (1694), which is considered inferior to the version used in translation of the first twenty-six chapters by Korenori.31                                              28 Ibid., 194.  29 Pastreich, ―The Reception of Chinese Literature in Japan,‖ 1079-1095.  30 Isobe, Tabi iku Son Gokū, 194-195.  31 Ibid., 194.  11 Thirteen years later, Ogata Teisai 尾形貞斎 (dates unknown) became the third translator to participate in the translation of JW. Ogata worked on chapters 48 through 53, which were published in 1799.32 Teisai used the same Qing-dynasty version of JW as Sanjin, Xiyou zhenquan. In 1806, a revised and improved edition by Ishida Naotomo 石田尚友, (1737–1812?), of Nishida‘s initial chapters (1-27) and Sanjin‘s subsequent chapters (27-29) was compiled and published as Volume One of Ehon saiyūki 繪本西遊記 (literally, the Illustrated Book of the Record of the Westward Journey) by Osaka publisher Kawachiya Mohee 河内屋茂兵衛.33 Illustrations for this volume were created by Oohara Tōya 大原東野 (1771–1840). The original kanbun 漢文 (Chinese text) preface was adopted from the Shidetang version of JW, which is attributed to Chen Yuanzhi 陳元之 (?-?), and contained interpretive information about the origins and reception of the novel in Ming-dynasty China, comparing it to a religious allegory. In 1827, the same publisher released Volume Two of Ehon Saiyūki, which contained the subsequent chapters (30-47) by Sanjin and Teisai (chapters 48-53). Chapters that were incorporated into that volume were edited by Yamada Keizō 山田圭蔵 (dates unknown), and illustrations were drawn by Utagawa Toyohiro 歌川豊広 (1774–1830). Finally, Gakutei Kyūzan 岳亭丘山 (1786?–1848) became the last translator to enter the interminable ―relay‖ in JW’s Japanese translation history. An ukiyo-e artist, book illustrator, gesaku (playful composition) writer and kyōka 狂歌 (comic waka) poet, Kyūzan was a disciple of Toyota Hokkei 魚屋北渓 (1780–1850) and Katsushika Hokusai 葛飾北斎 (1760? –1849). After translating chapters 54 through 79, which were finalized and compiled as Volume Three in                                             32 Ibid., 196.  33 Ibid., 201.  12 1835, and chapters 80 through 100 as Volume Four in 1837, the translation of JW was complete and published under the title Ehon Saiyū zenden 画本西遊全伝 (literally, Illustrated Book of the Complete Account of the Westward Journey) by the previously mentioned Osaka-based publisher Kawachiya Mohee in 1837.34 Both volumes were lavishly illustrated by Katsushika Hokusai. After the publication of Illustrated Book of the Complete Account of the Westward Journey in 1883 by a number of publishers (such as Shimizu no Jirōchō 清水市次郎, Noriki Shooku 法木書屋, Tōkyō Kingyoku Shuppansha 東京金玉出版社), almost every three, five years, a reprint, abridgement or adaptation based on JW continue to reemerge in Japan right until the present day, such as, for instance, the most recent manga adaptation of JW by Minekura Kazuya 峰倉かずや, Saiyūki Reload Blast, published by ZERO-SUM Comics in 2014.                                              34 Ibid., 201-202. 13 Chapter 3: Reception of Journey to the West in Early Modern Japan Borrowing the language of Haruo Shirane in relation to the reception of the Tale of Genji, ever since the publication of the first chapters of Journey to the West translated by Korenori in the middle-Edo period (1758), it has been also possible to talk about the reception of this late-Ming novel in terms of both ―readerly‖ and ―writerly‖ reception in the Japanese context.35 Especially distinguished was the writerly reception of JW, as it became the source of inspiration for numerous translations, abridged adaptations and variations received and re-created in a wide range of media, such as ehon 絵本 (illustrated books), nishiki-e 錦絵 (brocade pictures) prints, jōruri bunraku 浄瑠璃文楽 (puppet theater) and kabuki.  In the scholarly literature up to the present, JW has been interpreted as a religious allegory, ―supra-mundane (shenhua xiaoshuo 神話小說), a ―novel of gods and demons‖ (shenmo xiaoshuo神魔小說), a ―work of comic fantasy‖, a satire of life and the world, a detailed treatise of internal alchemy, an illumination of the Confucian Dao, or simply as adventure or fantasy.36 It has been pigeonholed as a Buddhist, Daoist or Confucian manual for self-cultivation or as an allegory to the Three-Religions-Joining-As-One movement (sanjiao heyi 三敎合一).37 In regard to the multi-layered-ness of JW, Anthony Yu wrote that, ―the novel, in sum, represents a complex discursive heterology not disposed to easy assimilation or classification.‖38 Therefore,                                             35 Haruo Shirane, Envisioning the Tale of Genji: Media, Gender, and Cultural Production (Columbia University Press, 2008), 9.  36 Barbara Wall, ―Transformations of Xiyouji in Korean Intertexts and Hypertexts‖ (PhD diss., Ruhr University, 2014), 17.  37 Ibid., 17.  38 Anthony Yu, The Journey to the West, Revised Edition, Volume 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 19.  14 due to its diverse facets JW makes multiple interpretations possible while denying any absolute resolution.39   In the words of the Japanese Edo-period literati (bunjin 文人) Yamazaki Yoshishige 山崎美成 (1796-1856), who wrote about JW in his San’yō Zakki 三養雑記 (Records of San’yō Zatsu, 1837), the novel in the early modern period was perceived predominantly as a work of fiction, based on historical antecedents: The book of the JW is thought to be a fictional account about the Heart-Monkey and the journey of the priest Xuanzang Tripitaka to the western regions based on the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions and The Biography of Master Tripitaka of the Great Cien Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty. 西遊記の一書も、亦心猿をむねとし、玄奘三蔵の西域に行けるさまを、西域記・慈恩伝などにもとづきて、つくりし話説とぞおもはるる。40 In a similar vein, Tōjō Kindai 東条琴台 (1795–1878), an Edo-period textual critic,41 also wrote about JW in Shiko hitsudoku bokushomoku 四庫必読墨書目 (List of Works Written in Ink and Necessary for Reading from the Four Storehouse, date of publication unknown) and drew a generic connection between the contemporary novels of his time and the novels like JW and Water Margin, calling them ―romances‖ (engi 演義  or ingeki 陰劇):                                             39 Wall, ―Transformations,‖ 18.  40 Isobe, Tabi iku Son Gokū, 201.  41 Isobe identifies Tōjō Kindai as a ―kōshō gakusha‖ (考証学者), which refers to a Kaozheng 考證 (search for evidence) school and approach to studies of ancient Chinese texts, which became most prominent in the seventeenth and eighteenth centures in China. Since this particular approach corresponds to methods of modern textual criticism, I render ―kōshō gakusha‖ as textual critic.  15 The novel (JW) is different from historical records and contains observations about [Chinese] people, and transmits parables and sayings. It is useful for gaining a profound understanding of all creatures, from beings of another world to various plants and animals. It is similar to writings of our land. Erroneously, like Water Margin, it is considered to be a novel (shōsetsu 小説)42 by people in our society. However, [both] the Water Margin and the Journey to the West belong to the kind of [Chinese vernacular] romance. 小説ハ正史実録ノ外、朝野ノ見聞ヲ記、賢愚ノ言談ヲ伝へ、幽冥現著ノ事ヨリ動植変異ノ跡マテ識得ハ、飛耳長目ノ裨益ト成ベシ、我土ノ家紀物語ト同様ノ事ナリ、世上ノ人水滸伝西遊記等ノ類ヲ以テ小説ト思ハ、大ニ非ナリ、水滸西遊ノ類ハ演義話トテ院劇ノ属ヒナリ。43 In addition to these two examples, extant are at least two essays by Kyokutei Bakin on the subject of JW, containing extensive notes on the content of the novel, unclear textual instances, and even short criticism on the authorial problem of JW. Saiyūki shōroku 西遊記抄録 (The Excerpts of Journey to the West, 1830), a JW-reading diary of Bakin, contains detailed descriptions of each chapter, and instances of each and every linguistic challenge the writer encountered at reading it.44 Another essay entitled Saiyūki kokujihyō 続西遊記国字評 (Notes on the  Journey to the West in the State Letters, 1833)45 represents a critical assessment of the late-                                            42 The term shōsetsu here refers to the Chinese term xiaoshuo used by Chinese scholars and literateurs to refer to Chinese vernacular novels like Journey to the West and Water Margin.   43 Ibid., 202.  44 The text of Saiyūki shōroku is available in Kanda Masayuki, ―Kyokutei Bakin Saiyūki shōroku kaidai to honkoku (jō),‖ Meiji Daigaku kyōyō ronshū 492 (March 2013), 1-37; and Kanda Masayuki, ―Kyokutei Bakin Saiyūki shōroku kaidai to honkoku (ge) tsuki Konpirabune rishō no tomozuna Bakin jijo,‖ Meiji Daigaku kyōyō ronshū 494 (September 2013), 27-64.  45 The texts of Zoku Saiyūki kokujihyō and Go Saiyūki kokujihyō are available in Shibata Mitsuhiko, ed., Bakin hyōtōshū 5 (Waseda Daigaku Shuppanbu, 1988-1991). 16 Ming novel, in which Bakin attempts to treat a wide range of issues from epistemological differences in JW editions, such as the depictions of main protagonists of JW as more demon or bodhisattva-like depending on the philosophical intentions of the editors, or the allegorical meaning of each weapon in the possession of the characters of JW, to such metaphysical issues as the ways of achieving enlightenment, concealed in the name of Son Gokū, rendered by Bakin as ―the ‗Monkey Mind‘ Piercing into Emptiness.‖ Some historical records also suggest that Bakin consulted Buddhist writings, such as the Avatamsaka Sutra (Flower Adornment Sutra, Ch. Huayan Jing, J. Kegonkyō 華厳経, ca. fourth century),46 one of the most influential sutras of Mahāyāna Buddhism, probably to make sense of the text of JW, and to find answers to religious and philosophical questions posed by the novel. The treatment of all issues brought up in Bakin‘s critical essay would probably require another chapter in this thesis, but examples such as Notes on the Journey to the West in the State Letters, attest of the ongoing interest of Japanese intellectuals in the esoteric and philosophical meanings of this masterpiece of the Chinese classical tradition, as well as the serious attitude behind the attempts to engage with the ideological critique of  vernacular fiction,  The following list presents extant publications related to JW published in the Tokugawa period appearing in the chronological order (See Table 1),                                                                                                                                                46 Kanda, ―Kyokutei Bakin Saiyūki shōroku (jō),‖ 14-18. 17 Year Genre Author Title 1784 ehon Shimizu Enjū Tsūzoku kazu eiyūdan (通俗画図勢勇談) 1816-1860 bunraku jōruri Sagawa Fujitara Gotenjiku (五天竺) 1825-1831 gōkan Kyokutei Bakin Konpirabune rishō no tomozuna (金毘羅船利生纜) 1828 gōkan Tamenaga Shunsui Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (風俗女西遊記) 1830 zuihitsu Kyokutei Bakin Saiyūki shōroku (西遊記抄録) 1833 zuihitsu Kyokutei Bakin Zoku Saiyūki kokujihyō (続西遊記国字評) 1834 zuihitsu Kimura Michiaki Go Saiyūki kokujihyō (後西遊記国字評) ca. 1850 ehon Ryūtei Senka Saiyūki eshō (西遊記絵抄) 188347 nishiki-e album Tsukioka Yoshitoshi Ehon Saiyūki zenden (絵本西遊記全伝) 188348 press print n/a Ehon Saiyūki (絵本西遊記)  Table 1 List of publications related to JW published in the Tokugawa period                                               47 The nishiki-e album by Tsukioka Yoshitoshi Ehon Saiyūki zenden was published in year 1883 (Meiji 16) in Meiji period. I add this visual work to this list to show a fuller trajectory of the reception of JW in Japan.  48 This press print publication of 1886 entitled Ehon Saiyūki by various publishers represents a full 4-volume publication of the first complete translation of JW into Japanese.  18 Two of these works, a gōkan Konpira-bune rishō no tomozuna 金毘羅船利生纜 (Life Lines of Grace of the Konpira’s Boat) serialized between 1825 and 1831 by Kyokutei Bakin, and another gōkan Fūzoku onna Saiyūki 風俗女西遊記 (literally, Women’s Record of the Westward Journey in the Current Style, henceforth Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style) by Tamenaga Shunsui 為永春水 (1790–1843), published in 1828, loom as the most relevant to this study. Although both gōkan are based on JW, the way the original work is used in them is fundamentally different. Bakin‘s Life Lines of Grace of the Konpira’s Boat incorporates JW as its principal sekai 世界 (world, or historical framework), while transposing its plot and characters into the familiar terrains of the Japanese classical tradition as its shukō 趣向 (innovative twist on plot). Bakin seamlessly combines the narrative of chapters 1-7 of JW (also known as Great Havoc in Heaven 大鬧天宮) with the Shinto legends of Nihon shoki 日本書紀 (Chronicles of Japan, ca. 720), motifs from bunraku theater, and historical figures of Japan, and creates a new, convoluted and thrilling tale about Ishikawa, the King of Tengus.49 On the other hand, Shunsui‘s Women’s Journey to the West uses JW as its shukō incorporated into the sekai of a vendetta narrative, reversing the gender of Priest Tripitaka and his disciples to women and adding motifs and allusions to other Chinese literary narratives. In order to limit the scale of this thesis, I will have to omit a discussion of Bakin‘s Life Lines of Grace of the Konpira’s Boat, but                                             49 In Life Lines of Grace of the Konpira’s Boat, Bakin does not exactly call his main protagonist Ishikawa ―the King of Tengus,‖ in the stead of Son Gokū, the King of Monkeys, but he does draw this parallel by depicting him as a long-nosed tengu coming out from a mountain in the episode of his birth at Mt. Hōben. Later, in the text Eisen, the illustrator of this gōkan, renders Ishikawa having a human-like figure with a long nose. Another work used as a sekai in Life Lines of Grace could be a jōruri play by Tsusui Hanji 筒井半二 (dates unknown) Konpira rishōki hana no ueno homare no ishibumi 金毘羅利生記花上野誉の石碑 (1778), a popular vendetta story that tells of an orphaned boy by the name Tamiya Bōtarō from the town of Marukame who travels across the Inland Sea to Sanuki Province to learn swordsmanship from tengu living in the mountain Zōzu to avenge the murder of his father Tamiya Gempachi by Moriguchi Gentazaemon. 19 Shunsui‘s Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style will be the subject of socio-literary analysis in the fourth chapter of this study.  20 Chapter 4: Socio-literary Analysis of Tamenaga Shunsui’s Fūzoku onna Saiyūki 4.1  Socio-cultural Topography of the Late Tokugawa Period The twilight of the Tokugawa period, bakumatsu 幕末, the beginning of which some Japanese historians place in the Tenpō (1830–1844) era, was marked by massive political, economic, and social transformations in Japanese society, accompanying the physical, and demographic expansion of major urban centers, and resulting in the differentiation, and pluralization of newly-emergent social identities that were difficult to assimilate to the categories of prevailing, Tokugawa-sanctioned political orthodoxy.50 Cultural diversity brought about by the radical material expansion of the social urban environment exceeded the limits of its formal constraints, grew larger and more complex, and eroded older guarantees of social solidarity among the ―four classes,‖ and the fixed identities in the binary system of the ruler and ruled.51 Inspired by the world of theater, the new cultural praxis enabled a re-conceptualization of the sociopolitical whole that allowed the accommodation of new, complex and diverse demands and expectations articulated by contemporary life, and proclaimed by, what was called in the research literature on the Tokugawa period, the ―culture of play.‖                                             50 Harootunian suggests that the beginning of the ―culture of play‖ that came to characterize bakumatsu started in the late eighteenth century, or the early 1800s, based on the argument of a number of Japanese scholars. In Harry D. Harootunian, ―Late Tokugawa Culture and Thought,‖ in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 5 The Nineteenth Century, ed. Marius B. Jansen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 168-258. Harootunian‘s extensive scholarship on the intellectual history of the late Tokugawa has been of immense help and provides basis for arguments expressed throughout this study. For an exhaustive discussion of the intellectual history of the late Tokugawa, see also Harry D. Harootunian, Toward Restoration: The Growth of Political Consciousness in Tokugawa Japan (University of California Press, 1970).  51 Harootunian introduces the term of ―cultural surplus‖ as a result of his reading of Hayashiya Tatsusaburō‘s Bakumatsu bunka no kenkyū (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1978). ―Cultural diversity‖ is my own reading of Harootunian‘s scholarship, in Harootunian, ―Late Tokugawa Culture and Thought,‖ 169. The ―Four classes‖ of Tokugawa: samurai (shi), farmer (nō), craftsman (kō), and merchant (shō). 21 During the ―Kasei era,‖ (or ―Kaseiki‖ 化政期) as the Bunka-Bunsei years (1804–1830) are often termed, which marked the ―Indian summer‖ of the late Tokugawa period,52 right after the Kansei reforms (1789–1801) enacted by Matsudaira Sadanobu 松平定信 (1759–1829), and before the Tenpō reforms (1830–1844) of Mizuno Tadakuni 水野忠邦 (1794–1851), this culture of play had peaked in its efflorescence, and came to collectively signify countless new modes of social representation, cultural practices, and gender-ambiguous identities incongruent with the state-sponsored, dominant Confucian ideology.53 Over the course of this cultural development, the interest of the urban populace shifted towards preoccupation with the contemporary customs of common everyday life, interiority, self-reflexive psychology, and a newly-formed social constituency, rather than recovering philosophical and ethical lessons from antiquity.54 Keenly aware of such shift in consumerist predilections, producers of popular culture flooded the market with artistic works that invariably concentrated on the details and nuances of the contemporary life of the low-lying plebeian districts of Edo, abounded in eroticism and earthly satire, vigor and gallantry, ―volatility, parody and pastiche.‖55 Activities of the body and often ―gargantuan indulgences‖ became the central motif of the cultural practice of the late Tokugawa, which marked the ―ascendency of a new kind of human subject‖—the urban commoner—who ―had                                             52 This metaphor belongs to Marius B. Jansen. In Marius B. Jansen, ―Japan in the Early Nineteenth Century‖ in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 5 The Nineteenth Century, ed. Marius B. Jansen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 50.  53 Mostow describes a number of newly-emergent gender ambiguous identities in his insightful study, ―Wakashu as a Third Gender and Gender Ambiguity through the Edo Period,‖ in Joshua S. Mostow and Asato Ikeda eds., A Third Gender: Beautiful Youths in Japanese Edo-period Prints and Paintings (1600 –1868) (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 2016), 19-38.  54 Harootunian, ―Late Tokugawa Culture and Thought,‖ 177.  55 In the following description of Edo aesthetics, I rely on Leslie Pincus‘s Authenticating Culture in Imperial Japan: Kuki Shūzō and the Rise of National Aesthetics (University of California Press, 1996). Also, see Joshua S. Mostow, ―Utagawa Shunga, Kuki‘s ‗Chic,‘ and the Construction of a National Erotics in Japan,‖ in Performing ―Nation‖: Gender Politics in Literature, Theater, and the Visual Arts of China and Japan, 1880-1940, Doris Croissant, Catherine Vance Yeh, and Joshua S. Mostow, eds., (Boston: Brill, 2008), 383-424, for another comprehensive critique of this conceptualization of iki. 22 come into possession of social and economic resources that enabled them to represent the life they actually lived rather than the life they were instructed to live.‖56 The late Tokugawa period was also marked by the emergence of a new provocative style of iki 粋, which characterized and shaped the ongoing sociopolitical and economic transformations. Emergence of the aesthetics such as iki was, nonetheless, according to Harootunian, also an experience of the late years of the Kamakura (1185–1333), manifested by a cultural style known as basara 婆娑羅, and kabuki 歌舞伎(or, kabuku 歌舞く) in the Muromachi period (1392–1573).57 In the modern era, too, historiographers were able to recognize the same subversive patterns of fascination with gender ambiguity and transgression of gender boundaries in the cultural developments of the Taishō period (1912–1926), defined as the feminine ―culture of personality,‖ succeeding the masculine ―civilization of character‖ of the Meiji (1867–1912), and giving prominence to discussions of sexuality and gender issues in popular periodical magazines, literature, film, music, and performative arts, such as, for instance, the all-female Takarazuka theater.58 Those historiographers also suggested that the emergences of such counter-cultures in the ―decadent and benighted‖ stages of their respective political continua were in no way unnatural, but, in fact, evolutionary and inevitable.59                                             56 Ibid., 128-129; ―Gargantuan indulgences‖ metaphor hails from Harootunian‘s ―Late Tokugawa Culture and Thought,‖ 173.  57 Harootunian, ―Late Tokugawa Culture and Thought,‖ 169.  58 Donald Roden draws parallels between Weimer Germany and Taishō Japan, echoing Harootunian‘s argument, ―Meiji civilization summoned purpose and goal—self-sacrifice and nationalism—whereas Taishō culture […] evoked new associations related to the nuances of consumers‘ life, to individualism, culturalism, and cosmopolitanism,‖ in Donald Roden, ―Taishō Culture and the Problem of Gender Ambivalence,‖ in Culture and Identity: Japanese Intellectuals during the Interwar Years, ed. J. Thomas Rimer (Princeton University Press, 2014), 42.  59 Ibid., 54-55.  23 Invoking the strange, eccentric and the ―different,‖ iki epitomized the burgeoning chōnin 町人 (townsmen) culture of a rising mercantile class that found itself in the center of economic and cultural life of the late Tokugawa, and was characterized by ―restrained wantonness, and playful bravado,‖ resistance, and even disdain for the ruling ideology of the nearly-bankrupt samurai gentry; it capitalized on an expertise acquired in the practices of the pleasure quarters, or akusho 悪所 (―places of odium‖), esteemed by the cultural sophisticates and affluent plebeians of the Kaseiki Edo.60 Within this time period, stylistic attributes of iki disseminated widely among Edoites and served as a privileged sign of the highly conceptualized cultural refinement of the natural-born Edokko 江戸っ子 (children of Edo), in contrast to yabo 野暮 (boors, or even savages) migrating in large numbers to Edo from the provinces.61 The aesthetics of iki manifested itself through a number of external and internal attributes. External attributes included certain natural, sensory, and art objects, fashions and styles of architecture, furniture, and kimono; the internal attributes, however, were limited to the three characteristics—bitai 媚態, which is rendered in English by ―seductiveness,‖ or ―erotic allure‖, ikuji 意気地 ―fearless pride‖ that conveys ―the sense of self-esteem, strength of will, and daring‖, and akirame 諦め, ―resignation‖ signifying an attitude of disinterestedness, and the Buddhist-like idea of freedom from attachment.62 These attributes of iki were elucidated and conceptualized by Kuki Shūzō 九鬼修三 (1888–1941), a philosopher, ideologue, and collector of Edo relics, who, in contrast to scholars of the imperial culture of the Heian period, elevated the Kaseiki culture of the late Tokugawa as the native place of a self-possessed Japanese culture. In his ―Iki‖ no kōzō                                             60 Pincus, Authenticating Culture in Imperial Japan, 16.  61 Ibid., 107.  62 Ibid., 126-135.  24 粋の構造 (The Structure of Edo Aesthetic Style, 1930), he attempted to pull from the extensive compendia of lists and notes on the iki aesthetics the eternal landscape of the Japanese spirit removed from its historical coordinates of the late Tokugawa into the ―timeless reaches of national subjectivity.‖63 Among the Edo townsfolk most closely associated with the iki aesthetics were haori geisha 羽織芸者, a class of female musicians and entertainers from the unlicensed prostitution district of Fukagawa. By the Kaseiki, the haori, or tatsumi (―southeast‖) geisha 辰巳芸者 had acquired a ―strongly cemented identity‖ embodying a female ideal exalted and eulogized in ninjōbon 人情本 (sentimental fiction), who were financially independent, strong-willed, and defiant, as exemplified by the geisha Yonehachi, the main female protagonist of Shunshoku umegoyomi 春色梅児誉美 (Spring-Color Plum Calendar, 1832), who were distinct from the prostitutes (keisei 傾城) confined to the brothels of the licensed quarters. Haori geisha ―wore men‘s over jackets (haori 羽織), and shaved the tops of their heads like wakashu 若衆 (male youths). They wore lighter makeup than the professionals of Yoshiwara, and their professional names were often distinguishable from those of men. Their hairstyle became so popular that it was taken up by other townsmen as well,‖64 as demonstrated in the following passage from the Plum Calendar, Ah, Futagawa,65 where the people are as known for their chic sense of style as for their warm human emotions. It is here that all the trends and fashions of the floating world                                             63 Ibid., 126.  64 Mostow, ―Wakashu as a Third Gender,‖ 36.  65 The name of Fukagawa 深川 is transformed into Futagawa 婦多川 (lit. ―many-women river‖) in Shunsui‘s ninjōbon. ―As en enclave of play, Fukagawa was less ceremonious than the Yoshiwara, more apt to resist the 25 have their origin, from the bold designs of the costumes of the women of the quarter, to tastes in patterns and dyeing techniques. The Futagawa geisha are distinguished by the short, mannish jackets they affect, and among their number the most famous are Masakichi, Kunikichi, Asakichi, Koito, Toyokichi, Hisakichi, Imasuke, and Kohama. These geisha are the toast of the seven corners of the Futagawa pleasure district, and few are the women who are their equal; indeed, a visitor to this quarter could not consider himself a true connoisseur without being familiar with the names of these famous ladies.66 嗚あ呼あ此この土と地ちの風ふう俗ぞくたる、意い気きと 情なさけの 源みなもとにて、 凡およそ浮うき世よの流りうを、思ひ辰たつ巳みの伊た達て衣い装しやう。模も様やうの 好このみ染そめ色いろも、実げに婦ふ多た川が 魁さきがけにて、端はし折をり芸げい者しやの多おほき中、別わけて当たう時じの名題たてものには、政まさ吉きち、国くに吉きち、浅あさ吉きち、小こ糸いと、豊とよ吉きち、久ひさ吉きち、今いま助すけ、小こ濱はま、これにつゞくはまた稀まれにて、七なゝ場ば所しよ噂うわさの一ひトと粒つぶ選ゑり、客人まろうど此この芸し姉やの名なを知らずは、婦ふ多た川がは通つうとは言べからず。67 Iki and nasake 情 (sensitivity, or jō, or, by implication, ninjō 人情), a ―chic sense of style‖ and ―human feeling‖—a melodramatic and sentimental aesthetic became the overarching paradigm of literary production in all genres of literature from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the end of the Meiji period, according to Daniel Poch. Firmly established in the discourse on                                                                                                                                             pressures of orthodoxy. The Fukagawa geisha, increasingly the exemplar of Edo style and talent, was easily recognizable […].‖ In Pincus, Authenticating Culture in Imperial Japan, 123-124.  66 Tamenaga Shunsui, Intimations of Spring: The Plum Calendar, trans. Valerie Durham, in An Edo Anthology: Literature from Japan’s Mega-City, 1750-1850, Sumie Jones and Kenji Watanabe, eds., (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2013), 96.  67 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Shunshoku umegoyomi, Nihon koten bungaku taikei 64 (Iwanami Shoten, 1962), 178.  26 mono no aware 物の哀れ (pathos of things) and the transgressive nature of ―human feeling‖ by Motoori Norinaga 本居宣長 (1730-1801),68 the ninjō aesthetics was regarded as the core constituent of Genji monogatari (The Tale of Genji, ca. early eleventh century), as well as the very essence of waka 和歌 poetry, and ultimately of Japanese sensibility. It became increasingly appropriated by writers of sentimental fiction (ninjōbon)—the most widely circulated and consumed genre of popular literature of the late Tokugawa.69 At the heart of this melodramatic mode was a juxtaposition of ―human feeling‖ against the problem of the newly-aggrandized capital of the chōnin class—―the problem of money and its power in the world.‖ This mode promoted the social imaginary of a social utopia where money was powerless, ―castigated and excised.‖70 The conflict between ―human feeling‖ and capital was resolved in favor of the virtue of (female) love, and status—―the removal of the various characters from positions in a world of commerce and their restoration to positions within a feudal status society of lords and vassals.‖71 Any change in the horizon of readerly expectations was never within the ideological dimension of ninjōbon, but rather a fulfillment of expectations ―prescribed by a ruling standard of taste [iki],‖ The melodramatic mode can be contestatory, even liberating, because it breaks through all of the social taboos of reality, because it offers a dream world in which anything may be                                             68 For the most fascinating investigation of textual negotiations of ninjō (human feeling) and its ethically disruptive potential in the Japanese literature of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries, see Daniel Poch, ―Ethics of Emotion in Nineteenth-Century Japanese Literature: Shunsui, Bakin, the Political Novel, Shōyō, Sōseki‖ (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2014), 8.  69 Ibid., 20.  70 This argument is made by Jonathan Zwicker. In his outstanding book on melodrama and social imaginary, Zwicker argues with the support of statistical evidence that melodramatic literature was the most widely read until the advent of the twentieth century. In Jonathan E. Zwicker, Practices of the Sentimental Imagination: Melodrama, the Novel, and the Social Imaginary in Nineteenth-century Japan (Harvard University Asia Center, 2006), 105.  71 Ibid., 121.  27 said and in which all virtue is rewarded and all villainy punished; but this contestatory, liberating dimension of the mode is itself over when the dream is over and one is left where one began.72  What ninjōbon offered was the space for liberation for a wide array of potentially transgressive feelings ranging from ―desire and affection to despair and bewilderment‖ enacted through the empathetic, and tough female exemplars of iki like Yonehachi, or their male counterparts like kabuki‘s Sukeroku,73 whilst simultaneously constructing an ideology, in no way escapist, nor antagonistic towards the ruling samurai gentry but one in which the power of capital is confronted, disavowed and eliminated, and the Manichean structure of good versus evil is reiterated and restored amidst the reality of sociopolitical chaos of the late Tokugawa where class-roles were reversed, and right and wrong was no longer self-evident. Having reached an unprecedented degree of complexity and sophistication during the Tenpō era, ninjōbon offered readers sublimation, or the ―happy satisfaction of an instinct,‖ and sustenance for imagination, crafted, in a free act of mythmaking, by private ―ideologues‖ like those of Tamenaga Shunsui and Ryūtei Tanehiko (1783–1842) who existed outside legal, ideology-making authority.74 The more gesaku writers moved to the edge of emotional intensity and liberation, the greater the degree of relief was, and the stronger the readers embraced the neither-fish-nor-fowl provocateurs from the fringes of Fukagawa‘s demimonde, boldly dancing out the antic on the pages of melodramatic tearjerkers. The commercial success and popularity of these works, as well as the act of private manufacturing of ideology by their authors, presented itself as an                                             72 Ibid., 119.  73 Pincus, Authenticating Culture in Imperial Japan, 125, 132.  74 Zwicker, Practices of the Sentimental Imagination, 119-120, 123-124.  28 unsettling challenge to the ideological monopoly of the state, which eventually led to the crackdown on ninjōbon during the Tenpō Reforms. 4.2  Cross-generic Phenomenon of Onna-mono In Harutsugedori 春告鳥 (Harbinger of Spring, or The Feathered Herald of Spring, 1836), one of the chefs d’oeuvre of sentimental fiction by Tamenaga Shunsui, we find the following descriptive sketch of one of its female protagonists, She [Chidori] would not give in to illicit affairs, but since she has only just begun to bloom, she looked as pretty as a flower. What a shame it was to see her fingering the rosary and being addressed by a religious name of Shunshin-in. It was like beholding an enviable sight—of butterflies intertwined, fluttering to and fro, from a porch in the middle of spring. By herself she decided on the plain appearance, wearing white robes and purple haori75 on top. And, when she was going out, all the more beautiful than Hama‘s76 Onna Narukami,77 some people, upon seeing her, would praise her beauty, and some were saddened too saying how pitiful this is, for her to be a widow. 浮うは気きといふにはあらねども、まだやう〳〵に咲さき初そむる、花の姿を我ながら、そぐはぬ珠数を爪つまぐりて、春しゆん心しん院いんと法のりの名を付られたるも恥かしく、春の心に庭には面もせを                                            75 Haori were a typical part of wardrobe of a widowed woman belonging to the upper echelon of society.  76 Hama, or Hamamuraya, is the yagō (shop name) of a house of actors. In this passage, Hama is used in reference to a famous onnagata of the period Segawa Kikunojō III 三代目瀬川菊之丞 (1751–1810).  77 Onna Narukami 女鳴神 (―Female Thunder God‖), in this passage, refers to the main protagonist and the popular title of the kabuki play Neko no koneko 子子子子子子 (The Cat’s Kittens) first staged in 1696 at the Nakamura-za theater in Edo. The original male version was staged in 1684 at the Nakamura-za under the title Kadomatsu Shitennō門松四天王 (The New Year’s Pine and the Four Heavenly Kings). The female version of this play is widely believed to have been written by Ichikawa Danjūrō I 初代市川團十郎 (1660–1704)—creator of the original male version staged twelve years earlier, in 1684, at the same theatre. The onnagata actor Segawa Kikunojō III first played the role of Onna Narukami in 1780 in the Ichimura-za theater.  29 見れば、つがひの蝶々も 羨うらやましやと思ふより、自然おのづからなる化粧風俗み だ し な み、白しら綾あや重着か さ ねて紫の被ひ布ふを羽織し出いで立たちは、故人の路考は まが女おんな鳴なる神かみ、猶それよりも美麗うつくしければ、是を見る他人ひ と毎ごとに賞ほめざるものゝあらばこそ、あつたら者を後家さまとはいとしいことやと、[…]78 Chidori‘s physical beauty, a young widow from the Harbinger of Spring, is described as surpassing the beauty of Segawa Kikunojō III, one of the most outstanding among the onnagata (female impersonators) in the history of the kabuki theatre.79 Segawa Kikunojō III was particularly popular for his performance as Onna Narukami—arguably, the earliest onna-mono 女物 play staged in 1696 that had enjoyed a long-lasting success,80 and appears to have marked the beginning of kakikae onna kyōgen 書替女狂言 (rewritten female plays)—an increasingly popular practice in Edo-kabuki production to recast the main masculine hero, or a number of male characters, into a woman (or a group of women), to be performed by a celebrated female impersonator.81 Although the appearance of female plays, as a distinct subgenre of Genji nō 源氏能 plays, can be traced as far back as the fourteenth century,82 it was not until the production of Onna                                             78 Maeda Ai, ed., Sharebon, kokkeibon, ninjōbon, Shinpen Nihon koten bungaku zenshū 80 (Iwanami Shoten, 2000), 548.  79 Galia Petkova, ―Performing Gender in Edo-period Kabuki‖ (PhD diss., SOAS, University of London, 2014), 239-240, 261-264.  80 Ibid., 316.  81 Ibid., 196.  82 Haruo Shirane writes about Genji nō plays in the Muromachi period, ―The Tale of Genji became the subject of nō plays, particularly onna-mono (women plays)—concentrating on such figures as Ukifune, Yūgao, Lady Aoi, and Lady Rokujō—that took the form of double-structure dream plays. Sandō (Three Paths, 1423), which Zeami wrote for his son and which provides guidance on the composition of nō plays, notes that in composing ―women plays‖ 30 Narukami, staged in 1696, that the vogue of recasting well-established, conventionalized ―worlds‖ (sekai) in the newly constructed plot (shukō), in which its prominent, male character was either recast as a female, or, was intentionally conceived as a female (e.g.: a mother, a wife, a sister, or a daughter) to play a central role, started to hold sway. During this period, onna-mono plays were regularly staged in the kabuki theatres of both Kamigata and Edo regions, which led to the emergence of a host of female counterparts of almost all male protagonists, such as Onna Narukami, Onna Shibaraku, Onna Goemon, Onna Sukeroku, Onna Seigen, making up a large sub-category of the kabuki repertory. The female presence in these productions was marked and advertised in the title of a play by adding onna 女 (woman), musume 娘 (maiden), or keisei 傾城 (prostitute), followed by the name of the male hero (e.g.: Onna Narukami, or Keisei Suikoden).83 The term onna-mono, in contemporary studies, has signified either the ―female plays‖ of nō theatre,84 or ―items for women,‖ referring to educational primers, and conduct books in studies related to women‘s education in early modern Japan.85 Drawing upon the landmark scholarship of Galia Petkova Todorova Gabrovska that brings into focus the issue of female plays, and examines, with painstaking detail, all major kabuki productions staged between 1688–1803,86 I would like to appropriate this term, and broaden its scope in relation to a literary                                                                                                                                             (onna-mono) the model should be female characters in The Tale of Genji, such as Ukifune and Lady Aoi.‖ Haruo Shirane, ―The Tale of Genji and the Dynamics of Cultural Production: Canonization and Popularization,‖ in Envisioning the Tale of Genji: Media, Gender, and Cultural Production, ed. Haruo Shirane (Columbia University Press, 2008), 8.  83 Ibid., 196.  84 Shirane, Envisioning the Tale of Genji, 21.  85 P.F. Kornicki, Mara Potession, and G. Rowley, The Female as Subject: Reading and Writing in Early Modern Japan (University of Michigan Press, 2010), 29.  86 Petkova uses the term onna-mono in relation to: ―1) the female ―imitations‖ of popular all-male performing arts: onna sarugaku, onna kusemai, nyōbō kyōgen in the late medieval epoch, onna saruwaka in the mid-seventeenth century, o-kyōgen-shi or onna yakusha in the late Edo period and during the Meiji era, onna-gidayū (from the second half of the eighteenth century, it is still practised today), onna bunraku (from the beginning of the twentieth 31 subgenre of gesaku. Therefore, the term onna-mono in this study will refer to an array of gesaku productions of the Tokugawa-period which construct a female as its central subject embedded within ethical, epistemological, political, socioeconomic, or cultural contexts, and was designated specifically for consumption by female audiences (but not severely restricted to), in the form, for instance, of a female play (nyōbō-kyōgen 女房狂言), or a sentimental novel (ninjōbon).87 In her study, Gabrovska identifies four groups of onna-mono plays, ―based on the extent to which they fit into the definition of the category kakikae onna kyōgen‖:88 1. The ―core or central group‖ chūkaku-gun 中核群 includes productions whose plot is clearly rewritten, like Onna Narukami, the earliest example and one of the most representative plays of this category together with Onna Shibaraku. 2. The ―peripheral group‖ shūhen-gun 周辺群 belong productions that cannot be added to the first category although the opening word of the title is onna, like Onna Kudō Yoso’oi Soga […] In my view, this type of play is also worth investigating in more detail and should be categorized as onna-mono, since they attract attention to the representation of a certain female character and place her as more central in the plot, compared to previous productions or the traditional narrative in which the character originates. […] 3. The ―transitional group‖ ikō-gun 移行群 consists of plays that are on the border between the first two. They are typified by a twist in the plot that allows the onnagata to                                                                                                                                             century). […] 2) the completely rewritten ―female‖ versions of popular male heroes in kabuki, the ―kakikae onna kyōgen proper,‖ such as: Onna Narukami, Onna Hinin Kataki-uchi, Onna Kan Shōjo, Onna Shibaraku, […] etc. 3) all other kabuki productions whose title usually begins with onna and in which a heroine or a group of women related to a well-known male character play a major part: Onna Shitennō, Onna Masakado, Onna Kusonoki, […] etc. In Petkova, ―Performing Gender,‖ 342-343.  87 A brief discussion on onna-e can be found in Shirane, Envisioning the Tale of Genji, 63-64.  88 Petkova, ―Performing Gender,‖ 217-219. 32 be the focus of the performance. This category was the most numerous one during the first period, from 1688 to 1735, and included mostly productions in which the main character was onna budō. These plays were created by and for certain onnagata such as Sodesaki Karyû (?–1730, active 1692–1727) with the principal aim to display their specific acting abilities. […] 4. The fourth and last category of plays is defined by Terajima89 as ―unidentified‖ fumei 不明 since there is no information about their plots in the hyōbanki and further investigation is impeded by the lack of sources. The female presence was central to performance in the three aforementioned groups, and ―onna‖ in the title of a play was employed in order to attract spectators‘ attention to this ―unusual‖ female presence exactly because kabuki was, and still is, the all-male theater. The appearance of onna-mono looms as the way for the kabuki to balance gender representations on stage, and, Petkova argues that kabuki is, therefore, ―essential for understanding gender construction in pre-modern Japan and its lasting effect on modern perception of ―traditional‖ Japanese ―ideal‖ femininity and masculinity.‖90 Despite the fact that kabuki plays, gesaku literature and ukiyo-e imagery belonged to different artistic domains, kabuki theater exercised the most powerful pull on all art forms of the early nineteenth century, resulting in an increasing use of its theatrical frameworks, characters, and plots across the boundaries of artistic media. Kakikae onna kyōgen, too, was effectively appropriated by gesaku writers, with Kyokutei Bakin leading the way. His voluminous                                             89 Terajima Natsuko is a kabuki scholar. Petkova draws extensively in her dissertation on the article about onna-mono in Edo-period kabuki published in two parts, Terajima Natsuko, ―Kakikae Onna Kyōgen no Keifu – Genroku kara Kyōhō made,‖ in Geinō-shi Kenkyû 117 (1992), 52-62; and ―Kakikae Onna Kyōgen no Keifu – Genbun kara Kyōwa made,‖ in Geinō-shi Kenkyû 122 (1993), 17-26.  90 Petkova, ―Performing Gender,‖ 343.  33 adaptation of Water Margin, the gōkan Keisei Suikoden 傾城水滸伝 (A Courtesan’s Water Margin, 1825-1835), became immensely successful and sold in thousands of copies.91 Tamenaga Shunsui, in the postface to the second volume of the Plum Calendar, conveys his affirmative attitude towards kakikae onna shukō, Ah, the novelty of shukō—they are like fast-blooming plum trees growing inside mansions. This innovative ingenuity of female transformation [henjō-nyoshi] is like the refreshing taste of a pickled green plum, which is, no mistake, an auspicious happening indeed! 嗚あ呼ゝ趣しゆ向かうの新あたらしき事こと、室むろ咲ざきの梅うめも遂つひに及およばず。変へん生じやう女によ子しの新しん工く夫ふうは、青あを漬づけの梅うめのすいにして、過あやまちなしの延えん喜ぎ吉きつ慶けい、[…]92 Especially prominent during the Kaseiki years, the vogue for kakikae onna shukō can be traced to a number of works in which it was employed, in Shunsui‘s terminology, with ―innovative ingenuity.‖ The yomihon by Itami Chin‘en 伊丹椿園 (?–1781) Onna Suikoden 女水滸伝 (A Women’s Water Margin, 1783) represents an early eighteenth-century adaptation of Water Margin employing an all-female shukō. Later examples include Kōkadō Yotei‘s 好花堂野亭 (1788–1846) yomihon Shinpen onna Suikoden 新編女水滸伝 (New Edition of the Women’s Water Margin, 1817), a gōkan by Shikitei Sanba 女水滸伝 (A Women’s Water Margin, 1820), a gōkan by Ichikawa Sanjūrō VII 七代目市川團十郎 (1791–1859) Fūzoku onna Sangokushi 風俗女三國誌 (Women’s Romance of the Three Kingdoms in the Current Style, 1824), a gōkan by                                             91 In Keisei Suikoden, Bakin tells the story of ―108 valiant woman bandits operating from a base in thirteenth-century Ōmi.‖ In Markus, The Willow in Autumn, 121.  92 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Shunshoku umegoyomi, Nihon koten bungaku taikei 64 (Iwanami Shoten, 1962), 135. 34 Bokusentei Yukimaro 墨川亭雪麿 (1797–1856) Keisei Sangokushi 傾城三国誌 (A Courtesan’s Romance of the Three Kingdoms, 1830), a gōkan by Tamenaga Shunsui 為永春水 (1790–1843) Fūzoku onna Saiyūki 風俗女西遊記 (Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style, 1828), and a gōkan by Tanehiko‘s disciple Ryūtei Senka 笠亭仙果 (1837–1884) Onna Suikoden 女水滸伝 (A Women’s Water Margin, 1848-1851). The following table shows the chronological occurrence of these onna-mono works (See Table 2),   35 Year Genre Author Title 1708 bunraku jōruri Tachibana Masakatsu93 Tsūzoku keisei Sangokushi (通俗傾城三国志) 1783 yomihon Itami Chin‘en Onna Suikoden (女水滸伝) 1817 yomihon Kōkadō Yatei Shinpen onna Suikoden (新編女水滸伝) 1820 gōkan Shikitei Sanba Onna Suikoden (女水滸伝) 1824 gōkan Ishikawa Danjūrō VII Fūzoku onna Sangokushi (風俗女三国志) 1825-1835 gōkan Kyokutei Bakin Keisei Suikoden (傾城水滸伝) 1828 gōkan Tamenaga Shunsui Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (風俗女西遊記) 1828 nishiki-e album Utagawa Kuniyoshi Fūzoku onna Suikoden (風俗女水滸伝) 1830-1831 ninjōbon Tamenaga Shunsui Bandō Suikoden (坂東水滸伝) 1830-1835 gōkan Bokusentei Yukimaro Keisei Sangokushi (傾城三国誌) 1850 gōkan Ryūtei Senka Onna Suikoden (女水滸伝)  Table 2 List of onna-mono works published in the Tokugawa period                                                93 The full name of the gidayū–Tosa no Shōjō Tachibana no Masakatsu (土佐尐掾橘正勝).  36 The cardinal motivation for the creative use of kakikae onna shukō, and the reversal of the gender of the main protagonists, was predicated on a number of factors. Firstly, in the aftermath of the Kansei reforms that targeted sharebon and kibyōshi, writers of popular literature had to develop new literary genres to avoid the scrutiny of censorship, which, in turn, led to the rise of serial yomihon and gōkan. Characterized by the superimposition of modernity on antiquity, these new genres necessitated the use of devices such as kakikae onna shukō, or a combination of numerous sekai and shukō, frequently resulting in a naimaze94 綯交ぜ of all things, in order to provide an intriguing, unusual new twist on familiar thematic staple culled from the Chinese or Japanese classics. Successful trend-setting precedents, such as Bakin‘s Courtesan’s Water Margin, spurred on fellow gesaku writers, and their profit-driven publishers, for a severe, competitive race in the publication of another national best-seller. Secondly, the sociopolitical developments of the late Tokugawa period and the ascendency of the powerful class of chōnin constituted another important factor. In the way that the samurai class, after the establishment of the Tokugawa government, expropriated and adopted the values and ideals of the imperial court, so did the townsmen actively hijack the culture, values and ideals of the samurai gentry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The late Tokugawa-period represented a conjuncture between the sociopolitical and economic events and their symbolic and cultural representations—the eminence of the playful subject, iki aesthetics, a fascination with identity ambivalence, and the transgression of gender boundaries were indicators of the sociopolitical chaos, in which everything seemed to be turning into its opposite. In the midst of this primordial chaos, the appearance of onnadate 女伊達(chivalrous                                             94 Emmerich brings in this kabuki term denoting ―the blending in a single script of two separate sekai.‖ In Michael Emmerich, ―The Splendor of Hybridity: Image and text in Ryūtei Tanehiko‘s Inaka Genji,‖ in Envisioning the Tale of Genji: Media, Gender, and Cultural Production, ed. Haruo Shirane (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 422. 37 woman) characters was only to be expected. As unsettling as the phenomenon of reactionary counter-culture might have been to contemporaries, it was nonetheless a foreseeable stage in the diffusion of the values and ideals of the warrior class among the female urban population. Permeated with the bordello-chic, strong-willed, and resolute, the figure of a chivalrous woman capable of self-sacrifice for the sake of romantic love, if only to thwart the power of the capital, became a celebrated motif in melodramatic literature of the nineteenth century. Finally, another crucial factor for the use of kakikae onna shukō in the cultural production of Edo was the female segment of the market, which, since the Genroku period (1688–1704), had been continuously growing. Although the precise numbers are still needed, there is enough evidence to suggest that a special emphasis was given by the chōnin class to literacy among their daughters, and despite the chronological, regional, and social variations, ―it was increasingly common for women of the Tokugawa period to be educated outside the home, and to engage in literary and intellectual pursuits.‖95 Women spectators, readers, and visual art consumers were an important economic factor for the cultural production generated specifically with the female audience in mind. 4.3  Literary Analysis of Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (1828) Fūzoku onna Saiyūki 風俗女西遊記 (literally, Women’s Record of the Westward Journey in the Current Style, henceforth Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style, or WJW) by Tamenaga Shunsui 為永春水 (1790–1843), published in 1828 by Eijudō 永寿堂, Nishimuraya Yohachi‘s 西村屋与八 (1751–1869) publishing house is a work in the gōkan (bound book) genre—a vendetta story (katakiuchi 敵討) employing a canonical work of Chinese literature                                             95 Kornicki, The Female as Subject, 37.  38 Xiyouji 西遊記 (J. Saiyūki, Journey to the West, ca. 1592, henceforth JW), and an all-female ―cast‖ (onna-mono) as its shukō,96 generously interlaced with the elements of sentimental fiction (ninjōbon) and the supernatural. Unlike Kyokutei Bakin‘s 曲亭馬琴 (1767–1848) Konpira-bune rishō no tomozuna 金毘羅船利生纜 (Life Lines of Grace of the Konpira’s Boat) serialized between 1825 and 1831, which represents a more close adaptation (hon’an 翻案) of JW in terms of plot progression and character interaction, Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style maintains a more tenuous connection with its literary antecedent. Shunsui‘s gōkan depicts the exploits of four female protagonists—Mitsuhime 三姫 (Priest Tripitaka, or Genjō Sanzō), Takako 高子 (Son Gokū), O-Sago おさご (Sha Gojō), and O-Ino おいの (Cho Hakkai)—who set on a journey to exact a virtuous blood vengeance for the death of the master of the house of Kiyomi. Despite being a little-known and incomplete work (only two volumes were published out of six advertised by the Eijudō), Women’s Journey to the West, nonetheless, gains significant momentum when approached in the context of the reception of JW in Tokugawa Japan. The appearance of WJW in 1828, during the Kaseiki years (1804–1830), its thematic selection and gōkan format, come as no surprise considering that this period saw an unprecedented rise in the use of Chinese and Japanese classics as inspirational material in the production of gesaku literature.97 As a result of the profoundly detrimental Kansei Reforms (1787–1793) that targeted kibyōshi (yellow cover illustrated books) fiction, and sharebon (books                                             96 Shukō (innovation) is the concept originally used in the process of kabuki play-writing. Shukō is employed to bring novelty and fresh twist to a kabuki play by rewriting (kakikae) of a conventionalized plot (sekai). The mechanisms of sekai/shukō were also employed in the literary production and visual arts. For a detailed description of the relation between sekai and shukō, see Satoko Shimazaki, Edo Kabuki in Transition: From the Worlds of the Samurai to the Vengeful Female Ghost (Columbia University Press, 2016), 66-72.  97 Andrew Lawrence Markus, The Willow in Autumn: Ryūtei Tanehiko, 1783-1842 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 120. Gesaku, or vernacular playful writing, is a term inclusive of various genres of Edo‘s popular literature (dangibon, gōkan, kibyōshi, kokkeibon, sharebon, ninjōbon, yomihon) that emerged in the mid-eighteenth century replacing ukiyo-zōshi (books of the floating world).  39 of wit and fashion), gōkan and yomihon (reading books) received new prominence in the attempt by contemporary writers to avoid the restrictions of the bakufu censorship.98 4.3.1  Title, Preface and Dramatis Personae The Sino-Japanese noun ―fūzoku,‖ in the title of Fūzoku 風俗 (current style) onna 女(woman) Saiyūki 西遊記 (Record of the Westward Journey), has a number of meanings, and may be challenging to convey correctly in English. ―Fūzoku‖ can refer to, a) manners and customs of contemporary life of a certain historical period and nation; b) public morals accepted in a certain society; c) a broad category of entertainment (including prostitution).99 The title of a series of woodblock prints by Utagawa Kuniyoshi 歌川国芳 (1797–1861) Fūzoku onna Suikoden hyakuhachi-ban no uchi 風俗女水滸傳百八番之内, in the collection of the British Museum,100 is translated as Elegant (and Fashionable, in some instances) Women’s Water Margin: One Hundred and Eight Sheets, and is perhaps not the finest rendition of ―fūzoku.‖ Michael Emmerich conveys ―fūzoku‖ more accurately, and rather elegantly, in my opinion, by rendering the title of Kyokutei Bakin‘s gōkan Fūzoku kin’gyoden 風俗金魚傳 (風俗金翹傳 ) (1829–1833) as The Legend of Kinjūrō and Uoko in the Current Style, which is based on the early Qing novel The Legend of Jin Zhong, Cuiyun, and Cuiqiao (Jin Yun Qiao                                             98 Haruo Shirane, Early Modern Japanese Literature: An Anthology, 1600-1900 (Columbia University Press, 2013), 359, 484.  99 Yasuo Kitahara, ―Fūzoku,‖ in Meikyō Kokugo Jiten, ed. Yasuo Kitahara (Taishukan, 2002).  100 ―Fuzoku onna Suikoden, hyakuhachi-ban no uchi 風俗女水滸傳百八番之内 (Elegant Women‘s Water Margin: One Hundred and Eight Sheets),‖ Collection online, accessed April 15, 2017, ―Fuzoku onna Suikoden (Fashionable Women of the Suikoden),‖ Collection online, accessed April 15, 2017,  40 zhuan).101 The English translation of the title Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style is suggested by the Emmerich‘s rendition. In addition to the series of prints by Utagawa Kuniyoshi, Women’s Water Margin in the Current Style, there is at least one more work in the gōkan genre containing a similar pattern (fūzoku onna) in its title. In 1824, Ishikawa Danjūrō VII (七代目)市川団十郎 (1791–1859) authored Fūzoku onna Sangokushi 風俗女三国志 (Women’s Annals of the Three Kingdoms in the Current Style), which also employed a vendetta plot and kakikae onna shukō,102 which suggests that this trend was becoming more and more fashionable at this time. The possibility cannot be ruled out that Women’s Annals of the Three Kingdoms in the Current Style, as well the tremendously successful all-female version of Water Margin Keisei Suikoden 傾城水滸伝 (A Courtesan’s Water Margin, 1825–1835) by Kyokutei Bakin, which sold in the thousands of copies, might have been most motivating in Shunsui‘s choice of JW.  The preface to the Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style begins with the following sentence, ―What is common is broad and widespread; and the ordinary is fundamental and profound beyond all comprehension,‖ which contains a pun in the fashion inherent from the books of wit (kokkeibon 滑稽本), where a humorous effect was achieved by the playful juxtaposition of ga 雅 and zoku 俗 registers (exalted vs. mundane), and, antithetical and unusual interplay between them. Hence, in spite of its didactic-like and lofty-sounding wording, this opening sentence is meant to achieve an opposite effect by meaning to say, ―What is common is                                             101 Michael Emmerich, The Tale of Genji: Translation, Canonization, and World Literature (Columbia University Press, 2013), 68.  102 The full text of Women’s Annals of the Three Kingdoms in the Current Style by Ishikawa Danjūrō can be found in Ishikawa Danjūrō, Haiyū Zenzhū, ed. Hakubunkan Hensankyoku, Zoku Teikoku bunko 35 (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1901), 399-424.  41 neither broad, nor profound,‖ and, in this way, to usher the reader into a light-hearted and humorous mood. This device is used throughout the preface of WJW. Alluding to a Buddhist text, in the following passage, the Amitayurdhyana Sutra (Amitayus Meditation Sutra, Ch. Fushuo guanwu liangshou fojing, Jp. Kanmu ryōju kyō 観無量寿経), one of the three major sutras of Pure Land Buddhism, Shunsui turns ―eighty-four thousand signs of perfection of Buddha Amitayus‖ into ―eighty-eight miles of deceit‖ spread by the novel JW, and, then appeals to his devout readers (go-hiyiki 御贔屓), inhabitants of the Musashi plain (Edoites), to whom he dedicates his incessant writing of fiction, to continue their patronage, while hinting at the same time, that his current endeavor is all but for commercial success. By playing with cultural regesters of ga and zoku and bringing in the reference to a Buddhist writing, Shunsui is perhaps referring to the centuries-old discourse, since the appearance of the Tale of Genji, that fiction is deceitful, and the writing of such, therefore, is sinful in the light of Buddhist ethics. Shunsui continues then to remind his readers about the content of original novel, and talks about the initial stages of its reception in Japan, Beyond the Western Sea, there was a country named Aolai, where, in the beginning, the Handsome Monkey King of the Water-Curtain Cave, after receiving magic teachings and having transformed himself, was called Disciple Sun, and came to the aid of Venerable Priest Tripitaka, time and time again, on his journey to the West in search of Buddhist sutras—such is the fancy tale of the Chinese. And, after its odd sentences and wordings were harmonized in Japanese, it has been added as a proud fellow among the ―red books‖ of the Eastern Capital, written in the letters of our country, the ―women‘s letters.‖ After all, it is the Women‘s Westward Journey! 42 東あづまの海うミの傲がう來らい國こく。そも水すい簾れん洞どうの美び猴こう王わう仙せん教けうを受うけて躬ミを変へんじ。孫そん行ぎやう者じやと稱せうせられ。三さん蔵ぞう尊そん師しを 佐たすけつゝ。浮ぶつ屠き典やうを 求もとめんため。西さい天てんに 赴おもむくと。中華もろこし人びとの文美か ざ りなす。珍ちん文ぷん漢かん語ごを和觧やわらげて。東都ゑ どの自じ慢まんの赤あか本ほんの。部中な か まに加くわふる国 字おんなもじ。 則やつぱり女をんな西さい遊ゆう記き。 Having reminded the reader about the plot of the original JW, Shunsui draws connection between the writings in kana syllabary, traditionally ascribed to women, in difference to writings produced by men in kanbun (Chinese letters) and the genre of akahon 赤本 (―red books‖) of Edo, of which gōkan, also written predominantly in kana 仮名 syllabary, constituted a significant segment, and goes on to say that his current work, Women’s Journey to the West, is designed for a female audience.103 In the closing passage of the preface, Shunsui conveys a self-deprecating message, in which he humorously compares himself to one of the characters of JW, Cho Hakkai, a swine, halfwit, and incompetent writer, who is eagerly awaiting monetary gain from sales of this book, growing as ―piles of gold.‖ He also includes a self-styled advertisement for the tooth powder refinery, Chōjiguruma 丁子車, which was in his ownership until the Great Fire of Bunsei (1829).104                                              103 Because of the space limitation, I purposely avoid discussion of the gōkan genre in this study, which had been amply covered in the scholarship of Andrew Markus and Michael Emmerich. For more on the subject of gōkan see, Andrew Lawrence Markus, The Willow in Autumn: Ryūtei Tanehiko, 1783-1842 (Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1992); and, Michael Emmerich, The Tale of Genji: Translation, Canonization, and World Literature (Columbia University Press, 2013).  104 Some gesaku writers, such as Shikitei Sanba and Tamenaga Shunsui, in addition to their occupation as writers, were also business proprietors. Sanba is known for running a commercially successful pharmacy, and Shunsui owned a tooth-powder refinery producing Chōjiguruma, a brand of tooth-powder. He sometimes included advertisements of Chōjiguruma in the prefaces of his own books, and did not hesitate to even include it into conversations between his characters. One example can be found in a ninjōbon entitled Kōjo futaba no nishiki 孝女二葉錦 (1829). In Ninjōbon Kessakushū (Zen), ed. Yamazaki Fumoto, Teikoku bunko 19 (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1928), 378. 43 Following the preface, Shunsui introduces the four main characters of Women’s Journey to the West: Mitsuhime (Genjō Sanzō), O-Ino (Cho Hakkai), O-Sago (Sha Gojō), and Takako (Son Gokū) (see Appendix A for character chart), invoking a visual image of a strong-willed, chivalrous woman (onnadate) combined with a number of literary allusions and waka poems to enhance the visual appeal. The depictions of female protagonists appear to have drawn on the method of mitate-pictures 見立絵, where a prototype-character is positioned in a portrait-like circle in the top-right corner, and a full body-length character, taking after its prototype, filling the rest of space in the illustration. The images of the character prototypes seem to be inspired by pictures from the first installment of JW translated by Nishida Korenori 西田維則 (?−1765) and published in 1758 (see Appendix B). A waka poem attributed to Reizei Tamemori 冷泉為守 (or, Fujiwara Tamemori 藤原為守, 1265−1328), included in the miscellany of stories (zuihitsu) about samurai-errantry Jōzan kidan 常山紀談 (Records and Tales of Jōzan, 1739) compiled by Yuasa Jōzan 湯浅常山 (1708−1781),105 appears next to the illustration of O-Sago (Sha Gojō) wearing fisherman‘s clothes, towoku nari The chirping of plovers chikaku naru mi no was heard from afar, hamachidori now it‘s close at hand— naku ne ni shio no indeed, by this chirping I know michihi wo zo shiru106 the ebb and flow of the ocean tides.                                             105 The poem appears in the second story of the section devoted to the poetic style of Ōta Dōkan 太田道灌 (1432−1486). Uesugi Norimasa 上杉宣政 (?−?), who was leading an army to Chōnan in Shimofusa country (present-day Chiba prefecture) and was about to cross a sea straight, but was unable to cross over the mountain, nor by the seaside. At night, he sent his chief retainer (Ōta Dōkan) to evaluate the situation who immediately returned telling his master that the sea tide was on the ebb. When asked how he knew that so quickly, he quoted the poem by Reizei Tamemori and how he understood the tide by the voice of plovers.  106 The romanization system used in this study follows Joshua Mostow‘s method of transliteration of classical Japanese texts described in the Pictures of the Heart. In Joshua S. Mostow‘s Pictures of the Heart: The Hyakunin Isshu in Word and Image (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1996), xv. 44  According to a story found in the Records and Tales of Jōzan, Ōta Dōkan 太田道灌, a highly reputed military tactician of the Muromachi period (1392–1573) and known for his skillful composition of waka poetry, was able to tell between the periods of ebb and flow by hearing the chirps of plovers. This poem is used by Shunsui to speak of the shrewdness and military prowess of O-Sago, whom he conceives to originate from a renowned family of fencing masters hailing from Owari (modern-day Nagoya prefecture). In the illustration depicting all four main protagonists (possibly, three main characters and a sleeping maid) enjoying a festive meal together, there is another waka poem, kashimashiki They give the appearance sugata ha aredo of being loud and clamorous sannin ga but when the three come together Monju no chiwe yo the wisdom of Buddha springs forth— umi-yama no sachi the riches of the mountains and seas.  This poem is attributed to Yūtei Tamahito 雄亭多満人 (?–?) a little-known writer and illustrator of gesaku fiction,107 who was perhaps Shunsui‘s acquaintance. The poem incorporates a Japanese proverb, ―Sannin yoreba Monju no chie‖ that can be translated as ―Three people together have the wisdom of Monju (Maitreya),‖ and is the equivalent of an English proverb ―Two heads are better than one.‖ The theme of joining forces to defeat a common enemy is repeated over and over again throughout the text of the WJW, and becomes a divinely sanctioned, dharmic enterprise after the Bodhisattva Kannon summons all four protagonists and commissions them with the virtuous vendetta.                                             107 There are two extant works by Yūtei Tamahito, Hokuritsū 北里通 (1827), in which he is credited as an illustrator, and Mushae hayamanabi 武者絵早学 (1827), as the author. 45 4.3.2  Plot and Text The plot of Women’s Journey to the West revolves around the exploits of four women—Mitsuhime, Takako, O-Sago, and O-Ino—who embark on a lengthy quest to exact a noble vengeance for the death of the master of Kiyomi in order to restore it. The first volume of the book (chapters 1–3) focuses mainly on the insurgence and ensuing destruction of the Kiyomi household, which provides an impetus for the future vendetta, and one of the main protagonists of the story, Takako (Son Gokū), her birth and the exile of her parents. The second volume (chapters 4–6), introduces two more characters Mitsuhime (Priest Tripitaka, or Genjō Sanzō), and O-Sago (Sha Gojō), their individual tragedies brought about by one mutual enemy that incite them to join forces with Takako to exact retribution. O-Ino (Cho Hakkai), another female protagonist of the group, appears in the end of the second volume. However, the author does not include her individual story of how she comes to join the group in the published volumes. The prologue starts with the description of a magistrate of Kiyomi, Yoshikage, who is a powerful vassal to the Minamoto, a paragon of polite and martial accomplishments and a distinguished military chief. In Yoshikage‘s household, an old retainer, Uramatsu Tomaemon, passes away and his son, Tomanosuke, inherits his father‘s estate at the age of twenty. Tomanosuke, like his master, is a nonpareil follower of literary and military arts, and a man of peerless beauty. He favors Sonare, a daughter of another retainer, Hamabe Isotayū, from the same household, who has grown into an unrivalled beauty and an epitome of all female virtues. The two parties are soon joined in wedlock.  On one occasion, Tomanosuke saves a white monkey attacked by an eagle, while on the hunt in the Ashigara Mountains, which he brings home and raises as a member of his own family. Sonare loves the monkey dearly and calls her Konoha.  46 Several years pass and Uramatsu Tomanosuke falls ill with the ―crane‘s knee wind,‖ an arthritic disease, which he sets to heal in the hot springs of Arima. During the time he is away, two evil brothers, captain Hirouji and district official Sueuji of Miho, rise in open rebellion against Lord Yoshikage, who suffers a crushing defeat. Sonare, Tomanosuke‘s wife, is slain in the midst of the heroic fight and buried by her father, Hamabe Isotayū, who later sets on a journey to find Tomanosuke. The wife of magistrate Yoshikage, Lady Yasashi-no-Mae, now pregnant, escapes the scene of disastrous insurgence with the help of a loyal servicewoman, Tonami. Tomanosuke, while in Arima, catches word of the terrible news and returns to Kiyomi only to find the ashes of the formerly handsome estate of his master. Distraught, he is about to commit the suicide by disembowelment (seppuku 切腹), when, all of a sudden, his wife Sonare appears and persuades him not to take his life, but to go into hiding and wait for the right time to avenge the death of his master. During the years in exile, a beautiful daughter is born to Tomanosuke and Sonare, whom they call Takako. Takako is born in the year, month, day and hour of monkey. The first volume ends with a scene of Hamabe Isotayū, Sonare‘s father, finding the hidden abode of Tomanosuke and, much to his bewilderment, seeing Sonare, his own daughter, whom he buried three years ago. The second volume begins with the woeful monologue of Sonare revealing her true form as Konoha, the white monkey saved by Tomanosuke. Konoha had come to Japan from Aolai, a distant country beyond the Western Sea, which alludes to the mythical location in the original Ming-novel, the beautiful land of monkeys. Because Konoha was seen by Isotayū, she can no longer stay in human form and needs to conceal herself in Kōshin Mountain, her true home. Konoha flees, and Isotayū meets Tomanosuke, revealing the whole story to him. Deeply grieved, Tomanosuke decides to find Konoha, but, soon thereafter, he is summoned to the intendant‘s 47 office, and while he is away, the house is attacked by a group of bandits, led by Kumayama Mamiemon (Gyū Maō), a retainer of the captain Hirouji of Miho, commissioned to find Takako and obtain her liver, which is believed will save Hirouji‘s younger brother from a deadly decease. Isotayū is killed in the fight, but Takako is miraculously saved by a horde of white monkeys. In the meantime, Lady Yasashi-no-Mae, aided by her loyal servant Tonami, also lives in hiding. They are attacked by a gang of outlaws that kill Lady Yasashi-no-Mae on the spot. Tonami extracts a newborn girl from her dead body and escapes. Soon, she meets by serendipity Koshino Shichinoshin, her fellow countryman, who takes Tonami and the new-born child into his care. Mitsuhime, the daughter of Lord Yoshikage and Lady Yasashi-no-Mae, lives with Tonami in Shōzenji Temple in Akagi Mountain, and grows into a beautiful young lady inclined to the studies of Buddhist teachings and literary arts. By the time she turns fifteen, Priest Tripitaka himself appears in a vision and commands her to find the abducted heirlooms of the House of Kiyomi, which are now in possession of the evil Kumayama Mamiemon, and to restore Kiyomi‘s household. Five years earlier, O-Sago, a daughter of the renowned master of fencing Samegai, has lost her father and was living a simple life as a fisherwoman. One day, assailants instigated by Kashira Kanzaemon attack O-Sago‘s house, murder her mother and steal secret writings on fencing, an invaluable family heirloom. O-Sago is determined to find the assailants and recuperate the treasure. On one occasion, when she was fishing, she was attacked by none other than a kappa, a malevolent water goblin. O-Sago, possessing supernatural physical strength, subdues the demon who, in return for his release, passes onto O-Sago the secret of immortality. Following this encounter, she resolves to become a courtesan of the capital in order to find the murderers of her mother. She finds the whereabouts of Kanzaemon, but he makes an escape. O-48 Sago pursues him on a magical white horse (hakuryūba 白竜馬), which she pulls out of a picture transmitted in her family, and flies all the way to the Akagi Mountain, where she meets Takako and Mitsuhime. An old lady appears before them revealing that their true enemy is Kumayama Mamiemon, and they should bring him to ruin. After that, the old lady turns into Kannon Bōsatsu and vanishes from their sight in clouds. Second volume ends with an encouragement to read the original JW and compare it with this story. Despite the fact that Eijudō advertised publication of the complete six volumes of Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style, appearing on the back fascicle of the second volume, the narrative comes to a halt at this point. Among the possible reasons for the discontinuation of the gōkan is the Great Fire of Bunsei that happened on the twenty-first of the third month in 1829.108 The devastating fire might have damaged the manuscripts or the woodblocks of Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style as well as another Shunsui‘s gōkan of the same period, Tsunagiuma Shichiyūfu-den 繋馬七勇婦伝 (Hitching Horses, the Tale of Seven Brave Women), which was also discontinued.109 Yet it is possible to predict development of the plot of the Women’s Journey to the West, which, if a kabuki playwright framework is applied, belongs to a subcategory of vendetta narratives (katakiuchi) within the larger category of the household-disturbance plots (oie-sōdō お家騒動).110 Revenge plays, and vendetta narratives, had long been a thematic staple of puppet                                             108 The fire ―began in the lumber yards around Kanda, and cut a wide swath across Edo, destroying the Seirindō in its path.‖ In Alan S. Woodhull, ―Romantic Edo fiction: A Study of the Ninjōbon and Complete Translation of Shunshoku umegoyomi‖ (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1978), 97.  109 Hiyama Yūko, ―Gōkan Fūzoku onna Saiyūki ni tsuite. Sono ni,‖ Sō: Kinse bungaku enshū nōto 34 (February 2013), 122.  110 Satoko Shimazaki writes about a manuscript called Sekai kōmoku (The Handbook of Theatrical Worlds), attributed to Tsuruya Nanboku IV, and compiled to ―transmit knowledge to his grandson about the sekai and their characters. […] A large majority of the sekai it contained were military worlds that were listed in the first category, 49 and kabuki theatres from the turn of Genroku era (1688–1704), as well as gōkan fiction well into the nineteenth century. Basic plot elements of katakiuchi can be summarized as follows: The play opens with a scheme to take over the house, and the house collapses after the loss of a treasure, which leads to the lord‘s suicide. Attempts are made to poison the young heir, or an evil lord is tempted into drunkenness and debauchery. These events are followed by hardships and selfless sacrifices by former retainers and by strong, loyal female characters. Eventually, the evil plot against the house is exposed; there are punishments and confrontations; and finally the evildoers are crushed, the house is restored, and peace and unity are recovered.111  The plot of the Women’s Journey to the West might have been conceived to follow the same plotline. Having gone through unimaginable hardships to seize Kumayama Mamiemon, Mitsuhime, Takako, O-Sago, and O-Ino, aided by bodhisattva Kannon, succeed in exposing the evil plot against the house of Kiyomi devised by the two evil brothers, Hirouji and Sueuji of Miho who, then, are meted out a just punishment, and the name of Lord Yoshikage is equitted, the family treasure is returned, and the house of Kiyomi is restored to its former glory.  The chronological setting and historical frame of Women’s Journey to the West established in the prologue takes the reader to the days of Minamoto no Yoritomo 源頼朝 (1147−1199), the founder of the Kamakura shogunate (1192−1333), upon his inauguration as the                                                                                                                                             ―Sekai for Kabuki History Plays‖ (Kabuki jidai kyōgen sekai no bu). The contemporary affairs of the buke (warrior houses) were placed under the heading ―Sekai for Kabuki Household Disturbance Plays‖ (Kabuki o [ie] kyōgen sekai no bu), which included the subcategory ―Revenge Plots (and Similar Types)‖ (Oie kyōgen no uchi katakiuchi no bu narabi ni rui), in Satoko Shimazaki, Edo Kabuki in Transition: From the Worlds of the Samurai to the Vengeful Female Ghost (Columbia University Press, 2016), 70.  111 Ibid., 127. 50 Chief Superintendent of Japan (sōtsuihoshi or sōtsuibushi 惣追捕使) in 1186, after the end of the Minamoto-Taira (Genpei 源平) war (1180−1185). By introducing the historical figure of Minamoto no Yoritomo into the narrative, the author also indicates that the principal sekai of this work is Taiheiki 太平記 (Chronicles of Great Peace, ca. 1340s), which had been frequently used to by gesaku writers as a setting for their stories, together with other warrior tales (gunki-mono) such as Heike monogatari 平家物語 (The Tales of the Heike, mid-thirteenth century), Soga monogatari 曽我物語 (The Tales of the Soga Brothers , mid-fourteenth century), and Gikeiki 義経記 (The Tale of Yoshitsune, ca. 1411).112 Another allusion to the same historical period appears in the farewell conversation between Uramatsu Tomanosuke and his wife Sonare before his departure for the hot springs of Arima, in which he mentions the name of Minamoto no Yoshinaka 源義仲 (1154−1184 ),113 All humans perish. Death comes to old and young alike.... Now, after the Sengoku war (emphasis added), there are still warriors out there disloyal to the Lord of Kamakura. Though it may seem quiet and peaceful, the remnants of the camp of Kiso Yoshinaka, and the house of Taira, may be hiding in all provinces. It‘s hard to predict when and how their uprising starts. 人〈にん〉間げんは老らう尐しやう不ふ定ぜうと言いふ中なかにも、今戦せん国ごくの後のち、四し海かいやゝ、鎌かま倉くら殿どのゝ武ぶ徳とくに泤なづみ、穏おだやかなるには似にたれども、平家の残ざん党とう木曽〈きそ〉の余よ類るい、諸しよ国こくに隠かくれ住ずめば、いつ何なん時どきいかなる椿ちん事じ出しゆつ来たいせんも計はかり難がたし。                                             112 Ibid., 70.  113 Minamoto no Yoshinaka rebelled against the rule of the Taira family in 1180, together with Minamoto no Yoritomo and other Minamoto warriors, but later, seized the capital and turned the Taira-Minamoto War into a triangular conflict, by thinking to defeat Taira on his own, and take control of the Minamoto, but was defeated by Minamoto no Yoshitsune and Minamoto no Noriyori. 51 The anachronistic intrusion in this passage of the Sengoku war, or rather the Ōnin war (1467–1477), which occurred three centuries later after the Genpei conflict, confuses the question of historical chronology in WJW, and is, perhaps, either an unconscious error made by the author, or a deliberate innuendo to the reader that the historical prototype of the magistrate of Kiyomi might have been Asakura Yoshikage 朝倉義景 (1533 –1573), an influential daimyo from Echizen (present-day Fukui Prefecture), and a talented politician and diplomat, who was in a conflict with Oda Nobunaga 織田信長 (1534–1582) that resulted in Asakura Yoshikage‘s death. This connection, however, remains conjectural. The motivation behind the choice to locate the story of WJW in Suruga (modern-day Shizuoka Prefecture) is most likely inspired by the Chronicle of Great Peace, where Kiyomi and Miho are mentioned in the ―Toshimoto no Ason Goes Back to the Kantō‖ chapter of the Second Volume,114 At Clearview [Kiyomi] Beach, where once a barrier stood,  Like barrier guards the noisy waves Suffered no passage to his dreams That sought to turn back to the capital, And brought the bitter tears. But now ahead the Cape of Miho lay; And passing Okitsu and Kambara he saw Mount Fuji‘s lofty peak, where high from the snow                                             114 Kiyomi and Miho had long been a well-established utamakura (pillow word) in waka composition by the time of writing of JWJ, and are also mentioned in Makura no sōshi (ca. 1005), Sarashina Nikki (ca. 1059), Muromachi-period tales Isozaki, and a jōruri play by Chikamatsu Monzaemon Soga Kaikeizan (1718) as meisho (famous places), renowned for the beauty of the scenery.  52 The smoke rose heavenward.115 清見き よ み潟がたを過ぎ玉へば、都に帰る夢をさへ、通さぬ浪なみの関守に、泪を催されて、向むかひはいづく三保が崎、興津お き つ蒲原かんばら打ち過ぎて、富士の高嶺た か ねを見給へば、雪の中より立つ煙、上なき思ひに比べつべし。116 Geographic allusions abound throughout WJW and encompass both the Edo and Kamigata regions, including the precise names and locations of temples, mountains and urban centers big and small, such as, for instance, the Ashigara mountain 足柄山 (located on the border of modern-day Kanagawa and Shizuoka Prefectures), also mentioned in the same passage from The Chronicle of Great Peace, where, in Shunsui‘s story, Tomanosuke saves the white simian Konoha, or the Shōzenji Temple 正善寺 in the vicinity of the Akagiyama Mountain 赤城山 (modern-day Gunma Prefecture), where Mitsuhime pursues studies of the Buddhist scriptures, and is commissioned to restore the house of Kiyomi by Priest Tripitaka. By using The Chronicles of Great Peace as the sekai, Shunsui constructs a new story drawing from a shared historical and communal memory of the samurai epic, incorporating both JW and the kakikae onna-principle as its innovative shukō. WJW seeks to perpetuate the existing sociopolitical order, with the samurai households at the top of the class hierarchy, in which relations between the characters are reinforced by karmic bonds, and enacted through female-warrior characters carrying out a divinely sanctioned, dharmic vendetta. The world of the military epic in WJW communicates the ―relational constitution of selfhood‖ in the context of the household (ie 家), which gave social standing and defined duties to the individuals belonging to                                             115 Helen Craig McCullough, The Taiheiki: A Chronical of Medieval Japan (Tuttle Publishing, 1959), 41.  116 Tadashi Nasegawa, ed., Taiheiki 1, Shinpen Nihon koten bungaku zenshū 54 (Shōgakukan, 1994), 77 53 it, representing ―a corporate entity to which each member contributed in order to guarantee its perpetual prosperity.‖ Vendetta in this context, ―therefore, carried a moral implication that symbolized the subject‘s selfhood as a member of a certain community and in the broader social order.‖117 The karmic affinity 因縁因果118 in the newly-constructed plot validated relations between the members of the Kiyomi household in WJW, expressed in the words of Uramatsu Tomanosuke, Though Konoha is just an animal, she knows how to be grateful. If we treasure our marriage and give our love away and take care of people and animals who need our nurture, although there‘s a difference between us all, there is indeed a deep karmic tie between us, too, if we live like this together in one house…. We must not fail to take good care of everyone. また、木の葉は畜ちく生せうながら、よく恩おんを知しり、我われ/\夫ふう婦ふを大たい切せつにすれば、随ずい分ぶん情なさけを掛かけて、 養やしのふベし 人〈にん〉間げんと畜ちく生せうと、その分ぶんは異ことなれど、かく一ひとつ家いへに暮くらすと言いふは、よく/\深ふかき因いん縁ゑんなるべし。構かまへて疎そ略りやくにすべからず。 This ―deep karmic tie‖ is especially important to signify the relation between Mitsuhime (Genjō Sanzō), and Takako (Son Gokū), whose linkage derives from the fact that Mitsuhime is born in the family line of the head of the Kiyomi‘s household Yoshikage and Lady Yasashi, whereas                                             117 ―In early modern Japan, blood revenge was supported under appropriate conditions by a formal bureaucratic procedure as an action that accorded with the moral foundation of Tokugawa society.‖ In Satoko Shimazaki, Edo Kabuki in Transition: From the Worlds of the Samurai to the Vengeful Female Ghost (Columbia University Press, 2016), 127.  118 Anthony Yu uses another term 前因後果 in his deliberation about karmic affinity and Tripitaka‘s attempt at vengeance in the Chen Guanrui story, one of the antecedents of Xiyouji. In Anthony Yu, The Journey to the West, Revised Edition, Volume 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 57. 54 Takako is born in the family line of Kiyomi‘s chief retainer Uramatsu Tomanosuke and a white simian, Konoha—whose origin goes back to the breed of monkeys of the Aolai country, ruled by the King of Monkeys (Son Gokū) himself. Another, even more important revelation takes place towards the end of the second volume, when the bodhisattva Kannon reveals herself to all four characters gathered together through supernatural means and promises her divine protection, It is so good of you to heed the words of Priest Tripitaka! Devising a great plan to seize Mamiemon, who‘s living in hiding now in the Asama Mountains, in order to return the stolen household treasure, and bring the enemy to ruin is indeed an admirable and praiseworthy act! Needless to say, since he is Takako‘s enemy and O-Sago‘s enemy too, you should act with one accord and aid Mitsuhime [in her great undertaking] by joining forces together.  汝なんぢ良よくも、三さん蔵ぞう法ほつ師しの言こと葉はに従したがひ、浅あさ間まの山に隠かくれ住すむ、魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんを謀たばかりて、家いへの宝たからを取とり返かへし、敵かたきを滅ほろぼす大功こうを、思おもひ立たつこと殊しゆ勝せうなり。高たか子こが為ためにも敵かたきなれば、言いふに及およばず、又おさごにも母の敵かたき、これより心こゝろを合あはせて、三ツ姫ひめを傅かしづき、供ともに助ぢよ力りき出いだすべし。 Whereas Tripitaka‘s sanctioning of Mitsuhime for this blood vengeance in the vision is Mitsuhime‘s personal revelation, the Kannon‘s epiphany and mandating of the entire group of four provides a solid foundation that this seeking of the vendetta is not a personally motivated act, but a divinely sanctioned enterprise based on the Buddhist idea of dharma. Although all forms of violence are forbidden by the Buddhist doctrine, this divinely sanctioned enterprise is deemed 55 permissible if understood in the context of ―hierarchical social relations and duty, [as] an auspicious act of social affirmation.‖119 The cardinal motivation for the creative use of the kakikae onna-principle as WJW‘s additional shukō, and the reversal of gender of its main protagonists is predicated on a number of factors: the aftermath of the Kansei reforms that necessitated the rise of new genres; the sociopolitical developments of the Kaseiki period and the emergence of the new, powerful class of chōnin; the new-fashioned ―wholesale ransacking‖ of classics both Chinese and Japanese; emulation of commercially successful precedents; catering to female audience of readers—all these factors come to the fore if we attempt to analyze why kakikae onna shukō had acquired such a compelling aura in the production of fiction. What the kakikae onna-principle provided ukiyo-e artists, kabuki playwrights and gesaku writers with was the capacity for inexplicable variations on familiar, at times overly familiar, overused and hackneyed themes and tropes, giving way to an array of unconventional male and female roles that seemed to be fancied by broader audiences. The dissemination of onna-mono was also paralleled by the increase in literacy among the female urban population, and kabuki‘s growing female spectatorship and readership.120 Women of Edo constituted a significant factor in the productions of kabuki plays, as well as representations of femininities in the literary domain—a broad segment of market to cater to. Therefore, the goal that Shunsui is most likely pursuing by producing WJW is reinforcement of the communal values of the samurai class, actively appropriated by the townsfolk, men and women alike, throughout the eighteenth-nineteenth century, and                                             119 In Satoko Shimazaki, Edo Kabuki in Transition: From the Worlds of the Samurai to the Vengeful Female Ghost (Columbia University Press, 2016), 127.  120 The argument is made by Peter Kornicki in P.F. Kornicki, Mara Potession, and G. Rowley, The Female as Subject: Reading and Writing in Early Modern Japan (University of Michigan Press, 2010).  56 perpetuation of those values among the female population of Edo, in the fashion most becoming of the Kaseiki era—invocation of gender ambiguous characters—internally strong and samurai-like, and feminine and elegant on the outside.121 In addition to the characters exceeding in chivalrous femininity (onnadate), another outstanding figure among the characters of WJW, and obviously a major constituent in the representation of sentimental aesthetics in the story, is the figure of the white simian Konoha that bridges the gap between the historical world (jidai 時代) and the contemporary moment (sewa 世話), the supernatural and the quotidian, China and Japan. In the episode found in the second volume, Konoha, who magically transformed herself into Sonare, Tomanosuke‘s wife, reveals her true nature and origins, I haven‘t always been a human…. I‘m an old monkey from a place called Water-Curtain Cave in Aolai—a country far away from here in the east. After moving to the Ashigara Mountain in Japan, I‘d been living here for a long time. One day, when Lord Tomanosuke went on hunting in that mountain, I transformed myself, becoming small in shape and was playing around picking up chestnuts. An eagle caught me, but Lord Tomanosuke saved me from imminent death. Since then, he took great care of me, and I‘m always indebted to him—the savior of my life…. 妾わらは元もとより人間げんならず、これより遥はるか東ひがしなる、傲かう来らい国こくの水すい簾れん洞どうといふ所ところに、年古ふる猿さるにて、此日につ本ぽんの足あし柄がら山に移うつりて、久しく住すみけるが、さきに苫とま之の丞殿どの、彼か                                            121 Petkova contends that the rise of the mercantile, townsfolk class and ensuing contestation of the dominant, samurai-centered discourse on class, status and gender, gave rise to the aspiring figure of the chivalrous commoner (otokodate), gradually outshone by its female counterpart, a chivalrous commoner-woman (onnadate), which, in turn, gave way to the emergence of female versions of plays and literary works depicting an array of unconventional male and female roles most prominently during the Kaseiki years. In Petkova, ―Performing Gender,‖ 207.  57 の山に狩かりし給ふ時とき、我わが身み小ちいさく身を変へんじ、落おち栗ぐり拾ひろいて遊あそびゐるを、鷲わしといふ鳥とりに掻かい掴つかまれ、危あやうき命いのち助たすけられ、その後ゝち久ひさしく飼かはるゝも、何卒とぞ命いのちの親おやてふ大恩おん。 This motif of the white simian immediately brings to mind another famous character from the kabuki theatre, the white fox Kuzunoha 葛の葉 (literally, ―leaf of the arrow root‖) of a popular puppet theatre play Ashiya Dōman ōuchi kagami 蘆屋道満大内鏡 (A Courtly Mirror of Ashiya Dōman) by Takeda Izumo II 二代目竹田出雲 (1691-1756), staged for the first time in 1734 in Osaka, and adapted for kabuki the following year in 1735.122 Izumo‘s play incorporates a legend about a hunter who saved a wounded fox in the Shinoda Forest; the fox reciprocated his kindness by assuming the form of a beautiful woman and marrying the man. The figure of fox-Kuzunoha combines many old beliefs and legends, and the earliest story of a fox disguised as a woman and coming to live with a man as his wife, was included in Nihon ryōiki 日本霊異記 (The Record of Miraculous Events in Japan, ca. 822)—a ninth century collection of setsuwa 説話, or ―anecdotal‖ tales.123 Not only did Shunsui appropriate the character of Kuzunoha, he incorporated also some of the textual elements from Courtly Mirror of Ashiya Dōman into the narrative of WJW. For                                             122 A brief discussion of the play and the translation of its most famous scene ―The Parting of Kuzunoha from Her Son‖can be found in Takeda Izumo II, Lady Kuzunoha, trans. Cody M. Poulton, in Kabuki Plays on Stage: Brilliance and Bravado, 1697-1766, Volume 1, James R. Brandon and Samuel L. Leiter, eds., (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2002), 140-162. Poulton also explains that prior to the Izumo‘s play there had already been another ―puppet drama entitled The Shinoda Wife (Shinodazuma) staged in 1674, and the famous puppet theatre dramatist Ki no Kaion (1663?–1742) wrote a play on the same subject.‖  123 Ibid.  58 instance, he borrows a farewell poem from the play, which according to the way it was played on the stage was written by Kuzunoha on paper doors holding brush in her mouth, koishiku ba If you long for me tadunekite mi yo come seek me in Izumi Izumi naru where, in the forest of Shinoda, Shinoda no mori no you‘ll find your Kuzu urami kuzunoha of the clinging vine.124  In the text of WJW, it transforms into the following poem, koishiku ba If you long for me tadunete kimase come and seek me itsumo sumu where I always live in Shimotsuke— Shimotsuke ni mi wo behind the curtain uramitaki tsuse of the backside-view waterfall.  The poems serve as a lyrical climax in the both works, whereas the phrase urami no kuzunoha 恨みの葛の葉 in the poem from Izumo‘s play, rendered as ―Kuzu of the clinging vine,‖ stands for a poetic epithet for jealousy and regret (urami 恨み),125 and the homophonous phrase uramitaki tsuse 裏見滝つせ in Shunsui‘s gōkan refers to a unique type of backside-view (urami 裏見) waterfalls, in which the view can be seen through the water curtain when approached from the back. In JW, as well as the Shunsui‘s adaptation, the mythical country of monkeys lies behind the waterfall of the Water-Curtain Cave in Aolai, or the Monkey‘s Castle of the Kōshin Mountain. The similar motif of the white simian is also found in a short novel by Kada no Arimaro荷田在満 (1706−1751) entitled Hakuen monogatari 白猿物語 (Tale of a White Monkey,                                             124 Ibid., 158.  125 Ibid., 143. Poulton suggests even the third meaning to ―urami.‖ ―The leaves of the kudzu (kuzunoha) were, but the word ―urami‖ can also be written to mean ―seeing the future,‖ underscoring the prophetic powers of the fox-mother and her son.‖  59 1739),126 which, in turn, was inspired by the Chinese early Tang-period vernacular novel Baiyuanzhuan 白猿傳 (Biography of a White Ape, ca. 620), and may represent a connecting link between the Kuzunoha and Konoha.127 In the novel by Kada no Arimaro, the figure of the albino ape-demon from the Chinese legend seems to have gone through a number of alterations to turn into a female tribal leader of monkeys inhabiting a desert island, on which a man is stranded during a sea storm. The monkey saves the man by bringing him into the grotto in the inner part of the island, and takes care of him by providing him with food. A romantic relationship develops between the simian and the man, and a child is born to them. But the man, after three years, eventually, leaves the island on a passing ship, which leads to the suicide of the white monkey and her offspring. Konoha also procures a chivalrous image (onnadate) in a number of episodes of WJW, such as she becomes a tribal leader of monkeys, similarly to the female simian from the Tale of a White Monkey, rescuing Takako from the imminent death in the second volume, ―He‘s been suffering from this illness for a very long time, but according to some method, he can be cured by a liver from a female child born in the year and the month of monkey. If he is served that medicine, he will recover as if by magic! So this is the one I caught this time—this little bitch. Bring in the pot, and let's obtain that miracle drug!‖ And as he pulled the cover of the basket open, an unthinkable thing happened. As one monkey jumped out from the basket, a multitude of monkeys appeared coming from all directions, and, protecting that one white monkey, ran away into the mountains.                                             126 For the discussion of the formation of Tale of a White Monkey and its connection with the Biography of a White Ape, see Masaya Morita, ―Hakuen monogatari seiritsuron,‖ Jinbun ronkyū, 42. no. 3, 1-18, 1992.  127 For the discussion of Biography of a White Ape and how it served as an antecedent to Xiyouji, see Glen Dudbridge, The Hsi-Yu-Chi: A Study of Antecedents to the Sixteenth-Century Chinese Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 114-128. 60 つね/″\これを憂うれひ給たまふに、我わが名めい方ほうに猿さるの年ねん月げつ揃そろひたる、女子の生いき肝ゞもを製せい法ほうし、これをもて与あたへるときは、病びやう気きたちどころに平へい癒ゆすることあり。この度たび押おさへ来きたりしは、すなはちその女郎め ろなり。葛つゞらの蓋ふたを引ひき開あくれば、不思お も ひ寄よらず一いつ匹ぴきの猿さる飛とび出いづるに、四方ほうの山間あひだになどより、数多あ ま たの猿さるども群むらがりて、彼かの白しろ猿さるを敬うやまひ守しゆ護ごし、山高たかくこそ馳はせ行ゆきけり。 The Tale of a White Monkey might have been known to the author of WJW, who used some of its motifs and tropes to develop the character of Konoha, and to lend a patina of maudlin sentimentality to the production. The dramatic ascendency of sentimental and melodramatic aesthetics throughout the nineteenth century finds ample reflection in Shunsui‘s pre-Plum Calendar and post-Plum Calendar oeuvre, and is invariably engrafted into the very fabric of the household-disturbance plots revolving around the theme of the misrecognition of innocence and vice, and socially (or even divinely, as is in the case of the WJW) sanctioned vendetti to restore a status, name or virtue to its pristine state. Numerous other allusions to Chinese historical and literary sources abound in the text of WJW: Uramatsu Tomanosuke is compared not only to Genji and Narihira, which is a clichéd metaphor used in many works of gesaku, but also to the Chinese poet Song Yu 宋玉 (ca. 290-223 BC) who was a semi-legendary figure, an icon of male beauty and an outstanding poet; moreover, Tomanosuke‘s literary prowess is described as ―unrivaled even in the ‗quatrain of seven steps‘‖ 七歩詩 (Ch. qibushi), which is not a genre of Chinese poetry, but a famous classical Chinese poem attributed to Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232), which appears in a number of literary works including the Sanguo yanyi 三国演義 (J. Sangoku engi, Romance of the Three 61 Kingdoms, ca. fourteenth-century); Tomanosuke‘s skill in archery is compared to Yang Youji 兹由基 (ca. 550 BC), a general and archer of the Chu state (ca. 1030–223 BC) who ―could shoot at a willow leaf from a distance of a hundred paces‖; the author also includes a proverb of Chinese origin, ―people of Song are like monkeys with crowns‖ (similar to an English expression, ―no fine clothes can hide the clown‖), which is a reference to an episode from Taishigong shu 太史公書 (Records of the Grand Historian, ca. 145 BC) by Sima Qian 司馬遷 (ca. 94 BC); in one of the conversations, Tomanosuke mentions the text of unidentified origin that tells the story of a Chinese official (Sonrin) and his wife (Yenshi) who could transform into a monkey.128 Such profusion of allusions to the Chinese tradition suggests a considerable amount of acquaintance with the Chinese history, art and literature on the part of the author of the WJW. One of the most visually striking episodes of WJW is the fighting scene of O-Sago (Sha Gojō) with a kappa 河童 (water goblin) found in the second volume of the work. The story is based on an episode from Chapter 7 of JW,129 which tells the story Son Gokū‘s submission by Buddha (Tathāgata) under the Five Phases Mountain, as a punishment for causing great havoc in heaven (see Appendix C). Though the original story seems to be irrelevant to the episode in WJW, the pictorialization of the Buddha‘s hand and Son Gokū must have been too visually impressive and memorable—it was included in almost all JW-related works of the Tokugawa period. In the context of WJW, however, the hand of the Tathāgata becomes the hand of a water goblin who takes hold of O-Sago‘s boat and hurls it far away in the river. While still in the air,                                             128 Since the source is unidentifiable at this stage, the names of characters are presented in their Japanese reading Sonrin and Yenshi (そんりん、ゑんし).  129 Chapter 7 in Anthony Yu‘s translation of the JW, entitled ―From the Eight Trigrams Brazier the Great Sage escapes; Beneath the Five Phases Mountain, Mind Monkey is Still‖ (八卦爐中逃聖 五行山下定心猿). In the translation of Nishida Korenori this chapter corresponds to Chapter 3 of the First Volume.   62 the tussle between O-Sago and the kappa ensues, and the latter is subdued by the invincible female super-hero. O-Sago incarcerates the monster in a cage and puts him on public display at her village, and, later, in return for kappa‘s freedom, receives the gift of immortality. This example becomes interesting in the context of the reception studies, in what Wolfgang Iser has called ―the process of imaging in the act of interpretation.‖ Shunsui re-imagines and reenacts the episode of Son Gokū‘s submission in a completely different setting, and with another prominent character in the spotlight. We may frequently find this kind of reenactment in the works of gesaku writers, who were not only the producers of popular culture but, also, first and foremost, the readers of the classical works of literature. When interacting with a canonical works of literature like JW, readers-writers read and interpret it by engaging their own historically mediated cultural praxis,130 and produce their own ―versions‖ of the original work only to replace it. Works like Shunsui‘s are perhaps ―to blame‖ for challenging the essential identity of the original production, and maybe the reason why the character of Sha Gojō becomes entirely domesticated in modern Japanese editions of JW as a kappa, but they are also the reason why the canonical works of literature like JW are extant, known and read today.131 It is not entirely clear why Women’s Journey to the West‘s project was discontinued—perhaps due to the Great Fire of Bunsei in 1829, or perhaps because the work did not meet popular acclaim among the readers of Edo. Interestingly, Shunsui would speak in unsavory terms                                             130 Mostow contends that ―the very effort to reveal and explain these processes [of preservation and effacement] is historically mediated and every bit as much ‗consequent upon‘ the very same kind of ‗complex and subtle social processes‘ of our own time. […] Our readings and our interpretations remain just that—readings and interpretations—and while we may avail ourselves of the work of our predecessors, that is no reason to believe our results will be any more correct.‖ In Joshua S. Mostow, Pictures of the Heart: The Hyakunin Isshu in Word and Image (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1996), 4.  131 Michael Emmerich argues that the ―canonical works of literature do not remain canonical because they are continually being reproduced […] but because they are continually being replaced.‖ In Michael Emmerich, ―The Splendor of Hybridity: Image and text in Ryūtei Tanehiko‘s Inaka Genji,‖ in Envisioning the Tale of Genji: Media, Gender, and Cultural Production, ed. Haruo Shirane (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 211.  63 about the practice of rewriting Chinese and Japanese classics in the preface to the third volume of his Plum Calendar, The wise man has no fancy predilections. These days, Master Kyōkuntei132 is not surprised at much. Amidst the bustle and hustle of the city life, he goes on writing calmly about the human feelings that fluctuate together with this world. He isn‘t preoccupied with remaking of the Chinese and Japanese books of old reeking of logic and reason, or the writings of his predecessors. Again, just like stolen fabric will not do for the making of a new kosode, one cannot rely on the strength of the ancient sages. 夫それ聖せい人じんは物ものに凝ぎやう滞たいせず。今いま狂きやう訓くん亭ていの为人あ る じは物ものに仰ぎやう天てんせず。騒さわがしき市し中ちうに住すみながら、悠ゆう々然ぜんとして能よく与と世よ推おし移うつる人にん情じやうを書かき著あらはせしは、和わ漢かんの理り窟くつくさき事ことを、奪だつ體たい換くわん骨こつしたる物ものにあらず。又また衣きぬを盗ぬすみて小こ袖そでに仕し立たてし様やうに、先せん哲てつの 力ちからを借かりし物ものにもあらず。133 Most likely poking dry fun at Bakin and Tanehiko who continued their lengthy adaptations of classics, Shunsui would, nonetheless, publish other adaptations based on Water Margin, a ninjōbon Bandō Suikoden 坂東水滸伝 (Bandō’s Water Margin) serialized between 1830 and 1831, and Gedai kagami 外題鑑 (The Mirror of Titles) in 1838, which exploits the same technique used by Kyōden in Chūshin Suikoden 忠臣水滸伝 (The Loyal Vassal’s Water Margin, 1799–1801), combining Water Margin and Chūshingura, The Storehouse of Loyal Retainers. Regardless of the reasons for the discontinuation of WJW, the underlying ideological framework                                             132 The pen-name of Tamenaga Shunsui.  133 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Shunshoku umegoyomi, Nihon koten bungaku taikei 64 (Iwanami Shoten, 1962), 138. 64 and aesthetics manifested in this work was to serve as a framework for the writing of the Plum Calendar, where the plot would revolve around four chivalrous, strong-willed women of Fukagawa.   65 Chapter 5: Conclusion Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style is a momentary but peculiar instance in an extensive series of literary productions—culled from the canonical works of Chinese and Japanese literature, and rendered as ―female versions‖—written during a vogue that enjoyed an ever-increasing prominence in late Tokugawa Japan, and collectively called onna-mono in this study. This analysis of WJW stands as a modest attempt to look into the reception history of Journey to the West in early-modern Japan, and to provide a glimpse into the broad category of onna-mono works that has been largely ignored by both Japanese and Western scholarship. The socio-cultural part of this analysis briefly examined the socio-political developments during the late Tokugawa period leading to the emergence of the ―culture of play,‖ the principle elements of iki aesthetics, and the melodramatic mode of ninjōbon pervading Tamenaga Shunsui‘s oeuvre. Then, it turned to the discussion of the phenomenon of onna-mono observed in the visual, performative and literary arts of the late Tokugawa period. This socio-literary analysis of WJW is predicated on the argument established in the works by a number of Western historiographers, who maintain that a political continuum represented by a ―civilization of character‖ eventually leads up to a ―culture of personality‖ which, in turn, gives rise to newly-emergent social identities, unorthodox cultural practices, and gender ambiguous representations incongruent with the official discourse. Written by one of the most commercially successful writers of the late Tokugawa period, and the founder of the melodramatic genre of fiction, Tamenaga Shunsui, WJW shows concern with the gender ambiguous, sentimental and melodramatic aesthetics manifested in the main female protagonists—strong-willed, staunch and sturdy women who internalized the masculine values of the samurai class, and came to realize those values by embarking on a divinely-sanctioned mission pursuing justice, extolment of virtue, 66 and restoration of innocence, yet remaining paragons of feminine beauty and grace, and genuine exemplars of the iki. The literary part of the analysis focused on the main constituents of the WJW—title, preface, main characters, plot, and text, as well as literary allusions, antecedents, and ideological influences of its sekai and shukō, against the broad backdrop of the sociopolitical context. By capitalizing on the Buddhist notions of karma and dharma, and bringing in a large number of allusions to Chinese history, art and literature, while employing the kakikae-onna-shukō, WJW represents a unique reading experience, both entertaining and edifying, and an amalgamated literary production that would perpetuate the values of the samurai class among a female audience. The framework employed in WJW is characteristic of Shunsui‘s oeuvre, more clearly conceptualized and realized in his post-Plum Calendar productions that continually negotiate between ninjō and ethicality through experimentations with gender-ambiguous forms that more broadly underlie the production of literature in the nineteenth-century Japan.          67  References Brandon, James R. and Samuel L. Leiter, eds. Kabuki Plays on Stage: Brilliance and Bravado, 1697-1766, Volume 1. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2002.  Croissant, Doris, Catherine Vance Yeh, and Joshua S. Mostow. 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Harvard University Asia Center, 2006.    71  Appendices Appendix A: Character Chart   Kiyomi no Yoshikage Yasashi-no-Mae Mitsuhime (Genjō Sanzō)  Hamabe Isotayū ♀ Sonare Uramatsu Tomaemon O-Sago (Sha Gojō)  O-Ino (Cho Hakkai)  Takako (Son Gokū) Konoha Tomanosuke ♀ Samegai ♀ 72  Appendix B: Mitate-e Illustrations of the Main Characters  The mitate-e illustrations of Mitsuhime (Genjō Sanzō) and O-Ino (Cho Hakkai) in Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (1828), and the original illustrations in the first volume of Tsūzoku Saiyūki (1758). (Courtesy of Waseda University Library, Collection of Japanese and Chinese Classics, Tokyo)    73  Appendix C: The Motif of the Hand of the Tathāgata The Hand of Tathāgata. In Tsūzoku Saiyūki (1758) and Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (1828). (Courtesy of Waseda University Library, Collection of Japanese and Chinese Classics, Tokyo)     74  Appendix D: English Translation of Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (Vol. 1 and 2) Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style  Written by Somahito134 Illustrated by Kuniyasu135 A new edition of a book of the year of the rat136 First volume Printed in the spring of the year of the rat A bookstore of the Eastern Capital137 New release by Eijudō138  What is common is broad and widespread; and the ordinary is fundamental and profound beyond all comprehension.139 The glorious light of the Buddha shines upon this world of the ten quarters,140 which is beguiled by the Westward Journey and its 80,800141 miles of lies—its guilt runs deeper than the depths of the Flowing-Sand River.142 And, yet, to trade [this tale full of lies] to the profit-driven world, it was expanded by making use of various quotations, thus, adding 800 miles of even                                             134 Kyōkuntei Somahito, Tamenaga Shunsui‘s (1789−1843) pen name.  135 Utagawa Kuniyasu (1794–1832) was an ukiyo-e artist of the Utagawa school.  136 Eleventh year of the Bunsei era (1828) was the year of the rat.  137 Eastern Capital, or Edo.  138 Eijudō, or Nishimuraya Yohachi, was one of the most famous publishing houses of Edo.  139 The phrase 深きことはかりなし fukaki koto hakarinashi ―profound beyond all comprehension‖ may also be read as fukaki koto bakari nashi, which means ―not necessarily profound.‖ The absence of dakuten in the original text complicates the choice of a correct reading.  140 The phrase from the Amitayurdhyana Sutra (Ch. Fushuo guanwu liangshou fojing; Jp. Kanmu ryōju kyō), one of the three major sutras of Pure Land Buddhism. Amitayus, in the name of this sutra, refers to another name of Amitabha, the preeminent figure in Pure Land Buddhism. Amitayurdhyana Sutra focuses on meditations involving complex visualization and is considered apocryphal. The full passage reads, 无量寿佛有八万四千相。相中。各有八万四千随形好。好中复有八万四千光明。光明遍照十方世界。念佛众生摄取不舍。―Buddha Amitayus has eighty-four thousand signs of perfection, each sign is possessed of eighty-four minor marks of excellence, each mark has eighty-four thousand rays, each ray extends so far as to shine over the worlds of the ten quarters, whereby Buddha embraces and protects all the beings who think upon him and does not exclude (any one of them).‖ In Buddhist Mahâyâna Texts, Vol. XLIX, tr. by E. B. Cowell, F. Max Müller and J. Takakusu (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1894), 180.  141 In the same passage, ―Buddha Amitayus has eighty-four thousand signs of perfection,‖ which the author turns into ―eighty-eight miles of deceit‖ spread by the novel Journey to the West. Refers to the Buddhist belief that all fiction is deceitful and thus sinful.  142 The Kaidu River, also known as Liusha River (literally, ―Flowing-Sand River‖) is a river in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China. Sha Wujing (Jp. Sha Gojō), before becoming Xuanzang‘s disciple, had to live in the river reincarnated as a terrible man-eating sand demon to avoid the punishment of the Jade Emperor. 75  more beguilement. For the readers of Musashino,143 this year, too, I‘m occupied with writing [until the crack of dawn.]144 Beyond the Western Sea, there was a country named Aolai, where, in the beginning, the Handsome Monkey King of the Water-Curtain Cave, after receiving magic teachings and having transformed himself, was called Disciple Sun, and came to the aid of Venerable Priest Tripitaka, time and time again, on his journey to the West in search of Buddhist sutras—such is the fancy tale of the Chinese. And, after its odd sentences and wordings were harmonized in Japanese, it has been added as a proud fellow among the ―red books‖145 of the Eastern Capital, written in the letters of our country, the ―women‘s letters.‖146 After all, it is the Women‘s Westward Journey! Since Journey to the West is published by the Nishimura,147 this petty and unworthy novel has nothing to do with Sha Wujing148 and will only remind you of a number of new nonsense writers, the halfwits like Zhu Bajie. It bears the ―flower seal‖149 of mine, [a sign of] my inherent trait—to be a ―two-legs-and-a-cane‖150 writer. But, if my lack of talent is overlooked, and this book will receive your honorable praises,151 indeed, then flying on the swift, magical cloud,152 Eijudō, our publisher, will set in print the second and third volumes. Wishing for a fair profit                                             143 Musashino, or Edo.  144 The phrase ―fude o tori ga naku‖ contains a pun: the character for ―tori‖ is ―niwatori‖ (chicken, cock), combined with ―fude o toru‖ or ―to write with a brush.‖  145 Red books or akahon together with kurohon, aohon, kibyōshi, and gōkan was a type of popular fiction of the Edo period (1600−1868) collectively called kusazōshi. Akahon were picture books with narrative and dialogue written in phonetic characters in the blank spaces between full-page illustrations. First appeared around 1662 and derived their content from children‘s folktales.  146 Starting in Heian period (794−1185), there were two major trends in Japanese literature, women‘s literature written in kana (Japanese syllabic writing) and men‘s literature in kanbun (Chinese writing). Since gōkan were written mostly in kana, the author included this pun by connecting ―women‘s letters‖ with ―writings of our land,‖ emphasizing the title Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style.  147 The phrase contains a pun: ―Saiyū‖ (西遊, Westward Journey) and ―Saiyū, or Nishimura‖ (西邑, Western Village), referreing to Nishimuraya Yohachi (Eijudō).  148 The phrase contains a pun ―Sasō‖ (沙僧, Sha Priest, or Sha Wujing) and ―sosō‖ (麁相, petty, unworthy), indicating that the WJW is not a profound Buddhist teaching, but is a paltry and insignificant work.  149 ―Flower seal‖ (kakihan, kaō) is a seal that bears the name of a work‘s author. The trend of applying a seal to one‘s writing started in the middle of Heian period (794−1185). The names on seals were written in cursive (sōshotai, literally,―quick hand‖ or ―grass hand‖) script, and were sometimes called ―flower seals‖ because of the difficulty of deciphering the names they were bearing.  150 An allusion to the expression 猿さるは人にん間げんに毛けが三み筋すじ足たらぬ , which means that monkeys, though looking like humans, cannot be on par with humans because they lack three hairs; by implication ―not good enough.‖  151 Critical appraisal (hyōban).  152 Somersault cloud (kintoun) is a magical cloud that served as means of transportation and was used by Sun Wukong.   76  growing like a pile of gold,153 owner of the ―Clover Crest‖ tooth powder refinery,‖154 which is the same as the well-known Iwai Baiga‘s (Kumeza) crest,155 Kyōkuntei Somahito. The spring of the eleventh year of Bunsei,156 a kaihon version of an illustrated book.  Senrigan.157 Junpūji.158  An ancient story about the Handsome Monkey King from the Water-Curtain Cave who studied magic and reached unto gods, then aided Tripitaka and subdued demons.  Sanzō.  She‘s kind and stouthearted. In spite of myriad hardships, she accomplishes a great undertaking, Mitsuhime.  Hakkai.  A young lady, who plays the fool in the group and detests bravery.  Sha Priest.  tooku nari The chirping of plovers chikaku naru mi no was heard from afar, hamachidori now it‘s close at hand— naku ne ni shio no indeed, by this chirping I know michihi wo zo shiru the ebb and flow of the ocean tides.159                                             153 Referring to the Nishimuraya Yohachi‘s (Eijudō) crest, looking like a mountain.  154 A clover crest (Chōjiguruma 丁子車) was a crest owned by the Iwai lineage of kabuki actors. The same design was apparently used by Shunsui in advertizing the tooth powder ―Clover Crest.‖ In the Edo period (1600−1868), kabuki actors often appeared in the advertisements. The author may refer in this passage to a nishiki-e picture by Utagawa Toyokuni II (1777–1835) published in 1825, that depicts two kabuki actors Ichikawa Danjūrō VII and Iwai Baiga advertising the tooth powder ―Edo Scent.‖  155 The name of ―Iwai Baiga‖ can refer to either Iwai Kumesaburō I (Iwai Hanshirō V) (1776−1847), or his son Iwai Kumesaburō II (Iwai Hanshirō VI) (1798-1836), who were onnagata (―female impersonator‖) kabuki actors in the lineage of Iwai family in the Edo period (1600−1868). Both of them had stage names of Baiga (other than Iwai Hanshirō III (1698−1760), who was not cotemporaneous with the publication of Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style). Iwai Kumesaburō II is depicted wearing a kimono decorated with chōji-guruma (clover) pattern on a yakusha-e (actor painting) print by Utagawa Toyokuni (1769–1825) titled Shichikenjin no mitate, Iwai Baiga.  156 Y. 1828.  157 Senrigan (―Thousand Mile Eye‖, Ch. Qianliyan), a Chinese deity that overlooks the world and is a messenger of the sea goddess Mazu.  158 Junpūji (―Fair Wind Ear‖, Ch. Shunfen’er), a Chinese deity that overhears the world and is a messenger of the sea goddess Mazu.  77   [Son Gokū]  She has gorgeous dark hair like a cloud that smoothly contrasts with her skin as white as snow. The moment when she knits her beautiful eyebrows, strong men shake with fear.  [Group Illustration]  kashimashiki They give the appearance sugata ha aredo of being loud and clamorous sannin ga but when the three come together Monju no chiwe yo the pearls of wisdom spring forth— umi-yama no sachi the riches of the mountains and seas.  A poem by Tamahito.160   ―Looks beautiful like a Bodhisattva‘s, but the heart as dark as a Yaksha‘s,‖161 this is a single-handed blow by the Buddha. Wise and stupid, right and wrong are among men and women alike. The Mirror of the Wise Women of Japan162 and The Biographies of Exemplary Women.163 Disguised townsfolk of Honchō. A play by a deceased Komatsu.  Chapter 2  In the days, when Lord Yoritomo164 of Kamakura had assumed the title of Chief Superintendent of Police165 of all Japan, and the four seas were at peace for a little while, there                                                                                                                                             159 A poem attributed to Ōta Dōkan (1432−1486) who was a warrior of the Muromachi period (1333−1568). Highly reputed as a military tactician, Dōkan was also known for his poetic skill. According to a narrative appearing in Jōzan kidan (Records and Tales of Jōzan, 1739) compiled by Yuasa Jōzan (1708−1781), Ōta Dōkan was able to tell between periods of the ebb and flow by hearing the chirps of plovers. This poem is used by the author to speak of the shrewdness of O-Sago, whose prototype was Sha Wujing.  160 Yūtei Tamahito 雄亭多満人 (?–?) was a writer and illustrator of gesaku fiction.  161 Yaksha is the name of a broad class of nature-spirits that appear in Hindu, Jain and Buddhist writings. A yaksha may be inoffensive, but there is also dark yakshas, which are perilous ghosts that haunt the wilderness and waylays and devour travelers.  162 Nippon kenjo kagami, is a jōruri play by Chikamatsu Yanagi (1762−1803) written in 1802, describing events of the Sengoku period (1467−1568) and life of Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537−1598).  163 Biographies of Exemplary Women (Ch. Lienu zhuan) is a book compiled by Liu Xiang (ca. 18 BC), which includes 125 biographical accounts of exemplary women, taken from ancient Chinese histories such as Chun Qiu, Zuo Zhuan, and the Records of the Grand Historian. Served as a textbook for the moral education of women.  164 Minamoto no Yoritomo (1147−1199) was the founder of the Kamakura shogunate (1192−1333), the first warrior government in Japan.  165 Minamoto no Yoritomo assumed the title of Chief Superintendent of Japan (sotsuihoshi) in 1186. In Okuma Shigenobu, Huish M. Bourne, ed., Fifty years of new Japan (London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1909), 300. 78  was, in Senshū,166 a magistrate of Kiyomi167 by the name Yoshikage, a man of great learning and a distinguished military chief. Each and every person in Yoshikage‘s household was a wholehearted follower of the path of literary and military arts, and there was no one in the least negligent among them. In this household, there was an old retainer168 Uramatsu Tomaemon who had a son named Tomanosuke. Tomaemon died at the ripe old age, and Tomanosuke inherited his father‘s fortune when he was only eighteen. From early childhood, he devoted himself to the path of the literary and military arts, perfecting himself incessantly in all eighteen arts of war,169 and in letters, too, he surpassed Sima Xiangru,170 unrivaled even in the ―quatrain of seven steps.‖171 Truly a handsome young man, he was blessed by gods at birth, in the same way as the Chinese poet Song Yu,172 or, as Genji,173 or Narihira174 of our country, his looks were just as ravishing. Not only the daughters in all the households, but also servant girls, were running out of their houses to try to catch his eye or touch quietly his sleeve, when he was passing by. But Tomanosuke didn‘t give in to such flirtatious conduct. At times, free from service, he enjoyed hunting and grew especially adept in the skill of archery. He could shoot at a willow leaf from a distance of a hundred paces, just like Chinese,175                                             166 An alternative name for Suruga Province. It was an old province in the area that is today the central part of Shizuoka Prefecture.  167 Kiyomi is the name of an existing urban area in Shizuoka Prefecture.  168 Retainer (fudai) is a hereditary vassal or servant. A term used from the Heian period (794−1185) onward to denote one whose family stood in hereditary subordination to another family.  169 The eighteen martial arts of Japan: (1) archery (kyūdo/kyūjutsu), (2) horsemanship (bajutsu), (3) swimming (suieijutsu), (4) fencing/sword fighting (kendō, kenjutsu), (5) sword drawing (iaijutsu), (6) short sword (tantō) skills, (7) polearm or long sword manipulation (naginata jutsu), (8) staff (bojutsu) skills, (9) spearmanship (sōjutsu), (10) yawara (jūdō/jūjutsu), (11) firearms (teppō) skills, (12) spying (ninjutsu), (13) dagger throwing (shurikenjutsu), (14) needle spitting (fukumibarijutsu),(15) chained sickle throwing (kusariganajutsu), (16) roping (torite) skills, (17) barbed staff (mojiri) skills, (18) truncheon (jitte) skills. In William E. Deal, Handbook to Life in Medieval and Early Modern Japan (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 152.  170 Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (ca. 150 BC) was the Chinese poet, musician and litterateur.  171 The Quatrain of Seven Steps (Ch. qibushi), is an allegorical poem attributed to Cao Zhi (192–232). The poem‘s first appeared in the classic text Shishuo xinyu (A New Account of the Tales of the World), published in 430.  172 Song Yu (ca. 290-223 BC) was a semi-legendary figure, an icon of male beauty and an important poet. In Geng Song, The Fragile Scholar: Power and Masculinity in Chinese Culture (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004), 140.  173 Hikaru Genji, or Prince Genji, is the protagonist of Murasaki Shikibu‘s (ca. 1014) The Tale of Genji. Also, a symbol of male beauty in Japanese literature.  174 Ariwara no Narihira (825−880) was a waka poet of the early Heian period (794−1185). Great-grandson of Emperor Kammu (r. 781−806). He is counted as one of the Rokkasen (―Six Poetic Geniuses‖) and Sanjūrokkasen (―Thirty-Six Poetic Geniuses‖). Also, a symbol of male beauty in Japanese literature.  175 A reference to Yang Youji, a famous general and archer of the Chu state in the Spring and Autumn period (770−476 BC) China. In Stephen Selby, Chinese Archery (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2000), 134. 79  a bird flying in the sky or a beast running on the ground that caught his eye—nothing would be able to escape Tomanosuke‘s arrow. Such was this young man Tomanosuke. And though people in all the families with daughters soon-to-marry would speak in hope, ―If only we could have Tomanosuke as our son-in-law,‖ he was not fond of amorous affairs and never chose by outward looks. ―I will take a wife who is righteous in conduct‖, was his sole measure of choice. In the Kiyomi household, among the families of old retainers, there was another man named Hamabe Isotayū. He had a daughter, Sonare, who met her twenty-eighth spring that year, attracted myriads of proposal letters. Anyone who saw her thought that she was beautiful beyond compare, just like Princess Sotoori176 and Ono no Komachi.177 She could play musical instruments most deftly, arrange flowers and was skilled in composing classical poetry—she was learned and excelled in every sort of true lady‘s craft.  Besides, since she was also a very virtuous young lady, Tomanosuke heeded closely to the message about Sonare‘s noble character and enquired if he could marry her. Isotayū, knowing from before that Tomanosuke was a devout follower of the literary and military arts and an upright youth without any deviousness, liked this promising young man dearly and, because Sonare was his only daughter, he was very glad about Tomanosuke‘s proposal and quickly sent back his agreement for the engagement. Tomanosuke too felt deeply obliged and grateful. And when both sides submitted a request for marriage to the master of the household, magistrate Yoshikage also thought that Tomanosuke and Sonare were a fitting couple and quickly granted his consent for their wedding. The happiness of both families was great beyond measure. Therefore, they requested an intermediary and set on an auspicious day, and after all final arrangements for the wedding ceremony were made, the families had exchanged the greetings of ―ten thousand years of longevity.‖178 On one occasion, Tomanosuke was free from service and went hunting to the Ashigara Mountain179 in the neighboring country. On the opposite side of a valley, he spotted an eagle that had caught a monkey and was already about to eat it. Tomanosuke felt sorry for the monkey, he put an arrow to his bow and pulled it really hard, and, unerringly, shot right through the eagle‘s throat. When eagle died, Tomanosuke picked the monkey up and had a better look at it. She was very small and her fur was completely white. Tomanosuke felt very happy for having saved the monkey and made a beater carry her in his arms on their way back. When he returned home, his wife Sonare came out to meet him and hearing the whole story she also felt very sorry for the monkey. ―It was so dangerous indeed‖, she kept on saying. When she looked at her, the monkey was so small that she could ride in the palm of Sonare‘s hand, and her fur was all white, as white as snow. Because Sonare, by nature, was always deeply                                             176 Sotoorihime, or Princess Sotoori, a legendary beauty and poetess.  177 Ono no Komachi (fl. mid-9th c.), a renowned beauty and poetess. One of Japan‘s most famous poets. Ki no Tsurayuki, compiler of the first official anthology of poetry, the Kokinshū (ca. 905), ranked her among the ―Six Poetic Geniuses‖ (Rokkasen).  178 ―Ten thousand years of longevity‖ (senshū-manzai; lit. thousand autumns and ten-thousand years). A traditional blessing (also, a decoration) for longevity used in a number of festive events, such as New Year celebrations, wedding ceremony, etc.  179 Mount Ashigara is located on the border of Kanagawa and Shizuoka prefectures. 80  sympathetic, she also felt very happy that the monkey was rescued. She called her Konoha and loved her like her own child. Konoha loved Sonare like her mother too and didn‘t leave her side for a single moment. Moreover, she understood human speech very well, and, just like a human, she could stand on her feet and do myriad different things, which was so lovely that everyone couldn‘t help but adore her all the more. ―Those dressed beautifully must endure people pointing, the high and mighty must face divine wrath.‖180 It could be said that Sonare and Tomanosuke‘s were truly an ideal couple—a match made in heaven. But as the saying goes ―joy and sadness always go together‖—their happiness didn‘t last long. All of a sudden, Tomanosuke began having spots on his feet. Gradually, his legs grew very heavy, and he became ill with the ―crane‘s knee wind.‖181 Sonare‘s was beyond herself with despair. If there was any famous doctor, she would invite him to their house, and she tried all sorts of different remedies, but there was no sign of even slightest relief. Tomanosuke‘s illness became worse with each day, and he was unable to walk anymore. Hamabe Isotayū, Tomanosuke‘s father-in-law, also tried to help in every way he could but to no avail. Then, there was somebody who said, ―There is no medicine for this illness. To cure it, only if you go to the hot springs of Arima182 and have baths for treatment, you may have a speedy recovery.‖ Though Tomanosuke too thought this might be the right course of action, he said, ―Whatever you say, since I‘m in the service to my master, I do not have the freedom to decide what to do.‖ Then, he made a request to the Lord magistrate if he could take a leave, and, since it was a rare request, and magistrate Yoshikage used to speak of Tomanosuke before calling him ―my poor, sorrowful retainer,‖ and also because of the disease Tomanoske was dealing with, he quickly permitted him to go for the bath treatment.  Tomanosuke was very glad and quickly made arrangements for departure. One day, he spoke to his wife Sonare, ―All humans perish. Death comes to old and young alike... Now, after the Sengoku war,183 there are still warriors out there disloyal to the Lord of Kamakura. Though it may seem quiet and peaceful, the remnants of the camp of Kiso Yoshinaka184 of the house of                                             180 Lines from the poem Thoughts I of IV (Ch. Ganyu si shiu zhi yi) by Zhang Jiuling (678–740). Zhang Jiuling was a prominent minister, noted poet and scholar of the Tang Dynasty. This poem is the first in the collection of 300 Tang Poems.  181 ―Crane‘s knee wind‖ (kakushippū) is an arthritic rheumatoid disease. Symptoms include swelling of one or both knees with subsequent atrophy of the area above or below, hence resembling the legs of a crane.  182 Arima Hot Spring (Arima onsen). Located on the northern slope of the mountain Rokkōsan, in the city of Kōbe, Hyōgo Prefecture. There is a popular belief that thermal waters may cure such conditions as arthritis, skin diseases, rheumatism, and nervous disorders.  183 Sengoku period (1467−1568; Sengoku jidai), also known as the Warring States period. The years from the beginning of the Ōnin War (1467−77) until Oda Nobunaga entered Kyōto in 1568. Probably used an as anacronistic error by the author of WJW.  184 Minamoto no Yoshinaka (1154−1184 ), also known as Kiso Yoshinaka, was a warrior of the Heian period (794−1185). With Minamoto no Yoritomo and other Minamoto warriors Yoshinaka rebelled against the rule of the Taira family in 1180.  81  Taira185 may be hiding in all the provinces. It‘s hard to predict when and how their uprising starts. You and I are now husband and wife, and you shouldn‘t cry about me, because I‘m leaving to the place where I‘ll be healed, although it is a hundred miles away... If I can cure this illness, even just a little, I will quickly return home. If during my leave an uprising occurs, by all means, don‘t be reckless. I asked Lord Isotayū to take good care of you and so I can surely put my mind at rest now. Though Konoha is just an animal, she knows how to be grateful. If we treasure our marriage and give our love away and take care of people and animals who need our nurture, although there‘s a difference between us, there is indeed a deep karmic tie between us all, if we live like this together in one house… We must not fail to take good care of anyone.‖ Riding in a basket, Tomanosuke set off to Arima, and Isotayū walked two or three miles with him along the way. Having bid farewell, he stood on the road and didn‘t go back. Konoha, in Sonare‘s arms, also went to a front door to see Tomanosuke off and looked terribly heartbroken when he departed. They both were weeping and screaming, and only when Tomanosuke left, they calmed down and together went into the inner chambers of the house. This indeed was the parting of husband and wife forever, and such affection (displayed by the monkey) was not known to human beings—this was understood only later. At this time, there were two brothers in magistrate Yoshikage‘s subordination, captain186 Hirouji and district official187 Sueuji of Miho,188 people of no-good intentions. Lately, they were planning on a coup intending to unlawfully overtake the household of Kiyomi and were just waiting for the right opportunity to arise. When Uramatsu Tomanosuke went away to Arima for the bath treatment, they pressed false charges against him, reporting to the house of Hōjō189 that he was conspiring with the enemy. Then, Lord of Kamakura also thought these charges to be true. When he gave an order to the captain to strike, the brothers were happy that their old plan was about to realize. They quickly returned home, prepared the troops and soon advanced on the castle of magistrate Yoshikage. Suddenly, hearing the war cries of an invading army, Kiyomi‘s castle was in great tumult. Wrecking chaos high and low, the governor‘s soldiers quickly entered the castle, killing everybody in their way. Since most of the people in the castle were killed, the magistrate called his wife and said, ―You are in the third month of pregnancy. Please, run away from here. Give birth to the child you‘re bearing and wait for the right time to restore the house of Kyomi! This will be a greater honor than dying now,‖ saying this, Lord Yoshikage passed on the house‘s lineage to his wife, cut his stomach open and died. Lady Yasashi-no-Mae was so consumed with grief that she seemed to have lost her body and soul. Like a madwoman, not dead and not living, she yearned for heaven and wailed unto earth, falling down and rolling on the ground, as if she had completely lost her mind.                                              185 The Taira family was one of the four great families, including the Minamoto family, Fujiwara family, and Tachibana family, that dominated court politics during the Heian period (794−1185). The story of the Taira family is recounted in The Tale of the Heike.  186 Gunryō were military officials among the ranks of gunji (district officials) under the ritsuryō system of government. Gunryō were further divided into great captains (tairyō) and minor captains (shōryō).  187 Gunji were local officials charged with the administration of the gun (districts), administrative subdivisions of the kuni (provinces) under the ritsuryō system of government that had evolved after the Taika Reform of 645.  188 Miho is the name of an existing urban area in Shizuoka Prefecture.  189 The Hōjō family was a warrior family of the Kamakura period (1185−1333). 82  At this time, lady-in-waiting Tonami was pursuing the enemy and was wounded in the fight. Stained with blood, she returned to the castle. When she saw Lady Yasashi-no-Mae rolling on the ground she helped her to stand up. Tonami listened to what had happened to Lord Yoshikage and obeyed his last words (adhered to his last will). Together, they fled to wait elsewhere for the right time. However, although Lady Yasashi-no-Mae had the family tree with her it was of no use without the house‘s treasure—mirror of Hagoromo and ink-stone of Matsukage. Tonami was about to fetch those two things stored away in the treasury, but a great number of soldiers suddenly appeared blocking her way, demanding she deliver Lady Yasashi-no-Mae to them. Tonami couldn‘t get hold of the treasure. She retreated and, together with Lady Yasashi-no-Mae, fled to some unknown place.  Chapter 3  Hereupon, Tomanosuke‘s wife Sonare had no other choice but to join the battle. She pulled a long sword out of its sheath and attacked the enemy with it. However, there were a great number of soldiers, and it was too hard for her to fight. When Sonare was already on the verge of peril, Konoha ran over to her. Jumping to and fro on soldiers‘ heads, she plucked and pulled them and aided Sonare all she could. The soldiers too seemed unable to counter Konoha‘s attacks. But the army before their eyes was enormous. New soldiers replaced the wounded ones and fought with renewed strength, and people fighting for the Kiyomi castle seemed meager in numbers. Since Sonare went out fighting with only the light protection of her armor and helmet, she had been already wounded several times. A countless number of people were injured in the battle. Parents who were attacked were helped by their children, and everybody was desperate fighting the enemy. Sonare was already depleted of strength and had injuries all over her body, when she put her sword into a cane and went about looking for her father. A servant of captain Hirouji saw that Sonare‘s face was pretty-looking and became very glad. Approaching her, he leaned rakishly towards her and said, ―Surely, you must be a wife of a man from the Kiyomi‘s household. Great captain Lord Yoshikage is already dead. There‘s no one from your household who has survived. Not a single soul... Rather than keeping loyalty to your dead husband, if you obey me now and become my wife, I will have mercy on you.‖  Sonare pushed him aside and said, ―Should I hear these filthy things? My master Lord Yoshikage is already dead, and if my husband Tomanosuke was in the country, he would fight with all his strength on the battlefield. But, unfortunately, since he‘s away now on a trip, there‘s nothing to do about it... I would rather die courageously, than go on living being put to shame by the enemy!‖ The next moment, she was cut down and staggered—a regular soldier jumped back and shook blood off his blade. ―Though you were the enemy, I was merciful to you and wanted to help you. Though I proposed you to become my wife, in return you were biting me back—what sort of thing is that? In this case, I will do as you wish and shorten your life!‖ Sonare was slit deep in the shoulder and fell down to the ground. But, since she had a yearning inside her to see her father and husband, holding to that one desire, she was still drawing breath. Leaning against the sword in the cane, she raised herself up. Teased and slashed by the soldiers, she didn‘t see anything because of the agony of death but continued to plunge the sword, fighting back. From a distance, Isotayū saw Sonare and ran quickly towards her. He grabbed the enemy soldiers, pushed them away and with just one stroke cut them dead.  83  Holding Sonare in his arms, he drew his lips to her ear, ―Sonare, take heart. This is Isotayū, your father.‖ As he was affectionately calling out to her, Sonare gasped for breath, ―Father, it‘s too late... Now, other soldiers from the enemy‘s army will come here and dishonor me. But if I die, I won‘t lose my honor.‖ Although, at heart, she was bracing herself, she had exhausted all her strength in fighting a great number of soldiers. And because of many deep wounds she bore, it was hard for her to live on. ―Please, cut my head off and relieve my pain quickly! Although, I regret dying like this now, I want to die after seeing my husband‘s face, if only just once,‖ so sincerely she yearned for her husband. Father Isotayū, full of pity, moved his lips even closer to her ear, ―Our master, the Lord magistrate is already killed, but his wife Lady Yasashi-no-Mae can‘t be found anywhere, it‘s very likely she has managed to escape this place. Lady Yasashi-no-Mae is in the third month of pregnancy, and be this child in her womb a boy, or a girl, there are no other heirs. This child will be born and grow up, and will start declaring the message that his father was innocent of crime, and the house of Kiyomi will be restored. Though it would be honorable of me to die right here and now, I will prolong my life. And, first of all, though I thought I should go into hiding, I will look for Tomanosuke, my son-in-law. I will tell him how you died saving your honor. And, together, we‘ll retain our lives and wait for the right time. A year even hasn‘t even passed, since you became husband and wife, with Lord Tomanosuke, and you‘ve already parted... And now being murdered like this by the hand of a stranger—what a cruel fate this is! I couldn‘t have imagined in my dreams that such a revolt would happen until yesterday, or until even today... All I wanted was to quickly see the face of my first grandchild. It‘s all in vain now, like foam on water.‖  They both were choking with tears of grief. Isotayū tried to take care of Sonare‘s deadly wounds, but after having told everything in this meeting with her father, Sonare collapsed and passed away at last. Weeping bitterly, Isotayū cut off his daughter‘s head. Then, he cut off a sleeve of her kimono, wrapped her head in it and went to some place to hide her body. Suddenly, a crowd of enemy soldiers came in attack, and because there was nothing else he could do, he tied Sonare‘s head to his waist and dashed into the midst of the crowd. Slashing his way through, he barely managed to escape. Then he went to a temple and requested a funeral (he requested a funeral at a family temple) after telling everything that had happened.  He buried his daughter‘s head and acquired a posthumous name for her. The sleeve of her kimono, he always carried with him as a remembrance to present to his son-in-law. He then left this place and, heading for Arima, he went to the Kamigata region.190 Konoha stayed with Sonare until the very last moment. She wept and grieved but, finally, disappeared somewhere and no one knew where she was. Isotayū was not too concerned about the monkey, but thought to himself with pity, ―She might have been killed all the confusion of the battle,‖ and chanted sutras also for her peace and happiness in the afterlife. In the meantime, Uramatsu Tomanosuke was repeatedly receiving treatment in the hot springs of Arima, and his illness was partially cured. However, he didn‘t recover from it completely. ―I will have one more round of treatment and will just take it easy,‖ he thought to himself during his sojourn at Arima. But, one day, a courier came from Kamakura and said, ―The household of Kiyomi in Senshū planned a coup. An attacking force was sent from Kamakura and, in just one day, the household was completely destroyed.‖                                              190 An old name for the Kyoto-Osaka region. 84  Hearing this, Tomanosuke was profoundly shocked, ―What should I do?‖ he thought in blank bewilderment. ―Well, even if I had stayed in my country, because of this illness, I would have been of no use. I would definitely die from the hand of some regular soldier. By some good luck, I‘m away from my country and not on the battlefield now. I‘m spared my life, which is a miracle indeed. And I didn‘t have to see the death of my master in battle. But even if I live a long life of one hundred years, it‘s of no avail... Then, also, if I cut my stomach here and die, people will only say that I‘m a madman. So, I won‘t do that… Well, well, first of all, I will return to my country and make apologies to my master, and then I will cut my stomach in my home.‖ Having made up his mind, Tomanosuke departed from Arima and returned to Senshū, his native country. Since there were too many people‘s eyes at daytime, he passed by the battlefield at night. And when he saw the tiles on the rooftop of the building that belonged to Lord Yoshikage, of which remained only an outer nave, Tomanosuke broke into tears at sight of its miserable state. ―No doubt, my father-in-law Isotayū and my wife Sonare are both dead…‖ The thought of suicide was once again curling up in his mind—he thought he should‘ve been dead by now, and what else was there that he could do. People of old used to say, ―One must die when it‘s due and not miss one‘s time, for life in dishonor is more terrible than death.‖ Tomanosuke thought, ―I will cut my stomach and go to the hell of hells. I will make amends to my master and father-in-law…‖ He chopped off a piece of wood from an old tree that grew beside the house and took out a case with brush-and-ink. In the light of the moon, he wrote ―Uramatsu Tomanosuke confronted his final death in this place.‖ He took off his clothes and drew his sword that glittered like ice. When he was already about to pierce his stomach, suddenly somebody fell out from the nearby bushes, and a person came into his view. Tomanosuke looked in front of him trying to figure who it was. All of a sudden, he realized that that it was his wife Sonare. Her hair was in a mess like a thorn bush, and her clothes were stained with blood and torn. She clung desperately to her husband‘s hand and only wept in silence. Utter disbelief surged through Tomanosuke, ―You are not Sonare! For sure, she‘s been killed by someone! How could she survive until today? This is just so suspicious... My father-in-law, Lord Isotayū, how is he?‖  When he asked this, tears were rolling down Sonare‘s face, ―Father cut through a crowd of soldiers and went away looking for you. I, too, was about to die but just managed to escape. I hid in the mountain woods in daytime. And, I came down to the village and begged for food at night. I barely managed to stay alive, because I wanted to meet you just one more time.‖ Again, she began weeping bitterly. Tomanosuke was on the verge of weeping too, ―This means, Lord father-in-law is still alive. But even if my father-in-law is living, I wasn‘t beside my master at his final hour… I‘m the world‘s most useless man! Living on like this, what will I do? Rather than living surrounded by children until somebody takes care of me and looking for the glory of my latter days, I will vanish with the dew of this place and follow my master. All I ask is a remembrance service at a time when you remember me again...‖ Having finished talking, Tomanosuke took up his sword and was about to pierce himself. Sonare rushed over to stop him, ―This is so much not like the Tomanosuke I always knew! Father Isotayū too extended his life and ran away unconcerned with the death of the master. Although Lord Yoshikage had died, his wife Lady Yasashi-no-Mae was saved by the woman-in-waiting Tonami. They have fled, and I‘m absolutely sure that they are hiding somewhere. Because of that too, my father decided to go on living. As you already know, Lady Yasashi-no-85  Mae is in the third month of pregnancy, and after safe delivery, like my father said, we‘ll wait for this child to grow up and make him or her rise in the world again. Thinking it his duty, he ran away. Considering how deeply he thought of that, he doesn‘t appear cowardly at all. Since father is growing old, it‘s doubtful he will be able to see the child of Lady Yasashi-no-Mae growing up and rising in the world. But, thank goodness, since you‘re still young, you will protect this child until he restores the everlasting House of Kiyomi—such duty wins over death. You always used to tell me that if you let small things bother you, you will not achieve great things. Not knowing what to do next, if you give in to panic and do not prolong your life, that means you‘re not thinking about the glory of latter days. You‘re clever and bright. If I‘m right and what I say is true, you are to spare your life,‖ so she pleaded with Tomanouke. Tomanosuke thought it was true. Indeed, as the saying goes, ―A wise man can be taught by a child—we need to pass on shallow waters.‖ Then, he said to Sonare, ―I think my logic was wrong. I will run away together with you. Somehow, we‘ll stay alive and look for my father-in-law. And we‘ll come for support to Lady Yasashi-no-Mae.‖ After that, they quickly departed from this place.  Then, Tomanosuke and Sonare, with assistance of some people, went to live in a solitary place in the Irumagawa area of Musashi country. Sonare was occupied with weaving for living, and, because of that, had turned into a common person. Because the silk she made was very beautiful, villagers were arguing and asking for the silk, which she would sell as cheap as possible just to have enough to sustain her husband and herself. Unawarely, they spent years living in this place. Sonare became pregnant and gave birth to a girl fair as a jewel on the tenth month. Since she was born in the monkey‘s month, monkey‘s day and monkey‘s hour, she was called Takako. And her nickname was like a monkey‘s too, Taka-no-miko, or High Daughter. Tomanosuke and Sonare loved Takako dearly. Spending springs and autumns without notice, three years swiftly passed by, and Takako had already turned three years old.  Hereafter, Sonare‘s father Isotayū went to Arima in search of Tomanosuke, but, since Tomanosuke had already returned to his native country, there was nothing else for Isotayū to do, and he started looking here and there for Lady Yasashi-no-Mae. No one knew in the capital where she was, thus, taking a trip from one place to another, years went by. Three years had passed, when Isotayū was traveling again through Musashi country. At some shrine, he spotted a name-tag with the name of Uramatsu Tomanosuke. Isotayū entered a sake shop that was in that area and asked people there, ―Do you know anybody by the name of Sir Uramatsu living in the neighborhood?‖ There was a person who knew Tomanosuke and said, ―He‘s in such and such place.‖ Isotayū was very happy. He hurried, looking for that hidden house. From the outside, he looked in and saw a child, and his own daughter who had passed away three years ago. She hugged and played with her three year old daughter. Isotayū was utterly flabbergasted. In blank amazement, he stood still at the gate, gazing at the scene.  Copied by Insei Written by Nansen Somahito Illustrated by Utagawa Kuniyasu   86  Text in conversations between the characters.   Chap. 2, p. 8 omote. ―Oh, Konoha. Come on in! There’s a saying ―people of Song are like monkeys with crowns,‖191 but, there’s nobody among the people of this world who knows more than you how to be grateful.‖  Chap. 2, p. 9 omote. ―Hello. How are you feeling today? No matter what, your wife is so beautiful… It’s indeed because of that beauty treatment, isn’t it? Hahaha…‖  Chap. 3, p. 10 ura. ―Do not attempt anything! You must get away from here!‖ ―Tonami, don’t get wounded!‖ ―No! Whoa!‖  Chap. 2, p. 12 ura. ―Oh father, you’re a little too late.‖ ―At last, my daughter! Take heart! I already killed the enemy!‖   Women’s Journey to the West in the Current Style  Written by Somahito Illustrated by Kuniyasu Second volume New release by Nishimuraya192  Chapter 4  Thereupon, Sonare, when Tomanosuke was away, [stood outside on the veranda] holding Takako in her arms—her gaze towards the sky. Then, she slipped in the shadow of the house and, looking into Takako‘s face, could not keep back her tears. Patting Takako on the back, she said, ―You are three years old this year. Listen closely to what I have to say. I haven‘t always been a human…. I‘m an old monkey from the place called Water-Curtain Cave in Aolai—a country far away from here in the east. After moving to the Ashigara Mountain in Japan, I lived here for a long time. One day, when Lord Tomanosuke went to hunt in that mountain, I transformed myself becoming small and was playing around picking up chestnuts. An eagle caught me, but Lord Tomanosuke saved me from imminent death. Since then, he took great care of me, and I‘m always indebted to him—the savior of my life…. I thought to return the favor, though just a little, and stayed in his house. When, all of a sudden, a tragedy struck. I couldn‘t do anything in my                                             191 A reference to an episode from the Records of the Grand Historian by Sima Qian. Similar to an English expression, ―no fine clothes can hide the clown.‖  192 Nishimuraya Yohachi, or Eijudō, was one of the most famous publishing houses of Edo. 87  animal strength to help. Sadly, Lady Sonare was killed by the enemy. And, after that, when Lord Tomanosuke was about to cut his stomach open, I took the form of Lady Sonare and stopped his sword. Since then, oh, what a shame, I have been deceiving people. We became husband and wife with Lord Tomanosuke, and then I became pregnant with you and was moved by my love for you. Also, because Lord Tomanosuke did not have any occupation to make the living, I wove cloth, though just a little to repay the kindness of the past. Seeing how lovely you are, I thought to raise you up until you become a lady. But I bear this guilt, this sin, which I repented of a thousand times and even thought to take my own life and die…. But, today, Lady Sonare‘s honorable father, Lord Isotayū, saw me here, and, though it breaks my heart, I must leave. You have to be obedient even more than you have been until today. Listen to what your father says and do not do anything wrong. Soon, when you grow up, apply yourself as hard as you can to studying and bring honor to the family name you bear. Though your mother is not with us anymore, she is the beloved Lady Sonare. But if her name is spoken ill of by many people, what else is there to do? So if you‘re not obedient and disobey your father, people will be pointing fingers at you saying, ―Truly, a child of the beast she is!‖ Even the name of your mother will be dishonored. You are three years old now, and I was feeding you with my breast and hugging you to sleep. How lovely and sweet this is! Only people who have children will understand it. Leaving you behind like this, abandoned and alone—it‘s breaking my heart, but what am I supposed to do? Takako is healthy, and not a trouble-maker. She used to catch cold once in a while and was cured by moxa. Now, when I go away, your father‘s hand is all you have to keep you safe in heat and cold. Takako never parted from me, even for a single moment, so when I go away, she will surely cry and call on me. But when she realizes I‘m not at home, she will calm down…. When I think of Lord Tomanosuke, since I‘m not by his side from now on, it will be very hard for him. There is no one to make his food in the morning or evening, and no one to draw water from the well. And he has no job to get by in the world. Please, find yourself a good maid-servant who will make the burden of your hard work easier and will not let this child be cold, but will put clothes on her and bring her up. More than anything, take good care of yourself and stay healthy. I want you to become an outstanding warrior in the future as you used to be. I await with joy until that time.‖ Tears were rolling down her cheeks, and as she wept, she spoke at the top of her voice as if Tomanosuke was there with her. She was squirmung and rolling on the floor in agony as if she had gone insane. Takako too was weeping bitterly, ―Mommy, where are you going? Stay with me, always!‖ She said with lisp. But her mother‘s thoughts were as cold as the ―eight cold hells.‖ Sonare seemed as cold as ice, her speech calm and resolute. ―You said it so well. Though, if I say so too, we cannot be together anymore. So better do not say anything. Although you say ‗let‘s be together,‘ I must go.... Or should I take my life? Oh no, no, no.... And to leave this wretched body behind? Now this would be even more shameful. Since I am concerned about Takako‘s future, I will always be with her following her like a shadow. We will inquire Lady Yasashi-no-Mae and will restore the house [of Kiyomi]. I will not take my life and, until then, will keep her safe in secret.‖ As she talked like this all by herself, she took out the inkstone and ground the fine ink. And clearing off the dark thoughts that clouded her mind, she took the brush and wrote a poem right on the lantern shining through the darkness. In the meantime Isotayū stood hesitantly in the doorway. That, before him, was indeed Sonare, curling up in front of the lantern and writing something. Thoughts were racing through 88  his mind, ―It‘s a ghost! Or some devilish creature.... No, no! There are many people in this world that look alike! I‘m very old and have bad eyesight. And the light in the room is very dark! What if I just took her for someone else?‖ So thinking to himself he was standing in the doorway. But upon entering the house, to his amazement, the woman had disappeared to the sound of an opening door. Only Takako was there weeping uncontrollably and squirming on the floor. Tomanosuke, in a hurry, was returning home and, having any idea what was going on, he walked into the house. He said, ―The sun has already set down. Why the light is not on? Hey, you there, who are you?‖ ―Ho, ho! Lord Uramatsu!‖ Surprised to hear the voice of his father-in-law, and at such an unexpected visit, Tomanosuke was at loss for words.  ―My, my! And, Sonare, where is she?‖ he asked. Takako said through tears, ―Mommy is gone somewhere…. I was calling her,‖ and as she cried, Tomanosuke said irritably, ―Silly, what is going on here?‖ And as he became more and more suspicious, Isotayū intervened, ―My, my. How should I put it…. Some time ago, Sonare was killed by the enemy [in the battle]. And we have buried her body. This is, so to say, the memento that is left of her,‖ and he pulled out Sonare‘s bloodstained sleeve. ―In any event, I don‘t understand everything myself, but, after seeing me, the woman that was here had disappeared without a trace. It must be, in all likelihood, an act of transfiguration.‖ Tomanosuke was stunned as he heard those words, ―This is just unthinkable!… Until today, I had a wife and a child.... She might have been a ghost or some apparition.... But to hear that my wife Sonare is dead, I can‘t believe it! First, let‘s think about it all, one by one. What should we do?‖ Then, they noticed a poem written on the lantern,  koishiku ba If you long for me tadunete kimase come and seek me itsumo sumu where I always live in Shimotsuke— Shimotsuke ni mi wo behind the curtain uramitaki tsuse of the backside-view waterfall.  Taking a good look at the poem, Isotayū noticed that even the handwriting was not any different from Sonare‘s, and, reciting the poem to himself quietly, all of a suddent, he flipped his hand, ―Of course! A few years ago, when you my Lord, were hunting in the Ashigara Mountain, You rescued the monkey and kept her at home! She must have taken the form of Sonare to repay your kindness! The backside-view waterfall, there are two of them in Shimotsuke. The one is in the Futara Mountain,193 and the other one is in the Akaiwa Kōshin Mountain!194 Its current is strong and it falls down from a cliff, separating a valley in two. People can walk across the back of the waterfall and see the view through the water curtain. That‘s why it is called the Backside-view Waterfall! The Kōshin Mountain is inhabited only by monkeys. And because there are no                                             193 Mt. Futara-san (二荒山), also called Nantai (男体山) is a mountain in the Nikkō National Park in Tochigi Prefecture, north of Tokyo.  194 Mt. Kōshin-zan (庚申山), is a mountain in the Nikkō National Park located between Tochigi and Gunma Prefectures.  89  other other animals, people living there call that mountain, The Monkey‘s Castle! I heard that from a certain person, named Itoi, who lives in that vicinity, in the Hanawa Village.195 So, Konoha must have gone there. This is where she lives now.‖ Tomanosuke, listening to this, thought it to be true, ―I also heard the tales that, in that mountain, there is a place called Okunoin.196 Many hunters who went there saw a beautiful woman weaving cloth. And Sonare too could sustain three people by her weaving. Besides, Takako was born in the Monkey‘s year, month, day, and hour—all these match too. Now, when I think of it, I remember there was in China a certain Sonrin, whose wife, Yenshi, could transform herself into a monkey and could speak a human language,197 despite that she was just an animal, and she knew how to be grateful [just like Konoha]—how praiseworthy this must be.‖ And as two of them spoke like this, they both became overwhelmed with feeling and began to weep. But before the night was out, someone came knocking at the gate. ―Who is that?‖ Tomanosuke asked opening the door. A man standing at the gate said, ―A notice of an official business just came from the magistrate. You must appear in the office of the village chief, right now.‖ And as the man finished saying this, Tomanosuke figured the meaning of his visit, and told the news to Isotayū. Then, he put sleeping Takako, in the breast pocket of Isotayū‘s kimono, and went off together with the messenger. Right after he left, two or three men kicked the backdoor open and broke in to the house. Isotayū put off the light of the lantern hurriedly and, as he was about to run away from the thugs in the dark, was wounded two times. One thug came from behind Isotayū and cut the right stole of his vestment, and made blow after blow as Isotayū staggered. Three others followed up attacking Isotayū with their swords to cut him into pieces. He didn‘t move away trying to protect Takako from being hurt in the attack. But as he was injured, he fell on his back with the thud and pushed Takako deeper into his bosom so that she wouldn‘t make a cry [and expose herself]. Then, one bandit stepped forward and lifted his hood, ―How very strange, Hamabe Isotayū…. Who do you think I am? I‘m Kumayama Mamiemon Munetomo, retainer of Captain Hirouji of Miho. When Magistrate [Yoshikage] died, my brother Munesuke fell in love with your daughter Sonare, but because she refused his help we took her life. When you arrived, you killed Lord Hirouji and left. How regretful that was! Then, I became a rōnin,198 and was looking for you everywhere, my brother‘s enemy! This evening I found you living here. Luckily, we could fool Tomanosuke, the strong one, and lured him out. Now I will take your life, my enemy! And that girl, since she is born in the monkey‘s year and month, we‘ll use her liver to make a medicine. As I heard her story, I knew it was to time to get her, but I didn‘t even think I will be able to take your life too. The blood offering to the god of war!199 Well, well, the chanting for the dead has reached my ears. Be gone to hell!‖ And as he scooped and turned, the blood fountain                                             195 Possibly Hanawamura (花輪村) of the present-day Yamanashi Prefecture.  196 Okunoin (奥の院), or the Inner Temple.  197 The reference to an unknown Chinese source.   198 Masterless samurai.  199 ―Kado de no chimatsuri,‖ is a phrase that signifies a blood offering to the god of war (Ikusagami) before the battle. This phrase also appears in The Tales of the Soga Brothers and kabuki plays such as Reigen Soga no magaki (1809).  90  gushed forth ―out upon the sea white waves of the Mount Tatsuta, can you cross those hills by night all alone? 200 The path of the Mountain of Death, how is it? It is pitiful even to think of it.‖201 One loyal retainer, who will be greatly missed, being fifty-eight years of age, saw through to the end the dream of this world. Meanwhile, Tomanosuke was in a hurry headed to the office of the village chief. Since the messenger had other things to do, he parted on the way, and Tomanosuke went there alone. When he came to the office, there was no one there, so he quickly returned home. Upon his return, he only found Isotayū murdered, [and as it is usually the case], the thugs were already gone, and there was no way of pursuing them. Tomanosuke only stood astounded.  Chapter 5  Hereafter, Mamiemon, upon leaving this place, was staying in the mountains. ―It is a lie that I found disfavor with my masters. The truth is I am planning on a revolt [against the bakufu] together with the younger brother of general Hirouji, and general Sueuji of Miho,‖ he said [once] to his henchmen. ―Secretly, I had become a bandit. I was collecting money for the use by army of my masters. However, the young Lord Sueuji is deaf-mute from birth—that is a very serious illness. He‘s been suffering from it for a very long time, but according to some way of treatment, he can be cured by a liver from a female child born in the year and the month of monkey. If he takes that medicine, he will recover as if by magic! She is the one I caught this time—this little bitch! Bring in the pot, and let us obtain the miracle drug!‖ And as he pulled open the cover of the basket, an unthinkable thing happened. A monkey jumped out from the basket, and a multitude of monkeys appeared coming from all directions and, protecting that one white monkey, ran away into the mountains. That was Konoha. Lady Yasashi-no-Mae accompanied by her lady-in-waiting Tonami was headed to the Shimotsuke country,202 where lived Tonami‘s relative Shōji of Nasu.203 ―[My Lady], you should get there quickly,‖ said Tonami on their way. Suffering many hardships and walking only at nights, they finally reached Musashi country. In the place called Todanohara, the gang of mountain bandits came out and attacked the two. Tonami was encircled on all sides, but as she bravely fought back, the bandits were saying                                             200 An allusion to a poem in the Kokinshū (vol. 18, 994), and the Ise Stories (third poem of episode 23).  kaze fukeba When the wild wind blows, okitsu shira-nami out upon the sea white waves Tatsuta yama rise —Mount Tatsuta! yoha ni ya kimi ga can you, by night, truly mean hitori koyuran to cross those hills all alone?  In Joshua S. Mostow and Royall Tyler, The Ise Stories: Ise monogatari (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2010), 67.  201 The Mountain of Death (死出山) is believed to be located in the hell. Used as a poetic epithet signifying death.  202 Shimotsuke Province is an old name of the present-day Tochigi Prefecture.  203 Nasu (那須) is the the city in Tochigi Prefecture.  91  among themselves, ―Tonami is a woman, but she is way stronger than any man! Watch out!‖ But at the mighty swoosh of Tonami‘s sword, the ruffians cried out, ―Spare us! Forgive us!‖ and ran away in all directions. ―Come here! Come back!‖ Tonami shouted, chasing after them. Lady Yasashi-no-Mae to Tonami, ―Don‘t run after them, or you‘ll get hurt! Oh no, it‘s dangerous! Quickly come back!‖ her voice came echoing across from valley. Suddenly, a big ruffian jumped out before Lady Yasashi-no-Mae pulling a large weapon in his hand. As he took hold of her, she looked bravely into his face. He said, ―Hey! I am a brute, Mamiemon! Remember me!‖ And, as he said this, he cut her down, ―Take this!‖ A crowd of Mamiemon‘s henchmen ran in from everywhere. Lady Yasashi-no-Mae tried to defend herself the best she could, because this was the month she was to give birth, but the attackers were too many. She was struck dead, and her head was cut off. Seeing this from a distance, Tonami ran back at full speed cutting all those skillful bandits left and right, who were running away for their lives. As she reached Lady Yasashi-no-Mae she took her in her arms calling out to her. But because she sustained many wounds, she was already dead. Tonami threw herself on Lady Yasashi-no-Mae‘s dead body and wept bitterly.  But, right at that time, a crying voice of a child could be heard coming out from a cut in Lady Yasashi-no-Mae‘s body. Tonami remembered that this was the month when she was to give birth. So, quenching her tears and forgetting the pain of her injuries, she received the birth of a baby girl, [so beautiful] as if made of jewel. She took the girl in her arms unsure what to do next. The night had lighted up, and there was a palanquin coming from the distance before her escorted by a group of young coolies armed with spears. ―This is suspicious,‖ they said among themselves, looking at [blood-soaked] Tonami with the child. And as they stopped the palanquin, a fine samurai stepped out fourty-years of age. As he looked at Tonami he understood that she must be a refugee of the Kiyomi‘s House. Greatly surprised he said, ―I am Koshino Shichinoshin, a country samurai204 from Mizunuma205 of Kamitsuke.206 I am now on my way back from Kamakura.‖ There was in this group a certain person with the connection to the House of Kiyomi, who said to Tonami ―Tell [everything] in open.‖ And, Tonami too thought that there was no reason for her to hide truth from these men, and she told them the whole story as it happened. Koshino Shichinoshin nodded in accord saying, ―The death of Lady Yasashi-no-Mae is regrettable indeed. The birth of this girl is a miracle, and is an auspicious omen that the House of Kiyomi will rise again.‖ Then he ordered his aides to help Tonami into the palanquin, and to bury Lady Yasashi-no-Mae‘s body in the nearby temple and, after that, they were on the way to his residence. Meanwhile, Tomanosuke, looking for his daughter Takako, first went to the village of Akaiwa,207 which is in Ashio,208 in Shimotsuke country, and stayed there with Ikkaku                                             204 Country samurai (gōshi) were low-ranking samurai living in the countryside and supporting themselves from holdings they personally oversaw.  205 Mizonuma (溝沼) is the city in Saitama Prefecture.  206 Kamitsuke (Kōzuke) Province is the modern-day Gunma Prefecture.  207 Akaiwa Village (赤岩村) probably was located in the area of the present-day Ashio in Tochigi Prefecture.  208 Ashio (足尾) is the town in western Tochigi Prefecture. 92  Takettoo,209 whom he knew from before. He lived in hiding there waiting for the right time and teaching letters for the living. Time flew like an arrow, and Takako had grown up becoming seventeen years of age that year. Though raised in the mountain village, there was no match for her in spirit and beauty. She was gentle of heart and, to everyone‘s wonder, so physically strong that she was unrivaled even by men. She was thinking for a long time to kill her father‘s adversaries. In the daytime she would climb and hide in the Kōshin Mountain. There, she put a rope over a branch of a tree and tied a huge log to it. And as she kicked that log it swang left and right, and she was fighting with it. As her rod-fighting skills improved, she took an oath to kill her enemies and was asking people about the Backside-view Waterfall. But no one knew where it was. One day, Takako felt drowsy and fell asleep in the valley of the Kōshin Mountain. In the dream, her mother Sonare appeared and said, ―In a distance of six ri210 from here, southward, there lives Lady Yasashi-no-Mae‘s surviving offspring, Lady Mitsuhime. You should join forces with her and kill your father‘s enemy, Mamiemon!‖ Then, a white monkey came out. ―This monkey will lead the way. You should go where she takes you.‖ Then, Tomanosuke also appeared, ―Do not go home, but go [with the monkey] at once. Lady Mitsuhime will tell you everything, and, together, you will go where Mamiemon lives, and take his life! I will renounce my warrior status, seclude myself in the mountains, and learn the art of wizardry. My name will be, Rintōsen. We will keep you safe together. Go quickly now!‖ Flabbergasted, Takako woke up from the dream. And right in fornt of her, stood a white monkey, beckoning Takako to come with her. So she scooped her training rod and, dashing through the valley and mountains, headed south.  Hereupon, lady-in-waiting Tonami was released from service to the country samurai of Mizonuma and left together with the child. But, since she sustained deadly wounds, she soon passed away to the next world. Takako left entirely alone. But as she was Kiyomi‘s only surviving orphan, [she came into the service to the local lord], and was named Mitsuhime. Time flies and seasons vanish, from spring to autumn and winter. Mitsuhime had become fifteen years old that year. Truly, she was blessed by the heavens to become an honorable wife. She was beautiful and noble-minded and, with her countenance as beautiful as a jewel, she far surpassed the renowned beauties of the past and now. She usually devoted herself to reading and learning, and, as she was grieving the death of her parents, she was also dedicated to the chanting of the Lotus Sutra. There was a Zen temple called Jōganji211 in that area, that upheld the teachings popular at that time, of monks Unshū212 and Tanryū.213 They built a temple called Shōzenji214 in the Akagi                                                                                                                                              209 Akaiwa Ikkaku (Taketoo) (赤岩一角武遠) was the fictional character in Kyokutei Bakin‘s yomihon Nansō Satomi hakkenden (The Eight Dogs Chronicles, 1814–1842).  210 Six ri would equal the distance of three kilometers.  211 The location of Jōganji Temple (常願寺) is not entirely clear. It was perhaps the part of the bigger temple complex together with the Shōzenji Temple (正善寺).  93  Mountain,215 where, Takako dwellt for the time being in Jōganji. General Koshino, upon seeing Takako in the temple, spoke kindly to her, ―This lady will improve her fortune. She is the one who will restore the house of one of the lords of this land. However, your parents had passed away, it is difficult for them to reach enlightment. They are receiving the torture from demons right now. In order to improve their fate, you must chant the Feast of Lanterns Sutra,216 and copy the Lotus Sutra.‖217 Takako was very glad as she was assigned to chant these sutras. Assisted by the monk Unshū, in assembly with many acolytes, she began learning the Great Wisdom Sutra.218 Once, Takako was in the inner chamber of the temple copying the Lotus Sutra. When she finished copying, she was sitting in the inner pavillion resting her hands on the railing, and listening closely to the chanting of the multitude of monks. She was carefully committing their every word to heart, and quitely slipped into a dream. The sixteen benevolent gods, protectors of families, appeared in front her, and from their midst, came out Tang‘s Priest Tripitaka and, approaching her, said in a subtle voice, ―Well, well. How admirable this is! The House of Kiyomi is to be restored! The name of Mitsuhime too, is like my name, Sanzō. It signifies the three holy treasures, and is naturally written with the characters of ―three‖ and ―storehouse.‖ So the enemy of yours, Mamiemon, now lives in Asamagatake,219 on the Shinano Road,220 in the Ghostly Cave, having many men in his submission. In the time of insurgence, he stole two treasures from the Kiyomi House, the Hagoromo‘s mirror, and the Matsukage‘s inkstone. They are now in his possesion there. Though you do not have anyone to support you now, you must go to Asama at once to apprehend the two treasures. Right now, Mamiemon is planning to take over this whole country in a coup. The time has come to destroy him. When you will have accompished this, the House of Kiyomi will be restored. In due course, the helpers will come to to your aide!‖ As he finished saying this, a trail of purple smoke appeared and concealed his figure out of sight.                                                                                                                                             212 Is a likely reference to a Buddhist monk Unshū Sōryū 雲岫宗竜 (1394−1479) of the Sōtō sect. He was the founder of Kōgon-in Temple (広厳院) in 1460 located in present-day Yamanashi Prefecture.  213 Tanryū is the reference to an unknown historical figure.  214 The location of this temple is not entirely clear. There is the Shōzenji Temple (正善寺) in Shibukawa city of the present-day Gunma Prefecture. However, it belongs to the Tendai sect, not Sōtō sect.  215 Mt. Akagi (赤城山) is located in present-day Gunma Prefecture.  216 Feast of Lanterns Sutra (Ja. Urabonkyō 盂蘭盆経, San. Ullambana Sutra) is a sutra of Mahāyāna Buddhism. It represents in a brief conversation between the Buddha and the monk Maudgalyayana on the practice of filial piety.   217 Lotus Sutra (Ja. Hokekyō 法華経, San. Saddharma Puṇḍarīka Sutra) is one of the most popular and influential sutras of Mahāyāna Buddhism, and the basis on which many schools of Buddhism were established.  218 Great Wisom Sutra, or Large Perfection of Wisdom Sutra (Ja. Dai Hannya Haramitakyō 大般若波羅蜜多経, Sn. Mahāprajñāpāramitā Sutra) is a collection of Buddhist texts translated, among others, into Chinese by Xuanzang.  219 Asamadake (浅間嶽) is the town in Nagano Prefecture.  220 Shinano Province (Shinshū) is an old name of present-day Nagano Prefecture.  94  At that moment, a young lady came out in the garden and said, ―Lady Mitsuhime, is that you? Follow me!‖ And, taking Mitsuhime by the hand, they both vanished as if in a dream.  Chapter 6  Five years ago.  Hereupon, in the Bandō region,221 there is the Tonegawa River, which is the biggest river of that region. There lived a certain Samegai—master of kenjutsu222 in the place called Shiratsuka. O-Sago, his daughter, was the person of fair appearance and gentle heart. After her father passed away, she lived with her mother doing fishing in Tonegawa for the living. It was a very modest livelihood, and, since O-Sago was very attractive, there were many who tried to marry her. But, besides her beauty, since her parents had already passed on to her the secret teachings of kenjutsu and jūjutsu,223 she needed a man equally excelling in the martial arts in order to continue the family line. And as there was no such man in sight, she remained single. So, day and night, O-Sago would be steering a boat in the Tonegawa River casting nets and catching fish. People did not make careless jokes behind her back, fearing her physical strenth and sleight of hand, but would speak well of her. One night, O-Sago was steering her boat with a pole, casting nets as usual. The moon was especially bright, and as the catch was not as big as she had expected, O-Sago was sitting in a boat enjoying the night-view around her. When, all of a sudden, a huge hand of a horrific monster appeared from the water and lifted O-Sago‘s boat up in the air. But since she had always been a courageous woman, she remained unmoved and continued smoking her pipe. Then the monster pulled the boat down in the water and was about to sink it, when she jumped into the river and began wrestling the hand. The monster was startled to see that O-Sago was a skillfull swimmer, and tried to flee. O-Sago grappled with the monster, which had now turned small, and finally took hold of him. She pulled him into the boat, tied him with ropes and returned home. On the next day, she found the monster to be a kappa,224 and as the news spread around the area, people came from everywhere to see the creature. One day, the kappa apologized to O-Sago [for the wrong-doing], and taught her the way of immortality. After that he gave promice to never bother people of the Shiratsuka Village again, and was released into the river. One night, O-Sago, as usual, went for the night-fishing. Some people sneaked in to her house, killed her mother in just one blow of a sword, and stole the secret writings about kenjutsu. Shouting loudly, O-Sago pursued the attackers, but they fled away. Thinking to herself, ―There are many people in the pleasure quarters. So if I become a prostitute, I will get leads tracking them down from there.‖ And she sold herself to the Koigakubo225 quarter in Musashi country.                                             221 Bandō is an old name signifying Kantō region consisting of Tokyo, Chiba, Saitama, Kanagawa, Gumma, Ibaraki, and Tochigi prefectures.  222 Kenjutsu (or kendō) is the Japanese fencing based on the techniques of the two-handed sword of the samurai.  223 Jūjutsu (or jūdō) is one of the Japanese martial arts, a form of unarmed combat.  224 Kappa is an amphibious supernatural creature inhabiting waters and derived from the Japanese folklore.  225 A reference to an unknown location. 95  She changed her name to Masago, and after she started applying cosmetics, her looks became so ravishing that she put all flowers of spring to shame, moving hearts of men. Her skin was so white that the moon envied her, and she made an impression of being covered with all the colors of autumn. Many men fought among themselves to get her favours. Connosseurs of the pleasure quarters, hearing that Masago had always disliked men, and had decorated her residence in an usual way and, also, that no man had ever touched her skin, found this character of her extremely appealing. ―I‘d want to pop a cherry of that prude so bad!‖ men clamoured among themselves. And as there were many customers visiting Masago, there was no break in their growing numbers. Once, several bad guys, wanting to embarass Masago, did a few bad things and even behaved violently towards her. And when they were about to run away, she chased and grabbed them, and started punching them. They couldn‘t even return a blow. And, seeing that she is stronger beyond an average person, they ran away without even turning back. Among the prostitutes who were looking at the tussle between Masago and the thugs, stood their head, Kanzaemon. He ran to Masago and grabbed her by the wrist, but she threw him away without even looking at him. Then, Kanzaemon drew the sword and stood into an attacking position. And as he said with contempt, ―Watch out to not get hurt,‖ he took the position of shuren.226 Then, scattering the ashes from the tabacco pipe, he took the position of koran,227 and made the move with the sword sending forward a strong gust of air. Masago seeing this understood everything, ―That is the technique passed on in our family. No other man should know it!‖ Then, Kanzaemon stood on the lower stair of a bridge and said, ―Oh, Kinkaku Daiō is only my nickname. I am Kumayama Mamiemon! The one who took the life of your parents, and stole the secret writings is me!‖ Hearing the noise of the fierce fighting, a crowd of people had gathered from the nearby houses and watched the two. Masago was glad that she would now kill her enemy, and pulled a short sword from her kimono. And as she was about to attack, Mamiemon made a sign with his hands and pronounced a spell. A black cloud descended, and, covering his whole body, rose up in the air, and flew away towards the north. Masago, seeing this, was very angry and went chasing after the cloud. The sun set down, and the sky darkened. Mamiemon‘s figure had already disappeared from sight. But because of the secret of immortality Masago received from the kappa, her feet did not hurt in the least from running barefoot. She had reached the northern country. ―I need to hurry, and get him!‖ she thought to herself. Then, all of a sudden, she saw a horse flying in the air that came right in front of her. Masago, loosing patience, said ―Get out of my way!‖ But the horse did not move. In the moonlight, she could tell that the pattern on the saddle flap was exactly like on the picture transmitted from generation to generation in her family. She always had that picture with her. And as she reached into the pocket and took it out to see it, miraculously, the horse drawn on the picture was as if cut out. ―This picture has a miraculous quality. And it will help me,‖ Masago said gladly. As she sat on the horse, it flew in the sky, and in just a moment, they crossed the mountain and waters, and arrived in a place called                                                                                                                                              226 Shuren (手練) is a combative position in kendō.  227 Koran (虎乱) is a combative position in kendō.  96  Yunosawa,228 which is on the foot of the Akagi Mountain, in Shimotsuke. There is a hot spring there caled Akaginoyu. The horse stopped [in that area]. And when O-Sago came down from the horse, she saw two women standing in front of her. As she came closer she asked why they were there, but the women looked very surprised too, and then an old man appeared before them dragging in another woman with one hand. The woman was screaming on the top of her voice, ―Hey, let me go!‖ Then she turned towards Mitsuhime and said, ―So good of you to heed the words of Priest Tripitaka! Devising a great plan to seize Mamiemon, who‘s living in hiding now in the Asama Mountain, in order to return the stolen household treasure, and bring the enemy to ruin is indeed an admirable and praiseworthy act! Needless to say, since he is Takako‘s enemy and O-Sago‘s enemy too, you should act with one accord and aid Mitsuhime [in her great undertaking] by joining forces together. O-Ino, since you‘ve committed a murder, your wrong-doing is great. But you must submit to Mitsuhime and follow her to the Road of Shinano. Your father told you about this. He used to be one of the Kiyomi retainers. Then, he became a masterless samurai and hunter. You must all join forces together, and destroy evil Mamiemon! Mamiemon possesses magic powers and can fly freely. So it will be difficult to strike him. I will grant you my protection, and you must fight, from now on, with all your strength. I will give Mitsuhime a secret power too. The binding technique! When she will speak that spell in quite, a man will be bound by it, and will not move. It is called teishin shingen,229 and you must never doubt this!‖ As she finished saying this, the wind blew and lifted her high in the air. That was boddhisattwa Kannon. And all four knelt down and worshipped her. Then, they made preparations, and after sitting Mitsuhime on the horse, all four headed to the Shinano Road.  Mamiemon was in his residence in Asama. He gathered many beauties there, and spent endless days and nights in drunken feasts, secretely, bringing in allies and planning on the coup.  After this, the four women had gone through many hardships, and even broke apart once after being lost on their way in the mountains. Kannon led their way, and, after reaching Asama, they became female street performers.230 One day, they were performing a monkey show,231 and a jōruri-singing performance called Asama.232 Mamiemon realized that they are trying to captivate the hearts of people by their performance, and closed himself behind the stone gates [in the residence]. And as the four attacked him there, he fled away.                                             228 Yunosawa (沢温泉) is the location in Gunma Prefecture.  229 Teishin shingen (定心真言) is the name of a mantra used by Priest Xuanzang to subdue Son Wukong in JW.  230 Female street performers or onna-dayū reciting dramatic narratives to the shamisen accompaniment.  231 Monkey show (saruhiki) was a popular type of street performance.  232 Could be a reference to a kabuki play entitled Keisei Asamagatake (The Prostitutes of Asamagatake, 1698).  97  [Meanwhile], Tomanosuke, while secluding himself in the Ontake Mountain,233 learned the secret art of wizardly and menaced Mamiemon as well. Then, Mamiemon fled to Kamakura and lived there. The three women became geishas and followed him to Kamakura. The news of Mamiemon‘s coup leaked out, and he was destroyed by Mitsuhime. But, there is a long story until then. You would need to wait until the last volume to see how it all happens.  Dear all, here is the beginning of Journey to the West. From now, many plots will be devised, and you will need to compare it to the real Journey to the West having later volumes of the novel in hand.  The shop of Somahito selling the medical toothpaste, Chōjiguruma. Written by Nansen Somahito Illustrated by Kuniyasu Copied by Insei   Text in conversations between the characters.  Chap. 4, p. 16 ura. ―Mommy!... Wait! Mommy!...‖  Chap. 4, p. 17 ura and p. 18 omote. ―Monkeys are very close to humans. Animals too understand empathy. There are some people though with human face, but with beastly hearts. The great wrong committed by Miho’s general overtaking the land of our lord. The Heaven will not leave him unpunished. Oh, there’s no escape [from divine retribution]....‖ ―This blood-stained sleeve.... After Sonare’s death until today, it reminds me of her all this time, as if nothing has changed.‖ ―Grandpa, give me that red cloth.‖  Chap. 4, p. 19 omote. The picture of Akaiwa Kōshin Mountain, the Backside-view Waterfall  Chap. 4, p. 20 ura. Who did this? What a merciless thing to do! Even if I follow them now, this loss is such a pity! What a pity! What a pity!  Chap. 6, p. 28 ura and p. 29 omote. Karasu Kanzaemon, also called Kinkaku Daiō, was the head of a Kinkaku gang sauntering the pleasure quarters. The treasure of the House of Samegai, the brush of Ogiwara Tōkei,234 the picture of the white horse. It was transmitted in this family from the ancient days.                                             233 Mt. Ontake-san (御嶽山/御岳山) is located on the border between Nagano and Gifu prefectures.  234 Probably a reference to Ogiwara Tōkei (Ogura Tōkei) (?–?) who was the Tokugawa-period artist.  98  Their family name was written as ―well of the white horse,‖ but was changed to ―well of the shark.‖235 Desert Dragon God became the white horse. The picture by Teisai. Lord Tōyō Hoshino learned painting from the elder Karasukawa of Kamakura. He was a famous man of his day.236                                              235 By explaining the origins of the family name Samegai spelled as ―well of the white horse‖ (白馬井) changed to ―well of the shark‖ (鮫ヶ井), Shunsui establishes connection this old family and the magical picture of the white horse.  236 The passage contains references to historical three figures (Teisai, Tōyō Hoshino, and Karasukawa) whose identity is uncertain.  99  Appendix E: Japanese Text of Fūzoku onna Saiyūki (Vol. 1 and 2) 楚満人作 国安画 ねのとしのしんはん艸帋 風ふう俗ぞく女をんな西さい遊ゆう記き 前篇 子春発兌 東都書房 永寿堂新鐫  普ふハ 廣くわう々/\として 周あまねく。遍へんハ底てい々/\として深ふかきことばかりなしと。 光くハう明ミやう遍へん昭ぜう十じつ方ぽう世せ界かい。食言う そ八はつ百ぴやく里り八はち萬まん里りハ。彼かの西さい遊ゆう記きの大空めつほう界かい妄まう誤ご戒かいの罪つみ深ふかきハ。砂 漠りうさがハにもまさるべき。其その亦また空うそを世せ利り賣うりに引とり用つぐ誆うそも八はつ百ぴやく里り。此この武む蔵さし埜のの御ごひゐきに。今茲こ と しも筆ふでを鶏とりがなく。 東あづまの海うミの傲がう來らい國こく。そも水すい簾れん洞どうの美び猴こう王わう仙せん教けうを受うけて躬ミを変へんじ。孫そん行ぎやう者じやと稱せうせられ。三さん蔵ぞう尊そん師しを 佐たすけつゝ。浮ぶつ屠き典やうを 求もとめんため。西さい天てんに 赴おもむくと。中華もろこし人びとの文美か ざ りなす。珍ちん文ぷん漢かん語ごを和觧やわらげて。東都ゑ どの自じ慢まんの赤あか本ほんの。部中な か まに加くわふる国 字おんなもじ。 則やつぱり女をんな西さい遊ゆう記き。西さい遊ゆう原もと稿より西さい邑ゆうから。思おもひ起おこして西にし邑むらの。新しん著ちよの敷かづに漫でた綴らめの。作さく者しやハ獃けん子すの猪ちよ八はつ戒かい沙しや僧そうにあらで麁相そ ゝ うの 小しやう説せつ。 ○ためのじさるの花押かきはんハ。三さん本ぼんたらぬ 予おのれが生せう得とく。其その拙つたなきを捨すて給ハず。御ご評ひやう判ばんをかふむらバ。これぞ書林ふ ミ やの金きん斗と雲うん。乗のつて二に編へんも三さん編べんも。つゞく 梓あづさの氷えい壽じゆ堂だう。利潤う れ る黄こ金がねの ^ ○やまかたに・どんゞ當あたるをこゐねがふ。欲心よくばり作さく者しやハ御ごぞんじの。岩井梅我く め ざ歯は磨みがき精せい製ほう所どころ  丁てう子じ車ぐるまの为人あ る じ 狂訓亭楚満人 文政十一子春新絵艸紙の魁本  千里眼 順風耳 水すい簾れん洞とうの美び猴こう王わう仙せんを 学まなび神しんに通つうじ三さん蔵ざうを 佐たすく降がう魔まの古ふる事こと  三さん蔵さう 温良おだやかにして 心こゝろ剛つよく 百ひやく折せつ千せん磨まの苦く心しん 終つひに大たい業ぎやう成なる 三みつ姫ひめ  八はつ戒かい 獃子あ ほ うに偽ぎする一いつ個この小せう女ぢよ 真しん膽たん直なほくして勇ゆう義ぎにくみす  沙しや僧そう 遠くなり近くなるみの浜千鳥なくねに汐のみちひをぞしる  雲くもの鬢びんづら滑ぬめらかに 雪ゆきの膚はだへは 濃こまやかなり一いつ旦たん柳りう眉びを揚あぐる折ときは烈れつ然ぜんとして 丈ぢやう夫ぶをおそれしむ  姦かしましき 姿すがたはあれど三さん人にんが文もん殊じゆの智ち恵ゑよ海うみ山やまの幸さち 多満人詠  外げ面めん如によ菩ぼ薩さつ 内ない心しん如によ夜や叉しや。それは 釈しやく氏しの片かた手て打うち。賢けん愚ぐ邪じや正しやうは男なん女によを不隔へだてず。からやまと賢けん女ぢよ鑑かゝみや列れつ女ちよ伝でん 本ほん町ちやうの市し隠いん 小こ松まつ即そく戯げ  二の巻 発ほつ端たん 鎌かま倉くらの 武 将〈ぶしやう〉頼より朝とも公〈こう〉、日につ本ぽん惣〈そう〉追つい捕ほ使しに任にんじられ給ひ、 四〈し〉海かいしばらく静せい謐ひつに治おさまりし頃に当あたり。駿すん州しうの管領 清〈きよ見み〉の 判〈はん〉官ぐはん、義よし景〈かげ〉と聞きこへしは、文ぶんに富とみたる 良りやう将しやうにおはしければ、御おん家いへのこの面めん/\も、文ぶん武ぶの道を励はげみ学まなぶ者ものから、一人として、文ぶん武ぶに疎うとき者ものなし。其そ家が中なかに譜ふ代だいの老らう臣しん、浦うら松まつ苫とま右衛ゑ門もんと言いふ者の子に、苦とま之の丞すけと呼よべる若わか者ものあり。苫右衛門は去いぬる年とし身み罷まかり、苦之丞十八歳にして、父ちゝの遺い跡せきを相そう続ぞくしけるが、この苫之丞は、とりわけ幼いとけなきより、文ぶん武ぶの道みちを励はげみ、十八番ばんの武ぶ芸げいこと/″\く、 諦あきらめずと言いふことなく、文ぶん学がくは張範馬郷が上うへを越こして、その身おきく、七歩ほにも恥はぢず。天てん生せい美び男なんにして、中華もろこしの 宋〈そう玉ぎよく〉、100  我わが朝てうの源氏業なり平ひらにも、恥はぢざるほどの器き量りやうなりしかば、何いつ家か中ちうの 娘むすめ子こ供どもは、言いふも更さらなり、下げ女ぢよ婢妾は し たにいたるまで、苫之丞が通とふる事ごとには走はしり出いでゝ、目め引ひき袖そで引ひきせざるもなし。されど、苫之丞は露つゆばかりも、さる戯たはれたる 行おこなひをなさず。勤きん仕しの 暇いとまには狩かりを好このみ、とりわけて弓ゆみ射ゐる技わざに長てうじ、百歩の堀ほりに 柳やなぎを射ゐたる中華もろこし人はものかは、天てんを翔かける 翼つばさ、地ちを走はしる 獣けものも、目めに 遮さへぎる物ものならば、苫之丞が 鏃やじりを逃のがるゝこと能あたはず。かゝる若わか者ものなれば、何いつ家か中ちうにて 娘むすめ持もたる人は、何卒なにとぞ苫之丞を婿むこに取とらばやと望のぞむと言いへども、また苫之丞は、色いろを好このまざれば、顔かほ貌かたちの善よし悪あしを選ゑらばず、 行おこなひの正たゞしからんを娶めとらんと、 専もつぱらその人を選ゑらみしに、これも清見家、譜ふ代だいの 家〈いえ〉柄がらに、浜はま辺べ磯いそ太た夫ゆうといふ者ものあり。この磯いそ太た夫ゆうが一人ひ と り娘むすめに、磯そ馴なれと言いへるは、今年こ と し一八の春はるを迎むかへて、その 美うつくしきことは、王おう昭しやう西せい施しはいざ知しらず。衣そ通とふり小 町〈こまち〉と言いへども、かくまでにはあらじと思おもふほどの美び人じんにして、糸いと竹たけの調しらべ、絵ゑ描がき、花はな結むすび、三十一ひと文も字じ、何なにゝ真まん女おな子ごの手技わざ極きわめ、学まなばずといふ事なし。しかのみならず、貞てい烈れつ類たぐひなかりければ、苫之丞は、磯そ馴なれが貞てい烈れつなる由よしを甚いたく聞きゝて、娶めとらんことを請こふに、磯太夫も日ひ頃ごろより、苫之丞が文ぶん武ぶの道に暗くらからず、しかも疾とくから正せい中ちうの若わか者ものにと、末すへ頼たのもしきを心の中うちに愛あいしければ、たゞ一人の 娘むすめなれど 喜よろこびて、早さつ速そく贈おくらんことを約やくしけるにぞ。苫之丞も深ふかく、その恩おんを感かんじ、双そう方ほうより殿とのへ願ねがひを上あげし所、殿とのにも似に合やはしき縁ゑん組ぐみなりとて、早さつ速そく許ゆるし給ひければ、両家の 喜よろこび大方かたならず。 改あらためて 媒なかだちを頼たのみ、 吉 日〈きちにち〉良りやう辰しんを選ゑらび、婚こん姻いんこと故ゆゑなく 整とゝのひて、千せん秋しゆう万ばん歳ぜいとぞ 祝しゆくしける。かくてある時とき、苫之丞はたま/\半はん日じつ閑か得えければ、隣りん国ごく足あし柄がら山〈やま〉に狩かりしけるに、とある谷たにを隔へだてゝ向むかふに、一いち羽の 鷲(わし)小猿ざるを掴つかみて、すでに食くらわんとする体ていたらくに、苫之丞は不ふ憫びんに思おもひ、弓ゆみに矢やを番つがひ、よつ引びき、ひやうと放はなてば、 過あやまたず鷲の喉のど笛ぶへを射ゐ貫つらぬけるにぞ。鷲は頓とみに死しゝければ、苫之丞は彼かの猿さるを捕とらへて、見るに、此猿さるいたつて小ちいさく、その毛けこと/″\く白しろかりければ、苫之丞は 喜よろこび、これを勢せ子この者ものに抱いだかせ、我わが家へ立たち帰かへりければ、妻つまの磯そ馴なれは出いで向むかひ、彼かの猿さるの事を聞て不ふ憫びんに思おもひ、「それは、危あやふきことにてありし」と言いひつゝ、猿さるを見みれば、その 形かたち至いたつて小ちいさく、 掌たなごゝろにも載のるべく、かつ 惣〈そう〉身しんの毛け白しろくして、雪ゆきを 欺あざむくが如ごときに、磯そ馴なれは 元くわん来らい、情なさけ深ふかき生うまれ付つきなりければ、大おふきに 喜よろこび、この猿さるを 木(こ)の 葉(は)と名な付づけ、我わが子の如ごとく 慈いつくしみけるにぞ。木この葉はも又、磯そ馴なれを慕したふこと親おやの如ごとく、片かた時ときも側そばを離はなれず。しかのみならず、この猿さる良よく人の言こと葉ばを解かいし、また人の如ごとく立たちて、 万よろづの用を弁べんじければ、一ト入しほ不ふ憫びんさも弥いや増まさり、寵てう愛あいかぎりなかりける。  ○美 服(びふく)人の指ゆびさゝんことを憂うれひ、高 明 神(かうめいしん)の憎にくみに迫せまると、磯そ馴なれが苫之丞に嫁とつげるや、 眞まことに佳人才子(かじんさいし)に会あひし 良(りやう)縁ゑんと言いふベし。楽たのしみ尽つき哀かなしみ来きたる 諺ことわざの如ごとく、苫之丞はふと、足あしに腫しゆ物もつ出いで来きけるが、次し第だいに重おもり、 靏 疾 風(くはくしつぷう)と言いへる 病やまひに成なりにけるにぞ。磯そ馴なれが歎なげき大おふ方かたならず、有あると有あらゆる名めい医ゝを招まねき、いろ/\ 療りやう治ぢを加くわへけれども、多た年ねん気きの凝こりし故ゆゑにや、頓とみには治じすべき風ふ情ぜいも、更さらに見みへざりける。苫之丞が 病やまひ日に増まして重おもり、 行ぎやう歩ぶ自じ在ざいならざりければ、 舅しゆうと浜辺磯太夫も 驚おどろき、色いろ/\様さま/″\心を尽つくせど、更さらにその甲か斐ひもなかりける。101  こゝに或ある人の言いふには、「この 病やまひなか/\以もつて、針しん灸きやう薬やく治じの及およぶところあらず。たゞ、これを治なをさんには、摂劦有馬の温おん泉せんに湯とふ治じせば、速すみやかなるべし」と言いふ。苫之丞も実げにもと思おもへど、「何なにを言いわんにも、为持もちのことなれば、 私わたくしの自じ由ゆうにもならず」と、かくと判はん官ぐはん殿どのへ聞きこへ上あげ、しばしの御おん暇いとまを願ねがひければ、判はん官ぐはん義よし景かげ公〈こう〉も予かねて、悲ひ愴そうの臣しん下か苫之丞が事ことと言いひ、かつは 病やまひの事ことなれば、早さつ速そく湯とふ治じを許ゆるし給ふにぞ。苫之丞 喜よろこび頓とみに、その用よう意ゐを為なしにけるが、妻つま磯そ馴なれに向むかひ言いへりけるは、「 人〈にん〉間げんは老らう尐しやう不ふ定ぜうと言いふ中なかにも、今戦せん国ごくの後のち、四し海かいやゝ、鎌かま倉くら殿どのゝ武ぶ徳とくに泤なづみ、穏おだやかなるには似にたれども、平家の残ざん党とう木曽〈きそ〉の余よ類るい、諸しよ国こくに隠かくれ住ずめば、いつ何なん時どきいかなる椿ちん事じ出しゆつ来たいせんも計はかり難がたし。御おん身みと我われと夫ふう婦ふになりて、今行いくほどもなくして、かく百里の方ほうに遠とふざかるも、 病やまひの為なすところなれば、かならずしも歎なげくべきにあらず。 病やまひ尐すこしにても 快こゝろよくは、早さつ速そく帰き国こくすべし。もしや、我わが留る守すの中うちに、万まん一いちの椿ちん事じ出しゆつ来たいするとも、かならず短たん慮りよを出いだすべからず。御おん身みのて手ゝ児ご、磯太夫殿どのに御ご前ぜんの事は、万ばん事じ頼たのみ置おいたれば、そのことは 必かならず、安あんずべからず。また、 木(こ)の 葉(は)は畜ちく生せうながら、よく恩おんを知しり、我われ/\夫ふう婦ふを大たい切せつにすれば、随ずい分ぶん情なさけを掛かけて、 養やしのふベし 人〈にん〉間げんと畜ちく生せうと、その分ぶんは異ことなれど、かく一ひとつ家いへに暮くらすと言いふは、よく/\深ふかき因いん縁ゑんなるべし。構かまへて疎そ略りやくにすべからず」と、こま/″\と言いひ残のこし。籠かごに打うち乗のりて、有あり馬まへ発ほつ足そくするに、磯太夫も道みちのほど、二三里が 間あいだ送おくり来きたり。別わかれて立たち帰かへりぬ。木の葉は、妻つまの磯そ馴なれに抱いだかれて、玄げん関くはんまで送おくり出いでけるが、別わかれおや惜おしみけん、 涙なみだを溢こぼし、泣なき叫さけびて、諸もろ共ともに 従したがひ行ゆかんとするを、やふ/\のことにて、いろ/\と賺すかし 慰こしらへて、奥おくへ 伴ともなひける。これぞ、夫ふう婦ふが長ながき別わかれとは、神かみならぬ身みの知しらざるぞ哀あはれとは、後のちにぞ思おもひ知しられけり。  ○こゝに又、判はん官ぐはん義よし景〈かげ〉の幕ぽつ下かに、三保(みほ)の 郡 領(ぐんりやう供 氏ひろうじ)、同おなじく郡司(ぐんじ季 氏すへうじ)と言いふ、兄弟の者ものありしが、 心こゝろ良よからぬ者ものにて、予かねて謀む反ほんの 企くはだてあつて、折おりもあらば、清見の家いへを横おう領りやうなさばやと 窺うかゞひけるが、浦松苫之丞が有あり馬まへ湯とふ治じに発ほつ足そくせしを、敵てき国こくへ内ない通つうせしよふに、北条家へ讒ざん言げんせしかば、鎌かま倉くら殿どのも 眞まことなりと思おぼし召めし、郡ぐん領りやうに打うつ手てに向むかふべき由よしを、命めいじ給ひければ、兄弟は年頃ごろの計けい略りやくなりぬと 喜よろこび、早さつ速そく家いゑに帰かへり、軍ぐん勢せいをも用よふし、義よし景かげが 館やかたへ押おし寄よせ、急きうに鬨ときをどつと挙あげしかば、清見の 館やかたには騒そう動どう大おふ方かたならず。上うへを下したへと騒さはぎ立たちて、太刀た ちよ物ものゝ具ぐよと言いふ間まに、郡ぐん領りやうが手ての者ものは我われも/\と込こみ入いりて、 四〈し〉方ほう八〈はち〉面めんに切きつて、回まはるに詮せん方かたなく、館やかたの者ものども大半はん討うたれければ、判はん官ぐはんは奥おく方がた殿どのを近ちかく召めされ、「 汝なんぢ身み籠ごもりて、すでに三月に及およぶ。何卒なにとぞこの場ばを遁のがれ、腹はらなる子を産うみ落おとし、時じ節せつを待まちて 再ふたたび、清見の家いへを起おこしくれよ。これ今、死しするに勝まさる貞てい烈れつなり」と、家の系けい図づを渡わたし、腹はら十文もん字じに掻かき切きりて、遂ついに 儚はかなくなり給ひければ、屋や差さしの前まへは身も世よもあられず、死しぬにも死しなれぬ、この場ばの仕し儀ぎ、天てんに 憧あこがれ地ちに叫さけび、 狂きやう気きの如ごとくに臥ふし転ころび、前ぜん後ご正せう体たいなかりける。かゝる折から、となみの 局つぼねは敵てきを追おつ散ちらして傷きづを負おひ、朱あけに染そみて立たち帰かへり、この体ていを見みて、泣なき伏ふしてゐ給ふ屋や差さしの前まへを助たすけ起おこし、委い細さいの様よふ子すを聞きゝ、しからば殿との様さまの御ご遺ゆい言げんに 従したがひ、一ト先まづ、この 所ところを落おち延のび、時じ102  節せつを待まつにしかず。さりながら御お家の重てう宝ほう、羽衣の名 鏡きやう、松陰かげの 硯すゞりの二ふた品しな、かくては例たとへ、系けい図づが有ありとても益ゑきなしと、かび/″\しくも宝ほう蔵ぞうへ駆かけ入いりて、彼かの二タ品しなを取とらんとするに、はや雲うん霞かの大勢ぜい道みちを 遮さへぎり、「屋や差さしの前まへを渡わたせ」と呼よばわるにぞ。となみは 宝たからを取とり得ゑん 暇いとまなく、追おつ散ちらし/\奥おく方がたの御おん伴ともして、何処い づ くともなく落おち失うせける。  三の巻 ○こゝに浦松苫之丞が妻つま磯そ馴なれは、この騒そう動どうに詮せん方かたなく、長なぎ刀なたの鞘さやを外はづして、敵てきに渡わたり合あひ 戦たゝかひしが、多た勢せいに武ぶ勢せい敵かなひ難がたく、すでに危あやうき 所ところへ、木この葉はは走はしり来きたり。彼方あ な た此方こ な たの軍ぐん兵びやうの首頭か う べに、取とり付つき毟むしり付つき支さゝへければ、さしもの敵てき兵へいも、あしらひ兺かねて見みへけれども、目めに余あまる大軍ぐんなれば、新あら手てを入いれ替かへ/\攻せめ 戦たゝかふに、 館やかたの者ものは多おほく、見み做なすはだにて到いたるにぞ。甲かつ冑ちうにて身み軽がるに出いで立たち、さる事なれば、数す箇か所しよの手て傷きずを 被かふむり手て負をひ、死し人にんの数かずを知しらず、親おや討うたるれども子、これを助たすくる 暇いとまなく、必ひつ死しに成なりて挑いどみける。磯そ馴なれは 力ちからすでに尽つきて、彼処か し こ此こ処ゝに手傷きずを 被かふむり、 刀かたなを杖つゑに付つきて、父が行ゆく方ゑを彼処か し こ此こ処ゝと、探さがし求もとめしところ、郡ぐん領りやうが手ての者もの、磯そ馴なれが顔かほ良よきを見て、大おふきに 喜よろこび近ちかく進すゝみ、「御おん身みは定さだめて、清見家けの身み内うちの人の妻つまなるべきが、大将義よし景かげ公さへ、すでに討うたれ給ひ、されば御おん内うちの者もの誰たれあつて、 存ながらゆる者もの一人ひ と りだになし。死しゝたる 夫おつとに 操みさほを守まもらんより、我われに 従したがわば、今いまより 女によう房ぼうと成なして、 慈いつくしむべし」と、撓しな垂だれ掛かゝれば、磯そ馴なれはとつて突つき除のけ、「汚けがらはしき事ことを聞きくものかな。さては、はや御ご为しゆ人じん義よし景かげ公には、討うち死じにし給ひしとや、我わが 夫おつと苫之丞、健すこやかにて国くにゝ居おらば、必ひつ死しを極きわめても 戦たゝかふべきに、折おり悪あしく旅たび路じに 赴おもむきたれば、詮せん方かたなし。とても生いき永ながらへ敵てきのために、恥はづかしめられんより、 潔いさぎよく死しなんにしかず」と、蹌よ踉ろめきながら、切きつて掛かゝれば、彼かの雑ぞう兵ひやうは飛とび退しさりて、 刀かたなを払はらひ落おとし。「我われ情なさけ心ごゝろを持もつて、敵てきながらも助たすけ得ゑさせ、我わが 女によう房ぼうとも為なさんと思おもふに、却かへつて 汝なんぢは我われに歯は向むかふ。これ何なんの通どふりぞや。しからば、望のぞみに任まかせて、 命いのちを縮ちゞめてくれんず」と、肩かた先さき深ふかく切きり込こめば、あつと倒たふれて打うち伏ぶせしが、親おやと夫おつとを慕したへる一いち念ねん、凝こり固かたまりて息いき吹ふき返かへし、 刀かたなを杖つゑに身みを起おこせば、雑ぞう兵ひやうは嬲なぶり切ぎり、此こ方なたはもはや断だん末まつ魔まの、目めは見みへねども滅めつ多た打うち、磯太夫は遠とふ目めに見みて、韋い駄だ天てん走ばしりに走はしり付つき、彼かの雑ぞう兵ひやうを取とつて投なげ、たゞ一ト 刀かたなに切きり倒たふし、磯そ馴なれを助たすけ起おこし、耳みゝに口くちを寄よせ、「磯そ馴なれ、気きを確たしかに持もつベし。磯太夫なるぞ。父ちゝなるぞ」と、大恩おん情じやうに呼よばわれば、磯そ馴なれは苦くるしき息いきの下した、「父ちゝ上うへか。遅おそかりし。今いまこゝへ、敵てきが他たの雑ぞう兵ひやう来きたりて、 妾わらはを恥はづかしめんとせし故ゆゑ、例たとへ死しすとも 操みさほは破やぶらじ」と、 心こゝろは弥猛や た けに逸はやれとも、最さい前ぜんより多おほくの敵てきと 戦たゝかひたれば、 力ちから尽つきて遂つひにかくの如ごとく、深ふか傷でを負おひければ、もはや長ながらへ難がたし。「何卒なにとぞ妾わらはが首くびを討うちて、早はやく苦く痛つうを 免まぬがれしめ給たまへ。今いま死しぬる 命いのちは、さら/\惜おしまねども、攻せめて今いまはに 夫おつとの顔かほ、たゞ一ひと目め見みて死しにたい」と、 夫おつとを慕したふ真ま心ごゝろを、不ふ憫びんと父ちゝの磯太夫、猶なをも耳みゝに口を寄よせ、「殿との判はん官ぐはん公は、すでに討うち死じにし給ひたれど、奥おく方かた屋や差さしの前まへ様さまの見みへ給たまはぬは、定さだめてこの 所ところを、落おち延のび給たまひたると見みへたり。屋や差さしの前まへ様さまは、御ご懐くわい胎たいにて、はや三月に及および給たまへば、体たい内ないの御おん子こ、男おの子こにもあれ女おな子ごにもあれ、他ほかに御お世よ継つぎなければ、御ご誕たん生じやうまし/\て、御ご生せい長てうを待まちて、無む実じつ103  の罪つみなる由よしを申もふし開ひらき、御おん家いゑを再さい興こうせんこそ、今いまこの 所ところにて、討うち死じにするにも、勝まさりし忠ちう義ぎなれば、我われは 命いのちを生いき延のばわり、一ひと先まづ身みを隠かくさばやと思おもへば、序ついでに婿むこ苫之丞が行ゆく方ゑをも尋たづね、御おん身みが 操みさほを守まもりて、死しゝたる由よしを語かたり聞きかせ、諸もろ共ともに身みを真まつ当たふして、時じ節せつを待またん、さるにても思おもひ/\て、苫之丞殿どのと夫ふう婦ふに成なり、一ひと年ゝせも立たゝず、生いき別わかれし上うへに、また人ひと手でに掛かゝりて死しするとは、よく/\薄うすき 縁ゑにしなれ。かゝる椿ちん事じの出いで来きんとは、夢ゆめにも知しらず、昨日き の ふまでも今日け ふまでも、早はやく初うい孫まごの顔かほを、見みんと楽たのしみしも、水みづの泡あわと成なりけるよ」と、悲ひ嘆たんの 涙なみだに噎むせび、いろ/\介かい抱ほうしけれども、傷いた手での上うへに父ちゝに会あひて、言いひ置おく事ことも皆みな、言いひ終おわりければ、がつくりと落おち入いりて、遂ついに 儚はかなくなりにける。磯太夫は 涙なみだながら、 娘むすめが首くびを打うち落おとし、袖そで引き契ちぎりて、これを包つゝみ、 躰むくろを隠かくさんとする 所ところへ、敵てき大勢ぜい襲おそひ来きたりければ、詮せん方かたなく、彼かの首くびを腰こしに結ゆひ付つけ、叢むらがる中なかへ躍おどり入いり、遂ついに一いつ方ほうの血けつ路ろを開ひらき、僅はつかに落おち延のびしかるべき寺ぢ院いんを頼たのみ、しか/″\の由よしを語かたり、 娘むすめが首くびを 葬ほふむり、戒かい名めうを付つけて貰もらひ、片かた袖そでは婿むこへの形かた見みと、猶なほも肌はだ身みを離はなさず。この所を去さつて、有馬を 志こゝろざして、上かみ方がた筋すじへ上のぼりける。彼かの木の葉はは、磯そ馴なれが最さい後ごの見み切きりまで付つき纏まとひて、歎なげき悲かなしみけるが、遂ついに何処い づ くへ行ゆきしか、行ゆき方がた知しれずなりにける。磯太夫も猿さるの事ことをば構かまはず、こゝを去さりし故ゆゑ、もしや乱らん軍ぐんの討うちに討うたれしも知しれずと、不ふ憫びんに思おもひ、ともに回ゑ向こうをなしにける。  一枚あけて次の画とき 却かへつて説とく、浦松苫之丞は、有あり馬まの温おん泉せんに良よく湿し気ければ、 病やまひ半なかばは癒いへしかど、 全まつたく治ぢせず。「今いま一ト回まわりほども湯とふ治じせば、 快こゝろよくならん」と、逗とう留りうしていたりしが、ある時とき、鎌かま倉くらより登のぼりし飛ひ脚きやく、語かたりけるは、「駿すん洲しゆう清見家とやらん、謀反む ほ んの 企くわだて、或ある由よしにて、鎌かま倉くらより打うつ手てを向むけられ、たゞ一いち日にち一いち夜やの中うちに、滅ほろび失うせたり」と語かたりければ、苫之丞ははつと 驚おどろき、いかゞはせんと、呆ぼう然ぜんとしてゐたりしが、つく/″\思おもふには、「よしや我われ、国くにゝ有あつたればとて、この 病やまひにては、物ものゝ用よふには立たゝず。空むなしく雑ぞう人にん輩ばらなん、どの手に掛かゝりて、死しなんは必ひつ定ぜうせり。 幸さいわいに国くにを隔へだゝりし故ゆゑに、合かつ戦せんの場ばに居おり合あはさゞれば、 命いのちを 全まつたふせしこそ、不ふ思し議ぎなれど、君きみの御ご先せん途どをも見み届とゞけず、生いき長ながらへて、百年ねんの寿じゆ命めうを保たもちたりとも、生いける甲か斐ひなし。さらばとて此処こ ゝにて、腹はら切きつて死しゝたりとも、 狂きやう人じんよと、言いわるゝのみにて、これまたせんなし。よし/\一ト先まづ国くにゝ帰かへり、殿とのへの申し訳わけには、 館やかたの内うちにて切せつ腹ぷくすべし」と、心を定さだめ有あり馬まを発ほつ足そくして、本ほん国ごく駿すん洲しゆうへ立たち帰かへりしかど、昼ひるはさすがに人目めもあれば、夜よに入いりて、古こ戦せん場じやうへ行ゆきて見みるに、さしも 甍いらかを並ならべて、造つくり立たてたる義よし景かげ公の 館やかたも、 外ぐわい陣ぢんと成なりて、見みるもいぶせき有あり様さまに、苫之丞は 涙なみだに暮くれ、「定さだめて 舅しゆふと磯太夫、妻つまの磯そ馴なれも、人にや討うたれし。又は自じ害がいやしつると、とさまかふさま思おもひ巡めぐらしけるが、とてもかくても死しに遅おくれて、何なにかせん。死しする時ときに死しせざれば、死しに勝まさる恥はぢありと、古こ人じんも 宣のたまひたれば、 潔いさぎよく切せつ腹ぷくして、冥めい土ど黄くわう泉せんにいたり、御ご为しゆ人じんや 舅しゆふと殿どのへ、言いひ訳わけせん」と、 側かたはらの古 木〈こぼく〉を押おし削けづり、矢や立たてを取とり出いだし、月の 明あかりを借かり、「浦松苫之丞於此所臨死終」と書かきしが、肌はだ押おし脱ぬぎ、氷こおりの如ごとき 刃やいば抜ぬき、すでに腹はらへ突つき立たてんとするに、たちまち 側かたはらの藪やぶの内うち、かや/\と落おとし104  て、この 所ところに出いづる者ものあり。苫之苫は何なに者ものにやと、これを見みるに、豈あに図はからんや、女房磯そ馴なれにして、髪かみは 棘おどろに乱みだし、衣い服ふくは血ちに染そみて、裂さけ敗やぶれたるまゝにて、矢や庭にわに 夫おつとが手に縋すがり、只たゞさめ/″\と歎なげくにぞ。苫之丞は大おふきに 驚おどろき、「 汝なんぢは磯そ馴なれにあらずや。定さだめて、人に矢や討うたれづらんと思おもひしに、いかゞして今こん日にちまで、 命いのちをば 全まつたふせしや。いと 訝いぶかし。 舅しゆうと君ぎみ磯太夫殿どのは、いかゞ成なり給ひし」と問とひければ、磯そ馴なれは 涙なみだを払はらひ、「父ちゝ上うへは、乱らん軍ぐんの中なかを切きり抜ぬけ、御おん身みの跡あとを慕したふて、出いで給たまひたり。 妾わらはも既すでに死しぬベかりしを、やふ/\に遁のがれて、昼ひるは山林に隠かくれ、夜よるは里さとに出いでゝ、 食しよく物もつを請こひ、やふ/\天あまの 命いのちを永ながらへしも、御おん身みに一ひと度たび、会あひ参まいらしたき故ゆへなり」と、またさめ/″\と歎なげきけるにぞ。苫之丞も目めを屡しば叩だゝき、「さては 舅しゆふと君ぎみには、未いまだ存ぞんじやうにておわしますとや、たと 舅しゆふと殿どの、存ぞんじやうにておわするとも、御ご为しゆ君くんの最さい後ごの場ば所しよに、有あり合あわさず。かゝる世よの廃すたれ物ものとなりし。この身み生いき長ながらへて、何なにかはせん。その方ほふは跡あとに永ながらへて、手ゝ児ごに巡めぐり合あひ、いかなる人にも身を寄よせて、末すゑの栄ゑい利りを謀はかるべし。我われは此所の露つゆと消きへて、御ご为しゆ人じんの御おん伴ともせん。たゞ思おもひ出いだせし折おりもあらば、一いつ片ぺんの廻ゑ向かうを頼たのむ也」と、言いひ終おわつて又またも、 刀かたなを取とり延のべて、すでに斯かうよと見みへにける。磯そ馴なれは慌あわてゝ押おし止とゞめ、「此こは日ひ頃ごろの、御み心こゝろにも似に合やはず。父ちゝ磯太夫も 命いのちを惜おしみ、为しゆ君くんの最さい後ごを余よ所そに見みて、この所ところを遁のがれしにあらず。もつとも義よし景かげ公〈こう〉には、討うち死じにし給たまへども、奥おく方がた屋や差さしの前まへ様さまは、となみの 局つぼねに助たすけられ、落おち延のび給たまひたれば、定さだめて御ご堅けん固ごにまし/\て、いづくにか忍しのびゐ給たまはんこと、必ひつ定じやうせり。それ故ゆゑにこそ、父ちゝ上うへも惜おしからぬ 命いのちを、延のばわり給へり、御おん身みもかね/″\知しり給ふ如ごとく、屋や差さしの前まへ様さまには、御ご懐くわい妊にんにして、はや三月に及および給たまへば、御ご安あん産ざんの後のち、生せい長てうを待まちて、 再ふたゝび世よに出いだし参まひらせんと、此こ忠ちうを思おもひて、身みを遁のがれしは、父ちゝが深ふかき思量お も ん慮ばかりの、なすところにして、 全まつたく卑ひ怯きやう見みれんにあらず。さりながら父ちゝは、齢よわひも 傾かたむきたれば、屋や差さしの前まへ様さまの御おん子、生せい長てう成なし給ひて、世に出いで給ふまでは、付つき添そひ参まひらせんこと、覚おぼ束つか無なし、 幸さいわひ御おん身みは未いまだ、年とし若わかくおわしませば、今いま死しぬ 命いのちを永ながらへて、彼かの若わ子ごを守もり立たてゝ、堪たへたる家いへを興おこさんこそ、死しせるに勝まさる忠ちうならずや、小すこしきを忍しのばざる時ときは、大たい望ぼうを乱みだると、御おん身みもつね/″\、 妾わらはへ教おしへ給たまひたるに、などてかくは狼う狽ろたへ給わらは、とてもその如ごとく、 命いのち永ながらへしは、 全まつたく末すゑの栄利ゑ の りを思おもふにあらず。 賢かしこき御おん身みながら、もしや 誤あやまりて、かゝることもあらんかと、惜おしからぬ 命いのちを永ながらへしなり」と、 断ことわりを尽つくして、諫いさむるにぞ。苫之丞は実げにもと思ひ、 眞まことに三ツ子に教おしへられて、 浅〈あさ〉瀬せを渡わたるとやらん、「我われ、思おもひ 誤あやまてり/\しからば、御おん身み諸もろ共ともにこゝを立たち退のき、いかにもして永ながらへ、 舅しゆうと殿どのゝ行ゆく方ゑを探さがし、屋や差さしの前まへ様さまの、御おん力ちからとなるべし」と、足あし早ばやにこの 所ところを去さりぬ。  ○さても、苫之丞は磯そ馴なれもろとも、尐すこしの知しる辺べを便たより、武蔵む さ しの国くに、入いる間ま川の 辺ほとりに、閑かん居きゆしけるが、磯そ馴なれは機はた織おり、糸いととる業わざを成なして、微かすかに世を渡わたる中なかに、磯そ馴なれが成なすところ、常つねの人ひとに事こと変かわりて、いたつて早はやくかつ、その絹きぬ麗うるはしかりければ、里さと人ひと争あらそひて頼たのみしかば、夫ふう婦ふが口くちを 養やしのふには、いと易やすく、思おもはずこゝに月つき日ひを過すごす中うちに、磯そ馴なれ懐くわい胎たいして、当あたる十月に、玉たまの105  ごとき女おな子ごの子を儲もふけしが、この日は、申の月申の日申さるの刻こくなりしかば、その名を高子と名な付づけぬ。子こは猿の異い名めうを、高の御子と言いへばなり。かくて夫ふう婦ふは、高たか子が愛あひらしくなるに 従したがひ、心こゝろならずも、春はると暮くらし秋あきと過すぎて、早はやくも三み年とせを経へて、高たか子は三才にぞ及およびける。こゝにまた、磯そ馴なれが父ちゝ磯太夫は、有あり馬まに行ゆきて、苫之丞が行ゆく方ゑを探さがせしかど、はや苫之丞が、古ふる里さとへ立たち帰かへりし後あとなりければ、詮せん方かたなく、屋や差さしの前まへの御おん行ゆく方ゑを、そここゝと探さがし求もとめしかど、都ふつに知しれざりければ、旅たびより旅たびに年としを重かさね、三年ねんを過すぎて又また、武蔵む さ しの国くにを通とふりけるに、とある 社やしろに浦松苫之丞といふ、札ふだの張はりてありければ、その 辺ほとりの酒さか屋やへ入いりて、「この 辺ほとりにもしや、浦松氏を名な乗のる人やある」と訊たづねければ、知しる人ありて、「それは、しか/″\の 所ところなり」と教おしへければ、磯太夫は大おふきに 喜よろこび、早さつ速そく彼かの隠かくれ家がを問とわばやと、急いそぎ行ゆきて、外そともより 窺うかゞひしに、子こはあやしや、三み年とせ以い前ぜんに死しゝたる我わが 娘むすめ、三つばかりなる女おな子ごの子を抱いだきて、遊あそばせていたるに、磯太夫は大に 驚おとろき、呆ぼう然ぜんと暫しばし門かどへに 佇たゝづみて、内うちの様やう子すを 窺うかゞひぬ。  筆者 音成 南仙笑楚満人作 歌川国安画   挿絵詞書  〈八丁表〉 「ヲ、木この 葉(は)かよく来きた、楚 人(そひと)は 木 猴(もくこう)にて 冠かんむるすといふが、今の世の人その方ほうほど恩おんを知しる者ものはない」  〈九丁表〉 「今こん日にちはいかゞでござるな、どふしても御ご新しん造ぞが 美うつくしいによつてそれての御ご美び容やうでござろふて、ハヽヽヽヽヽヽ」  〈十丁裏〉 「何なにをこしやくな、そこ退のいてとふせ」 「となみ怪け我がしやんな」 「イヤどつこい」  〈十二丁裏〉 「ヱゝとゝさんに今いま一ひと足あし遅おかつた」 「ヤレ 娘むすめ、 心こゝろを確たしかに持もて、当とふの 敵かたきは打うち取とつたぞ」   狂訓亭楚満人作 歌川国安画  楚満人作 国安画く 風俗 女をんな西遊ゆう記 西村むら屋や新版はん 後編へん  106  四の巻 つゞき さても、磯そ馴なれは 夫おつとの留る守すに、高たか子こを抱いだきて 表おもての方かた、空そら打うち眺ながめゐたりしが、忙いそがはしく物もの陰かげに入り、高たか子こが顔かほつれ/″\と打うち守まもり、急せき来くる 涙なみだはら/\と止とゞめ兺かねつゝ、背せ中なか掻かき撫なで、「其方そ な たも今年こ と しで、もふ三ツ、私わしが言いふ事良よふ聞きやゝ。 妾わらは元もとより人間げんならず、これより遥はるか 東ひがしなる、傲かう来らい国こくの水すい簾れん洞どうといふ 所ところに、年古ふる猿さるにて、此日につ本ぽんの足あし柄がら山に移うつりて、久しく住すみけるが、さきに苫とま之の丞殿どの、彼かの山に狩かりし給ふ時とき、我わが身み小ちいさく身を変へんじ、落おち栗ぐり拾ひろいて遊あそびゐるを、鷲わしといふ鳥とりに掻かい掴つかまれ、 危あやうき 命いのち助たすけられ、その後ゝち久ひさしく飼かはるゝも、何卒とぞ命いのちの親おやてふ大恩おん。尐すこしなりとも報むくひせんと思おもふて、 館やかたに留とゞまりしが、不ふ時じに災さい難なん起おこれども、我わが畜ちく類るいの 力ちから以もて、及および難がたかる 災わざはひに、悔くやしくも磯そ馴なれ様さまは、敵てきのために討うち死じにし給ひ、その後ゝち苫とま之の丞殿どの、彼処か し こにて切せつ腹ぷくせんとし給ふを、仮かりに磯そ馴なれ様さまの 形かたちと変へんじ、 刃やいばを止とゞめてその時ときより、勿もつ体たいなや、人間げんを 誑たぶらかして夫ふう婦ふの語かたらひ、すでに其方そ な たといふ子を儲もふけ、その愛あい慾よくに絆ほだされつ。又一ひとつには苫とま之の丞殿どの、させる家か業げうもあらざれば、我わが身み機はた織おりて生業なりわひとし、些いさゝか 昔むかしの恩おんに報むくひ、又は其方そ な たが可愛か わ ゆさに、人となるまで守もり育そだて、その後ゝちにこそ、その罪つみを、千ち度たび百もゝ度たび詫わび事ことし、その言いひ訳わけには自じ害がいして、死しなんと思ひゐたりしが、今日け ふ思はずも、磯そ馴なれ様さまの親おや御ご、磯いそ太夫様さまの□□□□、我わが身みこゝに居ゐることならず、名残な ご りは尽つきねど別わかるゝぞや。今いまよりも猶なほおとなしく、父とゝ様さまの言いふ事ことよく聞きゝかりにも、悪わるいこと見み習ならはず、やがて年としも取とるならば、手て習ならひ物もの読よみ精せい出いだして、親おや御ごの名なをも 表あらはし給たまへ。其方そ な たの母はゝ御ごは今無なくとも、好すきにし磯そ馴なれ様さまなるぞや。されども、多おほき人の口に名を立たてらればいかにせん。もしも、其方そ な たがおとなしからず、父てゝ御ごの仰おほせも背そむくなら、「道どふ理りに 獣けものゝ子じやもの」と、人に指ゆび差さし謗そしられて、母はゝが名なまでも出しやんなや。嗚呼あ ゝ、思おもへば三つになるまでは、乳ちゝを飲のませ抱だき寝ねして、愛いとしいとも可愛か わ ゆいとも、子を持もちし人は知しり給はん。それをこのまゝ残のこし置おき、捨すてゝゆく身みの胸むねの中うち、どのやうにあろぞいのふ、名残な ご り惜おしやのふ。高たか子こずいぶん/\息そく災さいにて、 煩わづらはぬのが孝かう行/\ぞや、時とき/″\嫌いやな 灸やいとも据すゑて、風邪か ぜでも引ひいてたもんなや。今いまから私わしが別わかるゝなら、暑あついにつけ寒さむいにつけ、父とゝ様さまの手一ひとつにて、さぞ不ふ自じ由ゆうに思おぼすらん。又高たか子こも片かた時ときも、 私わたしの側そばを離はなれぬものが、長ながい別わかれをするならば、さぞ泣ないて訪たづねやせん。コレ 必かならず私わしが家うちに居ゐずとも、泣ないて訪たづねて賜たもるなよ。思おもひ回まはせばいに 伴ともない、申し苫とま之の丞様さま、今日け ふから私わしが側そばに居ゐずば、今までと違ちがひ、朝あさ夕ゆふの飯いひを炊かしぐ人もなく、水汲くむ人もあらずして、第だい一世渡わたる 営いとなみも、いかに苦く労らうをし給はん。どふぞ、良よい女ぢよ中ちうを迎むかへて、御おん身みの苦く労らうも薄うすくして、此子にも寒さむからず、着きせて育そだてゝ下さんせ。かならず御お身みを大切せつに、御ご機き嫌げんよう。のち/\は元もとの立りつ派ぱの 侍さふらひになつて、忠ちう義ぎを遊あそばすを楽たのしみにして、その折おりを待まつの。」磯そ馴なれの荒あら磯いそに波なみ打うつ 涙なみだ目まの辺あたり、苫とま之の丞がある如ごとく、口く説どきつ泣なきつ声こゑ限かぎり、正体たいなくも伏ふし沈しづむ。高たか子こもわつと泣なき出いだし、「おつ母かあや、どこへお出いでだ。いつウまでも、ちやんの側そばに居ゐておくゑよ」と、回まわらぬ舌したに回まわさるゝ、親おやの思おもひは八寒かん地ぢ獄ごく。氷こほりはものかは、張はり詰つめし、胸むねの痞つかひを撫なでながら、「ヲヽよく言いふて賜たもつた。我わが身みがその様やうに言いふてくれずとも、いに 伴ともなふてならぬもの、もふ何なんにも言いふてくれな。アヽいつまで言いふても、尽つきぬ名残な ご り。申し分わけには自じ害がいして、アヽいや/\、 儚はかない 姿すがたを見みせるのも、今いまさらに恥は107  づかしく。又高たか子こが行ゆく末すゑも安あんじらるれば、いつまでも影かげ身みに添そひ、屋や差さしの前まへ様さまに訪たづね合あはせ、何卒なにとぞ再ふたゝびお家いへの建たつまで、しばし 命いのちを永ながらへて、陰かげながら守まもるべし。」しかなり/\と独ひとり言ごち、 硯すゞり引ひき寄よせ、墨すみさへも薄うすき 縁ゑにしと 託かこつめり、かくては果はてじと、うち曇くもる胸むねを押おさへて、筆ふで取とり上あげ、闇やみ路ぢを照てらす行あん灯どうに、一いつ首しゆの歌うたを書かい作つくる。磯太夫は戸と口ぐちにて躊躇た め らふ中うちに、磯そ馴なれに違ちがはず、何やらん行あん灯どうに寄より添そふて、物もの書かい付つけてゐたりしかば、もしも彼かれは世よに言いふなる、「幽ゆう霊れいなんどか、魔ま性せうの者ものか、イヤ/\世の中には、似にたる人も多おほかれば、我われ老らう眼がんなるものから、彼かは誰たれ時どきの仄ほの暗ぐらきに、もし見み違みたへもするものか」と、思おもひ兺かねて立たつたりしが、ともかくも家うちに入いり、問とふに如しかじと、引ひき開あくる戸の音おと響ひゞけば、不ふ思し議ぎにも、有ありつる女の 姿すがたは消きへて、足あし摺ずりしつゝ泣なき入ゐる高たか子こ。息いき急せき変かへる苫とま之の丞、それとは知しらず家うちに入いり、「コレ/\日ひの暮くれるのに、なぜ火をば。ヤ、そこにゐるは何人じや。」「ホヽ浦うら松氏」、久しぶりの対たい面めんといふ声こゑに 驚おどろきて、これは 舅しうと御ごにてありけるが、思おもひも寄よらぬ来らい臨りんに、粗そ忽こつの言こと葉ば見みゆるしあれ。「これ/\磯そ馴なれはいづくにある」と言いへば、高たか子こは 涙なみだながら、「おつ母かあは、もふどこへか行いつておちまいだよう。ちやんや呼よんできておくゑ」と泣なけば、此方こ な たも気きを苛いらち、「ヱヽ訳わけもない何をして」と言いふに、いよ/\不ふ審しんなれば、磯太夫これを止とゞめ、「これ/\其方そ な たは何なんとかいふ、磯そ馴なれは過すぎし頃ころ、敵てきのために討うち死じにし、 屌かばねも 則すなはち、我われ/\ 葬ほうむりたり。これが 則すなはち、形かた見みぞ」と、血ち潮しほ染そみたる見覚おぼへの、磯そ馴なれが片かた袖そで取とり出いだし、様やう子すはだん/″\長ながいこと、さりながら 心こゝろ得ゑぬは、今までこゝに有ありつる女、我わが 姿すがたを見みると、そのまゝ消きへて跡あとさへ留とゞめざるは、果はたして変へん化げの所しよ為いなるべし」と、言いふに苫とま之の丞茫ぼう然ぜんと、「是こは怪けしからぬ思おほせ事ごと、今日け ふまで妻つまよ子と、いかにも今までこゝにありしは、もしも幽ゆう霊れいなる者ものかさるにでも、妻つま磯そ馴なれが討うち死じにせしとは、思ひも寄よらず、先まづ様やう子すはおい/\語かたらん、何なんにもせよ。」行あん灯どうをと、灯ともせば片かた方へに一いつ首しゆの歌うたあり、   恋こひしくば訪たづねてきませいつも住すむ下野しもつけに身みを裏うら見み滝たきつせ  磯太夫この歌うたを見みて、実げにも手しゆ跡せきもそのまゝにて、磯そ馴なれが書かきしに尐すこしも違たがはずと、しばし沈ちん吟ぎんしたりけるが、やがて横よこ手をはたと打うち、「是こは果はたして、先さきの年とし貴き殿でん足あし柄がら山におゐて、救すくひし猿さるを飼かはれしが、磯そ馴なれに化して 些いさゝかも、恩おんを報むくひしものならん。この下野しもつけの裏うら見みの滝たきとは、この名な下野しもつけに二か所あり。一ひとつは、二ふた荒あれ山にあり。又一ひとつは、赤あか岩いわ庚かう申しん山に、この滝たきあり。水の 勢いきほひ強つよくして、高たかき岩いわより一いつ斤きんの道みちを、隔へだちて谷たにへ落おつる。行ゆく人ひと滝たきを裏うらより見みる故ゆゑに、裏うら見みの滝たきと言いふ。この庚かう申しん山は、猿さるのみ住すみて、他ほかの 獣けものなき故ゆゑに、土ど人じん此山の名なを呼よんで、猿さるが城ぜうと言いひなすとかや。このこと彼処か し こに程ほど近ちかき、花はな輪わの里さとのいとゐ何なに某がし、かねて語かたりしことを聞きけり。されば、木この葉は彼処か し こへ去さり、この後ゝち住すめるといふ事ならん」と言いふに、苫とま之の丞も思し案あんしつ、実げにもしかあるべきことなり。「伝つたへ聞きく彼かの山やまの、奥おくの院いんといふ 所ところにて、狩人かりうどなど分わけ入いるとき、美び人じん機はた織おる者ものあるを、見たりといふ人多おほしとかや。今まで磯そ馴なれが機はた織おりて、三人み た りの口くちを過すごせしも。又この高たか子この生うまれたるも、猿さるの年ねん月げつ日時ときまで揃そろひたるこそ、今思おもへば、猿さるの108  体たいに宿やどりし故ゆゑか、思おもひ出いだせば唐土もろこしの、そんりんが妻つまゑんしなる者もの、猿の変へんじて語かたらひしも、日ひを同おなじうして談だんずベし畜ちく類るいだも、恩おんを知しりてかくの如ごときは、殊しゆ勝せうとすべし」と、うち 語かたららひて諸もろ共ともに、その 心こゝろ馳ばせを感かんじ入り、二人ふ た りは 涙なみだに暮くれたりけり。先まづ、その夜よも更ふけ渡わたれば、そのまゝ往いぬる 表おもての方かた、戸をほと/\と 訪おとなふにぞ、「何なに事ごとにや」と、苫とま之の丞戸を開あくれば、一人ひ と りの男門かど辺ベに 佇たゝずみ申す様やう、「只たゞ今いま代だい官くわん所しよより、急きふに御ご用ようの筋すぢあれば、庄せう屋やのもとまで今いま直すぐに」と言いへば、苫とま之の丞 心こゝろ得へて、その由よし磯太夫に物もの語がたり、寝ねふりし高たか子こを其そがまゝに、磯太夫の 懐ふところに入いれおき、 使つかひの人と諸もろ共ともに打うち連つれてこそ、出いで行ゆきけり。折おりから後あとへ二三人、戸を蹴け放はなしてばら/\と込こみ入いり、行あん灯どうばつたり真まつ暗くらがり、すは曲くせ者ものと、磯太夫が起おき出いでんとするところを、真まつ二ぷたつと斬きり付つけたり。 心こゝろ得えたりと抜ぬき合するその間まに、一人ひ と りが後うしろより狙ねらひ寄よつて、右みぎ袈げ裟さに切きり下さげられて、たぢ/\と蹌踉よ ろめくところを付つけ入いり/\。三人にて畳たゝみ掛かけ、不ふ意ゐに慌あわつる磯太夫を、微み塵ぢんになれと切きり立たつれば、思おもひ寄よらぬことだと言いひ、ことに高たか子こを 労いたはりて、怪我け がをさせじと庅かばふものから、はか/\しく 働はたらかれず。遂つひに数す箇か所しよの傷きづを受うけ、後方し り へにだうと倒たをるれば、高たか子こを押おさへて猿さる轡ぐつわをはませ、 葛つゞらの中なかへ押おし入いれて、やがて一人ひ と りの曲くせ者ものが、頭づ巾きんをかなぐり近ちかく寄より、「 珍めづらしや、浜はま辺べ磯太夫。かく言いふ我われを誰たれとかする。三み保ほの郡ぐん領りやう供ひろ氏が家か臣しん、熊くま山魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もん宗むね友ともなり。先さきに判はん官ぐはん討うち死じにせし折をりから、我わが 弟おとゝ宗むね介すけ、汝なんぢが 娘むすめの磯そ馴なれに恋れん慕ぼし、助たすけんとせしを否いなむにより、拠よん 所どころなく殺ころせしを、その方ほうそこへ馳はせ着つけて、我わが 弟おとゝを切きり殺ころし、その 所ところを立ち退のきたりし、これを無む念ねんに思おもふ中うち、我われ仔し細さいあつて浪らう人にんし、 弟おとゝの 敵かたき汝なんぢを撃うたんと、所しよ/\方ほう/″\を訪たづねたるが、今こ宵よひこゝに宿やどるてい、 幸さいわひ手強ごわき苫とま之の丞、目めをたばかりて誘おびき出いだし、今いまこそ 敵かたきを討うち取とつたり、またこの女 児こびつちよは、猿さるの年ねん月げつ揃そろひし生うまれ故ゆゑ、仔し細さいあつて妙めう薬やくを 調とゝのへんため、生いき肝ゞもを訪たづねたるが、此こ奴ひつが事ことを聞きゝし故ゆゑ、我わが大たい望もふの時じ節せつ来きたれりと、思おもふに 幸さいわひ 汝なんぢまで、思おもはず 敵かたきを討うち取とつたるは、 軍いくさの門かどでの血ち祭まつり。よし、じたばたせずともかくの通とほりの、我わが引いん導どうが耳みゝに入いらば、早はやく地ぢ獄ごくへ 赴おもむけ」と抉ゑぐり回まわせば、 迸ほとばしる血ち潮しほに染そめ成なす白しろ波なみの、竜たつ田たの山にあらなくて、夜よ半はに一人ひ と りぞ越こへてゆく。死し出での山路ぢやいかならん、思おもひやるさへ哀あはれなり。惜おしむべし一いつ己この忠ちう臣しん、五十八才を一いち期ごとして、この世よの夢ゆめを見み果はてけり。こゝに苫とま之の丞は、急いそぎ庄せう屋やのもとへ行ゆく途と中ちうにて、迎むかひの者ものは、まだ他ほかに用よう事じありとて別わかれたれば、一人ひ と り彼処か し こへ行ゆき廻みるに、跡あと形かたもなきことなりければ、直すぐさま庄せう屋やのもとを立たち出いで、宙ちうを飛とんで馳はせ帰かれば、磯太夫が切きり殺ころされ、型かたの如ごとくのありさまにて、悪わる者ものは早はや、いつの程ほどにか逃にげて、跡あとさへ止とゞめねば、たゞ茫ぼう然ぜんたるばかりなり。  五の巻 よみはじめ こゝにまた魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんは、急いそぎこの 処ところを立たち出いで、いづくやらん山中なかにいたりて、手下に向むかひ申しけるは、「我われ不ふ慮りよに勘かん気きを 蒙かうふりしとは 偽いつはり、 真まことは三み保ほの郡ぐん領りやう供ひろ氏うぢ公〈こう〉弟おとゝ君ぎみ、郡ぐん司じ季すゑ氏うぢ公〈こう〉御み心こゝろを合あわせられ、今こん度ど謀む反ほんの 企くはだてあり。我われ密ひそかに盗とう賊ぞくとなりしは、味み方かたを語かたらひ、二ふたつには軍ぐん用よう金を集あつめんためなり。しかるに季すゑ氏うぢ君ぎみの若わか殿とのは、生うまれ付ついてもの言いふこと適かなはず、 唖おゝしと言いへる難なん病びやうなり。つね/″\これを憂うれひ給たまふに、我わが名めい方ほうに猿さるの109  年ねん月げつ揃そろひたる、女子の生いき肝ゞもを製せい法ほうし、これをもて与あたへるときは、 病びやう気きたちどころに平へい癒ゆすることあり。この度たび押おさへ来きたりしは、すなはちその女郎め ろなり。いで妙めう薬やくを 整とゝのへん、申し付つけたる壺つぼを出いだせ」と、 葛つゞらの蓋ふたを引ひき開あくれば、不思お も ひ寄よらず一いつ匹ぴきの猿さる飛とび出いづるに、四方ほうの山 間あひだになどより、数多あ ま たの猿さるども群むらがりて、彼かの白しろ猿さるを 敬うやまひ守しゆ護ごし、山高たかくこそ馳はせ行ゆきけり。これ彼かの木この葉はなりけり。  ○ 却かへつて説とく、こゝに又また屋や差さしの前まへは、となみの 局つぼねを召めし具ぐし給たまひ、 館やかたを落おちさせ給たまひしが、下野しもつけの国くに、那な須すの勝せう士じは、となみの 局つぼねが 縁ゆかりある者ものなりければ、「一ひと先まづ彼処か し こへ 誘いざなひ 奉たてまつらん」とて、急いそぎ下野しもつけへ行ゆかんとす。みち/\も落人おちうどありとて、絵ゑ姿すがたもて 改あらためらるれば、さま/″\の艱かん難なんを凌しのぎ、夜よるのみ多おほく辿たどり給ふに、こゝに武蔵む さ しの国くに、戸と田だの原はらと言いへる所にて、山さん賊ぞくと思おぼしき者ものども、数多あ ま た群むらがり出いでけるが、やがて二人を取とり巻まいて、さん/″\に斬きつてかゝるとなみの 局つぼねは、 心こゝろ得えたりと 嗜たしなむ一ひと腰こし抜ぬき合あはせ、多た勢せいを相あい手てに斬きり結むすべば、「すは女こそとなみとて、男勝まさりの手て強ごわきやつぞ、油ゆ断だんなせそ」と、下げ知ちを伝つたへ余あまさじとこそ斬きり立れど、となみが激はげしき太た刃ち風かぜに、「適かなはじ許ゆるせ」と悪わる者ものども皆みな、ちり/″\に逃にげ行ゆくを、「きたなし、返かへせ」と追おふて行ゆく。屋や差さしの前まへは声こゑを掛かけ、「長なが追おひして怪我け がしやんな。あゝ危あぶない、早はよう戻もどりや」と、呼よぶ声こゑ響ひゞく谷たに間まより、 現あらはれ出いづる大男、手ての物もの引ひき連つれ躍おどり出いで、屋や差さしの前まへを生いけ捕どつたりとかゝるを得ゑたりと、一ひと腰こし引ひき抜ぬき悪わる者ものゝ顔かほうち守まもり、「ヤア 己おのれは、人にん非ぴ人にんの魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんも、思おもひ知しれよ」と斬きり掛かくれば、「それ打うち取とれ」と言うふまゝに、数多あ ま た群むらがる手て下したの山さん賊ぞく、四方ほうより打うち掛かくれば、屋や差さしの前まへは先さきに身み籠ごもり、この月産うみ月なりければ、いかで多た勢せいに敵てきすべき、遂つひにさん/″\に斬きり殺ころされ、あへなき首くびを取とらんとするを、遠とほめより 窺うかゞひ見たるとなみの 局つぼね、一いつ散さんに駈かけ返かへし、又またさん/″\に切きり立たつれば、手て並なみに懲こりたる山さん賊ぞくども、又もちり/″\逃にげ失うせけり。となみは奥おく方がたを掻かき抱いだき、呼よび生いけれども事こと切きれたるに、その身みも数すか所しよの深ふか手でを受うけ、詮せん方かたなくも死し骸がいに縋すがり、泣なくねも細ほそるばかりなりけり。  ○かゝる折をりから、死し骸がいの切きり口くちより、赤あか子ごの泣なく声こゑしけるにぞ。思おもひ出いだせば奥おく方がたは、丁てう度ど今こん月げつは産うみ月なりければ、やがて 涙なみだを抑おさへつゝ。痛いた手でも忘わすれてこれを見るに、玉たまもて作つくりなしたる如ごとき、女の子生うまれけるにぞ。やがてこれを取とり上あげて、いかゞはせんと躊躇た め らふ中うち、早はや夜よも明あけて、向むかふよりこゝに来き掛かゝる乗のり物ものに、槍やりを付つかせし立りつ派ぱの同どう勢ぜい、若党わかとう目め早ばやくこれを見みつけ、「怪あやしきものぞ」と 訴うつたへれば、やがて籠かごを止とゞめさせ、四十路よ そ じばかりの立りつ派ぱの、 侍さむらひ達たち出いでゝとなみに向むかひ、察さつするところ、清きよ見み家けの落人おちうどならん、さな 驚おどろきそ、かく言いふ「我われは上かみ野つけ溝みぞ沼ぬまの郷ごう士しにて、越こし野の七〈しち〉之の進しんと申す者もの、此こ度たび鎌かま倉くらよりの帰かへさなり」。それがし清きよ見みの家いゑには 縁ゆかりもあれば、「あからさまに 宣のたまへ」と言いふに、となみも包つゝむによしなく、ありし次し第だいを残のこりなく物もの語がたるにぞ、打うち 頷うなづき、「奥おく方がたの御ご最さい後ごは、今いま更さら悔くやんで帰かへらねど、その姫ひめ君ぎみ不ふ思し議ぎにも誕たん生じやうありしは、清きよ見み家けの 再ふたゝび建たつべき瑞ずい相さうなり」と、家け来らいに命めいじてとなみをば、そのまゝ籠かごに 労いたはり載のせ、屋や差さしの前まへが死し骸がいをば、辺あたりの寺てらに 葬ほうむらせ、家いへ路ぢを指さして急いそぎけり。こゝに又彼かの苫の丞ぜうは、110  娘むすめ高たか子を 誘いざなひて、一ひと先まづ下しも野つけ足あし尾をなる赤あか岩いわ村むらの、赤あか岩いは一角武たけ遠とをと言いへる者ものは、かねて知しりたる人なりければ、彼処か し こに訪たづねて身を潜ひそめ、時ときを待まつにしかじと思おもひ、文ふみ教おしゆるを生なり業わひとし、その辺あたりに侘わび住すまひけり。さるほどに月つき日ひの早はやく経たつか、弓ゆみ引ひき伸のばす如ごとく、高たか子は成せい人じんして、今年こ と し十七才になりけるが、日ひ頃ごろかゝる山里ざとに、育そだちしには似に気げなくて、 面おもて清きよらに 美うつくしく、 心こゝろ延ばへさへ優やさしかりけるが、不ふ思し議ぎにも 力ちからあくまで強つよく、いかなる男もこれに及およばざりけり。しかるに予かねてより爺ぢゞ様さまの、 敵かたきを討うたんと念ねん願ぐはんして、昼ひるは庚かう申しん山へ隠かくれて登のぼり、一ひと筋すじの縄なわを木の枝えだにかけて、これに棒ぼうを結むすび付つけ、その左さ右ゆうを打うつときは、棒ぼうさま/″\に 翻ひるがへりて、身に打うち掛かゝるを、右に受うけ左に流ながして、これと 戦たゝかふ。これ一人ひ と りにで、棒ぼうの手を学まなぶ法なるが、密ひそかに人の見みぬ裏うら見みの滝たきの、何卒なにとぞ敵かたきを討うたせ給へと、祈き誓せいしけるほどに、技わさは次し第だいに上立たつすれども、これを知しる者ものなかりしとぞ。  ○ある時とき高たか子、うつら/\と眠ねぶ気け付づきたるにぞ、思おもはずしはし庚かう申しん山の、谷たに間まに微ま睡どろみたりけるが、夢ゆめに母の磯そ馴なれ現あらはれて申す様やう、「今より直すぐに六里ばかり、南の方かたへ行ゆけば、御こ为しゆ人じんの奥おく方がた、屋差さしの前まへ様さまの忘わすれ形がた見みなる、三ツ姫ひめ君ぎみおはしませば、これに 力ちからを合あはせ 奉たてまつり、爺ぢゞ様さまの敵かたきなる魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんを討うち給たまへ。白しろき猿さる出いでゝ、道みちの案あ内ないをすべきなれば、その行ゆく方かたへ行ゆくべし」といふ折からに苫之丞も来りて、「これより家いへに帰かへるに及およばず、すぐさま彼処か し こへ 赴おもむきて、三ツ姫ひめ様さまに委い細さゐを語かたり、とも/″\魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんが住すみ処かにいたり、手て立だてを持もつて彼かれを討うつベし。我われはこれより武ぶ門もんを捨すて、山林りんへ引ひき籠こもり、仙 術じゆつを学まなび得ゑて、林りん頭とう仙と 称しやうずる也。供ともに行ゆく末すゑを守まもるべし。はや/\行ゆけ」と急いそがすれば、慨がい然ぜんとして 驚おどろき覚さめたり、見みれば向むかふに白しろき猿さる、高たか子を頻しきりに招まねくにぞ。日ひ頃ごろ馴なれたる棒ぼう掻かい込こみ、谷たに間ま岩がん石せきいとひなく、 南みなみを指さして馳はせ行ゆきけり。  ○こゝに又またいつぞや、となみの 局つぼねは 幼おさな子ごを抱いだきて、溝みぞ沼ぬまなる郷ごう士しに 労いたはり解かい放ほうされ、彼処か し こへ誘いざなはれたりけるが、深ふか手で負おふたることなれば、遂つひに敢あへなくこと切きれて、あの世よの人ひとゝはなりにけり。残のこる一人ひ と りの 幼おさな子ごは、これ清きよ見みの御忘わすれ形がた見みなればとて、 労いたはり 傅かしづき参まゐらせつゝ、名を三ツ姫ひめと称せうじけり。かくて光こう陰いん移うつりること早はやく、春と秋あけ冬ふゆと暮くれて、三ツ姫ひめは今年こ と し十五才になり給ふが、 真まことにこれ天より為なせる令れい室しつにて、紅こう顔がん気け高だかく、玉たまを 欺あざむく御顔かほ馳ばせ、古こ今ゝんにためし尐すくなき美び人じんにてまし/\けるが、常つねに文ふみ読よみ物もの学まなびし給ふはしには、亡なき父ちゝ母はゝの 儚はかなき最さい期ごを嘆なげき哀かなしみ、常つねに法ほ華け経きやうを読どく誦じゆしけるが、こゝに 常じやう願ぐはん寺と言いへる禅ぜん林りんありて、その頃ころ名な高だかき雲うん岫しうたんりう和お尚せうと言いへる知ち識しきは、赤あか城ぎ山に一いち宇うの梵ぼん刹せつを開ひらき建たて、正せう善ぜん寺じと号がうするのきさみ、この 常じやう願ぐはん寺じに暫しばらく逗とう留りうありて、軍ぐん事じ越 野〈こしの〉氏うぢにも見まみへ給たまひけるが、その時とき三ツ姫ひめをつら/\見みて、「此姫ひめ君ぎみは後のち遂つひに開かい運うんして、一いつ国こくの为ぬしなる家いへをも起おこすべき人なり。されども父ふ母ぼ薄はく命めいにして、亡なき人となりつ、今も成ぜう仏ぶつ遂とげ難かたく、修しゆ羅らの呵か責しやくを受うくる也。その為ためなる追つい善ぜんには、自みづから盂う蘭ら盆ぼん経きやうを解とく 術じゆつ。又法ほ華け経きやうを書しよ写しやし給へ」と、 懇ねんごろに示しめし給たまへば、限かぎりなくうち喜よろこび、 則すなはち为あるじより 唱しやう題だいして、此雲竜りう和お尚せうを同どう士しとして、数多あ ま たの僧そう侶りよに供く養やうせし上うへ、大般はん若にやの111  転てん読どくを修しゆしたりける。その時とき、三ツ姫ひめは深しん窓そうにありて、法ほつ華け書しよ写しやは予かねてより、書かき始はじめありけるにぞ。此時これも写うつし終おはりて、奥おくの亭ちんの欄干らんかんに寄より添そひ、数多あ ま たの僧そうの読ど経きやうの声こゑを聞きゝて、しん/″\肝きもに銘めいじつゝ、心しん耳にを澄すまして居ゐたりけるが、思おもはず微ま睡どろむ夢ゆめの中うちに、十六善ぜん神じんさま/″\の眷けん族ぞくを(六の巻)具ぐして、 現あらはれ給ふ中なかより、唐とうの三さん蔵ぞう法ほつ師し、近ちかく進すゝみ寄よりて、微み妙めうの音おん声じやうにて、「良よきかな/\、斯かう心折せつなるにより、清きよ見みの家いへを興おこさすベし。その方ほうの名の三ツ姫ひめといふも、我わが一号ごう三蔵といふに等ひとしく、これ三さん宝ぼうに帰き依ゑするの言いわれにて、自し然ぜんと三さんを引ひき、蔵くらを求もとめてつきたるものなり。さるにても、その方ほうの 敵かたきといふは 則すなはち魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんとて、今いま信濃し な の路ぢの浅あさ間まが嶽たけ、妖よう霊れい洞どうといへる洞ほらの内うちに、数多あ ま たの手下を 従したがへ住すめり。彼かれこそ清きよ見みの家いへの 重ちやう宝ほう、羽は衣ころもの名めい鏡きやうと松まつ陰かげの 硯すゝりの二ふた品しなを、 戦いくさの折をりから盗ぬすみ取とり、 自みづから所しよ持ぢして彼処か し こにあり。又今いま汝なんぢに 力ちからを合あはする者ものあらん、これと供ともにすぐさまこゝを出いで、浅あさ間まへ行ゆきていかにもして、彼かの二ふた品を奪うはひ返かへさば、今いま彼かの魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんは、国くにを 覆くつがへさん謀む反ほんあれば、彼かれを滅ほろぼす時じ節せつ到たう来らい、その功こう伐ばつくんなれば、清きよ見みの家いへを再さい興かうあるべし。おい/\助ぢよ力りきの人あらん」といふかと思おもへば、紫し雲うん棚たな引びき、 形かたちを隠かくして消きえてけり。その折おりからに庭にわのこのまに、一人ひ と りの乙おと女め立たち出いでゝ、「三ツ姫ひめ君ぎみとは、あなた様さまか、いざ給たまへ」と、御手を取とれば、夢ゆめとなく 現うつゝとなく、 誘いざなはれてぞ立ち出いでけり。  (六の巻)是より五年ほどまへの物語 よみはじめ 却かへつて説とく、こゝに坂ばん東どう第だい一の大河なる、利と根ね川がはと言いへるあり。この辺ほとりなる白しら塚つかと言いへるところに、 醒さめが井何某がしとて、剣けん術じゆつの達人たつじんあり。此 娘むすめにおさごとて、見み目め形かたち美うつくしく清きよらにして、心様ざまもいと優やさしき 嬢をうなありしが、父親おやは早はやく身み罷まかりて、一人ひ と りの母はゝと供ゝもに暮くらしけるが、世よ渡わたる方便た つ きなきまゝに、利と根ね川に 漁すなどりして、これを身みの生業なりはひとしつ。細ほそき 煙けむりを立たてけるが、このおさご見み目め形かたち美うつくしき故ゆゑ、婿むこにならんといふ者もの多おほく、数多あ ま た言いひ入いれけれども、 姿すがたの 美うつくしきをいはず、只たゞ武ぶ道どうに達たつしたる人ひとを選ゑらむに、おさごは親おやの奥おう義ぎを良よく伝つたへて、剣けん術じゆつ柔じう術じゆつ供ともに目まの辺あたりに続つゞく者ものなかりければ、婿むこにせん者ものなかりしとぞ。しかるにおさごは日ひ毎ごと夜よ毎ごと、此利と根ね川に只たゞ一人ひ と り船ふねを浮うかめ、網あみを降おろして 漁すなどりけるが、その力りき量りやう早はや業わざに怖おぢ恐おそれて、迂う闊かつに 冗じやう談だんを言いふ者ものもなく、却かへつて 諂へつらひけるとぞ。ある夜よ例れいの如ごとく、小こ舟ぶねに竿さほ指さして、網あみを打うち入れけるに、今宵こ よ ひは月殊ことに赤あかければ、漁れうは思ふ様よふならねども、四方よ もの景け色しきをうち眺ながめて、船ふな端ばた叩たゝき歌うたうとふてうたゝ興けうに入る、折から頻しきりに水落おとしけるが、怪あやしき化ばけ物もの水すい中ちうより、大きなる手を出だして、おさごが乗のりたる船ふねを、遙はるかに差さし上あげたり。日ひ頃ごろ雄を/\しき 嬢をうな故ゆゑ、事ことともせず煙草た ば こ燻くゆらしゐたりしが、やがて船ふねを水みな底そこへ 覆くつがへして、沈しづめんとする気け色しきなれば、 心こゝろ得へたりとその手を押おさへ、 自みづから水へ飛び入て、日ひ頃ごろ馴なれたる水練れんに、彼かの妖よう怪ぐわいは大きに恐おそれて、逃にげんとするを、逃のがさじとしばしが程ほど、組くみ合あひしが、遂つひに化ばけ物ものを捕とらへけるに、小ちひさき 形かたちの物ものなりければ、やがて船ふねへ引き上あげて、網あみの手て縄なは持もて、縛しばり上あげ引ひきて帰かへり、次つぐの日見るに、これ河童か つ ぱといふ物ものなりければ、近きん隣りん遠ゑん境きやう聞きゝ伝つたへて、見みに来くる者もの市をなして、その 働はたらきを感かんじける。ある日ひ、河童か つ ぱ詫わび言ことして、おさごに不ふ死じ身みの法ほうを伝つたへけるよ112  り、此後のち、白しら塚つか一いつ村そんの者ものを、引いれざる約やく束そくにて、元もとの川かはへ放はなち遣やりけり。ある夜よ、おさご例れいの通とふり、夜よ網あみに出いでける後あとにて、何者ものとも知しれず忍しのび入り、おさごが母はゝを、只たゞ一いつ刀たうに斬きり殺ころし、剣けん術じゆつの奥おう義ぎの秘ひ書しよを残のこらず、奪うばひ取とり去さりければ、大きに歎なげきつゝ、その 敵かたきを狙ねらひけるが、さらに手て掛がゝりなかりける故ゆゑ、思おもふよう、「色いろ里ざとは数多あ ま たの人の、入いり込こむ 所ところなれば、傾けい城せいと成なりて 敵かたきを狙ねらはゞ、手掛がゝりを知しる事もあらん」と、 自みづからこの身みて、武蔵む さ しなる 恋こひが窪くぼに身みを売うりつゝ。名なを真砂子よ呼よばれて、さらに紅こう粉ふんに飾かざりなせば、 面おもては弥生や よ ひの花はなも恥はぢて、春はるの 心こゝろを動うごかさぬはなく、肌はだへはようたいの月も妬ねたみて、秋あきの色いろに染そまざるもなく、数多あ ま たの 客きやく様さまを 争あらそひて通かよへども、もとより 男おとこ嫌ぎらひとなにたちし女にて、座ざ敶しきはいと興けうありて持もて成なせども、いづれの 客きやくにても、肌はだを触ふるゝことなかりければ、男自じ慢まんの人/″\が、その張はりのあるは面おも白しろし、「我われこそ石いし部べ金きん吉きちを殺ころして見みせん」と、 互かたみに 罵のゝしりて、真ま砂さ子ごが元もとへ通かよひける故ゆゑ、名なを貰もらうどの数かづ多おほく、絶たへ間まは更さらになかりけり。ある時とき客きやくの事にて、男伊達だ ての悪わる者もの共ども、真ま砂さ子ごを恥はづかしめんと、さま/″\に悪あく行こう為なし、 剰あまつさへ狼らう藉せきに及および掛かけれども、更さらに心にかけず遁のがれんとするに、悪わる者もの共どもは後あと追おふて引ひき捕とらへ、若わかい者ものやりてなどを打てう擲ちやくし、すでに真ま砂さ子ごに打うつて掛かゝるを、堪こらへ兺ねて当あたるを 幸さいわひ、投なげ付つくれば悪わる者ものどもは、その手て並なみの凡ぼん人にんならぬ 働はたらきに一いち言ごんもなく、ちり/″\に後あとも見みずして逃にげ行けり。方かた辺への娼せう妓ぎに、この体ていを見みてゐたりしは、此悪わる者ものどもの 頭かしら、寒かん左ざエへ門もんといふ者もの、走はしり寄よつて、真ま砂さ子ごが腕うで首くび確しつかと取とる、事ことともせずして投なげ付つくれば、これまでなりと寒かん左ざエへ門もん、 刀かたな引ひき抜ぬき、切り掛かくる身を交かはして、あり奥あふ義ぎせるにてうと受うけ、女と 侮あなどり無ぶ礼れいして、「怪け我がさしやんすな」といふまもなく、また打うち掛かくる手しゆ練れんの切きつ先さき。このたも煙管き せ るの火ひ花ばなを散ちらし、ひいてかまふる正せい眼がんに、透すかさず付つけ入る虎こ乱らんの切きつ先さき、起おこす太刃た ち風凄すさまじく、打うてば開ひらき、腹はらへば付つけ入るその構かまへを、真ま砂さ子ごはきつと見みて、はて 心こゝろ減へぬ、「我わが家いへに伝つたへたるねんかうゐんかの人ならでは、知しることあらぬ」、中断だんの懸かけ橋はし下げ段だんのむがまへ、さすれば訪たづぬる、「ヲヽ金角大王とは、仮かりの名。我われは、熊くま山魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もん。 汝なんぢが親おやを討うつて、奥おう義ぎの秘ひ書しよを取とつたは、此方」、反かへり打うちと思おもひのほか、手強ごわき女、しばしがうち助たすけてくりやう、そこの家けといふ折をりからに、さきほどより、喧けん嘩くわ/\と喚わめき立たて、数多あ ま たの人/\出いで会あひしが、二人ふ た りが激はげしき 戦たゝかひに、左さ右うなくは寄よりもつかず、見けん物ぶつしてゐたりしが、真ま砂さ子ごは大きに 喜よろこびて、今こそ 敵かたきを討うち取とる時じ節せつ、 辱かたじけなしと、 懐ふところより短たん刀とう抜ぬき、持もち斬きり掛かくるに、 敵かたきは手に印いんを結むすび、口くちに唱となふる呪じゆ文もんと供ともに、黒くろ雲くも一ひと群むら舞まひ下さがり、 姿すがたを包つゝみて空そら高たかく、北きたを指さしてぞ飛とび去さりけり。真ま砂さ子ごは見みるより 狂きやう気きの如ごとく、その黒くろ雲くもを目め当あてにて、後あとを慕したふて追おふてゆく。早はや日も暮くれて空そら暗くらく、遂つひに魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんが 姿すがたをば、見 失うしなひたりけるが、予かねて河かつ童はより伝つたはりたる、不ふ死じ身みの法ほうを持もち得ゆる故ゆへ、徒かち跣はだしにても尐すこしも厭いとはず、いづれに希まれ北の方かたなり。「急いそがば何などか、追おひ付つかざらん」と、宙ちうを飛とんでゆくところに、向むかふより一いつ匹ひきの馬、飛とび来きたりて道みちを塞ふさげり。真ま砂さ子ごは、いとゞ気きを苛いらち、「邪じや魔まなせそ」と、避よけんとするすれども、行ゆく先さきに纏まつわりて更さらに動うごかず、折から差さし出でる月影かげに、これを見れば、手綱た づ なの模も様やう鞍くら障泤あ を りまで、我わが家いへに伝つたはりし古画の馬に尐すこしも違たがはず、日ひ頃ごろその身みを離はなさゞりければ、 心こゝろ得えず113  と 懐くわい中ちうより、取とり出いだし押おし開ひらけば、こは不ふ思し議ぎや、描ゑがきし馬は切きり抜ぬきし如ごとく、抜ぬけて後あとさへ止とゞめざれば、こは果はたして名めい画ぐわの奇き特どくにより、「 妾わらはを助たすけんとするにこそ」といとゞ嬉うれしく、彼かの馬に打うち乗のれば、馬はそのまゝ飛とび出いだし、宙ちうを飛とんで 瞬またゝく暇ひまに、山を越こへ水を渡わたりて、こゝなん上野かみつけ赤あか城ぎ山の 麓ふもとなる、湯ゆ之の沢さわといふ 所ところにいたりぬ。こゝに赤あか城ぎの湯ゆといふ温おん泉せんあり。此辺あたりに彼かの馬止とゞまりしかば、 心こゝろ得えずも降おり立たち見れば、向むかふに女二人立たり。近ちか寄よりてその由よしを問とはんとするに、その人/″\も、打うち 驚おどろきたる面おも持ゝちなりけるが、やがてこの 所ところへ片かた手に女を、抑おさへて来たる一人ひ と りの老らう人じんあり。その女は声こゑの限かぎり、「のふ許ゆるしてよ」と泣なき侘わぶるを、聞きゝも入いれずにこゝへ引ひき据すゑ、三ツ姫ひめに向むかひて言いふ様やう、「 汝なんぢ良よくも、三さん蔵ぞう法ほつ師しの言こと葉はに 従したがひ、浅あさ間まの山に隠かくれ住すむ、魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんを 謀たばかりて、家いへの 宝たからを取とり返かへし、 敵かたきを滅ほろぼす大功こうを、思おもひ立たつこと殊しゆ勝せうなり。高たか子こが為ためにも 敵かたきなれば、言いふに及およばず、又おさごにも母の 敵かたき、これより心こゝろを合あはせて、三ツ姫ひめを 傅かしづき、供ともに助ぢよ力りき出いだすべし。またおいのは、その身女にして、殺せつ生しやうせし罪つみ加くわう大なりといへども、これより三ツ姫ひめに 従したがひて、信濃し な の路ぢに 赴おもむくべし。その仔し細さいは 汝なんぢが父は、元もと清きよ見みの家け来らいにてありしが、先さきの年とし浪らう人にんし、狩人かりうどゝなりける也。されば 力ちからを合あはせて、大悪あく人魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんを滅ほろぼすべし。されども彼かれは魔ま法ほうを持もつて、飛ひ行ぎやうし自じ在ざいを為なす故ゆへに、容よう易いに討うたんは難かたかるべし。我われ汝なんぢらに守しゆ護ごを加くわへ、今いまより猶なほ大力りきを出いださすべし。又三ツ姫ひめには秘ひ密みつの、縛ばくの法ほうを授さづけんとて、密ひそかにこれを口く伝でんし給ひ、これを唱となふるときは良よく、人をして 働はたらかせず、身みを縛ばくして動うごかざらしむ。この名なを定心真しん言げんとも言いへり、ゆめ/\ 疑うたがふことなかれ」と、言いふかと思おもへば、風に連つれて虚こ空くう高たかく上あがり給ふ。その様さまはこれ、 観くわん世ぜ音おんにでありければ、四人はしん/″\肝きもに銘めいじ、伏ふし拝おがみつゝ。支し度たくしてこれより、三ツ姫ひめを馬に乗のせ参まいらせ、信濃し な の路ちへこそ 赴おもむきけり。  ○魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんはこれより、浅あさ間まの住すみ家かに居いたりけり。こゝには数多あ ま たの美び女ぢよを集あつめ、昼ちう夜や飲いん酒しゆに耽ふけりて、密ひそかに味み方かたを集あつめ、謀む反ほんの 企くはだて頻しきりなり。  ○此後のち彼かの四人の女、みち/\さま/″\の事ことありて、艱かん難なんもし一ひと度たびは道みちに迷まよひ、深しん山にて別わかれ/\になり。後のちは又また観くわん世ぜ音おん導みちびきで、浅あさ間まに居いたりて 姿すがたを変かへ、女太夫となり。ある日ひは、猿さる引ひきとなり。又または浅あさ間まと言いへる上瑠る璃りを語かたりて、その 心こゝろを盪とらかさんとすること、魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんこれを知しりて、石せき門もんを閉とざし 戦たゝかふて、遂つひに四人に斬きり立たてられ、又こゝを逃にげ出いだし。御おん岳たけの山に籠こもるに、苫之丞仙 術じゆつを得ゑて、魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もんを悩なやます。その後ゝち、魔ま魅み衛ゑ門もん隠かくれて、鎌かま倉くらへ逃にげて住すむとき、三人の女は芸げい者しやとなりて、これを狙ねらふことより、謀む反ほんの 企くはだて漏もれ聞きこへて、討うつ手ての事後のち、三ツ姫ひめの為ために滅ほろぶるまでは、事こと長ながゝり。其そは後こう編へんを待まつて、見給たもふべし。  ○これまでは皆みな、西さい遊ゆう記きの発ほつ端たんにかゝれり。これよりおい/\さま/″\の、趣しゆ向かう出いづれば、後のちの巻まきを持もて、 真まことの西さい遊ゆう記きと照てらし合あはせ、見給へかし。  114  ○御 薬くすり歯は磨みがき、丁字 車くるま、楚満人店、南仙笑楚満人作、歌川国安画、浄書音成   挿絵詞書  〈十六丁裏〉 「おつ母かあや引。お待まちよ引。おつ母かあや引。  〈十七丁裏・十八丁表〉 「未み洽こうはその様さま人じん倫りんに近ちかく、 獣けものも恩おんを知しる者ものを、人面めんだも獣じう心しんなる身み、三み保ほの郡ぐん領れう、为しう家かを横おう領れうするの大罪ざい、天てんの報むくふときあらんか、アヽ是ぜ非ひもないことじやよナア。 「血ち潮しほ染そみたる此片かた袖、スリヤ磯そ馴なれは討うち死じにして今日け ふまでこゝに有ありつるは 全まつたく変へん化げなりけるか。 「お爺ぢいたんや、おいらにも赤あかいベゞおくゑヨ。  〈十九丁表〉 赤あか岩いわ庚かう申しん山やま 裏うら見みの滝たきの図づ  〈二十丁裏〉 「何なに物ものゝ仕し業わざなるか、情なさけなきこの有あり様さま、今いま一ひと足あし早はやくん、ばやみ/\と討うたせじものを、残ざん念ねん/\/\。  〈二十八丁裏・二十九丁表〉 ○ 烏からす寒かん左ざエへ門もん一いち名みやう金きん角かく大だい王わうとなのる 男おとこ伊だ達て金きん角かく組ぐみの魁首か し らにて遊ゆう所しよに俳はい徊くわいす、鮫さめが井ゐの家いへの量器た か ら、荻おぎ原はら東とう渓けいの筆ふで、白はく馬ばの図づ、古こ来らいより伝つたふるが故ゆへに氏号め う じを白さめ馬が井ゐと書かきたるを、后のちに鮫さめの字しに 改あらたむ。沙漠神龍変白馬、貞齊書、東渓星野氏於二鎌倉一烏川老人ニ画法ヲ学ブ、当時之名人也。 


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