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The development of ren (仁) in early Chinese philosophy Curtis, Robin Elliott 2016

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         THE DEVELOPMENT OF REN (仁) IN EARLY CHINESE PHILOSOPHY  by  ROBIN ELLIOTT CURTIS B.A., Middlebury College, 2010   A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in  The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies (Asian Studies)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  April 2016 © Robin Elliott Curtis, 2016       ii  Abstract  This thesis describes the development of ren 仁 from its earliest recorded occurrences around 1000 BCE to its use in the Song dynasty around 1200 CE, asking the questions: 1) How did the meanings of ren change over time; and 2) How does quantitative textual analysis affect our understanding of ren? I argue that the earliest recorded meaning of ren was most likely “manliness” in the Western Zhou dynasty, that it later came to mean “Goodness,” followed by “benevolence” during the Warring States period, and that by the end of the Song dynasty, it meant transcendental “humanity.” Quantitative textual analysis affects our understanding of ren by supporting and qualifying existing theories, and also by illuminating new areas of research.   iii  Preface This thesis is original, unpublished, independent work by the author, Robin Curtis.   iv  Table of Contents Abstract ..................................................................................................................................... ii Preface ...................................................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................... iv  List of Tables ............................................................................................................................. vi Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................vii Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 Overview of Chapters ...................................................................................................... 3 Quantitative Methodology ............................................................................................... 5 Notes and Conventions .................................................................................................... 8 Chapter One: The Origins of Ren .............................................................................................. 10 First Appearances .......................................................................................................... 10 Scholarly Interpretations ................................................................................................ 15 Quantitative Analysis .................................................................................................... 20  Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 28 Chapter Two: The Establishment of Ren ................................................................................... 30 Analects ......................................................................................................................... 30 Mencius ......................................................................................................................... 42 Xunzi............................................................................................................................. 50  Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 56 Chapter Three: The Evolution of Ren ........................................................................................ 57 Chunqiu Fanlu............................................................................................................... 57 Qianfulun ...................................................................................................................... 61 Yuan Dao ...................................................................................................................... 64  Zhu Xi ........................................................................................................................... 67  Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 77 Chapter Four: Adaptations of Ren ............................................................................................. 79 Daodejing ...................................................................................................................... 80 Zhuangzi ....................................................................................................................... 83 Mozi .............................................................................................................................. 87  Hanfeizi ......................................................................................................................... 92   v  Taiping Jing .................................................................................................................. 96  Huashu ........................................................................................................................ 100  Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms ......................................................................... 104  Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 108 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 109 References .............................................................................................................................. 117 Appendix A: Quantitative Analysis Methodological Guide ..................................................... 125  Appendix B: Digital Text Locations ........................................................................................ 127  Appendix C: Book of Documents Chapter Delineation ............................................................. 129    vi  List of Tables Table 1: The Book of Odes 詩經 ............................................................................................... 21 Table 2: The Book of Document 尚書 (“New Text” Only) ......................................................... 25 Table 3: Scholarly Interpretations of Ren in the Analects ........................................................... 39  Table 4: The Analects 論語 ....................................................................................................... 40 Table 5: The Mencius 孟子 ....................................................................................................... 48 Table 6: The Xunzi 荀子 ........................................................................................................... 54  Table 7: The Chunqiu Fanlu 春秋繁露 ..................................................................................... 60 Table 8: The Qianfu Lun 潛夫論 ............................................................................................... 63 Table 9: Yuan Dao 原道 ............................................................................................................ 66 Table 10: General Statistics for the Four Books and the Commentaries on the Four Books ........ 75 Table 11: Commentaries on the Four Books 四書章句集注 ...................................................... 76 Table 12: The Daodejing 道德經 .............................................................................................. 82  Table 13: The Zhuangzi 莊子 (Inner Chapters) .......................................................................... 86 Table 14: The Mozi 墨子 ........................................................................................................... 91 Table 15: The Hanfeizi 韓非子 ................................................................................................. 95  Table 16: The Taipingjing 太平經 ............................................................................................. 99 Table 17: The Huashu 化書 .................................................................................................... 103 Table 18: Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms ..................................................................... 107      vii  Acknowledgements I received the greatest support in this project from my three committee members. During my first semester at the University of British Columbia, Leo Shin helped foster and direct my interest in the Analects. As time went on, he remained an excellent source of new ideas and perspective. In class, Bruce Rusk helped me develop the skills and confidence to interpret and analyze classical Chinese texts independently. Outside of class, his sharp attention to detail helped me focus and clarify my arguments. From start to finish, Edward Slingerland provided me with invaluable advice and encouragement. He helped facilitate so many new opportunities for me, and in so doing made my studies truly memorable and worthwhile. I am also thankful to my many other teachers and colleagues. I was fascinated and grateful to sit in on lab meetings with Ara Norenzayan, Joe Henrich, and Ben Purzycki, who helped me see things in a more scientific light, and supported my interdisciplinary interests in moral psychology. Meanwhile, Ryan Nichols and Carson Logan taught me the basics of performing statistical analyzing on digitized Chinese texts, and responded quickly to my requests for assistance. I benefitted immensely from debates and discussions with my classmates and friends. Finally, I could not have completed this project without the constant love and support of my parents, Janny, and Cassie. Thank you for the many ways you have helped me, and continue to help me, in my academic journey.     1  Introduction This thesis seeks to answer two questions. First, how did the meanings of ren 仁 change from its earliest recorded uses in the Western Zhou dynasty (1046 – 771 BCE), to its use by Zhu Xi in the Song dynasty (960 – 1279 CE)? Second, in what ways does quantitative textual analysis affect our qualitative understanding of ren during this time period? To answer these questions, I analyze arguments made by previous scholars, examine key passages in which ren occurs in selected texts, and conduct quantitative analyses on its distribution pattern, as well as the distribution patterns of other, related characters. My goal in this project is to add to our understanding of the development of an important aspect of early Confucian thought, and demonstrate a way in which a new tool can be implemented in humanitarian research. Regarding my time frame, I started as early as possible, and ended at a time after which the mean of ren remained relatively stable for centuries to come. As I will show, in the earliest sources available, ren seems to have meant something close to “manliness,” before Confucius redefined it as a broad, overarching virtue meaning something like “Goodness.” In the centuries that followed, disciples of Confucius honed the meaning of ren to “benevolence,” while philosophers of other schools adopted it for their own, related usages. As Daoism and Buddhism gained strength, the term slowly took on increased cosmological and metaphysical significance. Finally, Zhu Xi cemented it as a person’s essential “humanity,” an internal resource for perfecting oneself, as well as a tool for understanding the unity of all things. I also show that quantitative analysis can add to our qualitative understanding in several ways. First, it can support qualitative theories with numeric data. For example, quantitative analysis can strengthen the argument that love (ai 愛) is part of the meaning of ren in the works of Zhu Xi by showing that, indeed, in nearly one third of the 118 occurrences of ai in Zhu Xi’s  2  commentaries on the Four Books, ai occurs within close proximity to ren.1 Second, quantitative analysis can “qualify” existing arguments. By this I mean that it can provide numerical counter-evidence to qualitative theories – evidence that does not necessarily disprove such theories, but does help us understand them in another context. For example, quantitative analysis can qualify the argument that ren and li 禮 are integrally and inseparably related in the Analects by showing that, of the 110 occurrences of ren within the Analects, only in 5% does it occur within close proximity to li. This is numeric proof that, although the two characters may be related, ren is often used independently of li. Third, quantitative analyses can bring new possible avenues for qualitative research to our attention. For example, a broad-level quantitative analysis of the Mozi reveals that in no cases do ren and xian賢 co-occur in close proximity to one another. This is somewhat surprising, as one might expect the Mohists, who valued ren as the quality of “magnanimity,” would sometimes refer to “worthy” (xian 賢) people as ren. This finding could be a launching point for a more detailed qualitative investigation of how the Mohists describe ren and xian throughout the text, and why exactly the terms do not appear to overlap. Within my qualitative analyses, I view early Confucian thought in terms of virtue ethics. Van Norden (2007) defines virtues as “relatively stable dispositions, the possession of which contributes to leading a flourishing life.”2 They are self-activating internal qualities, which naturally lead a person to perform certain actions in response to certain situations. I argue that throughout much of early Chinese philosophy, ren functions as a virtue. However, the way one acquires it, and the effects it is considered to have upon one’s thoughts and behaviors vary by philosopher. It should be noted that not all scholars agree with viewing the Confucian moral system in terms of “virtue ethics.” Ames and Rosemont (2011) argue that the Confucian moral                                                1 I define “close proximity” as occurring within 10 characters, and justify this definition in more detail shortly. 2 Van Norden 2007, p. 39.  3  system hinges on societal roles and relationships (“role ethics”), rather than abstract virtues, though their position has drawn criticism. For more comprehensive critiques of ethical frameworks within early Confucianism, see Ivanhoe (2008). Overall, this project represents an effort in understanding the roots of prosocial behavior in different cultures. By examining how moral systems with religious underpinnings affect human thought and behavior, it ties into the larger work of both social scientists and humanities scholars at the University of British Columbia’s Centre for Human Evolution, Cognition, and Culture (HECC). Through the Centre, I have also been involved in a psychological study looking at the effects of modern Christianity and Buddhism on Chinese believers’ generosity levels. In some ways, this thesis could be viewed as a counterpart to that project, analyzing Chinese morality in a different time period using different methodologies. More information about the Centre’s textual and empirical studies can be found at www.hecc.ubc.ca.  Overview of Chapters The philosophical scope of my research varies by chapter. In my first chapter, I seek to determine the meaning of ren within early Chinese language as a whole, focusing on the term’s earliest recorded uses in texts of the Western Zhou dynasty (1046 – 771 BCE). Pinning down the term’s “original” written meaning is not easy, due to its small number of occurrences in the texts we have available, and graphical differences in early Chinese writing systems. I consider the ways in which the graphical, phonetic, and semantic components of ren may have come to adhere into a single word unit within these texts. My second chapter focuses on the establishment of ren as a virtue in early Confucian philosophy during the Eastern Zhou dynasty (770 – 221 BCE). I analyze the uses and meanings of ren in the primary works attributed to the three most prominent Confucian thinkers of the time  4  period: Confucius, and his later followers Mencius and Xunzi. During this time period, Confucius established a new, complex meaning for the term, which Mencius and Xunzi inherited, refined, and modified. My third chapter seeks to describe the overall evolution of the Confucian meaning of ren from the beginning of the Han dynasty to the end of the Song dynasty (206 BCE – 1279 CE). To do this, I first focus on the meaning of ren in three case studies of works by the scholars Dong Zhongshu (179 – 104 BCE), Wang Fu (82 – 167 CE), and Han Yu (768 – 824 CE). I selected these works because each illuminates important aspects in ren’s development, and each derives from a different influential thinker and time period. Next, I analyze ren as described by the neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi (1130 – 1200), arguably China’s most influential Confucian thinker after Confucius himself. All four of these writers helped to update Confucian philosophy, and keep it competitive with other ideas of the times. My fourth chapter consists of a series of case studies on non-Confucian adaptations of ren, both in the Warring States period (475 – 221 BCE) and the centuries that followed. My goal is to show how ideas in other philosophies may have affected the developments of ren outlined in Chapters 2 and 3. The Warring States texts I select to analyze consist of the Daodejing, and the primary works of Zhuangzi, the Mohists, and Hanfeizi, as these are the main texts for some of the most influential non-Confucian schools of thought of that time period. For the time period that follows, the texts I select are the Taiping jing, the Huashu, and Soothill and Hodous’ Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms. I chose these texts to showcase how the same methods I apply earlier in the thesis can be applied to other types of texts in different time periods, with varying degrees of success.   5  Quantitative Methodology Given its great importance within Confucian philosophy, ren has understandably been the subject of much previous academic research. However, my own research is unique in that I take advantage of a methodology that has only recently become available: statistical analysis of digitized Chinese texts. Thanks to the Chinese Text Project (or “Ctext”), the texts I am dealing with are publicly available in electronic format. Ctext was created by Donald Sturgeon, who is currently a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University. With some technical skill, one can download the content of Ctext, and make use of computer software to process and analyze tens or even hundreds of thousands of characters at once. These analyses can highlight word patterns and relationships not easily discernable to the human eye. A major goal of this thesis is to complement qualitative scholarly observations with quantitative data, and I include a “quantitative exploration” table for every major text I address. To clarify my research process, and help make this tool available to future scholars, I have outlined my full quantitative methodology in Appendix 1. Here, I introduce the reader to the contents of my statistical tables and explain how to interpret them. Each table begins with basic information regarding the text name, author, era, and word count, followed by a series of columns with character-specific information. The first column, “Character,” lists the characters that I consider most relevant for understanding ren within the larger context of the text. The characters I choose to include differ somewhat by text – for example, I include yin 陰 and yang陽 for Daoist texts, but not for texts from other traditions in which these terms are absent or very rare. However, there are several terms, such as tian 天, de 德, and dao 道, that I track through every text.  6  The second column, “Translation,” provides what I feel is the best English translation for each character, given the text and time period in question. These translations are based on the main translations given by scholars in the field, as well as my own interpretations. In some cases, characters may have additional secondary meanings and translations other than those I provide, which should be kept in mind. The third column, “Hits,” shows the raw number of occurrences of the characters in question within the text. All characters in a table are sorted by hits in descending order. This gives a very rough estimate of the importance each author attributes to different concepts within the text, based on the frequency with which the concepts are mentioned. Of course, this connection is not perfect, and in some case, a rarely-mentioned term may be quite important, or an oft-mentioned term may be less important. In addition, authors may employ negative or alternate versions of terms, or bring up terms from other philosophies in order to criticize them, all of which contribute to character “hits.” Interpreting numbers in this column in a meaningful way often requires follow-up analyses. The fourth column, labeled “仁 Prox.,” stands for “proximity to ren,” and contains a percentage and a number in parentheses.3 The percentage indicates the percent of occurrences of the character in question which appear within 10 characters of ren. In other words, if “仁 Prox.” is 25% for a given character, then one quarter of its occurrences are 10 characters in front or behind of the character ren. The number in parentheses indicates the actual number of occurrences of the character in question that fall within this range. The purpose of this column is to quantitatively identify other terms within the text which may be linguistically or semantically                                                3 This column is present in all tables except for those in Chapter 1, and the final table of Chapter 4. There are so few occurrences of ren in the texts examined in Chapter 1 that this measure is not meaningful. Meanwhile, the content in the final text of Chapter 4 is structured in such a way that this measure is not meaningful.  7  tied to ren. The average sentence length in the corpus I analyzed is approximately 12 characters, where “sentence” is defined as a one- or two-part phrase containing a single idea or statement. For the “仁 Prox.” measure, I was not able to ensure that ren occurred in the same sentence as the target character (though of course occurrences in prior and subsequent sentences may also be related). I chose the 10-character search window as broad enough to capture most direct connections between ren and the target character, but narrow enough to avoid many extraneous hits.4 As with the “Hits” column, numbers in the “仁 Prox.” column may require further analysis or explanation to be meaningful. The fifth column is “Rank.” Numbers in this column are inversely related to a characters’ “Hits,” and indicate the relative frequency of characters within the text (the most common character is ranked 1, the second-most common is ranked 2, etc.). Like “Hits,” “Rank” can be used to very roughly estimate the relative importance of a character within a text. However, in any given text, grammatical terms without substantive meaning – such as ye 也, zhi 之, er 而, yu 于, and yi 矣 – typically occupy most of the top 30 to 40 ranks. Because I needed to easily read and understand the texts under analysis within my computer program, and because I wished to deal with the original texts themselves (or as close to the originals as possible), I did not remove grammatical terms from my texts prior to analysis. Thus, the reader should keep in mind that most of the top 30 to 40 ranked characters in every text are grammatical terms. Moreover, textual vocabularies vary widely based on era, author, and writing style. Thus, a character’s exact rank number is less meaningful than its rank relative to other important characters in the text. The                                                4 This character window was not empirically determined, but based on my own experience and intuition. Further studies might improve on my methodology by performing more in-depth analyses on how different character windows affect search results.  8  final column is “Additional Comments,” and contains important notes regarding certain characters, and any follow-up analyses I may have performed. I do not perform more advanced statistical tests beyond collecting and interpreting descriptive statistics. I did this in order to keep my quantitative analyses as simple as possible, and understandable to all audiences. However, this decision does limit me in that I am unable to make claims about the statistical significance of my findings. It should be noted that other techniques exist for analyzing and understanding ancient Chinese texts in greater depth, which I discuss in my conclusion. My primary quantitative goal is to augment qualitative arguments by illuminating the numeric context of ren in ancient Chinese texts. In addition, I also provide basic statistics for many other major terms from the texts in question, something which has not been done before. The quantitative tables in this thesis may thus be a useful resource for those interested in other terms as well. Notes and Conventions Most of my secondary sources are limited to English language publications. I have striven to check that my discussions do not neglect major ideas found in scholarship in other languages, though more recent publications may have escaped my notice. Wade-Giles romanizations in quotations from secondary literature have silently been emended to pinyin, and I cite all secondary sources using footnotes. Because all of my primary source quotations derive from high-quality online versions of ancient Chinese texts (primarily Ctext.org), I have consolidated their source details in Appendix 2. With regard to my conventions for writing characters and their romanizations, I refer to the character 仁 as ren throughout this thesis. For all other important characters, I include both the pinyin romanization and the Chinese character (e.g. hao 好) the first time I list it within a  9  given paragraph. For subsequent occurrences within that paragraph, I use only the pinyin form. For characters within quantitative tables, I list only the character form to maximize clarity and conserve space. At times, this requires the reader to possess knowledge of Chinese to make full sense of the tables. To avoid confusion between ren 仁 and ren 人, I use ren 人 when referring to the latter in pinyin.  Finally, with regard to my introduction to each text, it should be noted that this thesis covers a very large breadth of time and material. As I examine the uses of ren across different texts, I provide what I consider to be the most relevant background and contextual information. However, due to space limitations, I must limit my summaries to aspects most relevant to ren. My introductory summaries should not be viewed as comprehensive.   10  1. The Origins of Ren  My goal in this chapter is to establish the pre-Confucian meaning of ren. I begin by citing the earliest occurrences of ren in the Book of Odes and the Book of Documents. I then discuss the ways in which modern scholars have interpreted its meaning within these passages and overall. Finally, I summarize my statistical analyses on the Book of Odes and Book of Documents, generating additional context for interpretation. I conclude that, before the Warring States, ren most closely meant “manliness,” though uncertainty surrounding passage and character authenticities make this claim fairly rough and tentative. Assuming they are authentic, the passages in the Book of Odes highlight the physical aspects of ren, whereas those in the Book of Documents highlight its moral aspects. First Appearances The character ren has not been found in the oracle bones or bronze inscriptions of the Shang dynasty.5 It first appears twice in the Book of Odes, a collection of hymns and poems from the early Zhou, and once or twice in the ancient portions of the Book of Documents, a collection of historical addresses by early Zhou kings and ministers.6 Both texts date from between 1000 – 600 BCE.7 Ren also appears three additional times in the received version of the Book of Documents, and 13 times in the appendices of the received Book of Changes.8 However, these passages were written as forgeries during the Han dynasty,9 and like much of the rest of the                                                5 Chan 1955, p. 295; Lin 1974, p. 172. To support this claim, Chan (1955) also cites an in-depth analysis performed by Tung Tso-Pin 董作賓 in 1953: “The Word ‘Jên’ in Archaic Script (in Chinese),” published in Academic Review 2(1). I was unable to locate this original article, but my own investigation into the Chinese Ancient Texts (CHANT) online database confirmed that ren does not appear in the oracle bones, nor in any bronze inscriptions prior to the Warring States. 6 Chan 1955, p. 296; Chan 1975, p. 107. Lin 1975, p. 173. I will discuss chapter dating in the Book of Documents in more detail shortly. For a list of all of the chapters believed to date from the Western Zhou dynasty, see Appendix 1. 7 Loewe 1993c, p. 415; Shaughnessy 1993, p. 376. 8 Ctext.org 2015. 9 Chan 1955, p. 296; Shaughnessy 1993, pp. 378 – 389.  11  Thirteen Classics, they are not representative of Chinese thought before the Warring States period.10 Given that we have so few occurrences of ren before the Warring States, it is worth investigating each of them in detail. Below are the two poems from the Book of Odes containing ren, along with their translations by James Legge (1871) and Arthur Waley (1937). When interpreting the word choices of Legge, it should be noted that he utilized later commentaries in making his translations, and was not as interested in portraying the original meaning of the passages, as he was in portraying the orthodox Chinese literary interpretation. Also, while the content of the Book of Odes is generally considered to be authentic, it should be noted that the character forms observed in text may date from somewhat later periods. In a cross-examination between archaeological fragments of the Book of Odes from the late Warring States and early Han and the received version of the text, Kern (2005) found character form variation of 30 – 40%, suggesting that earlier forms of the text circulated orally rather than in writing.11 The dates of origin of the two poems are unclear, but they share a striking resemblance in style, suggesting they were composed around the same time, and possibly by the same person.12 In both poems, I have listed the character ren and its translation in bold. Ode #77 “叔于田 Shu Yu Tian”  叔于田、巷無居人。 豈無居人、不如叔也、洵美且仁。  叔于狩、巷無飲酒。 豈無飲酒、不如叔也、洵美且好。                                                 10 Watson 1962, p. 148. 11 Kern 2005, pp. xix – x. 12 Based on historical accounts of nobility and hunting, Lin (1974) dated these two passages to approximately 743 – 722 BCE (p. 200). However, this dating method is extremely speculative.  12  叔適野、巷無服馬。 豈無服馬、不如叔也、洵美且武。  Legge’s 1871 translation: “Shu has gone hunting; and in the streets there are no inhabitants. Are there indeed no inhabitants? [But] they are not like Shu, who is truly admirable and kind.  Shu has gone to the grand chase; and in the streets there are none feasting. Are there indeed none feasting? [But] they are not like Shu, who is truly admirable and good.  Shu has gone into the country; and in the streets there are none driving about. Are there indeed none driving about? [But] they are not like Shu, who is truly admirable and martial.”13  Waley’s 1937 translation:  “Shu is away in the hunting-fields, there is no one living in our lane. Of course there are people living in our lane; but they are not like Shu, so beautiful, so good.   Shu has gone after game. No one drinks wine in our lane.  Of course people do drink wine in our lane; but they are not like Shu, so beautiful, so loved.   Shu has gone to the wilds. No one drives horses in our lane.  Of course people do drive horses in our lane; but they are not like Shu, so beautiful, so brave.”14  Ode #103 “盧令 Lu Ling” 盧令令、其人美且仁。  盧重環、其人美且鬈。  盧重鋂、其人美且偲。  Legge’s 1871 translation: “Ling-ling go the hounds; - their master is admirable and kind.  There go the hounds with their double rings; - their master is admirable and good.  There go the hounds with their triple rings; - their master is admirable and able.”15  Waley’s 1937: “Here come the hounds, ting-a-ling, and their master so handsome and good;  The hounds, with double ring, their master so handsome and brave.                                                13 Legge 1871, as quoted in the translation section of Ctext.org. 14 Waley 1937, p. 39. 15 Legge 1871, as quoted in the translation section of Ctext.org.  13   The hounds, with double hoop, their master so handsome and strong.”16  I will discuss the ways in which these poems have been interpreted in the next section. For now, it is sufficient to note that in both poems, ren describes a hunter, and in both cases, it is coupled with the term mei 美, translated by Legge as “admirable,” and by Waley as “beautiful” or “handsome.” It also appears in parallel construction to four other terms – hao 好, wu 武, quan 鬈, and cai 偲 – respectively translated by Legge as “good,” “martial,” “good,” and “able,” and by Waley as “loved,” “brave,” “brave,” and “strong.” It is also worth noting that, among the other songs and poems in the Book of Odes, many praise attractive young men or women as ideal lovers, something which these poems containing ren may be doing as well.  Next, I will describe two passages from the Book of Documents containing ren, along with their English translations. The origins of these passages are more controversial than the poems in the Book of Odes, and perhaps for this reason, these passages are less often cited by scholars attempting to identify ren’s early meaning. Nevertheless, they add another dimension to the possible interpretations of ren, and are thus important to address. Both passages appear within the Book of Zhou sub-section of the Book of Documents, a section which is generally agreed to be a mix of authentic early Zhou chapters and later Han forgeries.17 The second passage also appears in the excavated Tsinghua manuscripts, which I will discuss shortly. Beyond this, the Tsinghua manuscripts do not include other content related to ren. I have provided a full list delineating the authentic, unauthentic, and ambiguous chapters of the Book of Documents in Appendix 3. The first passage, given below, is under some suspicion of being a forgery.                                                16 Waley 1937, p. 285. 17 Shaughnessy 1993, p. 377.  14  From Taishi zhong 泰誓中 (“Great Declaration II”): 受有億兆夷人,離心離德。予有亂臣十人,同心同德。雖有周親,不如仁人。天視自我民視,天聽自我民聽。  Legge’s 1865 translation: “Shou has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, divided in heart and, divided in practice; I have of ministers, able to govern, ten men, one in heart and one in practice. Though he has his nearest relatives with him, they are not like my virtuous men. Heaven sees as my people see; Heaven hears as my people hear.”18  Karlgren (1950) did not translate the above passage, believing it to have been composed in the Han. On the other hand, this was the only passage in the Book of Documents that Chan (1955) believed to be authentic. More recently, Shaughnessy (1993) has argued that this chapter was cobbled together from quotes in other works, and that although it is has traditionally held the same status as the ancient chapters, it “does not share the same provenance as the other chapters and is generally regarded as a forgery of the Han period.”19 Thus, we should be cautious of regarding it as representative of ren’s pre-Confucian meaning. A second occurrence appears within the Book of Zhou, quoted below. From the received version of Jin teng 金滕 (“Metal-Bound Coffer”):          若爾三王是有丕子之責于天,以旦代某之身。予仁若考能,多材多藝,能事鬼神。20 Legge’s 1865 translation: “If you three kings have in Heaven the charge of (watching over) him, (Heaven's) great son, let me Dan be a substitute for his person. I was lovingly obedient to my father; I am possessed of many abilities and arts, which fit me to serve spiritual beings.”21  Karlgren’s 1950 translation: “If you three kings really (have the debt of a great son towards Heaven =) owe a great son to Heaven (i.e. if he must die), then substitute me, Tan, for So-and-so’s person. I am good and compliant, clever and capable, I have much talent and much skill, I can serve the spirits.”                                                18 Legge 1865, as quoted in the translation section of Ctext.org. 19 Shaughnessy 1993, pp. 378 – 379. 20 Text and punctuation from p. 18 of尚書正義七 in digital edition of 武英殿十三經注疏 on ctext.org. 21 Legge 1865, as quoted in the translation section of Ctext.org.  15   Although both Legge and Karlgren regard this occurrence as authentic, archaeological evidence from the Tsinghua manuscripts, excavated in 2008, calls its authenticity into question. These bamboo slips, which date to the Warring States period, contain a similar version to this passage, in which the character ning 佞, translated as “clever,”22 appears in place of ren. The terms ning 佞 and ren 仁 were cognate terms of similar pronunciation and meaning in archaic Chinese.23 I will address the way in which Confucius later contrasted them in the next chapter, but for the time being, it is worth noting that the character ning would seemingly make good sense in this location, which calls the authenticity of the received version of the passage into question. If they are authentic, the occurrences of ren in both of these passages pertain explicitly to internal qualities rather than external. Also, both passages deal with relations between superiors and inferiors – rulers, ministers, and commoners in the first passage, and Heaven and men in the second. Finally, in both cases, ren is used as a way of delineating a more capable person or people from the less capable. Scholarly Interpretations Based on the passages just discussed, and on the general context in which these passages occur, scholars in the last 70 years have put forth several possible interpretations for the early meanings of ren. First, many scholars agree that the term ren grew out of, or was closely associated with, the cognate term of ren人, meaning “man” or “human.”24 Based on earlier textual evidence, we know that the term ren人 predates ren, and it seems likely that the latter developed as a stative verb to convey certain qualities of the former.25 Scholarly opinions differ,                                                22 Meyer 2014, pp. 947 – 951. 23 Slingerland 2003a, p. 2, with reference to Nivison 1999, p. 751. 24 Chan 1955, p. 296; Chan 1975, p. 120; Lin 1975, p. 178; Graham 1989, p. 17; Slingerland 2001, p. 101. 25 Graham 1989, p. 19.  16  however, as to what these qualities are. Four major interpretations, sometimes overlapping, are ren as kindness or love toward others, ren as manliness or virility, ren as clan-based nobleness, and ren as co-humanity. I will briefly discuss all of these, as well as some findings regarding the etymological roots of ren. The primary supporter of ren as kindness is Chan (1955). He argues that in all of its occurrences before the Warring States, ren “means kindness shown by rulers to their subjects… Chinese scholars agree that [ren] in the ancient Classics connotes a particular type of virtue, namely, kindness of a ruler to his people.”26 This interpretation draws criticism from Lin (1974), however, who finds such a reading anachronistic and far-fetched. Lin asks how the word “kind” could fit into the same category as words like “brave,” “daring,” and “handsome.” 27 By 1975, Chan had altered his stance, writing that “in pre-Confucian Classics… [ren] means benevolence, a particular virtue, along with other particular virtues like wisdom, liberality, etc.”28 In this passage, Chan’s argument is that Confucius later innovated the broader meaning of ren, whereas its earlier meaning was more narrow. However, his argument retains the same flaws originally noted by Lin. At least in the Book of Odes, we do not find any direct link between ren and benevolence. Rather, his interpretation seems heavily influenced by later philosophers like Confucius and Mencius. On the other hand, if we take one or both passages containing ren from the Book of Documents as authentic, such a view becomes somewhat more plausible. In these passages, ren functions as a positive descriptor for those in a position to serve others, and thus could be construed as conveying a certain degree of kindness or benevolence. Watson (1938) makes a somewhat similar claim to Chan, though he does so by interpreting the evidence in a different way. First, he views ren人 as “members of the tribe,” and                                                26 Chan 1955, p. 296. 27 Lin 1974, p. 177. 28 Chan 1975, p. 107.  17  argues that these members necessarily “show a forbearance towards one another that they do not show to aliens.” Then, “just as the Latin gens, ‘clan,’ gave rise to our own word ‘gentle,’” Watson argues so too that ren “in Chinese came to mean ‘kind,’ ‘gentle,’ ‘humane.’”29 Watson thus reads the virile hunter described in the Odes in a softer light as “a perfectly satisfactory lover,” drawing on the context of other related love poems for support. Interestingly, another linguistic parallel can be seen in the word “kind,” which stems from the Old English cynd and the Proto-Germanic root kunjam, both related to the word “kin.”30 Just as the same “kind” of people (i.e. people who share kin with one another) are “kind” to one another (i.e. act “with the feeling of relatives for each other”), one could argue that people of the same tribe (ren人) are kind (ren) to one another. This conception incorporates aspects of both Chan and Watson’s views of ren.  An alternate interpretation is of ren as manliness, not just in the sense of physical virility, but also as “qualities a man should have.” Lin (1974) makes a case for this, arguing that “in a derivative sense [of the term ren人, ren] could presumably be used to describe a man having qualities which made him deserve the name of a man,” including handsomeness and attractiveness.31 Schwartz (1985) implements the same argument, but takes it one step further. Like Watson, he makes comparison to the semantic development of Latin root words, arguing that just as vir originally meant “virility” in the physical sense, so too did ren, but both terms eventually evolved to entail “virtue.”32 This argument is both eloquent and plausible, as we do indeed find both types of usage in the Book of Odes and Book of Documents. Tu (1981) expresses a related view: that one aspect of ren’s pre-Confucian meaning was being “fully                                                29 Watson 1938, p. 27. 30 Harper 2015. http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=kind. This online etymological dictionary combines 22 principal hard copy sources. Its entry on “kind” corroborates with that found in the Oxford English Dictionary. 31 Lin 1974, p. 179. 32 Shwartz 1985, p. 75.  18  human or adult in the ethical sense,” and that ren was originally inseparable from traits of bravery and intelligence.33 A third interpretation of ren, which sometimes overlaps with the others, is that of ren as nobleness. Shun (1993) considers it possible that ren may have “originally referred to the quality that makes someone a distinctive member of an aristocratic clan,” though he does not reject the alternate hypothesis of ren as kindness.34 Watson (1938), meanwhile, argues that ren is just the word ren人 with “a slight modification,” and that ren人 originally meant “freemen, men of the tribe,” as opposed to min 民, who were “subjects” or “the common people.”35 Graham (1989) makes a very similar argument, writing that ren人, as the root of ren, was a noun “which the aristocratic clans of the [early Zhou] used to distinguish themselves from the common people.” He goes on to say that ren人 was a term distinguishing the civilized Chinese from barbarians, who although technically “human,” should be classed with animals until they had developed virtue. By extension, Graham believes “the stative verb ren, as it was inherited by Confucius, covers like English ‘noble’ the whole range of superior qualities distinctive of the man of breeding.”36 While we do not find the noble vs. uncivilized divide in any of the early passages containing ren, in all cases it does seem to describe a superior sort of man with diverse characteristics and abilities, lending credibility to this interpretation as well.  A fourth interpretation is of ren as a signifier of co-humanity or human relations. These interpretations stem mainly from the etymology of the character itself. Though Chan (1975)                                                33 Tu 1981, p. 48. Tu bases his discussion in this section around a Chinese article by Fang Ying-hsien (1974), cited as: "Yüan-jen lun-tzu Shih Shu chih K'ung Tzu shih-t'ai kuan-nien chih yen-pien." Ta-lu tsa-chih 52 (3): 22-34. Unfortunately, I was unable to locate this piece. On page 48, Tu (1981) paraphrases Fang’s main argument: that ren originally entailed both ai ren 愛人, or “love and care for others,” and cheng ren 成人, or being “fully human or adult in the ethical sense,” and that Confucius later merged these concepts together. As Tu does not explain how Fang came to these conclusions, I mention them only in this footnote. 34 Shun 1993, p. 457. 35 Waton 1938, p. 27. 36 Graham 1989, p. 19.  19  argues that ren originally meant benevolence, he also writes, given “that the word ren consists of two parts, one meaning an individual man and the other meaning two (human relations),” translating it as “co-humanity” expresses its “essential meaning.”37 Similarly, Tu (1981) observes that the left half of ren is a human figure, whereas the two strokes on the right “suggest human relations.”38 Lin (1974) disagrees, arguing that the original etymological meaning of ren is unclear. He feels it may have been phonetic, or it may simply have meant “man.” These arguments, however, are qualified by several newer pieces of archaeological evidence. In the early 1970’s, a cache of silk texts was discovered and excavated at a tomb in Mawangdui in Changsha, China. Although the tomb was sealed in the Han dynasty, the texts within may have dated from the Warring States, or at least have been copied from texts of that era. The cache did not contain versions of the Book of Odes or Book of Documents, but it did contain a version of the Daodejing, a text containing ren that I will address in more detail in Chapter 3. My purpose for referencing it here is that this text contains a different form of the character ren 仁, written as a “body” radical 身 above a “heart” radical 心, or .39 Richter (2005) expresses uncertainty about this character, writing that “it is unclear whether  is a character entirely different from 仁, or whether the two have a component in common.”40 More recent publications have shed additional light on this character’s nature. As it turns out,  also appears in a second version of the Daodejing, found in the Guodian tombs of Hubei, which were sealed between the mid-fourth and very early third-century BCE.41 Caboara (2014) explains that this character form is part of the Chu script, “a regional variant of the Chinese Script that                                                37 Chan 1975, p. 120. 38 Tu 1981, p. 47. 39 Richter 2005, p. 174. 40 Ibid. 41 Slingerland 2008, p. 239.  20  remained un-unified prior to the advent of imperial China in 221 B.C.,” and which makes common use of the “loangraph,” “a homophonous or nearly homophonous graph borrowed to write another word.”42 In a more in-depth analysis, Galambos (2006) shows how the Chu graph for ren, like the modern graph, began as 人, but unlike the modern graph, it then passed through the middle stages of 千 and 身 before becoming .43 Both Galambos and Caboara agree that  likely functioned as a semi-homophonous loangraph, but that the semantic component of 人 in this form of ren was lost.44 Several other intermediate or intermediate forms of the character (including , , and ) have also recently been identified.45 Thus, we can conclude that several different forms of the character ren, were in existence during the Warring States period. This shows that etymological analyses focusing exclusively on the combination of 人 and 二 are inadequate. It should also serve as a warning against “character fetishization,” or giving “exaggerated status to Chinese characters in the interpretation of Chinese language, thought, and culture.” 46 Quantitative Analysis As there are only a handful of passages from before the Warring States containing ren, and I have already listed all of them in full, I cannot run any quantitative analyses on the character ren itself, as I will in the following chapters. However, other words associated with ren do appear more often in the Book of Odes and Book of Documents, and some of these words lend themselves to analysis. Table 1 below includes statistics for the Book of Odes.                                               42 Caboara 2014, p. 256. 43 Galambos 2006, pp. 73 – 75. 44 Ibid., p. 75; Caboara, p. 257. 45 Galambos 2006, pp. 73 – 75; Xiao xue tang 2015, http://xiaoxue.iis.sinica.edu.tw/yanbian?kaiOrder=78. 46 Edward McDonald 2009, p. 1194.  21  Table 1: The Book of Odes 詩經  Author: Unknown | Era: Western Zhou | Total Characters: 30,447 | Total Vocabulary: 2,852  Character Translation Hits  Rank Additional Comments ren 人 man  273 12 • Occurs most commonly in the couplets 人之, 之人, 他人, and 人不 • Most common descriptive modifier is 良, to form 良人 • Beyond this, there is no clear pattern in the usage of 人; it appears to be neutral tian 天 Heaven 170 22  de 德 virtue; charismatic power 71 62  hao 好 good; love/loved 46 113 • Approximately 33% of usages relate to pleasant sights or sounds, 20% to a romantic lover, 20% to a friend or clansman, and 27% to some other subject (e.g. positive action, demeanor); in other words, it is a very flexible term  wu 武 martial; brave; warlike 45 117 • Approximately 38% of usages relate to King Wu, 18% to a hunter or warrior, 16% to war in general, and 28% to some other subject (e.g. nobility, posterity) • Typically linked to descriptions of strength and power dao 道 way; path; to say 32 176  mei 美 beautiful; admirable; good  40 138 • All occurrences are within 14 odes in the section 國風 (first quarter of text) • 80% of hits occur within 2 characters of the character 人 or a person’s name, demonstrating a close link to people • Of the remaining occurrences, all are descriptive, including the phrases 美目, 美無度, 美如英, and 美如玉 quan 鬈 good; brave 1 2,070 • Occurs only once in Ode 107 cai 偲 able; strong 1 2,070 • Occurs only once in Ode 107   22   As shown above, mei美, most commonly translated as “beautiful,” “admirable,” or “good,” occurs 40 times across 14 different odes, though all of its occurrences are confined to the first section, titled Guo feng 國風, representing approximately the first 25% of the text. Notably, 80% of its occurrences are within two characters of ren人 or a person’s name (or other human signifier, such as nü 女), suggesting a direct link to people. Its remaining occurrences tend to be in descriptive phrases, such as mei mu 美目 “beautiful eyes,” mei wu du 美無度 “limitless beauty,” mei ru ying 美如英 “beautiful as a flower,” and mei ru yu 美如玉 “beautiful as jade.” Generally, its occurrences are linked to external splendor and admiration, and in some cases, Legge and Waley adopt alternate translations such as “elegant” or “lovely.” While we cannot say that ren is necessarily physical or external based on its coupling with mei 美, these findings related to mei 美 do add more context for understanding the two words as they appear in parallel with one another. Meanwhile, ren人, most commonly translated as “man,” “person,” or “human,” occurs 273 times in the Book of Odes, and is evenly distributed throughout the entire text. It is one of the most common characters in the text, and shows up at least once in nearly half of the odes. The ideal hypothesis to test would be whether there are cases in which the term ren人 seems to be shifting away from its noun meaning of “man” or “person,” and taking on a more descriptive grammatical function. This could provide more evidence of ren having arisen as a stative verb of the noun ren人. Unfortunately, my analytical techniques are not advanced enough to accommodate this type of test. All I could discover was that, as might be expected, the couplets in which ren人 occurs most frequently are ren zhi 人之 “X person’s,” zhi ren 之人 “person of X,” ta ren 他人 “other person,” and ren bu 人不 “person does/is not.” Outside of these, the majority  23  of occurrences simply consist of ren人in conjunction with miscellaneous verbs. This seems to suggest that ren人 is primarily a neutral, fluid term without positive or negative connotations. The most common stative verb paired with ren人 does happen to be liangren 良人 “good person/people”, with 8 occurrences across 4 odes, but this alone does not tell us much. As for hao 好, it is most commonly translated as “good,” “love” (as a transitive verb), or “loved.” It occurs 46 times across 35 odes, and is well distributed throughout the text, occurring slightly more frequently than mei 美. Approximately 33% of its usages relate to pleasant sights or sounds, 20% relate to a romantic lover, 20% relate to a friend or clansmen, and 27% relate to some other subject, such as positive action or demeanor. In other words, hao 好 is very flexible, and can be used to describe many things. This may help explain why Legge translates hao 好 in Ode #77 as “good,” whereas Waley translates it as “loved.” While hao 好 has multiple uses, it is certainly always positive, and the same might be said for ren. Next, wu 武, most commonly translated as “martial,” “brave,” or “warlike,” is slightly less common than hao 好, occurring 45 times across 24 odes, with a higher density in the last two sections, Da ya 大雅 and Song 頌 (approximately one third of the text). Again, I coded the word by usage, and found that it shows up most commonly (38% of the time) as part of the name of the King Wu, also known as the “Martial King.” While King Wu is a legendary hero in Chinese tradition, I discounted these occurrences as having no relation to the early meaning of ren. The next most frequent uses of wu 武 are in relation to hunters or warriors (18%), to war in general (16%), or to some other subject (28%), such as nobility or posterity. In most cases, wu 武 appears alongside descriptions of strength and power. These statistics pertaining to wu 武 may  24  qualify Watson’s proposition of ren as “gentle,” at least within the Book of Odes, as it would seem somewhat contradictory (though not inconceivable) to describe a person as both “gentle” and wu 武 in the same passage. Finally, when I analyzed quan 鬈, and cai 偲 within the Book of Odes, I found that both of them occur only once. Legge and Waley thus based their translations of “good/brave” for quan 鬈 and “able/strong” for cai 偲 entirely on occurrences of these characters in other texts, and I can make no further quantitative observations about them here.  Having completed my analyses for the Book of Odes, I will move on to the Book of Documents (Table 2). I only included the ancient chapters, referred to somewhat counter-intuitively as the “New Text” version by modern scholars.47 I included the ambiguous chapter Tai shi 泰誓 in my analyses, because it has had serious impact on the way Chan and others interpreted ren. However, I also cross-checked all of my analyses without this chapter present, and it did not make a significant impact on the numbers. As for the chapter Jin teng 金滕, for the sake of consistency, I have used the received version of the chapter, and not the version of the portion appearing in the Tsinghua manuscripts. The Tsinghua version could have been an interesting alternative, but there is substantial ambiguity on how to read many characters within it, and it has also not yet been digitized in a way conducive to quantitative analysis.                                               47 See Appendix 1.  25  Table 2: The Book of Document 尚書 (“New Text” Only)  Author: Unknown | Era: Western Zhou | Total Characters: 17,200 | Total Vocabulary: 1,634  Character Translation Hits  Rank Additional Comments tian 天 Heaven 203 11 • Occurs more frequently than any other noun except 王 (296 hits) • Occurs most commonly in the phrase 天命/天之命, followed by 天降 and 天下; implies direct intention and intervention ren 人 man  182 15 • Occurs most commonly in the couplets 一人, 人之, and 人有 • Most common descriptive modifiers are 前 and 古, to form 前人 and 古人 • Again, there is no clear pattern beyond this; it appears to be neutral de 德 virtue; charismatic power 124 22 • Occurs most commonly in the couplets 明德, 德惟, and 德之                 • Other modifiers with multiple occurrences include 王德, 好德, 非德, 凶德                                                               • 17% of occurrences are within 5 characters of 王, suggesting weak connection                                                • The two points above may reflect kings’ need to develop the right type of virtue xin 心 heart 42 81 • Approximately 21% of occurrences are within 4 characters of 德, suggesting weak connection • No other discernable pattern; it appears to be neutral dao 道 way; path; to say 16 215  cai 材 abilities; talent; wood 6 453 • All occurrences outside of the chapter 金滕 are in reference to types of "wood;" not relevant here yi 藝 arts; skill 6 453 • Occurrences outside of the chapter金滕 mainly refer to cultivation of oneself and agriculture, but do not seem relevant here guishen 鬼神 spirits; deities 3 727 • Treated as one character for analysis • Occurs once in chapter 大禹謨, and twice in 金滕 • Additional 7 occurrences of 神 alone usually include reference to 天 or 帝   26   Tian 天 is best translated as “Heaven” prior to the Warring States, not in a Christian sense, but in the sense that it is a personified power located “above” the world. It refers to “an anthropomorphic figure – someone who can be communicated with, angered, or pleased – rather than a physical place.”48 This character occurs 203 times in the Book of Documents New Text, with a frequency rank of 11, making it more common than every other noun in the text except wang 王 “king.” I found it was most frequently paired with tian ming 天命 or tian zhi ming 天之命 “Heaven’s command / mandate,” followed by tian jiang 天降 “Heaven sent down” and tian xia 天下 “under Heaven.” These statistics support the established hierarchical relationship between Heaven and the human world, as well as the idea that Heaven can enforce its intentions through direct intervention. While these facts do not speak directly to the nature of ren, it seems possible that ren was a particular virtue of those subservient to Heaven in the Book of Documents. This may have helped lay the groundwork for the great importance that Confucius later ascribed to ren.  Whereas the divine commonly enters into the dialogue of the Book of Documents through the term tian 天, the word guishen 鬼神, or “spirits,” hardly shows up at all, with only one other occurrence outside the chapter Jin teng. The term shen 神 does occur an additional 7 times on its own, but in almost all cases, it is in the same line as tian 天 or di 帝. Di 帝 is another character signifying the supreme divine being, with high frequency (80 occurrences, rank 34). While the presence of the word guishen 鬼神 shows that other spiritual beings existed within the divine hierarchy of the early Zhou, its few occurrences in the Book of Documents won’t tell us much more about ren.                                                48 Slingerland 2003a, p. xvii.  27  I also once again investigated the cognate ren人, and found similar results to its use in the Book of Odes. In the Book of Documents, this word also occurs with high frequency and wide distribution. Relating it directly to ren is difficult. My most interesting finding was that the most common descriptive modifications to ren人 are guren 古人“ancient people” and qianren 前人 “those who came before.” Passages containing these terms typically refer to wise sayings or lessons from previous generations. This glorification of previous generations would prevail throughout certain schools of Warring States philosophy and beyond.  The term xin 心, best translated as “heart” here, occurs with medium frequency and equal distribution. I searched for patterns of occurrences using it in a positive or negative context, but none emerged. The only weakly present link I found was that, in approximately 25% of its occurrences, xin 心 was accompanied by de 德 within a 4-character search window. De德, translated as “virtue,” “practice,” or “charismatic power,” is much more common. It occurs most frequently in the couplet ming de 明德 “luminous virtue,” and holds a weak but present statistical tie to wang 王 “king” (17% rate of overlap within 5 characters). After these two associations, it shows up most commonly as qualified in the following ways: hao de 好德 “good virtue,” fei de 非德 “non-virtue,” and xiong de 凶德 “bad virtue.” Combined, these statistics may help underscore the scholarly point that de 德 (and possibly ren) was considered an important quality for a ruler to have.49  Finally, much like quan 鬈 and cai 偲 in the Book of Odes, analysis of cai 材 and yi藝 in the Book of Documents did not yield useful results. Both words occur only 6 times in total. In all occurrences outside the chapter Jin teng, cai 材 refers to different types of wood, which is not                                                49 Chan 1955, p. 296.  28  relevant here. Meanwhile, the other instances of yi藝 refer to both personal and agricultural cultivation. While interesting, these examples are too few, and too far removed from the context of the passage in Jin teng to further illuminate ren. Before concluding this section, it is worth noting the relative difficulty of drawing connections between ren and other terms in the Book of Documents, even if one accepts the passages containing ren in the New Text to be authentic. In the Book of Odes, parallel structures and possible rhyme schemes allow scholars to make educated guesses about overlap in meanings and pronunciations. These parallel structures also allowed me to more confidently compare the meaning of ren to the meaning of words like hao 好 and mei 美. However, while working with the less structured passages in the Book of Documents New Text, I could only draw weak connections between words like tian 天 and de 德 and general concepts, and I could only speculate very generally about their possible connection to ren. Thus, the writing structure of ancient texts can strongly influence how we are able to interpret them. Conclusion  Ren first occurs in two authentic passages from the Book of Odes, and two ambiguous passages from the Book of Documents. It seems to have developed from the cognate word ren人 “man,” and its earliest meanings proposed by modern scholars include kindness, benevolence, manliness, nobility, and co-humanity. Given the evidence, I conclude that its most probably meaning was “manliness.” The meaning of ren in the Book of Odes focuses on the physical characteristics of manliness, namely strength and handsomeness, whereas its meaning in the Book of Documents focuses on the moral characteristics of manliness, namely virtue (linked either to the human world, or the divine). Quantitative analysis of the related terms mei 美, hao  29  好, and wu 武 in the Book of Odes, and tian 天 and de 德 in the Book of Documents support these conclusions. Archeological evidence shows that during the Western Zhou, and even the Warring States, the character ren 仁 existed in multiple written forms. This, combined with its phonetic and semantic overlap with ren人 and ning 佞, suggest that the graph, pronunciation, and meaning of ren did not necessarily co-arise simultaneously as a stable unit. Rather, each of its components may have been independently fluid. Perhaps it was in part this fluidity, along with the term’s decidedly positive connotations, which led the early Confucians to appropriate it, as discussed in the next chapter.      30  2. The Establishment of Ren My goal in this chapter is to explain the meanings of ren during the Warring States period, as established by the early Confucians. I begin with the Analects, in which Confucius radically redefines ren, though not without incorporating traces of its earlier meanings. I continue with the Mencius, in which Mencius hones and narrows the meaning of ren, while preserving it as a virtue of utmost importance. I finish with the Xunzi, in which Xunzi challenges Mencius’ account of ren’s acquisition and importance, while preserving it as an important component of self-cultivation. After analyzing a few key passages and scholarly arguments for each text, I complement my findings with quantitative analyses. I conclude that Confucius’ notion of ren, though possessing some ambiguity and inconsistencies, most often equates to an overarching virtue translatable as “Goodness.” Both Mencius and Xunzi view ren as the narrower virtue of “benevolence,” the former believing it to grow naturally from one’s own internal goodness, the latter believing it to be attainable only through diligent study in the Classics. Analects  Confucius famously said, “I transmit rather than innovate.”50 While he was indeed a conservative, seeking to preserve and transmit the teachings and rituals of the early Zhou, his new use of ren was a major innovation. Whereas ren originally meant something like “manliness,” as discussed in the last chapter, Confucius recrafted it into a deep and complex virtue. The Analects is our primary source for understanding the new meaning of ren, along with its role in the earliest stage of Confucian philosophy. This text had major influence on all interpretations of ren that followed, and for this reason I give it particular attention.                                                50 Analects 7.1; Slingerland 2003a, p. 64. Confucius goes on to express trust and love for “the ancient ways.”  31  Composed by Confucius’ disciples sometime in the early Warring States period, The Analects consists of their master’s collected sayings, loosely organized into 20 chapters or “books.” Scholars debate the dates of the various books and passages, especially the last 5 books, which differ from the others in terms of style, and are generally thought to have been composed by later followers. Nevertheless, according to Slingerland (2003), there is “enough consistency in terminological use, conceptual repertoire, and general religious viewpoint to allow us to treat the text as a whole… It is highly unlikely that any stratum of the Analects was composed after the early fourth century BCE, which means that we can safely view the text as a genuine representation of the state of the ‘School of Confucius’ before the innovations of Mencius and Xunzi.”51  Ren appears more often in the Analects than any other major term except jun 君 “gentleman,”52 and is a quintessential aspect of Confucius’ teaching. Despite its prevalence and importance, however, it defies easy definition. One reason for this is that most passages in the Analects are brief and cryptic. Understanding their meaning requires additional commentary and cultural knowledge, and there are often multiple viable interpretations for the same phrase. However, a deeper reason is that Confucius uses ren in a variety of ways, some of which seem to contradict one another. Distilling its essential meaning necessarily requires focusing more on certain passages than others in order to arrive at a coherent picture. To demonstrate this, below I have paraphrased what I feel are the key statements about ren in all 59 passages in which the character appears within the Analects. I have relied on commentary to understand the more cryptic passages, but it should be kept in mind that these statements do not necessarily reflect the full depth of meaning implied by the original author/s of the Analects, nor the differing                                                51 Slingerland 2003a, pp. xiv – xv. 52 See Table 4.  32  interpretations of later scholars. Nevertheless, this is what I feel the text itself actually says about ren, and it is important for contextualizing modern academic perspectives. I will discuss select passages in more detail shortly. Qualities of ren in the Analects:53 • It is rooted in “filial piety and respect for elders.” (1.2) • It is rarely associated with “a clever tongue and fine appearance.” (1.3) • Those who have it deserve care themselves, and have care for others. (1.6) 54 • It is intimately linked to ritual and music. (3.3) • Places where people have it are fine and beautiful. (4.1) • It allows people to “remain constant in adversity” and “enjoy enduring happiness.” (4.2) • Only those who have it can “truly love others or despise others.” (4.3) • If you set your heart sincerely upon it, “you will be free of bad intentions.” (4.4) • A gentleman is always in accord with it. (4.5) • People who truly love it are extremely rare, if they exist at all. (4.6) • Whether a person has it can be known by observing their mistakes. (4.7) • It is far superior to eloquence. (5.5) • It is far superior to management skills, hospitality, and quick wit. (5.8) • It is far superior to rigid loyalty and rigid purity. (5.19) • One star disciple could maintain it for three months; others only sporadically. (6.7) • Those who have it face what is difficult first, and consider benefits only after. (6.22) • It complements wisdom; those with it enjoy mountains, are still, and long-lived. (6.23) • Those who have it cannot be easily “trapped” or “duped.” (6.26) • It is inferior to true sagehood; those who have it help others achieve what’s best. (6.30)  • One should “lean upon” it while practicing the Way. (7.6)                                                53 Quotation marks indicate direct quotes from Slingerland’s 2003 translation of the Analects. Phrases without quotation marks reflect my own understanding based on both the original Chinese, and the combined translations of Slingerland (2003a) and Lau (1992). Book and passage numbers from the Analects are listed after each statement in parentheses. 54 In this list, I frequently use the construction “Those who have it.” Based on classical Chinese grammar, it would also be acceptable to render this phrase as “those who are it,” which has somewhat different connotations in English.  33   • Those who seek it and achieve it have no regrets. (7.15)  • As soon as one desires it, it is there. (7.30)  • Confucius does not claim to have it, but ceaselessly works and encourages others. (7.34)  • Gentlemen being kind toward their relatives can inspire common people to seek it. (8.2)  • It is a heavy burden to carry, and one must carry it until death. (8.7)  • Those who are “excessively criticized” for not having it will become rebellious. (8.10)  • Confucius rarely spoke about it. (9.1)55  • Those who have it are without worry. (9.29)  • It consists of “restraining oneself and returning to the rites.” (12.1)  • It includes being respectful, dutiful, and understanding of others. (12.2)  • Those who have it do not speak rashly. (12.2)  • Those who are “renowned” but not “accomplished” only pretend to have it. (12.20)  • It consists of love or care for others; those who lack it avoid virtuous rulers. (12.22)  • A gentleman relies on his friends in order to achieve it. (12.24)  • A true king could inspire everyone to return to it within a generation. (13.12)  • Those who have it are reverent, respectful, and dutiful. (13.19)  • Those who have it are “resolute, decisive, straightforward,” and slow to speak. (13.27)  • It is superior to humility and contentment. (14.1)  • All who have it are courageous, but not all who are courageous have it. (14.4)  • Not all gentlemen possess it, but no petty people possess it. (14.6)  • It is related to loyalty. (14.16)  • It transcends rigid adherence to a single virtue. (14.17)  • Confucius claims not to have it. (14.28)  • Those who have it never sacrifice it, but must sometimes sacrifice themselves. (15.9)  • One should seek to befriend those who have it. (15.10)  • It can protect what one reaches through wisdom. (15.33)  • Practicing it cannot harm a person. (15.35)  • When pursuing it, one should not defer to anyone. (15.38)                                                55 This is probably the most controversial passage concerning ren in the Analects, and I discuss it in more detail below.  34   • Those who have it apply their skills for the good of the state. (17.1)  • It covers “reverence, magnanimity, trustworthiness, diligence, and kindness.” (17.6)  • It must be balanced with learning. (17.8) • It is rarely associated with “a clever tongue and fine appearance.” (17.17)56  • Those who have it care greatly for their parents. (17.21)  • Those who have it know the right thing to do, depending on their situation. (18.1)  • It is achieved through a combination of learning and reflection. (19.6)  • It is a very lofty achievement. (19.15)  • Those who are arrogant do not have it, and hinder others from attaining it. (19.16)  • Those who have it are superior to common men. (20.1)57  • It is an essential quality of a good ruler. (20.2)  Several paradoxes, contradictions, and points of debate immediately arise from attempts to condense this list to a set of coherent qualities. A basic example is the relative ease or difficulty of attaining ren. While attaining it generally seems to be a very long and difficult process, as reflected in passages 4.6, 6.7, 7.34, 8.7, and 14.28, we find some apparent counterevidence in passage 7.30: 子曰:「仁遠乎哉?我欲仁,斯仁至矣。」Here, Confucius rhetorically asks, “Is [ren] really so far away? If I simply desire [ren], I will find that it is already here.”58 One way to resolve the contradiction is to interpret the passage to mean that ren itself is not what is difficult to attain, but the love or desire for ren. Slingerland (2003) uses this idea to illustrate a particular dilemma in the Analects: “the student cannot learn from the teacher unless he is passionately committed to learning, and this requires possessing a genuine                                                56 This passage is identical to Analects 1.3. 57 In this passage, Confucius is quoting directly from the chapter Tai shi in the Book of Documents, discussed in the last chapter. 58 Slingerland 2003a, p. 74. Note that because ren in the Analects has been translated by scholars in so many different ways, I leave it in its phonetic form during the translations I quote initially in this chapter.  35  love for the Confucian Way.”59 That is, only students who start out with the proper internal substance (zhi 質) will be able to benefit from cultural refinement (wen 文) and attain ren. A still more controversial passage is Analects 9.1: 子罕言利,與命,與仁。The most common interpretation is to read the word han 罕 as “rarely” or “seldom,” and render a translation along the lines of: “The Master rarely spoke of profit, [Heaven’s] mandate, and ren.”60 However, given that ren comes up more frequently than any other virtue in the Analects,61 this reading does not make much sense. Chan (1955) considers various alternate interpretations – that ren was too serious a topic to be discussed lightly; that it was too difficult to understand; that Confucius did not want to associate ren with profit. However, he finds none of these arguments convincing, and concludes that “unless better evidence is discovered, we had better leave the contradiction unsolved.”62 Meanwhile, Slingerland (2003) takes a different reading of han 罕, translating the difficult section in the passage as, “The Master openly expressed his views on...”63 To reach this interpretation, he follows the Qing scholar Huang Shisan (1789 – 1862 CE) in reading han 罕 as a substitute character for xuan 軒, which can mean “open” or “wide.” The word han 罕 does not appear elsewhere in the Analects, and there is precedent for this substitution in two other early classical Chinese texts, the Zuo and Gongyang commentaries, making this a reasonable alternate interpretation. I list this example as a classic case of the ways ambiguous or paradoxical content in the Analects can puzzle scholars, and lead to multiple interpretations.                                                59 Ibid. 60 Legge 1893; Chan 1955; Lau 1992; Ames and Rosemont 1998; Brooks and Brooks 1998. These authors’ translations of this phrase do not match my translation exactly, but all treat han 罕 in the same fashion. 61 See Table 4. 62 Chan 1955, pp. 296 – 297. 63 Slingerland 2003a, p. 86.  36   Another critical point of discussion is the breadth of ren. In Analects 6.23, Confucius describes ren and wisdom (zhi 知) in parallel, as if they are both discrete virtues. Similarly, in passages 12.22 and 17.21, ren seems to be functioning in the limited sense of caring for others. However, in many more passages, Confucius presents ren as far superior to – or encompassing of – other key virtues, using it as a sort of “master virtue.”64  Strangely though, in Analects 6.30, when the disciple Zigong inquires whether a person who “broadly extend[s] his benevolence to the common people and bring[s] succor to the multitudes” could be called ren, Confucius replies: “Why stop at [ren]? Such a person should surely be called a sage!”65 This implies that a truly “sagely” (sheng聖) person has attained some state beyond ren. Perhaps Confucius is using ren in its narrow rather than broad sense here, but we have no clear criteria by which to parse its usage, leaving the decision somewhat arbitrary. Also somewhat puzzling is Analects 15.24, in which Zigong asks, “Is there one word that can serve as a guide for one’s entire life?” Confucius answers shu 恕, translated as “understanding,” and elaborates, “do not impose upon others what you yourself do not desire.”66 The character shu 恕 only appears one other time in the Analects (passage 4.15), whereas ren occurs with much greater frequency (110 total occurrences). One might expect Confucius to mention ren in this passage, at least in his elaboration, but he does not. It seems safest to assume that both ren and shu are critically important, but in different contexts.  A concept toward which some scholars argue ren has a particularly important relationship is li 禮, commonly translated as “rites,” “ritual,” or “ritual propriety.” Analects 12.1 forms the main foundation of this argument:                                                 64 For example, see Analects 5.5, 5.8, 5.19, 12.22, 13.19, 13.27, 14.1, 14.17, and 17.60. 65 Slingerland 2003a, p. 63. 66 Ibid, p. 183. In his glossary, Slingerland also translates shu 恕 as “empathetic understanding.”  37  顏淵問仁。子曰:「克己復禮為仁。一日克己復禮,天下歸仁焉。為仁由己,而由人乎哉?」顏淵曰:「請問其目。」子曰:「非禮勿視,非禮勿聽,非禮勿言,非禮勿動。」顏淵曰:「回雖不敏,請事斯語矣。」  Slingerland’s translation:  Yan Hui asked about [ren]. The Master said, “Restraining yourself and returning to the rites (keji fuli 克己復禮) constitutes [ren]. If for one day you managed to restrain yourself and return to the rites, in this way you could lead the entire world back to [ren]. The key to achieving [ren] lies within yourself – how could it come from others?”67  Slingerland (2003) acknowledges a “long-running debate in the commentarial tradition concerning how to understand the phrase keji,” and takes it to mean imposing restraint on oneself. He then quotes the Confucian scholar Huang Kan (488 – 545 CE), explaining that ren here means to be able to “discipline oneself in order to return to the mean of ritual.”68 Beyond this, he does not attach additional importance to this passage. Tu (1968) and Shun (1992), however, give the phrase keji fuli more attention. According to Tu, keji “does not mean that one should engage in a bitter struggle with one's own corporeal desires. It suggests instead that one should fulfill them in an ethical context.” This process, he argues, is equivalent to the more general act of self-cultivation (xiushen 修身). As for the phrase fuli, it “also conveys wider and more profound implications than its translation, ‘return to propriety,’ would suggest. Li refers generally to norms and standards of proper behavior in a social, ethical, or even religious context. Fuli means to bring oneself to be in line with li. Instead of passive submission, it implies active participation.”69 Tu then ties li back to ren in a fundamental way, arguing that the two principles interact so as to foster “creative tension” promoting continuous self-cultivation:                                                67 Ibid., p. 125. 68 Ibid. 69 Tu 1968, p. 30.  38  Li means the standards of this world, whereas ren means the summons to choice and answerability. Li signifies the fact that a man lives in society; ren points to the equally important fact that he is more than the intersection of social forces. He feels himself summoned to choose, to actualize a potential selfhood which is more than the sum of genes, plus glands, plus class. Man cannot live without li, but when li becomes wholly determinative, he is no longer really man. In a deeper sense, therefore, the creative tension between ren and li suggests a kind of mutual dependability.70  In a related vein, Shun (1993) argues that part of being ren is following li, but that those who are ren (such as Confucius) can also modify li. His interpretation “acknowledges the role of li in shaping the ethical ideal of ren,” but also “allows for the possibility of departing from or revising an existing rule of li if there is good reason for doing so.”71 Tu and Shun could not have arrived at such complex theories on the nature of ren and li based on the original passages in the Analects alone. Rather, their ideas are shaped by later commentators, and by other early Confucian texts. I thus hesitate to accept that Confucius himself had fully theorized such a relationship between ren and li, but the two terms were certainly closely related.  One final term associated with ren worth mentioning is ning 佞. As noted in Chapter 1, ren and ning were originally cognates. In Analects 5.5, Confucius explicitly contrasts and delineates between the two terms. Following Nivison (1999), Slingerland (2003) notes that “Confucius drives a wedge between the two qualities: ren now becomes ‘true’ (i.e., inner) nobleness or Virtue, whereas ning represents the false, external counterfeit of ren.”72  How, then, do scholars ultimately understand ren in the Analects? In the table below, I have compiled a list of its translations and definitions by a selection of modern English-language scholars.                                                  70 Ibid, p. 37. 71 Shun 1993, p. 474. The most classic example of Confucius accepting a modification to existing li is Analects 9.3, where Confucius allows for ceremonial hats to be made of silk instead of the more traditional linen, because silk is more frugal, while it does not compromise ritualistic meaning. 72 Slingerland 2003, p. 2.  39  Table 3: Scholarly Interpretations of Ren in the Analects Scholar Translation of ren Definition of ren Slingerland (2003a) Goodness (most commonly);  benevolence (rarely) “The overarching virtue of being a perfected human being, which includes such qualities as empathetic understanding (shu 恕) or benevolence (hui 惠).”73 Chan (1955; 1975) love; humanity;  benevolence An “active, social, dynamic” virtue, which generally speaking means “love for all.” 74 Chong (1999) [leaves untranslated] A “practice,” the meaning of which can only be understood through discussion.75 Shun (1993) humaness; goodness “An all-encompassing ethical ideal.”76 Tu (1968; 1981) goodness; humanity [but prefers untranslated] “The virtue of the highest order in the value system of Confucianism.”77 Fingarette (1972) humanity A “mystic entity” in which “reciprocal good faith and respect are expressed through the specific forms defined in li;” “the perfect giving of oneself to the human way.”78 Ames and Rosemont (1998) authoritative conduct A term which entails “the ‘authority’ that a person comes to represent in community… embodying in oneself the values and customs of one’s tradition through the observance of ritual propriety.”79 Brooks and Brooks (1998) [leave untranslated] “Its meaning changes within the text.”80 Lau (1983) benevolence “The moral quality a gentleman must possess.”81  Having thus reviewed the modern scholarly understandings of ren in the Analects, I provide the results of my own quantitative analysis in Table 4 below.                                                 73 Slingerland 2003a, p. 238. 74 Chan 1955, p. 303, 319. 75 Chong 1999, p. 298. 76 Shun 1993, p. 457. 77 Tu 1968, p. 31. 78 Fingarette 1972, p. 38, 42, 56. Goldin (2003, pp. 232 – 233) strongly contests Fingarette’s position of ren as purely a submission to li, arguing this does not adequately account for the inward components of ren itself. 79 Ames and Rosemont 1998, p. 50. 80 Brooks and Brooks 1998, p. 13. 81 Lau 1983, p. xii.  40   Table 4: The Analects 論語  Author: Confucius 孔子 and Disciples | Era: Early Warring States | Total Characters: 15,962 | Total Vocabulary: 1,354  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments jun 君 gentleman 160 6% (9) 15 • Occurs most commonly in 君子 (109 times)  • Occurs most commonly immediately after “子曰:” zhi 知 to know; knowledge 118 21% (25) 25 • Surprisingly close proximity to 仁 • Possible precursor to Mencius’ 智, which does not appear in this text ren 仁 Goodness; benevolence; humanity 110 N/A 27 • Most common couplets are仁者, 仁矣, and 不仁 • Densest in Books 4, 5, and 6; no hits in Books 2, 10, or 11 dao 道 the Way 89 8% (7) 29 • Most common in the phrases 君子之道 and 天下有道則 li 禮 ritual; ritual propriety 75 7% (5) 34  xue 學 learning; study 66 5% (3) 40  tian 天 Heaven 49 8% (4) 55 • Most common appearance by far is within the phrase 天下 (23 times) wen 文 culture 42 10% (4) 68 • Heavily concentrated in Book 5 de 德 virtue 40 8% (3) 71 • Lower ranked here than in both Book of Documents and Book of Odes xiao 孝 filial piety 19 5% (1) 135 • Heavily concentrated in first two chapters • Not as common as might be expected, given its supposed importance yi 義 righteousness 24 0% (0) 108 • Never occurs in close proximity to 仁 hui 惠 benevolence 12 17% (2) 208 • Denser in second half of the text ai 愛 love 10 30% (3) 218  shu 恕 empathetic understanding 2 0% (0) 662 • Occurs only twice, yet Confucius seemingly considers it very important    41   Based on the numbers, ren is indeed a top concept in the Analects, appearing more frequently than any other major conceptual term I chose to investigate except jun 君. It also appears slightly less frequently than zhi 知, but because zhi often functions as a normal verb, this is not surprising. I originally chose to include zhi in my analyses because it sometimes functions as an early version of zhi 智 (“wisdom”), a virtue discussed more frequently in certain later texts. Interestingly, though, zhi知 does appear in closer proximity to ren than any other term on the list except ai 愛 (“love”). This may be coincidence, or may reflect those who are ren having the wisdom to know what to do in most situations. It was an unexpected result, and could serve as a launching point for future research. Meanwhile ai appears in closest proximity to ren, with 30% of its appearances falling within 10 characters of ren. This result appears to best support Chan’s argument of ren as love, even in the Analects. However, it is important to note that ai is a rare term in the Analects in the first place, appearing only 10 times. As will be shown in other texts as well, when terms have low frequency in a text, their “仁 Prox.” ratings tend to range more dramatically. Though I have not implemented a statistical “confidence interval,” higher character hit counts generally produce more reliable results.  Another noteworthy point is that ren does not appear in close conjunction with empathetic understanding (shu 恕) or benevolence (hui 惠). While its meaning in the Analects may incorporate these virtues, empathetic understanding and benevolence do not appear explicitly in the cases where Confucius defines or clarifies ren. The numeric link between ren and ritual (li 禮) is also fairly weak. It is possible that both terms function so broadly that their direct overlap is weak, despite similarity in meaning. These findings qualify the definitions of  42  ren in the Analects set forth by Slingerland, Tu, and Shun. We also find no close overlap between ren and yi 義, a term with which ren will often co-occur from the Mencius onward. Apart from zhi and ai, ren does not show especially close proximity to any other term. This finding could be taken as support for the view held by many scholars discussed earlier, claiming that ren in the Analects is an all-around virtue related to all other virtues. Meanwhile, the fact that shu恕 only appears twice in the text, and yet in Analects 15.24 Confucius cites it as the best single word to serve as “a guide for life,” reminds us that a character’s rank and hit rate do not always correlate with its importance within a text.  Finally, two terms less directly related to ren also show interesting trends in the Analects. The first is dao 道, which did not feature prominently in the Book of Odes or Book of Documents, but jumped to the top 30 ranks in the Analects, qualifying it as a term of major importance. All philosophers to follow will show at least some concern for the proper “Way” of living. Second, xiao 孝, or “filial piety,” occurs surprisingly few times in the Analects with less than 20 hits. It does receive more attention in other early Confucian texts, and other terms, such as di 弟, may express similar notions. Nevertheless, it is somewhat surprising that a term so closely associated with Confucianism today appears relatively rarely in what eventually became the tradition’s most foundational text. Mencius Mencius (372 – 289 BCE) is the best-known early follower of Confucius. He is most famous for his assertion that “human nature is good” (ren xing shan 人性善), and his theory that all people possess four moral “sprouts” (duan 端), which can develop into full-fledged virtues with proper cultivation. One way to think of the ideological divide between Mencius and Xunzi  43  is as a debate between moral “internalism” and “externalism.”82 That is, Mencius saw goodness and virtue as arising from the “inside out,” whereas Xunzi saw them as coming from the “outside in.”83 The primary text associated with Mencius, like many of the texts that follow, is simply named after the philosopher himself. Unlike the Analects, the Mencius contains fully developed arguments and discourses, often presented as conversations between Mencius and kings seeking his guidance. In terms of authenticity, both Graham (1989) and Lau (1993) cite the text as a sound representation of Mencian thought, and Lau cites evidence that Mencius “must have travelled to the states of Liang 梁, Ji 齊 and Lu 魯 around 320 BC.”84  Mencius had several goals. According to Van Norden (2008), his chief goal was to promote a benevolent government that met the needs of its people. He offered “much more specific advice than [Confucius] about how to secure the livelihood of the people, including recommendations about everything from tax rates to farm management to the pay scale for government employees.”85 Like Confucius, he also put great emphasis on people properly fulfilling their societal roles, such as parent, child, ruler, minister, spouse, and friend.  In addition, Mencius saw himself as a defender of Confucianism from alternate competing philosophies, including what we now call early Daoism and Yang Zhuism. By the time of Mencius, philosophers were developing more sophisticated arguments on human nature, including an increased concern with the physical body and the clear definition of terms. As noted by Graham, for Mencius, the value of a man “derives from virtues definitely located within the                                                82 Terms coined by Slingerland 2003b. 83 Terms coined by Kline 2000. 84 Lau 1993, p. 331. 85 Van Norden 2008, p. xxv.  44  heart [xin 心]. The greatest is still ren, but the word has narrowed and clarified in meaning… directly translatable by ‘benevolence.’”86  Indeed, within Mencius, we see the “narrower” side of ren discussed in the last chapter come to the forefront. For Mencius, ren is rooted in the “feeling of compassion” (惻隱之心), a “heart that is not unfeeling toward others” (不忍人之心), and a “heart that does not desire to harm others” (無欲害人之心), which he claims all people naturally possess.87 A classic explanation occurs in chapter 2A6, where Mencius walks the reader through a thought experiment:  所以謂人皆有不忍人之心者,今人乍見孺子將入於井,皆有怵惕惻隱之心。非所以內交於孺子之父母也,非所以要譽於鄉黨朋友也,非惡其聲而然也。  Van Norden’s translation:  The reason why I say that all humans have hearts that are not unfeeling toward others is this. Suppose someone suddenly saw a child about to fall into a well: anyone in such a situation would have a feeling of alarm and compassion—not because one sought to get in good with the child’s parents, not because one wanted fame among one’s neighbors and friends, and not because one would dislike the sound of the child’s cries.88  Van Norden notes here that “Mencius does not say that every human would necessarily act to save the child. All he claims is that any human would at least have a momentary feeling (literally, ‘heart’) of genuine compassion, and that the reaction would occur ‘suddenly’ (which shows that it is not the result of calculations of self-interest).”89 The passage continues: 由是觀之,無 惻隱之心,非人也;無羞惡之心,非人也;無辭讓之心,非人也;無是非之心,非人也。惻隱之心,仁之端也;羞惡之心,義之端也;辭讓之心,禮之端也;是非之 心,智之端也。人之有是四端也,猶其有四體也。                                                 86 Graham 1989, pp. 112 – 113. 87 Translations are from Van Norden 2008. Note that xin 心, typically translated as “heart,” is also translated as “feeling” in the first case. 88 Norden 2008, pp. 46 – 47. 89 Van Norden 2008, p. 46.  45  From this we can see that if one is without the feeling of compassion… disdain… deference… [or] approval and disapproval, one is not human. [These feelings are] the sprout[s] of benevolence… righteousness… propriety… [and] wisdom. People having these four sprouts is like their having four limbs.  Van Norden elaborates that “a ‘normal,’ healthy human has four limbs. Similarly, a normal human has the four ‘sprouts.’ But, as the comparison to limbs suggests, it is possible to lose the sprouts.”90  Thus, for Mencius, every normal person possesses inclinations towards moral behavior. However, these sprouts alone are not enough to bring about peaceful society. They must be gently cultivated and extended. An example of this related to ren occurs in chapter 1A, while Mencius is visiting King Xuan of Qi. Mencius assures King Xuan that the king is certainly capable of “caring for the people” (bao min 保民), even if he does not yet know it. As evidence, Mencius recounts a story he heard of how the king responded when an ox was being led to slaughter for the anointing of a bell. Upon seeing it, the king exclaimed: 「舍之!吾不忍其觳觫,若無罪而就死地。」對曰:「然則廢釁鐘與?」曰:「何可廢也?以羊易之!」  “Spare it. I cannot bear its frightened appearance, like an innocent going to the execution ground.” [His attendant] Hu He replied, “So should we dispense with the anointing of the bell?” The king said, “How can that be dispensed with? Exchange it for a sheep.”91  The king confirms this happened, and Mencius notes that most people must have mistaken the king’s actions for stinginess (sacrificing a sheep is cheaper than an ox), but Mencius knows this is not the case. He explains: 「無傷也,是乃仁術也,見牛未見羊也。君子之於禽獸也,見其生,不忍見其死;聞其聲,不忍食其肉。是以君子遠庖廚也。」  “There is no harm. What you did was just a technique for (cultivating your) benevolence. You saw the ox but had not seen the sheep. Gentlemen cannot bear to see animals die if they have seen them living. If they hear the cries of suffering, they cannot bear to eat their flesh. Hence, gentlemen keep their distance from the kitchen.”92                                                90 Ibid., p. 47. 91 Ibid., p. 8. 92 Ibid., p. 9.  46   Mencius’ larger message here is that the king must take the feeling he felt for the ox, cultivate it, and extend it to the people. As Mencius says in chapter 7B, “if people can fill out (chong 充) the heart that does not desire to harm others, their benevolence will be inexhaustible.”93 However, it should be noted that Mencius’ concept of benevolence does have limits in its scope, unlike that of Mozi (discussed in Chapter Four). According to Van Norden, Mencian compassion and benevolence “should extend to everyone but be stronger for those tied to one by bonds such as kinship and friendship.” It “acts like the ripples emanating from a stone dropped into a pond, proceeding out from the center [one’s family] but gradually decreasing in strength as they move out.”94 This relates to the Confucian idea of graded love, which persists in the texts I examine in the following chapter. Despite the general clarity in Mencius’ writing, one minor point of ambiguity is worth mentioning. While he typically describes ren as “benevolence” using the terms outlined above, in some cases the term’s definition drifts back toward its earlier meaning of “humanity.” Such is the case in chapter 7B, where he directly states, “仁也者,人也。” Van Norden does not even use the word “benevolence” here, instead translating the phrase as “Humaneness is being a human.”95 In fact, in some ways, this line harkens back to before the Analects, to the original connection between ren and “man” discussed in Chapter One. Also, in the Doctrine of the Mean 中庸, another early text traditionally attributed to Confucius, we find a similar line: “仁者人也。” Thus, it would seem that Mencius was not the first philosopher to sometimes view ren as the defining factor of being human.                                                93 Van Norden 2007, p. 235. 94 Van Norden 2008, p. xxxi. 95 Van Norden 2007, p. 214.  47   Having thus outlined the basics of Mencius’ philosophy as it relates to ren, below I present his texts’ quantitative statistics:     48   Table 5: The Mencius 孟子  Author: Mencius 孟子 | Era: Mid-Warring States | Total Characters: 35,426 | Total Vocabulary: 1,901  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments tian 天 Heaven 293 8% (23) 17 • Occurs most commonly in 天下 (overwhelmingly), 天子, and 於天 jun 君 gentleman 253 13% (33) 21  ren 仁 benevolence; humanity 158 N/A 34 • Most common couplets are不仁, 仁義, and 仁者 • Only 9 occurrences fall after quotes from Confucius dao 道 the Way 150 7% (11) 36 • Occurs most commonly in the phrase 先王之道 xin 心 heart; feeling; mind 126 16% (20) 43  yi 義 righteousness 107 49% (52) 58 • Closest proximity to 仁 of any character to date • 25% of occurrences (27 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • 5% of occurrences (5 hits) are in the couplet 禮義 kong 孔 Confucius 82 9% (7) 75  li 禮 ritual propriety 68 18% (12) 87 • Somewhat lower rank may reflect Mencian internalism. wen 文 culture 52  8% (4) 118 • Low rank may reflect Mencian internalism ai 愛 love 40 30% (12) 150 • Appears in closer proximity to 仁 than any other character besides 義 de 德 virtue 38 5% (2) 164 • Most common construction (3 hits) is 德之賊 (“thieves of virtue”) xue 學 learning; study 33 3% (1) 181 • Low rank may reflect Mencian internalism zhi 智 wisdom 33 39% (13) 183 • Often occurs in direct conjunction with 仁 and the other virtues xiao 孝 filial piety 29 3% (1) 207  qi 氣 spirit; essence 20 0% (0) 280 • 25% of occurrences (5 hits) are within 10 characters of 心 duan端 sprout; beginning 9 22% (2) 493 • Surprisingly rare, given their supposed importance   49  Ren occurs with similar frequency in the Mencius as it does in the Analects, again appearing as one of the most commonly discussed terms. This result is not due to Mencius quoting Confucius, as only about 9 of ren’s 158 occurrences occur after direct quotes.96 However, unlike in the Analects, ren co-occurs highly with yi 義, and it is here that we first see the duo of “benevolence and righteousness” appear in Confucian thought. As might be expected, li 禮 and zhi 智, the two other Mencian sprouts, also show close proximity to ren. Thus, although ren occurs almost as frequently in the Mencius as in the Analects, its pairing with other related virtues helps reflect its narrower meaning as “benevolence,” just one important virtue among several (though ren still takes priority as the most important). This finding supports the views of Graham and Van Norden. Interestingly, the term jun 君 , or “gentleman,” actually appears in closer proximity to ren here than it does in the Analects (13% of occurrences within 10 characters of ren in the Mencius, versus only 6% in the Analects). This finding is difficult to interpret on its own, but could possibly inform further research of how Mencius and Confucius respectively defined the term jun. The fairly strong connection between ren and ai 愛 (“love”) is also still present in the Mencius. While I did not employ any statistical test to provide a “cut-off” for what degree of overlap counts as significant, I consider it important that ai appears in close proximity to ren (i.e. within 10 characters) more frequently than any other term researched other than yi. It demonstrates numerically that Mencius held the two terms in close association.                                                  96 When accounting for quotes in my quantitative analyses, my method was to search in front of the target term (in this case, ren) with a window of 20 characters for the terms 孔子, 仲尼, and 曰, and then examine hits in detail individually. This method does not account for quotes which may be embedded in other ways, or so obvious that the author considered citing them unnecessary.  50  Xunzi Xunzi (c. 335 – c. 238 BCE) was a third highly influential Confucian philosopher in the Warring States period. He lived after Mencius, and explicitly argued against Mencian philosophy. His primary text, the Xunzi, is generally accepted to be authentic, written by either Xunzi himself or his immediate disciples.97 Most famously, he argued that human nature was bad, and that all positive things in society derived from following the proper external standards, namely the Confucian Classics. Xunzi therefore placed great value on learning and self-control. Due to later Confucian philosophers favoring Mencian ideas, Xunzi’s brand of Confucianism eventually fell out of favor, and he is less remembered. Even as early as the Han dynasty, the shift towards Mencian thought had begun to occur, and Goldin (2007) notes that quotes from Mencius outnumber quotes from Xunzi ten to one in Huan Kuan’s “Discourses on Salt and Iron” (Yantielun 鹽鐵論) in 83 BCE.98 One reason for this shift in popularity may have been Xunzi’s treatment of ren and li. As Goldin hypothesizes, “Xunzi may have suffered for expatiating on li (禮) instead of ren (仁). Without denying its importance, Xunzi rarely discussed ren, whereas he saw in li the sage guidelines for every conceivable human endeavor. Later writers, even when they admired Xunzi, found themselves compelled to grant ren more political purchase.”99 After the Warring States period, the policies of the brief Qin dynasty were perceived as harsh and insensitive by the predominantly Confucian Han dynasty that followed. By giving more importance to li than ren, Xunzi may have been interpreted by later Confucians (perhaps unfairly) as a “philosopher who emphasized doctrine and discipline at the expense of humanity.”100 Indeed, as we will see in the                                                97 Loewe 1993, p. 180. 98 Goldin 2007, p. 164. 99 Ibid., p. 165. 100 Ibid., p. 166.  51  quantitative exploration to follow liyi 禮義 shows up more than three times more frequently in the Xunzi than the more Mencian compound renyi 仁義.  How did Xunzi view ren itself? Like Mencius, he described it as “benevolence,” an important gentleman’s virtue.101 But unlike Mencius, he viewed it as coming from external sources, and as less important than (or subservient to) other, related virtues. As Hutton (2000) explains, “Even if Xunzi were to admit that people do naturally love their parents [i.e. possible proof of the innate sprout of ren], this would not constitute a tendency toward virtue for him, because it would become a virtue only when given the proper form, and there is no natural tendency to do that.”102 This argument is based on a passage in the chapter Dalüe, in which Xunzi explains that ren is only true when it is based on yi 義, while yi is only true yi when it is based on li 禮. Nevertheless, Xunzi had a very high regard for ren. In Chapter 2, after listing “honoring benevolence” (隆仁) as the first positive quality of a gentleman. After ren, Xunzi goes on to list the other important qualities, which as: “not presuming upon one’s station” (殺埶), “choosing to follow what is right” (柬理), “valuing good form” (好交), and “allowing law to prevail over personal feeling” (法勝私). Similarly, in Chapter 9, Xunzi explains the important function of ren in government: 仁眇天下,故天下莫不親也;義眇天下,故天下莫不貴也;威眇天下,故天下莫敢敵也。  Since [a true king’s] benevolence is the loftiest in the world, there is no one in the world who does not draw close to him. Since his righteousness is the loftiest in the world, there is no one who does not respect him. Since his authority is the loftiest in the world, there is no one who dares oppose him.103                                                101 For example, in Chapter 2 of the Xunzi: 君子貧窮而志廣,隆仁也。 “Though poor and hard-pressed, [a gentleman] is broad of will because he honors benevolence.” Translation by Watson 2003b, p. 32. 102 Hutton 2000, p. 231. 103 Watson 2003b, p. 43.  52   Not only did Xunzi believe that ren would inspire trust and intimacy, he also believed it granted rulers, a sort of supernatural protection and efficacy. In Chapter 15, he writes: 仁人之兵,不可詐也;彼可詐者,怠慢者也。  Against the soldiers of a benevolent man, deceptions are of no use; they are effective only against a ruler who is rash and arrogant, whose people are worn out.104  This passage echoes Confucius’ statement that a man of ren can be “tricked,” but not fully “duped,”105 and also brings to mind stories of the ancient sage-kings, who won battles through the power of their virtue (de 德) alone. Xunzi soon makes the reference to the Classics explicit, explaining that the evil King Jie’s attempts to deceive the Sage-king Yao were like “trying to break a rock by throwing eggs at it, or trying to stir boiling water with your bare finger.”106 It is as though those who care sufficiently for others become immune to harm themselves. However, although useful for those in power, Xunzi’s version of ren is not the prerogative of rulers alone. As he writes in Chapter 23: 凡禹之所以為禹者,以其為仁義法正也。然則仁義法正有可知可能之理。然而塗之人也,皆有可以知仁義法正之質,皆有可以能仁義法正之具,然則其可以為禹明矣。  The man in the street can become a Yu. What does this mean? What made the sage emperor Yu a Yu, I would reply, was the fact that he practiced benevolence and righteousness and abided by the proper rules and standards. If this is so, then benevolence, righteousness, and proper standards must be based upon principles which can be known and practiced. Any man in the street has the essential faculties needed to understand benevolence, righteousness, and proper standards, and put them into practice. Therefore, it is clear that he can become a Yu.107  For Xunzi, if a man is capable of fulfilling his duties as father, son, or subject, then he need only apply the same faculty of self-control toward the practice of benevolence and righteousness, and he will be successful. Morality may be an invention of the sages, but everyone                                                104 Ibid. 105 Analects 6.27. Translation by Slingerland 2003a, p. 62. 106 Ibid. 107 Watson 2003b, p. 170.  53  is capable of understanding and practicing it.108 To facilitate self-cultivation, Xunzi put great value on clear meanings and explanatory discourse. Proper knowledge of human relationships was just as important in moral education as dedication to ren and yi.109 Portions of the quantitative table below reflect these views:                                                108 Lau 2000, p. 207. 109 Cua 2000, pp. 44 – 46.  54  Table 6: The Xunzi 荀子  Author: Xunzi 荀子 | Era: Late Warring States | Total Characters: 75,262 | Total Vocabulary: 2,664  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments tian 天 nature 598 3% (20) 18 • Occurs most commonly in 天下 (overwhelmingly), 天子, and天地 jun 君 gentleman 547 3% (14) 20  dao 道 the Way 338 4% (12) 28 • Occurs most commonly in the phrases 先王之道 and 天下之道 li 禮 ritual propriety 343 4% (13) 32 • High rank reflects Xunzian externalism yi 義 righteousness; rightness 315 16% (49) 36 • 10% of occurrences (32 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • 37% of occurrences (115 hits) are in the couplet 禮義 fa 法 standard; law 183 7% (12) 66 • Occurs most commonly in 王之法 and 仁義法政 xin 心 heart; mind 168 5% (8) 67  wen 文 culture 143 1% (1) 85 • Higher rank than in Mencius de 德 virtue 109 6% (6) 111 • Most common construction (12 hits) is 道德 ren 仁 benevolence 89 N/A 134 • Clear drop in importance, reflecting Xunzian externalism • Most common couplets are 仁義, 仁人, and 仁者 • Most common phrase is 仁義法政 xue 學 learning; study 91 4% (4) 138 • More prominent than for Mencius, but still rarer than might be expected kong 孔 Confucius 83 5% (4) 148  ai 愛 love 69 13% (9) 196  xiao 孝 filial piety 47 4% (2) 289 • As in previous Confucian works, not an especially frequent term wei 偽 artificiality; conscious effort 44 0% (0) 304  qi 氣 spirit; essence 27 0% (0) 430 • As in Mencius, 25% of occurrences (5 hits) are within 10 characters of 心 meng 孟 Mencius 11 9% (1) 747  zhi 智 wisdom 9 11% (1) 860 • By far the least common of Mencius’ original four virtues   55  Consistent with the qualitative arguments of Goldin, Hutton, and Watson, the quantitative statistics of the Xunzi show a fall in ren’s relative frequency, as compared with its frequency in the Analects and the Mencius. In the Xunzi, li 禮 and yi 義 both appear more than three times as frequently as ren, a major change. Meanwhile, the fourth of Mencius’ original four sprouts, zhi 智, appears much less frequently than the others, with only 9 occurrences throughout the text. An interesting relationship to note in this text and others is the frequency ratio of renyi 仁義 (“benevolence and righteousness”) to liyi 禮義 (“propriety and righteousness”). This statistic can serve as a rough metric, whereby texts in which occurrences of renyi outweigh occurrences of liyi tend to lean towards internalist moral stances, whereas texts with the opposite ratio tend to lean toward externalist moral stances. Such is the case in the Mencius and the Xunzi: in the Mencius the ratio of renyi to liyi is 5 to 1,110 whereas in the Xunzi the ratio is less than 1 to 3. I consider this metric in several subsequent texts as well. Other statistics that may help support labeling Xunzi as an externalist philosopher are the relatively higher ranks of fa 法, wen 文, and xue 學 in this text. Again, however, it should be kept in mind that relative rankings only tell us which concepts the author chose to write about most frequently. While this can give a rough measure of importance, when supported with appropriate qualitative theory, it is important to look at specific instances of the character’s use when making more definitive claims. Finally, it may be noted that in the Xunzi, ai 愛 still occurs in fairly close proximity to ren, but this proximity appears to be falling compared with its proximity in the Analects and the Mencius.                                                 110 2 out of 27 occurrences of renyi in the Mencius are in the longer phrase renyilizhi 仁義禮智, but even discounting these 2 occurrences, the 5 to 1 ratio of renyi to liyi remains intact.  56  Conclusion In the Analects, Confucius revolutionized the meaning of ren. Drawing on its pre-Confucian meaning of “manliness,” or the qualities which make one a man, Confucius employed it as an overarching virtue incorporating the various other virtues that make one a gentleman. He also took care to delineate it from the more superficial, related term ning 佞, or “cleverness.” These fundamental changes are somewhat clouded by a handful of puzzling or contradictory passages in the Analects, which have required additional explanation by commentators. Mencius narrowed the meaning of ren to “benevolence,” while clarifying its development and function as one of four moral “sprouts.” Rather than a master virtue, it was just one chief virtue among four others, although it still seems to have been the most important. Mencius also paired ren closely with yi 義 (“righteousness”), a pairing that would stick in future philosophical texts both within and without of the Confucian tradition. Xunzi, for his part, re-iterated the meaning of ren as “benevolence,” and its accessibility and importance to both common people and rulers, though he paid it less attention than li 禮. Quantitative evidence suggests a present but diminishing association between ren and ai 愛 (“love”) across these three early Confucian texts, and helps highlight the internalist vs. externalist ideological differences between Mencius and Xunzi.   57  3. The Evolution of Ren In this chapter, I aim to demonstrate the key ways in which the Confucian concept of ren continued to evolve during and after the Han Dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE), all the way into the Song dynasty (960 – 1279 CE). This is a time period of over 1,400 years, and reviewing the ideas of all major Confucian thinkers during this period is well beyond my scope. Instead, I have chosen only a few pieces, which I hope will serve as useful case studies, snapshots reflective of greater ideological shifts taking place. The first three texts I review are the Chunqiu Fanlu by Dong Zhongshu (179 – 104 BCE), the Qianfulun by Wang Fu (ca. 82 – 167 CE), and Yuan Dao by Han Yu (768 – 824 CE). I then finish by investigating the commentaries on the Four Books by Zhu Xi (1130 – 1200 CE). My analyses demonstrate that, as Confucians competed with Daoist and Buddhist philosophies, the domain of ren shifted toward cosmological and metaphysical reality, sometimes combined with grounding in human physiology. Chunqiu Fanlu Traditionally attributed to Dong Zhongshu (179 – 104 BCE), the Chunqiu Fanlu is a fairly lengthy exegetical text of nearly 60,000 characters (the longest examined thus far), describing the “ethical and political principles found in the Chunqiu [or Spring and Autumn Annals], as interpreted through the medium of the Gongyangzhuan.”111 It contains syncretic Daoist elements, and frames many of its principles “in terms of the Yin-Yang and wuxing beliefs that were prevalent at the time.”112 Its authenticity is tenuous, however, and certain portions of the text were likely added or edited between Dong’s death and its inclusion in the Siku Quanshu almost 19 centuries later.113 Nevertheless, it is regarded by many as a likely representation of                                                111 Davidson & Loewe 1993, p. 77. 112 Ibid. 113 Ibid., p. 80; Loewe 2009, p. 163.  58  early Han dynasty thought,114 and its content contributes to our understanding of the development of ren after the Warring States. Dong, who for convenience I will refer to as the author of the full text, follows Xunzi in his belief that “the Sages produced civilization by following the normative patterns laid down by Heaven.”115 However, Dong differs from Xunzi in placing great importance on Heaven-sent omens as signs of legitimizing rulership, and by tying close parallels between phenomena in the natural world and the human world. These views extend to ren. According to Dong, just as Heaven implements the sun and moon, wind and rain, and yin and yang in order to harmonize the natural world, so too did the sages use virtue and benevolence to harmonize the human world. 116 Dong follows the traditional Confucian theme of linking ren to the practice of good government, while tying it to ideas of natural balance. In Chapter 30, he writes: “to be lacking in benevolence while being courageous and bold is a madman holding a sharp sword.”117 To be effective, a ruler must balance courage (yong 勇) with benevolence (ren).   Following Mencius, Dong also closely associates ren with yi 義. In Chapter 29 he parses the two terms apart. As Loewe (2011) explains, this chapter highlights the distinction between ren and yi in the Chunqiu’s “recognition of acts of ren as being exercised in respect of others and those of yi in correcting oneself, with love (ai 愛) as an element of ren, and suitability (yi 宜) as part of yi.”118 In Chapter 30, Dong provides the following definition of ren:  何謂仁?仁者怛愛人,謹翕不爭,好惡敦倫,無傷惡之心。。。                                                 114 Davidson & Loewe 1993, p. 80 115 Goldin 2007, p. 160. In the case of Xunzi, “nature” may be a better translation of tian 天 than Heaven. 116 Ibid., pp. 160 – 165. 117不仁而有勇力材能,則狂而操利兵也。Translation by Loewe 2011, p. 238. 118 Loewe 2011, p. 238. Interestingly, this chapter seems to somewhat invert a more common trend in early Chinese philosophy, whereby ren is viewed as internal (following Mencius, as described earlier), while yi is viewed as external. See Slingerland 2008 (p. 242) for other examples.  59  What is benevolence? The benevolent person broadly loves others. He is respectful and peaceful, and does not fight. His loves and hates are well-ordered. He does not have a harmful or hateful heart…119  Dong continues by stating that, in addition to the heart (xin 心), the aspirations (zhi 志), vital force (qi 氣), desires (yu 欲), and behaviors (shi 事 and xin 行) of a benevolent (ren) person are likewise calm and peaceful. Two aspects of this definition are noteworthy. The first is Dong’s use of the phrase “broadly loving others” (bo ai ren 怛愛人). This phrase is likely meant as a counter-point to the Mohist conception of “universal caring” (jianai 兼愛), discussed in more detail in the next chapter. We will see the phrase boai 怛愛 return as a definition of ren in the work of Han Yu. The second important aspect in Dong’s definition of ren is the attention he gives to the body, namely the “heart” (xin 心) and “vital force” (qi 氣). Within the Chunqiu Fanlu, although ren is critical in the external care and governance of others, it also derives from and manifests itself in the physical body. The following table provides quantitative statistics for the text.                                                   119 This translation is my own.  60  Table 7: The Chunqiu Fanlu 春秋繁露  Author: Traditionally Attributed to Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 Era: Early Han Dynasty | Total Characters: 58,008 | Total Vocabulary: 2,080  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments tian 天 Heaven 960 3% (24) 8 • Reflects strong cosmological concern • Occurs most commonly in 天地, 天下, and 天子 jun 君 gentleman 348 1% (2) 20  yang陽 light; strong; male 250 0% (0) 32 • Greater density in second half of the text • 28% of occurrences are coupled with 陰, 76% within 10 characters yin陰 dark; weak; female 249 0% (0) 33 • Greater density in second half of the text • 28% of occurrences are coupled with 陽, 76% within 10 characters yi 義 righteousness; rightness 240 18% (42) 35 • 8% of occurrences (18 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • 3% of occurrences (7 hits) are in the couplet 禮義 dao 道 the Way 222 4% (9) 40 • Most common in 天之道 (overwhelmingly), 天地之道, and 春秋之道 de 德 virtue 153 3% (5) 72 • Occurs most commonly in 天之德 li 禮 ritual propriety 132 3% (4) 82  ren 仁 benevolence 101 N/A 108 • Higher ranked than in the Xunzi; lower ranked than in the Mencius • Most common couplets are 仁義, 仁者, and 爲仁 ai 愛 love 61 28% (17) 192  qi 氣 spirit; essence 37 24% (9) 233 • Close proximity to 仁, more than even 義 • Occurs most commonly in 陰氣 and 陽氣 kong 孔 Confucius 47 4% (2) 247  xiao 孝 filial piety 32 3% (1) 342  zhi 智 wisdom 16 38% (6) 535 • Uncommon (similar to in the Xunzi), but shows quite close proximity to 仁 meng 孟 Mencius 11 0% (0) 646  xue 學 learning; study 8 0% (0) 775    61  Overall, quantitative analysis of the Chunqiu Fanlu supports a resurgence in Mencian doctrinal trends, mixed with Daoist syncretism. The relative rank of ren in this text has risen slightly compared to its relative rank in the Xunzi, but it still is not such a common topic here as it was in the Mencius. The ratio of renyi to liyi is 2 to 1, further supporting the lean toward Mencius. Consistent with the text’s syncretist elements, the predominantly Daoist concepts of yin陰 and yang陽 feature prominently, though not in connection to ren. Once again, tian 天 is overwhelmingly the most common term analyzed. The close proximity of ren to ai 愛 makes sense in light of Dong’s definition of ren as boai 博愛, and continues the Confucian connection between the two terms. Interestingly, while ren maintains a close proximity to yi in this text, it shows an even closer proximity to qi 氣. This may reflect the beginning of its transition to a more metaphysical principle, with an internal, physiological grounding. Qianfulun The Qianfulun is a work by Wang Fu (ca. 82 – 167 CE) dating from the later Han Dynasty. In the text’s 35 chapters, Wang Fu covers “almost all the important aspects of state, society, thought and religion of Later Han times,” and unlike the Chunqiu Fanlu, the text’s authenticity is not subject to any serious concern.120 Like Dong Zhongshu, Wang Fu also employs syncretic elements in his writing, but his ideas differ from those of Dong in certain ways. According to Pearson (1989), both Dong Zhongshu and Wang Fu “acknowledge heaven, earth, and man as the creative trio of the cosmos.” However, Dong holds “a relatively static view of the human role, one in which men are to fulfill prescribed virtues [such as benevolence and righteousness] so as to harmonize with the cosmos.” The Way as envisioned by Wang, on the                                                120 Ch'en & Pearson 1993, pp. 12 – 13.  62  other hand, “emphasizes human initiative and activity rather than the passivity and fatalism,” which some associated with the yin-yang Confucian school.121 The Qianfulun does not provide an explicit definition of ren. However, in his treatment of the term, Wang Fu focuses on the importance of societal roles, writing in Chapter 2:  五者守本離末則仁義興,離本守末則道德崩。慎本略末猶可也,舍本務末則惡矣。  If these five groups – teachers, gentlemen, debaters, officials, and the filial – protect the roots and sever the branches, benevolence and righteousness will prosper. If they sever the roots and protect the branches, the Way and virtue will die. To be meticulous with the roots and yet perfunctory with the branches is permissible. But it is bad if the roots are severed while branches are cared for.122  The “roots” (ben 本) of Wang Fu speaks are honest behavior at any occupational level that nourishes and protects others. The “branches” are decorative or insincere behavior that only benefits oneself.123 In this passage, we see echoes of both Confucius’ skepticism of superficial niceties, and Mencius’ use of agricultural metaphors. With regard to the latter, however, Kinney (1990) notes that “by Wang Fu’s time, some figures of speech had become so common that they functioned as dead metaphors.” Such may have been the case with ben 本 and mo 末, which Wang Fu construes only “in their secondary senses of ‘essential’ and ‘inessential,’” without further pursuing the agricultural cultivation metaphors of Mencius.124 Quantitative analysis of the Qianfulun reflects similar trends as those seen in the Chunqiu Fanlu:                                                 121 Pearson 1989, p. 40. 122 Ibid., p. 107. 123 Ibid. 124 Kinney 1990, p. 82.  63  Table 8: The Qianfu Lun 潛夫論  Author: Wang Fu 王符 | Era: Late Han Dynasty | Total Characters: 45,062 | Total Vocabulary: 2,773  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments jun 君 gentleman 252 3% (8) 21  tian 天 Heaven 221 3% (7) 22 • As with Chunqiu Fanlu, reflects cosmological concern • Occurs most commonly in天下, 天地, 天子, and (new) 天心 de 德 virtue 172 5% (9) 33 • Highest rank of 德 in any text examined thus far xin 心 heart; mind 145 2% (3) 43 • Occurs most commonly in天心 dao 道 the Way 105 7% (7) 61 • Most common in 天之道 and 道德 fa 法 way; method; standard 102 0% (0) 63  yi 義 righteousness; rightness 96 19% (18) 72 • 21% of occurrences (20 hits) are in the (new) couplet 德義 • 9% of occurrences (9 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • 6% of occurrences (6 hits) are in the couplet 禮義 yang陽 light; strong; male 66 3% (2) 124 • Much lower ranked than in the Chunqiu Fanlu • 30% of occurrences are coupled with 陰, 42% within 10 characters ren 仁 benevolence 54 N/A 156 • Most common couplets are 仁義, 不仁, and仁者 qi 氣 spirit; essence 48 0% (0) 185 • No proximity to 仁, in stark contrast to the Chunqiu Fanlu ai 愛 love 46 11% (5) 188  li 禮 ritual propriety 43 2% (1) 204  xiao 孝 filial piety 42 2% (1) 210 • Occurs most commonly in 孝悌 near familial terms (家, 父母) zhi 智 wisdom 41 10% (4) 220 • Lower proximity to 仁 than in the Chunqiu Fanlu kong 孔 Confucius 37 3% (1) 246  xue 學 learning; study 36 0% (0) 254  yin陰 dark; weak; female 32 3% (1) 302 • Much lower ranked than in the Chunqiu Fanlu • 63% of occurrences are coupled with 陽, 88% within 10 characters meng 孟 Mencius 8 0% (0) 846    64  Yin 陰 and yang 陽, though present, are not as common in the Qianfulun as they were in the Chunqiu Fanlu, and tian 天 features less prominently than jun 君. Ren occurs with about equal frequency as in the Chunqiu Fanlu, and retains its statistical links with yi 義, li 禮, and zhi 智. The ratio of renyi to liyi is lower in this text, at 3 to 2, although a novel compound, deyi 德義 (translatable as “virtue and righteousness”) has arisen with greater frequency than both renyi and liyi combined. Notably, qi does not appear in close proximity to ren, in sharp contrast to the Chunqiu Fanlu. Overall, the statistics of this text suggest that, although some Han Confucians incorporated Daoist concepts into their philosophical repertoire, the syncretism had its limits, and Wang Fu may have adhered more closely to traditional Confucian doctrine than Dong Zhongshu. Yuan Dao Yuan Dao is an essay written by Han Yu (768 – 824 CE) during the Tang dynasty. At less than 1,000 characters, it is much shorter than the other texts I examine. However, I include it here for several reasons. One is to present a snapshot of an argumentative piece dealing with all three of China’s “Three Teachings:” Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Han Yu’s aim in this piece is to defend and clarify Confucian ideas, and one of the ways he does this is my clarifying the meaning of ren. A second reason is as a demonstration of the limitations of my quantitative techniques. As will be seen, a shorter text results in more dramatic swings in character statistics, particularly the “仁 Prox.” measure. Running analyses on a short essay still brings to light certain trends, but they may be muted or amplified as a result of lower character counts. This piece serves as a good demonstration. A third reason is to address the beginning of an ideological shift toward neo-Confucianism. Slingerland (2003) writes that Han Yu is “often identified as a forerunner of neo- 65  Confucianism.” Han Yu strongly criticized Daoism and Buddhism, while following in the same ideological tradition as Mencius. The books he cited (including the Four Books) eventually came to hold an important place in neo-Confucian metaphysics.125 Han Yu begins to truly universalize the scope of ren, a trend which we will see Zhu Xi continue. Hartman (2014) describes the change in Han Yu’s writing: The cultivation of one's ‘sense of humanity’ (ren) is no longer a purely private endeavor; rather the extension of the benefits of ren to as many people as possible becomes the moral imperative of the ‘superior man’ (junzi). The unity of the state becomes the measure of the success of this extension of ren into the wider political sphere. Such is the real significance of Han Yu's definition of ren as boai ‘to love widely’: the ‘superior man’ who has perfected his own sense of humanity in his immediate surroundings has directly contributed to the health of the state and thus enhanced the possibilities for a wider diffusion of such love. There is no distinction between private moral and public political action.126  Like Dong Zhongshu, Han Yu defines ren as boai 博愛, meaning love or concern that is broad or wide, though not without distinctions. In the second paragraph of Yuan Dao, Han Yu writes: 博愛之謂仁,行而宜之之謂義;由是而之焉之謂道,足乎己無待於外之謂德。仁與義為定名,道與德為虛位。有君子小人,而德有凶有吉。  ‘Benevolence’ (ren 仁) is wide-ranging concern. ‘Righteousness’ (yi 義) is doing what is proper. To act out of these [two] is the ‘Way’ (dao). What one has within oneself, without relying on anything outside oneself, is ‘Virtue’ (de). Ren and yi are fixed terms, while dao and de are open concepts. And so, there is the Way of the cultivated person and the Way of the petty person; there is inauspicious as well as auspicious Virtue.127  The bulk of the essay consists of Han Yu’s arguments regarding how the Buddhists and Daoists (or more literally, followers of Laozi) have mutilated and misused these terms, and how following the false Way they promote will lead society to ruin. It ends with a demand to burn the books of the other teachings, and force their monks back to lay life, for the sake of nourishing “the widows and widowers, the orphans and childless, [and] the disabled and the sick.”128 Quantitative analyses on the short piece reveal the following:                                                 125 Slingerland 2003, p. 258. 126 Hartman 2014, p. 152. 127 Ivanhoe 2010, p. 133. 128 Ibid., p. 137.  66  Table 9: Yuan Dao 原道  Author: Han Yu 韓愈 | Era: Tang Dynasty | Total Characters: 939 | Total Vocabulary: 259  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments dao 道 the Way 22 32% (7) 6 • Occurs most commonly in所謂道 and 道德 de 德 virtue 14 57% (8) 13 • 36% of occurrences (5 hits) are in the couplet 道德 ren 仁 benevolence 10 N/A 18 • 70% of occurrences (7 hits) are paired directly with 儀 • Remaining 3 occurrences are in 仁行 and 爲仁 yi 義 righteousness; rightness 10 100% (10) 18 • 70% of occurrences (7 hits) are paired directly with仁 • 禮義 and德儀 do not appear in this essay tian 天 Heaven 9 22% (2) 21 • Occurs most commonly in天下 kong 孔 Confucius 7 0% (0) 28 • 2 occurrences are quotes jun 君 gentleman 6 0% (0) 31  xin 心 heart; mind 5 0% (0) 42  fo 佛 Buddha; Buddhist 4 0% (0) 49 • In all 4 occurrences, Buddhist disciples and disciples of Laozi (i.e. Daoists) are criticized for having wrong beliefs ai 愛 love 3 67% (2) 57 • 2 occurrences directly define 仁 through 博愛: “博愛之謂仁” • The third occurrence describes well-fed people loving one another li 禮 ritual propriety 2 0% (0) 79  meng 孟 Mencius 1 0% (0) 134 • Describes how Confucius passed the Way on to Mencius zhi 智 wisdom 1 0% (0) 134    67  Many characters investigated in the previous two works do not appear in Yuan Dao at all, including yin陰, yang 陽, qi 氣, xue 學, and xiao 孝. Fa 法 only has two minor occurrences, so was not included in the table. The most noteworthy aspect of the table is that, as a result of low character hit rates, co-occurrence rates between characters with possible semantic connections tend to appear either as very large, or completely non-existent. It is meaningful that all of the 10 occurrences of yi 義 occur in close proximity to ren, 7 of them occurring within the couplet 仁義. This could support the scholarly argument that Han Yu closely followed the philosophical lineage of Mencius. Beyond this, however, I hesitate to make any arguments based on numbers from this text. Zhu Xi Zhu Xi was an extremely influential neo-Confucian philosopher living in the Song dynasty. He interpreted Confucian Classics in a way that brought them more in line with Buddhist ideology, and his reading eventually became the standard interpretation. In 1313, Zhu Xi’s commentary on the Four Books was “identified as the ‘orthodox’ interpretation for the civil service examinations and remained so for the next six hundred years. As a result, generations of Chinese scholars literally memorized Zhu Xi’s interpretations.”129 Zhu Xi “established a school of neo-Confucian thought – later known as the Cheng-Zhu 程朱, ‘learning of principle’ (lixue 理學), or ‘rationalist’ school – that remained the dominant orthodoxy throughout the Chinese cultural sphere into the twentieth century, and which continues to inform the beliefs of many contemporary neo-Confucians.”130 Zhu Xi’s commentaries were included in basic school education until recently, and his ideas had powerful influence on social customs throughout                                                129 Van Norden 2008, p. xv. 130 Slingerland 2003, p. 269.  68  China and the rest of the Chinese cultural sphere.131 Therefore, I devote particular attention to him in this chapter. In many cases, the neo-Confucian lens through which Zhu Xi viewed his material subtly altered the meaning of the original texts. For example, in Analects 12.1, discussed earlier, Confucius says that “Restraining yourself and returning to the rites (keji fuli 克己復禮)” constitutes ren. Zhu Xi takes the character ji 己 here to refer not to oneself, but to one’s own selfish desires (siyu 私欲).132 In the Mencius, Zhu Xi “glosses Mengzi’s ‘Human nature is good’ as ‘Human nature is originally good.’”133 He also “interpret[s] duan 端 as xu 緒, ‘tip,’ [instead of ‘sprout’ or ‘beginning,’] which he understands as an indicator of a fully formed virtuous nature. This reflects the “influence of Buddhist discovery metaphors of self-cultivation on Zhu Xi,”134 as observed earlier by Ivanhoe (2001). “For Zhu Xi, becoming virtuous is a process of stripping away selfishness to discover one’s true nature; for Mencius, becoming virtuous is a process of developing an incipient potential for virtue.”135 Zhu Xi’s brand of neo-Confucianism also sets up a duality between “principle” (li 理)136 and “material force” (qi 氣).137 According to Chan (1967), “the most important [new doctrine in neo-Confucianism] is that principle (li) is the foundation of all truth and values. The concept of principle was not prominent in ancient Confucianism. The word li is not mentioned in the Analects.”138 As Chan notes, Xunzi mentioned li more often, but it still did not hold a prominent place in his philosophy. Another neo-Confucian innovation was the new dual methodology of the                                                131 Chan 1987, p. 1. 132Slingerland 2003, p. 125. 133 Van Norden 2008, p. xv. 134 Van Norden 2007, p. 218. 135 Van Norden 2008, p. xliii. 136 This is also sometimes translated as “Pattern.” 137 Slingerland 2003, p. 269. 138 Chan 1967, p. xvii.   69  “investigation of things” and “exercise of seriousness,” and “there is no question that the dual emphasis on the extension of knowledge and the cultivation of seriousness reflects the influence of the twofold formula of wisdom and calmness in the Ch'an [Buddhist] school.”139 Yet another innovation of Neo-Confucianism is the new place given to the Classics. It challenged the traditional Five Classics as the only standard, and put focus on the Four Books (with commentary) as a mode of explanation, support, and practical guidance for life. They were manifested in universal li.140 According to De Bary (1960), after Buddhism’s arrival in the very late Han dynasty, it slowly gained strength as a dominant form of thought. Confucians developed the concepts of qi and li in order to accommodate some of the themes of Buddhism. Under Zhu Xi’s ideology, self-cultivation entails the “investigation of things” gewu, a phrase taken from the text Daxue,141 along with the development of ren. De Bary explains the connection between these topics: The “things” which Zhu Xi had in mind to investigate may be primarily understood as “affairs,” including matters of conduct, human relations, political problems, etc. To understand them fully required of the individual both a knowledge of that literature in which such principles are revealed (the Classics and histories) and active ethical culture which would develop to the fullest virtue of ren (humanity or benevolence). It is through ren that the individual overcomes his own selfishness and partiality, enters into all things in such a way as to fully identify with them and thus unites himself with the mind of the universe, which is love and creativity itself. Ren is the essence of man, his “humanity,” but it is also the cosmic principle that produces and embraces all things.142  As in the Analects, ren is a broad and far-reaching concept for Zhu Xi. Graham (1989) explains that ren for Zhu Xi still means benevolence, while retaining some of its original sense of being a man or human. “Integrity [cheng 誠] is the Way by which inwardly I discover the                                                139 Ibid., p. xviii.  140 Ibid. 141 Van Norden 2008, pp. xxix – xliv. I describe the Daxue in more detail shortly. 142 De Bary 1960, pp. 534 – 535.  70  benevolence [ren 仁] which distinguishes me as human, and outwardly I know the distinctive wholeness of each thing and the nature which I can assist it in fulfilling.”143 There is some distinction between the relation of ren to the other virtues under Zhu Xi’s framework as opposed to Confucius’. As Van Norden (2007) explains: “Zhu Xi argues explicitly that all virtues are, ultimately, manifestations of benevolence. This entails the unity of the virtues. It is hard to say what Confucius’ own view was, but he does seem confident in attributing some virtues to individuals without attributing others: ‘Those who are Good will necessarily display courage, but those who display courage are not necessarily Good’ (14.4).”144 Thus, in some ways Zhu Xi seems to hold ren in even higher regard than Confucius. My textual examples and analyses focus on Zhu Xi’s commentaries on the Four Books. Two of these books are the Analects and the Mencius, which I have already described. The other two are the Daxue and the Zhongyong. Both texts “are uncertainly dated in the 3rd or 2nd century BCE… [and the Zhongyong] plainly belongs to the Mencian branch of the school.”145 Regarding the essay Daxue, “in all likelihood its basic ideas go back to Confucius, though the essay itself definitively belongs to a later age,” possible “as late as 200 BCE.”146 The Daxue is a classic account of how “social order derives through the family from the self-cultivation of individuals,”147 whereas the Zhongyong extends Mencius’ theory on the goodness of human nature to the natural realm. Under its ontological framework, human morality is fundamentally tied to the balance of the cosmos. As Graham puts it, human virtues have a teleology in the                                                143 Graham 1989, p. 136. 144 Van Norden 2007, p. 43. 145 Graham 1989, p. 132. Regarding the origin of the Zhongyong, Riegel (1993, p. 296) clarifies that, “contrary to the often stated conjecture, the Zhongyong was not incorporated in the Liji as a loan from the Zisizi, a text that is associated with Confucius’ grandson and is now lost. Although it may have been composed as part of an effort to explain the teachings of the latter person, we should perhaps identify it with the Zhongyongshuo, which is listed in the ritual section of Hanshu.” Hulsewé (1993, pp. 129 – 130) dates the ritual section of the Hanshu as being completed by the time its primary author Ban Gu’s death in 92 CE. 146 De Bary 1960, p. 535. 147 Graham 1989, p. 132.  71  Zhongyong, whereby “Heaven and earth require man as the third participant to complete their work.”148 One meaningful passage Zhu Xi investigates is Mencius 2A6, also discussed in my previous chapter, which include the examples of a child falling into a well. Mencius gives this as an instance that will automatically activate the sprout of benevolence in an observer. He continues with a description of the other three virtues as well, though in this passage, he does not provide examples of their manifestations. According to Van Norden (2008), “Zhu Xi believes that righteousness, propriety, and wisdom are manifestations of benevolence, and that this is why Mencius goes on to discuss each of them here, after giving an illustration only of benevolence. Zhu Xi thus interprets Mencius as holding the doctrine of ‘the unity of virtues.’”149 It is worth noting that, under this view, Mencius’ subsequent metaphor of the virtues as limbs of the body seems to break down. How can each of the four sprouts be like limbs, and yet three of the sprouts be manifestations of one other? Zhu Xi soon elaborates on the unity of virtues. A few passages later (Mencius 2A7.2), we find an example of Mencius commentating on Confucius, followed by Zhu Xi commentating on Mencius, in which all three express portions of their view on ren:  Original text:  孔子曰:『里仁為美。擇不處仁,焉得智?』夫仁,天之尊爵也,人之安宅也。莫之禦而不仁,是不智也。   [Confucius] said, “To dwell in benevolence is beautiful; if one chooses not to dwell in benevolence, how can one be wise?”150 Now, benevolence is Heaven’s rank of respect and people’s abode of peace. If one is not benevolent though nothing prevents it, this is to fail to be wise.151                                                 148 Graham 1989, p. 136. 149 Van Norden 2008, p. 47. 150 This quote is from Analects 4.1, which Slingerland alternatively translates as: “The Master said, ‘To live in the neighborhood of the Good is fine. If one does not choose to dwell among those who are Good, how will one obtain wisdom?” 151 Van Norden 2008, p. 47.  72  Commentary:  仁者天地生物之心,得之最先,而兼統四者  Benevolence is the heart of Heaven and Earth in giving birth to things. One gets it first of all, and it links all four virtues together.152   In the passage above, Mencius first links Confucius’ statement to Heaven, and Zhu Xi further links it to both Heaven and Earth, tying ren to the heart of the cosmos. The passage in the Mencius goes on to describe one without benevolence and wisdom as “the lackey of other people” (人役), which is a cause for shame. In 2A7.4, Mencius declares: “If you are ashamed of [this], there is nothing as good as becoming benevolent.”153 In response to this, Zhu Xi explains: “[Mencius] does not discuss wisdom, propriety, and righteousness, because benevolence encompasses the entire substance. If one can become benevolent, then the other three are in its midst.” 154 Zhu Xi finishes this section with the following comment:  Original text:  仁者如射,射者正己而後發。發而不中,不怨勝己者,反求諸己而已矣。   Benevolence is like archery. An archer corrects himself and only then shoots. If he shoots but does not hit the mark, he does not resent the one who defeats him but simply turns and seeks for it in himself.155  Commentary:  為仁由己,而由人乎哉?  Does becoming benevolent come from oneself, or does it come from others?!156  Zhu Xi’s commentary is a rhetorical question, which elegantly ties the discussion back to Confucius in Analects 12.1: “The key to achieving Goodness lies within yourself—how could it come from others?”157                                                152 Ibid. 153如恥之,莫如為仁。English translation from Van Norden (2008), p. 48. 154不言智、禮、義者,仁該全體。能為仁,則三者在其中矣。English translation from Van Norden (2008), p. 48. 155 Van Norden 2008, p. 48. 156 Ibid. 157為仁由己,而由人乎哉?English translation from Slingerland (2003a), p. 125.  73   Zhu Xi’s response to Mencius 1A7, in which the king substitutes a sheep for a sacrificial ox, is also telling of his views on both ren and li 理:  蓋殺牛既所不忍,釁鐘又不可廢。。。然見牛則此心已發而不可遏,未見羊則其理未形而無所妨。故以羊易牛,則二者得以兩全而無害,此所以為仁之術也。。。蓋人之於禽獸,同生而異類。故用之以禮,而不忍之心施於見聞之所及。其所以必遠庖廚者,亦以預養是心,而廣為仁之術也。  On the one hand, killing the ox was something that the king could not bear to do. On the other hand, anointing the bell was something that could not be dispensed with… When he saw the ox, this heart had already been expressed and could not be repressed. But he had not seen the sheep, so the Pattern [li 理] had not yet taken form and there were no feelings to hinder. Hence, exchanging the sheep for the ox allowed for the two (i.e. the heart and the ritual) to be complete without harm. This is how it is a technique of benevolence… Now, humans are the same as animals in being alive, but are different categories of things. Hence, we use animals for rituals, and our heart that does not bear their suffering applies only as far as they are seen and heard. Keeping one’s distance from the kitchen is a technique used to cultivate this heart and broaden one’s benevolence.158  This passage elucidates the metaphysical way in which li “takes form” at the sight of a situation stimulating ren, and what the proper response should be. Of course, as Van Norden notes, there does seem to be some hypocrisy in allowing others to do work that would damage their sprouts of benevolence, a conflict which Zhu Xi ignores. Finally, while I shall limit my quantitative analyses to the Four Books, it is worth briefly looking at another major philosophical work associated with Zhu Xi, Reflections on Things at Hand (Jin si lu 近思錄), as it contains two direct explanations of ren. The first occurs in Chapter 1:  醫書言手足痿痺為不仁,此言最善名狀。仁者以天地萬物為一體,莫非己也。認得為己,何所不至?若不有諸己,自不與己相干。如手足不仁,氣已不貫,皆不屬己。  Books on medicine describe paralysis of the four limbs as absence of humanity. This is an excellent description. The man of humanity regards Heaven and Earth and all things as one body. To him there is nothing that is not himself. Since he has recognized all things as himself, can there be any limit to his humanity? If things are not part of the self, naturally they have nothing to do with it. As in the case of paralysis of the four limbs, the vital force no longer penetrates them, and therefore they are no longer parts of the self.                                                158 Van Norden 2008, pp. 9 – 10.  74   The “vital force” described here is the qi 氣. As shown earlier, ren had been evolving a closer relationship to qi over the previous centuries, and the two terms appear here in metaphorical parallel. The passage continues: 故博施濟眾,乃聖之功用。仁至難言,故止曰"己欲立而立人,己欲達而達人。能近取譬,可謂仁之方已。"欲令如是觀仁,可以得仁之體。  Therefore, to be charitable and to assist all things is the function of a sage. It is most difficult to describe humanity. Hence Confucius merely said that the man of humanity, ‘wishing to establish his own character, also establishes the character of others, and wishing to be prominent himself, also helps others to be prominent. To be able to judge of others what is in ourselves may be called the method of realizing humanity.’159 The hope was that by looking at it this way we might get at the substance of humanity.”160  This passages drives at ren as a transcendental virtue, capable of unifying man with the universe. It utilizes a quote from the Analects that best fits this interpretation. A second important description of ren occurs in Chapter 2 of the text: 仁之道,要之只消道一"公"字。公只是仁之理,不可將公便喚做仁。公而以人體之故為仁。只為公則物我兼照,故仁所以能恕,所以能愛。恕則仁之施,愛則仁之用也。  Essentially speaking, the way of humanity may be expressed in one word, namely, impartiality. However, impartiality is but the principle of humanity; it should not be equated with humanity itself.  When one makes impartiality the substance of his person, that is humanity. Because of his impartiality, there will be no distinction between himself and others. Therefore, a man of humanity is a man of both altruism and love. Altruism is the application of humanity, while love is its function.”161  This passage echoes Analects 15.24, where Confucius cites shu 恕 as a single word that can serve as a guide for life. However, perhaps in part to address the puzzling relationship between ren and shu that I cited earlier, the passage clarifies that ren is the central unifier, whereas gong 公, shu恕, and ai 愛 are merely its extensions in different contexts.                                                159 From Analects 6.30. 160 Chan 1967, p. 19. 161 Ibid., pp. 19 – 20.   75  For my quantitative analysis, I was able to separate Zhu Xi’s commentary text from the segments of quoted text in the original Four Books.162 I originally began by comparing each character’s statistics side-by-side between the original text and the commentaries. However, in nearly every case, this comparison proved meaningless. For Hits, every number from the commentaries was much larger, because the commentaries are approximately twice as long. For 仁 Prox., every character was less close in the commentaries, because in addition to explanation, the commentaries employ instructions in pronunciation, and because Zhu Xi’s written classical Chinese is simply more verbose than the original texts – a change in writing style that occurred over the 1500 years in between. In the end, I settled for the two tables below. The first provides general statistics for the originals and commentaries; the second provides the usual quantitative statistics for the commentaries alone:                                               162 I did this by copying the texts from Ctext on Google Chrome into Microsoft Word. When copied from Chrome (but not other browsers, such as Explorer or Firefox), the texts retain their HTML formatting, in which the original passages appear larger and in bold. I then used the advanced settings of the Find and Replace function in Word to replace all segments of large, bold text with a single symbol, which for me served as a marker for where the original text had been. Table 10: General Statistics for the Four Books and the Commentaries on the Four Books Text Name Total Characters in Original Total Vocabulary in Original Total Characters in Commentary Total Vocabulary in Commentary Segments Quoted in Commentary Daxue 大學 1,755 395 4,647 821 80 Zhongyong 中庸 3,568 639 10,251 1,057 164 The Analects 論語 15,962 1,354 62,330 2,286 869 The Mencius 孟子 35,426 1,901 65,348 2,557 956   76    Table 11: Commentaries on the Four Books 四書章句集注  Author: Zhu Xi 朱熹 | Era: Song Dynasty | Total Characters: 142,576 | Total Vocabulary: 3,188  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments dao 道 the Way 705 6% (42) 29  xin 心 heart; mind 689 13% (91) 30 • Higher relative rank than in any other Confucian text examined tian 天 Heaven 678 6% (42) 31  jun 君 gentleman 580 5% (28) 44  ren 仁 benevolence 477 N/A 54 • About on par with the Analects and the Mencius in terms of relative rank xue 學 learning; study 443 4% (17) 56  li 禮 ritual propriety 412 7% (29) 61  kong 孔 Confucius 399 3% (12) 63  li 理 principle 374 9% (32) 71  yi 義 righteousness; rightness 373 23% (86) 72 • 14% of occurrences (51 hits) are in the couplet 仁義; 13 of these hits are in the phrase 仁義禮智. • 6% of occurrences (19 hits) are in the couplet 禮義 meng 孟 Mencius 370 2% (8) 73  de 德 virtue 346 10% (33) 76  qi 氣 spirit; essence 185 3% (6) 132 • Relative rank somewhat lower than might be anticipated  fa 法 way; method 177 5% (9) 135  ai 愛 love 118 29% (34) 206 • High proximity to 仁 corroborates view of modern scholarship xiao 孝 filial piety 68 25% (17) 330  zhi 智 wisdom 62 44% (27) 357  zhongni  仲尼 Confucius (alternate) 35 3% (1) 558 • Treated as one character in analysis yang陽 light; positive 28 0% (0) 603  yin陰 dark; negative 19 5% (1) 787    77   The table above shows that the relative rank of ren has risen back towards the top within Zhu Xi’s commentaries, and it is now about on part with its relative rank in the Analects and the Mencius. It also shows fairly close association with most of the other Confucian virtues, a notable exception being li 禮. Its close proximity to ai 愛 may support Chan’s theoretical view of ren as transcendental love in neo-Confucian scholarship.163 Meanwhile, the ratio of renyi 仁義 to liyi 禮義 is approximately 2 to 1 here, lower than in most other Confucian texts, but still leaning in the direction of Mencius. However, the fact that the numeric proximity of ren to ai is even stronger than the proximity of ren to yi義 helps to re-iterate that Zhu Xi was not just following Mencian theory, but crafting his own novel interpretations. The most unexpected result to come out of my analyses was ren’s low proximity to qi 氣 in the commentaries. Given the two terms’ connection as outlined in the qualitative section, I would have expected their overlap within a 10-character window to be great than 6 occurrences. This finding provides an opportunity for follow-up research, such as delineating between uses of qi in Zhu Xi’s Commentaries on the Four Books and Reflections on Things at Hand.  Conclusion After the Warring States, Confucianism evolved in response to competing philosophies, namely Buddhism and Daoism. Ren expanded in scope, and gained increased connection to cosmological and metaphysical domains. This is shown by its frequent appearance in passages concerning Heaven and Earth, and by its increasing connection to qi 氣 and li 理. Throughout the texts examined, ren retains a strong semantic and numeric tie to ai 愛, and was directly defined by Dong Zhongshu and Han Yu as boai 博愛, or “loving broadly.” While the numeric rank of                                                163 Chan 1955.  78  ren relative to other virtues fell somewhat in the three pre-Song texts examined, Zhu Xi brought ren back to the fore, cementing it in orthodox Confucian tradition as a form of transcendental, unifying humanity.    79  4. Adaptations of Ren Chan (1955) acknowledges that “ren held some significance in Buddhism and Daoism, but quickly moves past them, stating that “ren is essentially a Confucian concept, and it was Confucius who made it really significant.”164 This may be true, but after Confucius, philosophers in other schools of thought used the word ren as well, impacting its evolution. These other usages of ren did not arise and disappear in isolation. While Confucian writers were the primary driving force behind ren’s meaning, continuous interaction between competing philosophies meant that new interpretations from so-called Daoists, Mohists, Legalists, and Buddhists had major influence on Confucian thinking. The development of not just these philosopher’s uses of ren, but their worldviews in general, was a reciprocal process. In this chapter, I first look at four non-Confucian texts with major philosophical impact in the Warring States: the Daodejing, Zhuangzi, Mozi, and Hanfeizi.165 I chose these as case studies in primary texts of three other schools of thought in the Warring States period, namely Daoism, Mohism, and Legalism. I then finish by looking briefly at two post-Warring States Daoist texts, the Taiping jing and Huashu, and one modern dictionary Buddhist Dictionary, Soothill and Hodous’ Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms. I chose these as experimental case studies in ways my methodologies can be applied to later non-Confucian texts. My findings suggest that ren was also an important concept outside of the Confucian tradition, and its flexible meaning of “benevolence” fluidly took on different connotations, depending on the philosophical tradition in question.                                                  164 Chan 1955, p. 295. 165 I would also have liked to include the work of Yang Zhu, another major philosopher of the time period. However, due to space limitations, and the lack of a single, coherent text for Yang Zhu, I was not able to include his work.  80  The Daodejing  The Daodejing is a short work of about 5,000 characters traditionally attributed to Laozi, a mythical figure whom scholars consider to be fictional. Though it is not classed as poetry in the Chinese system, it consists of discrete verses, sometimes rhymed. Regarding its authenticity, although it is traditionally considered to be an early Warring States text, the received Wang Bi edition does not seem to have reached its final form until sometime during the third- or second-century BCE.166 According to Lau (1982), “not only is the Daodejing an anthology, but even individual chapters are usually made up of shorter passages whose connection with one another is at best tenuous.” Lau urges readers to view each section as a unit of thought, rather than part of a cohesive whole, and reflect upon the parts that may have been influenced by later philosophy.167  The Guodian texts discovered in 1993 have further updated our knowledge of the text. Mentioned in Chapter 1, this cache of bamboo strips was excavated from a tomb sealed between the mid-fourth and very early third-century BCE, and published in 1998.168 The Guodian version of the Daodejing differs from the received version in ways that blur the line between “Daoist” and “Confucian,”169 and one of those differences pertains directly to ren. As Csikszentmihalyi and Ivanhoe (1999) explain: The Guodian texts’ intriguing variation on chapter 19 will certainly elicit much comment. In the received text, the chapter contains one of several attacks on two important virtues associated with Confucius, benevolence and righteousness: ‘Eliminated benevolence and discard righteousness, and the people will return to filial piety and compassion’ (絕仁棄義民復孝慈). The Guodian slips have instead ‘Eliminate artifice and discard falsehood, and the people will return to being filial sons’ (絕僞棄詐民復孝子). For whatever reason, this oldest version of this chapter of the Laozi does not include explicit criticisms of the virtues extolled in the other texts next to which it was buried.170                                                 166 Boltz 1993, pp. 270 – 271. 167 Lau 1982. 168 Slingerland 2008, p. 239. 169 Ibid., p. 240. 170 Csikszentmihalyi & Ivanhoe 1999, p. 9.  81  This finding is curious, and seems to suggest that later authors may have edited the passage so as to highlight the divide between early Confucianism and early Daoism. In most cases, however, both versions of the Daodejing depict the word ren as the empty husk of a virtue. It is simply a word that people resort to after the true Way has been lost, as in Chapter 18: 大道廢,有仁義;智慧出,有大偽;六親不和,有孝慈;國家昏亂,有忠臣。  When the great Way is abandoned, there are benevolence and righteousness. When wisdom and intelligence come forth, there is great hypocrisy. When the six familial relationships are out of balance, there are kind parents and filial children. When the state is in turmoil and chaos, there are loyal ministers.171  Ivanhoe (2002) cites the passage above as an example of “the idea that more can lead to less and its implication that less can yield more.” He explains that “this passage expresses the general theme that the self-conscious appreciation of virtue is a mark of the decline of the dao.”172 Similarly, in Chapter 38 we find: 失道而後德,失德而後仁,失仁而後義,失義而後禮。  When the Way was lost there was Virtue; when Virtue was lost there was benevolence; when benevolence was lost there was righteousness; when righteousness was lost there were the rites.173  Note that Virtue (de 德) here appears on a higher order than ren. The Confucian virtues seem to be listed in a hierarchy of increasing crudeness. The fact that ren appears as the second-most refined virtue (after de) could be said to demonstrate the importance the author/s of this section of the Daodejing attributed to ren, even though they viewed it as negative. Unfortunately, in performing quantitative analyses on the text, low character counts may once again lead to somewhat unreliable results:                                               171 Ivanhoe 2002, p. 18. Note that this passage also employs negative use of the term wei 偽, translated here as “hypocrisy.” Xunzi later consciously used this term to mean “artificial” in a positive sense, attempting to change the term’s connotations. 172 Ibid., p. 88. 173 Ibid., p. 41.  82  Table 12: The Daodejing 道德經  Author: Unknown (Traditionally Attributed to Laozi 老子) Era: Warring States | Total Characters: 5,284 | Total Vocabulary: 802  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments tian 天 Heaven 92 2% (2) 8  dao 道 the Way; to say 77 4% (3) 13  de 德 virtue 45 7% (3) 21  ren 仁 benevolence 8 N/A 117  zhi 智 wisdom 7 29% (2) 136  yi 義 righteousness; rightness 5 100% (5) 166 • Occurs once in the couplet 仁義 • Does not occur in the couplet 禮義 • Consistent proximity to 仁 may reflect later editing li 禮 ritual propriety 5 40% (2) 166  jun 君 gentleman 5 0% (0) 166  ai 愛 love 5 0% (0) 166  xue 學 learning; study 4 0% (0) 203  xiao 孝 filial piety 2 50% (1) 341  yang陽 light; strong; male 1 0% (0) 474 • Term was not yet in common occurrence, despite presence of concept yin陰 dark; weak; female 1 0% (0) 474 • Term was not yet in common occurrence, despite presence of concept   83  As with all of the texts examined in this chapter, ren does not occur very frequently in the Daodejing. The most interesting result is that the character yi 義 always appears in close proximity to ren. Contrasted with the Analects, in which the two terms never appear within 10 characters of one another, this is interesting. It is generally only around the time of Mencius that the two terms gain close association in Warring States texts, yet even in the Guodian version of the Daodejing, we find one occurrence of the couplet 仁義.174 This paradox, highlighted through quantitative analysis, supports the notion that portions of the Daodejing were edited later in the Warring States, and re-iterates Lau’s advice to not treat the text as a single unbroken unit.175 The Zhuangzi  The Zhuangzi is another so-called “Daoist” work, building on certain themes found in the Daodejing. In terms of its authenticity, “from earliest times the nei pian [Inner Chapters] have been considered to be the actual work of Zhuang Zhou (or Zhuangzi), and modern scholars generally concur with this view, on the basis of the style, vocabulary, grammar and philosophical content of the text.”176 The remaining chapters are a mix of material attributed to early primitivists, syncretists, later followers, and the philosopher Yang Zhu.177 The text took its final form in the early Han dynasty. There is debate over which exact group compiled it, but it is likely that “the philosophical positions represented in the text are not all miscellaneous, but, instead, indicate different strata in the development of early Taoist thought.”178 For the sake of consistency and coherency, I include only the Inner Chapters in both my qualitative and quantitative analyses.                                                174 Guodian Laozi, Version C, fragment 1. 175 Although I acknowledge the Daodejing as a text possibly composed of different fragments, I still feel justified in conducting quantitative analysis on the text at a basic level. This is because, fragmented or not, on some level the text was representative of the early Daoist philosophical movement. 176 Roth 1993, p. 56. 177 Ibid. 178 Ibid., p. 57.  84  Zhuangzi promotes freedom from worldly constraints, and unity with the Way. As in the Daodejing, ren is the husk of virtue, and a barrier to progress. Those who pursue it are missing the point and constraining themselves. Commentating on the section Daren zhi xing  大人之行,  Lusthaus (2003) writes: Unlike Confucians who preach the importance of striving for and maintaining ethical norms such as humankind-ness (ren 仁) – and yet may not live up to them in their daily lives – the Great Man is impeccably ethical in his actions while unconcerned with norms… The Great Man is not so because of an ethical formula or rubric, but because he embodies the aporetic vision that frees him from the tugging influence of oppositional extremism (right and wrong, tiny and large, etc.).179  The Great Man in the Zhuangzi is one who we should ostensibly seek to emulate. A colorful writer, Zhuangzi often takes Confucius and his star disciple Yan Hui and invents stories with them as a mouthpiece. The following example from Chapter 6 relates to ren: 顏回曰:「回益矣。」仲尼曰:「何謂也?」曰:「回忘仁義矣。」曰:「可矣,猶未也。」  Yan Hui said, “I’m improving!” Confucius said, “What do you mean by that?” [Yan Hui replied,] “I’ve forgotten benevolence and righteousness!” [Confucius responded,] “That’s good. But you still haven’t got it.”180  In this passage, the fictional Yan Hui continues by stripping away his understanding of ritual as well, but Confucius is not satisfied until the third day, when Yan Hui declares:  「回坐忘矣。。。墮肢體,黜聰明,離形去知,同於大通,此謂坐忘。」  “I can sit down and forget everything!... I can smash up my limbs and body, drive out perception and intellect, cast off form, do away with understanding, and make myself identical with the Great Thoroughfare. This is what I mean by sitting down and forgetting everything.”181  To this, Confucius replies:  「同則無好也,化則無常也。而果其賢乎!182丘也請從而後也。」                                                 179 Lusthaus 2003, p. 187. 180 Watson 2003c, p. 86. 181 Ibid., p. 87. 182 This is a satirical reference to Analects 6.11, in which Confucius twice exclaims, “What a worthy man was Yan Hui!” (賢哉回也!).  85  “If you’re identical with it, you must have no more likes! If you’ve been transformed, you must have no more constancy! So you really are a worthy man after all! With your permission, I’d like to become your follower.”183  In this facetious exchange, Zhuangzi depicts forgetting ren as just a step along the path to greater understanding, which involves emptying one’s mind of the Confucian virtues and everything else. Earlier in the same chapter, Zhuangzi actually compares ren and yi to corporeal punishment:  意而子曰:「堯謂我:『汝必躬服仁義,而明言是非。』」許由曰:「而奚為來軹?夫堯既已黥汝以仁義,而劓汝以是非矣,汝將何以遊夫遙蕩、恣睢、轉徙之途乎?」  Yi Erzi said, “Yao told me, ‘You must learn to practice benevolence and righteousness and to speak clearly about right and wrong!’ ‘Then why come to see me?’ said Xu You. ‘Yao has already tattooed you with benevolence and righteousness and cut off your nose with right and wrong. Now how do you expect to go wandering in any far-away, carefree, and as-you-like-it paths?”184  Tattoos and nose cutting were punishments for crimes in ancient China, and Xu You was a famous recluse at the time of Yao. In an earlier chapter, Yao is portrayed as offering him rulership of the world, but Xu You eschews it. Passages like these showcase the ideological battles raging during the Warring States. Zhuangzi did not reinterpret ren in a way that stuck, but he did make use of it as ammunition against his philosophical adversaries. Quantitative analysis of the text is as follows:                                               183 Watson 2003c, p. 87. 184 Watson 2003c, pp. 85 – 86.  86  Table 13: The Zhuangzi 莊子 (Inner Chapters)  Author: Zhuangzi 莊子 | Era: Warring States | Total Characters: 13,793 | Total Vocabulary: 1,527  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments tian 天 Heaven 120 2% (2) 20  xin 心 mind 48 2% (1) 44  dao 道 the Way 46 7% (3) 50  de 德 virtue 36 0% (0) 64  zhongni  仲尼 Confucius (alternate) 23 4% (1) 91 • Treated as one character in analysis jun 君 gentleman 21 0% (0) 101  shen 神 spirit 19 0% (0) 121  qi 氣 essence 14 0% (0) 162 • Surprisingly rare yi 義 righteousness; rightness 13 46% (6) 166 • 38% of occurrences (5 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • The couplet 禮義 does not appear yang陽 light; strong; male 13 0% (0) 166  ren 仁 benevolence 11 N/A 193  kong 孔 Confucius 11 0% (0) 193  ai 愛 love 10 0% (0) 218  li 禮 ritual propriety 8 0% (0) 263  xue 學 learning; study 6 0% (0) 333  yin陰 dark; weak; female 5 0% (0) 382  xiao 孝 filial piety 1 0% (0) 931  zhi 智 wisdom 0 N/A N/A    87   In the Zhuangzi, ren does not occur in close proximity to any of the other usual Confucian terms (except yi 義), including jun 君, de 德, li 禮, and ai 愛. Zhi 智 does not appear in the text at all. This helps show that, when Zhuangzi chooses to bring up ren and yi at all, he does so specifically so that he can reject them in favor of his own teaching, and not to link them to any other concepts the Confucians would have considered important. The Mozi  Mohism was a well-organized school of thought during the Warring States. It was strongest before the Qin dynasty, and declined thereafter. The founder of the ideology is known as Mozi, and the work titled with his name contains his own thoughts, as well as those of his disciples. Regarding authenticity, Graham (1993) writes, “no part of the book claims to be written by Mozi himself. Nevertheless, except in the Military Chapters, and possibly in ch. 1 and 2, it displays everywhere the distinctive thought of the Mohist school, which died out in the second century B.C.” The cruder core chapters may go back to the school’s early beginnings, while the later (corrupt) dialectical chapters appear to have been written later.185 For my analyses, I use the entire book, taking it as representative of the movement as a whole. Van Norden (2008) cites Mozi as “the first systematic critic of Confucianism. In place of cultivating virtue in individuals, he advocated a kind of consequentialism: policies and institutions were to be judged by how much “benefit” (or “profit,” li) they produced.”186 However, opposing the Confucians did not stop Mozi from appropriating their terminology. Mozi’s use of the word ren is best translated as “magnanimity,” and it refers to physical aid rather than mental caring. One example occurs in Book 4:                                                185 Graham 1993, p. 337. 186 Van Norden 2008, p. xxvi.  88  子墨子言曰:「仁人之所以為事者,必興天下之利,除去天下之害,以此為事者也。」  Mozi said: “It is the business of the magnanimous man to try to promote what is beneficial to the world and to eliminate what is harmful.”187  Mozi considers things that increase the population, wealth, and order of the state to be beneficial. Meanwhile, he defines harm as “great states attacking small ones, great families overthrowing small ones, the strong oppressing the weak, the many harrying the few, the cunning deceiving the stupid, [and] the eminent lording it over the humble.”188 Note that the immediate scope of Mozi’s ren is “the world,” or tianxia 天下. This idea is parallel to his promotion of jianai 兼愛, or “universal caring.” It differs importantly from the Confucian ideal of graded love, which diminishes with decreased social proximity. Mohist thought also emphasizes measurement. In Book 7, Mozi states: 我有天志,譬若輪人之有規,匠人之有矩。。。其於仁義則大相遠也。何以知之?曰我得天下之明法以度之。  The will of Heaven is to me like a compass to a wheelright or a square to a carpenter… On matters of benevolence and righteousness [the Confucian gentlemen] are far apart. How do I know? Because I measure them by the clearest standard in the world [i.e., the will of Heaven].189  In other words, Mozi compares Confucian beliefs and behaviors with his conception of the will of Heaven, finds them to be at odds, and therefore judges Confucians not to possess the very virtues they extoll (at least as Mozi conceives of these virtues).  For the Mohists, the man of ren is able to control his base desires, and acts with pure selflessness, as described in Book 8: 仁者之為天下度也,非為其目之所美,耳之所樂,口之所甘,身體之所安,以此虧奪民衣食之財,仁者弗為也。                                                 187 Watson 2003a, p. 42. 188 Ibid. 189 Watson 2003a, p. 86.  89  When the benevolent man plans for the benefit of the world, he does not consider merely what will please the eye, delight the ear, gratify the mouth, or give ease to the body. If in order to gratify the senses he has to deprive the people of the wealth needed for their food and clothing, then the benevolent man will not do so.190  In some regards, the passage above is reminiscent of the Xunzian perspective. Both stress self-control in the attainment and preservation of ren. In the later chapters of the book, Mozi’s followers sharpen his theories and definitions. In Book 10, we find the following explicit definitions of ren, yi 義, and li 禮: 仁,體愛也。 仁:愛己者,非為用己也。不若愛馬。  義,利也。 義:志以天下為芬,而能能利之,不必用。  禮,敬也。 禮:貴者公,賤者名,而俱有敬僈。焉等,異論也。  Benevolence is loving individually. Benevolence: Loving the self191 is not for the sake of the self being of use. It is not like loving a horse.  Righteousness is being of benefit. Righteousness: The resolve to take the world as one’s sphere of action and, having ability, being able to benefit it. It is not necessary to be used (i.e. have a position).  Propriety is respect. Propriety: The noble have the title “duke” whilst the lowly just have a name, yet for both there is respect and rudeness. It is only in rank that they differ.192   “Loving individually” as a definition of ren is a somewhat puzzling phrase, given the Mohist ideal of universal caring, but scholars have interpreted it as being in line with selfless behavior. According to Graham (1978): Adhering to the principle of jian ai ‘loving everyone’ assumes moral value only as the love of individuals, which accounts for the definition of ren as ‘loving individuals.’ In the [explanatory portion], one may expect the loss of some words linking love of others with self-love, but the point is clear enough… Self-                                               190 Ibid., p. 113. 191 On p. 378, Johnston (2010) notes that some scholars argue this passage is corrupt, and that 己 should be replaced with 民, which would change the phrase from “loving the self” to “loving the people.” 192 Translation from Johnston 2010, pp. 378 – 381.  90  love is one example of loving a man, and shows that love is for the sake of the man himself, not for his usefulness to some further end.193  Fraser (2006) agrees, reading the above definition of ren as “concern for an individual,” and reading ai 愛 in this context roughly “as desiring benefit and disliking harm to a person, for that person's own sake, and not as a means.”194 Quantitative analysis shows that, unlike the author/s of the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi, the Mohists used and promoted Confucian virtues, albeit only after they had redefined them. My quantitative analysis for the text is as follows:                                               193 Graham 1978, p. 271. 194 Fraser 2006, in the Stanford Dictionary of Philosophy online: http://stanford.library.usyd.edu.au/archives/spr2006/entries/mohist-canons. Sec. 3: “Benefit and Happiness”  91  Table 14: The Mozi 墨子  Author: Mozi 墨子 and Disciples | Era: Warring States | Total Characters: 80,500 | Total Vocabulary: 2,500  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments tian 天 Heaven 939 5% (43) 12  li 利 benefit 394 4% (16) 31  jun 君 gentleman 331 8% (28) 39  yi 義 rightness 298 16% (47) 43 • Occurs more than twice as frequently as 仁, unlike in most other texts, reflecting special attention to standards and definitions of rightness • 11% of occurrences (34 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • The couplet 禮義 does not appear ai 愛 care 285 8% (23) 45 • (14) occurrences in the couplet 兼愛 • Interestingly, 相愛 is more common, with (42) occurrences zhi 智 wisdom 182 1% (2) 83 • Higher rank here than any other text dao 道 the Way 154 7% (11) 95 • Relatively low ranking, compared to other texts fa 法 standard 149 10% (15) 98  xian 賢 worthy 123 0% (0) 120 • Somewhat surprising that this term never occurs with 仁, even once ren 仁 magnanimity 118 N/A 129 • Highest couplet by far is 不仁 (29 occurrences) xue 學 learning; study 64 6% (4) 223  xiao 孝 filial piety 50 18% (9) 275  de 德 virtue 36 3% (1) 360  kong 孔 Confucius 32 0% (0) 394  li 禮 ritual propriety 25 0% (0) 466  ru 儒 Confucian 19 0% (0) 565    92  The high ranks of yi 義 reflects the Mohist concern with standards and definitions of rightness. With regard to ren, it is important to note here that there are an especially high number of negating examples of the term in the Mozi. There is also the case in Book 12 of Mozi debating Gong Mengzi, who gives what Mozi considers to be a wrong definition of ren. This is a reminder that numbers alone are not sufficient for deriving strong conclusions. Overall, statistics show that the Mohists discuss ai 愛 and yi 義 far more frequently than ren, though ren does relate to both of these terms. Interestingly, ren never occurs in close proximity to xian 賢, or “worthy” people. Follow-up research could determine why this may be the case. Also, although renyi 仁義 occurs with fairly high frequency and liyi 禮義 does not occur at all, the Mozi is a decidedly “externalist” text in terms of its moral stance. Using the ratio of renyi to liyi as a measure of a text’s lean toward Mencius does not hold up with texts outside of the Confucian tradition. Hanfeizi  Hanfeizi was a pupil of Xunzi who lived in the later part of the Warring States period.195 His philosophy, which was later dubbed Legalism, or fajia 法家, was closely associated with the harsh legal code of the Qin dynasty. It was not viewed fondly by the Confucians of the Han, although rulers of the Han in fact borrowed many of their laws from the Qin. Most of the text seems to have come from Hanfeizi’s own hand. According to Levi (1993), “from citations which are included in other works and in the encyclopedias it appears that the text has suffered very few losses. The book may therefore be accepted as authentic.”196 Han Feizi aims to take a more practical approach to improving human behavior and achieving societal peace. He believes that “human nature (xing 性) is neither benevolent, as                                                195 Loewe 1993, p. 178. 196 Levi 1993, p. 117.  93  Mencius would have it, nor bad, as Xunzi holds: man merely strives to satisfy his vital appetites. Far from attempting to reform this nature, the best response is to adapt to it.”197 And the best way to do this is through proper application of rewards (shang 賞) and punishments (xing 刑).  In some ways, Hanfeizi’s ideas overlap with those of the Mohists. Both give highest priority to the welfare of the state, and argue that the only way to achieve order is through “articulat[ing] and implement[ing] a set of clear, objective, and publicly known criteria as the basis for choosing and promoting as well as disciplining, demoting, or dismissing those who worked in government.”198  On the other hand, other aspects of his doctrine overlap with that of the early Daoists. Like the early Daoists, Hanfeizi wanted to ensure that the “ruler undergoes a process of training that leads him to ‘abandon wisdom,’ ‘discard desire,’ practice ‘non-action,’ and in general appear empty and without purpose.”199 The difference was that for the early Daoists, this meant relinquishing direct control of the state, whereas for Hanfeizi, this was simply an instrumental tactic for maintaining it. A ruler should appear without purpose or desire so that others could not manipulate him.  As for ren, Hanfeizi takes it as a weakness. Harris (2012) explains his view towards the Confucians’ seemingly prosocial virtues: The moral virtues of kindness, benevolence, and loyalty, highly prized by Confucians, can be disastrous for order within the state. While this may initially seem to go against the passage in which Han Fei argues that the ruler and ministers should have a close relationship, there is no true conflict. Having a close working relationship with one’s superiors or subordinates does not necessitate any loyalty in the Confucian sense. Rather, the close working relationship implies that everyone within the bureaucracy does their assigned duties, and thus meshes together as finely as the gears of a carefully designed, well-oiled machine.200                                                 197 Galvany 2012, p. 92 198 Ivanhoe 2011, p. 32. 199 Ibid., p. 31. 200 Harris 2012, p. 119.  94  In the cold, efficient machine that is good government, ren can only get in the way. This idea comes across clearly in Chapter 49: 夫以法行刑而君為之流涕,此以效仁,非以為治也。夫垂泣不欲刑者仁也,然而不可不刑者法也,先王勝其法不聽其泣,則仁之不可以為治亦明矣。  When punishments are carried out according to the law and the ruler sheds tears because of it, this is in order to demonstrate the ruler’s benevolence, and not for the sake of creating order. To shed tears and not want to punish is benevolence, but to not allow offenses not to be punished is the law. The former kings allowed their laws to prevail and did not listen to their tears, so clearly benevolence cannot be relied on to produce order.201  Thus, for Hanfeizi, rulers who possess ren are not able to perform the necessary tasks of government, and “should not be praised” (fei suo yu 非所譽). Obviously, the Confucians discussed earlier would all have taken great offense to such a claim, believing good government to be possible precisely because of ren. It is possible that passages such as this, combined with the negatively-perceived Qin dynasty that thrived upon Legalist code, generated an ideological backlash from the Han Confucians, leading them to promote Mencian internalism, including the importance of ren. Quantitative analysis for the text is as follows:                                                 201 Ivanhoe 2001, p. 325.  95  Table 15: The Hanfeizi 韓非子  Author: Hanfeizi 韓非子 and Disciples | Era: Warring States | Total Characters: 106,362 | Total Vocabulary: 2,701  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments jun 君 gentleman 892 1% (10) 17  fa 法 standard; law 447 2% (10) 38  tian 天 Heaven 367 2% (8) 48  dao 道 the Way 350 4% (13) 51  li 利 benefit 310 2% (6) 53  shang 賞 reward 257 1% (2) 64  zhi 智 wisdom 245 4% (9) 69  ai 愛 care; love 201 2% (4) 88  xing 刑 punishment 162 4% (6) 114  yi 義 righteousness 137 40% (55) 144 • 34% of occurrences (46 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • 3% of occurrences (4 hits) are in the couplet 禮義 de 德 virtue; reward 119 5% (6) 174  zhongni  仲尼 Confucius (alternate) 100 1% (1) 195 • Treated as one character in analysis ren 仁 benevolence 97 N/A 197  li 禮 ritual propriety 89 6% (5) 214  xue 學 learning; study 77 6% (5) 243  ru 儒 Confucian 51 0% (0) 249  kong 孔 Confucius 46 0% (0) 381  xiao 孝 filial piety 30 0% (0) 526    96  These statistics reflect a degree of Mencian influence through the prevalence of the compound renyi. However, similar to the Mozi, while the ratio of occurrences of renyi 仁義 to liyi禮義 in this text is high, Hanfeizi is an externalist philosopher. Although he deals largely with the Mencian compound, he does so in a criticizing manner. The most surprising result arising from this quantitative analysis is that ai 愛 is more highly ranked than xing 形. Given Hanfeizi’s low view of “benevolence,” might expect his opinion of “love” to be similar. Making sense of this finding would require additional qualitative investigation. Taiping Jing  My post-Warring States analysis of ren in non-Confucian philosophy is very brief. There is a great deal of potential material to cover, but to give a sense for how such research could be continued, I address a few representative case studies. The first of these is the Taiping jing, a Daoist text of unknown authorship attempting “to restore to the fading dynasty the harmony, order, and happiness of its first decades.”202 According to Pregadio (2007), “the doctrine of the Taiping jing is based on the idea, already present in Warring States texts, that an era of Great Peace (taiping) will descend on the empire if its governance is based on returning to the Dao.”203 The content of the text “expounds cosmological theories and moral precepts for the improvement of the state and of the world in general.”204 The text dates mainly from the late Han, though it was reedited during the Six Dynasties (220 – 589 CE), and many details of its transmission are shrouded.205 Some chapters of the text have also been lost, and several versions exist. For my                                                202 Hendrischke 2006, p. 1. 203 Pregadio 2007, p. 939. 204 Schipper & Verellen 2004, p. 277. 205 Ibid.  97  analyses, I used the Taiping jing hejiao, which is the most complete and widely used single version.206 At nearly 234,000 characters, the Taiping jing is the longest texts I examine. In it, ren is positive, and functions as part of a system of cause and effect, affecting both rulers and commoners. As Hendrischke (2006) explains: The more punishment a ruler applies, the more insurrections he will face, while the extent of his benevolence directly affects the obedience he can expect from his subjects. A violent ruler will lack men who support him and will therefore lose his position. On the other hand, moral conduct and benevolent practices enable a man to assemble followers, to become a king, and to reign successfully.207  Such sentiments ring of Confucianism, and they could be seen as the Daoist mirroring of syncretist components in the ideology of Wang Fu, described in the last chapter. The results that a benevolent or unbenevolent king reaps are his “inherited burden,” or chengfu承負, which Pregadio (2007) cites as “one of the most characteristic features of the Taiping jing.” Chengfu “refers to a system whereby the effects of transgressions are passed from one generation to the next—neatly explaining the phenomenon, troublesome for religions in many cultures, of good people suffering, and evil prospering.”208 Karma serves a similar role in other Eastern religions. This same principle also applies to a normal person acting with ren, as demonstrated in section 41: 行仁者,中和仁神出助其治,故小富也。行文者,隱欺之階也,故欺神出助之,故其治小亂也。。。人者仁,故仁神 出助其化也。文者主相文欺,失其本根,故欺神出助之也;上下相文,其事亂也。  Once someone enacts humaneness, the humane spirits of the harmony that prevails in the realm between heaven and earth will step forward to help him conduct his affairs and achieve a small measure of wealth. Someone who attempts cultural refinement is on the way to intrigues and deceit, so that deceitful spirits will come forth to help him. Thus his conduct will be in some disorder… Humane spirits come forth to help a man’s mission if he is humane. Cultured men are preoccupied with deceiving each other by means of culture. They have lost their root. Thus deceitful spirits appear to assist them. Once superiors and inferiors deal with each other by means of culture, their affairs are in disorder.                                                206 Hendrischke, 2006. 207 Hendrischke 2006, p. 242. 208 Pregadio 2007, p. 940.  98   Interestingly, while ren is taken as positive in the Taiping jing, wen 文, translated here as “cultural refinement,” is taken as superficial and negative. Both terms are positive in traditional Confucian philosophy, but the author/s of the Taipingjing chose to promote the former and condemn the latter. In addition, this passage reflects the cosmological shift that was also impacting the Confucian conception of ren around that time, though the texts examined earlier did not grant the same importance to spirits. Table 16 below provides quantitative analysis for the Taiping jing.   99  Table 16: The Taipingjing 太平經  Author: Unknown | Era: Late Han | Total Characters: 233,902 | Total Vocabulary: 2,237  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments tian 天 Heaven 5075 1% (70) 4  dao 道 the Way 2125 4% (94) 14  qi 氣 vital force 1268 1% (10) 33  jun 君 lord 943 3% (32) 49 • Appears in the names of gods, which helps explain its high rank de 德 virtue 812 11% (88) 58  yang 陽 light; strong; male 705 14% (10) 71 • Somewhat surprising proximity to 仁 (highest of any term within text) yin 陰 dark; weak; female 667 0% (3) 77  fa 法 method; standard 638 3% (16) 83  xue 學 learning; study 404 5% (22) 127  ai 愛 love 206 3% (6) 236  ren 仁 benevolence 205 N/A 238  xiao 孝 filial piety 187 2% (3) 251  li 利 benefit 104 2% (2) 362  yi 義 rightness 68 13% (9) 470 • 6% of occurrences (4 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • 7% of occurrences (5 hits) are in the couplet 禮義 zhi 智 wisdom 61 8% (5) 501  ru 儒 Confucian 24 13% (3) 794 • All three overlaps with 仁 are in the phrase仁賢明儒道術聖智 li 禮 ritual 23 13% (3) 809  kong 孔 opening; orifice 5 0% (0) 1321 • Not used to signify Confucius within this text   100  Quantitative analysis shows that ren is not a major theme in the text, but it does hold weak proximal ties with other Confucian ideas mentioned therein. The text’s ratio of renyi 仁義 to liyi 禮義 occurrences is about 1 to 1. Interestingly, the term jun 君 ranks quite highly in this text, above both yin 陰 and yang陽, but not so high as qi 氣 or dao 道. The fact that ren occurs with greater proximity to yang陽 than any other term in the text, including yi 義, is interesting, and could possibly reflect positive, masculine connotations of ren. These co-occurrences are fairly well distributed throughout the text, and could serve as a starting point for additional research on the exact place of ren within post-Han Daoist cosmology. Huashu  The Huashu is a somewhat shorter syncretic Daoist text of about 12,000 characters, dating from the tenth century. I chose it as an example of a later text that may have influenced Zhu Xi’s interpretation of ren in the Song dynasty to follow. Its authorship is the subject of some debate, but it is primarily attributed to the monk Tan Qiao 譚峭, with later edits by Song Qiqiu宋齊丘.209 Its content “thoroughly syncretizes significant elements of Daoist, alchemical, Buddhist, and Confucian, as well as ancient Mohist, Divine Agriculturalist, and Huang-Lao, thought.”210 Moreover, according to Pregadio (2007), it “has been noted in recent times for its scientific observations (for instance regarding optics and acoustics) and for its unusual emphasis on epistemological considerations.”211 The influence of the Huashu on Neo-Confucianism is likely. Didier (1998a) writes that the Huashu is one of the earlier places where we see the “concept of the quintessence, potency, One, sincerity, etc. that, as principle [li 理], is the both immanent and transcendent source from                                                209 Didier 1998b, p. 99. 210 Ibid. 211 Pregadio 2007, p. 518.  101  which all things emerge and which each thing possesses in its entirety.”212 Didier speculates that Zhu Xi may have in part borrowed this concept, along with his emphasis on “investigating things” from the Huashu. Like the Taiping jing, the Huashu treats certain Confucian ideas favorably and others unfavorably. Didier sums up the tension as follows: The author [of the Huashu] was attempting to create a syncretic vision in which those of all philosophical prejudices might find worldly guidance commensurate with their needs or levels of understanding. The Huashu author likely sought to draw in Ru-ist readers by taking advantage of their tendency to wish to “establish their words” and thus “not fade.” Even so, the Huashu author could not condone the conscious employment of the Ru-ist political values and institutions of humaneness and rightness.213  The result is a unique text in which ren is neither positive nor negative; it simply exists as part of the cosmological framework, as described in Chapter 4:  道德者,天地也。五常者,五行也。仁發生之謂也,故均於木。義,救難之謂也,故均於金。。。仁不足則義濟之,金伐木也。。。始則五常相濟之業,終則五常相伐之道,斯大化之往也。  The Way and potency are Heaven and Earth. The Five Constants are the Five Processes. Humaneness is what is called sprouting life. Thus, it is governed by the wood process (i.e. soft). Rightness is what is called alleviating disaster. Thus, it is governed by the metal process (hard)… If humaneness is insufficient, rightness relieves it: Metal conquers wood… [Viewed from the perspective of its] incipience, it (this entire process) is the enterprise of the Five Constants mutually relieving. [Viewed from the perspective of its] denouement, it is the way of the Five Processes mutually conquering. This is the Way of the Great Transformation.214  In addition to ren and yi 義, the other three of the so-called Five Virtues (li 禮, zhi 智, and xin 信) are also bound up as interdependent in the cosmological balance, with elemental properties of their own. This treatment of ren in the Huashu is a precursor to Zhu Xi’s treatment of ren as a cosmic principle. One major difference is that in the Huashu, ren is more-or-less on par with the other virtues (though listed first), similar to its place in the Mencius, whereas for Zhu Xi, ren contains the other virtues within itself, similar to its place in the Analects.                                                212 Didier 1998a, p. 535. 213 Ibid., p. 794. 214 Ibid., pp. 772 – 773.  102  In a subsequent passage within the same chapter, the Huashu, gives another noteworthy description of ren: 烏反哺,仁也。  The [mature] raven's reciprocal care [of its parents] is humaneness.215  In this case, the connotation of ren seems more positive, yet subtle criticism of Confucian doctrine may exist. As Didier notes, a “similar argument is made briefly in the Zhuangzi, Chapter Fourteen, where Zhuangzi is quoted as having said that, ‘Tigers and wolves— they're humane... Sire and cubs warm and affectionate with one another—why do you say they're not humane?’216 The meaning is that animals, which most Confucians would view as decidedly not capable of ren, are in fact in possession of this great virtue as well, and quite naturally so, without the need for conscious self-cultivation. As if to drive the point home, the passage follows up with an example of humans’ relative lack of ren: 且夫焚其巢穴,非仁也。  Moreover, [for humans] to burn their (the myriad things') nests and dens is not humaneness.217  According to the Huashu, it would seem that true ren lies more in the natural world and the physical universe than within society. The text’s quantitative statistics are below:                                               215 Ibid., p. 774. 216 Ibid., p. 774. The translation is by Watson 2003c, p. 155. 217 Ibid., p. 775.  103  Table 17: The Huashu 化書  Author: Attributed to Tan Qiao 譚峭, Edited by Song Qiqiu宋齊丘 Era: Five Dynasties | Total Characters: 11,715 | Total Vocabulary: 1,458  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments dao 道 the Way 97 14% (14) 19  qi 氣 energy; vital essence 68 0% (0) 27  tian 天 Heaven 62 2% (1) 29  jun 君 gentleman 43 7% (3) 42  li 禮 ritual 43 21% (9) 45 • The relatively high rank of禮 may reflect Confucian syncretism • The meaning of its moderate association with 仁 is unclear, given my qualitative analysis above yi 義 rightness 39 69% (27) 49 • 36% of occurrences (14 hits) are in the couplet 仁義 • 3% of occurrences (1 hit) are in the couplet 禮義 ren 仁 benevolence 31 N/A 62 • Fairly evenly distributed, but occurs most densely in Ch. 4 (approximately 15% of the text) zhi 智 wisdom 25 4% (1) 74  ai 愛 love 21 10% (2) 82  de 德 virtue 21 43% (9) 82 • Link to 仁 may be reflective of the place of 仁 as a key virtue within the text, even if its connotation differs from is more traditional Confucian meaning yang 陽 light; male 15 0% (0) 116  yin 陰 dark; female 13 0% (0) 138  fa 法 method 5 0% (0) 352  ru 儒 Confucian 2 0% (0) 645  xue 學 learning; study 1 0% (0) 928  fo 佛 Buddha; Buddhist 0 N/A N/A • Despite its status as a “syncretist” work incorporating all Three Teachings, the Huashu does not include the term 佛   104  As might be expected based on my preceding discussion, quantitative analysis of this text reveals ren in a relatively higher rank as compared with its position in other Daoist texts. It also occurs in closer connection to the virtues yi 義, de 德 and li 禮. Its proximity to ai 愛, meanwhile, is somewhat lower, and it barely co-occurs with zhi 智 at all. Thus, although this text may have primed Zhu Xi’s thinking in some ways as Didier claims, significant ways in which it differs from the work of Zhu Xi are visible in the statistics alone. Interestingly, the Huashu contains the highest relative ranking of qi 氣 of any text examined, and yet qi never occurs in close proximity to ren. Also, although Buddhist thought was already strong by the time the Huashu was written, and the text may incorporate Buddhist concepts, it does not contain the character fo 佛. Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms After Buddhism arrived in China, ren entered the Buddhist vocabulary, sometimes as a word used in translating scriptures from Sanskrit, and other times as a stand-alone virtue in other writings. An example of the former is the renwangjing 仁王經, or “Humane King Sutra,” a sutra of approximately 115,000 characters. An example of the latter was during the Tang dynasty, when the monk Shenqing 神清 in his Beishanlu北山錄 challenged Chan Buddhist lineage by suggesting that developing ren might be as good as studying Dharma.218 After all, the notion of a perfectly good guiding virtue within oneself may have seemed reminiscent and compatible with the Buddhist conception of a perfectly good inner Bodhi-nature. Zhu Xi, while commentating on the Confucian Classics, masterfully incorporated this connection into his own conception of ren. For my final text analysis, I take a different, more experimental approach, by reviewing the place of ren in the Soothill and Hodous Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms. Though first published in 1934, this book remains a fundamental tool for studies in Chinese Buddhism. I                                                218 Morrison 2010, p. 184; Tripitika T.52.611c21–22.  105  analyze it here for a rough look at the meaning and translations of ren within Chinese Buddhism as a whole, with the aim of possibly attaining a fuller picture than could be gained from investigation of just a few Chinese Buddhist texts. Unlike the other texts examined, this dictionary is primarily in English, not Chinese, and unlike the other texts, its content is not tied to a particular time period. Not all of its entries pertain to exclusively Buddhist concepts, but all are words or concepts that might arise through the study of Buddhism within Chinese texts. I used the digitized version of the dictionary,219 which made it easier to locate all entries related to ren, and to perform quantitative analyses. The entry on ren itself simply reads: “kindness, benevolence, virtue.” Outside of this, the dictionary contains 7 additional entries with ren in the title, 4 of them relating to the title renwang 仁王. This term is used in reference to both “the benevolent king, Buddha,” as well as “an ancient king, probably imaginary, of the ‘sixteen countries’ of India, for whom the Buddha is said to have dictated the renwang jing 仁王經.” The remaining entries in which ren occurs in the entry title are renzhe 仁者 (“kind sir!”), renzun 仁尊 (“benevolent and honored, or kindly honored one, i.e. Buddha”), and能仁 (“mighty in lovingkindness, an incorrect interpretation of Śākyamuni, but probably indicating his character”). Ren also appears an additional 19 times within entry descriptions, almost exclusively in reference to renwang 仁王. However, it also holds connotations as “charitable,” as a descriptor of Śākyamuni. Overall, these findings confirm Chan’s claim that ren functions primarily in Buddhism as an honorific, though its meaning of “benevolence” (and associated traits of kind and charitable) also appear. It is quite possible that ren holds somewhat different connotations within different schools and time periods – for                                                219 Publicly available at http://mahajana.net/texts/kopia_lokalna/soothill-hodous.html.  106  example, it may have been a more positive and common term in the more syncretist schools – but these details are beyond the scope of my research. As before, to give a sense of the relative frequencies of terms in relation to one another, I have conducted a quantitative exploration of the dictionary entries. For this analysis, I isolated only the text of the entry titles themselves, of which there are about 17,000, ranging in length from one character to five or more. In this analysis, the 仁 Prox. category has no real meaning, so I left it out.    107  Table 18: Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms  Authors: William Soothill and Lewis Hodous Era: Modern | Total Entries: Approximately 17,000 | Total Entry Title Characters: 43,612 | Total Vocabulary: 2,595  Character Translation Hits  仁 Prox. Rank Additional Comments fa 法 Dharma 548 N/A 3 •  Also defined as “law, truth, religion, thing, anything Buddhist” fo 佛 Buddha; Buddhist 373 N/A 8  tian 天 Heaven 300 N/A 14 •  Sometimes used in the Buddhist sense of heavenly realms xin 心 heart 286 N/A 18  dao 道 the Way 222 N/A 24  zhi 智 gnosis; knowledge 217 N/A 25  li 利 benefit 188 N/A 35  de 德 virtue 83 N/A 103  ai 愛 love 75 N/A 118  yi 義 righteousness 56 N/A 173 • Also defined as “proper,” “loyal,” and “public-spirited” • 仁義 does not occur at all xue 學 learning; study 36 N/A 282  li 禮 ritual 25 N/A 383  yin 陰 dark; shadow; skandha 22 N/A 426  jun 君 gentleman 8 N/A 807  ren 仁 benevolence; kindness; virtue 8 N/A 807 • 50% of occurrences (4) are in the couplet 仁王  • Remaining occurrences are in the entries for 仁, 仁者, 仁尊, and 能仁 • Also occurs an additional 19 times in the descriptions of other entries yang 陽 light; strong; positive 5 N/A 1086  xiao 孝 filial piety 4 N/A 1225    108  These results can be used as a rough measure for what type of traditionally Confucian terms show up in the Chinese Buddhist vocabulary. Ren is not common, especially when compared to terms like zhi 智 and yi 義, which have their own more specialized meanings in the Buddhist canon, and show up in many more compounds than ren. Understandably, the character fa 法, which has the specialized meaning of “Dharma” within Buddhism, far outweighs the other characters in terms of frequency. Conclusion Of the texts discussed in this chapter, several describe ren as a quality to be avoided or discarded. These texts include the Daodejing, Zhuangzi, and Hanfeizi. Such texts may have prompted Confucians to elaborate on and defend their views, contributing to the term’s evolution. Other texts accept ren as positive, but modify its meaning in a fundamental way, thus incorporating it into their own ideological framework. These texts include the Mozi, Taiping jing, and Huashu. These syncretic efforts may also have influenced the term’s evolution, as aspects of non-Confucian definitions bled over into more orthodox Confucian thought. For example, it may partially have been in response to the Mozi that Dong Zhongshu and Han Yu began to define ren as boai 博愛, and it may partially have been due to the influence of the Taiping jing and Huashu that later Confucians defined ren in more cosmological and metaphysical terms.     109  Conclusion  I conclude by revisiting the questions I laid out in my introduction, and by discussing why we might expect Chinese society to value ren in the meanings I have laid out. First, how did the meanings of ren change from its earliest recorded uses, to its use by Zhu Xi in the Song dynasty? Based on our earliest records, it seems ren began as a cognate of the term ren 人, meaning “man.” It most likely developed as a stative verb from this noun, and came to mean something close to “manliness.” This meaning likely entailed physical aspects of manliness, such as strength and handsomeness, as well as mental aspects, such as courage and morality. Before the Qin dynasty, ren 仁 was also written in several other forms, including  and . Interpretations of its meaning based on the form 仁 alone are thus inadequate. In the early Warring States, Confucius redefined ren as a broad, overarching virtue translatable as “Goodness.” While there are some ambiguities in the way Confucius used the term, its meaning generally encompasses many lesser virtues. Later in the Warring States, Mencius narrowed the meaning of ren to “benevolence,” which revolved around care and love for others. He treated ren as the greatest of four virtues, the other three being righteousness (yi 義), ritual propriety (li 禮), and wisdom (zhi 智). According to Mencius, all four of these virtues existed within every person in nascent form, and could be developed if provided with the proper environment and cultivation. Mencius gave particular importance to ren and yi, often treating them as a pair. After Mencius, Xunzi briefly challenged and modified this view. Though the best translation for his definition of ren is still “benevolence,” he maintained that it derived from external learning, and he prioritized ritual propriety and righteousness above it.  After the Warring States, orthodox Confucian philosophy swung back in favor of Mencius. At least within my case studies, ren tended to be paired with yi, and was often  110  associated with love (ai 愛). As Daoism gained strength in the Han dynasty, and as Buddhism entered China in the centuries that followed, ren took on increased cosmological significance. In the case studies I examined, it retained its base meaning of “benevolence,” but also pertained to the natural balance of Heaven and Earth. In other words, people had to practice ren in order to balance the cosmos. At about the same time, ren gained metaphysical significance. Zhu Xi reinterpreted it in the neo-Confucian perspective, and under this new meaning, ren referred to one’s inner “humanity.” It allowed one to understanding and attain unity with the universe.  Thinkers in non-Confucian traditions also influenced the meanings of ren. In the Daodejing, ren had negative connotations. It was portrayed as something that people would only conceptualize and pursue after they had already diverged from the Way. Similarly, for Zhuangzi, ren was an obstacle, a principle to be cleared away during the process of emptying the mind and achieving greater understanding. Hanfeizi also held ren in low regard; for him, following ren would block a ruler from doing his job effectively, especially when it came to enforcing punishment. The Mohists, on the other hand, viewed ren positively, but redefined it as “magnanimity,” which meant providing material goods for others. In syncretist Daoist texts of the post-Warring States period, ren became tied to cosmic balance and supernatural beings. Overall, the appropriation of ren by philosophers in other schools of thought motivated Confucians to defend, clarify, and in some cases update their own interpretations of ren. Second, in what ways does quantitative textual analysis affect our qualitative understanding of ren during this time period? For several texts I examined, quantitative analysis did not have a direct effect on my understanding of ren.220 First, the Book of Documents contained too few reliable occurrences of ren for me to analyze the term itself, and because                                                220 In these cases, quantitative analysis still provided some meaningful, tangential results.  111  passages in this text do not include other terms in close or parallel usage to ren, analysis of other terms had no direct impact on my understanding of ren. Second, Han Yu’s essay Yuan Dao is too short to provide useful, reliable quantitative information. With less than 1,000 total characters, the text is better suited for qualitative reading alone. Third, analysis of the entry titles in Soothill and Hodous’ Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms did not yield quantitative information pertaining directly to ren. This was because, after I had removed the English definitions, the strings of entry title characters in close proximity to one another were not semantically connected in any uniform way. However, quantitative analysis of the remaining texts I examined did impact my understanding, either by supporting existing qualitative theories, “qualifying” such theories with possible numeric counter-evidence, or turning up interesting results that illuminated possibilities for future research.221 In the Book of Odes, the frequency patterns of the terms of hao 好, mei 美, and wu 武, which occur in structural parallel to ren, support theories that ren is positive, of flexible usage, and associated with physical beauty, strength, and prowess in hunting or combat. The frequency pattern of wu in particular also qualifies interpretations of ren as kindness, love, or gentleness.222 As for Confucian texts of the Warring States period, in the Analects, the high rate of co-occurrences between ren and ai 愛 support the theory that “love,” or at least “caring,” was part of ren’s earliest Confucian meaning. Meanwhile, the relatively low rate of co-occurrences                                                221 For more detailed information on which scholars support which theories, please view my chapter discussions. Also, technically, simply gaining a new avenue for future research does not impact our current understanding of ren, but it has the potential to do so after follow-up. 222 The reader should keep in mind that, when describing results of quantitative analysis, I use the word “qualify” to mean that the results provide apparent counter-evidence to a given theory, but that this numeric evidence alone is not enough to disprove the theory. It simply “qualifies” the theory with additional contextual information, which may or may not harm the theory’s validity, depending upon the result of follow-up qualitative investigation and interpretation.  112  between ren and shu 恕, hui 惠, and li 禮 qualify theories that these terms were closely bound to the meaning of ren. The very high proximity between ren and zhi 知 in the Analects was unexpected, and invites further research. In the Mencius, the fact that ren occurs more frequently than any of the other chief virtues (yi 義, li 禮, and zhi 智) supports the theory that Mencius placed greater value on ren. At the same time, its close association with these other virtues, especially yi 義, reiterates the qualitative observation that ren in the Mencius serves as a narrower virtue, not an overarching virtue as did in the Analects. The finding that ren appears in even tighter conjunction with jun 君 in the Mencius than in the Analects was less expected. It may be an opportunity for future research, although on the other hand, Mencius spoke with rulers more often than Confucius, which could explain this finding. In the Xunzi, the higher rank of li 禮 – and, to a lesser extent, fa 法, wen 文, and xue 學 – support the notion of Xunzi as an “externalist” philosopher, promoting moral guidance in external teachings. Similarly, the low Xunzian ratio of occurrences of renyi 仁義 to liyi 禮義, when compared with the high Mencian ratio, supports the view that Mencius favored internalist philosophical arguments, whereas Xunzi favored externalist. In the first post-Warring States text I examined, the Chunqiu Fanlu, the higher ratio of occurrences of renyi 仁義 to liyi 禮義 supports the theory that Han Confucians had already begun to favor Mencian doctrine over Xunzian doctrine.223 The close proximity of ren to ai 愛 underscores the new connotations of ren as “loving broadly.” Meanwhile, the even closer proximity of ren to qi 氣 supports the theory that ren was beginning to acquire increasing metaphysical significance within the Confucian tradition. However, in the next text, the                                                223 This makes the assumption that language corresponds to doctrine. In theory, it is possible that language could shift in one direction, while underlying logic could shift in another.  113  Qianfulun, the absence of overlap between ren and qi 氣 qualifies the theory just described. In Zhu Xi’s Commentaries on the Four Books, the proximity between ren and qi remains low, qualifying textual observations that the two terms are closely related within neo-Confucian philosophy, and inviting further investigation. The very high proximity of ren to ai 愛 in this text support the view that Zhu Xi saw ren as fundamentally linked to love.  In regard to the non-Confucian texts I examined, the low frequency of ren in the Daodejing and the Zhuangzi, combined with its infrequent co-occurrence rate with other Confucian virtues, supports the view that ren does not feature prominently in so-called “Daoist” Warring States philosophy. At the same time, the prevalence of the couplet renyi 仁義 in both texts supports the argument that portions of the Daodejing were edited later in the Warring States, and the view that Zhuangzi was directing some of his arguments explicitly toward Mencian doctrine. In the Mozi, the puzzling absence of any close proximal connection between ren and xian 賢 might be better understood through follow-up qualitative analyses. In the Hanfeizi, the high ratio of renyi 仁義 to liyi 禮義, coupled with the qualitative knowledge that Hanfeizi is without a doubt an externalist philosopher, qualifies the very use of this ratio as a general measurement tool of internalism vs. externalism, while suggesting that the ratio may be applicable as such a measurement tool in Confucian texts only. The low rank of ren in the Taiping jing supports the notion of that this term was of minimal philosophical importance to the text; however, its relatively close proximity to yang 陽 supports the counter-notion that ren may still have held some degree of cosmological significance in the text, and invites further research. Finally, the relatively higher ranks of ren and other major Confucian virtues in the Hua shu support a more open-ended classification of such texts as representative of multiple traditions.  114  Overall, my quantitative techniques were simple, limited to basic tests of how frequently different characters appear in isolation, and in association with other characters. This had the advantage of allowing me to make clear, simple observations about numeric trends across texts, which would be easily understood by scholars across multiple disciplines. However, my simple techniques had the disadvantage of limiting me to a fairly narrow set of quantitative tools, resulting in a limited number of quantitative observations I could make in regard to any given text. All of my observations also relied heavily on prior qualitative theory for interpretation. However, more advanced textual analysis techniques exist, including one which allows researchers to identify and track much larger clusters of separate yet associated words through a corpus. This type of technique, known as “topic modelling,” allows researchers to identify wholly novel themes running through large bodies of text with minimal reliance upon prior qualitative theory.224 These clusters of words, once identified and interpreted, can illuminate previously unknown topics and linguistic relationships across texts.225 However, because very little quantitative work has been done on early Chinese texts before, I chose to keep things simple and forgo more advanced techniques. As a single researcher, I also was not able to conduct hypothesis-blind coding of passages or character occurrences, which in some cases could have provided additional quantitative information for interpretation. Finally, I will consider why we might expect Chinese society to value ren in its various meanings as I have described them. My answer is speculative, and varies by time period. During and before the Western Zhou, I believe that Watson (1938) was correct insofar as claiming that ren could help build solidarity among members within a clan. However, whereas Watson argued that this could be achieved through mutual “gentleness” (one of his interpretations of ren), I                                                224 Of course, interpreting these word clusters, or “topics,” still requires significant qualitative knowledge. 225 For a good example of topic modelling as applied to ancient Chinese texts, see Nichols et al. (2016, under submission).  115  argue that men aspiring to the ideal of “manliness,” incorporative of physical strength and beauty, as well as good wit and moral character, could achieve better results. Such a meaning of ren, if actualized, could have produced strong community figureheads, fit to inspire others, and to lead their small groups to success and reproduction. This meaning of ren is especially suitable to pre-Zhou times, when allegiance to shaman-kings may have been less personally rewarding than allegiance to one’s own smaller clan. The only drawback to this interpretation is that ren does not show particular close association with leadership itself in Western Zhou texts, which might be expected under this account.  By the Warring States period, however, China had already undergone a more civilized period under the Western Zhou rulership, in which larger scale society had developed. The emergence of the earliest known extended written texts is evidence for more refined culture during this time period. Under such conditions, it is not surprising that a visionary such as Confucius might recraft ren, an idea previously best suited for small groups, into a concept more conducive to large-scale cooperation. Thus arose its (relatively brief) meaning of “Goodness,” or perfect virtue. However, as we see in the textual record, this meaning did not last long. I feel that, as defined by Confucius, ren was both too broad, and too difficult to attain. It is hard to pin down its exact nature in the Analects, and Confucius himself seems to have had great difficulty in maintaining it. Much more agreeable and valuable to society was ren as reimagined by Mencius, a virtue of narrower scope, rooted in instinctual feelings of familial caring, easily attainable by any man willing to work hard in a good environment, and yet ultimately powerful enough to bring peace to a ruler’s country. This was the meaning that stuck, probably because society  116  tended to flourish when people strove to achieve ren under this meaning, even if forces beyond their control (such as the rise of the Qin empire) occasionally threw affairs into chaos. However, ren was not the only force or concept holding Chinese society together. There were many others, and ren had room to continue to change. As time passed, and large-scale organized religion became more common (in the forms of Daoism, and later, Buddhism), it is natural that ren, an already-influential concept integrally linked to prosocial behavior, should begin to take on more spiritual significance—especially when the philosophical tradition to which it was most closely tied was under competitive pressure to modernize its ideas. Zhu Xi’s conception of ren as all-inclusive, unifying “humanity” ideally suited China as it existed in the Song dynasty, an intellectually developed society under the influence of multiple spiritual doctrines, the strongest of which (arguably Buddhism) emphasized inner goodness and enlightenment. Thus, as Chinese society developed, so too did ren, its meaning continually modified based on the circumstances to best foster mutual cooperation, caring, and success.    117  References  Ames, Roger. 2011. Confucian Role Ethics: A Vocabulary. Honolulu: University of Hawaii  Press.  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Accessed October 8, 2015.      124     125  Appendix A: Quantitative Analysis Methodological Guide This appendix describes how to perform quantitative analyses on an ancient Chinese texts from ctext.org. First, one must obtain the text one wishes to analyze in a format that is conducive to digital analysis. For me, this meant obtaining the text as a Unicode-8 text (.txt) file. Unfortunately, Ctext does not currently provide the ability to directly download its content in this (or any) format. This leaves the researcher with two options. The first is to manually copy Ctext material from one’s browser, and paste it into a Word or Notepad document. Unfortunately, the online formatting of Ctext makes it impossible to mass-copy large amounts of text without also including many external links and other undesired material. To circumvent this, one may first paste the text into an Excel spreadsheet, which parses the undesired material into separate columns. One can then copy the desired column into a Word or Notepad file, and save it under Unicode-8 .txt format. However, repeating this process for multiple chapters of multiple texts is exhausting. A second option is to use more advanced software to automatically capture only the relevant information for each of the online texts one desires. I obtained about 80% of the texts I analyzed in this fashion, and am grateful to Carson Logan and Dr. Ryan Nichols for their technical assistance. Once one has obtained the text, the next step is to “clean” it for analysis. How one cleans it depends on the types of analysis one wishes to perform, and the capabilities of the analysis program that one is using. I wished to perform basic analyses on word frequencies and co-occurrences, using Dr. Lawrence Anthony’s free AntConc analysis program, available at www.laurenceanthony.net/software/antconc. AntConc identifies and processes words as strings of characters separated by spaces, but Chinese is a character-based language that does not use spaces. Chinese also employs specialized punctuation (e.g. ,。?!), which the current version of AntConc (3.4.4) does not recognize as distinct “non-word” material. Therefore, in order to  126  “clean” Chinese texts for analysis using AntConc, I had to first remove all punctuation, and then add a space between every character. Punctuation can be removed by using the “find and replace” function in Word, or in multiple-file-processing programs such as Sublime Text 2 (PC) or TextWrangler (Mac). Spaces can be added using the “find and replace” function in word, turning on Wildcards under advanced settings, entering * in the search field, and entering ^&n plus a space in the replacement field. For both of these cleaning tasks, a fairly powerful computer is needed to process hundreds of thousands or millions of characters at once. Once again, I am grateful to Carson Logan and Dr. Ryan Nichols for providing about 80% of the texts I needed in pre-processed format. Finally, depending on the analyses to be run, a researcher may wish to remove certain characters with only grammatical, non-semantic meaning (e.g. 也, 于, 而). If desired, this can also be done using “find and replace.”  Once the text has been adequately cleaned at saved in .txt format, it is ready to be analyzed. AntConc allows for a variety of tests, which allow one to track ideas through texts, test existing hypotheses about textual structure and content, and identify potential new areas of research. Dr. Lawrence Anthony has created a full video series detailing the capabilities of AntConc, viewable at: www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLiRIDpYmiC0Ta0-Hdvc1D7hG6dmiS_TZj. Alternatively, Dr. Ryan Nichols has published several useful online articles on both AntConc, and quantitative textual analysis more generally, viewable at: www.hecc.ubc.ca/cerc/quantitative-textual-analysis.      127  Appendix B: Digital Text Locations All locations accessed on April 29, 2016.  Book of Odes HTML text source: http://ctext.org/book-of-poetry  Scanned digital base text: 《武英殿十三經注疏》本《毛詩正義》  Book of Documents HTML text source: http://ctext.org/shang-shu  Scanned digital base text: 《武英殿十三經注疏》本《尚書正義》  Analects HTML text source: http://ctext.org/analects  Scanned digital base text: 《武英殿十三經注疏》本《論語注疏》  Mencius HTML text source: http://ctext.org/mengzi  Scanned digital base text: 《武英殿十三經注疏》本《孟子注疏》  Xunzi HTML text source: http://ctext.org/xunzi  Scanned digital base text: 《四部叢刊初編》本《荀子》  Chunqiu Fanlu HTML text source: http://ctext.org/chun-qiu-fan-lu  Scanned digital base text: 《四部叢刊初編》本《春秋繁露》  Qianfulun HTML text source: http://ctext.org/qian-fu-lun  Scanned digital base text: 《四部叢刊初編》本《潛夫論》  Yuan Dao HTML text source: http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=en&chapter=732712 (dark text only) Scanned digital base text: 《欽定四庫全書》本 Hard copy for cross-checking: Qu Shouyuan & Chang Sichun. 1996. Han Yu quan ji jiao zhu. Chengdu: Sichuan da xue chu ban she.  Commentaries on the Four Books HTML text source: http://ctext.org/si-shu-zhang-ju-ji-zhu  Scanned digital base text: 《乾隆御覽四庫全書薈要》本《四書集注章句》  Daodejing HTML text source: http://ctext.org/dao-de-jing  Scanned digital base text: 《四部叢刊初編》本《老子道德經》  128   Zhuangzi HTML text source: http://ctext.org/zhuangzi  Scanned digital base text: 《續古逸叢書》本《南華真經》  Mozi HTML text source: http://ctext.org/mozi  Scanned digital base text: 《摛藻堂四庫全書薈要》本《墨子》  Hanfeizi HTML text source: http://ctext.org/hanfeizi  Scanned digital base text: 《四部叢刊初編》本《韓非子》  Taiping jing HTML text source: http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=en&res=110513  Alternate online version: http://www.kanripo.org/text/KR5e0002/000  Hard copy for cross-checking: Wang Ming. 1960. Tai ping jing he jiao. Beijing: Zhonghua shu ju.  Huashu HTML text source: http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&res=199085  Scanned digital base text: 《守約篇》本 (also used for cross-checking)  Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms HTML text source: http://mahajana.net/texts/kopia_lokalna/soothill-hodous.html  Hard copy for cross-checking: Soothill, W. E. & Hodous, L. 1937. A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhists Terms. Taipei: Hsin Wen Feng Publishing Company.    129  Appendix C: Book of Documents Chapter Delineation Chapters marked as “NEW TEXT” were most likely already written and in circulation by the time of Confucius (i.e. these chapters are older, and are thus still included in our “new” understanding of the ancient text). Chapters without this marking were most likely forged in the Han Dynasty.226 The chapter marked as “AMBIGUOUS” is typically included in the “New Text” version, but was quite likely a forgery.227 All links lead to Ctext.org, and all were accessed by the author on April 29, 2016.  虞書 - Yu Shu    堯典 - Canon of Yao NEW TEXT   舜典 - Canon of Shun    大禹謨 - Counsels of the Great Yu NEW TEXT   皋陶謨 - Counsels of Gao-yao    益稷 - Yi and Ji    夏書 - Xia Shu    禹貢 - Tribute of Yu NEW TEXT   甘誓 - Speech at Gan NEW TEXT   五子之歌 - Songs of the Five Sons    胤征 - Punitive Expedition of Yin    商書 - Shang Shu    湯誓 - Speech of Tang NEW TEXT   仲虺之誥 - Announcement of Zhong-hui (ren occurs once in this chapter)   湯誥 - Announcement of Tang    伊訓 - Instructions of Yi    太甲上 - Tai Jia I    太甲中 - Tai Jia II    太甲下 - Tai Jia III (ren occurs once in this chapter)   咸有一德 - Common Possession of Pure Virtue    盤庚上 - Pan Geng I NEW TEXT   盤庚中 - Pan Geng II NEW TEXT   盤庚下 - Pan Geng III NEW TEXT   說命上 - Charge to Yue I    說命中 - Charge to Yue II    說命下 - Charge to Yue III    高宗肜日 - Day of the Supplementary Sacrifice to Gao Zong NEW TEXT   西伯戡黎 - Chief of the west's Conquest of Li NEW TEXT   微子 - Count of Wei NEW TEXT                                                226 Karlgren 1949, Karlgren 1950. 227 Shaughnessy 1993, pp. 378 – 397.  130    周書 - Zhou Shu    泰誓上 - Great Declaration I AMBIGUOUS   泰誓中 - Great Declaration II AMBIGUOUS (ren occurs once in this chapter)   泰誓下 - Great Declaration III AMBIGUOUS   牧誓 - Speech at Mu NEW TEXT   武成 - Successful Completion of the War (ren occurs once in this chapter)   洪範 - Great Plan NEW TEXT   旅獒 - Hounds of Lu    金滕 - Metal-bound Coffer NEW TEXT (ren occurs once in this chapter)228   大誥 - Great Announcement NEW TEXT   微子之命 - Charge to the Count of Wei    康誥 - Announcement to the Prince of Kang NEW TEXT   酒誥 - Announcement about Drunkenness NEW TEXT   梓材 - Timber of the Rottlera NEW TEXT   召誥 - Announcement of the Duke of Shao NEW TEXT   洛誥 - Announcement concerning Luo NEW TEXT   多士 - Numerous Officers NEW TEXT   無逸 - Against Luxurious Ease NEW TEXT   君奭 - Prince Shi NEW TEXT   蔡仲之命 - Charge to Zhong of Cai    多方 - Numerous Regions NEW TEXT   立政 - Establishment of Government NEW TEXT   周官 - Officers of Zhou    君陳 - Jun-chen    顧命 - Testamentary Charge NEW TEXT   康王之誥 - Announcement of King Kang    畢命 - Charge to the Duke of Bi    君牙 - Kun-ya    冏命 - Charge to Jiong    呂刑 - Marquis of Lu on Punishments NEW TEXT   文侯之命 - Charge to the Marquis Wen NEW TEXT   費誓 - Speech at Bi NEW TEXT   秦誓 - Speech of the Marquis of Qin NEW TEXT                                                228 While this passage occurs within the Tsinghua manuscripts, confirming it as New Text, the Tsinghua version does not use the current form of the character ren, somewhat complicating this occurrence. This is the only occurrence of ren to which the material in the Tsinghua manuscripts applies. 

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