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Intelligent weiblichkeit : the correspondence of Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron Isakov, Laura 2016

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  Intelligent Weiblichkeit:  The Correspondence of Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron  by  Laura Isakov   A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF  THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS  in  The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctorate Studies (Germanic Studies)   THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  August 2016  © Laura Isakov, 2016    	 ii	Abstract  This thesis is dedicated to Charlotte Schiller's (neé von Lengefeld, 1766-1826) early correspondence, exchanged with a certain Henry Heron about whom as to present not much has been known. Preliminary archival research was necessary to establish the material basis of this thesis, i.e. dealing with concepts of scholarly editing, or "Editionswissenschaft" (cf. Appendix A), providing first-time full transcriptions of the manuscripts in the holdings of the Goethe- und Schiller-Archive Weimar (cf. Appendix B), as well as tracing back records to gain intelligence of Henry Heron's identity (cf. Appendix C). In the first part, my theoretical approach to Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron's correspondence, builds on scholarship on gender issues in epistolary culture as provided by Simon Richter, Linda Grasso, Anita Runge, Susanne Kord et al. In my second part, I propose a first-time analysis of Charlotte Schiller's Wallberg, a novel only recently published based on the Weimar manuscript holdings. My interpretation will be focused on the use of letters and documents as literary devices, as well as the intertextual allusions to her earlier aquaintance with Henry Heron regarding motifs of migration from Europe to America within the context of the War of Independence. By revealing the juxtapositions of real-life events and literary imagination in the genres of correspondence and novel, I hope to to shed new light onto Charlotte Schiller's literary strategies, and the role and status of women writers in Weimar, Germany, during the period from 1780-1810, at large.    	 iii	 Preface  This thesis is an original, unpublished, independent work by the author, Laura Isakov.    	 iv	Table of Contents Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………… ii Preface …………………….………………………………………………………….…iii Table of Contents …………………………………………………………………….... iv List of Tables …………………………………………………………………………… v Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………. vi Dedication ……………………………………………………………………………... vii I    Introduction ……………………………………………………………………….....1 II   Historical Persons: Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron………………………..13  A. Charlotte Schiller..............................................................................................15  B. Henry Heron......................................................................................................19 III   The Correspondence................................................................................................24  A. Archival Preservation and Collections..............................................................24  B. Literary Aesthetic..............................................................................................26   a. The Translation Project Document........................................................28   b. Humor....................................................................................................39   c. Social Construction................................................................................42   d. Aesthetic and Text ................................................................................45  C. Meaningful Relationship...................................................................................48 IV   Wallberg.....................................................................................................................51  A. Weiblichkeit in Wallberg...................................................................................58  B. Possible Allusions to Henry Heron in Wallberg...............................................63 VI Conclusion...................................................................................................................66 Bibliography.....................................................................................................................68 Appendices  Appendix A. On Editorial Studies.........................................................................73  Appendix B. Transcribed Correspondence............................................................79  Appendix C. Who was Henry Heron...................................................................103   	 v	List of Tables Table I  Survey of Henry Heron as Mentioned in Published Resource Material..104 Table II  Summary of Henry Heron's Military Service Record..............................116   	 vi	Acknowledgments  I would like to acknowledge the many people who made completion of this thesis possible. First and foremost, I would like to gratefully acknowledge my thesis supervisor, Gaby Pailer, who provided immeasurable support, training, guidance, and encouragement, the opportunities for archival work and collaboration with related projects. I am grateful to her for the motivation and confidence required to complete this task. Moreover, I would especially like to acknowledge the value of her transcriptions of the correspondence as a basis for my efforts.    I would like to express my gratitude to Bernhard Fischer, Director of the Klassik-Stiftung Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv in Weimar, Germany for permitting the use of his in-progress transcription of Karl Ludwig von Knebel's letters to Charlotte Schiller.   The efforts of Sabine Fischer from the Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach regarding the images of Henry Heron are much appreciated.   I am grateful to Ilinca Iurascu and Katia Bowers, for being members of my thesis committee, and for their support and constructive feedback. Their empathy and encouragement throughout my program have been much appreciated.  In addition, I would like to thank the entirety of the Central, Eastern, and Northern European Studies department at UBC for their instruction, understanding, and support throughout my program.   	 vii	Dedication  To my mother and grandmother, who, in teaching me to read, opened my eyes to a world of possibility and wonder.  To Aleksander and Irina for their support.  To my husband and children, whose immeasurable patience and understanding regarding the loss of the kitchen table and my time made this possible.  In loving memory of my father. 	 1	I. Introduction  "Let all your actions be regulated by that regard to the dignity of the female Character which springs not from any superiority of Birth or Station, not from personal pride or acquired accomplishments but from a conscious rectitude of Conduct - For this advice forgive the presumption of a person who tho but a new Acquaintance, would fain hope not be consider'd as a common one" - Henry Heron1   This definition of Weiblichkeit is written into the Stammbuch of Charlotte von Lengefeld (later Charlotte Schiller), dated in Weimar, July 20, 1787, and undersigned by Henry Heron, a personage whose identity has been laying in the dark up until now. It accompanies an excerpt of Thomas Otway's poem "Venice Preserved"2. The common assumption in biographical depictions of Charlotte Schiller is that this visiting Scottish naval officer had been in Weimar already a year and was well accepted among her circle of friends3 in Weimar.   Within their correspondence, as preserved in the holdings of the Goethe- and Schiller-archive in Weimar, there is a thread of frank debate regarding the nature of Weiblichkeit and concepts of gender. This correspondence extends into a collaboration of the minds in a translation project that demonstrates each individual's thoughts and a 																																																								1	Henry Heron to Charlotte (von Lengefeld) Schiller. Stammbuch entry, Weimar, July 20, 2	Ibid;	See	Appendix	B.	3 Note that for this thesis I refer to Charlotte Schiller geb. von Lengefeld as Charlotte Schiller or simply Schiller as she is the person of interest; reference to Friedrich Schiller shall involve both of his names. Noting that at the time of her correspondence with Heron her unmarried name was Charlotte von Lengefeld, and later in life, after the ennoblement of her husband, she was officially Charlotte von Schiller, "Charlotte Schiller" serves best as the assumed publishing name as chosen for the recent edition of her literary works by Gaby Pailer.		 2	fellowship of equals. That Weiblichkeit is so openly discussed in a male-female correspondence within the "weiblich" medium of the letter and epistolary culture is significant. This correspondence supports Simon Richter's theory of Weimar Heteroclassicism4 that is based on the correspondence of like-minded individuals, as Schiller's Weiblichkeit is expressed through "a determined, non-renouncing, triumphant feminine agency."5 As my research demonstrates, Schiller's correspondence successfully persuades Heron to renounce his previous opinion on the fairer sex. My analysis of the Schiller-Heron correspondence goes beyond Richter's theory to argue that an understanding of Weimar culture during this period is dependent upon an understanding of the strong expressions of Weiblichkeit within its intellectual circle.  Schiller's later (unpublished) epistolary novel, Wallberg6, explores different expressions of Weiblichkeit and character interactions with epistolary culture. Linda M. Grasso's theory7 suggesting that correspondence can be analyzed as literature is further exemplified by the Schiller-Heron correspondence. Remarkably, Charlotte Schiller's later novel Walllberg demonstrates that this theory is bi-directional, including fictionally documented 																																																								4	Simon Richter. "Weimar Heteroclassicism: Wilhelm von Humboldt, Caroline von Wolzogen, and the Aesthetics of Gender." Publications of the English Goethe Society, 81.3 (2012), 137-51. DOI 10.1179/0959368312Z.0000000007. 5	Richter,	"Heteroclassicism,"	150.		6	This	novel	remained	untitled	and	unpublished	during	Charlotte	Schiller's	lifetime;	it	was	only	recently	published	under	the	title	<Wallberg>	in	the	new	work edition: Charlotte Schiller, Literarische Schriften. Eds. Gaby Pailer, Andrea Dahlman-Resing, and Melanie Kage. In collaboration with Ursula Bär, Florian Gassner, Laura Isakov, Joshua Kroeker, Rebecca Reed, Karen Roy and Zifeng Zhao  (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2016) 403-471 (Text) and 843-867 (Commentary).	7	Linda	M.	Grasso.	"Reading	Published	Letter	Collections	as	Literary	Texts:	Maria	Chabot-Georgia	O'Keefe	Correspondence,	1941-1949	as	a	Case	Study."	Legacy	25.2	(2008):	239-250.		 3	epistolary content as embedded stories and thus creating the flair of authenticity indicating that correspondence in literature can be perceived as documented letters.    This thesis is dedicated to Schiller's first correspondence with a male outside her family circle as an exemplary case study about the literary nature of eighteenth century personal correspondence8. In preparation of my scholarly analysis, it was necessary to visit the Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv in Weimar in order to read the letters as only partial and unreliable transcriptions had been published in 19th century editions.9. For my own full transcription of these letters (see Appendix B) I was able to use partial draft-transcriptions by Gaby Pailer.   This thesis is based on a number of different theoretical approaches to interrelations of gender concepts and modes of epistolary culture around 1800: as mentioned above, Simon Richter's10 Weimar Heteroclassicism, Linda M. Grasso's theory on correspondence as literary text11 as well as Anita Runge's12 theory of women's literary practice circa 1800, Rainer Baasner's Briefkultur im 19. Jahrhundert13, Susanne Kord's14 																																																								8	This	thesis	will contribute to a larger project dedicated to the correspondence of Charlotte Schiller.	9 GSA 83/1759 Henry Heron to Charlotte Schiller, GSA 83/1914 Charlotte Schiller to Henry Heron 10 Simon Richter. "Weimar Heteroclassicism: Wilhelm von Humboldt, Caroline von Wolzogen, and the Aesthetics of Gender." Publications of the English Goethe Society, 81.3 (2012), 137-51. DOI 10.1179/0959368312Z.0000000007. 11	Linda	M.	Grasso.	"Reading	Published	Letter	Collections	as	Literary	Texts:	Maria	Chabot-Georgia	O'Keefe	Correspondence,	1941-1949	as	a	Case	Study."	Legacy	25.2	(2008):	239-250.	12 Anita Runge. Literarische Praxis von Frauen um 1800. Briefroman, Autobiographie, Märchen. (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1977). 13 Rainer Baasner. Briefkultur im 19. Jahrhundert. (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1999).	14 Susanne Kord. Sich einen Namen machen. Anonymität und weibliche Autorschaft. (Stuttgarg: J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung und Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH, 1996).  	 4	perspective on anonymity and women authors, and Bodo Plachta's Editionswissenschaft15. Each of these theoretical approaches provides a frame of reference that dovetails with the others in order to reach a comprehensive theoretical framework.   Until recently, Charlotte Schiller has been known primarily for the people she knew. The time-honored emphasis on her connections as credentials for interest is clearly summarized by Pailer:  "Biografiewürdig ist Charlotte indessen schon immer gewesen - aufgrund ihrer Verbindung mit Schiller. Das beginnt mit der Veröffentlichung von Schillers Leben durch ihre Schwester Caroline von Wolzogen (geb. von Lengefeld), die Lotte zur treu sorgenden Hausfrau und Mutter macht, sich selbst dagegen als schöngeistige Gesprächspartnerin des männlichen Genies entwirft."16  Caroline von Wolzogen's interest in this portrayal of her sister was likely a personal desire to increase her own status as an author and literary mind as well as to emphasize the nobility of her late brother-in-law; an emphasis on Charlotte Schiller's role within the sphere of hearth and home served as a social signpost of Friedrich Schiller's ennobled status.  Thankfully, the Weimar literary couple's youngest daughter Emilie, married von Gleichen-Rußwurm, collected much of the archival material, and it was she who initiated in the recovery of Charlotte Schiller's persona and writings. Her life and works, imbued with the spirit of the literature and culture of her day have, in recent years, been reformulated in research dedicated to Charlotte Schiller, starting with a multi-facetted UBC research project by Gaby Pailer (since 2007), resulting in a number of articles, a 																																																								15 Bodo Plachta. Editionswissenschaft: Eine Einführung in Methode und Praxis der Edition neuerer Texte. (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1997). 16 Gaby Pailer. "Charlotte Schiller. Literatur und Leben an der Seite eines >Klassikers<." in Schillers Familie: Beiträge von Michael Davidis, Gaby Pailer und Christine Theml. (Deutsche Schillergesellschaft: Marbach am Neckar, 2009).  	 5	research monograph (2009), and in the new work edition (2016).  This project initiated a new focus on Charlotte Schiller in the Jena Schillerhaus under the direction of Helmut Hühn17 and the Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv Weimar, with an exhibition dedicated to her (2015) and a corresponding publication by Silke Henke and Ariane Ludwig (2015)18. Yet, only now that Charlotte Schiller's works have been scholarly edited and are available in print19, further research can be dedicated to her as a historical person of interest on her own merit and as an integral member of the intellectual circle of Weimar.20   This recently recognized role as an author is an addition to the increasing assemblage of women writers under reconsideration in relation to the on-going trend of re-evaluating canon formation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Moreover, further questions regarding the normative masculinity ascribed to the concept of "Weimar Classicism," as women are not yet established as part of the canon, can be answered through the process of acknowledging and analyzing how a woman utilized the media and genre of the letter to communicate her worldview to other participants within the literary and cultural environment of her time. Understanding this will provide deeper insight into the gender dynamics of this time and place.   Richter's analysis of Weimar Classicism, which compares Wilhelm von Humboldt and Charlotte Schiller's elder sister Caroline von Wolzogen (neé von Lengefeld), 																																																								17 Helmut Hühn, Ariane Ludwig, Sven Schlotter (Eds.), "Ich bin im Gebiet der Poesie sehr freiheitsliebend". Bausteine für eine intellektuelle Biographie Charlotte von Schillers. (Jena: Garamond Verlag, 2015). 18 Silke Henke and Ariane Ludwig. "Damit doch jemand im Hause die Feder führt..." Charlotte von Schiller. Eine Biographie in Büchern, ein Leben in Lektüren. Schätze aus dem Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv, Band 3. (Weimar: Weimarer Verlagsgesellschaft, 2015).  19 Charlotte Schiller. Literarische Schriften. 20 Richter, "Weimar Heteroclassicism," 139. 	 6	provides a key to the gender dynamics that contrasts the widely held conceptions that result primarily from the canonical hyperfocus on Goethe and Friedrich Schiller.  Simon Richter has criticized the currently established canon of Weimar Classicism as being incomplete, arguing that it is necessary to "think of Weimar Classicism as a project, a distinctly local and historically discrete cultural phenomenon"21 which included women writers in and near Weimar as active and interactive participants. Richter brings critical attention to Humboldt's gender essays, demonstrating that "Wilhelm von Humboldt is one of the earliest gender theorists in a modern sense"22. Wilhelm von Humboldt argued that "the relation between gender and the sexed body" was more complicated than generally conceived, and that this relationship involved a "power identified as 'weiblich' [which] is distinct not in terms of degree (i.e. not 'less' in any conceivable sense), but in kind (Gattung) or directionality (Richtung)."23 The power that distinguishes Wolzogen's first novel, Agnes von Lilien (1797), argues Richter, "is about Weiblichkeit in precisely Humboldt's sense."24 Humboldtian Weiblichkeit means a particular strength through active self-awareness or Selbstthätigkeit that represents "a determined, non-renouncing, triumphant feminine agency"25. This understanding of Weiblichkeit as a power in terms of kind rather than degree is important to understanding the intellectual circle of Weimar which emphasized cerebral equivalence over that of social rank as a social practice of Enlightenment ideals. Although Friedrich Schiller's acceptance into this circle despite his bourgeois origins is an example of this understanding, Richter's theory that the 																																																								21 Ibid, 139. 22 Ibid, 141. 23 Ibid, 143. 24 Ibid, 146. 25 Ibid, 150.			 7	intellectual circle of Weimar was not limited to, or necessarily dominated by, Goethe and Friedrich Schiller opens this temporal and spatial context to renewed study. Wolzogen and Humboldt fit the theory, and, looking further into other correspondence, sheds new light on other overlooked examples, including Charlotte Schiller.  This female agency and expression of Weiblichkeit owed much to the epistolary culture of the day that increasingly intersected with salon culture and domestic culture as literacy and postal services became more ubiquitous. As Steven Kale summarizes, "salons encouraged socializing between the sexes, brought nobles and bourgeois together, and afforded opportunities for intellectual speculation."26 The sociability of the salon was a balanced arena of public inclusivity and mediated exclusivity and was an integral element in the transition from hereditary aristocracy to the more accessible status of elite as initiated by Enlightenment philosophy.27 The salon was a space wherein "public and private spheres overlapped" with "women at the center of a family's public responsibilities and status concerns"28 in a period of "stable cultural norms defined by feminine attributes."29 In a similar manner, as salons reveal the elite through the subjective interactions of its participants, so do letters reveal the individual in their subjectivity30.  Letters, much like salons, navigated a thin line between public and the newly emerging private spaces; private letters were frequently  																																																								26 Steven D. Kale. French salons: high society and political sociability from the Old Regime to the Revolution of 1848. (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004). 27 Ibid, 9. 28 Ibid, 12. 29 Ibid, 3. 30 Simon Richter. "The Ins and Outs of Intimacy: Gender, Epistolary Culture, and the Public Sphere." The German Quarterly, Vol. 69, No. 2 (Spring, 1996), 112. 	 8	"shared or read aloud; they were metonymies for absent and desired authors; they became the basis for new friendships with new and unfamiliar readers. Letters were bound together and made available to house guests; they were frequently published, with or without the author's permission, with or without the discreet removal of private detail."31  While salons continued to be the cultural institution of the individual's intellect, letters became the cultural institution of the individual's sentiment; the homosocial aspects32 of this epistolary cultural sense of sentiment and intimacy are most clearly seen in the friendship cult33. In epistolary novels, letters that expressed personal sentimentality and subjective emotion, as opposed to mere entertaining wit or Pietistic instruction, were considered "real."34 Perhaps because of the emotional vulnerability inherent in expressing one's subjectivity, the genre of epistolary novel and the nature of epistolary culture at large became associated with a woman's genre and with a restricted sense of the weibliche Stimme. In spite of the fact that men were still the predominant authors of epistolary novels, epistolary novels were one of the first established channels of feminine and female cultural self-expression. The second half of the eighteenth century emphasized both in fiction and in daily philosophy the expression of "states of consciousness involving a combination of feeling and thinking, whether in balance or at odds"35 that calls to mind the "temporal disposition of the powers resident in a subject vis-à-vis the Stimmung of those of another, or of the opposite powers within the same subject"36 that is expressed in Humboldt's gendered aesthetics. 																																																								31 Ibid, 115. 32 Ibid, 112. 33 Ibid, 112. 34 Ruth Perry. Women, Letters, and the Novel. (New York: AMS Press Inc., 1980). 35 Joe Bray. The Epistolary Novel: Representations of consciousness. (London: Routledge, 2003), 90.	36 Richter, "Weimar Heteroclassicism," 144. 	 9	 Letters had their own unique cultural norms and surrounding culture that both included and discounted gender roles. As Baasner explains, the rules and idiosyncratic variations that formed the contemporary epistolary culture (Briefkultur) were not isolated; "Es steht in Verbindung mit anderen Formen der Kommunikation, existiert aber im zeitgenössischen Bewußtsein und im kommunikativen Handeln als selbstständig organisierte und somit eingegrenzte Domäne."37 The physical object of the letter itself offers meaningful communicative details that are difficult to express. The size and type of paper, the watermark, the type of ink, the size and thinness or thickness of the letters, and the amounts of blots on the page - all these physical elements reflect the personality and the choices of the sender to the receiver. These elements also present the reader with a physical visual and tactile aesthetic that is difficult to convey second hand. In a similar fashion to the integral role of Briefkultur in daily life, the agency and expression of Weiblichkeit connected with other forms of self-presentation most visible in the role of integrating emotional communications, a role that became a "localized domain"38 within literary practice.  Sophie von La Roche's Geschichte des Fräuleins von Sternheim (1771) and Wolzogen's Agnes von Lilien (1793) are two famous examples of anonomously pubulished epistolary novels that, after their success, led to the public recognition of both women authors. Differently to this, four narratives by Charlotte Schiller were published by her husband around 1800,39 but without revealing her authorship during their lifetime. Anita Runge contends that die weibliche Stimme is not necessarily linked to the sex of the 																																																								37 Baasner, Briefkultur, 13. 38 Ibid, 13. 39 Cf. Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 105.		 10	author40, most clearly exemplified by the not entirely uncommon use of female pseudonyms by male authors to add "authenticity" to the weibliche Stimme of an epistolary novel's protagonist (19). The weibliche Stimme may not necessarily be limited to female protagonists of epistolary novels, as the male protagonist in Goethe's famous novel Die Leiden des jungen Werthers (1774) expresses his emotions in a manner coherent with the weibliche Stimme in the domestic domain of epistolary culture and expression of inner emotions.   That the weibliche Stimme in the intellectual circle later labeled as "Weimar Classicism"41 was not limited to fictional characters mediated by their male authors connects to Richter's argument about the concept of gender and agency within the intellectual circle of Weimar. Richter's comparison of Wolzogen and Humboldt's writings is one example that supports this theoretical frame; however, Wolzogen's experience was not a singular one. The majority of women participating in these intellectual circles were not openly published authors; this did not mean, however, that their work was not exposed to an audience. However, due to her authorship being publicly known during her lifetime, Wolzogen is an outlier from the experience of the majority of her contemporary female authors. Although useful, exceptional cases limit the application on a more generalized scale. In all scholarly scientific analysis the results must be reproducible for a theory to be verified, and this study supports Richter's theory by providing Charlotte Schiller as an example of a female writer who is more in the majority experience via her heretofore limited and anonymous publication. Reading actual private correspondence 																																																								40 Runge, Literarische Praxis, 12. 41 As "Weimar Classicism" is a label later ascribed to Weimar-based authors, it is an artificial concept that has been and needs to be questioned.  	 11	from the point of view of Briefnetzwerke provides insight into the interaction between individuals and provides a newer and deeper understanding of the constellation of minds that forms an updated understanding of gender dichotomy within Weimar culture. Therefore, the correspondence of Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron promises to provide a case study of this theory within the restraints of a (at the time non-published) writer and participant in the intellectual circle of Weimar.  This thesis begins with identifying what is known about Charlotte Schiller, Henry Heron, and their relationship with one another. Secondly, I will analyze the content of their correspondence and discuss what the epistolary exchange reveals regarding the nature of their relationship and of interactions in intellectual circles. Then, I will turn to a novel written by Charlotte Schiller, dealing with a family named Wallberg, in which letters play an important role and draw from Heron as a prototype for several male characters. Finally, I will discuss how the correspondence and novel portray Weiblichkeit as it pertains to individual and national identity in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century Germany.   Unfortunately, secondary sources without citations are not uncommon when it comes to a mysterious personage such as Henry Heron; I noted many references to such secondary sources with regularity in the brief references to him within the Anna Amalia Bibliothek collection of materials on the Schillers. Therefore, I have made every effort to avoid similar errors of assumption by striving to connect as much as possible with archival sources, primarily the corpus of epistolary material between Charlotte Schiller 	 12	and Henry Heron (1787)42, Charlotte Schiller's Stammbuch (July 20, 1787)43, and the diary (Schreibkalender) of Court Councillor (Hofrat) Karl Ludwig von Knebel (1786-1788)44, all of which are held at the Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv in Weimar. I consulted these resources both in the original and scanned versions during an archival visit made possible through Gaby Pailer's SSHRC project in December 2015. The National Archives of the United Kingdom, accessible online, were useful in ultimately lifting the veil over Henry Heron's identity.   																																																								42 GSA 83/1759 Henry Heron to Charlotte Schiller, GSA 83/1914 Charlotte Schiller to Henry Heron. 43 GSA 83/1959.	44 Karl Ludwig von Knebel, Schreibkalender, GSA 54/363. 	 13	II. Historical Persons: Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron   A handful of books have been written about Charlotte Schiller45; many of the books about Johann Wolfgang Goethe or Friedrich Schiller also mention Charlotte Schiller and include at least a passing mention of the Scottish officer Henry Heron, with whom she had an active correspondence over the year of 1787. The Briefwechsel between Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron is interesting as a case study example supporting Richter's argument regarding the nature of gender and agency within the intellectual circle of Weimar in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century; it is also an intriguing narrative of a growing and meaningful relationship based on mutual literary interests and the spirit of collaborative internationalism between the seemingly mismatched pair: an individual belonging to the navy that served as a social representative of the period's military superpower and an individual belonging to the domestic sphere of a linguistic-cultural region striving towards the ideal of nation-statehood. Heron and Schiller seem to have met in February 1787 at a Weimar gathering where they became engrossed in a discussion of English literature46.  Henry Heron was a participatory visitor during his time in Weimar, and he distinctly left his mark behind. His 																																																								45 Namely, in addition to portrayals by Düntzer (1856) and Ulrichs (1865), there are two nineteenth century biographies: Karl Fulda. Leben Charlottens von Schiller, geborene von Lengefeld. (Berlin: Gebrüder Paetel, 1878) and Hermann Mosapp. Charlotte von Schiller. Ein Lebens- und Charakterbild. 2. Aufl. (Stuttgart: Max Kielmann, 1902). One twentieth century biography: Hansjoachim Kiene. Schillers Lotte. Porträt einer Frau in ihrer Welt. (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1996), and two twenty-first century biographies: Eva Gesine Baur. "Mein Geschöpf musst du sein." Das Leben der Charlotte Schiller. 2 Aufl. (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 2005) and Gaby Pailer. Charlotte Schiller: Leben und Schreiben im klassischen Weimar. (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2009). The most comprehensive source of knowledge about Charlotte Schiller is Gaby Pailer's monograph as well as the commentary section of the work edition Literarische Schriften.	46 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 39-40.		 14	exploits in the American War of Independence were intriguing to those with revolutionary ideals. His cosmopolitan international life and German language ability rendered him attractive to locals thirsting for a grander view of the world. The Romantic ideal of natural, undistorted poetry matched well with the Scottish Highland disposition expressed by James Macphereson's Ossian47. His lectures and conversations about the English language, the American War of Independence, and Ossian influenced Weimar at large. Goethe was already a preeminent figure in Weimar and "his growing absorption in Ossian"48 was also known. As remarked by Pailer:   "Der ,Ossianismus' ist spätestens seit Goethes Werther verbreitet - Klopstock, die Dichter des Sturm und Drang und des Hainbundes, Herder sind davon ergriffen -, nicht überraschend also, dass auch in Rudolstadt fleißig übersetzt, die Hochlandstimmung nachempfunden, dem legendären Barden und seinem Helden Fingal nachgedichtet wird"49.   As Werther was written in 1774, the visit of the Englishmen was not the causation of "Ossianismus," but it is likely that this phenomenon influenced the manner of reception the visitors received by those in Weimar already enthralled by the Highland epic. Charlotte Schiller herself wrote a poem inspired by Macpherson, entitled Ossians Abschiedsklage50. Through Klopstock's influence the Ossian influence extended to Göttingen as well51. This "Ossianismus" was in all likelihood further extended and rejuvenated from the previous decade as the result of the visiting Scotsman and Heron's interaction with Goethe, Herder, and others in Weimar. Heron and Schiller shared a common interest in serious intellectual growth, and had extensive knowledge of 																																																								47 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 51. 48 Robertson, 268. 49 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 51. 50 Ibid. 51 Robertson, 254-256. 	 15	literature, poetry and essays. They talked about literature, each making efforts to speak and write in the other's language, and, by all accounts, spent long hours lost in conversation with one another. As demonstrated in a letter to Fritz von Stein, she had no time for others the entire week of Heron's visit; "Er hat uns viel angenehme Stunden gemacht"52. The relatively small collection of letters from Heron to Schiller, therefore, does not do justice to the hours spent together through number, but through content. Similarly, Friedrich and Charlotte Schiller exchanged only few letters once married, the lack of correspondence seems to indicate a fairly close relationship in each other's presence. A metonymic object was not necessary if the actual person could be present; apparently, letters were a necessary means of communication mainly when persons were apart from one another.  A. Charlotte Schiller   Charlotte Schiller has primarily been known as the wife and widow of the famous Friedrich Schiller, who had yet to arrive on the Weimar scene at the time of Heron's stay. Recently, however, a surge of scholarship has brought attention to her poetry, prose and diaries53, lecture notes, drawings and travel journal54, and correspondence. The trend of repeatedly mentioning Schiller as someone who knew one of many famous personages (Goethe, Humboldt, Friedrich Schiller, Knebel, Charlotte von Stein, her son Fritz, local nobility, and others) came to an end with the recognition of Charlotte Schiller's individual 																																																								52Ibid, 41. 53 Schiller, Literarische Schriften, (2016). 54 Silke Henke and Ariane Ludwig. >>Damit doch jemand im Hause die Feder führt<< Charlotte von Schiller. Eine Biographie in Büchern, ein Leben in Lektüren. Schätze aus dem Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv, Band 3. (Weimar: Weimarer Verlagsgesellschaft in der Verlagshaus Römerweg GmH, 2015). 	 16	identity. Current researchers have turned the lens around to look at the individual at the centre of a network of more or less famous individuals with a decisive effort to understand Charlotte Schiller herself.   Charlotte Schiller was, in fact, a prolific author. In addition to two unpublished novels that both feature migration processes between Europe and the Americas in the context of revolutionary uproar in the late 18th century55, she also wrote five dramas, six contemporary narratives, three historical narratives, over sixty poems, and numerous travel reports, remembrances, and reflections56. Themes familiar to many of her narratives include arranged marriage, nuns, separated lovers, the importance of epistolary communication, and strong female characters. Schiller retained her correspondence with many individuals, most of which is held in the Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv in Weimar.   Understanding Schiller's familial background helps create a sense of the condition of her daily life that were known to Heron from their social encounters but are not minutely recorded in the letters themselves. In other words, while the Briefwechsel partners shared this information, much of it is not in the actual correspondence. This information is useful for communicating the social context behind the letters. Schiller was born on November 22, 1766 to parents within the lower ranks of nobility. She grew up just outside of town in a dwelling called Heißenhof, which her father rented from the Weimar Equerry (Oberstallmeister) G.E. Josias von Stein, whose wife, Charlotte, became Charlotte Schiller's lifelong friend57. Schiller had a deep love of nature and the outdoors, 																																																								55	These	are:	Wallberg	and	Berwick,	both	of	which	were	untitled	prior	to	the	recent	Literarische Schriften.	56	Charlotte	Schiller.	Literarische Schriften. Eds. Gaby Pailer, Andrea Dahlman-resing, and Melanie Kage. (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2016) 1017.	57 Pailer, Leben, 18-19. 	 17	and was especially close to her father, whose death in October 1775 was extremely difficult for the nine-year-old58. Her mother Luise resumed service as lady-in-waiting at the court of Rudolstadt. In September 1784, Schiller's elder sister Caroline entered into a marriage of convenience with Rudolstadt Regent Counsel Friedrich Wilhelm Ludwig von Beulwitz. The young ladies travelled to Switzerland with their mother on a trip financed by von Beulwitz from April 1783 to June 1784 with the goal of improving Charlotte's French in order for her to enter into court service for Duchess Luise in Weimar, a plan animated by her friend Charlotte von Stein59.  Charlotte Schiller joined her mother at Castle Kochberg in October 1785, visited Weimar, and became acquainted with notable figures, including Goethe60.   Charlotte Schiller was an accomplished woman in the true sense of the Enlightenment. In addition to her literary production, Schiller was a practiced artist. Schiller enjoyed drawing and painting aquarelles61. She enjoyed creating delicate details in intricate sketches, as she wrote later to Goethe, even in drawing her goal was to learn62. Schiller attended lectures of literature, history, and philosophy63. She took notes on cards that were kept in a wooden box.64 These cards were in three languages - German, French, and English - including both contemporary works and works from 																																																								58 Ibid, 22.	59 Ibid, 22.  60 Ibid, 39. 61	Ernst-Gerhard	Güse	and	Jonas	Maatsch,	Eds.	Schillers	Wohnhaus:	mit	Beiträgen	von	Jürgen	Beyer,	Viola	Geyersbach,	Ernst-Gerhard	Güse,	Jochen	Klaß	und	Kristin	Knebel.	(Weimar:	Klassik	Stiftung	Weimar,	2009).	62,87.	Also	in	Henke	and	Ludwig.	Feder	führt,	69-79.	62	Henke	and	Ludwig.	Feder	führt,	78.	63	Ibid,	17.	64	Ibid,	19.	GSA	83/2134.		 18	antiquity65. She translated various works for her own edification, including translating Sophocles’ Aias from Guillaume Dubois de Rochefort's French translation into German66. The continuous learning and many practiced talents of Charlotte Schiller are impressive; however, this focus on continual self-improvement and personal involvement of the arts is consistent with the model of the Rudolstadt court.  The Rudolstadt court greatly influenced Charlotte Schiller's life. From the second half of the eighteenth century onwards, the Rudolstadt court had increasingly come into contact with the intellectual, artistic, administrative, and commercial elite of the bourgeoisie as part of the court's efforts to nurture art and science67. Prince Johann Friedrich von Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt initiated the transition from courtly to bourgeois culture that continued into the reign of Prince Ludwig Günther II, who later played a role in the fate of Friedrich Schiller68. This shifting of values at the Rudolstadt court towards an egalitarian acceptance of great intellectual minds served as a foundation for the acceptance of Humboldt's gender essays and the participation of local "Weimar-connected women" in intellectual discourse69. Schiller's openness with minds of intelligent substance and her later decision to choose love over rank were in accordance with the more liberal minded ideas at play at the Rudolstadt court and in Weimar. Both she and her older sister Caroline were strong women. Caroline was the more famous, or infamous, as she not only was she known to be a published author, but had also divorced and remarried. While Schiller's stories were published anonymously, her writing reveals 																																																								65	Ibid.	66	Ibid,	22.	Circa	1788.	GSA	83/1635.	67 Lutz Unbehaun. Schillers heimliche Liebe: Der Dichter in Rudolstadt. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2009, 15. 68 Ibid, 31.  69 Richter, "Heteroclassicism," 142.		 19	much about her inner self. Pailer notes, "Starke Frauen stehen im Zentrum aller fünf 'französischen' Erzählungen Charlotte Schillers"70. The concept of a strong woman supports the Humboldtian definition of Weiblichkeit. This strength of character is further demonstrated in her correspondence with Henry Heron and her literary works, particularly in Wallberg, which presents different expressions of Weiblichkeit in relation to one another.  B. Henry Heron  Henry Heron is recorded in Weimar documents as being present in the Weimar area for the majority of time between May 1786 and May 1787. He sent Schiller letters from Neuwied in June and from Rotterdam in August of 1787. His last letter, to Knebel, written from Madras in 1788, remains only in Charlotte Schiller's hand copied version. Knebel's diary, or Schreibkalender, is a pocket-sized preprinted calendar with writing space71, and provides some additional information about Heron and his visit. On Sunday, May 20, 1786, Knebel noted he was in Jena and that "Abends Convivium bey [sic] mir. 3 Engländer hier"72. Knebel records Heron as "Capt. Heron" in his entry of August 20, 178673. Fielitz notes correspondence from Goethe to Frau von Stein on May 21, 1786 states, "Die Engländer finden sich hier ganz wohl. Sie haben ein schönes Quartier bei 																																																								70 Ibid, 107. 71 Current English in North America usage typically refers to such items as planners; previously these were also referred to as datebooks as well as diaries. Knebel's diary includes weather predictions, horoscope signifiers, and moon-cycle information. Karl Ludwig von Knebel. Schreibkalender, 1786. GSA 54/363. 72 Karl Ludwig von Knebel. Schreibkalender, 1786. GSA 54/363. Also in Wilhelm Fielitz. "Aus Knebels Tagebüchern." Archiv für Litteraturgeschichte. Ed. Franz Schnorr von Carolsfeld. Leipzig: B.G. Teubner, 1886, 403-428; 26. Access to the original Knebel diary reveals that Fielitz's transcription for this date is accurate. 73 Ibid, 405; Karl Ludwig von Knebel. Schreibkalender, 1786. GSA 54/363. 	 20	Griesbach bezogen und scheinen eine gute Sorte Menschen."74 On this same day of May 21, 1786, Knebel recorded in his diary that he went "Nachmittag mit den Engländern u. Göthe [sic] nach Burgau spazieren"75.  During a February 1787 visit in Weimar, Schiller and others met a visiting party from England that included the Scottish officer Henry Heron76. Among the visitors were also a certain Mr. Ritchie and Lord Inverary; the latter was said to be the brother of Heron77. Knebel records various gatherings with Heron and the other visiting "Englishmen" including the von Imhoff family, Herder, Frau von Stein, Frau von Kalb, and others. Prince Ludwig Friedrich II. von Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt met the visiting Englishmen and wrote in his diary on April 24, 1787, "Gegen Abend besuchten wir den Hr. Hofrath von Beulwitz, wo wir einen Engeländer [sic] den Herrn Capitain Heron kennen lernten. Dieser junge Mann hat den gantzen [sic] Amerikanischen Krieg mit beigewohnt [sic]"78. In addition to providing lectures on English and literature such as Ossian, Heron's prolonged military experience in the American War of Independence79 made him an interesting visitor to a German intellectual circle yet to experience or identify with the manifestation of the nation-state. His acquaintanceship with Herder is documented by Schiller, "	the	other	is	from	an	author,	that	I	am	sure	is	your	friend,	it	is	from	the	Herder"80.	Heron's	acceptance	into	the	Weimar	circle																																																									74 Ibid, 403. 75 Karl Ludwig von Knebel. Schreibkalender, 1786. GSA 54/363.	76 Ibid, 39. 77 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 40. Knebel recorded in his diary that the party of visitors from England includes "Lord Inverary, Mr. Heron, Mr. Ritchie" and including a Capt. Cleve. Verfied by Karl Ludwig von Knebel. Schreibkalender, 1786. GSA 54/363.	78 Lutz Unbehaun. Schillers heimliche Liebe: Der Dichter in Rudolstadt. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2009, 39. 79	See	Appendix	C.	80	Charlotte	Schiller	to	Henry	Heron.	GSA	83/1914.		 21	included	acquainanceships	with	most	everybody	who	was	of	importance,	yet	little	about	him	is	verified.	 The question of "Who was Henry Heron?" initially appeared a simple question of finding the right footnote or index reference in published research about one of his many friends or acquaintances from Weimar. Initially it seemed his correspondence with Charlotte Schiller was underappreciated because it was either brushed off as a girlish romance and/or as it interrupted the established narrative of Charlotte Schiller as being the boring and weibliche widow of the famous Friedrich Schiller. No previous scholarship has verified Heron's identity or thoroughly contextualized his stay in Weimar. My own investigation rendered the result that Henry Heron was a Lieutenant in the Royal Navy of the United Kingdom81. Based on knowing his regiments, it can be inferred that he did in fact see the majority, if not the entirety, of the American War of Independence. His family connections, however, I have been unable to verify as to now.82  There are two images preserved in German archives attributed to Henry Heron, both of which provide clues to Heron's personality. The first is a silhouette, or Schattenbild / Scherenschnitt, of Henry Heron with Louise von Imhoff, Karl Ludwig von Knebel, and Sophie von Schardt (1785) and lies in the Goethe-Nationalmuseum; a reproduction of this portrait is published in Schattenbilder der Goethezeit 55 Tafeln (1966)83. The reproduction of this particular silhouette is entitled, "Englishe [sic] 																																																								81	See	Appendix	C,	Table	2.		82	See	Appendix	C.	83 Schattenbilder der Goethezeit 55 Tafeln. Nr. 565. Leipzig: Insel-Bücherei, 1966. The original silhouette was inked and cut by Johann Christian Thomas Starke. This same shadow picture is also reproduced as a two-page spread in Lutz Unbehaun. Schillers Heimliche Liebe: Der Dichter in Rudolstadt. Köln: Böhlau, 2009, 118-119. 	 22	Konversationsstunde in Weimar"84. The fact that Heron was even portrayed spending time in lectures and intellectual discussions suggests that he used much of his personal time for intellectual pursuits. The second portrait is an oil painting on canvas in the holdings of the Deutsche Literaturarchiv Marbach am Neckar; it is reprinted in Unbehaun's Schillers heimliche Liebe85. The painting came to Marbach as part of the estate of Emilie von Gleichen-Rußwurm; on the back there are handwritten notes, "H. Heron, 1787. Ein Freund von Charlotte von Lengefeld." The overall appearance of Heron is consistent with the Schattenbild; Heron's face and nose have similar lines and his hair is styled in the same coiffure. The oil-portrait figure wears a blue military-cut jacket sans epaulettes with a high red collar featuring a gold embroidered double bar86. This is consistent with the coat of British naval officers of regiments of foot87.   Heron's portrait and military uniform provide signifiers of his self-image regarding his military service and his personality. That Heron's portrait features undress, rather than a dress, uniform is of particular interest, as it indicates an effort to leave behind a memento of his appearance from a realistic and practical perspective. This resonates with the later portrait of Charlotte Schiller88, as her portrait also shows a distinctive lack of worldly accouterment expected as a portrait characteristically depicted the subject at the grandest allowable display of rank and wealth89. Moreover, deciding to 																																																								84 Ibid, Tafel 43.	85 Lutz Unbehaun, Schillers heimliche Liebe, 120. 86 Portrait of Henry Heron, Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach. Permission was granted to use the image for research purposes but not for reproduction.  87	See	Appendix	C.	88 Ludovike Simanowiz. Charlotte Luise Schiller, geb. von Lengefeld. Oil on Canvas, 1794. Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach.  89 Sabine Fischer. "Auf Augenhöhe? Friedrich und Charlotte Schiller im Portrait. Jahrbuch der deutschen Schillergesellschaft 57 (2013), 140-173. I'd like to thank Dr. 	 23	have his portrait in undress uniform signifies humility regarding his military rank and honors. This demonstrates a Stimmung between these persons in their choices of visual representation of self for posterity that embodies their like-minded emphasis on the intellectual mind over pomp and rank as well as the resolve to act according to these values. The comparison of their oil portraits is one way to identify the Stimmung between Schiller and Heron. A second and more detailed study of their Stimmung is through analyzing their correspondence.   																																																																																																																																																																					Fischer for the tour of the image collections at the Deutsche Literatur Archiv Marbach. June 17, 2015. 	 24	III. The Correspondence   The correspondence of Schiller and Heron demonstrates the Stimmung of two intellectual equals from diverse backgrounds. Their poetry translation project is a lively demonstration of internationalism and collaboration that supports Richter's theory of Weimar Heteroclassicism.  The story behind them is revealed in the letters and includes recurring themes, character, incident, setting, and fate. The genuine humour, depth of literary interest, and honest details render this correspondence an aesthetic literary text. Schiller's novel, Wallberg, demonstrates in manifold ways the knowledge she gained from Heron and explores the concepts of Weiblichkeit and Stimmung within the different characters of the work. These various expressions of Weiblichkeit reflect on the gender relations within the intellectual circle of Weimar in the late eighteenth century that are consistent with the Schiller-Heron correspondence and the theory of Heteroclassicism. The aesthetics of gender during this time and place have repeatedly conflicted with canonized views of Weimar Classicism. Confirmation of Richter's theory requires further substantiating case studies. In view of the Schiller-Heron correspondence, however, these case studies should not be limited to epistolary exchange restricted within the German-speaking lands so long as one correspondent resided in the Weimar area during this time.   A.  Archival Preservation and Collections  The correspondence between Charlotte Schiller and Captain Henry Heron forms part of the collection of Friedrich Schiller's literary estate in the Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv in Weimar. From Schiller to Heron there are two "letters" over four pages; I place letters in quotation brackets as these are not the actual letters received by Heron, but 	 25	rather her rough copy or concept notes. There are nine letters from Henry Heron to Charlotte Schiller, one from Heron to Knebel (which in 1804 he later shared with Schiller upon her reqeust), and three of the letters included separate attachments of copied out literature or poetry. The first letter is undated from Heron to Schiller and references content of their initial social conversation at the gathering in Weimer; it arrived at Schiller's Rudolstadt address just before her return home.90  This immediacy indicates an instant connection between them, a strong desire to further the relationship, and a confidence that reciprocal sentiments had already been received in person prior to the letter's writing. The last letter from Heron directly to Schiller leaves a temporary address; the existing copy of his last letter to Knebel (in Charlotte Schiller's hand) as well does not provide any forwarding address.   In addition to the original letters held in the Goethe-Schiller Archive in Weimar, transcriptions of various letters and excerpts have appeared in different published editions. Düntzer (1856) transcribed Charlotte von Schiller's hand-copied copy of Heron's letter to Knebel (1788) and Charlotte von Schiller's letter to Knebel (3 July 1788). Düntzer's edition is not representative of the exchange between Charlotte and Henry Heron because it was indirectly written to her through Knebel and therefore is of a different character than those written directly; moreover, it is a copy and not the original letter. This means that, in addition to questions of accuracy of copy, the researcher cannot infer any emotion from Heron's penmanship or any clues from the stationary. At the time of this last letter the two were not in an actual relationship with each other due to Heron's obligation of active military service and lack of access to a post office from a ship en 																																																								90 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 40. 	 26	route to India. Additionally, Düntzer's edition is problematic from a scholarly perspective, as he did not notate crossed out words or even mention to the reader that his transcription was of Charlotte von Schiller's copied version of it. Neither the method nor the date was clarified. Düntzer's edition, therefore, is not presented according to archival or scholarly standards, meaning that it is not a reliable source. Unlike Düntzer, Ulrichs (1865) provides in his Charlotte von Schiller und ihre Freunde a transcription of one91 of Heron's letters to Charlotte Schiller.  Summaries and excerpts of some letters from their correspondence are published in Gaby Pailer's Charlotte Schiller: Leben und Schreiben im klassischen Weimar. As previously mentioned, this thesis arose through my involvement as Research Assistant in Pailer's larger SSHRC-Schiller project. Both this thesis and the larger project adhere to set standards and editorial principles relative to the creation of a historical-critical edition for the purposes of further academic research.   B. Literary Aesthetic  Discussing the literary aesthetic of letters requires defining how letters relate to the field of literary studies. The decision to analyze letters, therefore, is dependent upon the relationship between letters and a literary text.  Precisely because eighteenth- and nineteenth-century correspondence was not limited to a single moment - the writers often edited and copied out letters, letters were shared among families and friends, letters were read and re-read over asynchronous time - they were created with an understanding of letters as text. It is not surprising, in an age when published collections of letters were 																																																								91 No.5 1787, GSA 83/1914.  	 27	increasingly common and epistolary novels still popular, that there existed a general conscious awareness of letters as an aesthetic text as well as an articulation of their thoughts based on the social relationship established with the receiver and potential shared recipients.  Linda Grasso (2008) justifies viewing correspondence as literary text and as literary form. Grasso proposes that "published letter collections, as well as the letters within them, should be considered as literary texts that comprise a discrete literary form; second, we need to devise and apply reading strategies appropriate to that form"92. I would add that as we move further from a mundane understanding of the subtext communicated via spatial presentation in handwritten correspondence, the strategies for communicating this information to the reader of a published transcription increase in importance. Grasso demonstrates that "like a novel, an edited letter collection contains setting, characters and plot" with each letter part of "the telling of a larger story"93. It is established that letter writers make clear choices regarding language usage, order and "arrangement of details, and the subjects about which they write" in ways similar to the production of other recognized types of literary works, yet they have yet to be accepted overall as a particular genre outside of the epistolary fiction or collection of letters of a canonized author94. However, as letters "involve creative processes. A letter is a form of creation, an exchange, a human interaction"95, and a collection of letters creates a larger story in which "the correspondents become the characters, and the drama of their 																																																								92 Grasso, 239. 93 Ibid, 240. 94 Ibid, 244. 95 Ibid, 244.		 28	epistolary relationship creates the plot96 Grasso argues that letters are in and of themselves a form of literary text.  Although the collection of correspondence between Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron forms a significantly smaller corpus than that used by Grasso, the theoretical framework used regarding correspondence as literature remains valid. The initial setting is Weimar and Rudolstadt, where Charlotte Schiller remains while Heron later travels along the Rhine and ultimately to the Portuguese island Madeira. The plot is their growing relationship which is suddenly cut short and concludes through the letter shared through their mutual friend, or supporting character, Knebel. The mediation of language is explicitly apparent in this correspondence. Not only do these authoring letter writers translate their ideas and emotions into written words, they take pains to write in the language of the recipient, thereby adding another layer of mediation of ideas via translation not only into words, but also into another language.  a. The Translation Project  An example of this mediation of ideas via translation into words and into, or from, another language is the translation project wherein Schiller and Heron were collaborating to translate Herder's poem Die Rose into English97. The document's columns lay out Schiller's translation, Heron's improved version, and his explanatory comments. These comments explain the nuances between linguistic expressions relating to the translation. This project mediated a translation, but it also affected each participant's understanding of the poem's meaning in a more in-depth and nuanced manner. 																																																								96 Ibid, 245. 97	See	Appendix	B:	The	Translation	Document.		 29	 The translation project is extraordinary in that in a single document and on a single idea the reader finds both Schiller's and Heron's voices in their own words. Their thinking and their interaction are made visible through Heron's careful organization. The choice of text for the project is significant in itself. The poem Die Rose is by their mutual acquaintance Herder. From Schiller's notes are the lines: "I	accept	in	the	same	time	your	kindly	offering	and	send	you	any	some	Pieces	which	I	have	translated.	the	ones	is	translated	from	an	French,	...		the	other	is	from an	author,	that	I	am	sure	is	your	friend,	it	is	from	the	Herder"98.		This	evidences	that	the	choice	of	Die	Rose	was	from	Schiller.		The	content	of	the	poem	emphasizes	the	simultaneous	criticism	and	attraction	of	the	beauty	and	joy	of	youth	as	embodied	in	the	short	life	of	the	Queen	of	Flowers,	"die	leicht	zerfallende	Rose"99.			 An	example	of	where	Heron	corrects	Schiller's	translation	not	from	grammar,	but	from	a	meaning	viewpoint	is	when	the	Rose	complains	"vielleicht	schon	in	der	ersten	Empfindung	ihrer	auch	hinsinkenden	Schönheit"100.	This	line	is	translated	in	the	1845	English	edition	as	"perhaps	already	in	the	first	perception	of	her	sinking	beauty"101.	Given	this	line	and	that	Schiller	was	twenty	years	old	and	unmarried	at	the	time,	it	is	intriguing	that	she	chose	this	poem.	It	indicates	a	level	of	self-awareness	of	her	age	in	relation	to	contemporary	standards	of	marriage.	In	this	regard,	it	is	interesting	that	Schiller	translates	the	line	as	"(already)	in	first																																																									98	GSA	83/1914,	Second	Letter	of	Charlotte	Schiller	to	Henry	Heron.	See	Appendix	B.	99	Johann	Gottfied	von	Herder.	"Die	Rose."	Johann	Gottfried	v.	Herders	Sämmtliche	Werke.	Zur	schönen	Literatur	und	Kunft.	Dritter	Band.	von	Herder,	Johann	Gottfried,	Herder,	Karoline,	and	Balde,	Jakob.	(Stuttgart	&	Tübingen:	J.G.	Cotta'scher	Verlag,	1852).	230. 100	Herder,	"Die	Rose."	230.		101	Johann Gottfried Herder. "The Rose." Fables	and	Parables	from	the	German	of	Lessing,	Herder	(Krummacher	and	others).	London:	James	Burns,	1845.	51.		 30	Sensation	from	the	decaying	beauty	of	herself"102.	Heron	edits	this	line	to	read	"in	the	first	feel	of	her	own	decaying	Beauty"103.	The	later	English	translation	uses	the	word	"perception,"	whereas	Schiller	uses	"sensation"	and	Heron	uses	"feel"	to	describe	the	"Empfindung"	of	fleeting	beauty.	While	each	of	these	is	a	legitimate	translation	of	the	word,	each	leaves	the	reader	with	a	different	essence	of	impression	regarding	the	initial	awareness	of	"decaying	Beauty".	Schiller's	"sensation"	indicates	that	it	is	sensed	by	the	speaker	as	well	as	implying	a	"sensation"	among	others	in	the	social	meaning.	Both	cases	indicate	an	event,	and	both	carry	a	vague	and	a	specific	impression	that	hold	significant	meaning	for	a	contemporary	unmarried	twenty-year-old	woman.	Heron's	"feel"	is,	on	the	one	hand,	more	tangibly	perceptory,	implying	a	sense	that	can	be	perceived	by	touch,	such	as	changes	in	skin	texture/tautness,	as	compared	to	the	experiential	meaning	of	"sensation."	In	addition,	Heron's	use	of	"feel"	is	more	emotively	active,	such	as	stating	one's	emotions	in	the	statement	"I	feel...".	Heron's	verb	choice	is	therefore	more	scientific	in	its	description	of	perceived	sensory	input	from	both	a	physiological	and	psychological	viewpoint.			 The	thread	of	Weiblichkeit	is	visible	in	this	difference	of	translation.	On	the	surface,	the	differences	in	their	translation	of	this	single	word	coincide	with	expected	gender	norms	regarding	the	perception	of	age	and	beauty.	Consideration	of	this	translation	difference	in	light	of	Humbolt's	definition	of	Weiblichkeit	as	compared	to	the	definition	(see	above)	of	Weiblichkeit	provided	by	Heron,	however,	reveals	more.	The	experience	of	"sensation"	as	translated	by	Schiller	leaves	a	more																																																									102	GSA	85/1759.	See	Appendix	B:	The	Translation	Project	Document.	103	Ibid.		 31	powerful	imprint	than	the	passive	observation	of	"feeling"	as	translated	by	Heron.	Heron's	definition	of	Weiblichkeit	emphasizes	the	"dignity of the female Character which springs ...from a conscious rectitude of Conduct"104 indicating either a disconnection from beauty or implying that beauty is affected by the morality of one's behavior. Humboldtian Weiblichkeit, though, "posits an ideal human beauty that is different from gendered beauty, but only conceivable by means of gender. Gender is a limit which separates gendered limits in order to approach that which has no limits"105. Thus, Schiller's concept of "beauty" as part of the intellectual circle of Weimar and the concept of Heron's thinking at this earlier stage of his relationship with Schiller were two different concepts. Understanding this difference in defining "beauty" is critical to understanding the difference between "sensation" and "feel." Schiller's use of "sensation" further evidences the larger scope concept of beauty that cannot be simply visibly seen or physically felt but must be actively "sensed." It indicates a public display or is inclusive of the public sphere. Further, the form of the word in the phrasing "sensation from the decaying beauty of herself"106 indicates that the source of the sensation is the "decaying beauty" and the origin of this beauty as "of herself." This indicates that the beauty is not an external quality, but rather an encompassing beauty that is part of her very essence, of her identity as the "Queen of Flowers." The language in Schiller's translation, therefore, acknowledges the gendered form of ideal human beauty of both body and mind in its full context of the female social experience. At the same time, the emphasis on "in first sensation from" indicates action from beauty to the queen. The "from" indicates the 																																																								104	Charlotte	Schiller's	Stammbuch;	GSA	83/1959.	105	Richter,	"Heteroclassicism,"	145.	106	Schiller,	GSA	83/1759.		 32	queen receives the sensation that stems from self-awareness and conscious self-reflection that is an essential element of Humboldtian Weiblichkeit. Assuming that Heron accurately transcribed Schiller's capitalization, the word "beauty" has further meaning. Schiller leaves it lower-case, whereas Heron emphasizes its importance by capitalizing it. Heron's translation, "in the first feel of her own decaying Beauty,"107 indicates being in a moment of sensory emotion and capitalizing "beauty" indicates that the importance is on the quality of beauty rather than on the queen herself. Yet "feel" is more fleeting than "sensation" and does not have the possible extension of social experience that "sensation" carries. A feeling is private, belonging to the domestic sphere and internal monologue. Moreover, the "feel of her own decaying Beauty" emphasizes that the decaying beauty is "her own" by placing the ownership of the beauty in front of the verb "decaying". Schiller's translation emphasizes the active experience stemming from the actively "decaying beauty" that is falling further from the ideal human beauty in the Humboldtian sense. Heron's translation emphasizes the feminine ownership of "Beauty" that can be physically experienced through "feel." Thus, he places more weight on the limits of gendered beauty via youthful female appearance as a singular quality than on his own definition of Weiblichkeit as an expression of "a conscious rectitude of Conduct." Therefore, this exchange of translation indicates Heron's reaction to Schiller's expressions of Weiblichkeit as they relate to the concept of limitless ideal human beauty.		 Although	it	is	easy	in	the	annotated	document	to	identify	the	places	where	their	translations	differ,	it	is	equally	important	to	examine	where	Heron	agrees	with,	or	continues	with,	Schiller's	initial	translation.	An	example	of	this	is	when,	after																																																									107	Heron,	GSA	83/1759.		 33	complaining,	the	Rose	in	the	poem	is	reminded	that	"was	höhere	Liebe	ist,	der	Wunsch	einer	zärtlichen	Neigung"108.	What	the	later	English	edition	of	Herder's	poem	translates	as	the	"wish	of	fond	affection,"109	Schiller	translates	as	"the	desire	of	a	tender	inclination"110.		Schiller's	English	is	a	technically	correct	translation	and	the	difference	in	English	could	be	that	as	the	published	translation	quoted	here	is	from	1845	the	difference	in	time	could	be	responsible	for	a	change	in	language	usage.	Of	note	however,	is	that	Heron	does	not	change	Schiller's	translation.	Heron	edits	the	preposition	directly	before	this	phrase	to	read	"but"	instead	of	"as."	He	also	eliminates	a	comma	and	accidentally	adds	an	extra	"a"	to	write	"of	a	a	tender".	However,	the	words	of	this	phrase	themselves	are	left	as	Schiller	initially	translated	them.	This	could	be	from	accuracy	of	translation	or	from	a	shared	"tender	inclination".	The	extra	"a"	is	uncharacteristic	of	Heron's	precision	and	appears	to	indicate	an	emotive	response	on	Heron's	part.		 The second section of the translation project document, "Of Friendship" seems to be what Schiller refers to having translated from French111. It appears to be an essay from Michel de Montaigne112. The French origin explains Heron's comments in this section regarding translations of French verbs113. The poem discusses Weiblichkeit in relation to beauty, and the selection of "On Friendship" references an image of nature and Weiblichkeit as representative of Friendship. From Schiller's translation it reads, "One has 																																																								108	Herder,	"Die	Rose."	230.	109	Herder,	"The	Rose."	51.	110	GSA	85/1759.	See	Appendix	B:	The	Translation	Project	Document.	111	Charlotte	Schiller	to	Henry	Heron,	second	letter,	GSA83-1914. 112	Michel	de	Montaigne.	Herbert	Lüthy,	Transl.	Von	der	Freundschaft.	Kleine	Bibliothek	der	Weltweisheit,	8.	Revised	Reprint.	(Zürich:	Manesse	Verlag,	1953).	113	"Remarks."	GSA	83/1759.	See	Appendix	B.	The	Translation	Project	Document.		 34	represented Friendship under the emblem from a woman that laying one hand to her heart and with the other embracing a leavless [sic] Tree"114. Heron edits this translation to read, "Friendship has been represented under the emblem of a woman laying one hand on her heart and with the other embracing a leafless tree"115. In the "Remarks" column Heron explains his correction of the verb tense based on the French original. Therefore, this difference is of grammatical technicalities rather than a difference in conscious understanding.   The theme of this image of Friendship is later referred to as representative of the true friend being steadfast during periods of adversity. As Schiller translates, "against the adversity of a friend to suffice true in all his disgraces and can tourning [sic] back from the Multitude to come and console a being forsaken from Nature - here is what Friendship render'd from all the sensation of Man, the most great and august"116. Here, Schiller places the true friend in opposition to the befriended's adversity with his/her back to "the Multitude." The befriended is in a position "forsaken by Nature" but not by the true friend. In addition, Friendship actively "rendered" or caused existence of this position of solidarity "from all the sensation of man" and is therefore set apart as "the most great and august." Here, Schiller translates Friendship as a continuation of the earlier analogy of the woman with one hand on her heart and the other embracing a leafless tree as opposed to the "sensation of Man." The female "Friendship" is therefore depicted as greater than, rather than subordinate to, the männlich sensation. This concept 																																																								114	Schiller.	"On	Friendship."	GSA	83/1759.	See	Appendix	B.	The	Translation	Project	Document.	115	Heron.	"On	Friendship."	GSA	83/1759.	See	Appendix	B.		116	Schiller.	"On	Friendship."	GSA	83/1759.	See	Appendix	B.	The	Translation	Project	Document.		 35	of womanly strength indicates that Schiller has in mind the Humboldtian sense of Weiblichkeit in this translation as well.  Heron, on the other hand, translates this part as "against the adversity of a Friend, to remain true in all his disgraces to be able to turn ones back on the Multitude to come and console a being forsaken by Nature Mankind - this renders Friendship of all human feelings the most aimiable and delightfull"117. The phrase "against the adversity of a friend" is the same excepting Heron's capitalization of the word "friend." The other consistency with Schiller is the phrase "true in all his disgraces". Otherwise, Heron translates the rest of this section differently. It is noteworthy that this is another moment where Heron makes a copying mistake and begins to copy Schiller but must cross out the word "Nature" to write his translation as "Mankind."   There is a significant difference between "being forsaken by Nature" and "being forsaken by Mankind". Schiller's "forsaken by Nature" places the forsaken one in the position of the woman representing friendship, as the leafless tree would symbolize Nature and the leaflessness would symbolize the forsaking despite the embrace of friendship. Schiller's translation, therefore, acknowledges a broken relationship that occurs despite close physical proximity and despite the embrace of friendship. As "Nature" can refer equally to the natural world as to the "nature" of human nature, including the realm of gender, Schiller's translation goes further. Being "forsaken by nature" indicates that nature is doing the forsaking and thus the relationship between nature of any kind and the individual is an active one. This imagery extends the concept 																																																								117	Heron.	"On	Friendship."	GSA	83/1759.	See	Appendix	B.	The	Translation	Project	Document.			 36	of Weiblichkeit as a quality that persists in spite of others' refusal to acknowledge it, just as the leafless tree refuses the Weiblichkeit of friendship's representative woman. Schiller's imagery, therefore, emphasizes the lack of Stimmung between the woman Friendship and Nature despite a genuine embrace. This could signify humankind's proclivity to act against friendship rather than accepting it. It could also signify a woman's nature persisting in a lack of Stimmung despite her active efforts to accept and embrace it. Or, it could signify that the Weiblichkeit inherently part of all successful friendship persists despite man's refusal to accept his effeminacy and thus the leafless tree is the "sensation of Man" Schiller references later.  In comparison, Heron's translation ignores the complexity of genderedness. Heron's "forsaken by Mankind" puts the forsaken one in the position of the leafless tree and the woman representing friendship is in the act of consoling the tree by embracing it. The line "forsaken by Mankind, this renders Friendship of all human feelings the most amiable and delightfull"118 places Friendship, which is represented by a woman, in opposition to Mankind. While "mankind" can refer to both genders, this does not appear to be thoroughly implied in Heron's translation. Because friendship is limited by the clause "of all human feelings" and ascribed traditionally feminine qualities of being "amiable and delightfull," the femininity of Friendship as represented by a woman is all encompassing. Also, that this womanly feeling is "rendered" from the act of "being forsaken by Mankind," there is an allusion to the Biblical creation of Eve from Adam's rib119. This allusion, however, places womanly feelings as subordinate to man as well as inferring that friendship is created only from the process of others first forsaking an 																																																								118	Heron.	"On	Friendship."GSA	83/1759.	119	Genesis	1:21-23.			 37	individual. This is problematic from both the gender and relational perspectives. It is an issue from a gender perspective because it places the genders in opposition to each other rather than harmonizing with each other. Also, the subordination of feelings as womanly and inferior relates to the concept of gender as Bestimmung. As Richter describes, "Bestimmung leaves subjects powerless in the face of the fate or law that has destined them one way or another"120. The state of Bestimmung in Heron's translation is connected to the problematic relational perspective. If one is powerless to destiny then there is no motivation for self-improvement or even self-awareness. The steadfastness of friendship has no place in a world-view shaped by unchangeable destiny. Rather, it would remain a transitory "amiable and delightful" feeling as described. In contrast, Schiller emphasizes friendship as being "rendered" or created by "sensation of Man" indicating that the "sensation" is in opposition to steadfast friendship rather than woman versus man. Thus whereas Heron translates the section as an oppositional dyad of woman versus man, Schiller translates the section as an oppositional dyad of sensationalism versus steadfastness. As can be seen by this example, therefore, Schiller's Weiblichkeit is the stronger and more universal concept.  Heron's difficulty with Weiblichkeit changed from their interaction. This change is made apparent in his fifth letter (u.d.) that provides another example of translating ideas into words and into another language: "Unterdeßen	aber	kann	ich	mit	aller	meiner	Philosophie	das	Gefühl	nicht	ganz	unterdrucken	daß	ich	jzt	entfernt	von	Ihnen	bin	und	mich	nach	wenigen	Tage	von	allen	den,	die	sich	in	dießem	Theil	der	Welt	um	mich	bekümmern	und	die	ich	schäze	mich	getrennt	sehen	werde.	Trennung	ist	ja!	traurig	für	allen,	die	es	angeht	traurig	aber	doppelte	für	den	armen	Reisender.	Sie	sind	mit	Ihren	Familie	mit	den	die	Ihnen	theuer	sind	umgegeben	Sie	haben																																																									120	Richter.	"Heteroclassicism,"	144.			 38	eine	schäzbare	Mutter	eine	liebens-würdige	Schwester	und	andere	Vertauterinnen	derer	Gesellschaft	beruhigend	und	derer	Umgang	tröstend	ist,	ich	aber	meinen	unruhigen	Gedanken	ein	Raub,	ohne	Freunde	ohne	eine	einziges	Gespräch	dem	ich	das	geringste	Wort	von	meinem	vollen	Herzen	zu-trauen	kann,	werde	bald	ein	reisender	Wanderer	niemand	gehörend	mit	keinem	verbunden	und	öd	und	allein	selbst	unter	den	Menschen	seyn.	Doch	in	dießer	traurigen	Lage	bin	ich	nicht	ganz	von	Trost	verlaßen.	Ihre	Güthe	wird	auch	hier	mein	Schutzengel	werden	ich	habe	eine	kleine	schwarze	Gefährterinn.	sie	wird	beständig	meine	Gespielin	seyn,	ihr	ruhige	heitere	Aussehen	wird	manche	schwermüthige	Stunden	erleichtern	und	in	der	Betrachtung	derselben	werde	ich	mich	belebt	fühlen	durch	einige	der	reinen	Gedanken	die	das	Urbild	beseelen."121		Here,	Heron	uses	less	direct	language	to	express	his	thoughts	about	the	loneliness	of	travel.	Clearly,	the	act	of	writing	in	German	affects	his	phrasing.	However,	he	gets	around	to	mentioning	to	Schiller	that	he	has	taken	the	Schattenbild	portrait	of	her	with	him	and	that	this	metoymic	object	is	to	be	his	company	and	his	"kleine	schwarze	Gefährterinn"	while	he	is	away.	Schiller's	steadfast	Weiblichkeit	has	won	over	his	previous	prejudices.		Heron's	claim	that	"Ihre	Güthe	wird	auch	hier	mein	Schutzengel	werden"	calls	to	mind	the	image	of	the	woman	representing	friendship	who	has	one	arm	wrapped	in	an	embrace	around	the	leafless	tree.122	Heron,	however,	is	clearly	no	longer	a	leafless	tree,	because	he	acknowledges	Schiller's	Weiblichkeit	as	a	positive	protective	power.	The	Weiblichkeit	expressed	in	Schiller's	translation	regarding	the	representative	of	friendship	is	compared	to	a	guardian	angel.	Heron	expresses	this	thought	much	more	clearly	at	the	end	of	the	letter	when	he	lapses	into	English:		 "and	now	aimeable	Charlotte	fare-you	well.	little	did	I	think	of	making	such	an	acquaintance	in	a	foreign	land.		my	national	pride	had	told	me	that	every	thing	good	and	perfect	in	the	fair	sex	was	only	to	be	found	not	but	little	till	I	knew	you	to	make	me	change	my	opinion.	I	am	however	convinced	that	my																																																									121	GSA	83/1759.	122	Ibid.		 39	former	sentiments	were	prejudices	and	that	every	country	has	it's	good	and	its	bad	-	may	the	stream	of	your	destiny	ever	run	pure	and	serene	as	your	own	thoughts	-	to	hear	your	happiness	will	ever	add	to	mine	than	be	aprised	you	have	no	friend	to	whom	your	welfare	can	be	more	interesting	than	to	your	sincere	H.Heron."123		Here,	Heron	connects	his	prejudice	of	genders	to	his	"national	pride."	This	is	an	intereting	connection	that	Schiller	explores	later	in	life	in	her	novel	Wallberg.	Both	of	these	sections	clearly	express	Heron's	distress	at	separating	from	Schiller.	The	difference	in	style	and	in	succinctness	is	clearly	connected	to	language	familiarity.	And	yet,	as	a	reader,	it	is	difficult	to	discern	which	of	these	passages	is	the	more	powerful	for	Schiller's	reception.	Both	sections	express	Heron's	continued	reliance	on	Schiller's	goodness	to	accompany	his	thoughts.	The	thought	of	other	women	encountered	in	his	life	is	also	present	in	both	passages.	The	expression	of	thier	relationship,	however,	is	quite	differently	expressed	in	the	different	languages.	In	the	English,	Schiller	is	"such	an	acquaintance"	and	an	"ameable"	"friend."	In	the	German,	Schiller	is	his	"Schuzengel"	and	"Gefährterinn."	One	could	surmise	that	the	English,	as	his	native	language,	more	clearly	expresses	his	true	feelings	for	Schiller.	On	the	other	hand,	it	is	equally	plausible	that	social	conventions	and	self-regulatory	practice	are	more	in	effect	when	using	his	native	language	and	that	the	German	language	section	referring	to	Schiller	as	his	"Angel	Protector"	and	his	travelling	companion	or	leader.		The	differences	due	to	language	proficiency	affect	the	letters	but	do	not	detract	from	the	aestheticness	of	the	correspondence.																																																									123	Ibid.		 40	 According to Stein Haugom Olsen (1981), "aesthetic features constitute a text a literary work of art"124. This indicates that not all literary texts are literary works of art. As the textual features of the correspondence have been demonstrated sufficient to classify them as a literary work, the next question is if there are sufficient aesthetic features to classify the collection as art.  The sense of aestheticism generally attributed to Weimar Classicism is found within the collection of letters in its sensibility and in the artistic expression within the parts and the collection as a whole.  b. Humor  As in any well-written narrative, the collection of correspondence contains recurring themes. One of these is the humor of humility when expressing oneself in a second language. In his second letter, dated March 16, 1787, Heron ends with a short section in English in which he apologizes, "I must really beg your pardon that I plague you to read my limping german. when I at least could make myself understood in English,"125.The concept or draft letter we have of Charlotte Schiller to Henry Heron responds directly to this comment, stating, "truly you are very good to encourage me to writ yet one letter in your language that I write so bad but if you have not told me the truth, I hope you will be punished enough to be obliged to read in second time my limping english. You have served you not justly of this expression then you write the german very well,"126.   The repeated drafts of this single sentence reveal much about Schiller's personality and the meaning the relationship had for her. First, the repeated practice to get 																																																								124 Stein Haugom Olsen. "Literary Aesthetics and Literary Practice." Mind ns 90.360 (1981). 522.	125 GSA 83/1759. 126 Charlotte Schiller to Henry Heron. GSA 83/1759.		 41	the sentence and joke just right in a foreign language indicate time and attention to the letter writing which imply that the response of the receiver was particularly important for her. That she is building upon a comment written to her by Heron demonstrates attention to his words as well as an established pattern of repartee between them. Her ability to achieve this by adding to rather than losing the humor established in the previous letter is the mark of an incredible and talented mind and indicates she knew her efforts would not only be noted, but that the wit and kind regard would be duly appreciated.  We know that Heron received the content of this reply, as this inside joke continues in in his next letter to Schiller, in which he pauses briefly in his German to write it in English:  "seit dem vorigen Sonnabend um zehn Uhr vor Mittage habe ich nichts gethan als dießen Brief angekuckt und meinen vortreflichen klar sehenden Kopf darüber zerkrüppelt. umsonst aber habe ich mich bemühet denn weiter kann ich es nicht bringen als blos Roudolstadt 21 March 1787 zu verstehen Zwar folget etwas das mit englischen buchstaben geschrieben ist welches aber dem Englishen so ähnlich als ich dem Hercul bin--There's a thumper for you - and as I have not told you the truth I hope to be punished enough to be obliged "to read a third time your limping english." --"127  Clearly, if Heron can reply to and quote from her repetition of the joke his criticism that her English writing is "as similiar to the English language as he is to Hercules" is a further joke of exaggeration. He implies either that her English is far from proper English as he is from Hercules, or he is praising her English as very good and boasting that he is equally as close to Hercules. It is possible, considering Heron's military experience, that this may be an extension of a joke shared during a previous conversation. The growing exchange of and increase in humor demonstrate an increasing depth of familiarity and trust. Moreover, this type of humor seems to indicate a sense of equality of minds. Heron 																																																								127 GSA 83/1759. 	 42	has no doubt that Schiller will understand his jovial abatement of her language skills to be part of the joke between them rather than a critical opinion of her abilities. His acknowledgment of her joke with the phrase "there's a thumper for you" conveys and evokes a sense of knee-slapping laughter and congenial sense of humor.   The use of humor demonstrates the Stimmung between Schiller and Heron to the reader of the collection; it communicates the depth of the shared worldview, personality, interest and wit between them that is revelatory in a male-female correspondence from the time. It is this Stimmung that Richter argues was at the true center of Weimar Classicism. The difference between Bestimmung and Stimmung, as explained by Humboldt, "liegt allein in der Art, wie beide gegenseitig gestimmt sind"128. However, whereas Richter claims "We should think of Weimar Classicism ... as a transitory cultural mode, a Stimmung, in Humboldt's sense, a fantasy of aesthetic life that was entertained for a decade or so by a number of male and female Weimar participants across a broad range of experiences and activities"129, I argue that the correspondence of Schiller and Heron identifies that this Stimmung was, in fact, the actual reality for these two letter writers and which they collaboratively translated in their written thoughts and emotions across gender, language, culture, time and space in an aesthetically communicated manner.  c. Social Construction  Initially formulaic but friendly, the tone and style (or arrangement of details) throughout the letters change and build upon previous correspondence and events to express nuanced changes in their relationship with one another. Even with the missing 																																																								128 Richter, "Heteroclassicism", 144. 129 Ibid, 145.		 43	letters of Schiller to Heron the reader can sense these changes. The continuation of the humor conveyed through the use of "limping" demonstrates the purpose of the letter in communicating camaraderie and the relationship between sender and receiver, as well as the circumstances of trans-lingual communication in which the letter was written, all of which signify the "mediated form of expression" as defined by Grasso130. The purpose of the letters is the literal building of an initiated relationship - literal in the sense that the relationship is built upon the mediated exchanges expressed in the letters, and literal in the sense of the relationship being built largely on their sharing of literary works such as discussing Alexander Pope's Essay on Man (1733-34) and Scottish author James Thomson's Seasons (1726-1730). Grasso's assertion that the letter writers make choices of language usage, detail arrangement, and the subjects about which they write in ways similar to these choices in the production of other types of literary works is seen as these choices shift with the changing relationship between the letter writers.   An example of this shift in socially constructed arrangement is identifiable through a comparison of the openings of Heron's first and fifth letters to Schiller. In his first letter, Heron writes to Schiller (March 2, 1787): "Nun wie geht es mit Ihnen, mit Ihrer Schwester und ihrem Herrn Gemahl, mit Fräulein von Holleben und allen den andern angenehmen Ruddelstädter und Ruddelstädterinnen deren Bekanntschaft ich das Vergnügen in Weimar zu machen hatte. Sind sie alle glücklich nach Hause gekommen und genießen Sie jetzt die Freude die man nirgendwo so völlig als in der ruhigen stillen Heimath antreffen kann..."131  In his fifth letter, on the other hand, Heron begins: "Ich hätte gleich nach meiner Rückkunft hier in Jena gern an Sie geschrieben, ich mochte Ihnen etwas aus der Fülle meines Herzens sagen, Gedanken aber drängten 																																																								130 Grasso, 243. 131 Henry Heron to Charlotte Schiller, March 2, 1787. GSA 85/1759. 	 44	sich auf Gedanken, versperrten allen Ausgang und nach langem Streben fand ich alle Versuche vergebens mich wie ich wünschte auszudrücken--in dießem Zustand aber waren dieße Gedanken mein größter Trost, denn ich fand was sich nicht sagen läßt, läßt sich doch empfinden und ich bedaurte den der sein volles Herz durch Worte entladen kann"132   The difference between the beginnings of these letters establishes a distinct choice in language usage and arrangement of details. Whereas the first letter maintains social formalities of greetings and inquiring of the recipient's health or safe return, the latter chooses to jump immediately to the conveying of personal emotions to the recipient. The language in the first letter is more mundane and predictable; the language of the latter letter demonstrates a higher level of imagination and creativity in the writing that correlates with the increased intimacy between sender and receiver.  As this comparison demonstrates, the stylistic and content differences in letters communicate to the reader a great deal about the relationship between the sender and receiver even when only one side of the correspondence is present. The gaps are filled by the reader's imagination and background knowledge of the persons, time, and place(s) involved. Even uninformed readers, however, can note the difference. The social constructions of formal greetings are recognizable, as is the connection between a lack of such formality as corresponding to an increase in relationship between sender and receiver.   It seems almost instinct to ascribe a higher aesthetic value to the introduction of the later letter over that of the first, so it seems prudent to examine the causation of this ideation and determine if it is an objective or an emotive response. Olsen argues that 																																																								132 GSA 85/1759.		 45	analysis of literary aesthetic features can be "non-reductive"133 and separate from individual emotion, for "if literature is conceived as a social practice rather than as a collection of texts, then literary aesthetics must change its focus away from the relationship between the individual mind and the individual work to the social practice of which both the reader and the work are elements"134. This indicates that while there is an inclination to ascribe higher aesthetic value to the less formulaic letter, the social formula expressed in the first letter does not necessarily render it as less aesthetic. Rather, the expression of this social practice can be done across a scale of aestheticism and does not, in and of itself, necessarily indicate a loss of aestheticism. Letters, by virtue of their role within social practice and the practiced social guidelines by which they were written, embody Olsen's concept as the work (the letter / the collection) is written with the reader (the recipient and indicated other parties) in mind and the literary form within which the ideas are conveyed is itself part of the social practice. By this definition, many letters more accurately fit the definition of literature than other literary forms. d. Aesthetic  Letters are literary texts in the sense of story as well as from the perspective of literary anthropology. The elements of prose literature that Parker (1920) designates as aesthetic are also found in letters: "character, incident, nature, fate and mileu [sic]"135. Parker writes that prose literature "tends to be transparent, sacrificing itself in order that nothing may stand between what it reveals to thought and the imagination" and is therefore "incompletely beautiful. The full meaning and value of the aesthetic are not to 																																																								133 Olsen, 523. 134 Ibid, 533. 135 Dewitt H. Parker. The Principles of Aesthetics. (Boston: Silver, Burdett and Co. 1920). 236. 	 46	be found there, but rather in poetry, painting, sculpture, music, architecture. Yet prose literature remains art, if incomplete art-a free, personal expression of life, for the sake of contemplation"136. Through their correspondence, Schiller and Heron convey enough characteristics to gain a sense of them to fulfill the qualifications of this element. Their individual voice and handwriting, their connection to various other persons in and around Rudolstadt, their sense of humor and literary interests - these comprise two clearly developed and distinct characters within the collection. Incident, states Parker, means action or event that express character or that express their fate, future, or foreshadowing of a life event137. This element of "fate" corresponds to the idea of a text's conclusion. The correspondence contains both. The action of their collaboration on translating "The Rose" and the recorded action of Schiller drafting a clever addition to the "limping" joke are two examples of action that expresses character. In addition, expressions of fate are seen in both the letter from Heron giving Schiller his forwarding address and his letter to Knebel, as well as the fact that the letter to Knebel is a copy and the correspondence collection therefore includes Charlotte Schiller's later request from Knebel to lend her the original and her action of having copied and returned it to Knebel. These actions relate to the fate of their relationship and, as Parker insists necessary, it is a fate "independent of any special philosophical view of the world"138. In addition, the collection has a clear beginning, middle, and end of the story139 and a unity of story140, indicating that the construction of events formed by the letters as written create a story. Suspense and 																																																								136 Ibid, 228.	137 Ibid, 237. 138 Ibid, 238. 139 Ibid. 140 Ibid, 239. 	 47	excitement exist, particularly between Heron's last letter directly to Schiller and the letter he wrote to Knebel. The milieu "is not anything that can be seen or heard or touched; it does not manifest itself to perception, but has to be constructed by a process of inference and synthesis ... a philosophy of life, even, is the inevitable presupposition of every story"141. In this collection of correspondence, the reader finds the constructed synthesis of the Weimar milieu and the philosophy of Weiblichkeit according to Humboldt. Typical social boundaries are more fluid through the medium of Weimar society. That there even is this correspondence evidences the Weiblichkeit and egaltarianism of Weimar. The elements of aesthetic prose are all present in a manner that engages the unintended reader, making the collection an aesthetic literary text in its own right.  Letters as aesthetic literary texts challenge theoretical concepts of authorship. The authorship of this newly defined aesthetic literary text is complex. Because Schiller and Heron are the writers of the letters, they are the collaborative authors. However, authorial credit for the collection is shared with others as well. Schiller initiated the collection and was the first to edit what fragments of her own correspondence remained and expresses authorship through her curation. The second editor, or curatorial author, is her daughter, Emilie. The Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv hold many various correspondences of Charlotte Schiller. As will be demonstrated in the discussion of Wallberg below, curation of letters in epistolary novels also add this second layer of authorship framework. Schiller's editorial and authorial curation of her correspondence, and especially holding on to the scrap paper with her notes for response, indicate that this correspondence, and the relationship it was part of, were meaningful to her. 																																																								141 Ibid, 243-44.		 48	C. Meaningful Relationship  Perhaps above all else, the collection of correspondence is the testament to a deep and meaningful relationship. From the first letter, Heron asks Schiller "Wie viele Strümpfe stricken Sie täglich und daß die Verbeßerung des Geistes gleich Schritte mit der des Körpers halten möge wie viel Seiten lesen Sie alle Tage aus Marcus Aurelius-?"142, establishing relationship built upon a holistic understanding of her as an individual by equally weighting concerns over spiritual/mental health and improvement as well as her physical health and practical improvement. Asking how many stockings she is daily knitting in the same sentence as asking about her health and how many pages of Marcus Aurelius she has read seems a bit unusual; however, this string of thoughts also demonstrates a certain awkwardness along with familiarity. Heron knows these three activities have meaning to Schiller and that they are acceptable questions within the 'safe' and expected norms for a friendly letter and social conventions.   The letters express the relationship as it blossoms. In his seventh letter, dated June 13, 1787 from Neuwied, Heron writes, "Arme Leute! sie wußten nicht daß ich die ganze Glückseligkeit die für mich in Meinz war schon genoßen hatte. Dort bekam ich Ihren Brief, o meine beste Freundin wie soll ich Ihnen danken für dießen Beweis Ihrer Güte gegen mich? .  .  .  zu wißen daß ich ein Daseyn in Ihrem Andenken habe, ja davon von Ihnen selbst versichert zu seyn!"143. In addition to the declaration "o meine beste Freundin," Heron demonstrates that their relationship is an intimate friendship through his other words as well by pitying the others outside their shared correspondence and his radiating joy and gratitude to be "ein Daseyn [sic]" in her thoughts.  																																																								142 GSA 83/1759 First Letter. 143 GSA 83/1759, Seventh Letter, June 13, 1787. 	 49	 Schiller's intellectual life shines through the lines of the correspondence. In Heron's second letter, dated March 16, 1787 from Jena, he writes:           "Nein! ich kann Ihnen nicht verzeihen daß Sie mir in der Englischen Sprache         geschrieben haben. freylich Sie drücken sich nicht ganz wie eine gebohrne Engländerin aus: aber Sie schreiben doch auf eine solche Art daß ich mich so viel Mühe gegeben und kaum nach meinem langen Aufenthalt in Deutschland die die Kenntniß von Ihrer Sprache erworben habe die Sie schon von der Meinigen ohne in meinem Lande gewesen zu seyn besitzen auch aber gehorigen Sie einem Geschlecht zu, welches, ich bin überzeugt, das Unserigen in Sachen die allen beyden gemein sind weit übertrift sobald es sich die Mühe geben will sich anzustrengen. Sehen Sie dies wie wie keinen Compliment an, denn es ist wirklich was ich glaube - "144.  This praise of Schiller's English became part of the inside joke between them. It also reveals Heron's previously mentioned prejudice against women as intellectual beings. His statement that he "cannot forgive" Schiller for writing to him in English is an expression of wounded pride only partially covered in jest. However, Heron's appraisal of her English abilities was not a superficial compliment; as discussed above, their correspondence included a collaborative translation project of "The Rose"145 and "Of Friendship" into English: "Ernstlich wenn Sie sich vielleicht bisweilen einen Spaß machen ins Englische zu übersetzen, so schicken Sie mir Ihre Arbeit und ich werde Ihnen erzeigen wo Sie fehler begangen haben und sie Ihnen mit Anmerkungen wieder zurück senden"146. The amount and type of literature discussed and copied out between the two is indicative of Schiller's extensive reading. Moreover, the lectures mentioned demonstrate that Schiller dedicated significant time to enjoying studious productivity. Heron's later comment, then, that Schiller should "not see this as a compliment, because it is really what I think" is a more straightforward comment. It is more meaningful coming 																																																								144 GSA 85/1759, Second Letter, March 16, 1787.	145 Please refer to above footnote regarding Herder's authorship of this poem. 146 GSA 85/1759, Second Letter, March 16, 1787. 	 50	after his initial expression of shock, as it indicates a level of unguardedness. Heron's statement regarding Schiller's gender and his conviction that women can be equal to men "if they only make the effort" indicates that he is negotiating the concept of Weiblichkeit encountered in Weimar society and through his interactions with Schiller. Heron and Schiller felt more than respect for each other's intellectual abilities, however.   That the relationship between them was meaningful was no secret to their friends and acquaintances. Perhaps the best example of this is an anecdote of an event that happened about a year after Heron's departure:   "Ein Jahr is mittlerweile vergangen seit Herons Besuch in Rudolstadt, Charlotte hat seit dem Brief aus Rotterdam nichts mehr von ihm gehört. Dabei hatte sich die ganze Affäre  recht aussichtsreich angelassen und war von der Weimarer Hofgesellschaft humorvoll kommentiert worden. Herzog Carl August höchstselbst hatte in Anspielung auf den Namen des Captains einen ausgestopften, in schottische Uniform gekleideten Reiher, schicken lassen - nebst Baumsetzlingen für den Rudolstädter Garten der Lengefelds. Es scheint, dass dieser "Herzensvogel" - wie Lotte ihn im April 1788 in einem Brief an Fritz von Stein bezeichnet - lange Zeit im Steinschen Haus in Weimar sitzt, bis ihr "Brüderchen" ihn ihr zusendet: "Ich wünsche Ihnen einen schönen guten Morgen, gestern konnte ich Ihnen meinen Dank daß Sie mir den Herzensvogel so gut behalten überschickt haben nicht sagen, weil die zeit so kurz war. Er macht uns alle sehr glücklich u. seine liebliche gestalt hat schon manches lachen erpresst.""147.  Heron's reference to Schiller as his Schutzengel can be compared to this reference of Schiller calling Heron her Herzensvogel. These endearments signify deep friendship and an intimate understanding of each other's inner self. That, later in life, the widowed Charlotte Schiller requests the loan of Heron's last letter from Knebel is further testament to the connection she shared and lost.    																																																								147 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 43.		 51	IV. Wallberg  Among Charlotte Schiller's many unpublished manuscripts in the holdings of the Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv in Weimar, there are two untitled novels, entitled by Gaby Pailer in the recent work edition as <Wallberg> and <Berwick>148. The manuscript is undated; however, Gaby Pailer places the manuscript as likely from Charlotte Schiller's Weimar years (1799-1805)149.   Wallberg demonstrates multiple uses of the information about the Americas, England and Scotland Schiller learned from Heron. The setting is interesting given the likely overlap in time with Friedrich Schiller writing his play Wilhelm Tell and the beginning of the reign of Napoleon. Additionally, there are two women in the novel whose names begin with the letter "C," as does the novel's author. Frau Wallberg, whose name is Elise, and the later villain's accomplice Isabella do not have "C" names, but their names are both diminuatives of the name Elizabeth. In the novel, the protagonist, American-born Clara Belton married Alexander Wallberg. Clara and her small children have left the American Colonies due to the ongoing War of Independence.   The context of the war is significant given the intertextual timeline of production with Friedrich Schiller's Wilhelm Tell. Both Wilhelm Tell and the American War of Independence focus on the resistance against foreign rule. The novel opens with Clara and her children arriving in Plymouth, England to stay with her German in-laws for safety during the war. Clara's husband, Alexander Wallberg, is fighting in the war, but the novel does not specify on what side he is fighting until the end when Alexander returns with the fanfare of his regiment. His homecoming is identified before he is visible 																																																								148 Schiller, Literarische Schriften. 149 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 118. 	 52	in the family garden: "Mutter! Mutter! rief Clara bewegt. Hörst du die Kriegslieder? ... Es sind dieselben die Alexander einst in seinem Regiment lehren ließ. Dieser March war der lezte [sic] den ich in Amerika vernahm!150" Here, Clara informs the reader that her husband's regiment is British as the regimental song is heard as the soldiers return home. Wilhelm Tell emphasizes the notion of nation, or Vaterland, as a common orientation that bridges the class divide. Charlotte Schiller's Wallberg, however, emphasizes the notion of family as a common orientation that bridges the differences of national origin.   The strongest example of national origin overcome by family bond is the character of the Scottish highlander ("Bergschotte") Macdonald. Upon Clara's repeated remarking on a portrait she believes to be Frau Wallbert, Frau Wallberg reveals to Clara the back-story of Alexander's sister, Cecilia, who ran off to the Americas with the leader of a religious sect. One evening, the Wallberg's friend Macdonald, tells the family about the woman named Therese, with whom he fell in love during his time in America151. He shows the Wallbergs a letter and Frau Wallberg instantly recognizes Cecilia's handwriting152. During Frau Wallberg's emotional reaction, Macdonald identifies the small portrait of Cecilia as his Therese153. Macdonald is accepted as family and participates in efforts to reunite the Wallbergs. He frequently retells his story to Clara and compares his loss to her life, despite the fact that they believe Alexander to be living amongst them at the time.154 In these scenes, therefore, the Wallberg family consists of 																																																								150	Schiller, "<Wallberg>". Literarische	Schriften. 451.	151	Schiller, "<Wallberg>". Literarische Schriften. 444.	152 Ibid. 437.	153	Ibid.	444.		154	Ibid,	450.			 53	Germans, Americans, and a Scotsman sharing grief over the lost Cecilia. National origin is lost in shared emotions and shared familial care.  The choice of pseudonym in regards to Cecilia is interesting because a concept draft of this story centers on a Therese as the main character with Latin America and Catholicism as the main context and focus.155 A focus on Latin America would place the main source of background knowledge as Alexander von Humboldt, the famous geographer. Schiller's choice to abandon this more accessible source of knowledge and focus instead on a connection to her past relationship with Heron may be connected to the Schiller family's copperplate of The Death of General Warren at the Battle of Bunker's Hill, 17 June, 1775156, that Friedrich Schiller received as a present in 1801.157   Another intetextual reference appears with the character Robert, which is also the name of the antagonist in Friedrich Schiller's Der Verbrecher aus verlorener Ehre. The actions of Robert in Der Verbrecher lead to Christian Wolf's illegal actions, dishonor and social exclusion. Simiarly, Wallberg's Robert is the antagonist who destroys the family bond between Clara and everyone else. In Wallberg, Alexander returns to his family in England changed by the war and Clara takes on the role of the dutiful wife within her in-laws' household. After time passes, the real Alexander comes home. During the chaos of his arrival, the false Alexander, whose real name is Robert, goes inside and commits suicide, leaving out a pile of documents as explanation. These documents comprise the second part of the novel. Thus, in a manner parallel to Der Verbrecher, the reader is 																																																								155	Schiller.	Literarische	Schriften.	Kommentar	to	<Wallberg>.	844.	156	Original	by	John	Trumbull.	Museum	of	Fine	Arts	Boston.	"Artwork".	157	Pailer.	Leben	und	Schreiben.	119.		 54	presented first with the criminal's crime and fate and then with the story of his life explaining them.   It is through her husband's silence, however, that cause the ultimate demise of Clara. In reaction to the homecoming of her true husband, Clara faints and is quite ill. Alexander explains that he had been wounded and presumed dead, but was rescued by his sister Cecilia. Cecilia nursed her brother back to health and returned with him to England in hopes of reconciling with her parents and a future with Macdonald. The family is reunited and complete as both Alexander and Cecilia are home. The family leaves Clara to rest and focus on their joy of being together again. Alexander does not speak directly with his wife about her experience or her feelings. Unfortunately, the "schmerzlichsten Vorwürfen in Claras Brust"158 continue unaddressed by Alexander and Clara's condition worsens; she dies as a result of Alexander's silence.  The second part of the novel is the voice of Robert through the reproduction of Robert's curated documents. It is particularly noteworthy that the narrator of the novel states "was man unter des Unglücklichen Papieren fand, zeigte ganz seine Stimmung,"159. Thus the concepts of text as containing and conveying individual voice as well as curation and the editing of the order of information as an element of voice are both expressed in the novel. These reveal his story as half-orphaned bastard of a Scottish nobleman and a former comrade of Alexander. A letter to Clara professing his love for her, his self-judgment and decision to perform a self-execution by suicide is also included. The last line of the novel attaches to the last line of the letter from Robert a statement of Clara's fate, "Ich glaube, ich muß selbst diesen Streit im Innern schlichten, 																																																								158 Schiller, "<Wallberg>". Literarische	Schriften. 453. 159 Ibid. 	 55	muß freywillig mich opfern. - Aber auch Clara würde zu Grunde gehen,"160.  Clara's inner emotional state and self-judgment is thus connected to Robert's not only in sentiment, in Stimmung, but in the actual text. The physical connection between the characters' shared self-judgment expressed through the placement of Clara's fate as an addendum to this last line of Robert's letter strengthens the expression of their feelings for one another and of belonging but not belonging; in other words, the mannerisms of Briefkultur are used in the text to represent the relationship between Clara and Robert in the physical experience of the reader by means of the position of these statements. "Aber auch," meaning "but also" as well as "at the same time," connects Robert's expression of self-sacrifice and that Clara would perish, indicating that Clara's death expressed the same or similar reasoning as Robert's. Cecilia initially left her family out of similar motives but through her Bildung of experiential self-discovery and personal growth sharing Ossian with Macdonald, Cecilia is able to return to the family having embraced the full sense of her Weiblichkeit. Clara, on the other hand, embodies weiblich expectations of society without the strength or self-awareness of true Weiblichkeit. Therefore, Clara's voice is left in the weiblich nature of speech; she remains a receiver of letters and of relatinal identities placed upon her by others. Without true Weiblichkeit, Clara is analogous to the leafless tree "forsaken by Nature" as she cannot be saved from dishonour or social exclusion, from being forsaken by mankind, unless she can be a friend to herself. Clara's inability to form an identity as an independent intellectual being originates in her lack of understanding Weiblichkeit. Clara withers and dies from the shame and dishonor of her Stimmung with 																																																								160 Ibid, 471.		 56	Robert because an alternative identity is not given to her and she does not have enough strength of Weiblichkeit to author one for herself.  The use of epistolary devices serves the novel Wallberg well and Charlotte Schiller skillfully includes multiple styles of letters throughout the text, which increases the sense of authenticity and realism. It is precisely the skill with which Charlotte Schiller executes these letters that clarifies the intentional lack of any writing by Clara, even though the protagonists of most epistolary novels are the primary letter writer. Clara does not write a letter; rather, Clara is the primary receiver of letters in this novel. By inverting the relationship between protagonist and letters, Schiller makes a bold statement about their importance. This conscious choice by the author leaves the reader with no intimate internal stream of self-consciousness that is typical of a letter in an epistolary novel. Although Clara’s description of her life in America is in the first person, it is in the form of her speaking a long monologue in response to her mother-in-law’s request. Therefore, Clara’s identity is primarily reactive, as a receiver of and responder to the words of others. Clara's authorship of her story is oral rather than as a writer, curator, or editor. It occurs as a response to a request and she must produce her story in an immediate moment as compared to a thoughtful process of writing and editing or curation. She shapes her story in social response to her inlaws. Given Clara's education, this seems signfificant. She shapes her identity solely through speech and through action in relation to others. Clara's definition of character is her social identity as defined by her relationship with others. Clara's identity opposes and compliments the self-constructed identity of Robert, whose identity is authored through the curation and editing of the letters and documents that make up the second half of the novel.  	 57	The reader discovers Cecilia's identity through her letters. The first letter is to her parents, held closely by her mother, and presented to the reader to be experienced simultaneously by the reader and Clara. Cecilia writes "Lange trug ich schon den Entschluß in mir, nur die Liebe zur Welt war stärcker, als mein Geist seine Fesseln abgeworfen hatte, da fühlte ich was ich thun sollte, was mir übrig blieb. Ich hätte in deiner Nähe dies heilige Leben führen sollen, und mögen..."161 In this part of the letter, Cecilia sounds decisive and makes efforts to claim ownership of the idea to leave the world for a religious life. Cecilia continues, saying she knows her mother would never give permission, so she felt the need to go away to follow this religious life to atone for her previous vanity. However, Cecilia's immaturity is revealed later in the letter when Watson's instigation of these thoughts shows in her narrative: "Ich schämte mich meiner Schwachheit gegen ihn, und so war es möglich, dir mich zu verbergen. - Es ist die lezte Lüge meines Lebens, dadurch daß ich sie dir gestehe, büsse ich sie ab"162. Her weakness in relation to Watson is what made her feel ashamed. In fact, Cecilia more directly identifies this source of shame than she does in any of her discussion of sins for which she is atoning. Also, Cecilia's genuine love for her parents and family is repeated along with her personal desire to atone for her sins. These indicate that Cecilia's identity at the time of her departure was no longer based on frivolity, but was still based on the opinion of others - in this case, on the opinion of Watson. The letter Macdonald shares with the Wallbergs depicts Cecilia's personal growth.  Cecilia writes to Macdonald "Nachdem ich die heiligsten Bande der Natur, der Liebe zerriß, kömmt es mir nicht mehr zu, diese Ansprüche zu machen, zu dem Glück eines solchen Mannes etwas beytragen [sic] zu 																																																								161	Ibid,	433.	162	Ibid.		 58	können"163. Cecilia now acknowledges that "the holiest ties of Nature, of Love" are the ties of family. She has moved beyond her frivolous flatterers and beyond her focus of self. Her understanding of a balance relationship as "contributing to the happiness" of another rather than depending on the opinion of another demonstrates significant personal growth. Cecilia now understands the significant importance of family relationships for individual and social identity. The significance of the written word is visible in the differences between Cecilia and Robert as opposed to Clara. Both Cecilia and Robert are rebellious characters who act out against their socially provided identity and hope for acceptance by the/a family circle. Cecilia and Robert are rebellious and disobedient to social norms and expectations in their efforts to shape their own destiny and write their own story. Clara, on the other hand, is obedient and is pushed into telling her story by others. Alexander's story is told in segments by his mother, his sister, and Clara; his story appears, much like his character, as a function of his absence.  The voices that come through most clearly are those of Cecilia and Robert. Cecilia's return squeezes Clara out of her newfound position as daughter in the Wallberg family, and Robert's trickery results in Clara's expulsion from the defining role of dutiful wife. Thus, the permanency and power of written story over oral story is made manifest in the novel.   A. Weiblichkeit in Wallberg  The female characters Clara and Cecilia create a statement of intelligence and Weiblichkeit that depicts Schiller's personal expression of these key concepts in her life. 																																																								163	Ibid,	444.		 59	This sense of Weiblichkeit was eloquently defined by Heron in her Stammbuch as letting "all your actions be regulated by that regard to the dignity of the female Character which springs not from any superiority of Birth or Station, not from personal pride or acquired accomplishments but from a conscious rectitude of Conduct"164. Clara does not hold "superiority of birth or station," but is described as embodying "acquired accomplishments." Clara becomes the center of attention at a family gathering as she astounded her in-laws and their guests because she "betrug sich mit aller der Feinheit einer gebildeten Europäerin ... war in keinem Fache fremd," speaks French and other languages well and is familiar with the most important writers "aus jeder Nation."165 And yet, emphasizes Schiller, even with all her intelligence and "ernste Bildung," "Sie blieb immer weiblich, und hatte den Anschein das unbedeutende des Lebens eben so wichtig zu nehmen als das bedeutende"166.  Here it is clear that weiblich is part of, but not synonymous to, Weiblichkeit. Clara seems to embody the ideal intelligent and engaging role of Weiblichkeit, yet it is Clara who does not write letters. Clara is the obedient daughter and wife, yet it is Clara who breaks the bonds of marriage (albeit under questionable circumstances and potential innocence). In a sense, Clara represents the mechanical or programmed education without the self-discovery inherent in Bildung; Clara's Weiblichkeit is, in fact, simply being weiblich, as she has no strength of self-identity. Clara gives herself up to Frau Wallberg's hopes167 and gives herself to obedience as wife to the "returned Alexander" despite her inner tingling sense of doubt. Clara seems 																																																								164 Henry Heron to Charlotte (von Lengefeld) Schiller. Stammbuch entry, Weimar, July 20, 1787. GSA 83/1959. 165 Schiller, "<Wallberg>". Literarische	Schriften. 406. 166 Ibid, 407.	167 Ibid, 445. 	 60	a social automaton until the end of the story where her Stimmung with Robert, the false Alexander, becomes apparent.   This is in contrast to Cecilia, who represents "superiority of Birth or Station" and "personal pride." Cecilia's refined sophistication included a more organic use of 'womanly ways' and a commitment to abandoning social ideals in an effort to pursue a path believed to be of her own choosing. In an odd way, Clara more closely resembles Frau Wallberg than it first appears, as both women received the education that was socially approved at the time of their coming of age. Cecilia, on the other hand, takes chances and makes mistakes; rather than simply following the prescribed path expected of her by society, Cecilia embarks on a true Bildung. Clara and Frau Wallberg both view being weiblich as being obedient and responsive to society's ideals. They have an incomplete concept of Weiblichkeit as they do not include strength of individual character among their qualifying traits.  Schiller's particular description of the ideal balance between intelligent Bildung and Weiblichkeit is further explained through the character Cecilia.   I argue that Charlotte Schiller is contrasting these characters to depict the nuances of how intelligent Weiblichkeit is balanced and bounded by the persons and abilities of the present company, and including an inner humility that neither belittles nor calls attention to one's own abilities. As discussed, the ideal human beauty inherent to Humboldtian Weiblichkeit was described using gendered beauty but was not limited to gendered physical beauty. An exploration of beauty as it relates to gender and Weiblichkeit similar to the translation project with Heron is found in Schiller's novel. Whereas Clara was considered by others to be beautiful only after observing the beauty 	 61	and liveliness of her intellect, Cecilia was considered by others to be physically beautiful, but upon observation to lack depth of mind. As Frau Wallberg relates to Clara: "Cecilie gewohnt zu leicht der Schmeicheley ein williges Ohr zu leihen, war immer und immer mehr bemüht ihren eigenen Kreis zu vergrössern, und dieses Streben machte sie kälter gegen ihre Familie"168 Eventually, Cecilia is seduced by the flattery of Watson and his "sister." Cecilia pretends to agree to marry F. and during the preparations secludes herself in her room as a method of escaping unnoticed and leaving the country.  Although Cecilia's vanity turns to penitence, it is only later, when she meets Macdonald, that her Weiblichkeit grows into including intelligence over a shared enjoyment of Ossian.169 The choice of this poem for Cecilia's self-discovery and love relationship is significant. Ossian in particular held an important role for Schiller. As Helbig notes, in her later undated poem Ossians Abschieds-Klage she "nutzt die Gattungsvorgaben des Ossianismus zu einer Reflexion über das ganz eigene Recht poetischer Produktion und Selbstverständigung."170 Therefore, this poem is a strong signifier for the character of Cecilia. Cecilia's intelligence is different than Clara's. Clara's Bildung was a limited self-discovery of the intellect that arose largely from efforts to connect her with the standards of European society despite her American origin; Cecilia's Bildung was a self-discovery that grew from her personal search for something beyond her previous pettiness and vanity. Clara's beauty of intellect is still limited by her dependence on the approval of others. Therefore, Alexander's silence regarding her time with Robert leaves her in an ambiguous state. Clara cannot reconcile this independently; she dies because she is 																																																								168 Ibid, 422. 169	Ibid,	439.	170	Hühn 135.		 62	"forsaken by Mankind" such as the leafless tree in Heron's translation of "On Friendship."171 Cecilia, on the other hand, is like the tender rose; realization of her fading beauty led to her openness to "higher love, the desire of a tender inclination,"172 that she finds in returning to her family and the arms of Macdonald. Cecilia expresses her intelligent Weiblichkeit as a quiet quality in comparison to Clara's being center stage during the family gathering.   Weiblichkeit is also connected to dutiful service. At the time of their correspondence, both Heron and Schiller's futures were overshadowed by civic duty: Charlotte Schiller was, out of filial duty, preparing to enter into court service and Heron was under obligation to compulsory military service. Clara and Cecilia are bound by social and familial duty. Cecilia was tricked and temporarily abandoned her weiblich duties as daughter and as the betrothed of F. However, Cecilia takes ownership of her decision and is able to forgive herself. Her return to the family restores her position as filial daughter and opens up the possibility of a future with Macdonald. It also expresses her having matured into a more comprehensive sense of Weiblichkeit as she has the strength of character to pursue "a conscious rectitude of Conduct." Clara, on the other hand, is unable to face her husband after recognizing that she was the victim of a scam and is unable to forgive herself, as Clara defines herself entirely through her relationship with others. Because Clara's break from duty was out of dutifulness, Clara is disoriented and her identity is broken. Being "so treu, und doch treulos"173 shattered her ability to define herself as the faithful wife. At the same time, Clara cannot shift to identifying 																																																								171	GSA	83/1759.	172	Ibid.		173	Schiller, "<Wallberg>". Literarische	Schriften. 453.		 63	herself as an unfaithful wife due to the circumstances and her embedded nature of embodying societal ideals. Therefore, when one of her identifiers is altered she is unable to reconcile her identity because she lacks the inner strength necessary to possess true Weiblichkeit.  B. Possible Allusions to Henry Heron in Wallberg  Three characters in Wallberg can be attributed to Schiller's relationship with Henry Heron: the Scotsman Macdonald, Alexander Wallberg, and Robert the "false Alexander." The Scotsman Macdonald falls in love with Cecilia and spends time with her discussing Ossian, which is similar in nature of discussion and growing emotion to Schiller and Heron's relationship. Both Alexander and Robert fought in the American War of Independence, as did Heron. Interestingly, the novel leaves it entirely unclear as to which side of the conflict Alexander and Robert fought on - leaving the reader to question the political statement being made in regards to revolutionary war and was another reason why the exact nature of Heron's service was of such intrigue. Alexander Wallberg and Clara's relationship bears similarities to that of the young Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron - the male love interest meets the female away from his homeland and while holding military rank. In both cases their separation causes a total breach of communication and, although it is not acknowledged until much later, marks the end of their relationship with one another. Finally, the older and widowed Charlotte Schiller and Heron parallel Clara and the false Alexander, Robert. Clara thinks Robert is her life-long love but he turns out not to be such, just as Charlotte Schiller can recognize that Heron was not her life-partner and work-mate. Yet Clara finds it painful to acknowledge her 	 64	love for this non-spouse as her current self-awareness, or developed Weiblichkeit, is dependent upon this non-spousal relationship and personal connection.   Heron's influence is seen within the novel Wallberg. His communicated knowledge of the American War of Independence as received by Charlotte Schiller shapes the story itself. Her broader knowledge of the world abroad, which began with her Switzerland trip and grew exponentially from her relationship with Heron is depicted in the yearnings both for home and far away in the novel. Silke Henke and Ariane Ludwig of the Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv write, "Als Charlotte um 1787 im geselligen Kreis in Weimar den schottischen Offizier Henry Heron kennenlernte, fasste sie zu ihm eine tiefe Zuneigung, Ausdruck und Bestärkung ihrer Sehnsucht nach der Ferne"174. After her friendship with Heron and receiving letters from far away, Schiller was fascinated by reports of distant sails and sailor heroes175. Heron's sailor's heart infected her as well as the distance between them. In April 1789 Schiller told her lifelong friend Fritz: "dass der Geist des Welt umseeglers Cook auch auf mich gekommen ist, denn ich habe so eine Freude an dem Elemente des Waßers, daß ich den wunsch gar nicht unterdrücken kann, einmal übers Meer zu reisen"176. Despite her Sehnsucht, Schiller had to satisfy herself with travel journals and stories; among these she read the story of Christopher Columbus as well as translating from the Scottish historian William Robertson's The History of America177. From 1787 onwards, Charlotte Schiller read, translated, and was inspired by 																																																								174 Henke and Ludwig, 51. 175 Ibid. 176 Charlotte Schiller to Fritz von Stein, 6.April1789 GSA 122/99 in Henke and Ludwig, 51. 177 Henke and Ludwig, 52-3. 	 65	the literature shared with Heron178. These same elements of the distant hero, the dangerous journey by sea, letters from a far distance, and using a Scottish/English setting to present her self-understanding, are vividly present in Wallberg.     																																																								178 Helbig in Hühn, 129.		 66	VI. Conclusion   The correspondence of Charlotte Schiller and Henry Heron is a rich resource that has previously been under-researched. Analysis of this correspondence demonstrates the increasing Stimmung, growing fondness and building of a literary relationship between these individuals.   Application of Wilhelm von Humboldt and Caroline von Wolzogen's concept of Weiblichkeit as investigated by Simon Richter to the analysis of the Schiller-Heron correspondence reveals how choices of language in translation correlate with the individuals' negotiated and growingly shared concept of gender. More precisely it seems that Schiller successfully influenced Heron's understanding of Weiblichkeit and the intellectual abilities of women. My analysis of the correspondence closely followed Linda Grasso's approach to recogize letter collections and editions as literary texts with narrative and plot elements. One important section of the correspondence concerns a poetry translation project between Heron and Schiller, which most significantly indicates that in a way these two people were not only experiencing, but also writing, their growing personal and literary relationship.  In my final part, the previously unpublished novel Wallberg was examined focusing on discussions and implied concepts of Weiblichkeit relating some of the novel's structural features (such as embedded documentary and epistolary parts), main characters and motifs. These elements were intertextually analyzed with reference to the Schiller-Heron correspondence. Wallberg further illustrates within the text that letters can be read as literary text and that literary text can include fictional documentation through letters. The relationship between letters and literature is therefore extended more completely into 	 67	a Stimmung between them that indicates potential for the field of literary studies.  The Schiller-Heron correspondence and Schiller's later novel Wallberg reveal an intellectual friendship crossing gender, social, and national boundaries. As the Schiller-Heron correspondence demonstrates, intelligent Weiblichkeit enables unity within diversity by recognizing the complexity of individuals and the concept of a non-gendered ideal human beauty of the mind and "rectitude of conduct"179.      																																																								179	Henry	Heron	to	Charlotte	Schiller.	Stammbuch	entry,	Weimar,	July	20,	1787.	GSA	83/1959		 68	Bibliography  Archival Resources Authority. The London Gazette, Numb.11842. January 20, 1778. Accessed June 28, 2016.  Authority. The London Gazette, Numb.11894. July 21, 1778. Accessed June 28, 2016.  Authority. The London Gazette Numb.12959. January 26, 1788. Accessed on June 28, 2016.  Authority. The London Gazette Numb.13176. February 16, 1790. Accessed on June 28, 2016.  GSA 83/1759.  Henry Heron to Charlotte Schiller.  GSA 83/1914. Charlotte Schiller to Henry Heron.  GSA 83/1959. Stammbuch Charlotte Schillers.  Portrait of Henry Heron. Oil on Canvas. Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach.  PROB 11/1271/181. Will of Henry Heron of Saint Mary Lambeth, Surrey. 16 February 1796. Held by: The National Archives, Kew. Web. Accessed June 24, 2015.  Simanowiz, Ludovike. Charlotte Luise Schiller, geb. von Lengefeld. Oil on Canvas, 1794. Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach.  Primary Resources Düntzer, Heinrich, Ed. Briefe von Schiller's Gattin an einen vertrauten Freund. Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1856. Print.  Fielitz, Wilhelm. "Aus Knebels Tagebüchern." Archiv für Litteraturgeschichte. Ed. Franz Schnorr von Carolsfeld. Leipzig: B.G. Teubner, 1886. 403 - 428. Print.  Herder, Johann Gottfried. "The Rose." Fables	and	Parables	from	the	German	of	Lessing,	 Herder	(Krummacher	and	others).	London:	James	Burns,	1845.	51.	Digital.  von	Herder,	Johann	Gottfried,	Herder,	Karoline,	and	Balde,	Jakob.	"Die	Rose."	Johann	 Gottfried	v.	Herders	Sämmtliche	Werke.	Zur	schönen	Literatur	und	Kunft.	 Dritter	Band.	(Stuttgart	&	Tübingen:	J.G.	Cotta'scher	Verlag,	1852).	230.	 Digital. 	 69	  Schattenbilder der Goethezeit 55 Tafeln. Nr.565. Leipzig: Insel-Bücherei, 1966. Ulrichs, Ludwig, Ed. Charlotte von Schiller und ihre Freunde. 3 Bde. Stuttgart: 1860-1865. Print.  Schiller, Charlotte. Literarische Schriften. Eds. Gaby Pailer, Andrea Dahlmann-Resing, and Melanie Kage. In collaboration with Ursula Bär, Florian Gassner, Laura  Isakov, Joshua Kroeker, Rebecca Reed, Karen Roy and Zifeng Zhao Darmstadt:  Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2016. Print.  Secondary Resources Argyll	Estates.	Inveraray	Castle	Archives.	Email.	Personal	correspondence	with	 author.	December	22,	2015.	 Baasner, Rainer. Briefkultur im 19. Jahrhundert. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1999. Print.  Bray, Joe. The	Epistolary	Novel:	Representations	of	consciousness.	London:	Routledge,	 2003.	Print.  Conradi-Bleibtreu, Ellen.  Die Schllers: Der Dichter und seine Familie: Leben, Lieben, Leiden in einer Epoche der Umwälzungen. Münster: Aschendorffische Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1986. Print.  Dippel, Horst. Germany and the American Revolution 1770-1800. Transl. Bernhard A. Uhlendorf. Chapel Hill, N.C.: The University of North Carolina Press, 1977. Print.  Fischer, Sabine. "Auf Augenhöhe? Friedrich und Charlotte Schiller im Portrait. Jahrbuch  der deutschen Schillergesellschaft 57 (2013), 140-173.  Grasso, Linda M. "Reading Published Letter Collections as Literary Texts: Maria Chabot  -Georgia O'Keefe Correspondence, 1941-1949 as a Case Study." Legacy 25.2  (2008): 239-250. Web. March 10, 2016. doi: 10.1353/leg.0.0033  Güse,	Ernst-Gerhard	and	Maatsch,	Jonas,	Eds.	Schillers	Wohnhaus:	mit	Beiträgen	von	 Jürgen	Beyer,	Viola	Geyersbach,	Ernst-Gerhard	Güse,	Jochen	Klaß	und	Kristin	 Knebel.	Weimar:	Klassik	Stiftung	Weimar,	2009.	Print.  Henke, Silke and Ludwig, Ariane. >>Damit doch jemand im Hause die Feder führt<< Charlotte von Schiller: Eine Biographie in Büchern, ein Leben in Lektüren. Schätze aus dem Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv. Band 3. Weimar: Verlagshaus Römerweg GmH, 2015. Print. 	 70	 Hühn, Helmut; Ariane Ludwig, Ariane; Schlotter, Sven (Eds.), "Ich bin im Gebiet der  Poesie sehr freiheitsliebend". Bausteine für eine intellektuelle Biographie  Charlotte von  Schillers. Jena: Garamond Verlag, 2015. Print.  Jones, Lydia, Plachta, Bodo, Pailer, Gaby, and Karen Roy, Catherine, Eds. Scholarly Editing and German Literature: Revision, Revaluation, Edition. Leiden: Brill Rodopi, 2016. Print.  Kale, Steven D. French	salons:	high	society	and	political	sociability	from	the	Old	 Regime	to	the	Revolution	of	1848.	Baltimore,	MD:	The	Johns	Hopkins	 University	Press,	2004.	Print.		 Kiene, Hansjoachim. Schillers Lotte. Porträt einer Frau in ihrer Welt. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1996. Print.  Kord, Susanne.  Sich einen Namen machen. Anonymität und weibliche Autorschaft. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung und Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH, 1996. Print.  Lewis, Michael. A Social History of the Navy 1793 - 1815.  London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd, 1960. Print.    Mainland,	William	F.	"Introduction."	Johann	Christoph	Friedrich	von	Schiller.	 William	F.	Mainland.	Transl.	and	Ed.	Wilhelm	Tell.	Chicago:	The	University	of	 Chicago	Press,	1972.	xi	-xxxiii.	Print.  National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior. "British Units at Yorktown." Accessed July 6, 2016.  Nutt-Kofoth,	Rüdiger.	"Space	as	Sign:	Material	Aspects	of	Letters	and	Diaries	adn	Their	Editorial	Representation."	Scholarly	Editing	and	German	Literature:	Revision,	Revaluation,	Edition.	Amsterdamer	Beiträge	zur	neueren	Germanistik,Volume	86.	Eds.	Lydia	Jones,	Bodo	Plachta,	Gaby	Pailer,	and	Catherine	Karen	Roy.	Leiden:	Brill,	2015.	55-70.	Print.  Olsen, Stein Haugom. "Literary Aesthetics and Literary Practice." Mind ns 90.360 (1981): 521-41. Accessed March 5, 2016.   Pailer, Gaby. Charlotte Schiller: Leben und Schreiben im klassischen Weimar. Darmstadt: WBG, 2009. Print.  Pailer, Gaby. "Charlotte Schiller. Literatur und Leben an der Seite eines >Klassikers<." Schillers Familie: Beiträge von Michael Davidis, Gaby Pailer und Christine Theml. Deutsche Schillergesellschaft: Marbach am Neckar, 2009. Print. 	 71	 Parker, Dewitt H. The Principles of Aesthetics. Boston: Silver, Burdett and Co., 1920. Print.  Perry,	Ruth.	Women,	Letters,	and	the	Novel.	New	York:	AMS	Press	Inc.,	1980.	Print.  Richter, Simon. .	"The	Ins	and	Outs	of	Intimacy:	Gender,	Epistolary	Culture,	and	the	Public	Sphere."	The	German	Quarterly,	Vol.	69,	No.	2	(Spring,	1996),	111	-	124.	DOI:	10.2307/408336  Richter, Simon. Weimar Heteroclassicism: Wilhelm von Humboldt, Caroline von Wolzogen, and the Aesthetics of Gender. Publications of the English Goethe Society, 81.3 (2012), 137-51. DOI 10.1179/0959368312Z.0000000007  Robertson, J. G. A History of German Literature. Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood & Sons Ltd., 1968. Print.  Rockenberger,	Annika.	"Textual	Scholarship	and	Canon	Formation."	Scholarly	Editing	and	German	Literature:	Revision,	Revaluation,	Edition.	Amsterdamer	Beiträge	zur	neueren	Germanistik,Volume	86.	Eds.	Lydia	Jones,	Bodo	Plachta,	Gaby	Pailer,	and	Catherine	Karen	Roy.	Leiden:	Brill,	2015.	273-	283.	Print.		Röcken,	Per.	""Canonise",	"Canonised",	"Canonisation"	etc.:	Some	Remarks	on	Terminology."	Scholarly	Editing	and	German	Literature:	Revision,	Revaluation,	Edition.	Amsterdamer	Beiträge	zur	neueren	Germanistik,Volume	86.	Eds.	Lydia	Jones,	Bodo	Plachta,	Gaby	Pailer,	and	Catherine	Karen	Roy.	Leiden:	Brill,	2015.	284-296.	Print.  RMG. Royal Museums Greenwich. Collections.!cbrowse Web. Accessed 4 June 2016.  RMG. Naval Distinction Lace. Web. Accessed 8 July 2016.  RMG. Research Guide U1: Uniforms. Web. Accessed 22 June 2016.   Runge, Anita. Literarische Praxis von Frauen um 1800. Briefroman, Autobiographie, Märchen. Hildesheim, Zürich, New York, 1997. Print.  Spring, Matthew H. With Zeal and with Bayonets Only: The British Army on Campaign in North America, 1775 - 1783. Ed. Gregory J.W. Urwin. Volume 19, Campaigns and Commanders Series. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008. Print.  	 72	The National Archives. "What records we hold." -we-hold/  Other Works Consulted Die geliebten Schwestern. Directed by Dominik Graf. Senator Home Entertainment (Vertrieb Universum Film), 2013. DVD.  Fischer, Sabine. Tour of Art Collection at Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach am Neckar.  June 17, 2015.  Group Discussion with Author. Überlieferung und Geschlecht: Probleme der Brief edtion. Internationaler Workshop, Masterstudengang Editionswissenschaft. Institut für Deutsche und Niederländische Philologie, Freie Universität Berlin. June 26-27, 2015.  Lincoln, Margarette. Representing the Royal Navy: British Sea Power, 1750-1815. Aldershot, England: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2002. Print.  de	Montaigne,	Michel.	Herbert	Lüthy,	Transl.	Von	der	Freundschaft.	Kleine	Bibliothek	 der	Weltweisheit,	8.	Revised	Reprint.	(Zürich:	Manesse	Verlag,	1953).	Digital.		Museum	of	Fine	Arts	Boston.	"Artwork".	The	Death	of	General	Warren	at	the	Battle	of	 Bunker's	Hill,	17	June	1775.	 of-general-warren-at-the-battle-of-bunkers-hill-17-june-1775-34260.	Web.  Schiller, Friedrich. Der Verbrecher aus verlorener Ehre. Studienausgabe. Alexander Košenina, Ed. Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam jun. GmbH & Co., 2014. Print.   Syrett, David. The Royal Navy in American Waters 1775-1783. Brookfield, VT: Scolar Press, 1989. Print.  Tilley, John A. The British Navy and the American Revolution. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina, 1987. Print.        	 73	Appendix A. Excurse: On Editorial Studies, or "Editionswissenschaft"   For over two centuries, Charlotte Schiller was not taken seriously as a thinker and author. Establishing Schiller as such is relatively new, which increases the importance for any project to take the time to employ thoughtful consideration of the editorial choices made and how these may affect the reception of the project's content. For example, choosing to refer to Charlotte Schiller as Schiller rather than Charlotte acknowledges her in the same manner as is traditional for male authors or modern authors; this choice communicates respect for her works. While this may seem to be an "obvious" decision, it is actually a quite recent practice in academic publishing. Editorial principles have changed from the nineteenth century, necessitating review of editions of transcribed materials and, in many cases, the need to create transcriptions that uphold the scientific method and level of accuracy required by modern historical-critical editions. Nineteenth century principles focused on the reader's understanding. The goal of published editions of correspondence was to convey a sense of the correspondents and their relationship. Even in more scientific texts, citation and source identification were inconsistent at this time. The establishment of a scientific approach to categorization and presentation of archival materials in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries led to an emphasis on historical-critical editions published for academic researchers, an audience for which the editions include explanations of decisions used in the edition, such as rendering spelling errors, capitalization, crossed out words, and so on. Bodo Plachta describes the specific importance of working with the original: "die Erkenntnis, das in Drucken oder 	 74	Handschriften überlieferte Werk eines Autors repräsentiere in bedeutsamer und jeweils am Einzelfall zu überprüfender Form die Textgeschichte und ihre dabei entstehenden Verwitterungen"180. The importance of working with the originals is something that is aesthetically experienced; however, the necessity to return to the original is an essential element of the "wissenschaft" in the field; the original requires methodological approach and scientific reasoning to a degree unparalleled even by fascimiles. In addition, it is important to note that to maintain accuracy to the originals, every effort was made to directly transcribe all quotes from the letters in this work as they were in the original including misspellings and grammatical errors.   Editionswissenschaft is an essential goal for first editions from handwriting that seek to be acknowledged as part of canon and is an area of study that can reveal how editorial choices of the past influenced canon formation. Plachta reviews the disciplinary debate that began with Beißner's comment that "Edition ist Interpretation"181. This may have been controversial in 1958; however, current research increasingly accepts this. Rockenberger, for example, identifies that "the relevance of editions for the canon"182 depends on the editing itself; namely, a scholarly edition is the required entry fee into the ranks of canonization. This entry fee does not grant a direct entry, but rather, Rockenberger details, published scholarly editions open up the door as "the published results of this cooperative practice [distribution, processing, and production including fragmentary transmission] delineate the basis of different follow-up communications that 																																																								180 Plachta, Editionswissenschaft, 28.  181 Ibid, 35. 182 Annika Rockenberger. "Textual Scholarship and Canon Formation." Scholarly Editing and German Literature: Revision, Revaluation, Edition. Eds. Lydia Jones, Bodo Plachta, Gaby Pailer, and Catherine Karen Roy. (Leiden: Brill, 2015). 273. 	 75	are relevant to canon formation"183. While both Röcken and Rockenberger agree upon the general expression that to "make" a work a part of a canon is an inaccurate statement, but that a work "becoming" part of a canon is an accurate one, Röcken identifies 'to canonize' "as an achievement verb"184 indicating completed success of the action, whereas Rockenberger views canon formation as "the temporary causal consequence of a variety of uncoordinated individual valuation-actions"185. Röcken, therefore, seems to treat canonization as an action that can be identified only post-act. Canonization cannot be identified until it has revealed its completion. While this viewpoint supports past consensus that women writers were not excluded from the canon, but rather were just simply not part of it, Rockenberger's argument validates canonization as an identifiable series of actions that can be individually influenced to redirect the process towards desired results. Rockenberger's perspective is essential for the scholar working with un-transcribed or poorly transcribed manuscripts and for those studying the writing of women previously overlooked by canon formation.   Transcription of handwritten documents entails numerous challenges. Typed text cannot convey the depth of information that handwriting communicates to the receiver. Editorial challenges must be identified and the approach to handling these challenges needs to be consistent throughout the process in order to have a meaningful transcription. Regarding this issue, Bodo Plachta acknowledges that scholarly editing of works entails variations dependent "on the editor's objectives" that "rely on standards which are 																																																								183 Ibid, 280. 184 Per Röcken. ""Canonise", "Canonised", "Canonisation" etc.: Some Remarks on Terminology." Scholarly Editing and German Literature: Revision, Revaluation, Edition. Eds. Lydia Jones, Bodo Plachta, Gaby Pailer, and Catherine Karen Roy. (Leiden: Brill, 2015). 288. 185 Rockenberger, 280.		 76	determined by respective cultural, theoretical, methodological, practical and even media contexts and thus become transparent and verifiable,"186. Therefore, it is important to identify one's own editorial objectives as soon as possible in order to ensure that the choices of theory and method as well as other seemingly small practical decisions are made as cohesively as possible. While an edition can, as Plachta writes, seek to reconstruct texts, I know from my experience with scans, facsimiles and original manuscripts also that these themselves require editorial choices - does the editor choose settings which make the text the most legible, show the colour and texture of the page and ink to greatest effect, or minimize the inevitable markings from scanning that emphasize what is ignorable on the original? Each of these options indicates the editor's focus on the scan itself - is it a text, an aesthetic object, or a historical recreation? For the purposes of this thesis, for example, the aestheticism of the letters was not the focus and decisions were made as much as possible to treat the correspondence as historical and literary primary documents in as like manner as possible as has been done with canonized authors of the time. Unfortunately, these categorizations of text, object, and historical recreation are in themselves are an over simplification. As Nutt-Kofoth explains, the space and spatial positioning of words on the page were themselves a layer of text and social signification in the medium of epistolary communication in this era187. This view is shared by Grasso, who argues that letters are "mediated forms of expression; they are a 																																																								186 Bodo Plachta. "Introduction: How International is Scholarly Editing? A Look at Its History." Scholarly Editing and German Literature: Revision, Revaluation, Edition. Eds. Lydia Jones, Bodo Plachta, Gaby Pailer, and Catherine Karen Roy. (Leiden: Brill, 2015). 10. 187 Rüdiger Nutt-Kofoth. "Space as Sign: Material Aspects of Letters and Diaries adn Their Editorial Representation." Scholarly Editing and German Literature: Revision, Revaluation, Edition. Eds. Lydia Jones, Bodo Plachta, Gaby Pailer, and Catherine Karen Roy. (Leiden: Brill, 2015). 55-70. 	 77	result of a letter writer's translation of ideas into language. How the letter writer enacts that translation is shaped by the purpose of the letter, the relationship of the letter writer to the correspondent, and the circumstances in which the letter is written"188. Transcribing the content is easier than to translate the cultural markers of the Briefkultur from the letter to the reader's understanding. However, transcribing the handwritten words onto the typed page is an essential first step that makes the correspondence accessible to other scholars.  Space and handwriting convey more than social rank and deference, however. The importance of space in the handwritten letter is particularly apparent in the larger undated letter of Heron's that stands out due to its size and carefully constructed columns "Remarks," "Mine" and "Yours"189. In this letter, Henry Heron has created a record of their collaborative effort to translate "The Rose"190 from German into English.191 The "Remarks" column lists, in an orderly and numbered fashion, the notes and explanations regarding Heron's improvements upon Schiller's initial translation. These numbered points are numbered and underlined respectively in the other two columns. Heron squeezes and alters the size and shape of his handwriting so that these columns match up 																																																								188 Linda M. Grasso. "Reading Published Letter Collections as Literary Texts: Maria Chabot-Georgia O'Keefe Correspondence, 1941-1949 as a Case Study." Legacy 25.2 (2008). 243.	189 GSA 83/1759. 190 The poem Die Rose is identified by Gaby Pailer (Leben und Schreiben, 41) as the Flower Fable by Johann Gottfried Herder. I was able to verify this by identifying it in both languages. For the German, see Johann Gottfried von Herder. Johann Gottfried v. Herders Sämmtliche Werke. Zur schönen Literatur und Kunft. Dritter Band. (Stuttgart & Tübingen: J.G. Cotta'scher Verlag, 1852). 230. For the English translation, see Fables and Parables from the German of Lessing, Herder (Krummacher and others). (London: James Burns, 1845). 51. 191 Please refer to Appendix A. For the purposes of identification within the appendix of this thesis, I have entitled this document "The Translation Project Document" in the appendix.		 78	as closely as possible. Not only does this make transcription of these difficult to produce in a typed digital form, it also makes it incredibly difficult for the reader to have a sense of the effort and time spent on the letter, as well as the aesthetic and usefulness of the document for their partnered project.    	 79	Appendix B. Transcribed Correspondence   	 80	GSA83-1914 Briefe von Charlotte von Lengefeld an Henry Heron. 2 Briefe, 4 Bl. 	Archivblatt,	Kopie:	 1. 1787	März	7	2. truly	you	are	very	good...		 1	in	Bleistift	(Archiv)	Erster	Brief,	egh.	datiert:	 Rudolstadt	the	7th	Mart.	1787	1r-1	 In	Spite	of	fashions	betraying	judgements,	I	take	the	pen	to	tell	you	that	your	letter	Sir,	has	given	me	much	pleasure,	and	I	take	it	without	doubt.	then	I	think	in	this	matter	as	you,	that	if	our	actions	derives	from	the	purity		of	heart,	we	must	not	always	regulate	our	Steps	,	after	mans	blind	judgements,	and	from	fashion.	the	voice	of	my	heart	says	me	that	I	can	answer	you	without	to	offend	the	worth	of	my	female	caracter,	and	I	do	it	also.		1r-2	 you	inform	you	very	kindly	upon	my	doing.	I	am	well,	and	enjoy	the	pleasure	of	the	Solidute,	I	have	heard	the	Storms	bowl,	the	leafless	trees	have	shud	their	heads	in	the	wind.	I	have	seen	all	that	from	the	window	of	my	little	pea-	ceable	room,	with	Calm.	if	the	body	is	well	i	feel	not	the	influence	of	time,	but	in	^the^	Contrary	State	of	feel	Case	I	am	very	unhappy	if	the	weather	is	bad.	Ossian	has	given	me	an	agreeable	Idea	of	the	wind,	and	since	I	pursue	thos	thoughts	with	joy.	But	for	the	Souls	of	our	departed	friend	it	would	not	be	so	joyfull	as	for	us.	then	thy		are	I	believe	in	a	State	more	happy	as	to	bee	yet	so	near	to	a	world	full	grief,	and	who	they	have	Sufferd	So	much.	then	this	is	the	ordinary	task	of	humanity.		1v-1	 I	have	read	this	morning	in	Popes	Essays	of	man,	you	shall	also	be	not	wondred	at	my	serious	remarques.	You	have	made	me	much	pleasure	in	Sending	me	those	books,	I	will	render	it	to	you	with	thousand	thanks	So	soon	as	I	have	finished	it.	You	are	very	good	to	deprive	you	of	any	weeks	from	so	an	a	agreeable	Lecture,	then	I	believe	that	ones	could	read	dayly	in	the	book,	and	would	find	always	new	beauties.	the	Letter	of	Elaine	pleases	me	much,	and	I	have	been	very	charmed	to	understand	it	so	easy.		1v-2	 I	am	sorry	to	have	deprived	you	from	so	pretious	time,	while	you	have	wrote	out	for	me,	so	much	from	the	Seasons	of			 81	Thomsons,	in	the	same	time	I	am	very	thankfull	of	it.	I	have	found	any	Poems,	which	I	send	you	here,	I	believe	they	will	please	you.			Zweiter	Brief,	ohne	Datum	2	in	Bleistift,	Archiv	1r-1	 you	truly	you	are	very	good,	in	encouraging	^to	encourage^	me	to	writ	yet	^yet^	one	Letter	in	your	^a^	language	that	I	write	so	bad.	but	if	you	have	not	told	me	the	truth,	I	hope	you	should	be	will	be	punished	enough,	to	be	obliged	to	read	a	second	time	my	limping	enlish	^english^.	you	have	you	have	served	you	^not	justly^	of	this	expression	not	justly.	then	you	write	the	german	very	well,	and	I	would	wish	that	you	could	under-	stand	my	^writing^	so	good,	as	I	can	yours	also	you	will	not	stay	long		more	in	our	Country	...	that	you	have	followd	my	Counsel	is	g	agreeable	to	hear	for	me.	I	have	been	in	the	same	Case	of	severent	^several^	authors,	and	moralists,	which,	gives	good	Counsel	to	the	others,	without	observing	it	theirself.	then	I	was	almost	decou-	raged,	as	the	Cold	and	Stormy	weather	forbided	me	did	forbid,	to	walk,	and	to	see	the	beautiful	awakned	nature,,	in	her	charms.	I	love	much	the	Spring,	Spring,	the	wintler	mades	a	sad	impression	of	heart	and	body.	But	all	is	changed	when	the	Spring	and	hope	for	better	times	p		approached.	I		I	believe,	while	he	gives	us	much	remarkeds	to	make,	of	our	self,	self	declining	nature.	there	is	a	passage	in	ossian	that	I	love	much.		1v-1	 age	is	dark	and	unlovely,	it	is	like	the	glimmering	light	of	the	moon,	when	it	shines	through	broken	Clouds,	and	the	mist	is	on	the	hills.	I	am	very	obliged	to	you	that	you	be	^are^	so	kind	to	a	augment	my	collection	of	English	Poems,	the	last	Elegy	pleases	me	much,	and	will	please	me	more	and	more,	when	I	understand	entirly	the	sense	of	it.	I	read	it	often,	and	hope	to	read	I	arrive	So..		at	reach,	some	at	completely.	to	fully	succeed	soon.		1v-2	 I	accept	in	the	same	time	your	kindly	offering	and	send	you	any	some	Pieces	which	I	have	translated.	the	ones	is	translated	from	an	French,	but	I	love	^like^	to	much	theose	passage	as	to	^do^	let	it	not	translate	it	in	a	language	that	I	love	more.	the	other	is	from	an	author,	that	I	am	sure	is	your	friend,	it	is	from	the	Herder.	you	shall	judge	yourself	how	far	I	am	to	be	enable		 82	to	render	able	to	made	such	essays.	And	I	fear	almost	that	it	would	be	an	indiscretion,	as	to	private	deprive	you	^of^	from	^any^	moments	that	you	shall	^could^	surely	^surely^	employ	better	of	a	better	manner.		1v-3	 I	send	you	here	a	Poem,	^after	my	weak	judgement^,	from	one	of	our	best	Poets,	that	plea	pleases	me.	I	would	be	glad	if	it	would	be	so	isyours.	please	you	in	the	same.		1v-4	 Have	you	been	at	weimar	again	again?	I	have	had	any	news	from	there,	and	I	expect	with	great	impatiente	a	Letters	from		2r-0	 my	friends	de	Imhof,	and	Schardt.	I	have	written,	on	to	the	last	an	english	letter.	but	I	fear	they	will	have	not	^not	have^	understood	me,	while	I	have	not	ree	but	at	this	time	I	have	none	answer,	and	I	fear	she	will	not	have	understand	me.	while	I	write	so		and	I	fear	that	I	have	written	so	badl	that	badly	that	she	shall	^should^	have	not	understand	me.		2r-1	 I	continate	to	read	in	Pope	I	have	spent	already	many	agreeable	times	in	reading	Pope.	and	so	oft	I	read	it,	I	am	still	thankfull	to	you,	which	provensated	me	this	pleasure.	2v-1	 I	will	I	reflect	I	have	reflected	many	hours,	since	the	arrival	of	your	Letter	to	punish	you	Now	once	more	i	will	task,	to	made	a	proof	^to	made	you	angry^	with	^over^	my	writing;	i	should	^would^	be	very	glad	if	you	should	beesure	it,	then	my	there	were	an	oportunity	to	absen	^lonel..d^	made	the	experience.	if	your	Sex	has	no	even	so	fair	patience,	as	my	own	you	Kew	surely	that	..		tho	if	your	if	your	has	Sex	that	your	sex	has		the	same	faults,	which	ones	repa..	^then	which	whom^	we	other	Womens	are	always	amusated;	that	is	pale	to	have	not	patience	enough;					 83	GSA83-1959 Stammbuch of Charlotte Schiller; entry by Henry Heron  1 Bl. 	1r-1	 Weimar	20	July	1787	1r-2	 O!	Woman!	lovely	Woman!	Nature	made	you	for	to	temper	Man	We	had	been	brutes	without	you.	_			Angels	are	painted	fair	to	look	like	you	-	There's	in	you	all			We	can	believe	of	Heaven	-	amazing	brightness,	purity	&	Truth			Eternal	Joy	,	and	everlasting	Love!		----																																																																																Otway/	1r-3	 Let	all	your	actions	be	regulated	by	that	regard	to	the	dignity	of	the	female	Character	which	Springs	not	from	any	Superiority	of	Birth	or	Station,	not	from	personal	pride	or	acauired	accomplishments	but	from	a	Conscious	rectitude	of	Conduct	---	1r-4	 For	this	advice	forgive	the	presumption	of	a	person	who	tho	but	a	new	Acquaintance,	would	fain	hope	not	be	consider'd	as	a	common	one	1r-5	 Henry	Heron	  	 		 84	GSA83-1759	Briefe	von	Henry	Heron	an	Charlotte	von	Lengefeld.	35	Bl.		Archivblatt,	Kopie:	 1. 1787	März	2,	Beilage	1	2. 1787	März	16	3. 1787	März	27	4. Perhaps	you	are	thinking...	5. Ich	hätte	gleich	nach	meiner	Rückkunft		6. 1787	Mai	12	7. 1787	Juni	3	8. 1787	August	2		 9. An	Knebel,	Abschrift	Charlotte	Schiller		 85	1.	Brief,	2.	März	1787		1.	Brief	 	Bleistift,	Archiv	 No.	1,	2.	März	1787	1r	 Kaum	darf	ich	neigen	an	sie	zu	Schonbau	denn	ich	fuhr	abends	von	der	Strenge	der	Deutschen	Dankungsart	gehört,	ja	man	hat	mir	gesagt	daß	ein	junges	Frauenzimmer	kann	größeres	An...	begehen	kann	als	einen	B...	von	einem	jungen	Mann	anzunahmen.	Danken	Sie	mir	...	für	Empfindungen	ich	haben	muß	in	den	ich	dießes	be..ußt	bin	und	doch	mit	übe..üthiges	Hand	....		den	Feder	.....	zu	...hen	daß	Sie	gnädiges	Fräulein	dießen	Sünde	begehen!	.....	dir	blose	Gedanke	macht	mir	die	Herrn	zu		...	geniesen	wenn	ich	mir	dem	Vernunft	hätten	machen	können	daß	ich	eine	Gelegen	heit	Pahren	ließe	mich	nach	den	Parsonen	zu	erkündigen	in	dieser	Gesellischaft	ich	so	einle	angenehme,	freudige	Munden	zubrachte.	ich	hätte	es	mir	minerstes	smerzeihen	können,	der	Geist	der	Gleichkültigkeit	hätte	mir	überall	unerfolgt	ein	hätte	ich	mich	dieße	glückliche	Munden	zurückblicken	darfen,	denn	jede	freundevolle	Errinnerung	an	Sie	würde	mich	lng	dein	Gersicht	der	menschlichen	Pflicht	angeklagt	haben.	Unser	Leben	ist	kürz	und	oft	fliegen	dießen	Wohlshütes	dir	ans	...	b...trügt	daß	mir	dieße	Stunden	hinter	und	runter	zubringen	-	In	dießem	Gesichtsguerste	nein	weil	bin	ich	Ihnen	und	1v-0	 Ihnen	..ten	Fraulein	Schulelig!	In	meinem	Lande	haben	wir	ein	Sgriheowt		das	lautet	unter	z.....	Atbele	soll	man	das	kleinsten	...flen-	dies	habe	ich	gethan	und	habe	ich	schreibe	an	Sie:	gere	möchte	ich	dir	Stfole	in	gleichgül-	tegen	Sensen	folgen,	gene	aber	wünschte	ich	mich	bi...len	für	mich	sallend	^dankend^.	Die	Welt	ist	keinen	un.....	Reihterinn,	einen	sogar	sind	die	Atotheile	die	Sie	füllt	oft	hüchst	unerncht	und	gegen	allen	W..stand	Laßt	uns	daher	einen	gnädiges	Fräulein	uns	mit	den	Gedanken	eines	Sie	über	unseren	Hum..ungen	Sorgen	wird	ruft	immer	quälen	diese	geneißer	aber	laßt	uns	dir	Reinigkeit	und	Richtigkeit	unserer	Gesinnungen	segün-	1v-1	 Nun	wie	geht	es	mit	Ihnen,	mit	Ihrer	Schwester	und	ihrem	Herrn	Gemahl,	mit	Fräulein	von	Holleben	und	allen	den	andern	angenehmen	Ruddelstädter	und	Ruddelstädterinnen	deren	Bekanntschaft	ich	das	Vergnügen	in	Weimar	zu	machen	hatte.	Sind	sie	alle	glücklich	nach	Hause	gekommen	und	genießen	Sie	jezt	die	Freude	die	man	nirgendwo	so	völlig	als	in	der	ruhigen	stillen	Heimath	antreffen	kann.	...	o	gewiß	^die^	süße	Hofnung	antwortet	meinen	Frage	mit	einem	lächelnden	Ja!.	und	was	machen	Sie	in	besonderen	mein	gnädiges	Fräulein,	wie	stehts	um	Ihre	Leiden	und	Freuden	in	dießem	traurigen	Winther.	sind	Sie	wehmüthig	mit	der	seufzenden	Natur	oder	vielmehr	erfreuen	Sie	sich	in	der	Besitzung	Ihrer	behaglichen	Stube	wo	Sie	sich	genießen	können	ungestört			 86	2r-0	 durch	den	brausenden	Sturm	der	drausen	saust.	Wie	viel	Strümpfe	stricken	Sie	täglich	und	daß	die	Verbeßerung	des	Geistes	gleich	Schritte	mit	der	des	Körpers	halten	möge	wie	viel	Seiten	lesen	Sie	alle	Tage	aus	Marcus	Aurelius	–?	Sie	haben	nicht	unrecht	daß	Sie	Ihre	Zeit	auf	diese	Art	zubringen	nützliche	Beschäftigung	und	die	Erwerbung	angenehmer	Kenntniß	stimmen	sehr	gut	mit	einander	ein	–		2r-1	 Meiner	Versprechung	zufolge	schick	ich	Ihnen	hiermit	die	Popische	Werke,	die	zwey	ersten	Bänder	und	der	Anfang	des	vierten	wer=	den	sich	am	meisten	für	Sie	schicken	–	denn	die	andern	sind	grösten	Theils	nur	für	Engländer	verständig	da	sie	Beziehung	auf	unsere	Sitten,	Denkungs=	art	und	Begebenheiten	die	gesch	vorgefallen	sind	zu	der	Zeit	wo	Pope	noch	lebte	haben,	jene	...	aber	sind	für	alle	Leute	aus	allen	Nationen	geschrieben	und	mußen	jedem	gefallen	der	Verstand	oder	Gefühl	hat	–	wäre	ich	nur	eines	guten	Weibs	eben	so	gewiß	als	Sie	Ihres	Beyfalls	sind!	so	könnte		ich	mir	sagen	„erfreue	dich	alter	Freund	dein	Glück	ist	gemacht	du	kannst	jezt	bey	deinem	Kamin	ruhig	und	vergnügt	sitzen“	–		2r-2	 Sie	haben	sich	so	günstig	über	unsere	Literatur	geäußert	daß	ich	seit	meiner	Rückkunft	in	Jena	verschiedene	Stücke	aus	Thomson’s	Seasons	für		Sie	abgeschrieben	habe	und	ich	nehme	mir	die	Freyheit	sie	Ihnen	zu	schicken,	wie	glücklich	werde	ich	mich	nicht	glauben	wenn	Sie	im	Lesen	nur	halb	so	viel	Vernügen	[sic]		2v-0	 daran	finden	als	ich	gefunden	habe	in	dem	ich	sie	bey	den	Gedanken	abschrieb	daß	sie	Ihnen	vielleicht	gefallen	könnten	lesen	Sie	sie	nur	fleisig	und	mit	Auf=	merksamkeit	und	wenn	ich	nach	Ruddelstadt	komme	so	sagen	Sie	mir	ob	Sie	nicht	viele	Schönheiten	darinn	bemerken	–		2v-1/2	 Ich	will	Sie	nicht	langes	plagen	...	w..	muß	ich	Sie	um	um	die	Güthe	Bitten	mich	Herrn	und	Frau	von	Beulwitz	...	b..	zu	mag...	Sagen	Sie	Ihrer	Schwester,	ich	....	mich	mit	Vergnügen	an	ihre	Gefällig-	keit	gegen	mich	und	daß	ich	nicht	...ßen	haben	daß	Sie	....	hat	mich	...	zu	mache	...	^in^	Sie	Ihre	schonen	Gegend	känn-			Darf	ich	die	Hofnung	hagen	und	um	ein	Paar	Zeilen	von	Ihnen	zu	erfahren		...	Sorgen	Sie	es	sch..t	sich	nicht	-	doch!-	aber	ich	sch...	Beben	Sie	wohl	glucklich	und	...!	gnadiges	Fräulein	-	Sage	Sie	wer,	schart	dass	...	da	ich	Ihnen	Bekanntschaft	machete	wird	wieder	in	meinen	Gedülchtniß	sein	ange...	Stelle	behalten	und	daß	ich	mit	der	v...	Hoch..chtinig	beständig	sage	werde		2v-3	 Ihr	ergebenster	Diener	Jena	2.n	März	787/	H.	Heron./		 87	Beilage	1:	Heft.	Note:	This	Beilage	is	copied	out	onto	different	paper	than	the	letter.	While	the	letter	is	on	watermarked	linen	paper,	the	Beilage	is	on	thinner	paper	from	a	factory	roll.	The	sheets	are	folded	in	half	to	make	a	small	booklet	and	bound	together	with	a	light	pink	ribbon.	It	is	unknown	who	added	the	ribbon;	however,	the	layout	of	the	pages	indicates	that	they	were	clearly	folded	in	half	into	the	booklet	for	copying	and	given	the	writing	utensils	of	the	day,	this	undoubtedly	took	a	significant	amount	of	time.		Beilage	1,	Heft	1r		Booklet	of	folded	paper	and	bound	with	a	pink	ribbon	in	the	fold	-	Lavinia.	-	a	Tale	from	Thomson’s	Seasons.	_		The	lovely	young	Lavinia	once	had	Friends;	And	Fortune	smil'd,	deceitfull	on	her	birth,	For	in	her	helpless	years	depriv'd	of	all,	Of	every	stay,	save	Innocence	and	Heaven,	She	with	her	widow'd	Mother,	feeble,	old,	And	poor,	liv'd	in	a	cottage,	far	retir'd	Among	the	windings	of	a	woody	Vale;	By	Solitude	and	deep	surrounding	Shades,	But	more	by	bashfull	Modesty	conceal'd.	Together	thus	they	shunn'd	the	cruel	scorn	Which	Virtue,	sunk	to	poverty,	wo'd	meet	From	giddy	passion	and	low	minded	pride:	Almost	on	Nature's	common	Bounty	fed;	Like	the	gay	birds	that	sing	them	to	repose,	Content,	and	careless	of	to	morrow's	fare.	Her	form	was	fresher	than	the	morning	rose,	When	the	dew	wets	its	leaves;	unstain'd,	and	pure,																																																																																																				As	Beilage,	Heft	1v	 As	is	the	lilly,	or	the	mountain	Snow.	The	modest	virtues	mingl'd	in	her	eyes	Still	on	the	ground	dejected,	darting	all	Their	humid	beams	into	the	blooming	Flowers.	Or	when	the	mournfull	Tale	her	Mother	told,	Of	what	her	faithless	fortune	promis'd	once,	Thrill'd	in	her	thought,	they,	like	the	dewy	star	Of	evening,	shone	in	tears.	A	native	grace	Sat	fair	proportion'd	on	her	polish'd	limbs,	Veil'd	in	a	Simple	robe,	their	best	attire,	Beyond	the	pomp	of	dress;	for	loveliness	Needs	not	the	foreign	and	of	Ornament,	But	is	when	unadorn'd,	adorn'd	the	most.	Thoughtless	of	Beauty,	She	was	Beauty's	Self	Recluse	amid	the	close-embow'ring	Woods.	As	in	the	hollow	breast	of	Arpenine		 88	Beneath	the	Shelter	of	encircling	hills,	A	myrtle	rises	far	from	human	eye,	And	breathes	its	balmy	fragrance	o'er	the	Wild;	So	flourish'd	blooming,	and	unseen	by	all,	The	sweet	Lavinia;	till,	at	length,	compell'd	By	strong	neuhsity's	supreme	command,		wish/	Beilage,	Heft	2r	 Wish	smiling	patience	in	her	looks,	she	went	To	glean	palemons	fields.	The	pride	of	Swains		Palemon	was,	the	generous,	and	the	rich,	who	led	the	rural	Life	in	all	its	joy	and	elegance,	such	as	Arcadian	song	Transmits	from	ancient	uncorrupted	Times;	When	tyrant	custom	had	not	shackled	Man,	But	free	to	follow	Nature	was	the	mode.		He	then,	his	fancy	with	autumnal	scenes	Amusing,	chac'd	beside	his	reaper	train	To	walk,	when	poor	Lavinia	drew	his	eye;	Unconscious	of	her	power,	and	turning	quick	With	unaffected	blushes	from	his	Gaze.	he	saw	her	charming,	but	he	saw	not	half	The	charms	her	downcast	modesty	conceal'd.	That	very	moment	Love	and	chaste	desire	Sprung	in	his	Bosom,	to	himself	unknown;	For	still	the	world	prevail'd,	and	its	dread	laugh,	Which	scarce	the	firm	Philosopher	can	scorn,	Shoud	his	heart	own	a	gleaner	in	the	field.	And	thus	in	secret	to	his	Soul	he	sigh'd.	"What/.	Beilage,	Heft	2v	 	What	pity!	that	so	delicate	a	form,	"By	Beauty	kindled,	where	enlivening	Sense	"And	more	than	vulgar	Goodness	seems	to	dwell	"Should	be	devoted	to	the	rude	embrace	"Of	some	indecent	Clown!	She	looks,	methinks,	"Of	old	Acasto's	line;	and	to	my	mind	"Recalls	that	patron	of	my	happy	Life,	"From	whom	my	liberal	Fortune	took	its	rises,	"Now	to	the	dust	gone	down;	his	houses,	lands,	"And	once	fair	spreading	Family	dissolved.	"'Tis	said	that	in	some	lone	obscure	retreat,	"Urg'd	by	remembrance	sad,	and	decent	pride,	"Far	from	those	scenes	which	knew	their	better	days,	"His	aged	widow	and	his	Daughter	live,	"Whom	yet	my	fruitless	search	could	never	find.		 89	"Romantic	wish!	would	this	the	daughter	were!		When,	strickt	enquiring;	from	herself	he	found	She	was	the	same,	the	daughter	of	his	Friend,	Of	bountifull	Acasto;	who	can	speak	The	mingled	passions	that	surprised	his	Heart,	And	thro'	his	nerves	in	shivering	transport	ran?	Thou/	Beilage,	Heft	3r	 Thou	blaz'd	his	smother'd	flame,	avow'd,	and	bold;	And	as	he	view'd	her,	ardent,	o'er	adn	o'er,	Love,	Gratitude,	and	Pity	wept	at	once.	Confus'd,	and	frighten'd	at	his	sudden	tears,	Her	rising	Beauties	flush'd	a	higher	bloom,	As	thus	Palemon,	passionate,	and	just,	Pour'd	out	the	pious	rapture	of	his	Soul.		"And	art	thou	then	Acasto's	dear	remains?	"She,	whom	my	restless	gratitude	has	sought,	"So	long	in	vain?	O	yes!	the	very	same,	"The	softened	image	of	my	noble	Friend,	"Alive,	his	every	feature,	every	look,	"More	elegantly	touch'd.	Sweeter	than	Spring!	"Thou	sole	surviving	blossom	from	the	root	"That	nourish'd	up	my	fortune!	Say,	ah	where,	"In	what	sequester'd	desert,	hast	thou	drawn	"The	kindest	aspect	of	delighted	Heaven?	"Into	such	beauty	spread,	and	blown	so	fair;	"Tho'	poverty's	cold	wind,	and	crushing	rain,	"Beat	keen,	and	heavy,	on	thy	tender	years?	"O	let	me	now,	into	a	richer	Soil,	"Transplant	thee	safe!	Where	vernal	Suns	and	showers	"Diffuse	their	warmest,	largest	influence;	"And/	Beilage,	Heft	3v	 "And	of	my	Garden	be	the	pride	and	joy!	"It	ill	befits	thee,	oh	it	ill	befits	"Acasto's	daughter,	his,	whose	open	stores,	"Tho'	vast,	were	little	to	his	ampler	Heart,	"The	father	of	^^^^a^	Country,	thus	to	pick	"The	very	refuse	of	those	harvest-fields,	"Which	from	his	bounteous	Friendship	I	enjoy.	"Then	throw	that	shamefull	pittance	from	thy	hand,	"But	ill	apply'd	to	such	a	rugg'd	task;	"The	fields,	the	Master,	all,	my	Fair!	are	thine;	"If	to	the	various	blessings	which	thy	house	"Has	on	me	lavish'd,	thou	willst	add	that	bliss,		 90	"That	dearest	bliss,	the	power	of	blessing	thee!"		Here	ceas'd	the	Youth:	yet	still	his	speaking	eye	Express'd	the	Sacred	Triumph	of	his	soul,	With	conscious	virtue,	gratitude,	and	Love,	Above	the	vulgar	joy	divinely	rais'd.	Nor	waited	the	reply.	Won	by	the	charm	Of	Goodness	irresistable,	and	all	In	sweet	disorder	lost,	she	blush'd	consent.	The	news	immediate	to	her	Mother	brought,	While,	pierc'd	with	anxious	thought,	she	pin'd	away	The	lonely	moments	for	Lavinias	fate;	Amaz'd/	Beilage,	Heft	4r	 Amaz'd,	and	scarce	believing	what	she	heard,	Joy	seiz'd	her	wither'd	veins,	and	one	bright	gleam	Of	setting	Life	shone	on	her	evening	hours:	Not	less	enraptur'd	than	the	happy	pair;	Who	flourish'd	long	in	tender	bliss,	and	rear'd	A	numerous	Offspring,	lovely	like	themselves,	And	good,	the	grace	of	all	the	country	round.		___________________________________________________		From	Thomson's	Spring	Ah!	happy	they!	the	happiest	of	their	kind!	Whom	gentle	stars	unite,	and	in	one	fate	Their	hearts,	their	fortunes,	and	their	beings	blend.	'Tis	not	the	coarser	tie	of	human	laws,	Unnatural	oft,	and	foreign	to	the	mind,	That	binds	their	peace,	but	hamony	itself,	Attuning	all	their	passions	into	Love;	Where	Friendship	full	exerts	her	softest	power,	Perfect	esteem	enliven'd	by	desire	Ineffable,	and	Sympathy	of	Soul,	Thought	meeting	Thought,	and	will	preventing	will,	With	boundless	confidence:	for	nought	but	love	Can	answer	love	and	render	bliss	secure.	Let/	Beilage,	Heft	4v	 Let	him,	ingenerous,	who,	alone	intent	To	bless	himself,	from	sordid	parents	buys		The	louthing	Virgin,	in	eternal	care,	Well-merited,	consume	his	nights	and	days:	Let	barbarous	Nations,	whose	inhuman	Love	Is	wild	desire,	fierce	as	the	Suns	they	feel;	Let	eastern	Tyrants	from	the	light	of	Heaven		 91	Seclude	their	bossom	slaves,	meanly	possess'd	Of	a	meer,	lifeless,	violated	form:	While	those	whom	love	scements	in	holy	faith,	And	equal	transport,	free	as	Nature	life,	Disdaining	fear.			What	is	the	world	to	them,	Its	pomp,	its	pleasure,	and	its	nonsense	all!	Who	in	each	other	clasp	whatever	fair	High	fancy	forms,	and	lavish'd	hearts	can	wish;	Something	than	Beauty	dearer,	thou'd	they	look	Or	in	the	mind,	or	mind	illumined	face;	Truth,	Goodness,	honour,	harmony,	and	Love	The	richest	bounty	of	indulgent	Heaven.	Mean-time	a	smiling	Offsjoring	rises	round,	And	mingles	both	their	graces.	By	degrees,	The	human	blossom	blows;	and	every	day,	Soft	as	it	rolls	along,	shews	some	new	charm,	The	fathers	lustre,	and	the	Mothers	bloom.	Then	infant	reason	grows	apace,	and	calls	For/	Beilage,	Heft	5r	 For	the	kind	hand	of	an	assiduous	care.	Delightful	task!	to	rear	the	tender	thought,	To	teach	the	young	idea	how	to	shoot,	To	pour	the	fresh	instruction	o'er	the	mind,	To	breath	th'enlivening	Spirit,	and	to	fix	The	generous	purpose	in	the	glosing	breast.	Oh	speak	the	Joy	'ye,	whom	the	sudden	tear	Suprizes	often,	while	ye	look	around;	And	nothing	strikes	your	eye	but	sights	of	bliss,	All	various	Nature	Pressing	on	the	heart:	An	elegant	Sufficiency,	content,	Retirement,	rural	quiet,	Friendship,	books,	Ease,	and	alternate	labour,	useful	life,	Progressive	virtue,	and	approving	Heaven.	These	are	the	matchless	Joys	of	virtuous	Love	And	thus	their	moments	fly.	The	Seasons	thus,	As	ceaseless	round	a	jarring	World	they	roll,	Still	find	them	happy;	and	consenting	Spring	Sheds	her	own	rosy	Garland	on	their	heads:	Till	evening	comes	at	last,	serene	and	mild;	When	after	the	long	vernal	day	of	Life,	Enamour'd	more,	as	more	remembrance	swells	With	many	a	proof	of	recollected	love,	Together	down	they	sink	in	social	sleep;	Together	free'd,	their	gentle	spirits	fly	To	scenes	where	Love	and	Bliss	immortail	reign.		 92								_____________________________________		Beilage,	Heft	5v	 From	Thomson's	Autumn	These	are	thy	Blessings	Industry!	rough	power!	Whom	labour	still	attends,	and	sweat,	and	pain;	Yet	the	kind	Source	of	every	gentle	art,	And	all	the	soft	civility	of	Life:	Raiser	of	human	kind!	by	Nature	cast,	Naked,	and	helpless,	out	amid	the	Woods	And	wilds,	to	rude	inclement	elements;	With	various	seeds	of	art	deep	in	the	Mound	Implemented,	and	profusely	pour'd	around	Materials	infinite;	but	idle	all	Still	unesrerted,	in	th'unconsious	breast,	Slept	the	lethargic	powers,	corruption	still,	Voracious,	swallowed	what	the	liberal	hand	Of	bounty	scatter'd	o'er	the	savage	Year:	And	Still	the	sad	Barbarian	roring,	mix'd	With	beasts	of	prey;	or	for	his	acorn	meal	Fought	the	fierce	husky	Bear;	a	Shivering	Wretch!	Aghast,	and	comfortless,	when	the	bleak	North	With	Winter	charg'd,	let	the	mix'd	tempest	fly,	Hail,	rain,	and	Snow,	and	bitter	breathing	frost:	Then	to	the	Shelter	of	the	Hut	he	fled;	And	the	wild	Season,	sordid	pin'd	away.	For	home	he	had	not;	home	is	the	resort		Of	Love,	of	Joy,	of	Peace	and	Plenty,	where,	Supporting	and	supported,	polish'd	Friends,	And	dear	realations	mingle	into	Bliss.	But	this	the	rugged	Savage	never	felt,	Even	desolate	in	crowds;	and	thus	his	days	Roll'd	heavy,	dark,	and	unenjoy'd	along:	A)	Beilage,	Heft	6r	 A	waste	of	time!	till	Industry	approach'd,	And	rous'd	him	from	his	miserable	Sloth:	His	faculties	unfolded;	pointed	out,	Where	lavish	Nature	the	directing	hand	Of	Art	demanded:	show'd	him	how	to	rouse	His	feeble	force	by	the	mechanic	powers,	To	dig	the	mineral	from	the	vaulted	Earth,	Or	what	to	turn	the	piercing	rage	of	Fire,	Or	what	the	torrent,	and	the	gather'd	blast;	Gave	the	tall	ancient	forest	to	his	ax;	Taught	him	to	chip	the	wood,	and	how	the	stone,	Till	by	degrees	the	finish'd	fabric	rose;		 93	Tore	from	his	limbs	the	blood-polluted	fur,	And	wrapt	them	in	the	woolly	vestment	warm,	Or	bright	in	glossy	silk,	or	flowing	lawn;	With	wholesome	viands	fill'd	his	table,	pour'd	The	generous	glass	around,	inspir'd	to	wake	the	Life-refining	Soul	of	decent	wit:	Nor	stopp'd	at	Barren,	bare	necessity;	But	still	advancing	bolder,	led	him	on,	To	pomp,	to	pleasure,	elegance,	and	grace;	And	breathing	high	ambition	thro	his	Soul,	Set	Science,	wisdom,	glory,	in	his	view,	And	bad	him	be	the	Lord	of	all	below.				___________________________________		From	Thomsons	Summer	Let	no	presuming	inpious	railer	tax	Creative	Wisdom,	as	if	ought	was	form'd	In/	Beilage,	Heft	6v	 In	vain,	or	not	for	admirable	ends.	Shall	haughty	little	ignorance	pronounce	His	works	unwise,	of	which	the	smallest	part	Exceeds	the	narrow	vision	of	her	mind?	As	if	upon	a	full	proportion'd	dome,	On	swelling	columns	heav'd,	the	pride	of	Art!	A	eritic	fly,	whose	feeble	ray	scarce	spreads	An	inch	around,	with	blind	presumption	bold,	Should	dare	to	tax	the	Structure	of	the	whole.	And	lives	the	Man,	whose	universal	eye	Has	swept	at	once	th'unbounded	Scheme	of	things;	Mark'd	their	dependance	so,	and	firm	accord;	As	(with)	with	unfaultering	accent	to	conclude	That	This	availeth	not?	Has	any	seen	The	mighty	Chain	of	Beings,	lessening	down	From	Infinite	Perfection	to	the	brink	Of	dreary	nothing,	desolate	abyss!	From	which	astonish'd	thought,	recoiling,	turns?	Till	then	let	zealous	praise	ascend,	And	hymns	of	holy	wonder,	to	that	Power,	Whose	wisdom	shines	as	lovely	on	our	Minds,	As	on	our	smiling	eyes	his	Servant-Sun.					__________________________________		A	Humn	to	close	the	Seasons	These,	as	they	change,	Almighty	Father	these,	Are	but	the	varied	God.	The	rolling	year.		 94	Is	full	of		Thee	-	forth	in	the	pleasing	Spring	Thy	beauty	walks,	Thy	tenderness	and	love.	Wide	flush	the	fields,	the	softening	air	is	balm;	Echo	the	Mountains	round;	the	forest	smiles;	And	every	sense,	and	every	heart	is	Joy.	Then)	Beilage,	Heft	7r	 Then	comes	Thy	glory	in	the	Summer	Months,	With	ligh	and	heat	refulgent.	Then	Thy	Sun	Shoots	full	perfection	thru	the	swelling	year.	And	oft	Thy	voice	in	dreadfull	thunder	speaks;	And	oft	at	dawn,	deep	noon	or	falling	eve,	By	Brooks	and	groves,	in	hollow	wispering	gales.	Thy	bounty	shines	in	Autumn	unconfin'd,	And	spreads	a	common	feast	for	all	that	leaves.	In	winter	awfull	Thou!	with	clouds	and	storms	Around	Thee	thrown,	tempest	over	tempest	roll'd,	Majestic	darkness!	on	the	whirlwind's	wing,	Riding	sublime,	Thou	bidst	the	World	adore,	And	humblest	Nature	with	Thy	northern	blast.		Mysterious	round!	what	Skill,	what	force	divine;	Deep	felt	in	these	appear!	a	simple	train,		Yet	so	delightfull	mix'd,	with	such	kind	art,		Shall	unperceiv'd,	so	softening	into	Shade;	Such	beauty	and	beneficence	combin'd;	And	all	so	forming	a	harmonious	whole;	That,	as	they	still	succeed,	they	ravish	still.	But	wondering	oft,	with	brute	unconscious	gaze,	Man	marks	not	Thee,	marks	not	the	mighty	hand,	That,	ever	busy,	wheels	the	silent	spheres;	Works	in	the	secret	deep;	shoots,	steaming,	thence	The	fair	profusion	that	overspreads	the	Spring:	Flings	from	the	Sun	direct	the	flaming	day;	Feeds	every	creature;	hurls	the	tempest	forth;	And,	as	on	earth	this	gratefull	change	revolves;	With	transport	touches	all	the	springs	of	Life.		Nature,	attend!	join	every	living	Soul,	Beneath	the	spacious	temple	of	the	Sky,	In	adoration	join;	and	ardent	raise	One)	Beilage,	Heft	7v	 One	general	Song!	To	Him	ye	vocal	gales	Breathe	soft,	whose	Spirit	in	your	freshness	breathes:	Oh!	talk	of	HIm	in	solitary	glooms!	Where	o'er	the	rock,	the	scarcely	waving	pine		 95	Fills	the	brown	shade	with	a	religious	awe.	And	ye,	whose	bolder	note	is	heard	afar,	Who	shake	th'astonish'd	world,	lift	high	to	Heaven	Th'impetuous	song,	and	say	from	whom	you	rage.	His	praise,	ye	brooks,	attune,	ye	trembling	rills;	And	let	me	catch	it	as	I	muse	along.	Ye	headlong	torrents,	refrid,	and	prfound;	Ye	softer	flovels,	that	lead	the	humid	maze	Along	the	vale;	and	thou	majestic	Man,	A	Secret	world	of	wonders	in	thyself,	Sound	His	stupenduous	praise;	whose	greater	voice	Or	bids	you	roar,	or	bids	your	roarings	fall,	Soft	roll	your	incense,	herbs,	^^^	^&^	fruits	and	flowers	In	mingl'd	clouds	to	HIm;	whose	Sun	exalts,	Whose	breath	prerfumes	you,	and	whose	pencil	paints.	Ye	forests	bend,	ye	harvests	wave	to	Him;	Breathe	your	still	song	into	the	reapers	heart	As	home	he	goes	beneath	the	joyous	moon.	Ye	that	keep	watch	in	Heaven,	as	EArth	asleep	Unconscious	lies	effuse	your	mildest	beams,	Ye	constellations,	while	your	angels	strike,	Amid	the	spangled	Sky,	the	silver	Lyre.	Great	Source	of	day!	best	image	here	below	Of	thy	Creator,	ever	pouring	wide,	From	world	to	world,	the	vital	occean	round,	On	Nature	write	with	every	beam	His	praise.	The	Thunder	rolls:	be	hush'd	the	prostrate	world;	While					cloud	to	cloud	returns	the	solemn	hymn.	Bleat)	Beilage,	Heft	8r	 Bleat	out	afresh,	ye	hills:	ye	mossy	rocks,	Retain	the	sound:	the	broad	responsive	love,	Ye	valleys,	raise;	for	the	Great	Shepherd	reigns;	And	^^^	^his^unsuffering	kingdom	yet	will	come.	Ye	woodlands	all,	awake:	a	boundless	song	Burst	from	the	groves	!	and	when	the	restless	day,	Expiring,	lays	the	warbling	world	asleep,	Sweetest	of	birds!	sweet	Philomela	charm	The	listening	shades,	and	teach	the	night	His	praise.	Ye	chief,	for	whom	the	whole	Creation	smiles;	At	once	the	head,	the	heart,	and	tongue	of	all,	Crown	the	great	Hymn	!	in	swarming	Cities	vast,	Assembled	Men,	to	the	deep	organ	join	The	long-resounding	voice,	oft	breaking	clear,	At	solemn	pauses,	thro	the	swelling	bare;	And,	as	each	mingling	flame	increases	each,		 96	In	one	united	ardor	rise	to	Heaven.	Or	if	you	reather	chuse	the	rural	Shade,	And	find	a	fame	in	every	sacred	grove;	There	let	the	Shepherd's	flute,	the	virgins	lay,	The	prompting	Seraph,	and	the	poets	lyre,	Still	sing	the	God	of	Seasons	as	they	roll.	For	me,	when	I	forget	the	darling	theme,	Whether	the	blossom	blows,	the	Summer	ray	Russets	the	plain,	inspiring	Autumn	gleams;	Or	Winter	rises	in	the	blackening	east;	Be	any	tongue	mute,	may	fancy	paint	no	more,	And,	dead	to	Joy,	forget	my	heart	to	beat!	Should/	Beilage,	Heft	8v	 Should	fate	command	me	to	the	farthest	verge	Of	the	green	earth,	to	distant	barbarous	climes,	Rivers	unknown	to	Song;	where	first	the	Sun	Gilds	Indian	Mountains,	or	his	setting	beam	Flames	on	th'Atlantic	Isles;	'tis	nought	to	me:	Since	God	is	ever	present,	ever	flet,	In	the	void	waste	as	in	the	city	full;	And	where	He	vital	spreads	there	must	be	joy.	When	even	at	last	the	solemn	hour	shall	come,	And	wing	my	mystic	flight	to	future	worlds,	I	chearfull	will	obey;	there	with	new	powers,	Will	rising	wonders	Sing:	I	cannot	go	Where	Universal	Love	not	smiles	around,	Sustaining	all	yon	orbs	and	all	their	Sons;	From	seeming	Evil	still	educing	Good,	And	Better	thence	again,	and	Better	still,	In	infinite	progression.	________But	I	lose	Myself	in	Him,	in	Light	Ineffable!	Come	then	expressive	Silence	muse	His	praise				_____________________________________________																										Wrote	out																																	for								Fräulein	Charlotte	von	Lengefeld																																	by																							Henry	Heron	.						___________________________________					 		 97		GSA	85/1759	Heron	The	Translation	Project	Document			 This	document	is	unique	in	the	collection	of	correspondence.	It	is	a	record	of	how	Charlotte	Schiller	and	Henry	Heron	were	working	together	in	a	collaborative	translation	project.	Translating	from	the	original	German	to	English	would	be	easier	and	more	comprehensive	with	both	a	native	German	and	a	native	English	speaker	working	together.	The	amount	of	time	the	careful	layout	of	this	document	required	further	indicates	the	amount	of	time	the	pair	spent	working	on	their	translation	project.			 This	document	is	made	of	a	large	sheet	of	paper	that	is	folded	so	that	the	first	"page"	is	on	the	front	and	pages	2	and	3	are	interior	to	the	fold	and	lay	parallel	to	each	other	when	the	document	is	opened.	These	pages	are	not	numbered	in	the	original;	however,	for	ease	of	discussion	I	have	attributed	page	numbers	following	this	design.	The	document	does	not	have	lines	to	delineate	the	columns	but	uses	blank	space	to	do	this;	for	the	purpose	of	this	transcription,	however,	I	have	formatted	the	columns	with	lines	to	make	them	clearer	for	the	reader.	Each	page	has	column	headings	of	"Remarks",	"Mine",	and	"Yours"	and	has	the	text	carefully	laid	out	so	that	each	row	of	text	across	all	three	columns	is	connected	in	content.	This	means,	for	example,	that	the	Remarks	column	has	smaller	handwriting	with	less	space	between	lines	to	achieve	this	organizational	effect.	Unfortunately,	the	shifting	of	size	and	space	that	is	an	element	making	this	letter	stand	out	in	a	unique	fashion	is	quite	difficult	to	achieve	in	the	formatting	of	a	digital	transcription.	I	have	made	efforts	to	render	this	digital	transcription	as	close	to	the	original	as	possible.		 98	Note	that	underlined	words	are	underlined	in	the	original.	A	difficult	thing	to	transcribe	is	the	numbers	used	to	identify	words	and	sections.	When	the	number	is	above	the	line	of	text	I	have	indicated	its	placement	using		^,	i.e.	the	line	is	^on	top^	here,	where	the	words	"on	top"	would	be	spatially	above	the	words	"is"	and	"here."	For	numbers	or	notation	under	the	line,	I	have	indicated	this	using	the	subscripted	^	like	this	^	so	that	it	is	consistent	and	visually	suggestive.				 99	Page 1, GSA 85/1759 The Translation Project Document                       Remarks                            mine            The Rose          Yours  X The english in allmost all cases translate the german in phrases formed with sein by taking the german accusative which governs the verb making it an English nominative and with the different tenses of the verb  to be and the participle past of the german  verb - ex man nennt mich - I am called The French is in the same manner 2. in asking a question in the present time we generally use the verb do join’d to an  infinitive – ex – “make I .~” ”do I make~”.. but “make I” is no fault–only- “do I make is  more easy and unconstrained.- 3. Self is only us’d joind with  4. myself – itself – herself – your- self and the like – and in such phrases “he speaks much from^of^ self. That is he is a  great egotist spkeaing about himself _________________________________ 4) We use our particles much, such as – singing saying, loving, doing – to make an action done in a mention'd determin'd Tense_of "why do I hear  you always saying and singing"--when do I hear you? -always-had the time not been mention'd-then- sing + say were proper.-/5. we have not the freedom like the Germans to put a great many qualifying words before a Substantive . ____________ 6) The english also signifies auch in ger- man. --7)Schon, here has only been to make up the verse and has no meaning in the english 8) we cannot say the Beauty of you - but your Beauty --9)To tell signifies often in german erzählen - ex he told me a story - er erzähte mir eine Geschichte- when it cannot be translated by erzählen, then have to Tell and to say the same signification___ 10) little here in english does not make out the sense and it is but seldom that we can use our adjectives substantively         _______________________  I see all the flowers - around me decay and - die. and yet  I am called always the decaying mo- mentary Rose. ungrate - full Man!  ^2^do not I make my short existence agreeable enough to you? and ^3^even after my death I prepare you a tomb of sweet odours _ Balsams and medicines full of power -- And why do I hear you always Singing and Saying -  alas the decaying Rose ^5^easy to be broke  ____ ^6^Thus lamented the queen of flowers upon her  Throne^^^^7^in the first feel of ^8^her own decaying Beauty. --- A maid standing(or who stood) by her, heard her lamenta- tion and ^9^ said- Be not angry sweet^10^little Rose and call not Ungratefullness(or ingratitude) what is no other thing. but higher love the desire of a a tender inclination ____ I see all the flowers round by me decay and die, and humor ^x^ones called me always the decaying, momentary Rose – ungratefull Man!   ^2^make I you not my short being agreeable enough? and ^3^self after my death I prepare you a tomb of sweet odours. Salves and  medicines ful force – And why ^^^hear I you Always ^4^Sing and say alas the decaying the ^5^easy to breakd Rose. ^6^Also lamented the  queen of flowers upon  her Throne, (^7^already) in first Sensation from the decaying beauty ^8^of herself A maid stood by her heard her laments and ^9^told -- Be not angry sweet ^10^little and call not ingratefullness hWhat is no other thing as higher love, the desire of a tender inclination                  	 100	 Page 2, GSA 85/1759 The Translation Project Document   Yours    mine    Remarks  all the flowers we see, die and take the fate of their ^her^ Nature but ^2^thee  her Queen thou ^3^lonely we desire and believe worth of immorality- when we sees us dispis'd in our Wishes so let us ^^^ ^the^lament with which we lament in thee ourself- Beauty Youth, Joy all that com- pare we to thee and as they shed their blossoms like thee, so sing and say we always the decaying the easy break ing rose  all the flowers we see, die and take the fate of their Nature but ^2^thou ^1^their Queen thou ^3^alone we desire and believe, worth (or worthy of) Immortality. when we see ourselves deceived ^^^ ^(or mistaken)^in our wishes so allow us the lamentation by which we lament ourselves in thee- Beauty, Youth Joy, all that we compare to thee and as these scatter their blossoms like thee so do we always Sing and say, the decaying Rose, easily broken. ----- 1)ihr in singular when speaking of a Woman is her when speaking of inanimate beings is it- ihr in in plural is alwyas their 2)thou is Du, Dich is thee )^3^allein is  alone, lonely is einsam )   ___________________________________________________________________________________________ Of Friendship _____________________________________________________________________________________  ^1^Ones cannot flatter him- self to obtain a perfect Friend_  We muss pay  without doubts the Tribut of human ^2^fragility - but if the heart is good weak ness of humor is pardon able  It is so sweet to spread a generous Veil ^4^o'er the faults of our friends and to ^5^embellish th'object of our Affection  ^21^We cannot flatter ourselves to obtain a perfect friend. We must pay without doubt the tribute of  human ^2^frailty, but if the heart be good ^3^Weak- nesses of the mind huour are pardonable It is so sweet to spread a generous veil ^4^over the faults of our  friends and ^5^to please the  object of our affection in the most advantageous light  ^1^We might likeways say-(One cannot flatter oneself) but as what follows ge is continued in the first person plural we it is better to begin with it in english - it observe that one must have oneself for relative - he - himself - we ourselves ----- ^2^fragility gives one the idea of something easily broke-such as glass- frailty what is imperfect- so you might have said- human imperfectness --- _________________________________ 3)to write weakness here in the plural  makes the sense compleativ - the verb must of course be in the plurill__ 4)o'er is rather a practical word or used in prose to give the period a harmonious turn. 5)embellish here is quite a french idiom, and made use of in the^i^s sentence in english gives the phrase rather a weak and unnatural appearance -      	 101	Page 3, GSA 85/1759  The Translation Project Document  Remarks     mine     Yours 1)‘pouvoir’ is in the infinitive – “to be able” in english - but t  je puis – I am able or I I am, - 2)see the remark at the beginning with regard to wen- and on - "on ^1^ a representè^2^ l'amitie'^3^ -  Friendship^3^ has ^1^ been represented ^2^  _________________________________________ 3) these is plural and the plural of that whose is plural                              of this observe that we say that or those for an object or objects which is or are distant and  this and these for things near hand -  *It were better to say here "what is  Friendship without being tried by Unhappiness" - because- "what is friendship without ^un^happiness" is a french declamation signifying not a great deal --  5) happiness is Glückseligkeit- and in english belongs more to the mind than  to express the being in fortunate circumstances in the world - which is here meant -  ____________________________________  6)"which" is only relative to animals and  things - who - to persons. -  ________________________    7)It would be better to say_ But  to be profes'd of Love enough- than to believe oneself appears as if it was doubtfull---8)lut is not an english word but the french lutes __ __________________         _____________ 9)this is a french false sublime, intended to please the ear without either touching  the heart or^addressing^supposing^the^ understanding- ________________________ 10)this is likeways a child of the same family - grand es auguste - are effects to applied to heroic^actions^feelings is of valour, glory, Patriotism - but friendship being a feeling of the most tender and soft kind^is^ and only be justly described by suitable epithets _____  how sweet is it ^1^to be able to Serve him profitably to drain from the ground of his heart the confession of want and to contribute to his guiltless pleasures – ^2^Friendship has been represented under the emblem of a  woman  laying one hand on her heart and with the other embracing a leafless tree _ How pathetic is ^3^this image. What is Friendship with- out ^^^^*^ Unhappiness what is virtue without proof nothing is more common than to be carefs’d in ^5^good Fortune  – Earth is cover’d with flatterers ^6^who sell  their Friendship to all whu will purchase it –  but_^to 7^believe oneself to profess force enough to^8^struggle against the adversity of a Friend, to remain true in all his dis- graces to be able to turn ones back  on the Multitude to come and console a being  forsaken by Nature^8^, Man- kind - this renders Friendship of all human ^2^feelings the most aimiable and delight- full ---   how sweet its ^1^to can swerve him profitably to deliver of the ground of ^^^ ^his^ heart the confession of need - and to contribute by his guiltless pleasures ^2^One has represented Friend ship under the emblem from a Woman that laying one hand to her heart and with the  other embracing a leav- less Tree_How pathetic is ^3^those image What is Friendship with unhap hapiness what is virtue without proof. nothing is more common as to be caress'd in ^5^happiness Earth is cover'd with flatterers ^6^which sells their Friendship on all who will purchase it But^7^to believe himself to possess Force enough to ^8^but against the ad- versity of a friend to suf- fice true in all his disgraces and can tourning back from the Multitude to come and console a being forsaken from ^9^Nature- here is what Friendship render'd from all the sensation of Man the most great and august 		 102	Nr.4,	o.D.,	“Jena,	Mittwoch	frühe”	1r-1	 Perhaps	you	are	thinking	that	I	have	met	your	wishes	halfway.	and	you	are	recjoicing	in	the	idea	that	you	my	patience	is	quite	wore	out.	I	hear	you	Saying,	now	it	is	clear	that	these	men	are	made	out	of	the	same	clay	as	we	and	they	are	as	easily	put	out	of	their	way	with	trifles	as	any	Miss	among	us	all	-	you	must	not	however	sing	Te	deum	till	you	be	certain	the	victory	is	won	-.	neither	suppose	that	the	weakness	of	one	can	be	a	proof		that	all	are	so	-	I	grant	you	your	remark	is	not	altogether		without	reason.	but	in	the	present	circumstances	I	assure	you	it	is	of	very	little	strength,	then	my	patience	is	not	wore	out	but	in	as	full	force	as	ever,	tho'	I	can	mint	from	this	as	it	has	never	been	tried-how	could	you	imagine	that	your	letter,	a	letter	too	so	flattering	for	me,	could	ever	appear	tiresome	or	that	I	could	have	reason	to	exert	my	patience	in	the	enjoyment	of	a	pleasure-	1r-2	 schaeben	Sie	es	aber	meinen	Hochläßigkeit	je	nicht	zu	2v-1	 daß	ich	Ihnen	Breif	mich	eher	gemeinschaft	habe	-	Die	worigen	Wahe	besuchte	der	Herzog	die	Universität	und	ich	muste	mit	ihn	wieder	nach	Weimar	gehen	dort	besuchte	ich	einige	Tage	mit	weil	Wergnügen	zu	und	bin	nast	rin	woarijne	Sonn-	tag	hinn	zurück.	I	would	not	at	present	trouble	you	with	this	were	it	not	to	express	my	obligation	for	your	last	obliging	favour.	as	I	think	to	morrow	am	at	all	weeks	after	to	morrow	if	no	unforeseen	accident	prevents	me	I	shall	have	the	pleasure	of	seeing	you	in	person	&	of	ex-	pressing	tho'	very	imperfectly	the	idea	I	entertain	of	the	YEasy	condescension	you	have	been	so	good	to	shew	me-	2v-2	 Ihre	schöne	Gegend	weil	sich	geneiß	jzt	sicher	gut	aus-		anhemen	und	ich	weoszeihe	micht	weil	Veerüngen	in	dem	Ihnen	wird	von	meinen	Beide	erzählen,	es	ist	ich	wersahne	Sie	wird	sahe	umsanihtborne	Gegenstand.	Denn	meine	Reise	haben	mich	ein	in	so	ein	schlechtes	Land	als	Schottland	3r-1	 hagefehaet	aber	auch	muß	ich	soger	ich	habe	kein	krank	gesehen	das	mir	so	linl	und	ich	ziehe	die	große	kahle	Burge	meines	armen	Worterbuches	dem	schönsten	Paradies	in	Italien	vor	-	doch	von	dießen	naehe	wenn	neu	und	schen-	indießen	bitte	ich	einen	Briefte	fEmpfahlungne	am	Ihre	Schoenstes	und	ihren	Wissnes	Gemahl.	Glauben	DSie	daß	ich	mit	der	grösten	hochachtung	bin	-		3r-2	 Ihr	ergebenster	Diener	H.	Heron	Jena	Mittwoche	frühe		 103	 Appendix C  Material Regarding the Question: Who was Henry Heron?    Determining the social and cultural background of Henry Heron included verifying his rank and acclaimed military engagement in the American War of Independence by means of records in The National Archives of the United Kingdom, as naval training and rank shaped the cultural development of British seamen. Rigorous verification is important for validating his identity and his reputed claims in Weimar, and, as will be explained more in depth in later sections, scrutiny is also relevant to his place in the intellectual circle of Weimar and the Rudolstadt court, and to his significance as a visiting foreigner.   A survey of the resources at the Anna Amalia Bibliothek reveals a string of inconsistencies in references to Henry Heron (see Table I). Düntzer192 and Unbehaun list Heron as English, or at least an English officer, whereas Ulrichs193, Kiene194, and Pailer195 state that Heron is Scottish. The nineteenth-century publications list his rank as "Capitän" and the twentieth-century publications use the updated German "Kapitän;" the twenty-first-century publications ignore the rank or change it to a phonetically Anglicized variation. In addition, these sources vary in their designation of Heron and Schiller's relationship: Düntzer, Kiene, and Pailer indicate a close relationship, whereas the other 																																																								192 Düntzer, Heinrich, ed. Briefe von Schiller's Gattin an einen vertrauten Freund. Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1856. 193 Ulrichs, Ludwig, Ed. Charlotte von Schiller und ihre Freunde. 3 Bde. Stuttgart: Cotta 1860-1865. 194 Hansjoachim Kiene. Schillers Lotte: Porträt einer Frau in ihrer Welt. Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag GmbH, 1984. 195 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 39.		 104	publications indicate an acquaintanceship. These discrepancies between publications are all the more intriguing when one considers that they continue to reference the previously published works; in other words, the scholarship continued to build upon itself without noting an inconsistency to the reader. Even this brief survey reveals noteworthy shifts in presentation of the Schiller-Heron correspondence: note that from Conradi-Bleibtreu's 1981 reference of Heron as "Freund Charlotte von Lengefelds,"196 Kiene's 1984 biography refers to Heron as "Lottes erste, große Liebe."197 As this difference coincides with the different person of focus (Friedrich Schiller versus Charlotte Schiller), this notable shift in description generates questions about Heron and about the rigor of scholarship regarding him and the meaning of his stay in Weimar.  Table I    Survey of Henry Heron as Mentioned in Published Resource Material Quote Source Year Published "Dieser englische Capitän hatte sich mit dem Lord Inverary und einem Herrn Ritchey in den Jahren 1786 und 1787 zu Jena aufgehalten, wo sie bei Griesbach wohnten. er ist wol der ,,gar gute" Engländer, den Charlotte von Lengefeld in Weimar kennen lernte, wie sie am 7. März 1787 an ihren Vetter schreibt, und der ihr Pope's Werke lieh. Heron's Brief an Knebel folgt im Anhange" (27).  Footnote to Knebel's letter to Charlotte Schiller dated July 3, 1788 in Düntzer, Briefe von Schiller's Gattin an einen vertrauten Freund.  1856 "Die Bekanntschaft dieses Schottischen, am herzoglichen Hofe gerne gesehenen Officiers (Bd. I. S. 418), hatte Charlotte im Februar 1787 in Weimar gemacht oder erneuert. Er schrieb sich am 20. Februar in ihr Stammbuch Chapter "1: Capitän Henry Heron"  in Ulrichs, Charlotte von Schiller und ihre Freunde. 1865 																																																								196	Ellen	Conradi-Bleibtreu.	Die	Schillers:	Der	Dichter	und	seine	Familie:	Leben,	Lieben,	Leiden	in	einer	Epoche	der	Umwälzungen.	(Münster:	Aschendorffische	Verlagsbuchhandlung,	1986),	146.	197	Kiene,	312.		 105	ein. Heron, der in Jena in dem Griesbach'schen Hause wohnte, schrieb zuerst am 2. März und zuletzt am 2. August von Rotterdam, im Begriff sich nach England einzuschiffen, von wo er nach Ostindien ging. Ein Brief aus Madras an Knebel vom April oder Mai 1788 (Briefe von Schillers Gattin S. 557), war sein letztes Lebenszeichen" (141). Bd 2.   "Heron, Kapitän, Freund Charlotte von Lengefelds, später Militäraufbahn in Ostindien” (146).  Listed in Personenregister in Conradi-Bleibtreu, Ellen. Im Schatten des Genius: Schillers Familie im Rheinland. Münster: Aschendorffische Buchdruckerei, 1981.  1981 “Heron, schottischer Kapitän, jüngerer Bruder des Lords Inverary, Lottes erste, große Liebe”(312).  Also mentioned on pages 27, 28, 29, 30, 70, 72, 109, 121. Kiene, Schillers Lotte 1984 “Heron, Kapitän, Militärlaufbahn in Ostindien” (199). Also mentioned on pages 63-64. Listed in Personenregister in  Conradi-Bleibtreu, Die Schllers: Der Dichter und seine Familie: Leben, Lieben, Leiden in einer Epoche der Umwälzungen. Münster: Aschendorffische Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1986.   1986 Heron, p. 241  Lahnstein, Peter. (Neuausgabe 1990) Schillers Leben: Biographie. München: Paul List Verlag, 1990. Neuausgabe. Print. 1990 Heron, p. 236 under “Personenverzeichnis”: “Heron, Henry, Schotte in Weimar, 125 ff., 139”. Also mentioned in pages139-148 in chapter “Volkstedter Sommer”  Werner, Charlotte M. Friedrich Schiller und seine Leidenschaften. Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag DmH, 2004.  2004 "Bei dem Engländer handelt es sich, präziser gesagt, um einen Schotten: Captain Henry Heron, ein Offizier, der bereits im Pailer, Leben und Schreiben 2009 	 106	Amerikanischen Unabhängigkeitskrieg gedient haben soll und der zusammen mit seinem älteren Bruder, Lord Invernary, durch Knebel in die Gesellschaft um Frau von Stein eingeführt wird," 39-40. "Heron, Henry, englischer Offizier" pages 39, 117, 118, 119, 120, 159, 259. "...verblasste die Erinnerung Charlotte von Lengefelds an den englischen Offizier Henry Heron, der noch im Sommer 1787 in Rudolstadt der Zwanzig-jährigen seine Liebe gestanden198 hatte, aber kurz darauf nach Ostindien abkommandiert wordern war" (117). Lutz Unbehaun, Schillers Heimliche Liebe: Der Dichter in Rudolstadt. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2009. 2009   In order to construct a substantiated identity of Henry Heron it is therefore not only prudent to return to the archival documents, but to verify his identity with corroborating sources from his homeland. No matter how trustworthy the Prince, Goethe, or Knebel were, they only knew what was presented to them. Verifying Heron's identity, rank, and military service is therefore necessary to dispel contradictions between previous scholars and to provide a rigorously established identity for future research. For example, a Scotsman serving in the Royal Navy would potentially be identified as both a Scot and as a British (English) sailor by his foreign acquaintances. However, a Scotsman who served in the American Navy would possibly be similarly identified when in Europe during the period immediately after the war, as recognition of the new nation was not instantaneous on the continent. Given the number of mercenaries and soldiers who switched sides during the American War of Independence, identifying Henry Heron will provide information to add to a clearer understanding of how he fit into Weimar society and to gain increased insight into his intimate friendship with Charlotte Schiller.  																																																								198 As Unbehaun does not provide a footnote or source for this claim and as a written account of a declaration of love is not in the archive materials Unbehaun cites, this claim is surprising and appears unsubstantiated at this time.  	 107	a. Identifying Heron     In an effort to identify Henry Heron for this thesis, I initially consulted the public records of Britain through the website of The National Archive which has access to digitized copies of The London Gazette, the official publication of the public records during the nineteenth century, as well as access to some wills, probates, and other such documents. A will of Henry Heron from Saint Mary Lambeth, Surrey dated February 16, 1796199 appeared to be a potential source for identification; upon viewing as much of the document as is possible online, however, permits an analysis of the signature that quickly indicates that this is not the same Henry Heron as the "r" is written entirely differently from the consistent manner of Capt. Henry Heron, as is the angle and curvature of the letter "e," indicating that this is not the same person. The same identifying characters are not a match on a will listed from April 28, 1760 as the "will of Henry Heron, Gentleman of Saint Marylebone, Middlesex"200 A challenge of working with material from The National Archives is that the institution does not hold birth, marriage or death certificates201. In order to access these documents, they must be sourced through the parish in which they were created. Without knowledge of Heron's family parish or date of birth it is quite challenging to identify the location of these important identifying documents.  																																																								199 PROB 11/1271/181. The National Archives, accessed online July 2015, 200 PROB 11/855/285. The National Archives, accessed online July 2015, 201 The National Archives. "What records we hold." accessed online July 2015, -we-hold/ 	 108	b. Heron's Family  Schiller's family and daily life were part of the social landscape of Schiller and Heron's relationship and correspondence; Heron's family, however, not only shaped his opportunities prior to his time in Weimar, but also shaped his welcome into the circles of the Weimar elite. Despite the magnitude of influence of family status and connections on social acceptance and interactions, little is known and even less is verified about Heron's family. Kiene lists Heron in his discussion of Knebel's unsuccessful interest in Charlotte Schiller: "Der Major von Knebel bemühte sich noch immer hartnäckig um das Fräulein von Lengefeld; obwohl er längst die Aussichtslosigkeit seiner Avancen hätte bemerken müssen, war ausgerechnet er es, in dessen Gefolge den Damen zwei Schotten vorgestellt wurden: Lord Invernary und dessen jüngerer Bruder, Kapitän Heron"202. Kiene does not confirm Heron's identity or the first name of his alleged older brother. Kiene simply references a brother, Lord Invernary. As there is no "Invernary" in the Peerage of the United Kingdom, this must be a misspelling and refer to the lord of Inveraray castle in Scotland. The Inveraray estate is historically and currently ruled by the Campbell clan, and the contemporary lord was John, 5th Duke of Argyll (1723-1806), but there is no younger brother listed on the official public family tree, as the public family tree only follows the official inheriting offspring and spouses203. According to the official family website, he obtained the title and inheritance in 1770204. John the 5th duke was a skilled 																																																								202 Hansjoachim Kiene. Schillers Lotte: Porträt einer Frau in ihrer Welt. Frankfurt am Main: Droste, 1996, 27. 203 Inveraray Castle. "Campbell Family Tree." 2016. Accessed June 20, 2016. 204 Inveraray Castle. "Clan Campbell Timeline." Accessed July 5, 2015. 	 109	soldier205 and he was the commanding officer of the 1st Regiment of Foot during the American War of Independence. Personal correspondence with Inveraray castle indicated that no Duke of Argyll ever visited Weimar, Germany, however206. It is possible that the Lord Inveraray was not the ruling duke himself and even not necessarily the heir apparent, but another lord of Inveraray; in part due to the many different names a single Scottish or English nobleman carried, identifying Henry Heron's lineage requires further research. Heron's family connections and upbringing affect any analysis of his reception at the Rudolstadt and Weimar Court, as welcoming an aristocratic peer is quite different than giving that same welcome to a person of lesser peerage. c. Heron's Military Service  Verifying Henry Heron's military record served three purposes: firstly, to provide documented evidence to support his identity; secondly, to document and substantiate the claims made regarding his participation in the American War of Independence; and thirdly, to note that such documentation and verification of claims serves to verify Heron's character as an honest gentleman. One challenge in identifying Captain Henry Heron is that the British public records only list British military and do not include Merchant Marines or private sailing companies. Another issue, as seen in the records of Henry Heron below, is that the changing of regiments and the signing of new commissions potentially altered the rank of the soldier. The translation of rank across languages also has the possibility to further complicate matters; the rank "Capitän"/ "Kapitän," for example, in German can refer to a Germanized form of the English 																																																								205 Inveraray Castle. "Campbell Family." Accessed July 3, 2015.	206	Argyll	Estates.	Inveraray	Castle	Archives.	Email.	Personal	correspondence	with	author.	December	22,	2015.		 110	"Captain" or translation of the rank of Lieutenant from French or English into the actual rank equivalent in German207. Since the naval ranks of Captain, Commander, and Lieutenant-Commander are all various forms of Capitaine in French, and given that French was the common language in Europe in the day, this makes knowledge of the actual rank difficult to confirm. Although Henry Heron lists his name in English as "Capt. Heron" in his forwarding address in his last direct letter to Charlotte Schiller208, which makes it possible that he was a Captain in the English sense of the word at the time of his stay in Weimar, it is equally probable that he was using the abbreviated universal title Capitaine for is letters from abroad. Therefore, as there is no available public record to provide historic documentation of the captaincy of Henry Heron, then unless this captaincy was as a member of a merchant company, as private commissions were not listed in the published public record, it is likely that the use of Capt. corresponds with contemporary international norms of naval rank in foreign countries. To make matters even more complicated, although the actual rank of captain was difficult to obtain in the Royal Navy, a Commander (also capitaine in French) was the officer in charge of a ship; a Post Captain was also 'Master and Commander' of a vessel209. It was not uncommon for battle-proven First Lieutenants to serve as Commander without this being signified by a rank; regarding this practice, Lewis writes, "every 'promotion' had been bound tight to a definite 'appointment'. No officer had been 'promoted commander' -- i.e. given Commander's rank as such. He had always been 'appointed Commander of" a named 																																																								207 Discussion during Überlieferung und Geschlecht: Probleme der Briefedition. Internationaler Workshop Masterstudiengang Editionswissenschaft. Institut für Deutsche und Niederländische Philologie, Freie Universität Berlin, 26-27 Jun. 2015. 208 GSA 83/1759 209 Michael Lewis. A Social History of the Navy 1793 - 1815.  London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd, 1960, 193-194.  	 111	ship, the operative document being a 'commission to act as Commander of'. In a word, the term 'Commander' signified a post: it was not a rank" and this practice continued "up to May 1795"210. Lieutenants were directly below the captain and shared the higher end of the ship hierarchy as commissioned officers and the privilege of ship social status of the Quarter-deck, lieutenants enjoyed their own cabins and often dined at table with the captain.211 While a capable and intelligent man of bourgeois origin could aspire to the rank of lieutenant or the post of a commander, the actual rank of captain was still more or less reserved for the aristocracy. Whether he was a captain or lieutenant, Heron was clearly a commanding officer of the navy with significant experience to enthrall an audience asking about the American War of Independence and establish a worthy reputation amidst the elite in a salon environment. The rank of lieutenant, however, was likely insufficient to gain acceptance within the court of a duke or prince; therefore, Heron's military rank indicates that either his family social rank was significant (as indicated by the statement that his brother was Lord Inveraray) or that the Rudolstadt and Weimar courts were significantly egalitarian.   Official public records of British military promotion and assignment were published by Authority in the official crown publication The London Gazette212. An entry from the War Office, dated January 20, 1778, lists promotions from the 40th Regiment of Foot, including: "Henry Heron, Gent. to be Ensign, vice John Campbell"213. It is interesting here that Heron is listed as replacing a Campbell as Ensign upon John 																																																								210 Ibid, 194. 211 Ibid, 228-240. 212 Authority. "A history of The Gazette." The London Gazette online. Accessed June 27, 2016.	213 Authority. The London Gazette, Numb. 11842. January 20, 1778. Accessed June 28, 2016. 	 112	Campbell's promotion to lieutenant214, as this is a further documented connection with Inveraray Castle and its family. July 25, 1778 lists Henry Heron as an ensign to be promoted to lieutenant of the 40th Foot215.   The 40th Regiment of Foot is an infamous British regiment considered noteworthy in the history of the American War of Independence for both its military fortitude and the diverse origins of its soldiers. The combination of soldiers that included not only Scottish, Irish, British, but also Hessian soldiers provided Heron an opportunity to practice the German language. Heron's membership in this regiment provides a personal background upon which his openness and spirit of internationalism can be understood. The 40th of Foot was instrumental in defeating the Continental Army at the Battle of Brandywine September 11, 1777 as part of the 2nd Brigade under the leadership of General Sir William Howe216, 5th Viscount Howe and also participated in the October 1777 Battle of Germantown and the October 1778 Battle of St Lucia in the West Indies.217 This information adds to Schiller's later comment in her letter to Knebel218 regarding her uncertainty of whether Heron left to the East or West Indies as she would have recalled Heron mentioning both. The reputation of the 40th as extremely disciplined soldiers was in part due to their commanding Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Musgrave, who was stringent about newly arrived recruits for the 40th exercising daily until "perfect in 																																																								214 Ibid. 215 Authority. The London Gazette, Numb.11894. July 21, 1778. Accessed June 28, 2016. 216 Matthew H. Spring. With Zeal and with Bayonets Only: The British Army on Campaign in North America, 1775 - 1783. Ed. Gregory J.W. Urwin. Volume 19, Campaigns and Commanders Series. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008, 304.	217 Spring, With Zeal; and David Syrett. The Royal Navy in American Waters 1775-1783. Scolar Press: Brookfield, VT, 1989, 92, 113-118. 218 Charlotte Schiller to Karl Ludwig von Knebel, March 6, 1804. In: Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 47. 	 113	the rudiments of drill"219. A difficulty in military history is that the battles are often listed in regards to the highest commanding officer rather than individual regiments; moreover, as a Regiment of Foot was not assigned to a Captain or a ship this further complicates tracing their movements. Even if Heron himself had not seen the Battle of Bunker Hill220, he undoubtedly fought alongside others who had done so during his battles under Howe. Heron's participation and advancement in such a distinguished regiment supports the respect and awe communicated about his service during the war by those amongst his Weimar circle as well as his jokingly comparing himself to Hercules in a letter to Charlotte Schiller221.  As previously mentioned, units and ranks appear to have been quite fluid in the British military during this time. At some point, Heron joined the 80th Regiment, where he held the rank of half-pay lieutenant until January of 1788222. Since the 80th Regiment, also known as the Royal Edinburgh Volunteers, was disbanded in 1784223, more research is required to identify at what time Heron left the 40th for the 80th, or what he did between 1784 and 1787. The date of unit disbanding and his static rank until 1788 indicates that Heron was not in active military service during this time. Presumably, Heron may have attained a private commission as Captain, which would correspond with 																																																								219 Spring, With Zeal, 118.  220 Friedrich Schiller received a copperplate print of The Death of General Warren at the Battle of Bunker's Hill as a Christmas present from Professor Johann Gotthard Müller of the Stuttgart Academy in 1801. It can be conjectured that this print may have later inspired the widowed Charlotte Schiller's 1804 request for Knebel to lend her Heron's last letter to check his deployment destination. 221 Henry Heron to Charlotte Schiller, GSA 83/1759.	222 Authority. The London Gazette Numb.12959. January 26, 1788. Accessed on June 28, 2016. 223 National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior. "British Units at Yorktown." Accessed on July 6, 2016. 	 114	his personal use of the title Capt. in his forwarding address224 in August 1787 as well as the lack of British military records listing his commission at that rank, else Heron was using the French Capitaine as a commanding naval Lieutenant for the purposes of international correspondence.  Clues to Heron's rank are also in his oil portrait. Although most portraits of British naval officers feature the gold lace around the edge of the collar of a dress uniform225, undress uniforms did not feature gold lace226. It should be noted that epaulettes were not part of British naval uniforms until 1795227. Individuality of dress was the presiding notion of the day; eighteenth-century British officer's uniforms "allowed some variation to suit the individual taste,"228 thus providing the viewer of an officer or his portrait some insight into his personality. The buttons on the coat clearly have some sort of raised design; however, personal observation of the original oil painting did not reveal what the design is, as this is done in an impressionistic style and does not have the fine detail required to verify if the pattern is, in fact, the anchor and laurels relief on the buttons of Royal Navy uniform coats.   																																																								224 GSA 83/1759	225 Royal Museums Greenwich, Collections, accessed June 25, 2016. URL:!csearch;collectionReference=subject-90245;authority=subject-90245; and!csearch;searchTerm=captain  226 Royal Museums Greenwich, Research Guide U1, accessed June 25, 2016. 227 Ibid. 228 "Specifications for a British Officer's Uniform in 1770." Bulletin of the Business Historical Society, Vol. 2, No. 3 (May 1928), p. 14. The President and Fellows of Harvard College. Accessed July 7, 2016. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.ort/stable/3111289.					 115	 In order to understand why Heron stopped his correspondence with Schiller, it is helpful to know what he did after leaving Weimar. Heron's experience in the American War of Independence can be somewhat pieced together through Heron's regiment and gives further detail as to what he may have presented in discussions regarding the war within his circle of friends in Weimar. The lack of post-departure correspondence makes it even more difficult to identify what Heron did after leaving Weimar and why he did not maintain correspondence or return to visit. In The London Gazette, in an entry dated January 26, 1788 is the promotion of "Lieutenant Henry Heron, from the Half-Pay of the 80th Regiment to be Lieutenant" in the 76th Regiment229. None of these military records list Henry Heron as having the rank of Captain. The London Gazette later records "Lieutenant Henry Heron to be Captain-Lieutenant, vice David Markham" of the 76th Regiment of Foot; this entry is listed under "Promotions - East India" dated September 8, 1789230. This, at the very least, answers Charlotte von Schiller's question of Heron's eventual location as expressed in her letter to Knebel dated March 6, 1804, "Aus seinem Brief sah ich auf's neue, daß er wirklich nach Ostindien gegangen ist, worüber ich zweifelhaft war. Ich dachte, hätte auch sein Grab auf dentügerischen westindischen Inseln gefunden, wie der gute Ernst!"231.   Ironically, Heron's having been sent to the East Indies, as opposed to the West Indies, did not play a factor in a more positive outcome. As reported by the War Office on January 19, 1790, Lieutenant Kenneth McRae from the 72nd Regiment was promoted 																																																								229 Authority. The London Gazette, Numb. 12959. January 26, 1788. Accessed on June 28, 2016. 230 Authority. The London Gazette, Numb. 13129, 583-4. Accessed June 28, 2016. 231 Pailer, Leben und Schreiben, 47. 	 116	to be Captain-Lieutenant "vice Henry Heron, deceased"232. Heron's military service is more succinctly expressed in Table 2. Understanding that Heron was in Weimar during 1786 and 1787 during a period of ambiguity in his service record further supports his expressed belief that he would be able to see Charlotte Schiller again233.  Table II: Summary of Henry Heron's Military Service Record Rank Regiment Dates Source Ensign 40th Regiment of Foot January 20, 1778 - July 25, 1778 Authority No. 11842 Lieutenant 40th Regiment of Foot July 25, 1778 - unknown Authority No.  11894 Half-Pay Lieutenant 80th Regiment of Foot unknown -  January 26, 1788 Authority No. 12959 Lieutenant 76th Regiment January 26, 1788 - January 19, 1790 Authority No. 12959, Authority No. 13176 Source: The London Gazette   Unfortunately, Heron never did return to his circle of friends in Germany. More research is needed into the military encounters of the 76th Regiment in East India during 1789-90 in order to identify more information about Henry Heron's experiences and death. If Heron kept Charlotte Schiller's letters and they are still in existence, this information could prove useful in identifying their current location. At this point, however, it is factually established that when Charlotte Schiller returned Heron's letter to Knebel the second time in March 1804, Henry Heron had already been dead for fourteen years.  																																																								232 Authority. The London Gazette, Numb. 13176. February 16, 1790, 34-35. Accessed June 28, 2016. 233 From Henry Heron, Neuwied, June 13, 1787. In: GSA 83/1759.	


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