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Popular educational books for women as cultural commodities in early modern Japan : a case study of Takara-bako… Suzuki, Saeko 2016

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POPULAR EDUCATIONAL BOOKS FOR WOMEN AS CULTURAL COMMODITIES IN EARLY MODERN JAPAN:  A CASE STUDY OF TAKARA-BAKO AND OSHIE-GUSA by  Saeko Suzuki   A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Asian Studies)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)   May 2016  © Saeko Suzuki, 2016 ii Abstract  This project examines joshiyō ōrai-mono (popular educational publications for women in early modern Japan) as cultural commodities in the transmission of knowledge in relation to three areas: texts/illustrations, commercial publishers, and readers as clients. It also seeks to understand that woodblock prints have the characteristics of repeatable commodities. The project focuses on two encyclopaedia-type joshiyō ōrai-mono books: the 1814 edition of Onna daigaku takara-bako or The Treasure Box of the Women’s Greater Learning, and the second edition of Onna daigaku oshie-gusa or The Elementary Textbook of the Women’s Greater Learning, published in the mid-1840s.  Comparing the two books reveals some notable issues. First, the commonality of the contents and physical characteristics of the two books shows that their publisher, Izumiya Ichibē, reused the texts, and copied the design of Takara-bako, a best-selling ōrai-mono, to produce his new book Oshie-gusa. Second, previous scholarship that has developed the literary genre framework for early modern print books cannot always explain the encyclopaedia type of popular educational materials because of their cross-genre characteristics. Third, Takara-bako emphasizes knowledge of waka poetry for female readers as well as providing the list of major female occupation catalogue in that period. Fourth, Oshie-gusa increased the practical contents such as Yin-yang divination and male-female compatibility as a handbook of marriage and family. Fifth, both books stress clothing-related matters, advocating not only household responsibilities but also female virtue based on neo-Confucianist ideology.  The comparative analysis of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa as cultural commodities has demonstrated the commercialization of knowledge in the Tokugawa period (1603-1868).  iii Understanding the mechanisms of commercialization of printed knowledge can help us understand knowledge transmission that is de-commercialized or commercialized in different ways in electronic environments.   iv Preface  This thesis is original, unpublished, independent work by author, Saeko Suzuki.   v Table of Contents  Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... ii	Preface ........................................................................................................................................... iv	Table of Contents ...........................................................................................................................v	List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... vii	List of Figures ............................................................................................................................. viii	Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... ix	Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................1	1.1	 The Purpose of the Project ................................................................................................. 1	1.2	 Previous Studies ................................................................................................................. 4	1.2.1	 Print Books Discourses ............................................................................................... 4	1.2.2	 Previous Studies and Joshiyō Ōrai-mono ................................................................... 6	1.2.3	 Literary Studies and Joshiyō Ōrai-mono .................................................................... 8	Chapter 2: Publishers as Cultural Producers in Early Modern Japan ..................................13	2.1	 Publishers and Genres ...................................................................................................... 13	2.1.1	 Publishers for Scholarly Books and Popular Books ................................................. 13	2.1.2	 Genres of Print Books ............................................................................................... 15	2.2	 Publishers and Ōrai-mono ............................................................................................... 23	2.3	 Kashiwaraya Seiemon and Izumiya Ichibē ...................................................................... 25	2.4	 Publishers as Block Holders ............................................................................................ 31	Chapter 3: Comparing the Contents of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa ....................................34	3.1	 The Contents of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa as Encyclopaedias for Women .............. 36	 vi 3.2	 The Major Contents in Takara-bako ................................................................................ 39	3.2.1	 The Contents of Waka ............................................................................................... 39	3.2.2	 Female Occupations .................................................................................................. 43	3.3	 Oshie-gusa as a Chōhōki .................................................................................................. 46	3.3.1	 Handbook of Marriage and Family ........................................................................... 48	3.3.2	 Male-Female Compatibility and Astrological Calendar ........................................... 52	Chapter 4: The Clothing-Related Matters in Joshiyō Ōrai-mono ...........................................55	4.1	 Content Comparison of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa .................................................... 55	4.2	 Clothing-Related Matters as Duties for Women .............................................................. 57	4.3	 Reuse of Texts in Joshiyō Ōrai-mono Books .................................................................. 60	4.3.1	 Quotations from Japanese Myths .............................................................................. 60	4.3.2	 Izumiya’s Selection ................................................................................................... 61	4.4	 Historical Background ..................................................................................................... 65	Chapter 5: Further Considerations ............................................................................................68	Bibliography .................................................................................................................................72	Appendices ....................................................................................................................................77	Appendix A Texts of the Clothing-related Matter Sections ..................................................... 77	A.1	 Original texts ............................................................................................................... 77	A.2	 Translations ............................................................................................................... 103	Appendix B Texts of the Clothing-Related Matters in The Women’s Greater Learning ....... 125	B.1	 Original texts ............................................................................................................. 125	  vii List of Tables  Table 2.1 Classifications of mono no hon from 1666 to 1754 by Nakano Mitsutoshi. ................ 21	Table 2.2 Classifications of jihon from 1783 to 1838 by Nakano Mitsutoshi. ............................. 23	Table 3.1 Comparison of Imprint between Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. ................................... 35	Table 3.2 Comparison of Subjects of Articles between Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. ............... 38	Table 3.3 Comparison of the Contents of Waka between Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. ............ 41	Table 3.4 Encyclopaedias in Early Modern Japan. ....................................................................... 47	Table 4.1 Clothing-Related Articles in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. ........................................ 56	  viii List of Figures  Figure 1.1 Relationship Between joshiyō ōrai-mono, jokun-sho, and Joshiyō ōrai-mono. ............ 9	Figure 2.1 A Three Story Layout in Onna daigaku takara-bako. 1814. ...................................... 30	Figure 2.2 A Three Story Layout in Onna daigaku takara-beki. 1751-1763. .............................. 31	Figure 3.1 Eisen’s Illustration in Onna daigaku oshie-gusa. Not before 1843. ........................... 50	Figure 3.2 Eisen’s Illustration in Onna daigaku oshie-gusa. Not before 1843. ........................... 51	  ix Acknowledgements This project could not have been completed without the support of many people. First, I would like to express heartfelt gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Joshua S. Mostow for his guidance and the many useful comments and suggestions he provided. Dr. Mostow was also very kind in allowing me to examine his personal collection of Japanese premodern educational books, which includes the 1814 edition of Onna daigaku takara-bako (The Treasure Box of the Women’s Greater Learning), and the second edition of Onna daigaku oshie-gusa (The Elementary Textbook of the Women’s Greater Learning). These resources proved invaluable. His guidance on the analysis of original materials also helped me develop a much better approach in my work with premodern prints and manuscripts. The contribution of the other members of the thesis committee, Dr. Christina Laffin and Dr. Bruce Rusk, also helped me complete this project. Dr. Laffin’s advice on the gender dimension of Japanese premodern literary works gave me important tools to examine and analyze books for female readers. Dr. Bruce Rusk’s study of classical Chinese books and their historical and social contexts can be credited with having inspired this project. His support is also greatly appreciated.  I also need to extend gratitude to Dr. Duanduan Li, who generously chaired my thesis committee, for offering new insights; and also Dr. Sharalyn Orbaugh for all of her support as a graduate adviser in 2014-2015. Outside the Asian Studies Department, I also appreciate having had an opportunity to meet Dr. Kenji Watanabe from Jiyū Gakuen in Japan, to discuss jokun-mono when he visited UBC.   To conclude, I would also like to thank all the staff from the Department of Asian Studies, and in particular Jasmina Miodragovic, the graduate secretary. She was very helpful with all the  x administrative procedures. I would also like to acknowledge the Faculity of Arts Graduate Award from UBC, which it made this study possible.  1 Chapter 1: Introduction  1.1 The Purpose of the Project This project examines joshiyō ōrai-mono 女子用往来物 (popular educational books for women)1 as cultural commodities2 in the transmission of knowledge for female commoners in the Tokugawa period (1603–1866). More specifically, it seeks to understand the role of woodblock printing in the transmission of knowledge during the Tokugawa period in relation to three areas: texts and illustrations, creators, and readers. Whereas previous studies have considered joshiyō ōrai-mono across diverse disciplines, this project looks into publishers as producers in the literary transmission of information. To do so, the project compares two joshiyō ōrai-mono published during the mid- to late Tokugawa period: Onna daigaku takara-bako 女大學寶箱 (henceforth referred to as Takara-bako) or The Treasure Box of the Women’s Greater Learning, and Onna daigaku oshie-gusa 女大學教草 (henceforth referred to as Oshie-gusa) or The Elementary Textbook of the Women’s Greater Learning.                                                    1 Peter Kornicki, The Book in Japan: a Cultural History from the Beginnings to the Nineteenth Century (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2001), 140. 2 Bernard Miège defines a book or print as a cultural production. He also argues that cultural productions emerge as cultural commodities in the field of production and consumption and participate in the expanded reproduction of capital by intervening directly in the very process of the realization of value. This project focuses on examining print books as cultural commodities more than as cultural productions. Bernard Miège, “The Cultural Commodity,” Media, Culture, and Society 1:3 (1979): 297, 300, accessed on April 27, 2016, doi: 10.1177/01634437790010030710.  2 Konta Yōzō 今田洋三 argues that the commercial publishing industry began in the seventeenth century in Kyoto based on the financial power of the machishū 町衆, the merchants who had accumulated wealth in Kyoto since the Muromachi period.3 Peter Kornicki points out that books became commercial artefacts in Japan when printing presses began to produce woodblock prints for mass audiences. He suggests that every facet of book production became commercialized, including the carving of wood blocks, printing, binding, selling, and lending-library operations. The growth of the publishing industry demonstrates how the printed format encouraged textual dissemination of knowledge, even while scribal—i.e., manuscript—culture continued throughout the Tokugawa period.4 This shift in media from manuscript to print brought with it a concurrent shift in the way in which readers received textual knowledge. Manuscript readers transcribed knowledge that they sought as copyists or scribes, whereas print book readers relied on publishing houses to acquire knowledge. In other words, the knowledge-seeking behaviour of manuscript readers was direct while that of print book readers was indirect. In this way, the growth of the publishing industry complicated the transmission of book-based knowledge in early modern Japan. The growth of the manufacturing, commerce, and transportation sectors in the period gave rise to an urban working class known as the chōnin 町人 (townspeople). The intellectual infrastructures and textual knowledge that had once been the exclusive privilege of the upper classes and clergy became available in the Tokugawa period to the chōnin, who became                                                 3 Konta Yōzō 今田洋三, Edo no hon’yasan: kinsei bunkashi no sokumen 江戸の本屋さん: 近世文化史の側面, (Tokyo: Nihon Hōsō Shuppan Kyōkai, 1977): 1. 4 Kornicki, The Book in Japan, 169.  3 consumers of cultural productions and who sustained commercial publishing in early modern Japan. In addition to disseminating knowledge to large sectors of the population, the growth of publishing created an open environment within which readers could access intellectual information. Conversely, consumers influenced publishers-booksellers and printers to transmit knowledge in their products. Against this historical backdrop, we must examine the extent to which the reception, circulation, and adaptation of relevant knowledge in joshiyō ōrai-mono books shaped the existing social structure and its requirements for female commoners in the mid- to late Tokugawa period. Analysis of the textual and physical elements of joshiyō ōrai-mono will aid us in understanding both this process and the needs of women from the chōnin class.  The following examination of these issues is organized into five sections. In Chapter One I review previous scholarship on the print book as a cultural device to transmit, disseminate, and circulate knowledge; in particular, it outlines theoretical concerns drawn from the work of Roger Chartier and Marshall McLuhan. In Chapter Two I discuss the history of the publishers who printed joshiyō ōrai-mono in early modern Japan and considers the influence of the shomotsu 書物 (scholarly books) and jihon 地本 (local books) genres on Tokugawa publishing practices. In Chapter Three I analyze passages and illustrations from Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa to investigate how their producers designed their layouts, while in Chapter Four I examine clothing-related matters, an important subject in both books, and present evidence that Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa were socially constructed and repeatable commodities. Finally, in Chapter Five I summarize this case study to draw certain conclusions about information mediated by paper-based print commodities in early modern Japan.  4 1.2 Previous Studies  1.2.1 Print Books Discourses Although this project is a case study of joshiyō ōrai-mono books, cross-disciplinary observations can inform our discussion of printed books as cultural commodities. Of special interest are three interacting factors critical to the dissemination of knowledge in book form identified by book historian Roger Chartier: the texts, the figures of authors,5 and the communities of readers.6 Chartier examines the bibliothèque bleue, a type of popular publication and ephemera in early modern France. The series of print books covers all genres of learned literature and transmitted the early modern ‘popular culture’ of the ancien régime in print media. He suggests that publishers produced bibliothèque bleue with target clients in mind.7 He also observes that the invention of printing, reading postures, and typographical objects gradually made books ordinary commodities.8 This European experience of bibliothèque bleue parallels that of joshiyō ōrai-mono in the Tokugawa period in Japan. In both cases, printing technologies and the commercialization of publishing led to expanded reading communities.  Using Chartier’s model, we could argue that the “texts” of East Asian books represent both writing and illustrations. This is because both elements are always carved on the same woodblock. Moreover, publishers reserved a large amount of space in a popular educational book for women in early modern Japan for pictorial works. As for the second factor, which                                                 5 Roger Chartier, The Order of Books: Readers, Authors, and Libraries in Europe between the Fourteenth and Eighteenth Centuries, trans. Linda G. Cochrane. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), 25-59.  6 Chartier, The Order of Books, 1-23.  7 Ibid, 12-13.  8 Ibid, 16.  5 Chartier describes as “figures of authors,” it is better to think of “creators,” as it includes not only writers but also editors, translators, printers or publishers, book vendors, and even possessors of intellectual properties. This term can be said to represent a juridical, repressive, and material mechanism.9 The third factor in Chartier’s view is “reader communities,” which we can also apply to joshiyō ōrai-mono. A reader community for joshiyō ōrai-mono books in the Tokugawa period in Japan covers not only elementary learners who received and circulated publications, but also teachers, or even school curricula. Citing the increase in the number of commercial print media and the growth of literacy among the Tokugawa commoner classes, Marshall McLuhan argues that European typography influenced the mechanism for the transmission of knowledge mediated by print books. McLuhan argues that in post-Gutenberg Europe “the assembly line of [Western] movable types made possible a product that was uniform and as repeatable as a scientific experiment.”10 While he does not directly discuss Japanese woodblock prints, he claims that the same characters in a woodblock were repeatly in Chinese print books and the woodblock has a “magical” function as an alternative form to the prayer wheel. He argues that European printing is a scientific activity and Asian printing is a ritual. Although his arguments reveal a Eurocentric perspective, his conceptualizing woodblock print books as uniform and repeatable commodities shows that the technology allowed publishers in the Tokugawa period to develop mass-production-model publications without the time-consuming processes of movable type-printing.                                                  9 Ibid, 59.  10 Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy: the Marking of Typographic Man. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962), 125.   6 1.2.2 Previous Studies and Joshiyō Ōrai-mono Kornicki defines ōrai-mono as any popular educational work from the early modern period.11 Examination of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa reveals that they covered a broad range of topics, and were probably intended for more than just educational purposes. One of the most comprehensive studies of joshiyō ōrai-mono was conducted by education scholars Ototake Iwazō 乙竹岩造, Ishikawa Ken 石川謙, and his son Ishikawa Matsutarō 石川松太郎. These studies contributed to the rediscovery of a large number of ōrai-mono, their reprinting with commentary, and the establishment of several ōrai-mono collections such as the Ototake Collection 乙竹コレクション, or the Kendō Collection 謙堂コレクション. In particular, the Ishikawas published part of Nihon kyōkasho taikei: ōrai-mono hen12 and developed a system of classification for ōrai-mono with ten categories: 1) ko ōrai 古往来 (classical letter-writing manuals);13 22) kyōkun 教訓 (moral lesson books); 3) shakai 社会 (textbooks on society); 4) goi 語彙 (glossaries); 5) shōsoku 消息 (letter-writing manuals); 6) chiri 地理 (geography textbooks); 7) rekishi 歴史 (history textbooks); 8) sangyō 産業 (textbooks on industry); 9) risū 理数 (math and science textbooks); and 10) joshiyō ōrai-mono 女子用往来物 (textbooks for women).                                                  11 Kornicki, The Book in Japan, 140. 12 They are referred to the table of contents in the following series. Ishikawa Ken 石川謙 and Ishikawa Matsutarō 石川松太郎 eds., Nihon kyōkasho taike: ōraimono hen 日本教科書大系: 往来物編, vol.1-17 (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1968-1977). 13 Ōrai originally means “correspondences” or “letters,” and early medieval ōrai-mono books were letter-writing manuals.  7 Although the proposed classification increases our understanding of ōrai-mono, dividing them by the kinds of knowledge disseminated to readers increases the risk of falsely correlating their publication with the scheme of knowledge in the early modern period. In other words, the Ishikawas’ categorization may lead us toward false beliefs concerning early modern knowledge if we use the framework of modern educators’ curriculum in Japan.  The Ishikawas’ categorization of ōrai-mono is highly questionable, but the idea of joshiyō ōrai-mono as educational or intellectual material is more defensible. Among joshiyō ōrai-mono, Koizumi Yoshinaga 小泉吉永 identifies four subtypes: 1) shōsoku-gata 消息型 (letter-writing manuals); 2) kyōkun-gata 教訓型 (moral lessons); 3) shakaika chiiku-gata 社会科・知育型 (social studies and early childhood education); and 4) gappon-gata, 合本型 (miscellany).14  Yoshinaga’s subtypes of joshiyō ōrai-mono are even more questionable than the Ishikawas’ categorization—evidence of the lack of a specific plan for educating early modern women. The “miscellaneous” books include selections from the three other types. With their various and sundry inclusions, Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa both fall under miscellany. However, this project will employ the term “encyclopaedic” rather than “miscellaneous” because the subgroup features large amounts of information in a large-book format.                                                   14 Koizumi Yoshinaga 小泉吉永, “Joshi ōrai tohyakunin isshu 女子往来と百人一首,” in Hyakunin isshu mangekyō 百人一首万華鏡, ed. Shirahata Yōzaburō 白幡洋三郎 (Kyoto: Shibunkaku, 2005), 57.  8 1.2.3 Literary Studies and Joshiyō Ōrai-mono Scholarly approaches in literature to joshiyō ōrai-mono differ from those of historians and educators. In particular, literary criticism on kana-zōshi 仮名草子 (kana booklets in vernacular prose)15 has broached the study of jokun-sho 女訓書. This project distinguishes between two similar terms, joshiyō ōrai-mono and jokun-sho, which are often confused: jokun-sho refers to the moral lessons of joshiyō ōrai-mono. Translating the Chinese scripts into English helps to clarify the difference between the two terms: Jo 女 means  “woman,” kun 訓 means “lessons,” and sho 書 means “books”; Joshiyō 女子用 means “for women”; and ōrai-mono 往来物 means “letter-writing manual.” The nuance of jokun-sho thus seems to emphasize the elements of moral lessons in popular educational books for women, but that of joshiyō ōrai-mono seems to emphasize the elements of writing manuals—the sample texts were usually moral works—in popular educational books for women. A kana-zōshi work for women that has a moral subject is a jokun-sho but not a joshiyō ōrai-mono. However, if a kana-zōshi work has contents on writing or any practical tutorials other than the main lesson story, it is a joshiyō ōrai-mono. Because most joshiyō ōrai-mono have moral content, they are often called jokun-sho. To put it differently, jokun-sho qualifies kana-zōshi or other books as being of primarily moral content. Joshiyō ōrai-mono books exhibit a broader range of subjects, from morality lessons to practical tutorials.                                                 15 Haruo Shirane [et al.] eds., Early Modern Japanese Literature: An Anthology 1600-1900 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 21.  9    Figure 1.1 Relationship Between joshiyō ōrai-mono, jokun-sho, and Joshiyō ōrai-mono.  Watanabe Kenji 渡辺憲司 suggests that ōrai-mono are didactic but not dogmatic16 in that, though not formal government propaganda, they conveyed or pretended to convey the ideology of the shogunal government. The publishers, particularly those of the later Tokugawa period, maintained the front that joshiyō ōrai-mono were censor-approved ethical materials so as to disguise the practical or entertainment content that their clients sought. As a result, publishers likely distributed or pretended to distribute joshiyō ōrai-mono to indoctrinate chōnin women. Aoyama Tadakazu 青山忠一 calls jokun-mono 女訓物 (moral romance literature) insead of jokun-sho in his study of kana-zōshi. Arguing that previous studies often categorize jokun-mono by four genres, Aoyama emphasizes the need for a comparative analysis of the texts and                                                 16 Eshima Tamenobu 江島為信, “Mi no kagami 身の鏡,” in Kana-zōshishū 仮名草子集, annots. and eds. Watanabe Morikuni 渡辺守邦 and Watanabe Kenji 渡辺憲司 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1991), 272.            Jokun-sho	 Kana-zōshi  	Joshiyō ōrai-mono 	 10 historical analysis of the ideologies in kana-zōshi.17 Accordingly, he divides kana-zōshi into four chronological subtypes: 1) stories of kana-zōshi based on medieval Buddhism; 2) stories of kana-zōshi based on Confucianism; 3) stories of kana-zōshi based on a combination of Buddhist, Confucianist, and Shintō doctrines; and 4) stories of kana-zōshi based on early modern household practices.18 Each kana-zōshi subtype has a corresponding role model: 1) Murasaki no Ue 紫の上 from The Tale of Genji;19 2) retsujo 烈女, exemplary women from classical China;20 3) kenjo 賢女, wise women who observe Buddhism, Confucianism, and Shintō;21 and 4) tōsei onna 当世女, and 4) tōsei onna 当世女, clever women who have character, attitude, and appearance matching the social needs of the period.22 His study illustrates how literary dogmas in jokun-mono gradually shifted from religion to practical concerns. Acknowledging the limitations of his study, Aoyama admits that the shifts of ideologies mediated by kana-zōshi, from commodities for Buddhist readers to commodities for practical readers, were not simple. One of the reasons underlying this limitation is that Aoyama focuses on the analysis of texts in jokun-mono but does not analyze jokun-mono books as cultural commodities. Noda Toshio 野田                                                17 The four genres are zuihitsu 随筆 (miscellany), setsuwa 説話 (folk narratives), monogatari 物語 (tales), and mondō問答 (dialogues). Aoyama Tadakazu 青山忠一, Kana-zōshi jokun bungei no kenkyū, 仮名草子女訓文芸の研究 (Tokyo: Ōfūsha, 1982), 5. The terms “miscellany,” “folk narratives” and “tales” are from Shirane, (et al.) eds., Early Modern Japanese Literature, 12, 22, 555. 18 Aoyama, Kana-zōshi jokun bungei no kenkyū, 6-7. 19 Ibid, 7, 9-10. 20 Ibid, 7, 13-15. 21 Ibid, 7, 21-22. 22 Ibid, 7, 24, 27.  11 寿雄 also classifies them into three types: 1) the moral lesson type; 2) the entertainment type; and 3) the practical type.23 However, it should be noted that kana-zōshi books seem to have more than one characteristic in this classification. Complementing the work of Aoyama and Noda, Matsubara Hidee 松原秀江 analyzes kana-zōshi featuring romances in the main text and additional information for women in the headnotes: the so-called tōsho 頭書. More specifically, Matsubara explores multiple editions of Usuyuki monogatari 薄雪物語 (The Tale of Light Snow) in woodblock format. The included headnotes cover such diverse topics as Confucianist lessons, practical tutorials, writing manuals, etiquette, and articles on the fine arts, performing arts, literature such as The Tale of Genji and The Tale of Ise, and waka poetry.24 Based on these observations, Matsubara suggests that The Tale of Light Snow has multiple characteristics: a love story, moral lesson, and educational and practical works for women. Matsubara also notes that the educational and practical contents of The Tale of Light Snow secured its popularity from the early seventeenth to the late nineteenth centuries.25 The books of The Tale of Light Snow were repeatable commodities that had two functions: to convey an unchanging romantic kana-zōshi story over two hundred years, and to disseminate changing knowledge, edited by publishers to meet their clients’ needs. Matsubara’s morphological approach to two aspects of The Tale of Light Snow helps this project because                                                 23 Nakano Setsuko 中野節子, Kangaeru onnatachi: kana-zōshi kara “Onna daigaku” 考える女たち: 仮名草子から「女大学」(Tokyo: Ōzorasha, 1997), 16-17. 24 Matsubara Hidee 松原秀江. Usuyuki monogatari to otogizōshi kana-zōshi, 薄雪物語と御伽草子・仮名草子 (Osaka: Izumi shoin, 1997), 79-80. 25 Matsubara, Usuyuki monogatari, 45, 77.  12 Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa have two aspects: to convey Onna daigaku, a well-known moral work, and to disseminate socially constructed knowledge.  Moreover, Joshua S. Mostow argues that the jokun-sho version of The Tale of Light Snow began to contain heteroglossia in the eighteenth century. The Light of Snow as a pastiche was a work celebrating female adultery. However, the story in the best-selling jokun-sho version had the appropriate knowledge or information to encourage female readers to become exemplary women, whereas the main story appreciated the inappropriate and tragic relationship between a man and a woman.26 Publishers in early modern Japan would produce kana-zōshi books as didactic materials, keeping unethical subjects in the main texts. Publishers also produced joshiyō ōrai-mono as educational materials based on neo-Confucianist ideology, adding literary works encouraging female readers to increase their elegance or sexual attractiveness.27 This dual nature made the popular educational publications for women in early modern Japan unique cultural commodities.                                                 26 Joshua S. Mostow,  “The Tale of Light Snow: Pastiche, Epistolary Fiction and Narrativity, Verbal and Visual,” Japan Forum 21:3 (2010): 384, accessed on September 21, 2015, doi: 10.1080/09555801003773687. 27 Nakano, Kangaeru onnatachi, 87-93.   13 Chapter 2: Publishers as Cultural Producers in Early Modern Japan   Earlier I argued that Chartier’s view of French publishers’ function as a bibliothèque bleue is applicable to joshiyō ōrai-mono. This raises important questions about the function and characteristics of publishers in early modern Japan. The point is that the publishers of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa played multiple roles, not only as acquisition editors and booksellers, but also as compilers of encyclopaedia-type works. In particular, the publishers’ editorial function was extremely important because the articles in the headnotes of these books are anonymous works. The publishers’ function as block holders should also be discussed, because it was a unique function that the technology of woodblock printing brought into play.  2.1 Publishers and Genres 2.1.1 Publishers for Scholarly Books and Popular Books Publishing is a highly specialized industry. Today, scholarly publishing houses do not release mass-market mystery paperbacks, and imprints specializing in romance novels sold in supermarkets do not produce scholarly monographs. The deep relationship between literary genres and publishing activities could also be seen in early modern Japan. The commercialization of printing books facilitated the subdivision of literary genres. Nakano Mistutoshi 中野三敏 argues that the classification of print books constitutes a primary instrument for us to understand the literary history of the Tokugawa period.28                                                  28 Nakano Mitsutoshi 中野三敏, Shoshigaku dangi: Edo no hanpon 書誌学談義: 江戸の板本 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1995), 126.   14 In particular, when thinking about the relationship between publishers and genres, it is essential to realize that early modern print books can be divided into two groups: scholarly books and popular books. Nakano explains that the scholarly or serious29 publications were called mono no hon 物の本 or tenseki 典籍, and the publishers specializing in them were called shomotsu don’ya 書物問屋 or mono no hon’ya 物の本屋.30 Popular books were called jihon 地本 or sōshi草子, and the publishers concentrating on them were called jihon don’ya 地本問屋 or sōshiya 草子屋. According to Nakano, in this period a shomotsu don’ya would have been seen as an established business whereas a jihon don’ya would have been recognized as a low-level publisher selling cheap products.31  Geographical factors in early modern Japan were relevant to the growth of the two types of publishers. Kamigata (the region including Kyoto and Osaka) formed the cultural frontline until the late Tokugawa period, when the shogunal capital Edo became a culturally developed city. Publishers in Kamigata assumed the leadership of the publishing industry with their financial strength, but publishers in Edo rarely published scholarly products that required financial power.32 Suzuki Toshiyuki 鈴木俊幸 estimates that the price of a large volume set of Mahāprajñāpāramitā Sutra issued by multiple scholarly publishers in the Tokugawa period                                                 29 Kornicki also defines the term mononohon as serious books. Kornicki, The Book in Japan, 244.  30 Nakano, Shoshigaku dangi, 25-26, 111.  31 Ibid, 26, 111.  32 Ibid, 26, 111.   15 ranged from twenty to more than thirty ryō 両,33 or more than ten times the yearly income of a maid serving a samurai class family in the early nineteenth century.34 Small publishers in Edo therefore had to produce low-cost commodities instead of prestigious publishing projects until they accumulated financial power. This financial gap led publishers in Edo to produce inexpensive popular products, or jihon 地本, whose original meaning is “local” (Edo) books.35 The growth of reading communities and the development of popular literary genres gradually changed the original geographical division of commercial publisher distribution, and both shomotsu don’ya and jihon don’ya increased in three major cities: Kyoto, Osaka, and Edo.  2.1.2 Genres of Print Books Both scholarly books and popular books consisted of complex genres. The genres in each group were fluctuating and developing over two hundred years while representing publishers’ marketing strategies as a reflection of readers’ interests. Nakano uses historical sources to look into the classifications of scholarly works and popular works. For scholarly books, he examines the classifications established by five major shojaku mokuroku 書籍目録 (book catalogs),                                                 33 Suzuki Toshiyuki 鈴木俊幸, Shoseki ryūtsū shiryōron: josetsu 書籍流通史料論: 序説 (Tokyo: Bensei Shuppan, 2012), 179-201.  34 The average yearly salary of a maid was from two to three ryō in the early nineteenth century Nihon Ginkō Kinyū Kenkyūjo Kahei Hakubutsukan 日本銀行金融研究所貨幣博物館, “Edo jidai no 1-ryō wa ima no ikura 江戸時代の1両は今のいくら?” Bank of Japan Museum, accessed on February 15, 2016. http://www.imes.boj.or.jp/cm/history/historyfaq/1ryou.pdf  35 Nakano, Shoshigaku dangi, 111.   16 published from 1666 to 1754.36 These catalogs list publications made by established scholarly publishers. He also examines the classification system in Gunsho ichiran 群書一覧, which was written by Osaka-based nativist scholar Ozaki Masayoshi 尾崎雅嘉 in 1802.37 A comparison of the book catalogs for 1666 and 1754 shows that the number of genres expanded from twenty-two to fifty-four subjects. The twenty-two subjects include publications on Buddhism, Shintō, classical Chinese, medicine, literature, military, calendar-construction rules, lexicon, ōrai-mono and copybooks, hanging scrolls and paintings, and more. The later catalogs subdivide earlier classifications into more specific subjects. The fifty-four subjects include additional ones such josho 女書 (books for women), onna tehon 女手本 (copybooks for women), travel and geography, flower arrangement, tea ceremony, culinary arts, board games, and setsuyōshū 節用集 (illustrated household encyclopaedias),38 and even popular works such as karukuchi warai-bon 軽口咄本 (joke books). It is assumed that there are two reasons why scholarly publishers started to produce popular books: 1) the number of publishers specializing                                                 36 Wa-Kan shojaku mokuroku 和漢書籍目録 published in Kanbun 寛文 6 (1666), Zōho shojaku mokuroku 増補・書籍目録 published in Kanbun 10 (1670), Kaisei kōeki shojaku mokuroku 改正・広益書籍目録 published in Jōkyō 貞享 2 (1682), Shinsen shojaku mokuroku 新撰・ 書籍目録 published in Kyōhō 享保 14 (1729), and Shinzō shojaku mokuroku 新増・ 書籍目録 published in Hōreki 宝暦 4 (1754). Ibid, 99-111. 37 Gunsho ichiran shosai shomoku 群書一覧内所載書目 published in Kyōwa 享和 2 (1802). Ibid, 111-112. 38  Yokoyama Toshio, “The Illustrated Household Encyclopedias that Once Civilized Japan,” in Written Texts-Visual Texts: Woodblock-printed Media in Early Modern Japan, eds. Susanne Formanek and Sepp Linhart (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 2005), 47.  17 popular works was limited, and 2) the low-cost joke books brought profit to scholarly publishers whose focus was on producing high-cost academic monographs. The comparison among the five catalogs can be used to draw some conclusions. First, ōrai-mono books were legitimate commodities published by serious publishers. Second, literature—particularly poetry such as waka 和歌, renga 連歌, or haikai 俳諧—was always the major subject of the early modern publications. Third, the book catalog published in 1670 suggests that publishers started to produce publications particularly for women as an established genre at about that time. And finally, the book catalogs show that serious publishers also sold some popular books such as joke books or illustrated books along with serious products. In addition, most of the book catalogs show detailed subcategories in Buddhism, but Ozaki’s catalog has the simplified classifications of Buddhism and detailed classifications for Shinto and literature, particularly waka (see Table 2.1).  Wa-Kan shojaku mokuroku  Zōho shojaku mokuroku  Kaisei kōeki shojaku mokuroku Shinsen shojaku mokuroku  Shinzō shojaku mokuroku  Gunsho ichiran shosai shomoku 1666 1670 1682 1729 1754 1802 22 classes 36 classes 23 classes 44 classes 54 classes 34 classes 経      天台並当宗 天台宗 (諸経註・論義書)  天台宗 天台宗   当宗        日蓮宗 日蓮宗   華厳  華厳宗 華厳宗  法相 法相  法相宗 法相宗並 倶舎三論  律宗 律宗  律宗 律宗  倶舎 倶舎  倶舎宗 法相宗並 倶舎三論  真言 真言  真言宗 真言宗並 修験   18 Wa-Kan shojaku mokuroku  Zōho shojaku mokuroku  Kaisei kōeki shojaku mokuroku Shinsen shojaku mokuroku  Shinzō shojaku mokuroku  Gunsho ichiran shosai shomoku    修験道書   禅 (洞家・済家) 禅 (洞家・済家)  禅宗 禅宗     植字板録      僧伝 僧伝  浄土並一向 浄土   浄土宗 浄土宗    一向宗  一向宗 一向宗  外典          仏書雑部     諸宗経並に末書類 諸宗経部     諸宗折経類        釈書 (巻五)  仮名仏書 (諸宗法語・因縁物語・儒仏論)  仏書仮名物語 法語かな仏書    儒書 (経書・歴代・理学・道書・伝記・古事)  儒書並経書 経書儒書     歴代並伝記  歴代並紀年伝記     故事類  故事並雑書      諸子      文集  詩並聯句 詩並連句  詩集並聯句 詩集 詩文 (巻五)     小説       記録 (巻二)      氏族 (巻二) 字集 韻書並字書  字書類 韻書字書 字書 (巻二) 神書 神書並有職  神書並有職 神書 神書 (巻一)     有職和書 有職 (巻二)      国史 (巻一)      雑史 (巻一) 暦書 暦書並占書  暦占書 天文暦並占卜相法   19 Wa-Kan shojaku mokuroku  Zōho shojaku mokuroku  Kaisei kōeki shojaku mokuroku Shinsen shojaku mokuroku  Shinzō shojaku mokuroku  Gunsho ichiran shosai shomoku 軍書  軍書並 (兵法書・弓書・鉄砲書・馬書)  軍事類 兵書並軍書     通俗書   医書  医書  医書 医書 医書 (巻五)  狂歌本並咄本 咄本 咄書 軽口咄本  歌書 歌書並物語 歌書並狂歌 歌書並狂歌 歌書  和歌並仮名類    狂歌       撰集 (巻四)      私撰 (巻四)      家撰 (巻四)      歌合 (巻四)      百首 (巻四)      千首 (巻四)      類題 (巻五)      和歌雑類 (巻五)      撰歌 (巻五)      歌学 (巻五)    仮名物草紙類  草子 (巻三)   物語書   物語 (巻三) 連歌  連歌書  連歌書    俳諧  俳諧書  俳諧書 俳諧之部 俳諧  舞並草紙 舞本並草紙 舞並草紙         日記 (巻三)      和文 (巻三)  謡本 (謡抄・鼓抄・狂言非言) 謡書 謡書 謡   文集並書簡  文集並書簡     糸竹書          管弦 (巻五)  算書 算書 算書 算書   盤上書 盤上書 盤上書       象戯     20 Wa-Kan shojaku mokuroku  Zōho shojaku mokuroku  Kaisei kōeki shojaku mokuroku Shinsen shojaku mokuroku  Shinzō shojaku mokuroku  Gunsho ichiran shosai shomoku  茶湯書並華書 茶湯書 茶湯書 茶道    立花書 立華書 立花      枝曲      香之部   躾方書並料理書 躾方書       料理書  料理書   名所尽 (紀行・寺社縁起) 名所記 名所類 地理名所 名所 (巻六)      地理 (巻六)   紀行   紀行 (巻三)    雑書 雑書 雑書 (巻六)      随筆 (巻六)      群書類従 (巻六)     風流読本      奇談    好色並楽事     仮名和書 (五常書・孝行書・心学書・教訓書) 仮名和書  教訓 教訓 (巻五)  女書 女書 女書並手本類 女書      女手本  往来物並手本  往来書並手本 往来並手本 往来手本類 往来手本類 往来 (巻二)     尺牘      節用集    雛方並絵尽 雛形並彫物雛形 雛形   名画尽          法帖 (巻二)  石摺並筆道書 石摺並筆道書 筆道並石摺類 書法      石摺   21 Wa-Kan shojaku mokuroku  Zōho shojaku mokuroku  Kaisei kōeki shojaku mokuroku Shinsen shojaku mokuroku  Shinzō shojaku mokuroku  Gunsho ichiran shosai shomoku 釣物並絵図 掛物  (国図・石摺・諸文系図・絵) 掛物並図 図類並掛物  図     絵本類 絵本   Table 2.1 Classifications of mono no hon from 1666 to 1754 by Nakano Mitsutoshi.39  Unlike the situation of scholarly books, there are no extant informative historical records that illustrate the classifications of popular books. Nakano uses the following works as alternative sources to explore the genres of popular books: Gozonji no shōbai-mono 御存商売物 written by Santō Kyōden 山東京伝 and published in Tenmei 天明 3 (1783), Kinsei mono no hon Edo sakusha burui 近世物之本江戸作者部類 written by Kyokutei Bakin 曲亭馬琴 in Tenpō 天保 5 (1834), and Gedai kagami 外題鑑, a catalog and guidebook edited by popular book publisher Okada Kinshū 岡田琴秀 in Tenpō 9 (1838). Nakano gathers the classifications from these sources and reorganizes them into eighteen genres, including novels such as yomihon 読本or kusa-zōshi 草双紙, script books such as jōruri-bon 浄瑠璃本, nagauta-bon 長唄本, and pornographic enpon 艶本.40  The classification of early modern popular books was complex because the criteria used in categorization were inconsistent. However, popular publications can be divided into two                                                 39 Nakano, Shoshigaku dangi, 99-102.  40 Ibid, 111-115.  22 types: entertainment publications and practical books. It is interesting that practical books include ōrai-mono, glossaries or hayabiki 早引, chronicles or nendaiki 年代記, and letter-writing materials or yōbunshō用文章. As Nakano suggests, popular imprints also published practical books.41 Exploring the genres of serious books and popular books illustrates that ōrai-mono were one of the commodities that were produced by both scholarly and popular publishers. In fact, Takara-bako was produced by a serious publisher in Osaka, and a popular publisher in Edo published Oshie-gusa. The analysis of these joshiyō ōrai-mono books helps in the understanding of the duality of ōrai-mono (see Table 2.2).  Gozonji no shōbai-mono Kinsei mono mo hon Edo sa,usha burui Gedai kagami 1783 1834 1838 18 classes 17 classes 12 classes     中本  中型 same as left?       行成表紙の下り絵本   からかみ表紙   赤本 赤本: 1) 絵草子 2) 行成表紙 3) 黄縹紙 (あを) 4) 黒漂紙 5) 臭草紙 6) 蒼 (アオ) 7) 袋入り  8) 上紙刷り  9) 合巻 10) なぞづくし 11) 地口づくし 12) 目つけ絵    赤本: 1) 絵草子 2) 行成表紙 3) 黄縹紙 (あを) 4) 黒漂紙 5) 臭草紙 6) 蒼 (アヲ) 7) 袋入り  8) 上紙刷り  9) 合巻 10) なぞづくし 11) 地口づくし 12) 目つけ絵   青本 赤本: 1) 絵草子 2) 行成表紙 3) 黄縹紙 (あを) 4) 黒漂紙 5) 臭草紙 6) 蒼 (アヲ) 7) 袋入り  8) 上紙刷り  9) 合巻 10) なぞづくし 11) 地口づくし 12) 目つけ絵  洒落本    咄本                                                    41 Ibid, 115-116.  23  Gozonji no shōbai-mono Kinsei mono mo hon Edo sa,usha burui Gedai kagami 吉原細見    長唄本    義太夫の抜き本  浄瑠璃 same as left?  三芝居あふむ本  浄瑠璃 same as left?  塵劫記    Gozonji no shōbai-mono  Kinsei mono mo hon Edo sa,usha burui   Gedai kagami 年代記    道化百人一首    男女一代八卦    用文章   往来     早引    洒落本    軍記   出像婢史 (えいりよみほん)   人情   復敵並忠誠実録   滑稽   長編大巻    時代物    奇談怪談    高僧伝   随筆    唐軍並諸記録  Table 2.2 Classifications of jihon from 1783 to 1838 by Nakano Mitsutoshi.42  2.2 Publishers and Ōrai-mono One of the questions that arises from this analysis is why did both scholarly and popular publishers publish ōrai-mono? To answer this question three factors need to be considered: the texts, the readers, and the creators.                                                  42 Ibid, 112-124.  24 The texts were educational rather than academic, and the users were expected to be elementary or intermediate female students from the chōnin class but not the intellectual class. However, the evidence from the texts and readers alone is not enough to explain why prestigious publishers were involved as creators in the publishing of quasi-academic ōrai-mono materials. Konta suggests that the increase of non-scholarly publishing was a strategy for prestigious publishers to overcome financial difficulties in the early and mid-nineteenth century. His case study of Suharaya Mohē 須原屋茂兵衛, one of the most successful publishers in Edo, illuminates the difficult situation that scholarly publishers confronted in that period. Serious publishers suffered an increase of publishing costs and the economic slowdown of the publishing industry. The increasing literacy rate helped develop more diverse client populations. The development of logistic systems also encouraged local publishers to grow. As a result, the growth of jihon don’ya and provincial publishers threatened their markets.43 As for ōrai-mono books, Konta suggests that the expansion in the number of terakoya 寺子屋, private elementary schools for commoners, made the mass-produced textbooks central commodities in the book markets by the end of Tokugawa period.44   Konta’s study provides a useful framework to explain why prestigious publishers had to get involved in ōrai-mono publishing in the early to mid- nineteenth century. Unfortunately, he does not cover the publishing history of ōrai-mono (especially joshiyō ōrai-mono) in the eighteenth century when Takara-bako was published. This is an important motivation for this                                                 43 Konta, Edo no hon’yasan, 175-179, 184-185. 44 Ibid, 180.  25 project aimed at developing an understanding of the interaction between joshiyō ōrai-mono, in particular, the cases of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa.  2.3 Kashiwaraya Seiemon and Izumiya Ichibē  This project focuses on the profiles of the publishers of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa, and the background to the publication of these books. Kashiwaraya Seiemon 柏原屋清右衛門, whose shop name was Shōkōdō 稱觥堂, was the publisher of Takara-bako and ran a scholarly publishing business in Osaka. Kashiwaraya Seiemon was not only one of the prestigious publishers but also a bookseller and lender. It is said that Kashiwaraya was established in Kanbun 寛文 era (1661-1672) at the latest,45 and it led the publishing industry in Osaka for over two hundred years. Inoue Takaaki 井上隆明 states that the following reference books are well-known products published by Kashiwaraya: Wamyō ruijūshū 倭名類聚鈔,46 published in Kanbun 7 (1667), and Taizen hayabiki setsuyōshū 大全早引節用集,47 published in Genji 元治 1                                                 45 Sako Keizō 佐古慶三, “Naniwa shorin Shibukawa Sōkōdō den 浪華書林・渋川称觥堂伝,” Kamigata bunka 上方文化 4 (1962): 33. 46 The well-known encyclopaedia-type Chinese character dictionary that was compiled by Minamoto no Shitagō 源順 in the mid-tenth century. Nihon kokugo daijiten, s.v. “Wamyō ruijūshū 倭名類聚鈔,” accessed January 21, 2016, http://japanknowledge.com/lib/display/?lid=200204830198own4R2Oz 47 Hayabiki setsuyōshū was a type of lexical dictionaries that well circulated in the late Tokugawa period. Satō Takahiro 佐藤貴裕, “Hayabiki setsuyōshū no bunrui ni tsuite 早引節用集の分類について,” Bungei kenkyū 文芸研究 115 (1987): 67.   26 (1864).48 These books demonstrate that this publisher produced a variety of books from classical scholarly books to educational material for commoners. Interestingly, Kashiwaraya played an important role in supporting the pioneer of yomihon Tsuga Teisho 都賀庭鐘49 as the sponsor and publisher.50 The contribution to developing yomihon suggests that Kashiwaraya had the characteristics of a publisher involved in literary publishing. Suharaya Mohē is credited as a co-publisher in the colophon of the Bunka 文化 11 (1814) edition of Takara-bako that this project examines. Considering that Suharaya had a large market in Edo, the publisher may have also played a role as a distributor there, rather than as a co-publisher responsible for the editorial work of this edition.  Izumiya Ichibē 和泉屋市兵衛, whose shop name was Kansendō 甘泉堂, was the publisher of Oshie-gusa. Izumiya Ichibē was one of the most popular publishing houses. It produced and sold not only items like illustrated books, kibyōshi 黄表紙, and gōkan 合巻, but also nishiki-e 錦絵 prints, letter pads, and other stationary products in Edo.51 Satake Hedeko 佐竹秀子 specifies that it was established in the late Genroku 元禄 era (the end of the 1690s), a                                                 48 Inoue Takaaki 井上隆明, Kiatei zōho kinsei shorin hanmoto sōran 改正増補近世書林板元總覽, (Higashimurayama-shi: Seishōdō Shoten, 1998), 234. 49 Teishō was an author and neo-Confucian scholar (1718-?). Nihon kokugo daijiten, s.v. “Tsuga Teishō 都賀庭鐘,” accessed January 21, 2016, http://japanknowledge.com/lib/display/?lid=200202ce820erERyCAz2 50 Inoue, Kiatei zōho kinsei shorin hanmoto sōran, 234. 51 Ibid, 107.  27 conclusion drawn from the obituary record of Izumiya Ichibē I.52 Inoue also found that one of the major publications by Izumiya was a digest version of a Buddhist text, Jugi gammon ōkakinuki頌義願文大書抜,53 published in Jōkyō 貞享 3 (1686).54 From this information, the publisher probably started the business in the late seventeenth century and increased the characteristics of popular imprints while developing publications for entertainment or practical use. Izumiya Ichibē IV and V succeeded in the publishing business for popular works and continued as publishers specializing in textbooks into the late Meiji era (the 1910s).55 In fact, the other major work produced by Izumiya was a textbook, Nihon mōgyū: zokuhen 日本蒙求: 続編, published in Meiji 15 (1882).56 If Izumiya had not built up networks with local distributors to sell ōrai-mono to readers outside Edo, the publisher could not have succeeded in the nationwide textbook business.57                                                      52 Satake Hideko 佐竹秀子, “Kansendō Izumiya Ichibē ni tsuite 甘泉堂和泉屋市兵衛について,” Tamamo 玉藻 15 (1979): 17. 53 The shop of Izumiya was located next to the compound of Zōjōji 増上寺 Temple; therefore, the publisher might have started as a publisher specialized Buddhist materials. 54 Inoue, Kiatei zōho kinsei shorin hanmoto sōran, 107. 55 Satake, “Kansendō Izumiya Ichibē ni tsuite,” 23. 56 Inoue, Kiatei zōho kinsei shorin hanmoto sōran, 107. 57 Suzuki Toshiyuki 鈴木俊幸, “Asu no kenbutsu: atarashii dokusha to Tsutaju, Senichi 明日の見物: 新しい読者と蔦重と泉市,” in Edo no dokushonetsu: jigakusuru dokusha to shoseki ryūtsū 江戸の読書熱: 自学する読者と書籍流通, (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 2011), 44-45, 56-59.  28 Several scholars such as Suzuki and Satake suggest that ōrai-mono were profitable products and that they led the massive market in scholarly and popular publishing industries.58 Especially, Yokota Fuyuhiko’s 横田冬彦 study of Takara-bako argues that established publishers in the three major cities, Hachimonjiya 八文字屋 in Kyoto, Kashiwaraya in Osaka, and Suharaya in Edo, led joshiyō ōrai-mono publishing.59  Since educational materials for elementary or female readers have unique characteristics beyond the genres in early modern Japan, both scholarly and popular publishing houses could apply the accumulated experience or knowledge in publishing their products. In particular, the experience of Kashiwaraya producing large volumes of scholarly products probably helped the dense encyclopaedia-type ōrai-mono books.  Moreover, we should rethink the arguments in previous studies, which have emphasized the differences between the two types of publishers in early modern Japan. The relationship between old scholarly imprints and new popular imprints was transforming in the Tokugawa period. It was more complex than having commercial publishing activities projects operate as scholarly publishers or popular publishers. For example, Koizumi argues that no publishers besides Kashiwaraya could use the three-story layout or sankaiban 三階板, an innovative design for joshiyō ōrai-mono60 which made it possible for one page to contain three diverse works (see Figure 2.1). The use of the design was clearly prohibited by a memorandum of agreement in the                                                 58 Suzuki, ibid, 45. Satake, “Kansendō Izumiya Ichibē ni tsuite,” 21.  59 Yokota Fuyuhiko 横田冬彦, “‘Onna daigaku’ saikō 「女大学」再考,” in Jendā no Ninonshi ジェンダーの日本史, vol. 2, 1st ed. (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1995): 367.  60 Koizumi, “Joshi ōrai to hyakunin isshu,” 59.   29 records of the publishers’ association in Osaka.61 This official document connotes that Kashiwaraya had the privileged position of an established publisher. However, Onna dairaku takara-beki 女大楽宝開, a parody of Takara-bako, suggests that the publisher of the parody work copied the design in spite of the existing prohibition (see Figure 2.2). The relationship between the genres and the publishing of joshiyō ōrai-mono should be rethought considering this discrepancy between official records and actual practices.                                                  61 The agreement was described at the beginning of Saihaichō 裁配帳, no.1 from Ōsaka hon’ya nakama kiroku 大坂本屋仲間記録. Saihaichō was recorded from Hōei 宝永 6 (1709)-Kansei 寛政 4 (1792). Ibid, 58.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               30   Figure 2.1 A Three Story Layout in Onna daigaku takara-bako. 1814.  (© 2016 Joshua S. Mostow, by permission).62                                                 62 University of British Columbia, “Onna daigaku takara-bako 女大學寳箱,” One Hundred Poets Open Collection, accessed on October 20, 2015,	https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/hundred/items/1.0055357#p131z-3r0f:Onna%20daigaku																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																																				  31   Figure 2.2 A Three Story Layout in Onna daigaku takara-beki. 1751-1763. (© 2016 International Research Center for Japanese Studies, by permission).63  2.4 Publishers as Block Holders   This chapter has explored the relationship between joshiyō ōrai-mono and publishers as creators of scholarly and popular commodities. As another question, the chapter also looks into the relationship between ōrai-mono books and publishers as block holders or copyright holders.                                                 63 International Research Center for Japanese Studies, “Onna daigaku takara-beki 女大楽宝開,” Enpon (Ukiyo-e Erotic Books) Database, accessed on April 8, 2016,  http://kikyo.nichibun.ac.jp/index.cgi?mode=hyouji&book_id=150&book_no=1&page_no=32  32 In this case, “copyright holders” means people or entities who possess intellectual property but does not refer to copyright holders in the modern sense. Unlike the composition of movable typography, woodblocks were durable and could be reused many times without additional labour. The woodblocks were also exchanged as stock among publishers. As a result, some publishers/block holders had the power to control reprinting activities. However, Konta argues that the power of block holders has been overestimated. He notes that woodblocks were no longer stably fixed capital to sustain publishing business in the late eighteenth century because the economic slowdown of publishing industry in Kamigata decreased their value.64 Based on Konta’s argument, it seems that the block holders were not always able to control the production of ōrai-mono books. However, it is certain that publishers who held many woodblocks of ōrai-mono could easily reuse texts in other books for new publications as well as reprint the same books. The issues of block holders should also be evaluated not only through the economic systems but also by the mechanism of recycling texts in similar types of publications in early modern Japan. The development of the publishing industry led to a variety of literary products as well as the establishment of two types of publishers in the Tokugawa period: shomotsu don’ya and jihon don’ya. This classification is no accident; as this chapter has demonstrated, previous studies have shown a tendency to examine literary works in a framework of genres. Whereas a genre-centric framework does facilitate the visualization of the complexity of the publishing culture, it also obstructs the observation of the complex relationships underlying knowledge and its transmission mediated through books. The dichotomy organizing the publishing business that has long been claimed to exist is not an appropriate concept, but it cannot account for all of the                                                 64 Konta, Edo no hon’yasan, 175-176.  33 publishing activities. For example, as discussed earlier, the educational and moral materials for chōnin readers contain both scholarly-oriented and popular knowledge. As such, they can be said to have cross-genre characteristics. This criticism does not dismiss the value of a genre-centric approach. Instead, it points to the need to analyze texts and images with two approaches as we pursue an understanding of knowledge transmission in joshiyō ōrai-mono books in early modern Japan.   34 Chapter 3: Comparing the Contents of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa  A comparison of the physical aspects—for example, the sizes or the number of pages—of the two encyclopaedia-type joshiyō ōrai-mono reveals that Oshie-gusa copied the best-selling book Takara-bako (see Table 3.1). The imitative nature of Oshie-gusa shows the business style of Izumiya Ichibē to be that of a low-risk taker: one of his preeminent strategies was to publish copies of successful books. For example, both Izumiya and Tsutaya Jūzaburō 蔦屋重三郎, another important jihon don’ya in Edo, published multiple books written by Santō Kyōden 山東京伝 and Kyokutei Bakin. In general, Izumiya often requested these authors to write new works after Tsutaya had already succeeded in selling their books. Satake explains that Tsutaya was an innovative publisher, whereas Izumiya was more of a follower and imitator of Tsutaya. Satake also notes that Izumiya began to get involved in the ōrai-mono business after the rapid increase in the number of terakoya schools during the Tenpō era (1830-1844), which helped build a large market for textbooks.65 Satake’s reasoning helps to explain why Izumiya decided to copy the best-selling Takara-bako, modify its contents according to the publishers’ experience and/or the unique consumer needs of the Tenpō era, and then publish Oshie-gusa as a new book.                                                  65 Satake, “Kansendō Izumiya Ichibē ni tsuite,” 20-22.		 35   Takara-bako Oshie-gusa Onna daigaku takara-bako 女大學寳箱  Kyōkun Onna daigaku Oshie-gusa: dōjo chōhōki: Zen 教訓女大學教草艸 : 童女重宝記: 全 Editor: Osaka: Kashiwaraya Seiemon 柏原屋清右衛門  Editor: Edo: Izumiya Ichibē 和泉屋市兵衛. Illustrator: Keisai Eisen 渓斎英泉 Date of the edition that this project used: Bunka 11 (1814) Date of the edition that this project used: not before Tenpō 14 (1843)66 Date of first edition: Kyōhō gannen 享保元年 (1716)67 Date of the first edition: Tenpō 14 (1843) Total: 142 pages (70 double-leaves, excluding unnumbered leaves)  Total: 126 pages (62 double-leaves, excluding unnumbered leaves) Size: Ōhon 大本 26 x 18.5 cm Size: Ōhon 大本 25.7 x 17.8 cm Total: 142 pages (70 double-leaves, excluding unnumbered leaves)  Total: 126 pages (62 double-leaves, excluding unnumbered leaves)  Table 3.1 Comparison of Imprint between Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa.                                                  66 The colophon of Oshie-gusa used in this project states that the publisher was Izumiya Ichibē in Tōto 東都 or Edo, but there is no publication date given. The full title Kyōkun onna daigaku oshie-gusa: dōjo chōhōki. Zen 教訓 女大學教草: 童女重宝記. 全 translates into English as Precept: The Elementary Textbook of the Women’s Greater Learning: Notes of Important Treasures for Girls. Complete Edition. This title can be found in mikaeshi 見返し or the verso of the second page. The other entries of Oshie-gusa in the Union Catalogues of Early Japanese Books also have no publication date. Nagatomo Chiyoji identifies the first issue of Oshie-gusa as published in Tenpō 14 (1843) from the colophon. He also adds that Izumiya inserted the passage of Kyōkun onna Imagawa 教訓女今川 or Precept Imagawa Letter Writing Manual for Women to the Tenpō edition, called the book Kyōkun onna daigaku oshie-gusa, and published without any publication date in the colophon. Therefore, the version of Oshie-gusa that this project used was published approximately thirty years after the publication of Kashiwaraya-Suharaya’s version of Takara-bako. Nagatomo Chiyoji 長友千代治, Chōhōki shiryō shūsei 重宝記資料集成: v. 21: eiin 影印, (Kyoto: Rinsei Shoten, 2006), 425-426. 67 Nakano, Kangaeru onnatachi, 230.   36 In observing the genres published by both scholarly publishers and popular publishers, ōrai-mono books are compelling evidence to dispel the stereotypical notion of shomotsu don’ya versus jihon don’ya. However, this observation is insufficient to illustrate the many similarities and differences among the joshiyō ōrai-mono books as published by scholarly publishers and those by popular publishers. This case study also provides a comparative analysis of the major contents of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa as examples of joshiyō ōrai-mono. The objective of the analysis is to understand how the accumulated business experience of scholarly and popular publishing houses came to influence the knowledge presented by the joshiyō ōrai-mono books.  3.1 The Contents of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa as Encyclopaedias for Women There are three core works in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa: Onna daigaku (The Women’s Greater Learning), Yotsugi-gusa 世嗣草 (Guidebook on Reproduction) and Shōni yashinaigusa 小児養育草, (Health Guide for Mothers and Children). Onna daigaku is the most important work in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa, but both Yotsugi-gusa and Shōni yashinai-gusa were additional works in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. In fact, Izumiya moved the two works from the main text area to the headnote area of Oshie-gusa (see Table 3.1). Yotsugi-gusa in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa provided gynaecological, obstetric, and paediatric knowledge. Importantly, the Shōni yashinai-gusa also provided its readers with the latest obstetric and pediatric knowledge instead of contents more moral in nature. As the other additional core work of Takara-bako, Kashiwaraya disseminated Confucian moral values in Nijūshikō 二十四孝 (The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars).68 Izumiya removed                                                 68 Chinese title: Èrshísì Xiào.   37 Nijushikō from Oshie-gusa, while adding the Japanese moral work Onna Imagawa 女今川 (Imagawa Letter-Writing Manual for Women), to the second edition of Oshie-gusa.69 The core works of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa have, as a consistent subject, the fusion of moral lessons with scientific knowledge. The scientific knowledge seems to include traditional information rather than the latest information available in that period. In any case, the knowledge in Oshie-gusa was not updated in Takara-bako.  In contrast to the core works, the selected works for Takara-bako or Oshie-gusa present miscellaneous topics, especially in the headnote area. In his observations on the Takara-bako’s structure as an encyclopaedia-type joshiyō ōrai-mono, Michael Kinski observes a sharp content inconsistency. According to him, the taxonomy of Takara-bako does not follow the systematic and cross-referential order as envisioned by Diderot.70 In fact, both Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa consist of various articles in disorganized ten sections (see Table 3.2), without systematic headlines of chapters or sections, or even following an organized table of contents. Nevertheless, the comparison between Takara-bako and the encyclopaedia compiled by Diderot does not illustrate the discrepancy between Japanese and French knowledge in the eighteenth century. Yokoyama Toshio’s study of setsuyōshū illustrates that knowledge was listed by the similar criteria of encyclopaedia-type joshiyō ōrai-mono although the entries did not look systematic from a Western perspective. However, discussing the inconsistent structure of encyclopaedia-                                                69 Nagatomo, Chōhōki shiryō shūsei, 425-426. 70 Michael Kinski, “Treasure Boxes, Fabrics, and Mirrors: On the Contents and the Classification of Popular Encyclopedias from Early Modern Japan,” in Listen, Copy, Read: Popular Learning in Early Modern Japan, eds. Matthias Hayek and Annick Horiuchi (Boston: Brill, 2014), 84-85.  38 type joshiyō ōrai-mono is avoided at this stage because it needs to examine the differences between Japanese and western knowledge systems in early modern Japan.   Takara-bako  Oshie-gusa Total pages Titles and subjects Total pages  Titles and subjects 88 Onna daigaku 女大學 68 Onna daigaku 女大學  10 Yotsugi-gusa 世嗣草 31 Yotsugi-gusa 世嗣草, including 16 illustrations 13 Shōni yashinai-gusa 小児養育草  27 Shōni yashinai-gusa 小児養育草, including 11 illustrations 24 Nijūshikō 二十四孝, including 24 illustrations 28 Onna Imagawa 女今川 49 Four waka poetry collections 7 Three waka poetry collections 42 Articles on seventeen female occupations, including 18 illustrations 0  31 Articles on clothing-related matters, including 16 illustrations 12 Articles on clothing-related matters, including 6 illustrations 8 Articles on grooming and cosmetology, including 3 illustrations 13 Articles on grooming and cosmetology, including 7 illustrations 5 Tanabata 七夕 festival and Kōshin-machi event 庚申待, including 2 illustrations 12 Yin-yang and Five-elements school of divination, astrological calendar, male-female compatibility, including 11 illustrations 0  10 Information about marriage and family, including 10 illustrations 1  Home medicine for children 10 Home medicine for children, including 2 illustrations 4 Advertisement of the publisher  1 Advertisement of the publisher  *Note that the number of total pages is larger than the actual pages, as either the main text or the headnote has been counted as a separate page.  Table 3.2 Comparison of Subjects of Articles between Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa.   The above table highlights the following differences between the Takara-bako and the Oshie-gusa: 1) Kashiwaraya allocated forty-six pages for waka poetry, while Izumiya assigned only seven pages for waka comportment; 2) Kashiwaraya allocated forty-two pages of headnotes to  39 the story of how the industrial manufacturing sectors were sustained by female labour, but Izumiya removed this content from Oshie-gusa; 3) Izumiya added practical information about marriage and child health to Oshie-gusa; 4) Izumiya also included knowledge on astrological astrology for Oshie-gusa.  3.2 The Major Contents in Takara-bako 3.2.1 The Contents of Waka Takara-bako combines moral lessons with knowledge of literature. According to Mostow, Takara-bako is an ironical and inconsistent work. It contains The Tale of Genji, a work that was criticized as immoral by Kaibara Ekiken, the author to whom Onna daigaku is attributed.71 There are four collections of waka poetry in Takara-bako. The first is titled Nankin hakkei 南京八景 (The Eight Views of the Southern Capital) and assigned four full pages.72 The                                                 71 Joshua S. Mostow, “‘Onna daigaku takara-bako’ ni miru ‘Genji monogatari’ kyōju 「女大学宝箱」に見る「源氏物語」享受 (The Reception of The Tale of Genji in The Treasure Box of The Women’s Great Learning and Other Edo-period Educational Texts for Women),” in Genji monogatari sennen-ki kinen: Genji monogatari kokusai fōramu shūsei 源氏物語千年紀記念: 源氏物語国際フォーラム集成, ed. Genji Monogatari Sennen-ki Iinkai, (Kyoto: Genji Monogatari Sennen-ki Iinkai, 2009), 224. 72 All of the waka in Nankin hakkei were probably composed during or before medieval period. Nankin 南京 is Heijō-kyō 平城京, currently Nara City in Nara Prefecture. The concept of ‘Eight views’ imitated the set of a beautiful scene in China Xiāoxiāng Bajing 瀟湘八景 (The Eight Views of Xiaoxiang). The term Nankin hakkei was initially shown in Inryō-ken mokuroku 蔭涼軒目録, an official journal written by the priests who lived in the Inryō Retirement House in Sōkoku-ji Temple in the Moromachi period. The description about Nankin hakkei was written  40 second is titled Jūnikagatsu shikishi waka 十二月色紙和歌 (Waka of the Twelve Months on Decorated Papers), and assigned three full pages. Alternate names and authors are not shown in the Takara-bako.73 The third collection is titled Genji monogatari 源氏物語 (The Tale of Genji), and assigned fourteen full pages. This is a subset of fifty-four waka poems from The Tale of Genji with the caption of each chapter, namely, kanmei waka 巻名和歌.74 The fourth collection is the Hyakunin isshu 百人一首 (One Hundred Poets), which occupies twenty-five pages of headnotes. In comparison, Izumiya reduced the space for waka from forty-six to four pages, with Oshie-gusa having only seventeen waka with illustrations (see Table 3.3).                                                                                                                                                         in Kanshō 寛正 6 (1465). Nihon kokugo dai jiten, s.v. “Hakkei 八景,” accessed November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com/lib/display/?lid=20020363f6454CTqB3dE 73 The uniform title is Eikachō waka 詠花鳥和歌 or, Junikagetu kachō waka 十二ヶ月花鳥和歌 composed by Fujiwara no Teika 藤原定家. National Institute of Japanese Literature, The Union Catalogues of Early Japanese Books, accessed on March 1, 2016. http://base1.nijl.ac.jp/~tkoten/ 74 Mostow, “‘Onna daigaku takara-bako’ ni miru ‘Genji monogatari’ kyōju,” 221.  41 Takara-bako  Oshie-gusa 4 total works; 46 pages 3 total works; 4 pages No. of pages Translated titles; Japanese titles as in the book No. of pages Translated titles; Japanese titles as in the book 4 Nankin hakkei 南京八景 (The Eight Views of the Southern Capital) 1  [Mu Tamagawa 六玉川(The Six Views of Tama River)] 3 Jūnikagatsu shikishi waka 十二月色紙和歌 (Waka of the Twelve Months on Decorated Papers) 1 Kokinshū shiki no uta 古今集四季之歌 (Waka of Four Seasons Extracted from Kokinshū) 14 [Genji monogatari kanmei waka 源氏物語巻名和歌 (Fifty-four waka poems from The Tale of Genji with the caption of each chapter)] 2 Shichi Komachi 七小町の事(Waka and Comments of Seven Komachi) 25 [Upper headnote] Hyakunin isshu百人一首 (One Hundred Poets)	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	      Table 3.3 Comparison of the Contents of Waka between Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa.  Mostow observes that Hyakunin isshu, The Tale of Ise, The Tale of Genji were circulated as a packaged classical text for female readers in the Tokugawa period. He also argues that the importance of waka as a feminine accomplishment increased across a widening social class spectrum in early modern Japan, although the idea became obsolete by the mid-eighteenth century.75 This project assumes a standardized waka content in Takara-bako through the perspective of publishing activities. As discussed in the previous chapter, Kashiwaraya was a pioneer publisher of yomihon, acquiring extensive experience in publishing literary works. Sako discusses Kashiwaraya’s publishing activities in a private edition annotated bibliography that was likely made by during the Bunsei 文政 era (1818–1830). The bibliography includes many                                                 75 Joshua S. Mostow, “Illustrated Classical Texts for Women in the Edo Period,” in The Female as Subject: Reading and Writing in Early Modern Japan, eds. P.F. Kornicki, Mara Patessio, and G.G. Rowley, (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, the University of Michigan, 2010), 60, 83.  42 literary works from that time: Shogaku wakashiki 初学和歌式 (Waka Handbook for Beginners) The bibliography includes many literary works from that time: Shogaku wakashiki 初学和歌式 (Waka Handbook for Beginners) which was published in Shōtoku 正徳 3 (1713); and the Ise monogatatiri: eiri hiragana, Usuyuki monogatari-iri 伊勢物語: 絵入りひらかな, うすゆき物がたり入 (The Tale of Ise: Illustrated Version in Kana with The Tale of Light Snow) which was published in Hōreki 宝暦 6 (1756). These books were among many reprints, with new books appearing in much more limited numbers.76 In particular, Ise monogatati: eiri hiragana, Usuyuki monogatari-iri is a good example to illustrate that Kashiwaraya adapted an existing classical work to a new kana-zōshi product. This comports with Mostow’s argument on the inconsistent nature of The Tale of Light Snow book in the eighteenth century—an appreciation of courtly elegance or sexual attractiveness as a pastiche of The Tale of Ise, and the obligation of virtues as a jokun-mono.77 The inconsistency of kana-zōshi parallels that of Takara-bako a best-selling encyclopaedia-type joshiyō ōrai-mono in the eighteenth century. In both cases, commercialized educational products led to the dissemination of appropriate and inappropriate knowledge for women. Another source illustrating Kashiwaraya’s publishing activities can be found in the advertisement at the end of Takara-bako. As described by Mostow, the advertisement lists thirteen titles of Hyakunin isshu and six of The Tale of Genji among the sixty-seven that are                                                 76 Sako, “Naniwa shorin Shibukawa Sōkōdō den,” 32-33. 77 Mostow, “The Tale of Light Snow, ” 384.  43 included.78 This project also also finds that the book advertisement in the 1814 edition of Takara-bako announces eleven titles of One Hundred Poets and the titles of waka handbooks.  These book catalogues suggest that Kashiwaraya already had many resources such as appropriate writers, draftsmen, and reference tools, for publishing the contents of waka in Takara-bako. Moreover, the catalogues suggest that Kashiwaraya possessed texts about waka in woodblock format. The observation encourages speculation that Kashiwaraya was inclined to reuse texts about waka from previous publications for the articles of Takara-bako. From this point of view, comparing Kashiwaraya’s multiple works should illuminate how Kashiwaraya reused waka content in published books for his new products, and in particular, the texts and images of kanmei waka of Genji and Hyakunin isshu.  3.2.2 Female Occupations The other conspicuous content in Takara-bako concerns seventeen female occupations as discussed over thirty-eight pages of headnotes and four full pages.79 These consist of textual descriptions and imagery of women in a variety of roles, for example, as rice farmers, and as makers of Buddhist prayer beads, braided cords, tie-dye, paper string, paper, and sōmen noodles. They are also shown producing fans, salt and tea, and as sellers of sewing needles, firewood,                                                 78 Mostow, “Illustrated Classical Texts for Women in the Edo Period,” 80.  The Kansei 2 (1790) edition of Takara-bako also lists thirteen titles of Hakunin isshu and six titles of The Tale of Genji among the twenty-seven titles. Mostow, “‘Onna daigaku takara-bako’ ni miru ‘Genji monogatari’ kyōju,” 224. 79 Yokota argues the texts and images of about thirty female occupations account for twenty-four percent of the Takara-bako book (though Yokota does not specify which edition of Takara-bako he used for his study). Yokota, “‘Onna daigaku’ saikō,” 365-366.  44 clothing, and granite stone. The imagery depicts them as sericulture workers, divers, and prostitutes as well. Takara-bako also contains thirty-one pages of articles exploring clothing manufacturing, but these articles are separate from the narrow focus on clothing-related matters for women.  It was typical for the period that readers would encounter a mediated list of female occupations, something that had been done since the medieval period. Wakita Haruko discusses how the images of female merchants embodied “superwomen” who played essential roles in the ie 家 or patriarchal house in early modern Japan.80 Her interest lies in the interaction between female readers from the upper merchant class and these images of working women. However, Yokota Fuyuhiko seems to look at the relationship between the images of working women in Takara-bako and female readers from not only the upper merchant class but also the middle chōnin class.  Yokota argues that the illustrations in Takara-bako portray realistic female labour conditions. He explores the images of female workers described in both the kōshoku-mono 好色物 (books on love or sexual pleasure)81 and joshiyō ōrai-mono, and observes the many ambiguities between prostitutes and non-sex workers. He suggests that the female occupation section in Takara-bako could clarify these ambiguities by dividing working women into two types: prostitutes or yūjo 遊女, and women who engaged in sexual activities for the purpose of                                                 80 Wakita Haruko, “The Japanese Woman in the Premodern Merchant Household,” trans. Wakita Haruko and adapted by G.G. Rowley, Women’s History Review 19:2 (2010): 278-279. 81 Kōshoku-mono (books on love or sexual pleasure). Shirane [et al.] eds., Early Modern Japanese Literature, 42.  45 reproduction, or ji-onna 地女.82 Nakano Setsuko 中野節子 argues that Yokota’s suggestion is based exclusively on observation of the images of female workers, not the texts.83 However, the textual descriptions attached to the images tend to explain the histories or techniques of the products or local manufacturing practices of the Kyoto area. In fact, the texts do not contain didactic information.  One of the questions that arises is why Yokota emphasizes the ethical contents of the sections on female occupations. The answer may help explain why he analyzes the imagery of clothing-related matters as part of the section on female occupations. That approach differs from mine, which considers articles on clothing-related matters independently from the female occupation section. Yokota’s confusion may arise from Kashiwaraya’s arrangement of the text, in which clothing-related matters are part of the section on female occupations. As a result of this arrangement, the articles on clothing-related topics do indeed appear as connected to female occupations. However, the text exploring these clothing-related matters do not only include the histories or techniques of the products and local manufacturing practices, but also contain passages expressing a certain moral tone, for instance, Confucianist stories. This is a reason why I do not consider the section of clothing-related matters as part of the section on female occupations. In fact, the section of clothing-related matters is related to the section on “grooming and cosmetology”84 (see Table 3.2). As this chapter focuses on the articles exploring female occupations, we can speculate that the major purpose of the section on female occupations was to publicize recent knowledge and information related to new manufacturing methods, with a                                                 82 Yokota, “‘Onna daigaku’ saikō,” 371-381. 83 Nakano, Kangaeru onnatachi, 244-245. 84 Wearing clean clothes and grooming are derived from the same Confucian ideology.   46 particular emphasis on industry in the Kyoto area. At the very least we can say that the texts in this section helped to catalogue the new manufacturing practices that developed in the mid-Tokugawa period, as opposed to being a simple moral lesson.  In determining the reasons why Izumiya removed this section on female occupations from Oshie-gusa, we would need to examine the texts and images of female occupations in other joshiyō ōrai-mono to understand the structure of the female social class in the Tokugawa period that Mostow addresses.85 Moreover, we would need to explore the contents of Oshie-gusa to find the selling point that Takara-bako does not have.  3.3 Oshie-gusa as a Chōhōki  There were several types of encyclopaedias in early modern Japan, but each type originally had different characteristics (see Table 3.4). Publishers developed a variety of encyclopaedia products that met their clients’ needs; as a result, some had increasingly cross-genre characteristics.86 The Union Catalogues of Early Japanese Books lists thirty-six ōrai-mono books bearing the title chōhōki (treasury), in particular, the number of ōrai-mono called chōhōki increased conspicuously after the Bunka era (1808-1814). This observation suggests that ōrai-mono books with the features of chōhōki had been used commonly before Izumiya published Oshie-gusa.                                                    85 Mostow, “‘Onna daigaku takara-bako’ ni miru ‘Genji monogatari’ kyōju,” 219-220. 86 Ibid., s.v. “Chōhōki 重宝記,” accessed November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com/lib/display/?lid=200202c5a4edw31yTp9Y  47 Types of Encyclopaedia Characteristics Chōhōki 重宝/調法記 Meaning: Treasury Chōhōki books were practical encyclopaedias that contained knowledge and information of high relevance for daily life, e.g., home medicine, cooking, and etiquette. Publishers determined the contents depending on the intended audience, e.g. Otoko chōhōki 男重宝記 (Men’s Treasury).87 Ōrai-mono 往来物 Meaning:  Letter-writing Books Popular educational books. Ōrai-mono books were originally made as letter-writing manuals. Publishers began to produce encyclopaedia ōrai-mono books later. The books usually had moral contents. Setsuyōshū 節用集  Meaning: Compilations for Economy, or Compilations for Occasional Use Setsuyōshū books were lexical dictionaries. Publishers produced a variety of setsuyōshū books, including dictionaries that had the contents of illustrated household encyclopaedias.  Table 3.4 Encyclopaedias in Early Modern Japan.  Oshie-gusa was an example that had the characteristics of both ōrai-mono as an educational book and chōhōki as a practical encyclopaedia. The subtitle Oshie-gusa Dōjo chōhōki 童女重宝記 (Girls’ Treasury)88  suggests that Izumiya intended to publish Oshie-gusa as a practical book rather than a popular educational book. The full title of Oshie-gusa consists of four words: kyōkun (moral lesson), Onna daigaku (The Women’s Greater Learning), oshie-gusa (textbook) and dōjo chōhōki (encyclopaedia for girls). The title shows that Izumiya intended to make a product with both chōhōki (practical encyclopaedia) and joshiyō ōrai-mono characteristics. Compared to the title Onna daigaku (The Women’s Greater Learning), and takara-bako (treasure box), as a selling point Oshie-gusa has many more practical components                                                 87 Ibid., s.v. “Chōhōki 重宝記,” accessed November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com/lib/display/?lid=200202c5a4edw31yTp9Y 88 Cf. “Banmin chōhōki (Everybody’s Treasury)” in Berry, Mary Elizabeth, Japan in Print: Information and Nation in the Early Modern Period (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2006), 15.   48 than Takara-bako. In fact, Table 3.3 shows that Oshie-gusa has more practical components. Two relevant materials within Oshie-gusa, the articles on marriage and astrology, would have been useful knowledge for unmarried women to successfully marry into their intended new families. The other contents, such as Yotsugi-gusa, Shōni yashinai-gusa, or the articles containing paediatric information, are also useful for helping an unmarried woman integrate with her future in-laws. In this way, Oshie-gusa can be characterized as an encyclopaedia specializing in marriage and family issues.  3.3.1 Handbook of Marriage and Family Konrei shikihō no shidai 婚禮式方之次第 or the Methods of Marriage Customs and Manners remains a noteworthy section of Oshie-gusa. Over ten full pages provide practical information such as procedures for engagement, wedding preparations, wedding ceremony procedures, rituals for expecting women, and the rite of passage for a newborn baby. That Konrei shikihō no shidai has only a short passage for a man adopted into his wife’s family shows that Oshie-gusa was produced for female readers. Interestingly, Izumiya effectively employed visual materials in this section. The publisher hired popular ukiyo-e artist Keisai Eisen 渓斎英泉 to produce ten illustrations titled Nichie shō日絵抄. These illustrations depict key parts of a woman’s life, from her engagement to the occasion of the first month after the birth of her first baby. These images provide sufficient information about the full process of marriage without text, although each image also plays a role in helping readers understand the content of the passage on the same page (see Figure 3.1 and 3.2). Overall, these illustrations appear to guide unmarried women in committing to their future  49 husbands’ families. Hence, the targeted readers of Oshie-gusa may well have been women from the upper chōnin class, in which the patriarchal family system was established.   50   Figure 3.1 Eisen’s Illustration in Onna daigaku oshie-gusa. Not before 1843.  (Private collection. Joshua S. Mostow, by permission,) leaf 9 recto.89                                                  89 Izumiya Ichibē, comp., Kyōkun Onna daigaku oshie-gusa: dōjo chōhōki: zen, Onna Imagawa edition, illustrated by Keisai Eisen 渓斎英泉 (Edo: Izumiya Ichibē, not before 1843), leaf 9 recto.  51   Figure 3.2 Eisen’s Illustration in Onna daigaku oshie-gusa. Not before 1843.  (Private collection. Joshua S. Mostow, by permission,) leaf 12 recto.90                                                  90 Izumiya Ichibē, comp., Kyōkun Onna daigaku oshie-gusa, leaf 12 recto.   52 3.3.2 Male-Female Compatibility and Astrological Calendar Oshie-gusa was published about 130 years after the release of Takara-bako. This study initially speculated that the contents of Oshie-gusa were more “modern” and had more scientific components than Takara-bako. However, a comparison between these two works reveals that the initial speculation misses an important dimension of the problem. In the previous chapter, I noted that Aoyama argued that the subjects of kana-zōshi did not always change in one direction—for example, from a sacred to a secular presence. In a similar vein, mystical contents derived from traditional concepts increased in the later work of Oshie-gusa. For instance, Izumiya allocated twelve pages to content including yin-yang and Five-elements school of divination and Chinese astrology, and removed the information about manufacturing. However, an examination of the trending subjects of practical publications in early modern Japan could help explain Izumiya’s editorial decision-making. According to Matthias Hayek, commercial publishers in the seventeenth to early eighteenth centuries regularly distributed divination handbooks for beginners. This publishing boom in divination books allowed popular authors in early modern Japan to reach wider audiences, moving knowledge from a once-exclusive social class to a newly formed and broader literary class. The printed books were published in Kamigata and largely forgotten after the boom, but publishers in Edo republished the earlier works in the nineteenth century.91 Oshie-gusa was produced thirty years after this second publishing boom of divination books in Edo; Izumiya may have been convinced that the divination materials were highly profitable.                                                 91 Matthias Hayek, “From Esoteric Tools to Handbooks ‘for Beginners’: Printed Divination Books form the Seventeenth Century to the Beginning to the Eighteenth century,” in Listen, Copy, Read: Popular Learning in Early Modern Japan, eds. Matthias Hayek and Annick Horiuchi (Boston: Brill, 2014), 314-315.   53 Yokoyama addresses that knowledge of yin and yang and traditional calendars were relevant contents in Eitai setsuyō mujinzō 永代節用無尽蔵, the most-widely used setsuyōshū in the nineteenth century.92 Hisaoka Miho 久岡明穂 addresses the components of male-female compatibility, noting that these increased in the headnote area of setsuyōshū. Hisaoka suggests that readers enjoyed the plain texts and comical illustrations of male-female compatibility more as entertainment than as practical knowledge.93 The relationship between reading practices and the articles on male-female compatibility is beyond the scope of this study. However, future examination of this issue will help us develop an understanding of how both fictional and realistic elements can coexist in a publication such as joshiyō ōrai-mono or chōhōki. Sanze aishō no makura 三世相性枕 is a three-volume set of erotica published in Jōkyō 4 (1687), illustrated by ukiyo-e artist Hishikawa Moronobu 菱川師宣. The first volume consists of texts and illustrations about marriage that are similar to the texts of Konrei shikihō no shidai and the illustrations of Nichie shō in Oshie-gusa. The second and third volumes explain male-female compatibility with erotic illustrations that are also similar to the information about male-female compatibility in Oshie-gusa.94 It is not known whether the creators of Oshie-gusa such as Izumiya or Keisai Eisen used these volumes for reference. However, it may well have been common for the components of marriage manuals and male-female compatibility guides to be                                                 92  Yokoyama, “The Illustrated Household Encyclopedias that Once Civilized Japan,” 48-54.	93 Hisaoka Miho 久岡明穂, “Kinsei setsuyōshu ni okeru kyōyō no shintō—tōsho to furoku o chūshin ni 近世節用集における教養の浸透—頭書と付録を中心に,” in Shintōsuru kyōyō: Edo no shuppan bunka to iu kairo 浸透する教養: 江戸の出版文化という回路, ed. Suzuki Ken’ichi 鈴木健一 (Tokyo: Bensei shuppan, 2013), 320. 94 Hayashi Yoshikazu 林美一, Enpon kenkyu: Moronobu 艶本研究: 師宣 (Tokyo: Yūkō shobō, 1968), 153-205.   54 combined in a single publication. If so, Izumiya’s compilation, in which he combined components of marriage and male-female compatibility, could indeed have followed a common practice of the early modern publishers. In this context, it may be said that Izumiya focused on designing Oshie-gusa as a chōhōki specializing in marriage and family rather than as a joshiyō ōrai-mono. As a popular publisher, he was interested in creating new, entertaining and practical material but was not enthusiastic about producing educational content for women. In contrast, Kashiwaraya seems to have had a passion for creating a new educational book for a new literate class, one generated by the growth of industry and manufacturing in the mid-Tokugawa period. He may have realized that the disclosure of knowledge about literature for the upper chōnin class and the role of advocacy for an ethical component were part of the mission of a scholarly publisher.  55 Chapter 4: The Clothing-Related Matters in Joshiyō Ōrai-mono  The publisher of Takara-bako, Kashiwahara Seiemon, allocated thirty-one pages—about a quarter of the book’s total—to textual and illustrated headnotes on clothing-related subjects. Similarly, clothing-related matters in Oshie-gusa have twelve pages of headnotes, more than any other section, including six in-text illustrations and one full-page illustration. Overall, these sections occupy large portions of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. These editorial choices demonstrate the relevance of clothing-related matters to early modern women.  4.1 Content Comparison of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa  A line-by-line comparison of clothing-related entries in the two books reveals passages in Oshie-gusa almost identical to ones in Takara-bako. The following table shows, in order, the subjects and first line of each article on clothing in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa:  Takara-bako Oshie-gusa Article no. Subject/First line  Article no. First line 01 Introduction: sewing as the primary skill for women                                            01 Introduction: sewing as the primary skill for women それ、ぬひ、はりハ女子によし第だい一いちの                                          夫それぬひはりハ、女子をんな第一だいいちの                                        02 Magic Waka poetry for sewing  02 Magic Waka poetry for sewing  衣裳いしやうをたつ時の歌  衣裳いしやうをたつ時ときの哥うた 03 Origin of sewing                        03  Origin of sewing                        縫針ぬいはりのはじめハ、いづれと 縫ぬひ針はりのはじめハ、いづれ 04 Origin of clothes irons                   04  Origin of clothes irons             衣き帛ぬをのぶるうつハ、物の 衣き帛ぬをのぶるうつは、物 05  Ramie textile                              05  Cotton cultivation                 苧績をうむこと女の手わざの 木綿もめんのこと、もろこしにハ    56 Takara-bako Oshie-gusa 06  Local cotton textile industry          06  Ramie textile                        布ぬのハ南都なんとを第一とするに 苧績をうむこと 女をんなの手てわざ 07  Glossary                                     07 Local cotton textile industry    衣裳いしやう之の正字しやうじ盡つくし  布ぬのハ南都なんとを第一だいいちとする 08  Cotton cultivation                       木綿もめんのこと、もろこしには 09  Local silk textile industry             きぬいとをこしらゆる 器うつハ   10  Washing clothes                       澣 汚あらひすゝぎハ女のすべきわざ也。 11  Home dyeing                                   あらひはりしあげ、手て染ぞめハ 12  Cotton padded hats                      婦人ふじんの白綿しらわたをつミて 被かづくを 13  Origin of weaving                           機はたのはじめハ、黄 帝くわうていの臣しん  *The gray highlighting in this table shows the articles that Izumiya did not select for Oshie-gusa. Table 4.1 Clothing-Related Articles in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa.  Three elements—moral lessons for women, knowledge or history of textile industries, and practical information for daily life—can be found in this section. One article might discuss two or three elements. The texts were written either anonymously or by hired scribes or were cited from other works. The publisher of Oshie-gusa, Izumiya Ichibē, chose seven articles for Oshie-gusa and thirteen for Takara-bako. Some abridged articles discuss luxury items or entertainments such as the silk industry, cotton-padded hats made at an aristocratic convent, and home dyeing projects. Other abridged articles provide practical information about daily life such as stain removal techniques.  57 4.2 Clothing-Related Matters as Duties for Women The first clothing-related articles in both Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa are introductions encouraging women to make and mend clothes. As the texts in the translation section of this project show (see Appendix 1 and 2), these articles are almost identical. The tone is didactic, insisting that skills related to clothing are a woman’s primary skill. Clothing is described as the most relevant of three main household skills: the making and maintenance of clothes, preparation of food preparation, and care and cleaning of the house. Even wealthy women with sewing maids were encouraged to make and mend clothes because it was first and foremost a virtuous behaviour, and second a household skill. The introductory article of the clothing-related matter section (see Article 01 in Table. 4.1) particularly encapsulates Confucianist ideology. The article includes a quotation on how the consort of King Wen (Wen Wang 文王) attended to all clothing-related matters herself, even though she was one of the highest-ranking women in society.95 Taken from The Book of Rites or Liji 禮記,96 the article on washing clothes (see Article 10 Table. 4.1) also includes a passage on how King Wen’s wife washed her clothes herself before she met her parents. The Liji writer presents the sage’s consort as a role model for female readers, but may convey a different message to male readers. However, Kashiwaraya, or the contract writer hired by Kashiwaraya, used this story for preaching the centrality of duties for women: skill in clothing-related matters. This short story connotes that the consort embodies a perfect woman who sustains an ideal country.                                                 95 The original work of the passage is not identified.  96 See the original texts in the footnote 140 in Appendix 1.2.1.   58 Appendix B shows that not only articles in the headnote but also some of the entries in Onna daigaku, the main text of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa, promote the Confucianist ideology of clothing-related duties like weaving, sewing, and spinning, as a woman’s top priority in her daily routine.97 Onna daigaku also stresses that the maintenance of clothes is critical.98 That the publishers embedded the same advocacy of clothing-related matters in both the headnote and the main text reveals how important they consider the topic. Kakei Kumiko 筧久美子 suggests that the moral texts from classical Chinese were slightly modified for inclusion in Onna daigaku and Joshi ni oshiyuru hō 女子に教ゆる法—the original texts of Onna daigaku.99 Kakei also notes that the quotation from Nei Ze 内則 in Liji can be seen in Joshi ni oshiyuruhō. Like Onna daigaku, Joshi ni oshiyuruhō advocates that women should always keep their clothing clean and be well-dressed. It also advocates that spinning and sewing are the primary skills for women. As a Japanese scholar’s perspectives on clothing-related duties for women, Nakano Setsuko states that neo-Confucianist scholar Kumazawa Banzan 熊沢蕃山 highlighted making and maintaining clothes as the primary responsibilities of women in his joshiyō ōrai-mono                                                 97 In the tenth article of Onna daigaku: 一、女ハ常つねに心こゝろ遣づかひして … いゑの内うちの事ことより心こゝろを用もちひ織をり縫ぬい績うミ緝つむぎ怠をこたるべからず。Kashiwaraya Seiemon, edit., Onna daigaku Takara-bako, leaf 68 verso-69 recto. 98 In the fourteenth article of Onna daigaku: 一、身ミの荘かざりも衣裳ゐしやうの染そめいろ模様も や うなども目めたゝぬやうに… 身ミと衣服ゐ ふ くとの[汚よこれ]ずして潔きよげなるハよし。勝すぐれて清きよくを盡つくし人の目めに立たつほどなるハ悪あしし。Ibid, leaf 73 recto-verso. 99 Both Onna daigaku and Joshi ni oshiyuruhō and Onna daigaku in Takara-bako were attributed to Kaibara Ekiken 貝原益軒. Kakei Kumiko 筧久美子, “Chūgoku no jokun to Nihon no jokun: hikakushi kenkyū 中国の女訓と日本の女訓比較史研究: 比較史研究,” in Nihon joseishi 日本女性史, vol. 3, ed. Joseishi Sōgō Kenkyūkai (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1982), 319-324.   59 Joshikun 女子訓, published in Jōkyō 1 (1684). Nakano also notes that Banzan introduced the story of the consort’s routine in another moral book for women, Shikyō Shūnan no kai 詩經周南之解.100  The wife’s routine is as follows: 朝は教典を見て心を静め、昼は「女事のかへり見、家内の用あり」、夕方には琴・瑟で遊ぶ。The consort reads scriptures to calm down her mind early in the morning, “focuses on woman’s duties and works household errands during the daytime,” and plays the small and large harp in the evening. According to Banzan, clothing-related tasks were not only household tasks or kaji 家事, but also a woman’s duty or joji 女事. Nakano suggests that Banzan expanded the meaning of a woman’s household sewing tasks to her social obligations.101 Joji are the matters women must accomplish inside and outside the home. Banzan believed that appropriate feminine behaviour is the foundation of an ideal society. He developed his ideal for women in the Tokugawa period as the followers of the consort of King Wen. However, the joji ideology accounts for limited entries in the clothing-related matter headnotes. Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa contain a catalogue of the textile industry, trivia of clothing history, and other practical information that attracted readers. So the publishers, at least, Izumiya, do not seem to be big believers in Kumazawa Banzan or the consort of King Wen. It is doubtful that Takara-bako or Oshie-gusa led readers from the chōnin class to develop their ideology of building a good country in the Tokugawa feudal system. It is certain that the publishers used a large amount space for leisure reading and useful information based on the                                                 100 Nakano, Kangaeru onnatachi, 152-153. 101 Ibid, 153.   60 chōnin clients’ interests while pretending to advocate neo-Confucianist ideology based on the authorities’ interests.  4.3 Reuse of Texts in Joshiyō Ōrai-mono Books  4.3.1 Quotations from Japanese Myths The articles on clothing-related matters have quoted passages not only from classical Chinese but also from Japanese myths. As to how these quotations were selected, perhaps classical stories were communicated orally or in another textual format such as joshiyō ōrai-mono, circulated before Takara-bako was published; probably Kashiwaraya or the contract writer(s) who was hired by the publisher found passages that were accessible and attractive to elementary learners. Either way, Kashiwaraya was interested in providing fascinating trivia to the readers of Takara-bako, not in quoting passages from credible sources.  For example, the articles on the origin of sewing (see Article 03 in Table. 4.1.) include the marriage story of Ōanamuchi no Kami 大己貴神 and Ikutamayori Hime 活玉依姫, the daughter of Suetsumimi no Mikoto 陶津耳命 from Japanese myth. The Kojiki 古事記 names Ōanamuchi’s wife “Ikutamayori Hime” whereas the Nihon shoki 日本書紀 describes her only as “a daughter of Suetsumimi no Mikoto” but does not specify her name. Because of this, the marriage story is likely quoted from the Kojiki or texts derived from the Kojiki, but not the Nihon shoki. Another article on the origin of weaving (see Article 13 in Table. 4.1.) introduces the story of Wakahirume’s 稚日女尊 death from falling over a tall loom. The original source of the story  61 can be specified as the Nihon shoki102 because the Kojiki tells the story of a weaver who died but does use the name Wakahirume.  Considering his background as a scholarly publisher, Kashiwaraya apparently understood that the Kojiki was evaluated as unreliable evidence. Nevertheless, he chose from it the story of Ikutamayori Hime. Kashiwaraya focused producing Takara-bako as a popular educational publication for non-advanced readers. The proper name of the protagonist helped these readers to understand the story, and to attract their interest. The above choice of stories demonstrates that Kashiwaraya was concerned with the entertainment aspects of passages rather than the credibility of the original sources. The short, amusing readings from the Kojiki or Nihon shoki were appropriate knowledge on classical Japanese for women, and probably men as well, from the chōnin class. Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa were educational entertainment books and neither scholarly products nor pure leisure readings.  4.3.2 Izumiya’s Selection  Comparing the texts of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa is insufficient to address the discrepancy between them, since other joshiyō ōrai-mono books likewise copied headnote texts from Takara-bako. A good example is an article on waka poems as magic spells for sewing entitled Ishō o tatsu toki no uta 衣裳をたつ時の歌, which can be found in both Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. A similar article entitled Ishō tatsu toki no fumi 衣裳たつ時の文 can also be found in Shinpan tōsho Onna Imagawa chiyomi-gusa 新板頭書・女今川千代見種, published                                                 102 See the original texts in the footnote 184 in Appendix 1.2.1.  62 by Tsuruya Kiemon 鶴屋喜右衛門 in Bunsei 7 (1824).103 Some headnote information from Takara-bako might have been unattractive to readers of Oshie-gusa because it had already been well-circulated by other joshiyō ōrai-mono books. A comparison of waka among three joshiyō ōrai-mono and a magico-religious book suggests that Oshie-gusa copied the article from Takara-bako directly.104 The following are the first waka from three book articles, and a good example of how Izumiya copied text from Takara-bako (the underlined parts of 2 and 4 are slightly different from 1 and 3):   1. Waka in Takara-bako published 1716 ちはやふる	 神のをしへを	 我ぞする	 此やどよりも	 冨とミぞふりぬる Chihayafuru kami no oshie o ware zo suru kono yado yori mo tomi zo furinuru  I always follow the all-powerful gods’ teaching! Wealth has increased in this home because of my devoutness.  2. Waka in Chiyomi-gusa published in 1824 千ちはやふる	 神かミのをしへを	 我われぞしる	 此この宿やどよりも	 冨とミぞふりける Chihayafuru kami no oshie o ware zo shiru kono yado yori mo tomi zo furikeru                                                  103 Ishikawa Ken and Ishikawa Matsutarō eds., Nihon kyōkasho taikei: ōrai-mono hen, vol.13, 358-359.  104 See the original texts and English translation of the articles.    63 I knew the all-powerful gods’ teaching! Wealth increased in this home because of my devoutness.  3. Waka in Oshie-gusa published in 1843 千ちはやふる	 神かミのをしへを	 我われぞする	 此この宿やどよりも	 冨とミぞふりぬる Chihayafuru kami no oshie o ware zo suru kono yado yori mo tomi zo furinuru  I always follow the all-powerful gods’ teaching! Wealth has increased in this home because of my devoutness.  4. Waka in an encyclopaedia of magic spells published in 1856105 ちはやふる	 神のをしへを	 われぞする	 此このやど106ばかり	 冨とミぞふりぬる Chihayafuru kami no oshie o ware zo suru kono yado bakari tomi zo furinuru  I always follow the all-powerful gods’ teaching! Wealth has increased in only this home because of my devoutness.                                                  105 E.g., An encyclopaedia of magic spells (the title is not identified) published by Gusokuya Jubei 具足屋重兵衛 in Ansei 安政4 (1856). “Majinai no jiten まじないの事典,” Kinsei monjo, accessed on April 15, 2016.  http://www1.odn.ne.jp/~yaswara/komonjo/charm.htm 106 This script does not have the voicing mark in the original text.  64 There are an additional four waka poems with the above piece in the headnote area of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. The identity of the authors of the five waka poems is not clear and the major resources of waka offer few, if any clues.107 However, these poems seem to have been circulated in other print books (see the fourth waka in the above list).  Another good example of how other joshiyō ōrai-mono books reused Takara-bako texts is a glossary of textiles, weaving, and utensils for daily life entitled Ishō no shoji-zukushi 衣裳之正字盡. As mentioned, lexicon dictionaries were a type of practical book published by serious publishing houses. It was not strange that Kashiwaraya embedded the glossary in his encyclopaedia-like ōrai-mono. In fact, the headnotes of Tōsho ban’yō Fujin tegami no mongon 頭書萬用・婦人手紙之文言 include a remarkably similar glossary bearing the same title, Ishō no shoji-zukushi 衣裳之正字盡. This epistolary manual-type joshiyō ōrai-mono was edited by extremely popular author Jippensha Ikku 十返舎一九 and published by Maekawa Rokuzaemon 前川六左衛門 and three others in Bunsei 3 (1820).108  Although glossaries of textiles were a popular component of joshiyō ōrai-mono books, Izumiya did not select the element for Oshie-gusa in 1843. This project seeks the reasons why Izumiya dropped the lexicon, looking at the entries in the Union Catalogues of Early Japanese Books published by the National Institute of Japanese Literature. According to the catalogue, five                                                 107 Thie project used the following resources: ‘Shinpen Kokka Taikan’ Iinkai「新編国歌大観」編集委員会 comp., Shinpen Kokka taikan 新編国歌大観, 1st ed. (Tokyo: Kadokaga Shoten, 1983-1992.). International Research Center for Japanese Studies, Waka dētabēsu 和歌データベース, accessed on April 15, 2016, http://tois.nichibun.ac.jp/database/html2/waka/menu.html 108 Ishikawa Ken and Ishikawa Matsutarō eds., Nihon kyōkasho taikei: ōrai-mono hen, vol.13, 410-411.   65 institutions hold copies of Tōsho ban’yō Fujin tegami no mongon, suggesting a substantial number of copies of the book were printed in the 1820s due to its popularity. If so, Izumiya might have avoided reprinting the same contents that were already widely circulated. Another possible reason is that Izumiya might have used the glossary from Takara-bako for another of his products instead of Oshie-gusa. In any case, it seems to have been standard practice for publishers to revise and repurpose such anonymously written texts to create other joshiyō ōrai-mono. Comparative analysis of a large number of joshiyō ōrai-mono books should clarify why Izumiya of Oshie-gusa retained the articles on waka poems as magic spells but removed the glossary.  Investigating the reuse of the headnote articles in joshiyō ōrai-mono is complex because the articles were written anonymously and the contents are varied. Comparative analysis of a large number of joshiyō ōrai-mono books is critical to clarify the cultural, social, political, and religious influences on women’s expected knowledge in the mid- and late Tokugawa period, a project requires more space than can be spared in the present study.  4.4 Historical Background  Oshie-gusa was published about 130 years after Takara-bako. In that time, the publishing industry experienced the three major reforms that marked the Tokugawa era:109 the Kyōhō Reforms 享保の改革 (1717-1745), the Kansei Reforms 寛政の改革 (1787-1793), and the                                                 109 The historical perspective “three major reforms” is often found in Japanese high school textbooks. Fujita Satoru argues the perspective and divides the major reforms in the Tokugawa period into two: 1) the several reforms in the eighteenth century and 2) the several reforms in the nineteenth century. Fujita Satoru 藤田覚, Kinsei no sandai kaikaku 近世の三大改革 (Tokyo: Yamakawa Shuppansha, 2002), 13-16.   66 Tenpō Reforms 天保の改革 (1830-1843). In particular, the Tenpō Reforms were an effort to enforce restrictions on extravagant consumer products or entertainments, and to develop a new censorship system controlled by the shogunal government.110 The Tenpō Reforms ended in the fall of 1843, meaning they were still in place when Izumiya published Oshie-gusa before the summer of 1843. As a result, Izumiya might have avoided reprinting sensitive articles such as those on the silk industry or home dyeing projects that violated reform policies.111 In addition, the local silk industry might not have been attractive to readers of that era, since the manufacturers of luxury items were experiencing a severe slump.  It is not hard to imagine that the reforms influenced the choice of articles for inclusion in joshiyō ōrai-mono. If so, we must consider how Takara-bako, with its entries on luxury items, survived as a best-selling book throughout the three reforms. One could argue that the main text of Takara-bako was Onna daigaku, one of the best-known moral tracts for women based on neo-Confucianist ideology. As previously discussed, the headnotes in joshiyō ōrai-mono were critical to the production of attractive commodities that met readers’ needs. A line-by-line comparison of texts in the clothing-related section in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa shows how Izumiya copied the texts of Takara-bako or other books for his new product Oshie-gusa. This examination gives support to the view that the shogunal government                                                 110 Fujita, Kinsei no sandai kaikaku, 68, 72-74.  111 Nishimura Yasuko explains that clothing regulations gradually increased the characteristic as sumptuary laws to target the chōnin class after the Kyōhō Reforms. The regulations prohibited wearing not only silk clothing but also elaborate dyed cotton cloths. Nishimura Yasuko 西村綏子, “Edo jidai ni okeru ifuku kisei hensen no gaiyō to seikaku 江戸時代における衣服規制変遷の概要と性格,” Kaseigaku zasshi 家政学雑誌 31: 6 (1980): 435-436, 438, accessed on April 27, 2016, doi: 10.11428/jhej1951.31.   67 was unable to restrict the violation of block holders’ properties in the publishing industry despite several reforms aimed at enforcing censorship and the established guild system. However, it is also important to keep in mind that the issue of plagiarism or self-plagiarism cannot be discussed in the context of modern intellectual property rights. Mostow has already pointed to the limitation of the formula “a parody is good, but a pastiche is bad” to look at the adaptation of the existing texts or illustrations in new works in the premodern period.112 Literary works had been re-contextualized by creators freely until the commercialization of knowledge started. The same phenomenon is evident in the way textual knowledge is being re-contextualized freely in virtual environments. This is why the exploration of the reuse of woodblock commodities may help us better understand the transmission and circulation of knowledge mediated by new technologies.                                                 112 Mostow, “The Tale of Light Snow: Pastiche, Epistolary Fiction and Narrativity, Verbal and Visual,” 365.   68 Chapter 5: Further Considerations  This case study has examined how commercial publishers produced print books as repeatable commodities to transmit knowledge for female readers in early modern Japan. It explored how Onna daigaku takara-bako and Onna daigaku oshie-gusa, two woodblock print encyclopaedia-type books for women, were created as cultural devices to promote and disseminate neo-Confucianist ideology, traditional literary knowledge, and practical information, as well as provide entertainment. The project also examined the interaction between publishers and woodblock prints and the materiality of texts or illustrations.   Chapter One reviewed Roger Chartier’s and Marshall McLuhan’s studies on print books as repeatable commodities and their use to disseminate and circulate textual knowledge or thoughts. The chapter also examined previous scholarship on educational publications for commoner women in early modern Japan, namely kana-zōshi as jokun-sho and joshiyō ōrai-mono. The reviews helped with the development of an analytical framework to answer questions on popular educational publications for women in the Tokugawa period.  Chapter Two looked at publishers as cultural producers in that period and in the context of their pursuit of two contrasting interests: scholarly and popular publishing. The chapter also outlined previous scholarship on the literary genres of early modern Japanese print books. A complex genre framework was then used to examine literary works in the Tokugawa period. The conclusions expose the framework’s weaknesses in that it cannot always account for the way knowledge transmission is mediated by books, particularly, the encyclopaedia-type of educational materials for women.  69 Chapter Three analyzed the contents of Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa, encyclopaedia-type educational products published by two epoch-making publishers, Kashiwaraya and Izumiya. The comparative analysis identified the differences in these cultural commodities—Takara-bako as educational material originally for readers from the new wealthy class in the Kamigata region in the eighteenth century, and Oshie-gusa as a practical product for townspeople who exhibited new cultural leadership in Edo in the mid-nineteenth century. Chapter Four focused more narrowly on an analysis of articles on clothing-related matters showcased in Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa. This content was printed in the headnote area of these books. The comparative analysis showed that Izumiya copied the texts in Takara-bako for his new product Oshie-gusa. The purpose of this analysis was not to point out that publishing practices in that period were defined by inter-publisher plagiarism. Instead, the intent was to illustrate how knowledge in literary pieces that have “weak authorship” was transmitted in print media. Overall, the comparative analysis of the texts in the two books shows how the two commercial publishers, as major creators of books, transmitted knowledge using the characteristics of woodblock printing. The limitation of the project is not to collect sufficient data to generalize the systems to transmit knowledge and commoditize culture in early modern Japan.  The conclusion of this project points to the need for further considerations in any future research. First, excessive reliance on genre-centered approaches for the analysis of texts from early modern publications should be avoided. The approach carries risk in that it creates segments that can easily obstruct the understanding of the transmission, dissemination and  70 circulation of literary works or practical information in popular educational books for women. This is particularly true in publications with cross-genre subjects. Second, a comprehensive analysis of the publications listed in publishers’ advertisements would be very helpful to draw a larger picture that shows how texts were reused in the activities of the publishing industry in the Tokugawa period. The availability of digital images of the advertisements makes them far more accessible than they were in the pre-digital era and important conclusions could be drawn from research on multiple advertisements.  Third, examination of the authorship of joshiyō ōrai-mono would help us to better understand the transmission and circulation of knowledge, especially texts in the headnote area. For example, most of the texts in the headnote area in Takara-bako are anonymous works. The social and cultural background of the unknown author(s) has not been discussed before. Did Kashiwaraya or Izumiya hire contract writers? Were the writers male or female?  Or did the publishers themselves write the headnote articles? Comparison with the authorship of other practical publications, e.g., meisho-zue 名所図会 (illustrated guides to famous place) may help us to re-think the creation of anonymous works in educational works for female readers from chōnin class.   The re-contextualization of knowledge in commercial media accounts for only a short span during a long literary history. Commercial publishers’ reusing existing texts and re-contextualizing knowledge to produce new publications in the Tokugawa period initiated practices that have ultimately become part of twenty-first-century activities. Takara-bako and Oshie-gusa as cultural commodities demonstrate the commercialization of knowledge for women from the chōnin class in early modern Japan. Today, not only commercial publishers but also individual writers reuse existing texts and re-contextualize knowledge to produce new works in  71 virtual environments. Knowledge for women is commercialized or de-commercialized in different ways in these environments. Understanding the mechanisms through which printed knowledge for females was commoditized in the past would also show us how to design and manage knowledge transmission in the twenty-first century.  72 Bibliography  Aoyama Tadakazu 青山忠一. Kana-zōshi jokun bungei no kenkyū 仮名草子女訓文芸の研究. Tokyo: Ōfūsha, 1982.  Berry, Mary Elizabeth. 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Hathi Trust. Accessed on December 25, 2015. http//hdl.handle.net/2027/keio.10811315959?urlappend=%3Bseq=33  Nihon shoki 日本書紀: 国史大系版. J-Texts. Accessed on December 25, 2015. http://www.j-texts.com/jodai/shoki1.html  Nishimiya Kazutami kōchū 西宮一民 annot. Kojiki 古事記. Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 1979.  Nishimura Yasuko 西村綏子. “Edo jidai ni okeru ifuku tōsei hensen no gaiyō to seikaku 江戸時 代における衣服規制変遷の概要と性格.” Kaseigaku zasshi 家政学雑誌31:6 (1980): 432-438. Accessed on April 27, 2016. Doi: 10.11428/jhej1951.31.432.  Sako Keizō 佐古慶三. “Naniwa shorin Shibukawa Sōkōdō den 浪華書林・渋川称觥堂  伝.” Kamigata bunka 上方文化 4 (1962): 32-41.  Sanseidō 三省堂 comp Daijirin 大辞林, third edition. Accessed on November 21, 2015. Kotobanku. https://kotobank.jp/dictionary/daijirin/  Satake Hideko 佐竹秀子. “Kansendō Izumiya Ichibē ni tsuite 甘泉堂和泉屋市兵衛に  ついて.” Tamamo 玉藻 15 (1979): 17-22.   76 Satō Takahiro 佐藤貴裕. “Hayabiki setsuyōshū no bunrui ni tsuite 早引節用集の分類に  ついて.” Bungei kenkyū 文芸研究 115 (1987).   Shinpen Kokka Taikan Henshū Iinkai「新編国歌大観」編集委員会 comp. Shinpen Kokka taikan  新編国歌大観   . First edition. Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1983-1992.   Shirane, Haruo [et al.] eds. Early Modern Japanese Literature: An Anthology 1600-1900. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002.  Shogakukan comp. Nihon dai hyakka zensho日本大百科全書. Accessed on November 21, 2016. Japanknowledge, 2001-2016. http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/search/basic/?q1=大日本百科全書  ——— comp. Dejitaru daijisen デジタル大辞泉. Accessed on November 21, 2015.  Japanknowledge. http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/contents/daijisen/index.htm   ——— comp. Nihon kokugo daijiten 日本国語大辞典. Accessed on November 21, 2015.  Japanknowledge, 2001-2016. ttp://japanknowledge.com/contents/nikkoku/index.html  Suzuki Toshiyuki 鈴木俊幸. “Asu no kenbutsu: atarashii dokusha to Tsutaju, Senichi  明日の見物: 新しい読者と蔦重と泉市.” In Edo no dokushonetsu: jigakusuru dokusha to shoseki ryūtsū 江戸の読書熱: 自学する読者と書籍流通. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 2011.  ———. Shoseki ryūtsū shiryōron: josetsu 書籍流通史料論: 序説. Tokyo: Beisei Shuppan, 2012.  University of British Columbia. “Onna daigaku takarabako 女大學寳箱.” One Hundred Poets Open Collection. Accessed on October 20, 2015, https://open.library.ubc.ca/collections/hundred/items/1.0055357#p131z-3r0f:Onna%20daigaku  Wakita Haruko. “The Japanese Woman in the Premodern Merchant Household.”  Translated by Wakita Haruko and adapted by G.G. Rowley. Women’s History Review 19:2 (2010): 259-282.  Yokota Fuyuhiko 横田冬彦. “‘Onna daigaku’ saikō 「女大学」再考.” In Jendā no Ninonshi ジェンダーの日本史, vol. 2. First edition. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1995.  Yokoyama Toshio. “The Illustrated Household Encyclopedias that Once Civilized Japan.” In Written Texts-Visual Texts: Woodblock-printed Media in Early Modern Japan. Edited by Susanne Formanek and Sepp Linhart. Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 2005: 47-72.   77 Appendices  Appendix A   Texts of the Clothing-related Matter Sections A.1 Original texts * Characters in red do not have voicing marks in the original text.   A.1.1 女大學寳箱      A.1.2 女大学教草   [四十一丁オモテ頭書]     [[五十八]丁オモテ頭書]  [Illustration: 年かさの女が若い女と  [Illustration caption:] 衣裳いしやうを裁たち縫ぬいの図 づ  共に布を裁断しているようす]    [四十一丁ウラ頭書] [Illustration: 三人の若い女が 縫い物をしているようす]   [四十二丁オモテ頭書] それ、ぬひ、はりハ女子に よ し第だい一の   ○夫それぬひはりハ、女子を ん な第一だいいちの わざなれバ、手て習ならひいと同じく   わざなれバ手て習ならひと同おなじく はやく教をしゆべし。世間せ け んに双六すごろく、   早はやく教をしゆべし。世間せ け んに双すご 小こ哥うた、琴こと、三さ味ミ線せんを習ならひて、たち   六ろく、小こ哥うた、琴こと、三さ味ミ線せんを習ならひ  78 ぬふことのならぬあり。たとひ家いゑ  て、立たちぬふ事ごとのならぬ 冨とミ、人おほくつかいて、物ぬひ   あり。たとひ家いへ冨とミ、人多おほく 女を置をく身ミなりとも、少すこしハなぐ   つかいて物もの縫ぬひ女をんなを置をく  さみにもぬふべし。むかし、   身ミなりとも、少すこしは        [[五十八]丁ウラ頭書] 文王ぶんわうと申聖人せいじんの后きさきハ、ミづから   なぐさみにもぬふべし。 おり、ぬひ、あらひはりし給ひ   むかし、文王ぶんわうと申聖人せいじんの后きさき けるよし、書ふミに見へたれバ、是   ハ、 自ミづから、織をり、ぬひ、洗あらひはりし を心にかけざる女は、いと罪つミふ   給ひけるよし、書ふミに見ミへた かく覚おぼゆる也。物ぬうに日をゑらむ。  れば、是これを心こゝろにかけざる 凶日あしきひにたちぬひすれバ、哥うたを   女をんなは、いと罪つミふかく覚おぼゆ となふることなどあるは、人に   るなり。ものぬうに日ひを 衣食住いしよくぢうの三つの第一にきる   ゑらミ、あしき日にたち ものなれば、そまつにせざる、   ぬひすれバ、哥うたをとのふる つゝしミなるべし。    事ごとなどあるは、人ひとに衣い 食住しよくじうの三ミツの第一だいいちにき  79 るものなれバ、そまつに せざる、つゝしミなるべし。 [四十二丁ウラ頭書] 衣裳いしやうをたつ時の歌     衣裳いしやうをたつ時ときの哥うた 〽ちはやふる	 神のをしへを	 我ぞ  〽千ちはやふる	 神かミのをしへを	 我われぞ する	 此やどよりも	 冨とミぞふりぬる  する	 此この宿やどよりも	 冨とミぞふりぬる  [[五十九]丁オモテ頭書] 〽あさひめの	 をしへはじめし   〽あさ姫ひめの	 をしへ初はじめし	 から衣ごろも	  から衣	 たつ度たびごとに	 よろこびぞする たつ度たびごとに	 よろこびぞする  〽あさ日さす	 あひしのミやの	 を  〽あさひさす	 あひしの宮ミやの	 をしへ しへにて	 男のうハぎ    にて	 男をとこのうハぎ	 今いまぞたつなり	  今ぞたつなる   80 ○いそぎ物たつ時の歌    いそぎ物ものたつ時ときの哥うた 〽つのくにの113	 あしきゑびすの  〽津つのくにに114	 あしきゑび きぬたちて	 入日もときも   すの	 きぬたちて	 入日い り ひも きらハざりけり     時ときも	 きらハざりけり        [Illustration caption:] 縫ぬひひものをなす図 づ  [[五十九]丁ウラ頭書] 〽からこくの	 あらき夷ゑびすの	 衣きぬ   〽からこくの	 あらきゑび なれば	 ときをも日をも    すの	 衣きぬなれば	 ときをも きらハざりけり     日ひをも	 きらハざりけり ○申さるの日、物たつ事わろし。   ○申さるの日、物ものたつことわろし。  [四十三丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration:年かさの女が若い女 に着物に入れる中入れ綿の作り方 を教えているようす]                                                  113 Cf. In 女大學教草: “津つのくにに”  114 Cf. In 女大學寳箱: “つのくにの”  81 [四十三丁ウラ頭書] [Illustration: 年かさの女が若い女 の助けを借りて中入れ綿を 着物に入れるようす]  [四十四丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration: 年かさの女が協力して 火熨斗で着物の皺を伸ばし、 若い女が補助しているているようす]  [四十四丁ウラ頭書] [Illustration: 童女が年かさの女が 糸巻きを手伝い、年かさの女は 糸巻きを続けながら別の 年かさの女と話しているようす]   [四十五丁オモテ頭書]      [[五十九]丁ウラ頭書、上述の続き] 縫針ぬいはりのはじめハ、いづれと   縫ぬひ針はりのはじめハ、いづれ いふことをしらず。衣裳いしやう    といふ事をしらず。衣裳いしやうを の 製こしらへしよりあるなる    製せいせしより有あるなるべし。 べし。もろこしの大たい昊けうと    もろこしの大たい昊けうと申  82 申、帝ミかど九針きうしんをつくるといふ。   帝ミかど九針きうしんをつくりしと 又、礼記ら い きのうちに、針はりに紐をつけ   いふ。又また、禮記れ い きのうちに てぬハんとあり。ワが朝てう、   針はりに紐ひも付つけてぬわんと 大巳貴神おほあなむちのかミ、大陶祇女おほすへづミのむすめ、    あり。わが朝てう、大巳貴神をふあなむちのかミ、 活玉依姫いくたまよりひめに通かよひ給ふ時、    大陶祇女おほすゑつミのむすめ、活玉依姫いくたまよりひめに 其その父母ふ ぼ索ミ顕あらハさんとて績うミ    通かよひ給ふ時とき、其その父母ふ ぼ見ミ顕あらハ 麻をを縁へり115に作つくり、針鉤は りを    さんとて、績麻う ミ をを縁へりに作つく 以て神 人あやしきひとの裾も裳すそに    り、針はりをもつて神人しんじんの  [[六十]丁オモテ頭書] 係かけて、明旦あくるあさ、糸いとのまに ~ ~ に、   裾も裳すそにかけて、明旦あくるあさ、糸いと 尋たづねもとめしに、鑰かぎ穴あな    のまに ~ ~ に尋たづねねもと より越こへ、茅渟ち ぬ山をヘ、    めしに、鑰かぎ穴あなより越こへ 三諸ミ も ろ山に留るとあれば、    茅渟山ち ぬ や まをヘ、三諸山ミもろやま                                                 115 “Heri” has the meaning of a braided cord. However, in the Kojiki, the parent said “heso” (wound ramie yarn in a ball), not “heri.” Although “heri” is shown on the passage in Onna daigaku oshie-gusa, this part was translated as a ball of yarn instead of braided cord in the context. “へその紡績もちて針に貫き...” Nishimiya Kazutami 西宮一民 annot., Kojiki 古事記, (Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 1979), 136.  83 神代か ミ よすでに針はり、績麻う ミ を    に留るとあれバ、神かミ ありけるなり。     代よすてに針はり、績麻う ミ をあ	   	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	  りけるとなり。 [Illustration caption:]  火ひのしにて衣服い ふ くを熨斗の す図 づ  [四十五丁ウラ頭書] [Illustration: 若い女がからむしの 繊維をより、年かさの女は それて糸を紡ぎ、別の年かさ の女はそれを見ているようす]   [四十六丁オモテ頭書]     [[六十]丁ウラ頭書] 衣き帛ぬをのぶるうつハ、物の   衣き帛ぬをのぶるうつは、物 熨斗ひ の しといふ。此おこりは    の火ひ熨斗の すといふ。此このおこりハ むかし殷いんの紂王ちうわうと申おはし116   昔むかし殷いんの紂王ちうわうと申人ひとおはし117 けり。きハめて悪王あくわうなり    けり。きはめて悪王あくわう也けれバ                                                 116 Cf. In 女大學教草: “と申人ひとおはし” 117 Cf. In 女大學寳箱: “と申おはし”  84 けれバ、おもき刑罰けいばつの具ぐ    をもき刑罰けいばつの具ぐをつくら をつくらんとて、先大に    んとて、先まづ大おほに熨こつ斗との火ひ入いれ 熨こつ斗との火をいるゝうつハ    る器うつハものをつくり、罪有者つミあるもの 物をつくり、つミある者に   にこれをいだかしむれバ、118 手てす これをとらしむれば、119	 手   なハちやけたゞれけるを見ミて すなハちやけたゞれけるを   其その妃ひ妲己だ つ きとともに是これを見ミ 見て、其妃きさき妲己だ つ きとともに    て笑わらひたはむれたのしミ 是を見てわらひたはぶれ    けり。此このうつハものハその たのしみけり。此うつハもの   遺い意い也なりといへり。しかれ共ども、 は、その遺い意ゐ也といへり。   本もとより衣裳いしやうを仕立し た てるに しかれども、本より衣裳いしやう    ひのしあるべし。 必かならず~ ~ をしたてるに、ひのし    紂王ちうわうの遺い意ゝともいひがたし。 有べし。 必かならず紂王の遺い意ゐとも   [[六十一]丁オモテ頭書]     いひがたし。                                                      118 Cf. In 女大學寳箱: “とらしむれば” 119 Cf. In 女大學教草: “いだかしむれバ”  85 [Illustration caption:]  機はたを織o r i、布ぬのを造つくる  [四十六丁ウラ頭書]      [[六十一]丁ウラ頭書] 苧績を う むこと女の手わざの    ○木綿も め んのこと、もろこしにハ ひとつ也。そのるい多し。   梁りやうの代よよりはじまれり。 苧麻ち よ まハ、まを、からむし也。   わが朝てうは、桓武天皇かんむてんわう延ゑん 二月にうへて、八月にかり   暦りやく十八年いづくともなく小 其皮かハを剥むきとり竹を以て    舟ふねに乗て一人三河ミ か わの國くにに漂ひよう その表おもてを刮こそぐれば、皮の厚あつき   着ちやくの唐人とうじんあり。崑崙国こんろんこくの ところをのづから脱ぬけて、裏うらの   ひとなるべしといへり。120 其そのもて 筋すぢのごとくなるものをとり   るものゝ中に、實ミあり。 てこれを煮にてさらして    これをうへてミさしむ。そ 布に緝る。わが朝、国~ ~゛に   のゝち、中頃なかごろより其そのたね つくれども、東あづまのもがミを   うせてなく。文禄ぶんろく年中ねんぢう                                                 120 Cf. In 女大學寳箱: “ 漂 着なかれつく唐人とうじん見て、崑崙国こんろんこくの人なるべしといへり。”  86 第一とす。又、[...]け う麻ま121ハごさ   に種たねをつたへて、あまね いばといふ白苧し ろ そのこと也。   くなりたる。わた入いれしを 国~ ~゛につくるもの也。此   いま布子ぬ の こといふも、むかしハ からを麻をがらとて、盆ぼんに    布ぬのに真綿ま わ たを入いて着きたる 性しやう霊りやうの箸はしにする也。あら   ゆへなり。木綿も め んハいま摂せつ 皮かハハあらそとて、糸ほそ縄びきに    [[六十二]丁オモテ頭書] つくるなり。     津つ、近江お ふ ミ、河内か わ ち、丹波た ん バ、三ミ 河かわ、其その外ほか國々くに〜〜よりいづ るなり。寒かん国ごくにハ綿わたの 出来で きあしきなり。 [Illustration caption:] 絹布を商ふ圖   [四十七丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration caption:] [Left] へそまくてい [Right] をによりかくるてい                                                   121 In 女大學寳箱: [...]ほ う麻ま.  87 [四十七丁ウラ頭書]      [[六十二]丁ウラ頭書] 布ぬのハ南都な ん とを第一とするに    ○苧績を う むこと女をんなの手てわざ より、奈良な ら曝布さ ら しといふ。苧を   のひとつ也。そのるひ多おほく、 を撰えらびており、織をり立たてて後に    苧麻て う まハ、まを、からむし也。 灰湯あ くにて煮にて木臼う すにて搗つき    二月にうへて、八月にかり 洗あらひ浄きよめて曝さらすなり。さらさぬを   そのかわをむき取、竹たけを以もつて 木布き び らといふ。そのまゝもちゆる   其その表おもてを刮こそぐれバ、皮かハの厚あつき 故に、木きといふなり。布ぬのの   ところをのづから脱ぬけて、裏うら 出いづる所多し。加賀か ゞより出    の筋すじのごとく成なる物ものをとり るを八講はつかうといふは、いにしへ   てこれを煮にてさらして 法花ほ つ け八講はつかうの布施ふ せに、この布   布ぬのに緝つくる。我わが朝てう、国くに〜〜”々  につ をおほく用ひしゆへ、其名   くれ共、東ひがしのもがミを第一だいいち とす。高宮たかミや縞ハ、近江あ ふ ミの高宮   とす。又また、[...]は う麻ま 122ハごさいばと より出るなり。丹波た ん ばよりもいづ   いふ白苧し ら そのこと也。国くに〜〜”々に れども、奈良な らよりハはるかに   つくるもの也。此このからを麻を                                                 122 In 女大學教草: [...]け う麻ま.  88 下品げ ひ ん也。縮布ち ゞ ミハ越後ゑ ち ごより出いづ。   からとて盆ぼんに精しやう霊りやう會ゑの おぢやちゞミ 123といふ。むかし明石あ か し  箸はしにする也。あらかわハあ        [[六十三]丁オモテ頭書] よりも出しゆへに、上品ぼんを   らそとて、糸ほそ縄ひきにつくる あかし縮ちゞミとも     なり。 いふなり。      ○布ぬのハ南都な ん とを第一だいいちとする         により、奈良な ら曝布さ ら しといふ。 [四十八丁オモテ頭書]     苧をを撰ゑらびておりたてゝ後のち [Illustration caption:] [Left] かせくゝるてい に灰湯あ く ゆにて煮にて木臼き う すに 	  [Right] かせくゝるてい     て搗つき洗あらひ浄きよめて曝さらす也。さらさ  [四十八丁ウラ頭書]      ぬを木布き ひ らといふ。そのまゝ ○衣裳いしやう之の正字しやうじ盡つくし     用もちゆる故に、木きといふ也。 裱おもて	 裡うら	 𧛔せぬひ	 襟ゑり	 内襟したがひ    布ぬののいづる所ところ多おほし。 衽おくび	 [ . . . ]わきのぬい	 袖そで	 袂たもと	 裾も裔すそ   加賀か がよりいづるを八講はつかう                                                 123 Cf. In 女大學教草: “おぢやら”  89 帯おび	 紳おゝおび	 [ . . . ]おびのむすびめ124	 紐子ひ も   といふは、いにしへ法花ほ つ け八はつ 索細つ な	 手て巾ぬぐひ	 汗あせ巾ぬぐひ	 [ . . . ]ざうきん125   講かうの布施ふ せに此このぬのを多をふ [...]ひ だ	 手帕ふ く さ	 襷襅た す き 手繦    く用もちひし故ゆへ、其その名なとす。 袍うハき	 鈌掖わきあげ	  蒙が衣づき	 浴衣ゆ か た    高宮たかミや縞じまハ、近江あ ふ ミの高宮たかミや [ . . . ]そでなし 126	 褓むつき	 汗はだ繆ぎ	 襯したぎ    よりいづるなり。丹波た ん ばよ        [[六十三]丁ウラ頭書] ○絲いと之の類るい      りもいづれとも、奈良な ら 緒いとばな	纇いとふし127 縷いとすぢ	 絹糸きぬいと    よりハはるかに下品げ ひ んなり。 線よこいと	 絲線ま が い	 扣線うらいと	 [ . . . ]かすいと128    縮布ち ゞ ミハ越後ゑ ち ごよりいづ 糸あら頭いと	 胡しら糸いと	 経たて	 緯ぬき    おぢやら 129といふ。むかし 條くみいと	 […]た く130木ぼく	 鎖ぼ[...]た ん131	 紕よる   明石あ か しよりもいでし                                                 124 衣篇+會の異体字? 125 衣篇+分の異体字. 126 衣篇+随の旁 127 “Neppu yān ネップヤーン,” Fashon-heart.com, accessed on December 5, 2015,  http://www.fashion-heart.com/term/material/jp-ne.htm 128 衣篇+畳 129 In 女大學教草: “おぢやちゞミ”  90 [四十九丁オモテ頭書] 錦にしき	 織金きんらん	 綺おりもの     故ゆえに、あかしちゞみとも    金線きんしや	 紗しや	 羅うすもの	 縠ちりめん	 縬しゞら   いふなり。 綾りんず	 光ぬめ綾りんず	 花くハん綾りんず	 紗綾さ あ や   [Illustration caption:] 蓬莱ほうらい之の圖  綃すゞし	 練ねり	 緞子ど ん す	 光絹はぶたへ 紬つむぎ	 絨びろうど	 兜と羅綿ろ め ん	 縑かとり 七しゆ絲ちん	 八絲し ゆ す	 柳條し ま絹きぬ 印華布さらさそめ	 西洋か な布きん 荅さよ 布々ミ ぬ の	 索りう紬もん	 練ねり 大布た ふ	 幅の	 纈かのこぞめ	 羅紗ら し や 羅背板ら せ い た	 纊あらわた	 縕ふるわた	 絮つミわた 吉貝も め ん 木綿なり	 班は枝ん華や 單皮た び	 草履ぞ う り	 屐ぼくり	 雪駄せ つ た 鼻縄は な を	 蔽膝まえたれ                                                                                                                                                        130 啄の異体字 131衣篇+哭  91 右ハ織をり物もの類の字也   [四十九丁ウラ頭書] 機はた	 布機しもはた	 榺ちきり	 升よこ	 筬框おさかまち 綜へ	 [...]く だ132	 [ . . . ]たていと133	 榎いのつめ	 臥機くつひき 機囁ま ね き	 杼ひ	 筬おさ	 篗わく	 柅わくのゑ 鍼はり	  […] ゆびぬき134	 鉐鉧ひ の し墁	 績へ纏そ 絡柅く ゝ り	 紡車いとぐるま	 鈁錘つ む	 [ . . . ]まきいと135  績桶を ご け	 綿筒あ め	 撹わた車くり 撥柎ま い は	 裁刀ものたち	 搗碪き ぬ た 衣砧 [ . . . ]きぬまき 136	 横衣杵つ ち	 綿 弓わたうちゆみ 尺ものさし	 笥ふミばこ	 文匣ぶんこう	 硯匣すゞりばこ 水滴ミづいれ	 案つくえ 卓子	 剪刀は さ ミ	 [...]ミ ゝ子かき                                                 132 竹冠+浮のつくり 133 糸偏+崔 134 手篇+沓 135 木偏+商 136 石偏+廷  92 削刀てがたな	 剃刀かミそり	 筋はし 箸	 盒じきろう 盤さら 碟	 磁盆さ は ち	 浅仔まるぼん	 篩ふるひ 烟盆たばこいれ	 烟盤たばこぼん	 煙筒き せ る	 食案ぜ ん 行廚べんとう	 注子て う し	 酒かん鐺なべ	 巵さかつき盃 盞仔ち よ く	 茶匙さ じ	 箒ほうき	 匜みみ盤たらい  匜はんざう	 衣廚た ん す	 椸いかう 衣桁	 櫛匣くしばこ 鑷けぬき	 局すごろくばん	 骰さい	 衣籠つ ゞ ら 右常つね用もちゆるの字じ類るい也  [五十丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration caption:] [Left] わくくるてい [Right] まひばくるてい	    [五十丁ウラ頭書] 木綿も め んのこと、もろこしには 梁れうの代よよりはじまれり。 わが朝てうは、桓武天皇くわんむてんわう延ゑん暦りやく 十八年、いづくともなく小舟に  93 のりて一人三河の國に漂着なかれつく 唐人とうじん見て、崑崙国こんろんこくの人なる べしといへり。137 そのもてる物の 中に、実ミあり。これをうへさ しむ。そのゝち、中世なかころより そた種たねうせてなし。文禄ぶんろく 年中に、種たねをつたへて、あま ねくなりたり。わた入を いま布子ぬ の こといふもも、むかしハ 布に真綿ま わ たを入てきたる故  なり。木綿も め ん、今ハ摂せつ津つ、近江あ ふ ミ、 河内か ハ ち、丹波た ん ば、三ミ河かハ、其外國々 よりいづる也。寒かん国ごくにハ綿 出来あしき なり。                                                 137 Cf. In 女大學教草: “ 漂ひよう着ちやくの唐人とうじんあり。崑崙国こんろんこくのひとなるべしといへり。”  94 [五十一丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration caption:] [Left] いとつむぐてい	  [Right] しのまき   [五十一丁ウラ頭書] きぬいとをこしらゆる器うつハ 多おほし。幡はん車しやといふハ、まいば也。 緯ゐ車しやハ、いとのよこを紡つむぐもの をいふ。小せう紡はう車しやハ糸いとをつむぐ 車くるま也。絡らく車しやハ、いとをわくに うつすものをいふなり。いとを とること、わが朝にハ京きやう羽は二ぶた 重を第一とす。加賀か ゞ、奥州おうしう よりいづるもの多けれども ミやこにしかず。其中に 諸練もろねり、無垢む く練ねり138の品しなあり。                                                 138 Both are glossy silk cloths but are made by different weaving methods or yarns. Nihon dai hyakka zensho 日本大百科全書, s.v. “Habutae  羽二重,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=1001000190223  95 よきをゑり、いと羽は二ぶた重へ といふ。[…]き白しろのれう品しななり。 もと絡らくの白雲村しらくもむらにて、織をり いだすいたしハ所〜〜に おほし。羽は二ぶた重へ、熨斗の し 目め、斤色かたいろ、綾嶋あやしま、亀屋か め や 總ミな西陣にしじん139より 出る也。  [五十二丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration caption:] ぬのへるてい  [五十二丁ウラ頭書] 澣 汚あらひすゝぎハ女のすべきわざ也。 ゆく秋ふくる碪きぬたのをとも 冬まつ宿やどのまうけなら                                                 139 Nishijin is currently located in Kamigyō-ku, Kyoto. Nihon kokugo daijiten, s.v. “Nishijinori 西陣織,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=20020332030cON0i7FBV  96 ずや。むかしは、文王ぶんわうの后きさき 父母ふ ぼのもとへ帰かへりミ給ふ ときの際さいに、薄汚我私薄 わがころもをあらひ 我 衣わがころもをすすぎん140 とあり。これ天子の 后妃き さ きとしてかくのごとし。 今の世よハ、よき人ハあらひ はり、ものをきることなく、 まして手てにかけてする ことなき。身ミも見もをぬ よう本意ほ ゐなけれ。ころもを あらひすゝぎにハ、先灰汁あ く に和かハしてこれをおとす也。 つけて油あぶらのしミたるハ滑くハつ                                                 140 “…薄汚我私, 薄浣我衣. 害浣害否. 歸寧父母.” There is a typo in this quotation: the character “浣” is missing. “Shijing jizhuan_Shijing juan zhi yi_Zhu Xi jizhuan 詩經集傳_詩經卷之一_朱熹集傳,” Chinese Text Project, accessed on December 1, 2015, http://ctext.org/library.pl?if=gb&file=5576&page=25#父母.  97 石せきの粉こをふりかけて、すゝ ぐべし。よくおつるなり。   98 [五十三丁オモテ頭書] あらひはりしあげ、手て染ぞめハ 女のなぐさミにもすべきて ワざ、かつハ身ミをつかふひとつ ぞかし。染そめめものゝ中にも 紅べ按に染ぞめの心やすくはなやか にいできて、紅花べ ににまさる をこゝにしるす。 一、すハう	 四十目 一、ずミ 草[…]也	 同 一、かりやす	 十二分 一、めうばん	 三分 右ひとつにして、水二升 程入てせんじよて出る をまちていくたびも そむべし。ことの外色 よく見ばえ也。此法秘密ひ ミ つ なれども しるす。   99 [五十三丁ウラ頭書]   [Illustration caption:] [Left] せんたくするてい	  [Right] すまし物のてい  [五十四丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration: 若い女と年かさの女が 二人して洗い張りをするようす]  [五十四丁ウラ頭書] 婦人ふ じ んの白綿しらわたをつミて被かづくを 綿わた帽子ぼ う しとす。こしらへやう 糊のりがけんあり。のりはひめ のりよりハ藷いものりよし。 いものりなくバ水仙すいせんの根ね をすりひくべし。都みやこにて つくる所一條でうの所、入江殿いりえどのと いふ尼寺あまでらなり。三時さ ん じ、智恩院ちおんゐん と申す。この所を入江の 辻子つ じといふ。浄土宗じやうどしう智恩院ちおんゐん  100 派はなり。高貴こ う きの家いゑより 尼あまとなりて、此寺てらより住すミ たまふ。寺領じりやうハ二百石なり。 此寺の尼あまのつくる所よし とす。或尺長帯しやくながおび、被帷子かづきかたびら をこしらゆるなり。今は びらり、帽子ぼ う し、両口りやうくち、なれわた などあり。   [五十五・六十五丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration: 若い女と年かさの女が、 綿帽子に入れる綿を摘んでいる一方、 もう一人の年かさの女が 綿を水で湿らせているようす]  [五十五・六十五丁ウラ頭書] 機はたのはじめハ、黄帝くわうていの臣しん 伯余は く よといふ人、はじめて麻糸あさいと を指ゆびにかけてこしらへたるを、  101 後のちの代よに衣服い ふ くを織をりになり たるなり。もとより黄帝の 后きさき、西陵氏せいりやうしと申せし始て 蠺こかひて桑くわをとり繭まゆをこし らへ織をり絍やふの功こうをなし給ふ なれば、黄帝よりある べし。ワが朝てうにハ、天照てんせうの大神だいじん の御いもうと稚日姫わかひるめの高たか 機はたより墜をち給ふとあり。又 神代じんだいの巻まきにも、機のことあれ ば機苧は た ひの心こゝろの備そなハること 久ひさしい。こハもろこしに ならひて織もの多ければ、 機のりやう上かミはた下機したはたのミ ならざるなり。   102 [六十六丁オモテ頭書] [Illustration: 若い女が機織りをし、 布をがぶった年かさの女が糸を 織り糸を送り支え持っているようす]   103 A.2 Translations  A.2.1 The Treasure Box of the Women’s Greater Learning [leaf 41 recto headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which an older woman is cutting clothes with a young woman]   [leaf 41 verso headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which three young women are sewing clothes]   [leaf 42 recto headnote] Since sewing is one of the most important skills for women, it should be taught to girls at a young age, much like writing. Nowadays, girls practice sugoroku backgammon, kouta ballads, koto harp or shamisen lute,  but do not learn how to sew. Even if a woman can afford to hire servants and employ maids for clothing-related matters because her family is wealthy, she should still learn how to sew as a pastime. Because it has been seen so in old books that long ago the sage King Wen’s (Wen Wang) consort wove, sewed, washed and stretched clothes by herself, I believe that women who do not take care of clothing-related matters are sinful. Auspicious days	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	 	should be selected for sewing. However, certain waka poems should be recited if cutting and sewing are done on inauspicious days since clothing is the most important matter in the three matters of human life: clothes, food and housing. Hence, clothing-related matters should not be treated in a slovenly fashion and done carelessly.     104 [leaf 42 verso headnote] The following waka poems are recited when clothes are cut on inauspicious days: I always  follow  the all-powerful gods’ teaching! Wealth has increased  in this home because of my devoutness.  Whenever I cut clothes for  a karakoromo garment141  that Princess Morning  initiated people into making,         I shall be delighted.   In the morning sunlight,  because it is a doctrine  of Kasuga Shrine where I met the man,        I will definitely cut his jacket now!                                                   141 Chinese-style garment.  105           ○  Waka poems are recited when clothes have to be cut in a rush on inauspicious days: I cut the clothes  of a vulgar barbarian  from Tsu Province,  but could not spare  the setting sun and time with him.142   Because of a coarse barbarian’s clothes from a foreign country,  the bygone time and days with him could not be cut up.  ○  Cutting clothes on the day of Monkey143 is inauspicious.  [leaf 43 recto headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which an older woman is teaching a young woman how to make a cotton lining to put inside a kimono]144                                                   142 Cf. footnote 186. In Onna daigaku oshie-gusa: “In Tsu Province, I cut a vulgar barbarian’s clothes, but the setting sun and time with him cannot be spared.”  143 The ninth day in twelve signs of the Chinese zodiac.  106 [leaf 43 verso headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which an older woman is putting cotton lining inside a kimono with a young woman helping her]   [leaf 44 recto headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which an older woman is ironing wrinkles out of kimono with a hinoshi pressing iron; a young woman is assisting her]   [leaf 44 verso headnote] Illustration: [A scene in which a young girl is helping an older woman wind yarn by hand. As the older woman is doing this, she speaks to another older woman.]    [leaf 45 recto headnote] No one knows when sewing first began. We assume it must have started when clothing was made for the first time. It is said that the Chinese emperor Dàhào invented nine types of acupuncture needles.145  In the Book of Rites (Liji), there is a description stating that someone                                                                                                                                                        144 A similar illustration entitled "wata-tsumi" is shown in Jinrin kinmo zui. "Wata-tsumi" means to make a cotton lining for quilts or clothes. Makieshi, Genzaburo 蒔繪師源三郎, Shosa-iri yurai-iri jinrin kinmō zui  所作入由来入・人倫訓蒙図彙, reprint version in Kisho Fukusei Kankō sōsho, dai 2-ki, (Tokyo: Beizandō, 1920) 145 “又曰:黃帝有熊氏命雷公 … 為《難經》。教制九針,著《內外術經》十八卷.” “Taiping Yulan_Fanshu Bu Er_Yi yi 太平御覧_方術部二_醫一,” Chinese Text Project, accessed on December 1, 2015, http://ctext.org/text.pl?node=396229&if=en  107 sewed with needle and yarn.146 In our country, it has been said that when Ōanamuchi no Kami147 visited Ōsuetsumi’s daughter Ikutamayori Hime, her parents wanted to identify who her husband was. 148 She wound ramie yarn into a skein and sewed the yarn to the train of his outer skirt. The next morning, they followed the yarn. It went through a keyhole, passed Mount Chinu and stopped at Mount Mimoro.149  Because of this story, it is said there have been needles and ramie yarn ever since the age of the gods.   [leaf 45 verso headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which a woman is spinning karamushi ramie fibers, an older woman is winding the spun fibers, and another older woman is watching over the other two women]                                                   146 “…衣裳綻裂 紉箴請補綴.” “Liji_Ni Ze_13 禮記_內則_13,” Chinese Text Project, accessed on December 1, 2015, http://ctext.org/dictionary.pl?if=en&id=9908. 147 An alternative name of Ōkuninushi 大国主命. Dejitaru daijisen デジタル大辞泉, s.v. “Ōanamuchi 大己貴神,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=2001002173300 148 A typical aristocrat marriage style in ancient Japan. A nobleman visited wives who lived in their fathers’ house. 149 Because the name of quoted Hime is shown in this quotation, it may be quoted from Kojiki. Ōanamuchi no Kami is as an alternative name of Ōmononushi no Kami. Mount Mimuri is an alternative name of Mount Miwa located in Sakurai City in Nara Prefecture. Ōmononushi no Kami 大物主神 residing on the mountain has been worshipped in Ōmiwa shrine. “あは、大物主の大神、陶津耳の命の女、活玉依毗売を娶りて…” Nishimiya, Kojiki, 135.  108 [leaf 46 recto headnote] The tool that is used to press fabric is called a hinoshi pressing iron. It is believed to have originated with King Zhòu (Zhòu Wang) of Yin150 long ago. The king was a cold-hearted tyrant. He invented a device with a firebox attached to the top as an instrument of torture for criminals and forced offenders to hold the device. He laughed at the offenders’ hands, which were hideously burned, and ridiculed them, along with his consort Dájǐ.151 It is said that this device was King Zhòu’s idea. However, because people had been using ironing as a method to press cloth in the past, it is hard to say for sure that the hinoshi pressing iron was invented by King Zhòu.   [leaf 46 verso headnote] The work of spinning yarn out of ramie is an important skill for women. There are many kinds of ramie. Chōma means mao ramie, or karamushi ramie.152  It is planted in the second month of the year and harvested in the eighth month of the year. When you peel and scrape off both sides of the peel with a bamboo scraper, it sheds its thick peel. The remaining fibrous material is collected, boiled, and bleached to make fabric. Although chōma ramie is produced in various                                                 150 The last king of Yin dynasty. Like the last kings of other dynasties, legends say that King Zhòu was a dishonorable and corrupt king [-1070 BC or 1060 BC?]. Nihon dai hyakka zensho, s.v. “Chūō 紂王,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=1001000151637 151 Chinese legends say she was a femme fatale whose beauty caused the downfall of a dynasty. Nihon dai hyakka zensho, s.v. “Dakki 妲己,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=1001000143534 152 The scientific name is Nipononivea. Chōma is a kind of ramie which grows naturally in Japan. Ei-Wa Wa-Ei jiten 英和・和英辞典, s.v. “Mao 真麻,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://ejje.weblio.jp/content/真麻.   109 provinces in our country, the products from the Mogami region on the east side of Japan are considered the best ramie fabric. Kyōma means shiraso, so-called gosaiba. It is produced in various provinces. This peel is called ogara, which is made into chopsticks for the spirits of ancestors during the Bon Festival. The coarse outer layer from which a thin rope is made is called araso.  [leaf 47 recto headnote] Illustration caption at the right side: A scene in which [an older woman is] spinning karamushi ramie yarn. Illustration caption at the left side: A scene which [a young woman is] winding the yarn into a skein.      [leaf 47 verso headnote] The cotton fabric from Nanto,153 which is considered the best, is called Nara sarashi.154  The process consists of weaving fabric from selected good yarns, boiling the fabric in lye, pounding it in a wooden mortar, rinsing and bleaching it in the sun. The unbleached cotton fabric is called kihira. Because the fabric is used without bleaching, it is called ki.155 There are many districts where cotton fabric is produced. Cotton fabric produced in Kaga Province is called hakkō. The cloth derived from this fabric was often used for the offering to hokke hakkō.156 Hence the name.                                                 153 Currently Nara City. 154 Bleached cotton fabric.  155 Ki is written 木 or 生 in Chinese script. The meaning is “unprocessed” in Japanese. 156 A religious gathering to worship and chant the Lotus Sutra. Bukkyoōgo daijiten. Gekan 佛教語大辞典. 下巻, s.v. “Hokke hakkō 法花八講.”  110 Takamiyajima is produced at Takamiya in Ōmi Province. Cotton fabric is also produced in Tanba Province, but its quality is significantly lower than the cotton fabric from Nara. Chijimi157 is produced in Echigo Province. It is called Ojiya chijimi. It is also called Akashi chijimi because long ago it was produced in Akashi Province.  [leaf 48 recto headnote] [Illustration caption at the right side:] A scene in which [a young woman is] reeling spun yarn [in a rectangular frame.] [Illustration caption at the left side:] A scene in which [an older woman is] reeling spun yarn [in a rectangular frame.]  [leaf 48 verso headnote] ○  Collection of shōji 158 Chinese Characters Related to Clothes Omote (outer part)  Ura (inner part)  Senui (centre stitch on back)  Eri (collar)  Shitagai (inner collar)  Okubi (front inside panel on the edge under outer collar)  Waki no nui (stitch on side parts)  Sode (sleeve) Tamoto (sleeve pouch)  Mosuso (train of outer skirt)  Obi (sash)  Ōobi (wide sash for Chinese-style male court dress)  Obi no musubime (the part of sash knot)  Himo (cord)  Tsuna (rope)  Tenugui (hand towel) Asenugui (a piece of cloth to wipe sweat)  Zōkin (damp cloth)  Hida (pleat, frill, gathers)  Fukusa (small cloth for gift-wrapping or used in tea ceremony to wipe utensils)  Tasuki (cord used to tuck up the sleeves of a kimono) tasuki159 Uwagi (round-necked robe won by noble court dress)  Wakiage  ([This term is not identified.])160  Kazuki                                                 157 Crepe clothes. 158 正字 (standard graphs). 159 Sic. The word “tasuki” is printed in a small font in the original book.  160 A part of the armhole?  111 (female coat slipped over her head)  Yukata (casual summer kimono)  Sodenashi (sleeveless)  Mutsuki (diaper)  Hadagi (undergarment, in direct with the skin)  Shitagi (undergarment) ○  Kinds of threads/yarns Itobana (end of yarns) Itofushi (knobs of yarns)  Itosuji (a thread)  Kinuito (silk yarns)  Yokoito (weft)  Magai (silk fish line)  Uraito (back side thread)  Kasuito ([This term is not identified.])161 Araito (roving)  Shiraito  ([This term is not identified.])162  Tate (wrap)  Nuki (woof)  Kumiito  ([This term is not identified.])163  Takuboku (a pattern of Japanese braided cord that looks woodpecker holes)  Botan (button)  Yoru (edge of clothes and/or braid a code with threads)     [leaf 49 recto headnote]	  Nishiki (brocade)  Kinran  (gold brocade)  Orimono (a type of silk twill fabric)  Kinsha (fine crepe cloth)  Sha (a kind of silk gauze)  Usumono (silk gauze)  Chirimen (crepe fabric)  Shijira (a kind of crepe fabric)  Rinzu (a kind of silk twill fabric)  Numerinzu (a kind of silk twill fabric, more glossy than rinzu)  Kan rinzu ([This term is not identified.])164  Saaya (a kind of silk twill fabric)  Suzushi (un-glossed silk fabric)  Neri (glossy silk fabric)  Donsu (Japanese damask)  Habutae (smooth and glossed crepe fabric)  Tsumugi (pongee)  Birōdo (velvet)  Toromen (fabric made of cotton and hare wool yarns)  Katori (fine silk fabric)  Shuchin (a kind of satin, with multi-color patterns)  Shusu (satin)  Shimaginu (a kind of crepe fabric)  Sarasazome (chintz)  Kanakin (unbleached muslin or canequim)  Siyominuno (fabric made of Japanese lima or rough                                                 161 Thick yarns to sew a tatami mat? 162 Threads/yarns derived from Western Regions? 163 Yarn for a braid code? 164 Silk twill fabric with a flower pattern?  112 ramie fabric)  Ryūmon (a kind of pongee) Neri tafu (glossed silk fabric)  No (unit to measure the width of cloth)  Kanokozome (dappled spot tie-dye)  Rasha (woollen cloth)  Raseita (thin woollen fabric)  Ara-wata (pieces of floss)  Furu-wata (old cotton)  Tsumi-wata (a sheet of floss)  Momen (cotton), this means momen (cotton)  Pan’ya ([This term is not identified.])165  Tabi (Japanese tabi socks)  Zōri (Japanese sandals)  Pokuri (lacquered wooden clogs with rounded soles)  Setta (Japanese bamboo sandals)  Hanao (thongs)  Maedare (apron) The above collection is Chinese characters used for fabric-related terms.  [leaf 49 verso headnote]	  Hata (loom)  Shimo-hata (a loom used to weave ramie or cotton cloth)  Chikiri (a part of loom, onto which the warp is wound) Yoko ([This term is not identified.])166  Osakamachi (the frame of weaving reed) He (heddle)  Kuda (thin pipe, onto which spun yarns are wound)  Tateito (warp, weft)  Inozume ([This term is not identified.])167  Kutsuhiki (hemp rope that control a held opening-device) Maneki (heald opening-device)  Hi (shuttle) Osa (reed)  Waku (frame)  Waku no e (shaft bar)  Hari (needle)  Yubinuki (thimble) Hinoshigote (iron)  Heso (a ball of spun yarn)  Kukuri (a design method, which is marking weaving points one by one) Itoguruma (spinning wheel)  Tsumu (spindle)  Makiito ([This term is not identified.])168  Ogoke (a cylindrical                                                 165 Cotton tree? 166 Weft? 167 A part of loom? 168 Spun yarns that wound on a shuttle?  113 container that stores ramie yarns)  Ame ([This term is not identified.])169  Wata-kuri (cotton gin)  Maiba (warping reel)  Monotachi (sewing knife)  Kinuta (stone block for beating cloth) kinuta  Kinumaki ([This term is not identified.])170  Yokotsuchi (horizontal mallet)  Wata-uchiyumi (cotton bow, a tool that decontaminate cotton)  Monosashi (ruler)  Fumibako (letter case) Bunkō (document chest)  Suzuribako (inkstone case)  Mizuire (small water container to pour water into an ink stone)  Tsukue (desk) tsukue  Hasami (scissors)  Mimikaki (earpick tool)  Tegatana (handy knife)  Kamisori (razor)  Hashi (chopsticks) hashi  Jikirō (wicker basket that stores foods likes a luncheon-basket)  Sara (dish, plate) sara  Sahachi (shallow large porcelain bowl)  Marubon (round tray)  Furui (bamboo sieve) Tabakoire (tobacco case)  Tabakobon (tobacco tray)  Kiseru (Japanese pipe with metal tipped stem)  Zen (four-legged tray)   Bentō (home-packed meal to eat outside the home)  Chōshi (rice wine decanter) Kannabe (special pan for warming up rice wine)  Sakazuki (flat cup for rice wine)  Choku (small cup for rice wine)  Saji (spoon)  Hōki (broom)  Mimidarai (a type of lacquerware, a basin with two handles on both sides)  Hanzō (1. a type of lacquerware used to pour liquids, it looks like a tea pot without handle.  2. basin of water with two handles on either side used for washing one’s face or hands)  Tansu (drawers) tansu  Ikō (rack for hanging kimono cloth)  Kushibako (Japanese toiletries case)  Kenuki (tweezers)  Sugorokuban (sugoroku game board)  Sai (dice)  Tsuzura (wicker basket that stores clothes)   The above collection is Chinese characters that people use daily.                                                  169 A cylinder container that keeps cottons? 170 Stone block for beating silk cloth?  114  [leaf 50 recto headnote]	  [Illustration caption at the right side:] A scene in which  [a little boy is] winding yarns on a reel. [Illustration caption at the left side:] A scene in which  [an older woman is] winding yarns on a bobbin.    [leaf 50 verso headnote]	  The cultivation of cotton in China begun during the Liang dynasty (502-557). In our country, a  Chinese man was carried on a small boat from an unknown place and cast ashore on the coast of Mikawa Province in Enryaky 18 (799) in the reign of the Emperor Kanmu. People saw him and said that he was an Indian man.171  There were cotton flowers172 in his belongings. They were planted and grew cotton flowers. After that, in the not too distant past, the cottonseeds had been lost. In the Bunroku era (1592-1596), cottonseeds were brought over from abroad again and popularized widely. Cotton-padded clothes are called nunoko because people used to wear clothes padded with silk-floss in the olden days. Nowadays, cotton is grown in Settsu, Ōmi, Kawachi, Tanba, Mikawa and other provinces. Cotton does not grow well in cold provinces.  Illustration caption: A picture of male and female merchants selling silk fabric.    [leaf 51 recto headnote] [Illustration caption at the right side:] A scene in which  [a young woman is] pounding cotton to prepare for spinning yarn. [Illustration caption at the left side:] A scene in which [an older woman is] spinning cotton yarn.                                                    171 Or a Malay man. Nihon kokugo daijiten, s.v. “Konronjin 崑崙人,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=200201ac506aMo5cE4Ve 172 Original text describes “mi 實.” They probably mean cotton flowers or wata no mi 綿の実.     115   [leaf 51 verso headnote] There are many tools to spin silk yarn. Hansha means maiba. Isha is the tool by which woof is spun, and shōbōsha is the spinning-wheel for silk yarns. Rakusha is a tool onto which spun yarns are wound.  In the spinning industry of our country, habutae in Kyoto is the best quality. It is ecru color good product. There are many silk clothes from Kaga Province or Oshū region, but they are inferior to the silk clothes from Kyoto. In the silk clothes, there are moroneri cloth and mukuneri cloth. Originally, they were woven in Shirakumo village in Kyoto, but now they are made here and there. Habutae, noshime, katairo, ayashima, and kameya, all of them, are made in Nishijin.     [leaf 52 recto headnote] [Illustration caption:] A scene in which   [a young woman and an older woman] are arranging an array of wraps [outside].  [leaf 52 verso headnote] Washing is a task that women should do. Doesn’t the sound of someone beating cloth on a stone block in late autumn mean the preparation of a home that is waiting for winter? It has been told that long ago when the consort of King Wen visited her parents, she said that she washed her clothes by herself. If the emperor’s consort did this, how much more you must do so. In this day and age, women who are well-off do not even wash, mend, and care. Avoid these things or your body and appearance will be filthy. When you wash clothes, first soak them in lye and rinse them. Dredge powdered talc over oil stains and wash the cloth in clean water to rinse off this type of stain. It washes well.   116 [leaf 53 recto headnote] After you have washed and stretched the clothes, it is useful to know how to dye fabric as a beneficial skill and it’s just fun to do. Above all, benizome can dye fabrics with ease and make them a brilliant color among dyeing methods. We mention that Caesalpinia sappan173 is an even better ingredient than safflowers.   1. Caesalpinia sappan: 40-monme174 1. Zumi,175 this is […] made from grasses: same as above 1. Miscanthus tinctorius:176 12-fun 177 1. Talc: 3-pun Mix the above ingredients, infuse them in 2-shō of water and wait until it brews very well. Soak the fabric in the juice many times. The color becomes impressive much more than you can imagine. This technique was secret, but is released specially here.                                                  173 “Cf. Wamyō shō. 6 和名抄. 六, Bunmei-bon setsuyōshū文明本節用集, Enpō 8-nen gōrui setsuyōshū. 4 延宝八年合類節用集. 四.” Nihon kokugo daijiten, s.v. “Suō 蘇芳,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=200202446769gUT1OVGr 174 “1-momne = 3.75 g.” Daijn 大辞林, third edition, s.v. “Monme 匁,” accessed on November 21, 2015. Kotobanku. https://kotobank.jp/word/匁・文目-399407#E5.A4.A7.E8.BE.9E.E6.9E.97.20.E7.AC.AC.E4.B8.89.E7.89.88/ 175 Zumi means lye made from the ashes of grasses? 176 “Cf. Iroha ruijō 色葉字類抄, Chiribukuro 塵袋, etc.” Nihon kokugo daijiten, s.v. “Kariyasu 刈安,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=200200f0cb64o569B089 177 “1-pun = 0.1-monme (375 mg).” Daijirin, third edition, s.v. “Fun 分,” accessed on November 21, 2015. Kotobanku. https://kotobank.jp/word/分-122190#E5.A4.A7.E8.BE.9E.E6.9E.97.20.E7.AC.AC.E4.B8.89.E7.89.88  117  [leaf 53 verso headnote] [Illustration caption at the right side:] A scene in which [a young woman is] rinsing clothes in clean water. [Illustration caption at the left side:] A scene in which  [an older woman is] is washing clothes.     [leaf 54 recto headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which   a young woman and an older woman are hanging and stretching clothes outside after they removed sewing stitches and washed the clothing]  [leaf 54 verso headnote] A cotton lining is made for putting inside wata-bōshi, a cotton padded hat. The process of creating wata-bōshi includes starching the hat. Imo-nori (starch made from yams) works better than hime-nori (starch made from steamed rice)178 for it. If you don’t have imo-nori, it is best to use grated roots of daffodils for starching. A wata-bōshi factory in a Buddhist nunnery, the so-called Irie-dono (Lady Irie’s temple), that is located on Ichijō Street. The temple’s name is Sanji Chion-in. The neighborhood surrounding the temple is called Irie Crossing. The temple belongs to the Chion-in school of the Jōdo sect. Daughters of noble families become nuns and live in this temple. The stipend of the temple is 820-koku. The products made in this nunnery are considered                                                 178 Nihon dai hyakka zensho, s.v. “Nori 糊,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=1001000181954  118 of high quality. It is known that they also make long obi sashes and kazuki katabira.179 Currently, they make birari,180 bōshi,181 ryōkuchi,182 and nare-wata.183      [leaf 55/65 recto headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which a young woman and an older woman are making cotton lining for putting inside a cotton padded hat while another mature woman is spraying water cotton].   [leaf 56/66 recto headnote] The origin of weaving came from BóYú, a minister of the Yellow Emperor (Huángdì), who initiated weaving ramie yarn with his fingers.184 After that, people started weaving clothes. Since the Yellow Emperor’s consort Xī Líng-shì initially began raising silkworms, picking mulberry leaves for feeding silkworms, reeling silk from cocoons, and weaving clothes,185 weaving had                                                 179 Kimono without lining, slipped over a head? 180 This means birari hat? It is a type of female hat in the Tokugawa period. Dejitaru daijisen, s.v. “Birari bōshi びらり帽子,” accessed on November 21, 2015, http://japanknowledge.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/lib/display/?lid=2001015780900 181 This means wata-bōshi? 182 A type of a padded kimono or hat?  183 Carded cotton? 184 “… 伯余之初作衣也緂麻索縷,手經指掛,其成猶網羅.” “Huainanzi_Fanlunxun 淮南子 _氾論訓,” Chinese Text Project, accessed on December 1, 2015, http://ctext.org/dictionary.pl?if=en&id=3271. 185 “… 三公夫人, 三孤内子至蠶所, 以一少牢親進, 祭奠先蠶西陵氏神. 禮畢, 降壇, 令二嬪為亞獻終獻, 因以躬桑.” “Suitang_Li. 6_Xiancan 通典_禮. 六_先蠶,” Chinese Text Project, accessed on December 1, 2015, http://ctext.org/dictionary.pl?if=en&id=554539.  119 already started in the reign of Yellow Emperor. According to the Nihon shoki,186 in our country, Tenshō Daijin’s younger sister Wakahirume fell over a tall loom. Weaving and spinning matters had been considered for a long time because there are descriptions of looms in the chapter of The Gods in the Nihon shoki. Since people imported many types of weaving techniques from China, there was not only kami-hata loom or shimo-hata loom in Japan.  [leaf 66 recto headnote] [Illustration: A scene in which a young womand is weaving a cloth on a loom while an older woman wearing a scarf is holding and passing yarns to her]  A.2.2 The Elementary Textbook of the Women’s Greater Learning  [leaf [58] recto headnote] [Illustration caption:] An illustration depicts an older woman cutting clothes. Since sewing is one of the most important skills for women, it should be taught to girls at a young age, much like writing. Nowadays, girls practice sugoroku backgammon, kouta ballads,                                                 186 This story was quoted from Nihon shoki 日本書紀 but was not quoted from Kojiki 古事記. It says in Kojiki that a woman who weaving a cloth for gods fell over – “天ノ衣織女見驚而於梭衝陰上而死.” Kojiki 古事記, Kyo [Kyoto]: Maekawa Moemon, 1644, accessed on December 25, 2015, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/keio.10812775627?urlappend=%3Bseq=86 Nihon shoki specifies “Wakahirume” fell over as – “稚日女尊乃驚而堕機。以所持梭傷体、而神退矣,” Nihon shoki 日本書紀: 国史大系版, J-Texts, accessed on December 25, 2015. http://www.j-texts.com/jodai/shoki1.html Cf. Other texts in Nihon shoki describes “Tenshō Daijin” fell overas  – “天照大神驚動梭以傷身,” ———., Nihon shoki, Kyoto: Takemura Ichibē, 1669, Hathi Trust, accessed on December 25, 2015,  http//hdl.handle.net/2027/keio.10811315959?urlappend=%3Bseq=33  120 koto harp  or shamisen lute,  but do not learn how to sew. Even if a woman can afford to hire servants and employ maids for clothing-related matters because her family is wealthy, she should still learn how to sew as a pastime.  [leaf [58] verso headnote] Because it has been seen so in old books that long ago the sage King Wen’s consort wove, sewed, washed and stretched clothes by herself, I belive that women who do not take care of clothing-related matters are sinful. Auspicious days should be selected for sewing, but if cutting and sewing are done on inauspicious days, certain waka poems should be recited. Clothing is the most important matter in the three matters of human life: clothes, food and housing. Hence, clothing-related matters should not be treated in a slovenly fashion and done carelessly.   The following waka poems are recited when clothes are cut on inauspicious days: I always  follow  the all-powerful gods’ teaching! Wealth has increased  in this home because of my devoutness.  [leaf [59] recto headnote] Whenever I cut clothes for  a karakoromo garment that Princess Morning  initiated people into making,         I shall be delighted.    121 In the morning sunlight,  because it is a doctrine of Kasuga Shrine where I met the man,        I will definitely cut his jacket now!  ○  Waka poems are recited when clothes have to be cut in a rush on inauspicious days: I cut the clothes  of a vulgar barbarian  in Tsu Province,  but could not spare  the setting sun and time with him.187  [Illustration caption:] An illustration depicts an older woman sewing a kimono.  [leaf [59] verso headnote] Because of a coarse barbarian’s clothes from a foreign country,  the bygone time and days with him could not be cut up. ○  Cutting clothes on the day of Monkey is inauspicious.                                                 187 Cf. footnote 136. In Onna daigaku oshie-gusa: “In Tsu Province, I cut a vulgar barbarian’s clothes, but the setting sun and time with him cannot be spared.”   122 No one knows when sewing first began. We assume it must have started when clothing was made for the first time. It is said that the Chinese emperor Dahao invented nine types of acupuncture needles. In the Book of Rites, there is a description stating that someone sewed with needle and yarn. In our country, it has been said that when Ōanamuchi no Kami visited an Ōsuetsumi’s daughter Ikutamayori Hime, her parents wanted to identify who her husband was. She wound ramie yarn into a skein and attached the yarn to the train of his outer skirt with a needle. [leaf [60] recto headnote] The next morning, they followed the yarn. It went through a keyhole, passed Mount Chinu and stopped at Mount Mimoro.  Because of this story, it is said there have been needles and ramie yarn ever since the age of the gods. [Illustration caption:] An illustration depicts an older woman ironing wrinkles out of kimonos with a hinoshi iron.    [leaf [60] verso headnote]  The tool that is used to press cloth is called a hinoshi pressing iron. It is believed to have originated with King Zhòu of Yin long ago. The king was a cold-hearted tyrant. He invented a device with a firebox attached to the top as an instrument of torture for criminals and forced offenders to hold the device. He laughed at the offenders’ hands, which were hideously burned, and ridiculed them, along with his consort Dájǐ. It is said that this device was King Zhòu’s idea. However, because people had been using ironing as a method to press cloth in the past, it is hard to say for sure that the hinoshi pressing iron was invented by King Zhòu.  [leaf [61] recto headnote]  [Illustration caption:]  Weaving to form a fabric.   123 [leaf [61] verso headnote]  ○  The cultivation of cotton in China begun during the Liang dynasty. In our country, a Chinese man was carried on a small boat from an unknown place and cast ashore on the coast of Mikawa Province in Enryaky 18 in the reign of the Emperor Kanmu. It has been told that he was a Malay man. There were cotton flowers in his belongings. They were planted and grew cotton flowers. After that, in the not too distant past, the cottonseeds had been lost. In the Bunroku era, cottonseeds were brought over from abroad again and popularized widely. Cotton-padded clothes are called nunoko because people used to wear clothes padded with floss silk in the olden days. [leaf [62] recto headnote] Nowadays, cotton is grown in Settsu, Ōmi, Kawachi, Tanba, Mikawa and other provinces. Cotton does not grow well in cold provinces.  [Illustration caption:] An illustration depicts [that salesman and saleswoman are] selling silk fabrics to [an older woman.]  [leaf [62] verso headnote]  The work of spinning yarn out of ramie is an important skill for women. There are many kinds of ramie. Chōma means mao ramie, or karamushi ramie.  It is planted in the second month of the year and harvested in the eighth month of the year. When you peel and scrape off both sides of the peel with a bamboo scraper, it sheds its thick peel. The remaining fibrous material is collected, boiled, and bleached to make fabric. Although chōma ramie is produced in various provinces in our country, the products from the Mogami region on the east side of Japan are considered the best ramie fabric. Hōma means shiraso, so-called gosaiba. It is produced in various provinces. This peel is called ogara, which is made into chopsticks for the spirits of ancestors during the Bon Festival. The coarse outer layer from which a thin rope is made is called araso.  124  [leaf [63] recto headnote] ○   The cotton fabric from Nanto, which is considered the best, is called Nara sarashi.  The process consists of weaving fabric from selected good yarns, boiling the fabric in lye, pounding it in a wooden mortar, rinsing and bleaching it in the sun. The unbleached cotton fabric is called kihira. Because the fabric is used without bleaching, it is called ki. There are many districts where cotton fabric is produced. Cotton fabric produced in Kaga Province is called hakkō. The cloth derived from this fabric was often used for the offering to hokke hakkō. Hence the name. Takamiyajima is produced at Takamiya in Ōmi Province. Cotton fabric is also produced in Tanba Province, but its quality is significantly lower than the cotton fabric from Nara. [leaf [63] verso headnote] Chijimi is produced in Echigo Province. It is called Ojiyara. 188 It is also called Akashi chijimi because long ago it was produced in Akashi Province.   [Illustration caption:] An illustration depicts a decoration of Mount Penglai.189                                                   188 Ojiyara is misspelled Ojiya chijimi? 189 Mount Penglai is called Mount Hōrai in Japanese. It is often said that Mount Penglai is a magical place where trees bear precious metals and jewellery in in Chinese mythology. The settlers are enjoying their health, eternal youth and immortality. McCullough, Hellen Craig, Classical Japanese Prose: An Anthology, Stanford, (Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990), 570.  125 Appendix B  Texts of the Clothing-Related Matters in The Women’s Greater Learning B.1 Original texts   B.1.1 女大學寳箱      B.1.2 女大学教草   [三十八丁オモテ]      [丁オモテ] 女おんな大だい學がく      女おんな大学だいがく 一、夫それ、女子に よ しは成長せいちやう    一、夫それ、女子に よ しは成長せいちやう して他人た に んの家へ     して他人た に んの家いゑへ 行ゆき、舅しうと姑しうとめに     行ゆき、舅しうと姑しうとめに 仕つかふるものなれば     仕つかゆるものなれば [三十八丁ウラ] 男子な ん しよりも親おや     男子な ん しよりも親おや        [丁ウラ] の教をしへゆるがせに     の教をしへゆるがせに すべからず。父母ふ ぼ     すべからず。父母ふ ぼ 寵愛ちようあひして 恣ほしいまゝに     寵愛ちやうあひして 恣ほしいまゝに 育そだてぬれば、夫をつとの     育そだてぬれば、夫をつとの [三十九丁オモテ] 家いへに行ゆきて 必かならず氣き     家いゑに行ゆきて 必かならず氣き  126 随ずゐなりて夫をつとに疎うと     随ずひなりて夫をつとに疎うと       [丁オモテ] まれ、又ハ舅しうとの誨をしへ    まれ、又は舅しうとの誨をしへ 正たゞしければ、難かた堪たえ     正たゞしければ、難かたく有あり  思ひ、舅しうとを恨うらミ誹そしり    思おもはず、舅しうとを恨うらミ誹そしり  [三十九丁ウラ] 中なか悪あしくなりて、     中なか悪あしくなりて、 終ついには、追出をひいだされ     終ついには、追出をひいだされ 恥はぢを曝さらす。女子に よ しの父ふ    恥はぢを曝さらす。女子に よ しの父ふ [丁ウラ] 母ぼ、我わが訓をしへなき事ことを     母ぼ、我わが訓をしへなき事を 謂いはずして、舅しうと夫をつとは    謂いはずして、舅しうと夫をつとは [四十丁オモテ] 悪あしきと而己の ミ思ふハ     悪あしきと而己の ミ思ふは 誤あやまりなり。是これ、皆ミな女子に よ し    誤あやまりなり。是これ、皆みな女子に よ し の親おやのをしへなき     の親おやのをしへなき 故ゆゑなり。      故ゆへなり。   127 [丁オモテ] 一、女をんなは容かたちよりも心の    一、女おんなは容かたちよりも心こゝろの [四十丁ウラ] 勝まされるを善よしとすべし。    勝まされるを善よしとすべし。 心こゝろ映ばへ善よく無なき女は心こゝろ     心こゝろ映ばへ善よく無なき女ハ心こゝろ 騒さわがしく、眼まなこ恐おそろしく    騒さハがしく、眼まなこ恐おそろしく 見出して人を怒いかり、    見出いだして人を怒いかり、 こと葉ば[…]あらゝかに物ものいひ    こと葉ば[…]あらゝかに物ものいひ [四十一丁オモテ]      [丁ウラ]  さがれて口くち藝きゞ て、人に    さがれて口くち藝きゞ て、人に 先さき立だち、人を恨うらミ嫉ねたミ、    先さき立だち、人を恨うらミ嫉ねたミ、 我わが身ミに誇ほこり、人を     我身に誇ほこり、人を 誹そしり笑わらわれ、人に勝まさり    誹そしり笑わらひ、人に勝まさり 貌がほなるハ、これ女の道ミち    顔かほなるハ、これ女の道ミち [四十一丁オモテ] に違たがへるなり。女をんなは、    に違たがへるなり。女をんなは、 [丁オモテ] 唯たゞ 和やハらぎ順したがひて貞てい信しん    唯たゞ 和やハらぎ順したがひて貞てい心しん  128 に情なさけ深ふかく静しづかなる     に情なさけ深ふかく静しづかなるを を淑よしとす。      淑よしとす。 (An omission. The following is the thirteenth article in The Women’s Greater Learning)  [七十三丁オモテ]      [丁ウラ] 一、身ミの荘かざりも衣裳いしやう	     一、身ミの荘かざりも衣裳いしやうの の染そめいろ模も様やう     染そめいろ模も様やうなども、 なども、目めだたぬ     目めだたぬやうに [丁オモテ] やうにすべし。     すべし。身ミと衣い服ふく [七十三丁ウラ] 身ミと衣い服ふくとの	      との煤よごれずして潔きよげな 煤よごれずして潔きよげなるハ    るハよし。勝すぐれて清きよきを よし。勝すぐれて清きよく     尽つくし、人の目めに立たつほ を盡つくし、人の目めに     どなるハ悪あしし。只たゞ わが 立たつほどなるハ悪あしし。    身ミに應おうじたるを [七十四丁オモテ]       [丁ウラ]  只たゞ わが身ミに應おうじ     用もちふべし。   129 たるを用もちふべし。 (An omission. The following is the sixteenth article in The Women’s Greater Learning)  [七十六丁ウラ]      [丁ウラ]  一、下部し も べ餘多あ ま ためし     一、下部し も べ餘多あ ま ためし つかふとも、万よろづの事こと    つかふとも、万よろづの事こと 自ミづから辛労しんらうを忍こらへて     自ミづから辛労しんらうを忍こらへて [七十七丁オモテ] 勤つとむること、女の作さ法ほふ    勤つとむること、女の作さ法ほふ也。 なり。舅しうと姑しうとめの為ために、    舅しうと姑〜〜めの為ために、衣きものを 衣きものを縫ぬひ、食しよくを調とゝのへ、    縫ぬひ、食しよくを調とゝのへ、夫をつとに仕つかへ [丁ウラ] 夫をつとに仕つかへて、衣きぬを     て、衣きぬを畳たゝミ、 席しきものを掃はき、 畳たゝミ、 席しきものを掃はき、子こを    子こを育そだて、汚けがれを洗あらひ、常つね [七十七丁ウラ] 育そだて、汚けがれを洗あらひ、常つねに に家いへの内うちに居ゐて、猥ミだり 家いゑの内うちに居ゐて、 に外ほかへ出いづべからず。 猥ミだりに外ほかへ出いづべからず。 

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