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Musical borrowing in renaissance Florence : carnival songs and contrafacture Haug, Emily 2014

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  MUSICAL BORROWING IN RENAISSANCE FLORENCE:  CARNIVAL SONGS AND CONTRAFACTURE    by  Emily Haug  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS  in  The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies (Music)   THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)   June 2014  © Emily Haug 2014   ii Abstract    Carnival songs form a genre of music that flowered during the Renaissance era in Florence. Stimulated by elite patronage, these popular tunes served to enhance festivities and street celebrations during the Carnival season. Due to the popular contexts within which these songs were performed, they were accessible by all class levels, and thereby served to communicate changing social and political values through the vernacular Italian poetic texts. Perhaps the most prominent feature of this secular genre is that the melodies of the carnival songs were borrowed by poets in the employ of the religious institutions in Florence, both churches and confraternities, as a method of memorizing hymns. Throughout the sixteenth century, the application of this method, defined as contrafacture, grew to become a tool to communicate spiritual and political beliefs, where connections can be drawn between the moral teachings of both the carnival and lauda poems. It is the purpose of this thesis to detail the process by which contrafacture is applied to Carnival songs from the late fifteenth century to the end of the sixteenth century. Different approaches to musical borrowing are discussed to demonstrate how Carnival songs were recycled through the process of contrafacture to reflect a variety of popular mindsets and values held by the citizens of Renaissance Florence.               iii Preface    This thesis is the independent intellectual production of the author, E. Haug.                                            iv Table of Contents   Abstract........................................................................................................................................... ii  Preface........................................................................................................................................... iii  Table of Contents........................................................................................................................... iv  List of Tables.................................................................................................................................. v     List of Examples............................................................................................................................ vi           Acknowledgements......................................................................................................................viii  Dedication...................................................................................................................................... ix  Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 1   Florentine Carnival songs....................................................................................................... 1 Contrafacture of Florentine Carnival Songs........................................................................... 6  Chapter One: Carnival Songs and Contrafacture in Late 15th Century Florence.......................... 11                  Carnival Songs..................................................................................................................... 11 Contrafacture in Carnival Song Repertory of the Fifteenth Century................................... 22 Carnival and Contrafacture under Savonarola..................................................................... 42  Chapter Two: Carnival Songs and Contrafacture in 16th Century Florence ................................54  Carnival Songs in the Early to Mid-16th Century.................................................................54 Carnival Songs in the Late 16th Century.............................................................................. 66 Contrafacture of Carnival songs in the Early to Mid-16th Century...................................... 70 Contrafacture of Carnival songs in the Late 16th Century................................................... 81  Conclusion................................................................................................................................... 98   Bibliography................................................................................................................................. 99         Appendices.................................................................................................................................. 113   A: Sources of Music of Carnival Song Models.............................................................. 113  B: Sources of Poetic Texts of Carnival Song Models..................................................... 115  C: Sources of Lauda Contrafacture of Carnival Songs................................................... 117  D: Carnival Contrafacture in Sources Compiled between 1500 and 1530..................... 120  E: Carnival Contrafacture in Razzi’s 1563 Libro primo [...]......................................... 122    v List of Tables  Table 1.  Manuscripts of Music Containing Carnival Songs.......................................................... 5 Table 2.  Carnival Contrafacture in Sources from the Late Fifteenth Century............................. 27        vi List of Examples    Example 1. D’all alta piu stella, Lorenzo de’ Medici, and D’all alta piu stella, Giovanni    da Bibbiena................................................................................................................... 7  Example 2. Lasse in questo carnasciale, Lorenzo de’ Medici......................................................14  Example 3. Donne, siam, come vedete, Lorenzo de’ Medici........................................................ 16  Example 4. Sian galanti di Valenzia, Lorenzo de’ Medici............................................................18   Example 5. Canzona de’ profumi, Anon...................................................................................... 19  Example 6. Visin, visin, visin, Anon. and Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, Feo Belcari...................................... 28    Example 7. Canzona degli spazzacamini, Anon........................................................................... 30  Example 8. Quant’e bella giovanezza, Anon., and Quante grande le ballezza, Lorenzo de’   Medici......................................................................................................................... 34   Example 9. Canzona de Bacchus, Anon....................................................................................... 37  Example 10. Viva, viva la ragione, Anon.; Viva, viva in oratione, Anon.; and Viva, viva in nostre core, Anon............................................................................................................... 45    Example 11. Canzona degli huomini salvitichi, Anon................................................................. 47 Example 12. Dolor pianto e penitenza, Castellano Castellani...................................................... 57  Example 13. Carro da morte, Bartholomeo degli Organi............................................................ 59  Example 14. Dal’ infelice grotte, Giuglielmo detto il Giuggiola................................................. 64 Example 15. Colui che da le leggi alla natura, Jacopo da Nardi................................................. 65  Example 16. Caritate amore, Dei, Giuglielmo da Giuggiola....................................................... 68  Example 17. Canto di lanzi pellegrini, Anon............................................................................... 69 Example 18.  Dalla alta piu stella, Angelo divizio da Bibbiena, and Dall’alta piu stella, Lorenzo  de’ Medici................................................................................................................ 73  Example 19. Trionfo della dea Minerva, Angelo divizio da Bibbiena......................................... 74     vii Example 20.  Siam galanti di Valencia, Anon., O maligno e duro core, Lorenzo de’ Medici,   and O profeti, O martir’ forti,’ Anon................................................................................ 85  Example 21. Canzona de’ profumi, Anon.................................................................................... 90      viii Acknowledgements     I would like to thank my academic advisor Dr. Alexander Fisher for his advice and guidance throughout all of the stages of reasearch undertaken for this thesis, and for suggesting countless improvements. I would also like to thank Dr. David Metzer for his insights and assistance in the final stages of editing this work.  I thank the staff of the School of Music at the Universtiy of British Columbia for creating such a stimulating learning environment during my years of residence, especially Dr. Vera Micznik, Dr. William Benjamin, as well as the Director of the Faculty of Music, Dr. Richard Kurth. I would also like to thank Dr. Blake Wilson for answering requests for information. I should like to thank as well my fellow graduate colleagues at the University of British Columbia School of Music for providing inspiration and thoughtful advice.  This thesis would not have been possible without the assistance and service of the staffs at the libraries at the University of British Columbia (especially the Koerner Library and the Music Library), and the University of Calgary. Finally, special thanks are owed to my family, and to my friends at the Kenilworth Apartments, all of whom have offered unconditional encouragement and support throughout the long period of research and writing.                    ix  ~ dedicated to my grandparents, Max and Rose Schreiner                            1 Introduction   Florentine Carnival Songs  In Renaissance Florence, a significant genre of popular song is documented in both secular and sacred manuscript sources compiled between ca. 1460 and 1570.1 There are a total of ninety-four canti carnasciasleschi, or Carnival songs, which are familiar popular tunes that were traditionally performed for the Florentine Carnival festivities during the period preceding Lent. These festivities were celebrated with parades, tournaments, sports games, and horse races. Carnival songs enhanced the festive atmosphere, and were sung by costumed men representing various trades and guilds of the city who paraded through the city on foot, on horses, wagons, or elaborately decorated floats. The musical styles and poetic forms of Carnival songs suggest the intention of communicating to a wide range of social classes with varying levels of musical ability. Two types of Carnival songs are identified in these sources, the carro or trionfo, and the mascherata. The mascherate were accompanied by mimicry, where performers would act out the poetic texts of the songs, mocking the popular speech and behaviors of distinct groups of Renaissance Florentine society. Common topics include canti di donne (songs of women), canti de arti mesterisi (songs of the arts and crafts), as well as canti dei lanzi (songs that mocked brigades of soldiers, the actors pretending to be returning from pilgrimage or from military                                                 1 The essential sources that document the history of carnival songs are: Joseph Gallucci Jr., Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 40 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1981); Federico Ghisi, I canti carnascialeschi nelle fonte musicali del XV e XVI secolo (Florence: L. S. Olschki, 1937); idem, “Carnival Songs and the Origins of the Intermezzo giocoso,” The Musical Quarterly 25 (1939): 325–33; William F. Prizer,  “Facciamo pure noi carnevale: Non-Florentine Carnival Songs of the Late Fifteenth-Early Sixteenth Centuries,” in Irene Alm, et al., eds., Musica Franca: Essays in Honor of Frank D'Accone (New York: Pendragon Press, 1996), 173–211; idem, “Reading Carnival: The Creation of a Florentine Carnival Song,” Early Music History 23 (2004): 185–252; Walter Rubsamen, “The Music for ‘Quant’e bella giovinezza’ and other Carnival Songs by Lorenzo de’ Medici,” in Charles S. Singleton, ed., Art, Science, and History in the Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967), 163–84; and idem, The Literature of Pageantry in Florence during the Renaissance (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1937).    2 defeats, begging for the hospitality of the people of Florence).2  The second type of song is the trionfo or carro, distinguished by their performance upon floats or wagons elaborately decorated for the parades by leading Florentine artists.  The poetic texts chosen for this Carnival song type typically allegorize the magnificence of Florence with themes from Ancient Greek mythology or the natural arts and sciences. The poetic texts of both types are written in the Italian vernacular and notated in clear phrases demarcated by rests; each verse is divided by the repeat of a refrain. The use of popular texts, which adopt a freer poetic diction due to their vernacular meter, requires that the music be strophic in order to accommodate the variety of line lengths in each verse, as well as rhyme schemes.3  The poetic texts of Carnival songs call for various ballata forms including the ballata minore with a two-line refrain (with the rhyme scheme of xx or xy), the ballata mezzana with a three-line refrain (with a rhyme scheme of either xyx, xyy, xxy, or xyz), and the ballata grande, with a four-line refrain (adopting the rhyme scheme of xyyx, xyxy, or xyyz).  The sources containing the Carnival songs offer a glimpse of what Nino Pirrotta called an “unwritten tradition” of polyphonic songs for three to four voices, normally transmitted through oral tradition. Nine manuscripts transmit the music for Carnival songs, compiled from the late fifteenth century to the early sixteenth century at the request of elite and institutional patrons in Florence, many years after their original composition (see Table 1 below).4  The typical layout of the music of Carnival songs consists of notation for between two to four voices, the majority preserved in separate bass, alto, tenor and soprano partbooks, or written for three to four voices                                                 2 Richard Trexler, Public Life in the Renaissance (New York: Academic Press, 1980), 415. 3 Howard M. Brown. “Chansons for the Pleasure of a Florentine Patrician," in Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: A Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. Jan LaRue and Gustave Reese (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1978), 56–66, here New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 63. 4 The texts of the Carnival songs are preserved in the following manuscript sources: BAV3219 (2 texts), BNN D2 (2 texts), BNF P1 (1 text), 1485-1515/1750 (9 texts), M735 (3 texts), 1559 (17 texts), 1512 (1 text), BRF2731 (13 texts), Mk27 (5 texts), and BNF P67 (1 text). See Bibliography for a listing and explanation of these sigla.    3 together in music books in choirbook format, both copied for the elite.  In general, the first verse of each poem underlays the music notated for the top voice alone, while in some cases the music in all parts are underlaid with the first verse and refrain of the text.  The most significant manuscripts preserving Carnival songs are of Florentine provenance and are held today at the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence (hereafter: I-Fn). The most important manuscript of both music and poetry for Carnival songs is Banco Rari 230 (I-Fn) (hereafter BR230), contributing a total of seventy-three melodies; in each case, the first stanza of text is underlaid, while the remaining verses, in most cases, are copied underneath the music.5 Magl. XIX.164–67 (I-Fn) (hereafter M164–67) is a manuscript partbook collection compiled and owned by the Medici family in the early sixteenth century. One Carnival song is notated of a total forty-nine secular melodies, again with the first verse underlaid and the remaining verses presented underneath.6 The scribe responsible for the compilation of this source evidently copied several of the melodies into another manuscript, MS Basevi 2440, held at the Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini, in Florence (hereafter B2440). B2440 contains musical notation and poetic texts for fifty two seculsr songs, of which one is a carnival song. Ms Basevi 2441, also housed at the Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini (hereafter B2441) in Florence transmits musical notation and poetic text for forty four secular works, two of which are carnival songs. B2441 and B2440 are associated with the Milanese court. Magl. XIX.121 (I-Fn)  (hereafter M121), once owned by a prominent Florentine general's daughter, Marietta Pugi, transmits musical notation for ten Carnival songs, with the texts                                                 5 Facsimile edition by Frank D’Accone in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale MS BR230 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1986). 6 Facsimile edition by Howard M. Brown in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MSS Magl. XIX: 164-167, Renaissance Music in Facsimile 5 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1987); see also the edition by Anthony M. Cummings in MS Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magl. XIX, 164-167, Royal Music Association Monographs 15 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006).    4 presented as in the aforementioned manuscripts.7 Both this mansucript and M164-167 bear the same decoration of gold leaf on the cover, alluding to the elite circumstances within which these sources were compiled. Magl. XIX.117 (hereafter M117) is an anthology of secular music, with the first stanza of each poem underlying the music and the remianing stanzas appended. This manuscript is comprised chiefly of French chansons; the last ten paper folios include four Italian secular songs, two of which can be identified as Carnival songs, both commissioned by Lorenzo da Fillippo Strozzi. Four of these Italian songs are texted.8 Banco Rari 337 (hereafter BR337) is another example of a manuscript source for group singing, a bass partbook that preserves twenty-four melodies for Carnival songs. It is untexted, supplying the music alone. The manuscript Banco Rari 62 (I-Fn) (hereafter BR62) is comprised of two flyleaves of music for three Italian works, one of which is a carnival song. Only the superius voice is notated, underlaid with poetic text. MS Panciatichi 27, held at the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence (hereafter Panc27) is a manuscript anthology of both secular and sacred pieces, fifty-eight of which are supplied with texts, compiled by one scribe in northern Italy, possibly for the Court at Mantua. Only one carnival song can be found in this source. The final source to contribute to the Carnival song genre is G20/Perug.431(I-Fn) (hereafter MS G20). This manuscript is a collection of both sacred and secular music collected by Raffeale Sozi, a prominent member in the political, musical and mercantile social groups in the late sixteenth century in Florence. Among his own compositions, Sozi includes the music for four Carnival songs.                                                  7 Bonnie J. Blackburn, “Two ‘Carnival songs’ Unmasked: A Commentary on MS Fl. Magl. XIX: 121,” Musica Disciplina 35 (1981): 121–178. 8 Lawrence Bernstein, “A Florentine Chansonnier of the Early Sixteenth Century, Florence Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl.XIX:117," Early Music History 6 (1986): 1–107.    5  Table 1. Manuscripts of Music Containing Carnival Songs Source Date # of Carnival Songs BR230 1513 73 BR337 1500-1510 24 M121 1500-1512 10 MS G20 16th c. 4 M117 1505-1520 2 B2441 1503 2 B2440 1515-1520 1 BR62 1500-1520 1 M164–67 1515-1522 1 Panc27 1500-1510 1   Poetic texts of Carnival songs without musical notation can be found in five printed sources issued from the late fifteenth century to the mid-sixteenth century. The earliest print is an edition of poetry titled Canzone per andare in maschera o carnasciale facte da piu persone (Florence: Bartolomeo de’ Libri, ca. 1485) and reprinted with the same title in Florence by Lorenzo Morgiani and Giovanni Petri around 1486.9 Patrick Macey dates both prints of this edition to 1515, as he was unable to consult the rare editions that Charles Singleton mentions in his dissertation in 1936.12 Printed editions of the sixteenth century follow, consisting of a poetic anthology compiled in 1559 by Anton Francesco Grazzini (il Lasca), titled Tutti I trionfi, carri, mascherate, (sic) o canti Carnascialeschi andati per Firenze, dai tempo del Magnifico Lorenzo vecchi de Medici [...], as well as the print Canzoni, o vero Mascherate, Carnascialesche, di M. GioBattista dell’Ottonaio [...] edited by Lorenzo Torrentino. In the eighteenth century another edition was printed of Tutti I trionfi, carri, mascherate o canti carnascialeschi [...]. 13 In addition                                                 9 Canzone per andare in maschera per carnesciale facte da piu persone (Florence: Bartolomeo de’ Libri, ca. 1485) and Canzone per andare in maschera per carnasciale facte da piu persone (Florence: Lorenzo Morgiani and Giovanni Petri, ca. 1486) (in Singleton, given an alternate date of 1515 in Macey, Savonarolan Laude). 12 Charles Singleton, The Literature of Pageantry in Florence during the Renaissance. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1937, p. 318. 13 Tutti I Trionfi, Carri, Mascherate o Canti Carnascialeschi andati per Firenze, dal tempo del Magnifico Lorenzo vecchio de Medici: quando gli hebbero prima cominciamento, per infino a questo anno presente, ed.    6 we find several manuscripts containing poetry by Lorenzo de’ Medici and dell’Ottonaio, compiled in Florence in the sixteenth century.10 Contrafacture of Florentine Carnival Songs  Beginning in the late fifteenth century, Carnival songs were adopted as models, and furnished with new poetic texts of a religious nature, resulting in a new repertory of laude spirituali. This general practice of borrowing music has become known as contrafacture, the provision of an existing song with a new text. This process can involve the imitation of a melody, poetic rhyme scheme, meter, as well as the overall meaning of the poetry—thus the process of contrafacture applies to both the music and the poetic text.11  The earliest documented instances of contrafacta were applied to popular monophonic tunes in the twelfth century, where the melodies and rhymes of songs formed the basis of new songs composed by travelling troubadours and minstrels.12 In these instances of early contrafacture, it is apparent that the fundamental melody of the song was adapted to each text. During the Renaissance, contrafacture was applied to polyphonic songs, increasing the imitative possibilities for composers and poets. This imitative process spanned across many genres of secular songs, those composed to honor the Medieval concept of courtly love, as well as politically motivated songs that honored the Florentine Republic. In poetry, contrafacture in the Renaissance involved the “reworking of an                                                                                                                                                        Antonfrancesco Grazzini (il Lasca) (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1559); Canzoni, o vero mascherate carnascialesche di M. Gio. Battista dell’Ottonaio Araldo gia della illustriss. Signoria in Fiorenza Apresso (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1560); and Tutti I Trionfi, Carri, Mascherate o Canti Carnascialeschi andati per Firenze dal tempo del Magnifico Lorenzo de’ Medici fino all’Anno 1559, In questa seconda edizione corretti, con diversi MSS. collazionati, delle loro varie lezioni arrichiti, notabilmente accreaciuti, e co’ritratti di ciascun posta adornata, ed. and  expanded by Rinaldo Maria Bracci (aka Neri del Boccia or Decio Laberio), in 2 volumes (Lucca, 1750). 10 Biblioteca Nazionale, XII.D.2. (Naples, sixteenth century); Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence, Riccardiana 2731 (sixteenth century); Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana 3219 (sixteenth century). 11 Robert Falck, “Parody and Contrafactum: A Terminological Clarification,” The Musical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (January 1979): 12. In primary sources however, these links between popular models and their laude are referenced with the indication cantasi-come, with no mention of the modern term whatsoever. 12 The Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, ed. Roland Greene, et al. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 302.    7 earlier text through its words, its melody, or both to effect a change in the underlying cultural values, the most common type [being] the adaptation of love poetry to sacred purposes.”13  With respect to Carnival songs, composers of contrafacta sought to adapt the meaning of the original Carnival song text into sacred terms.   Of the ninety-four extant Carnival songs that have both music and text preserved, references to the titles of thirty-six can be found in sacred songbooks and anthologies (laudarii) from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries: the Carnival song music is either adjusted to the new sacred text, or the sacred text is given alone, with the indication cantasi come, meaning: “to be sung to the music of.” The contrafacture of Carnival songs in the laudarii preserve some of the music for the earliest canti carnascialesci, as the music only exists in borrowed form as accompaniment to newly composed laude, sacred songs composed for lay devotional rituals. The laudarii containing contrafacture are significant in that they indicate, at the time they were copied, that the Carnival song models were popular enough to be referenced by title or incipit alone.   A striking example of the process of contrafacture can be seen in the “Trionfo della Dea Minerva,” where the original love poem devoted to the city of Florence was re-interpreted by the new lauda text as love for the Virgin Mary. The first stanza for the carnival song and that of the lauda based upon it can be found below.  Example 1. D’all alta piu stella, Lorenzo de’ Medici, and D’all alta piu stella, Giovanni    da Bibbiena.14   From the highest star descending From the highest star descending   From the highest star descending From the highest star descending to grace your celebrations, on earth a divine splendor, O glorious Florence, O glorious queen,                                                 13 Ibid, 303. 14 English translation of Carnival poem and of the lauda in Patrick Macey, Bonfire Songs, 56–57.    8 From the highest star descending... From the highest star descending...   comes Minerva, the goddess of wisdom, Virgin and wife, mother of our Lord, bringing every branch of knowledge o morning light, happy with her, that by its presence the one who bows it may honor and embellish you. to the Saint Mother, honest and pious.   The Carnival song is dated to 1492, when it was performed to celebrate Giovanni de’ Medici’s election as a Cardinal, followed by his grand entrance into Florence from Fiesole in March 1492.15 The lauda based upon this poem alternatively celebrates the Virgin Mary as queen of Florence, who represented the values of chastity and virginity. Living a life in imitation of the Virgin, or in praise of the Virgin, had been a common theme in Franciscan and Dominican devotion from the thirteenth century onward. In fact, the majority of early laudesi companies in Florence were solely devoted to singing the praises of Mary.16 Confraternities in Florence adopted her as a theme in their poetry and artwork in order to protect the Florentine youth from negative influences from other members of society.17  The confraternities introduced statutes that would limit the possibility that older members would corrupt the younger ones, as well as to avoid any homosexual activities.  Feasts for the Virgin Mary were held in high regard by Florentines and were an important part of the devotional activities of Florentine confraternities from the late thirteenth century onward.18 Furthermore, the Virgin was honored during times of                                                 15 William F. Prizer, “The Music that Savonarola Burned: The Florentine Carnival Song in the late 15th century,” Musica e Storia 9 (2001): 5–33, here 29. 16 Blake Wilson, Music and Merchants: The Laudesi Companies of Republican Florence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 33. 17 Lorenzo Poliziotto, “The Medici and the Youth Confraternity of the Purification of the Virgin: 1434-1506,” in Nicholas Terpstra, ed., The Politics of Ritual Kinship (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 83–113, here 108. 18 Within the confraternal statutes it is mandatory for processions, including singers and musicians, to take place on these days to each church in the city. See Wilson, Music and Merchants, 48.    9 upheaval or plague, where the confraternities would hold processions in order to request the Virgin’s intercession.19   Over the course of the Renaissance era in Florence, changes took pace in the social approach to festival celebrations, which were conditioned by religious devotion and politics. The Carnival songs and their contrafacta reflect these changes, and are “an artistic reflection of the most important developments in politics,” the verses “invoking certain opinions” of those sponsoring the creation of the works.20  The tradition of remodeling carnival songs into laude gives evidence not only of the profound influence that religion played in the lives of the Renaissance Florentines, but also of the various connections between the moral teachings of both the Carnival and lauda poems. The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate how Carnival songs were appropriated through the practice of contrafacture to communicate religious values in festive contexts. By outlining the process by which poets modeled their laude on Carnival songs, it will become evident how the recycling of the Carnival musical material reflected the popular mindset and values of Renaissance Florence, from the republican rule of Lorenzo de’ Medici (1460–92) and the reformative religious leadership of Girolamo Savonarola (1494–1498) through the reinstatement of the Medici Family as a ducal monarchy (1512–1600s). The following chapters examine three phases of Carnival song contrafacture, distinguished by different contexts within which musical borrowing took place.21  Each chapter will place into context the terms of production and maintenance of Carnival songs through contrafacture, and                                                 19 David M. D’Andrea, Civic Christianity in Renaissance Italy (New York: University of Rochester Press, 2007), 27. 20 Anthony J. Cummings, The Politicized Muse: Music for Medici Festivals, 1512-1537 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 163. 21 These periods are defined by Blake Wilson in Singing Poetry in the Renaissance: The Cantasi Come Tradition (1375-1550) (Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 2009), 9.    10 the prominent poets, composers, and patrons, concluding with examples of several characteristic modes of borrowing.    11 Chapter 1: Carnival Songs and Contrafacture in the Late Fifteenth Century  Carnival Songs  Originating in Ancient Rome, the Carnival festival was celebrated to honor the god Saturn by feasting, the giving of gifts, and the reversal of social roles. Gradually coming under the rule of the medieval aristocratic lords, the Carnival became associated with noble families as a tool of demonstrating their wealth and power in preservation of their chivalric traditions.22  Noble youths, also called giovani, collected themselves together in brigades and paraded through the streets, mocking the social customs of their elders and female bystanders, as well as pledging allegiances between families.23  These elite brotherhoods communicated their specific interests and opinions regarding family alliances through Carnival song lyrics, “translating the professional vocabulary of the guilds into sexual metaphors.”24  These brotherhoods formed a part of the feudal fabric of Florence in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a society where legitimacy in rule through familial lineage dominated the honor system; this was reflected in the social hierarchy of medieval Florence, which relied upon the distinction between lords and vassals, with lords promising protection and prestige to vassals in exchange for their labor. As Florence grew into an independent commune in the late fourteenth century, the merchant-artisan class in Florence rose to power through commerce and trade, requiring the elite families and nobility to relinquish their control and level of involvement in civic affairs.25                                                   22 Richard Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence (New York: Academic Press, 1980), xxi. 23 For example, in 1464 the Benchi and Strozzi families of Florence sponsored an armeggeria for Carnival in an effort to foster hope and potential in the face of shifting alliances when Cosimo fell ill. See ibid., 231. 24 William Prizer, “Reading Carnival: The Creation of a Florentine Carnival Song,” Early Music History 23 (2004): 233. 25 Miles J. Unger, Magnifico: The Brilliant Life and Violent Times of Lorenzo de’ Medici (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2008), 257. In 1293 it was regulated in Florence that in order to participate in governing the city, one must be a practicing member of a guild. See DeLamar Jenson, Renaissance Europe: Age of Recovery and Reconciliation, 2d ed. (Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath and Company, 1992), 61.    12  The transfer of power from the nobility to the wealthy merchants was mediated by the Medici family, when Sylvestro de’ Medici participated in leading the ciompi rebellion in 1345, as frustrated members of Florence’s working poor sought to gain guild status and thus representation in civic affairs. In 1397, Giovanni di Bicci de’ Medici (1360–1429), prior and gonfaloniere for Florence, registered a banking company with the Exchangers guild, ensuring the family’s power and participation in civic affairs. Although the Medici family was an outgrowth of the lesser merchant classes of the fifteenth century, subsequent generations, from Cosimo (1389–1464) to Lorenzo (1434–1492), raised the family’s status among the wealthier social circles while continuing to favor the interests of the lesser merchant citizens.26 The foundations of patronage laid down by Cosimo assisted in this process, as he fostered the scholarship of contemporary humanists, sponsoring the acquisition and translation into the vernacular of ancient manuscripts from Greece and Rome (such as those of Cicero and Plato, authors whose works in particular praised the independent success and spiritual expression of the individual). The power they held over the city relied upon a balance of support between the social classes, one that was buttressed by Carnival festival rituals.  Commencing in 1469, under Lorenzo’s leadership, Florence witnessed a period of internal peace in comparison to the previous centuries. Lorenzo’s diplomatic prowess and sponsorship of public events fostered a positive opinion of Florence and his leadership to citizens and foreigners. The Carnival festivals offered opportunities to diffuse conspiracies and to portray noble values in a civic context.27   Lorenzo de’ Medici encouraged marginal groups of society to collaborate with one another so that they would develop a sense of pride and identity, helping to keep the republic                                                 26 Gertrude Randolph Bramlette-Richards, ed., Florentine Merchants in the Age of the Medici: Letter and Documents from the Selfridge Collection of Medici Manuscripts (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1932), 17. 27 Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, 232 and 240.    13 united and giving due honor to the nobility. The Carnival festivities were now also sponsored by artisan guilds, as well as by the noble youth brigades and lords, loosening the associations between the aristocracy and Carnival celebrations. The Carnival festivals now embraced the rich and the poor in a “symbolic reconciliation of the whole Florentine community.”28 It is at this time that the Carnival songs witness their first documented rise in popularity, a time when music and poetry native to the Florence were favored over international styles.29   Lorenzo’s interest in sponsoring the arts and culture of Florence, contributing to the rise in popularity of Carnival songs in the late fifteenth century, stemmed from his upbringing. While growing up in Florence, Lorenzo received a liberal arts education, including the study of classics, philosophy, and history. From 1473 to 1490, Lorenzo composed poetry while participating in intellectual discussions with leading humanists like Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499). Lorenzo contributed a total of six Carnival song models to the genre, all composed by 1491: Berricuocoli, donne, e confortini (1473–78), Siam galanti di Valenzia (1488), Lasse in questo carnasciale (1488), Le cose al contrario vanno (1489), Quant’e bella giovanezza (1490), and Donne siam, come vedete (by 1491). The texts of Lorenzo’s Carnival songs, as well as those by fellow fifteenth-century poets such as Angelo Poliziano (1464–1494) and Bernardo Giambullari (1450–1569), can be found in several anthologies as listed in Appendix A.  The poetic texts of the fifteenth-century Carnival songs mock current events as well as courtly rituals, placing emphasis upon the humanist values of personal skill and ability in a humorous context along with courtly ideals of love and the justification of legitimate familial rule. An example is Lorenzo’s carnival poem Lasse in questo carnasciale (also known as the Canzona de’ forese), when he adopts a                                                 28 Unger, Magnifico, 421. 29 Blake Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence: The ‘cantasi come’ Tradition (1375–1550), Italian Medieval and Renaissance Studies 9 (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2009), 120.    14 rhetoric that is couched with double entendres in an effort to encapture the popular and profane mindsets of the late fifteenth century.  Example 2. Lasse in questo carnasciale, Lorenzo de’ Medici.30   Lasse, in questo carnasciale Alas, it’s in this Carnival   Lasse, in questo carnasciale Alas, it’s in this Carnival noi abbiam, donne, smarriti that we have lost, oh ladies dear, tutt’a sei nostri mariti; our husbands, and without them we’re e sanz’essi stiam pur male. not doing well, not well at all.   Di Narcetri noi siam tutte, The six of us are from Narcetri nostr’arte e l’esser forese; our work is cultivating fields, noi cogliemo certe frutte we gather certain lovely fruits belle come da il paese; the countryside around us yields. se c’e alcuna si cortese, If one of you is so courteous c’insegni i mariti nostri: to tell us where our husbands are, questi frutti saran vostri, you’ll have these fruits as gifts from us. che son dolci e non fan male. They’re sweet and they will do no harm at all.   Cetriuoli abbiamo e grossi, Cucumbers, large ones, we have brought di fuor pur ronchiosi e strani; all rough outside and strange to view paion quasi pien di cossi, it seems they’re full of warts, but then, poi sono apritivi e sani; they’re laxative and wholesome too e’ si piglion con duo mani: First take the fruit in hand. Expose di fuor lieva un po’ di buccia, The core by pulling back the skin. apri ben la bocca e succia; Open your mouth and suck. For those chi c’avezza e’ non fan male. who know the way, it does not hurt at all.   Mellon c’e cogli altri insieme Among these fruits there is a melon quanto e una zucca grossa; as big as any gourd you know noi serbiam questi per seme, we save it for its seeds so that perche assai nascer ne possa. from it a multitude can grow. Fassi lor la lingua rossa, The seeds will make the tongue turn red l’alie e’ pie: e’ pare un drago from stem to tip, It’s like a dragon a vederlo e fiero e vago; handsome and inspiring dread, fa paura, non fa male. a terror that will do no harm at all.   Noi abbiam con noi baccelli We also have some beanpods, long lunghi e teneri da ghiotti; and tender, morsels for a pig. ed abbiamo ancor di quelli We have still others of this kind duri e grossi, e son buon cotti but they’re well cooked, quite firm and big. e da far de’ sermargotti and each will make a foolish clown                                                 30 Italian text in Rodolfo Bruscagli, ed., Trionfi e canti carnascialeschi toscani del rinascimento (Rome: Salerno editrice, 1986), 1:15–16 and English translation in Jon Theim, Lorenzo de’ Medici: Selected Poems and Prose (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), 158–160.    15 Lasse, in questo carnasciale... Alas, it’s in this Carnival...   se la coda in man tu tieni; if you first take the tail in hand su e giu quel guscio meni; then rub it gently up and down e’ minaccia e non fa male. he threatens, but will do no harm at all.   Queste frutte oggi e usanza Such fruits are eaten after dinner che si mangin drieto a cena a way now held in high regard a noi pare un’ignoranza; this seems to us all wrong, disgusting a smaltirle e poi la pena: them then is really very hard quanto la natura e piena, once nature’s full, one shouldn’t start de’ bastar: pur fate voi again, but do it as you will dell’usarle innanzi o poi; before or in the after part ma dinanzi non fan nale. Before, however, doesn’t hurt at all.   Queste frutte, come sono, And we’ll bestow on you these fruits se i mariti c’insegnate such as they are and that’s the truth noi ve ne faremo un dono: just tell us where our husbands lurk noi siam pur di verde etate; for we’re still in the bloom of youth se lor fien persone ingrate, but if you’re ingrates of too proud troverrem qualche altro modo, we’ll find some other means so that che’ l poder non resti sodo: our land does not remain unplowed noi vogliam far carnasciale. We long to join in Carnival!    One of the most important literary sources of Carnival songs is Anton Francesco Grazzini’s printed collection of canti carnascialeschi of 1559.31  Grazzini worked as a dramatist and writer in the early sixteenth century in Florence, and his anthology claims in the title to include poetry from the time of Lorenzo de’ Medici. Grazzini dedicated this print to Francesco de’ Medici, the future Grand Duke of Tuscany. The preface to Grazzini’s print of Carnival poetry states that Lorenzo “thought of varying the manner of singing as well as the subject matter of the text and the manner of writing the words, contriving songs with various other meters.”32                                                  31Tutti i trionfi, carri, o canti carnascialeschi, ed. Antonfrancesco Grazzini (il Lasca) (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1559). This source was reprinted in 1750 and 1883. See also Linda C. Carroll,  “Carnival Rites as Vehicles of Protest in Renaissance Venice,” in The Sixteenth Century Journal 16, no. 4 (Winter 1985): 487–502, here 490. This print is edited and translated in Patrick Macey, Bonfire Songs: Savonarola’s Musical Legacy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 34. 32 Grazzini, introduction to Tutti i trionfi, carri, mascherate o canti carnascialeschi. Current scholarship has demonstrated that Grazzini was incorrect in crediting changes in poetic meter to Lorenzo. Experimentation with new poetic meters in fact occurs later in the Florentine Carnival song repertory of the 16th century, which is at once apparent upon comparison of the poetic forms used prior to and after 1500. See Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 121.    16 What is true about Grazzini’s statement is that the Carnival song genre began as an oral tradition, and that the emergence of the polyphonic setting of Carnival songs—implying a  written tradition—originated in the 1470s, when Lorenzo composed his first carnival songs, which indeed contain more sophisticated poetic content than was common previously. An example is Lorenzo’s poem Donne, siam, come vedete, also known as Canzona delle cicale, or “Song of the cicadas”. The poetic form is common to the Italian Carnival songs of this time: there is a two-line refrain followed by verses that are organized into six-eight line strophes. In each strophe, two rhyming couplets alternate, called the piedi. The text describes flowers as chatterboxes who gossip and are jealous of the damsels’ success in love. The subject matter touches upon the theme of nature with flowers as the main characters. Lorenzo instructs his listeners to live by virtue while giving an intimate portrayal of love as the main reason for the cicada’s envy. Example 3. Donne, siam, come vedete, Lorenzo de’ Medici.  Donne, siam, come vedete,  Women are we, as you can see,  Giovanette vaghe e liete.  Young, delectable and gay.   Noi ci andiam dando diletto.  We are going forth to pleasure all,  come s’usa il carnasciale:  as is the law of Carnival:  l’altrui bene hanno in dispetto  cicadas and the envious  gl’indiviosi e le cicale:   are vexed at other’s happiness:  poi si sfogon col dir male [...]33  they find release in calumny [...]34   The closing section, or the volta follows. These final phrases detail a lesson in virtue extolled by the damsels to the cicadas about the consequences of jealousy when they say:  Viva amore e gentilezza!  Long live love and gentle manners!  Muoia invidia e a chi ben duole!  Death to envy and to slanderers!  Dica pur chi mal dir vuole,  Talk, then you, who love heresy:  Noi faremo e voi direte.35  While you prattle, we will play!36                                                 33 Mario Buggelli, ed., Lorenzo il Magnifico: Canzoni scandalose, I classici dell’ amore 38 (Milan: L’Aristocratica, 1927), 58–59. 34 Translation by Theim in Lorenzo de Medici: Selected Poems and Prose, 160–1. 35 Ibid., 58–59. 36 Ibid., 164.    17   In contrast with the large number of poets represented in this genre, only three composers have been identified thus far as composing music for Carnival songs, two of which are identified in late fifteenth-century sources. The first is Heinrich Isaac (c.1450–1517), who worked as an organist at major Florentine church institutions, including the baptistery and Cathedral of San Giovanni between 1485 and 1494, and enjoyed the patronage of Lorenzo de’ Medici. Isaac is known to have written two carnival songs, the Canzona di’ confortini composed between 1474 and 1478, and the Trionfo delle Dee composed in the 1490s. The second composer is Bartholomeo degli Organi (1474–1539), a native of Florence and the scion of a prominent family. Degli Organi gained childhood experience as a singer of laude and in the coming years would hold several appointments as organist for prominent cathedrals and churches in Florence. The third composer to contribute to the Carnival song repertory is Alessandro Coppini (1460s–1527). A native of Florence, Coppini held several roles as monk, composer, and organist both for the Medici church and the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova. Coppini is credited with the composition of thirteen carnival songs.  The music of Carnival songs composed in the fifteenth century feature ballata forms, cast for singing in three or four parts. A woodcut from the title page of Canzone per andare in maschera (Florence, ca. 1485), another major print of Carnival song poems, depicts five masked singers, two boys and three men.37 This suggests that in four-part songs, the top line was doubled by the boys, while the lower lines accommodated one voice to a part.38 Clear cadential closes signify the end of each musical phrase, while the stepwise melodies and root position chords                                                 37 Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, 439. 38 Patrick Macey, Savonarolan Laude, Motets, and Anthems, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 116 (Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2007), xvii.    18 further suggest the oral transmission of this genre.39  A characteristic example of a Carnival song composed in the fifteenth century is Siam galanti di Valenzia by Lorenzo de’ Medici, describing perfume vendors from Spain who appeal to the women of Florence to buy their wares.40 The refrain is as follows: Example 4. Sian galanti di Valenzia, Lorenzo de’ Medici.41  Siam galanti di Valenzia,  We are dandies from Valence,  qui per passo capitati   just passing through here,  d’amor gia presi e legati   but already we have fallen in love      delle donne di Fiorenza.   with the ladies of Florence.    The poem, also known as the Canzona de’ profumi, is set to music that consists of phrases that are marked off by rests, with a contrasting section in triple meter. The cantus and tenor sing together in parallel thirds. One can clearly perceive the musical phrases through its rhythmic gestures, including rests and duration of note values. The activity of each vocal part is equal, with some melismatic decoration at the end of phrases and sections.                                                    39 Anthony J. Cummings, The Maecenas and the Madrigalist: Patrons, Patronage, and the Origins of the Italian Madrigal (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2004), 60. 40 The Italian text is edited in Bruscagli, ed., Trionfi e canti carnascialeschi toscani del rinascimento, 1:5, and in Paolo Orvieto, ed., Lorenzo de’ Medici: Canti carnascialeschi (Rome: Salerno editrice, 1991), 62–64. 41 English translation in Macey, Savonarolan Laude, xxvi.    19 Example 5. Canzona de’ profumi, Anon.42                                                       42 Transcription adapted from Joseph Gallucci Jr., Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 40 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1981), 14–15.    20           21        22           Contrafacture in Carnival Song Repertory of the Fifteenth Century  As Carnival rituals adjusted to accommodate the newly-formed mercantile republic, so did ritual practices of devotion in Florence, with music being produced for more leisurely sacred contexts such as confraternal devotions for adults and youths. The stability that Cosimo’s leadership provided saw the rise in laudesi and fianciulli (or youth) confraternities in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Adapting the ritual practices of the Carnival for spiritual use, the lay confraternities modeled their organizational structure upon those of the guilds, consisting    23 of men from the lay population. These laudesi confraternities reflect the increased visibility and involvement in society of the middle classes. By honoring the values of charity, fraternity, sponsorship, and devotional brotherhood, confraternities allowed for a fluid exchange of ideas across a wide range of social classes, as they were inclusive of all members of society.43 These confraternities assisted the Medici family in establishing their legitimacy to rule the Florentine Republic; both Cosimo and Lorenzo are documented as providing funding and support to confraternal associations in exchange for the confraternities’ help in fostering public support from the populace. In 1442 Cosimo de’ Medici sponsored the creation of a new confraternal group  called The Good Men of San Martino to help the working poor.44  Cosimo also contributed to the youth confraternal societies in Florence by providing financial support for the confraternity of the fianciulli, moving them into the rebuilt convent of San Marco and supplying them with the classical pedagogy of the ancient classics to be used as teaching tools for proper diction and behavior for the Florentine youth.45  Originating in the thirteenth century, laude were sung in Florentine clerical institutions such as monasteries and cloisters, such as Santissima Annunziata, Santa Maria del Fiore, and Orsanmichele by groups of laudesi, trained singers of sacred poetry.46 Beginning in the 1470s, these companies also began to hire singers as well as clergy to administer private devotions, offering social programs with highly specific educational, devotional, or social purposes.47 Laude were also sung in processions, a feature that became part of Florentine confraternal devotions                                                 43 Lorenzo Poliziotto, Children of the Promise: The Confraternity of the Purification and the Socialization of Youths in Florence: 1427–1785 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 5. 44 Tim Parks, Medici Money: Banking, Metaphysics, and Art in Fifteenth-Century Florence (New York: W.W. Norton, 2005), 108. 45 In particular, those texts that praised the independent success and spiritual expression of the individual by Quintilian, Cicero, and Plato were favored by Cosimo. Paola Ventrone, “Lorenzo’s Politica festiva,” in Michael Mallett and Nicholas Mann, eds., Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics (London: The Warburg Institute, 1996), 105–116, here 113. 46 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 146. 47 Poliziotto, Children of the Promise, 7.    24 that were meant to aid in the popular religious devotion of the community.48 By stimulating the tradition of tailoring sacred lauda texts to familiar popular melodies, the Church more effectively emphasized and communicated its messages of faith. Confraternities also sponsored public plays during Carnival, where laude would be sung afterwards in a combined effort to instruct the audience as well as create an environment of penitence.  Lorenzo is known to have been a member of the Confraternity of Santo Spirito in 1467, a further indication of increasing political involvement in the sacred brotherhoods during the fifteenth century.49  Despite Medici patronage, confraternal membership crossed all political and social borders, as members included all social classes, trades, Medici supporters, and supporters of Savonarola into the early sixteenth century.50   As Wilson correctly points out, melodies that gain associations to certain texts lend themselves to new poetry that share the same form, rhetoric, rhyme scheme, and meaning.51 From 1460 to 1500, musical borrowing helped clerics and lay congregations to memorize a large number of sacred texts for personal devotion, at times drawing associations between the original Carnival text and the newly written lauda text. Borrowing popular tunes to set lauda texts not only aided the members of clerical institutions in Florence to communicate with the lay population; they also helped them to memorize a large body of hymns adapted from the Bible, as well as other liturgical texts. Both monophonic and polyphonic lauda singing was valued by the religious brotherhoods and institutions in Florence as the genre placed emphasis upon the text,                                                 48 David D’Andrea, Civic Christianity in Renaissance Italy (New York: University of Rochester Press, 2007), 27. 49 The topics of these plays included the nature of obedience and acceptance of duty, as well as biblical themes referencing the virgin Mary and Jesus Christ. See Nerrida Newbigin, “Politics in the Sacre rappresentazioni of Lorenzo’s Florence,” in Michael Mallett and Nicholas Mann, eds., Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics (London: The Warburg Institute, 1996), 117–130, here 119. 50 Poliziotto, Children of the Promise, 153–4. 51 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 9.    25 thus providing a means of communicating with a variety of members from Florentine society. Carnival song models were chosen based upon the familiarity of the musical material, as well as upon the poetic form of the text of the models.52 Between 1460 and 1490, we know of ten laude that were composed using Carnival songs as models. The majority of these contrafacta are by Feo Belcari (1410-1485) and Lorenzo de’ Medici, the first lauda poets documented in the sources of the fifteenth century to make contrafacture of Carnival songs.53  Only one Carnival song is used as a model that is attributed to Bartholomeo dei Organi: the Canzona delle Cicale, composed by 1489 with poetry by Lorenzo.54 These laude are laid out in simple poetic forms and in short musical phrases, best suited to the outdoor performance context for processions and patron saint celebrations. The prose of fifteenth-century lauda contrafacta focus on prominent Christian themes: indeed the laude project similar subject matter to religious sermons, and it is believed that laude often accompanied these sermons.55 The main subjects of this poetic repertory concern the roles of the Saints and the Virgin Mary as patrons and subjects of praise, the concepts of repentance and conversion, and the Lenten ritual of fasting.  ontrafacture of the late fifteenth century can be found in a group of printed sources edited and reprinted by Gustavo C. Galletti in 1863.56 The importance of these editions are paramount to any study of contrafacture as applied to Carnival songs, as they supply a wealth of lauda poetry with cantasi-come indications (“to be sung to the tune of […]”) to Carnival songs. The                                                 52 Eyorf Ostrem and Nil Holger-Peterson, Medieval Ritual and Early Modern Music: The Devotional Practice of Lauda Singing in the Late-Renaissance Italy (Belgium: Brepols, 2008), 134–5. 53 Of these, Francesco Marzochino and Bartolommeo della Boccia each contribute one instance of contrafacture of a Carnival song. 54 See Appendix A. 55 Blake Wilson, Music and Merchants: The Laudesi Companies of Republican Florence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 26. 56 Gustavo C. Galletti, ed., Laude spirituali di Feo Belcari, di Lorenzo de’ Medici, di Francesco d’Albizzo, di Castellano Castellani e di altri, comprese nelle queattro piu antiche raccolte (Florence: Molini e Cecchi, 1863). See Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 63, for a comparison between the Galletti reprints and the original exemplars of each of the four sources.    26 first of the original prints, the Laude facte e composte da più persone spirituali (Florence: Francesco Bonaccorsi), also known as Gall2, was originally printed in 1485 or 1486 in Florence; it was recycled and enlarged in 1490 (Gall1), in 1495 (Gall3), and again in 1502–7 (Gall4). The original editions of these prints that Galletti copied from do not survive, and scholars have pointed out that only one of the four reprints resemble any known exemplar.57  With regard to the remaining three reprints, the exemplars from which Galletti copied these from remain to be located. The 1485/6 print of Gall2 was originally printed prior to the 1490 Gall1 print, but was copied second by Galletti, who discovered this print after his first edition was published.58 Of the 216 laude seen in Galletti that comprise this volume of 138 folios, there are 287 contrafacta indications, as in some cases there are several different musical models suggested for a single lauda poem. There are four laude that use Carnival song models, all by Feo Belcari (see Appendix B). The other genres that are referenced as models for the laude in this source are the polyphonic stambotto, ballata minore, and ballata grande forms of the unwritten musical tradition. Gall2 is important as it gives evidence that the production of Carnival songs continued consistently from 1470 to the 1490s, with new Carnival song titles entered as cantasi-come, a phrase stated at the end of the final stanza of each poem. Gall2 contains four laude that borrow from three Carnival song models, where there is one instance where the same Carnival song melody is used for two lauda poems. One is by Bernardo Giambullari, the other two attributed to an anonymous composer. The poetic texts by Feo Belcari were written and modeled upon their Carnival songs sometime between 1478 and 1484, when Belcari oversaw the devotional activity                                                 57 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 62–3. 58 Gall1 (1486) was the first source consulted by Galletti, but was not the earliest extant source, as shown by Wilson. The original has 94 laude, while Galletti’s reprint transmits only 91. Because this Gall2 print contains the contents of Gall1 (folios 1–92), Galletti edited out those entries that are present in both sources. The contents of this print are detailed in Wilson, Singing Poetry, 62–3.    27 for the Confraternity of the Purification in Florence. One of the poet’s major patrons was Lorenzo, who increasingly became involved with the devotional activities of Florence’s citizens by patronizing confraternal plays where laude contrafacta were sung. Gall3, bearing the title Laude facte e composte a più persone spirituali (Florence: Bartolomeo de’ Libri, ca. 1495), is a print of 181 folios  containing 313 laude with 330 contrafacta indications: as above, there are instances where a single lauda can be sung to several different melodies.59  In total, eighteen lauda texts are sung to seventeen Carnival song melodies, while the remaining contrafacta are modeled upon, as above, strambotto and ballata forms of the unwritten tradition. Gall3 contains texts that were already printed in Gall1 and 2, as well as newer additions of poetry. The source transmits older laude by Belcari and his fellow lauda poet Francesco d’Albizo, while of the newer additions, five texts are attributed to Lorenzo de’ Medici, and two to Bartholomeo di Boccia (folios 113 to 208.) Thus a total of eighteen laude are contrafacta of seventeen Carnival song models in Gall3; in seven instances both music and text survive.60  Table 2. Carnival Contrafacture in Sources from the Late Fifteenth Century61   Source Incipit/Poet of Lauda Incipit/Poet of Carnival Song    Gall2 O anima accecata, F. Belcari Siamo stati in Fiorenza, B. Giambullari  Chi vuol pace nel suo core, F. Belcari Ferrivecchi e ramivecchi, Anon.  L’orazione e sempre buona, F. Belcari Ferrivecchi e ramivecchi, Anon.  L’orazione e sempre buona, F. Belcari L’erba buona e sempre buona, Anon.  Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, F. Belcari Visin, visin, visin, Anon.  O San Bartoloemo, F. d’Albizo Noi siam tre pellegrini, Anon.  O gloriosi in cielo, F. d’Albizo Noi siam tre pellegrini, Anon.  Ogn’un con divizione e puro, F. d’Albizo Noi siam tre pellegrini, Anon.                                                 59 The contents of this reprint is detailed in Wilson, Singing Poetry, 62–3. 60 The sources that document the text only for the spiritual contrafacture of Carnival songs are also personal lay anthologies of sacred poetry, and these indicate no contrafacture, transmitting the poetic text both with the music of the model, and without. 61 The entries in bold indicate those where both the music and the texts survive in sources.    28 Source... Incipit/Poet of Lauda... Incipit/Poet of Carnival Song... ... Giovanetti con fervore deh fug, F. d’Albizo Faccia bene a’ pellegrini, Anon  Giovanetti con fervore deh fug, F. d’Albizo Giovanetti con fervore non vogl., Anon.  Chi salute vuol trovare, Belcari/d’Albizo? Donne chi vuole far filare lino, Anon.  I’ non vo’ piu teco stare, F. d’Albizo Deh porgete un po’ gli orecchi, Anon.  Poi che ‘l cor mi stringe, F. Belcari Alle chiave, alle chiavone, Anon. Gall3 Quant’e grande la bellezza, L. Medici Lasse in questo carnasciale, L. Medici  O peccator, io sono Dio eterno, L. Medici O donne, noi siam giovani, L. Medici  Peccator, su tutti quanti, L. Medici Le cose al contrario vanno, L. Medici  O maligno e dure core, L. Medici Siam galanti di valenza, L. Medici  Chi non ha l’amor di Dio, B. di Boccia Giovani mandati siano, Anon.   An example of a lauda contrafactum is the poem Visin, visin, visin, originally set to music and known as the Canzona degli spazzacamini by an anonymous poet and composer, in the form of the ballata minore with a two-line ripresa. The music for this Carnival song can be found in BR62 and in Panc27, and was composed sometime between 1478 and 1484. The text of the lauda is by Feo Belcari, suggesting that this Carnival song must have been popular by 1485, if already used as a model in Gall2.62   Example 6. Visin, visin, visin, Anon. and Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, Feo Belcari. Visin, visin, visin63 Song of the Chimney Sweeps64   Visin, visin, visin, Neighbors, neighbors, neighbors,65 chi vuol spazzar camin? if you want your chimneys swept,   Alli camin, signora! To the chimneys, lady! chi li vuole spazzare, come, come if you want them swept, spazzar dentro e di fora swept inside and out chi gli vuol ben nettare: if you want them cleaned well, chi non ci puo pagare, and if you cannot pay                                                 62 Herbert Kellman, ed., Census Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, 1400–1550 (Neuhausen, Stuttgart: American Institute of Musicology, 1979), 3:219. Thus, the Carnival song found in BR62 is from the Florentine tradition between 1460 and 1492, and the further concordance with Panc 27 gives evidence of its revival of the more popular and profane musical traditions that took place after the Medici reinstatement in 1512. 63 Bruscagli, ed., Trionfi e canti carnascialeschi, 2:413–15. 64 English translation of first three stanzas by Mary Pardoe in Vecchie Letrose: Italian Renaissance Music, Syntagma Musicum, Arts Music 47504, compact disc, 25 and 27. 65 I use the translation of ‘visin, visin, visin,’ to ‘neighbors’, as Patrick Macey has done so in his translation of the first stanza of this poem in Savonarolan Laude, xxvi. I believe the translation into neighbors, as opposed to the ‘come, come, come’ provided in Mary Pardoe’s Vecchie Letrose, is more representative and in fashion with the context of the original performance.     29 Visin, visin, visin... Song of the Chimney Sweeps...   ci doni pane o vin. we’ll accept bread and wine.   Se madonna comanda, If my lady commands, che si spazzi per tutto, we’ll sweep everywhere al fin da ogni banda, in every nook and cranny pel molle e per l’asciutto in the damp and in the dry tanto e soave frutto, for chimney sweeping nostro spazzar camin. is such a sweet pleasure.   Camin che non si spazza If we don’t sweep the chimney presto s’appizza il foco the fire will soon go out non e cosa despiazza and that’s a nuisance quando e in cucina, al cuoco for the cook when he’s in the kitchen e necessaria gioco that’s why our chimney sweeping nostro spazzar camin is a neccesary game.   Madonna se bisogna Madam, if you need it, no vel vogliam spazzare we’ll sweep your chimneys for you, e gli uomin che han rogna and men who’ve got the itch non fan se grattare; won’t be scratched; coglianci accomandare please entrust alli nostri camin your chimneys to us!  Giesu, Giesu, Giesu66 Jesus, Jesus, Jesus67   Giesu, Giesu, Giesu, Jesus, Jesus, Jesus Ogn’un chiami Giesu, let everyone cry out Jesus   Chiamate questo nome, call this name col core, e con la mente, with heart and mind e sentirete come, and you’ll experience how egli e dolce, e clemente, it is sweet and merciful chi’l chiama fedelmente, whoever calls it faithfully sente nel cor Giesu feels Jesus in his heart   E gli e quel nome santo, his is that holy name che da salute al mondo, that brings salvation to the world converte il nostro pianto, and turns our weeping nel suo gaudio giocondo, to His joyous gladness se volete il cor mondo, if you want a pure heart, Ricorrete a Giesu. then appeal to Jesus.                                                   66 Text and musical transcription taken from Margaret A. Mancuso, “Serafino Razzi’s ‘Libro primo delle laudi spirituale’ (Venice: Rampazetto for Giunti, 1563): A Critical Edition and Commentary,” (M.A. Thesis, California State University, 1984), 447–8. 67 English translation in Macey, Savonarolan Laude, xxvi–xxvii.    30 Giesu, Giesu, Giesu... Jesus, Jesus, Jesus...   Se tu ti senti in pene, If you feel sorrow chiama Giesu col core, call Jesus with your heart e lui per grazia viene, and He will come through grace a levarti il dolore, to relieve you from suffering se sia il tuo migliore, if you wish to be better pero chiama Giesu. Just call on Jesus.   Giesu sempre chiamiamo, let us always cry Jesus che per noi mori in croce, who died for us on the cross Giesu semore lodiamo, let us always praise Jesus col core, e con la voce, with heart and voice ciaschedun sia veloce, let everyone be quick a ringrazier Giesu. to offer thanks to Jesus.   Giesu pien di dolcezza Jesus full of sweetness, Giesu e il mio desio, Jesus is my desire Giesu soma bellezza, Jesus most beautiful Giesu ver huomo, e Dio, Jesus true to man and God Giesu e l’amor mio, Jesus is my love che mi fa dir Giesu [...] who makes me say Jesus.  Example 7. Canzona degli spazzacamini, Anon.68                                                  68 Transcription adapted from Macey, Savonarolan Laude, 14.    31       32    The Carnival song text addresses women, those who may want their chimneys swept clean, and advertises the abilities of the sweepers; the lauda, by contrast, instructs the faithful to call Jesus to their hearts and minds and they will experience just rewards. Despite the differences in subject matter, the grammatical syntax is maintained, as can be seen in the retention of the repetition of the word Visin and Giesu in the first line. Another instance takes place in line seven of both poems, with the use of the word “whoever” [chi].  In fact, both poems use grammar that    33 addresses a group of people, women in the case of the Carnival song, and the faithful in regards to the lauda poem. The meaning of the poem is subverted by the lauda from the relationship between neighbors or between chimney sweepers and their clientele, into the relationship between Jesus and his Christian followers. The first stanzas of both texts advertise to the listener the main point of the poems. The second stanza of both poems state ultimatums: the Carnival song text warns of what will happen if the women do not care for their “chimney” properly, while the lauda text details why one should want to call Jesus into their heart. The third stanza of both poems offer advice, confident that the listener is convinced of what the poems are selling. The Carnival song text asks that you entrust the chimney sweepers with your chimney, while the lauda asks that if you ask Jesus into your heart, you will be relieved from suffering. Thus the general outline of the plot is of the Carnival song is appropriated by the lauda. Besides this, there is little to connect the two texts, demonstrating the amateur nature of borrowing that is taking place. The lauda poet seems to care little about relating the images and keywords of the Carnival poem to his newly composed text, and more about how to relate his text to the musical content. Both poems share the same poetic form, and thus fit identically with the musical phrases. This reveals the intention of Belcari and other poets who borrowed music for their sacred texts; to serve in memorizing the text.  It is not the possibilities of subverting the meaning that caused Belcari to model his lauda upon the Carnival song. Rather, the familiarity of the popular song spurred his intentions, as by using this song, the listeners of his lauda could memorize the new text more easily.   The rhetorical content of the Carnival songs easily transferred from service to the Florentine commune or the family, to service to God, with rhetoric praising the Virgin, Christ, and the Saints.  Another telling example is a sacred poem by Lorenzo de’ Medici found in Gall3.    34 His lauda Quant’e grande la bellezza borrows music from his own Carnival song Quant’e bella giovanezza, also known as the “Canzona of Bacchus”: Example 8. Quant’e bella giovanezza, Anon., and Quante grande le ballezza, Lorenzo de’   Medici.69  Quant’e bella giovanezza How lovely youth can be70   Quant’e bella giovanezza How lovely is youth in its allure chi si fugge tuttavia! which ever swiftly flies away! Chi vuol esser lieto, sia: Let all who want to, now be gay: di doman non c’e certezza. about tomorrow no one’s sure.   Quest’ e Bacco e Arianna, Here are Bacchus, Ariadne, belli, e l’un dell’altro ardenti: for one another all afire: perche’l tempo fugge, e’nganna, because time flies and plays us false, sempre insieme sian contenti. they always yield to their desire. Queste Ninfe, ed altre genti These nymphs of theirs and other folk sono allegre tuttavia. are merry every single day. Chi vuol’ esser lieto sia Let all who want to, now be gay: di doman non c’e certezza. about tomorrow no one’s sure.   Questi lieti satiretti Those who love these pretty nymphs delle Ninfo innamorati are little satyrs, free of cares, per caverne e per boschetii who in the grottoes and the glades han lor posto cento agguati have laid for them a hundred snares or da Bacco riscaldati by Bacchus warmed and now aroused ballon, salton tuttavia. they skip and dance the time away. Chi vuol esser lieto, sia: Let all who want to, now be gay, di doman non c’e certezza. about tomorrow no one’s sure.   Queste Ninfe anche hanno caro These nymphs fall gladly for the ruses da lor essere ingannate that the satyrs execute: non puo fare a Amor riparo who can avoid the lure of Love se non gente rozze e ingrate except some rude unfeeling brute? ora insieme mescolate so now among themselves they mingle, suonon, canton tuttavia. playing and singing all the day. Chi vuol esser lieto, sia: Let all who want to, now be gay: di doman non c’e certezza about tomorrow no one’s sure.   Questa soma, che vien drieto Behind the rest, that heavy sack sopra l’asino, e Sileno astride a jackass is Silenus, cosi vecchio e ebbro e lieto old and drunk and ever jocund, gia di carne e d’anni pieno, long on years but not on leanness.                                                 69 The Italian text of the carnival song can be found in Lorenzo de’ Medici: Laude, ed. Bernard Toscani, Instituto Nazionale di studi sul Rinascimento, Studi e testi 21 (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1990), 84–7, while the Italian text of the lauda can be found in Grazzini, ed., Tutti i trionfi, carri, o canti carnascialeschi, 1–3. 70 English translation in Theim, ed., Lorenzo de’ Medici: Selected Poems and Prose, 162–4.    35 Quant’e bella giovanezza... How lovely youth can be...   se non puo star ritto, almeno Although he cannot sit up straight, ride e gode tuttavia. he’s full of cheer and laughs away. Chi vuol’ esser lieto, sia: Let all who want to, now be gay: di doman non c’e certezza. about tomorrow no one’s sure.   Mida vien drieto a costoro And last of all appears King Midas, cio che tocca, oro diventa all that he touches turns to gold. E che giova aver tesoro but if it does not make him happy, a’sltri poi non si contenta? what is the use of wealth untold? che dolcezza vuoi che senta what sweetness will he ever taste chi ha sete tuttavia? who has a thirst he can’t allay? Chi vuol esser lieto, sia: Let all who want to, now be gay: di doman non c’e certezza. about tomorrow no one’s sure.   Ciascun apra ben gli orecchi  Now listen well to what I say di doman nessun si paschi that none may count on what’s to come oggi sian, giovani e vecchi let men and women, young and old, lieti ognun, feminine e maschi today be glad and have some fun. ogni tristo pensier caschi Let’s cast aside all gloomy thoughts facciam festa tuttavia. and have perpetual holiday. Chi vuol’ esser lieto sia: Let all who want to, now be gay: di doman non c’e certezza. about tomorrow no one’s sure.   Donne e giovanetti amanti Among you lasses and young lovers viva Bacco e viva Amore! Long live Bacchus and Desire! ciascun suoni, balli e canti Now let us pipe and dance and sing arda di dolcezza il core our hearts consumed with sweetest fire non fatica, non dolore, away with suffering and sorrow! cio c’ha a esser, convien sia. Let what is fated have its way. Chi vuol’ esser lieto, sia: let all who want to, now be gay: di doman non c’e certezza. about tomorrow no one’s sure.  Quante grande le bellezza How great your beauty is, Virgin71   Quante grande la bellezza How great your beauty is,  di te, Vergine pia Virgin, holy and devout ciascun laudi te, Maria let everyone praise you, Mary ciascun canti in gran dolcezza. Let everyone sing in great sweetness.   Con la tua bellezza tanta, Through your great beauty  la bellezza innamorasti you made Beauty herself fall in love O bellezza eterna, e santa O Beauty eternal and holy di Maria bella infiammasti! you lighted up for beautiful Mary tu d’amor, l’amor lefasti You united love with Love Vergin santa, dolce e pia Virgin Holy, sweet and devout                                                 71 Translation adapted from Macey, Bonfire Songs, 38–40.     36 Quante grande le bellezza... How great your beauty is, Virgin...   ciascun laudi te, Maria. Let everyone praise you, Mary ciascun canti in gran dolcezza. Let everyone sing in great sweetness.   Quell’ amor che incende il tutto, That Love, that fires up everything, la bellezza alta infinita, the Beauty, high and infinite, del tuo ventre e fatto frutto, has made fruit of your mortal womb mortal ventre, e ‘l frutto e vita. and the fruit is the fruit of Life. La bonta perfetta unita Goodness and perfection are united  e tuo bene, o Vergin pia. as is your Goodness, o sweet Virgin. Ciascun laudi te, Maria; let everyone praise you, Mary ciascun canti in gran dolcezza. Let everyone sing in great sweetness.   La Potenza, che produce The Power that produces everything, tutto, in te la sua forz’hebbe, in you had its own strength, fatto ha’ l sole esser tua luce, within you made the light of the sun luce, ascosa in te, piu crebbe; this light, hiding in you, grew brighter, Quello a cui e’l frutto debbe, and that of which owed everything,  debbe a te, o Madre pia! owed to you, o Pious mother! Ciascun laudi te, Maria; let everyone praise you, Mary ciascun canti in gran dolcezza. Let everyone sing in great sweetness.   Prima, che nel petto santo Before in your sacred bosom, tanto ben fussi raccolto, whomever was held  saria morto in doglia e in pianto they would have died in pains in cries,  chi di Dio vedessi il volto: those who saw the face of God. questa morte in vita ha volto, This death, to life has turned, il tuo parto, O Vergin pia your birth has turned; O virgin pious. ciascun laudi te, Maria let everyone praise you, Mary ciascun canti in gran dolcezza. Let everyone sing in great sweetness.   Hanno poi e mortal’ occhi And then these mortal eyes,  visto questo eterno Bene: have seen this eternal Goodness; volse ch’altri senta e tocchi, that others felt and touched it,  onde vita al mondo viene. through which life comes to Earth. O felici, mortal pene O happy mortal pain,  cui vendetta e tanto pia! to which revenge is so pious Ciascun laudi te, Maria; let everyone praise you, Mary ciascun canti in gran dolcezza. Let everyone sing in great sweetness.   O felice la terribile O happy the terrible,  colpa antica e il primo errore while the ancient fault and original sin poi che Dio fatt’hai visibile because it rendered God visible, et hai tanto redentore and he such a redeemer! Questo ha mostro quanto amore This has shown us how much love, port’a noi la bonta pia. the Goodness, pious brings to us  Ciascun laudi te, Maria; let everyone praise you, Mary ciascun canti in gran dolcezza [...] Let everyone sing in great sweetness [...]     37 Example 9. Canzona de Bacchus, Anon.72                                                    72 Music is transcribedTranscription adapted from Gallucci Jr., Joseph. Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, . Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 40. Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1981, pages 6–-7.    38        39       40    The first appearance of this Carnival song can be found in fragmentary form on folio 151r in BR 230. The complete version of the song, with the missing part, is provided in Serafino Razzi’s anthology of 1563, without the contrafacture indication, as the music is printed with the title of the lauda alone.59 The lauda was mistakenly identified as being a contrafacta of another Carnival song, titled the Canzona delle Forese; however, as Rubsamen has demonstrated, the poetic forms do not match, and the reason for this mistaken contrafacta resulted from a desire to hide this source of the lauda from the Savonarolan sentiments that were ingrained in Florence at the time Lorenzo composed this poem.73 Characteristic of the stylistic tendencies of Lorenzo’s republic in Florence, the musical phrases are repeated for each statement of the mutazioni, while the volta is through-composed. What is unique about this Carnival song is that it contains no rests, nor any sections with an alternate meter. The Carnival song is instead demarcated into                                                 59 Razzi, ed., Libro primo delle laudi spirituali da diversi eccell. e diversi autori, antiche e moderni composte (Venice: Francesco Rampazetto, 1563), f. 7. 73 Walter Rubsamen, “The Music for ‘Quant’e bella giovinezza’ and other Carnival Songs by Lorenzo de’ Medici,” in Charles Singleton, ed., Art, Science, and History in the Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967), 177.    41 sections by the tonal quality they each produce and the quality of the vocal texture, as there is a stark contrast between the ripresa and the stanzas. It is evident that the first line of both poems share the same syntax, and even the same words, as seen in the first line of the refrain for each poem. Furthermore, the end rhyme of the ripresa matches exactly between the two (-ezza, -ia, -ia, -ezza). These similiarities were not incidental, as Lorenzo actually went out of his way to base each of his laude upon a specific model, “intending that the sacred poem be sung to pre-existent music which would have fit only its original pattern of verses.”74 Lorenzo’s Carnival song gives off a nostalgic aura; a longing for youth is portrayed with stanzas that detail how love and festivities belong only to the youth, that the youth should make every effort to indulge in these pastimes before they “fleet” into old age. The first stanza begins with referencing the mythological story about how Bacchus, the god of wine, falls in love with Ariadne, whom he finds abandoned on an island by Theseus. The myth teaches the lesson that one should live without worries and to avoid predicting the outcome of events.    Midas appears in the third stanza of the Carnival song, teaching the lesson that one will never feel satisfied with only money, for in Midas’ case, everything he touched turned to gold, even his food, causing him to starve to death. The same stanza in the lauda also teaches a lesson, that no man can look upon the face of God, unless through his servant Mary, as this will kill them. Thus Mary is a vessel between death and life.  The fifth stanza of the Carnival poem addresses the youth, calling them to celebrate Bacchus and love, and be free of concern for tomorrow, for it will soon be here. In the sixth stanza of the lauda, Lorenzo seems to attempt to reconcile the values he expressed in the Carnival poem, explaining how the behaviours of the ancients “rendered God visible” as redeemer. Overall, the lauda subverts the beauty of youth                                                 74 Ibid.    42 from the Carnival poem into the beauty of Mary, the word itself repeated several times throughout the lauda stanzas. Another instance of contrafacture exists undertaken in the fifteenth century to the anonymous poem “Siam galanti di Valencia”, which is linked to Lorenzo de’ Medici’s “O maligno e dure core”. This example will be discussed in the next chapter, as another lauda of the later sixteenth century is also closely related to this Carnival song. Carnival and Contrafacture under Savonarola   At the time of Lorenzo’s death, the family’s wealth had greatly diminished as a result of warfare and the failure of the clients of the Medici bank to repay their debts. The citizens of Florence exiled Lorenzo’s son Piero after he breached diplomatic protocol by negotiating directly with the French, in an attempt to prevent the invasion of Florence.75 After Piero fled the city upon the threat of a French invasion under Charles V in 1494, the city rebelled against the ruling Medici family. The invasion led to the rise of the Dominican preacher Girolamo Savonarola (1449–1498) as leader of the republic due to his diplomatic success in warding off French invasion. This earned him trust, honor, and legitimacy in the eyes of the Florentine citizenry. Savonarola supported the lower class, and was aware of the power of religious discipline in fostering group identity. While growing up in Ferrara, Savonarola’s family was associated with the Ferrarese court through his father, who was a court physician.76 After studying philosophy, Girolamo became a Dominican friar, a position that would lead him in 1482 to preach to the congregation of San Marco in Florence. In 1490, Lorenzo invited the preacher to return. In his sermons to the people of Florence, Savonarola preached against the profanity of the city festivals, including Carnival and the ritual violence they encouraged, and                                                 75 Anthony J. Cummings, The Politicized Muse: Music for Medici Festivals, 1512-1537 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 11. 76 Pasquale Villari, The Life and Times of Girolamo Savonarola, trans. Linda Mazini Villari (New York: Scribner and Welford, 1890), 1.    43 also attacked the recovery of Greek and Roman poetry, since these works idealized pagan values.77 Traditionally Carnival celebrated the abandonment of inhibitions and the expression of popular frustrations. These gatherings could incite mob violence and rebellion, and for this reason religious leaders sought to redirect the excess and overindulgence of these rituals towards the praise of Christian values.78 In his transformation of Carnival festivities Savonarola diverted the fianciulli of Florence from their violent traditions—such as the throwing of stones at one another in the streets—towards more charitable acts and the singing of laude in procession during the Carnival season.79 Secular aspects of Carnival were abolished by the Savonarolan fervor in Florence, and lauda singing in processions by the fianciulli replaced traditional ritual practices.  Savonarola wished to absorb the pagan roots of the annual Carnival festival, which originally celebrated indulgence prior to the winter season, asssociating winter with the Christian value of fasting during Lent, the season immediately after the Carnival festival. Savonarola subverted the Carnival traditions in this way, replacing the masquerades with religious processions and the Carnival songs with hymns.80   Although the singing of polyphony was eliminated by Savonarola at secular events, monophonic laude continued to be sung between 1494 and 1498 in the context of street processions by fianciulli, members of youth confraternities.81 Savonarola extolled the same values of community and pride in Florence as the Medici family had, though with the intention of re-fashioning Carnival as a religious celebration. The laude were intended to heighten the intensity of his spiritual message, as well as advertise the spiritual independence of the individual                                                 77 Michael Plaisance, Florence in the Time of the Medici: Public Celebrations, Politics, and Literature in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, ed. and trans. Nicole Carew-Reid (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2008), 28. 78 Jenson, Renaissance Europe, 234. 79 Macey, Savonarolan Laude, x. 80 Plaisance, Florence in the Time of the Medici, 27. 81 Ostrem and Holger-Peterson, Medieval Ritual and Early Modern Music, 38.    44 from the collective practice of sprirituality in the Roman Catholic Church.82 The simplicity of the melodies that Belcari chose for his laude inspired the Dominican friar, and Savonarola continued to teach lauda singing, albeit monophonically, to the youth confraternity at San Marco.83  Despite the lack of definitive indications of contrafacture in primary sources, Patrick Macey has identified three Carnival song melodies sung to new laude, suggesting that these were sung at reformed Carnival celebrations by the fianciulli between 1496 and 1498 (see Table 2).84 The first source that documents these laude is Magl.XXXV.119 (M119), housed in the Biblioteca Nazionale in Florence, a manuscript containing 46 contrafacta, one of which is modeled upon a Carnival song (the remainder are modelled upon other unwritten traditions such as the strambotto and variations of the ballata minore or grande). Bruno di Nicolai di Matteo Lachi in 1481 copied 280 lauda in M119 without contrafacture associations; the remaining 46 laude added between 1482 and 1495 do have cantasi come indications, and many of these were sung in the processions of fianciulli when the youth group was under the leadership of Savonarola.85    The second source that transmits Carnival contrafacture from this period Rs424, held by the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome, San Marco 424, a manuscript owned by a Pandolfo Rucellai (d. 1497), a Dominican friar at San Marco in 1496. The first portion of this manuscript contains 200 laude with no contrafacta. Of the remaining folios compiled between 1491 and 1497, there are thirty-nine instances of contrafacture by what modern scholars consider to be the first generation of Savonarolan poets, including Savonarola himself, Castellano Castellani (active during the late fifteenth century), and Girolamo Benivieni (1453–1542). Benivieni’s poetry                                                 82 Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, 339. 83 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 133. 84 Macey, ed., Savonarolan Laude, Motets, and Anthems, table of contents. 85 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 61.    45 draws associations to Savonarolan fervor, as his poetic texts were sung at Savonarolan bonfires between 1496 and 1498.86   The lauda texts preserving the Carnival song melodies from this period are aggressive in their rhetorical tone and aim to indoctrinate and edify spectators, instead of mock them.87 An example is the use of the melody of the Carnival song of the Wild Man (Canzona degli huomini salvitichi), by an anonymous poet and composer.  Example 10. Viva, viva la ragione, Anon.; Viva, viva in oratione, Anon.; and Viva, viva in  nostre core, Anon.   Viva, viva la ragione88 Live long in reason   Viva, viva la ragione Long live, long live in reason ciascun ch’e suo campione and anyone who is his champion   Noi siam tutti huomini giusti We are all upright men che habbian il torto a sdegno who hold the wrong disdain con questi mazzafrusti and with these blunt clubs partiano dal suo regno we departed from this realm ci la dove per segno and we have sought through many regions ecol pose le colenne beyond where Hercules placed trovar queste madonne his columns as a sign ecco habbian piu regione[...] so as to find these ladies.  Viva, viva in oratione89 Live long in prayer90   Viva, viva in oratione Long live, long live in prayer ciaschedun con divotione everyone with devotion   chi pensasse al Paradiso those who would think of paradise e alla gloria de’ beati and the glory of the blessed dal mondo saria diviso let them remove themselves from the world e da vitti, e da peccati and from vices and from sins contemplando che i dannati pondering that the damned                                                 86 Only one Carnival song is used as a model, Ferrivecchi e ramivecchi, by an anonymous poet. Unfortunately, the original music has not survived. 87 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 148. 88 Italian text in Bruscagli, 411-412. Translation in Macey, Savonarolan Laude, xxviii. 89 Italian text in Mancuso,  713-714. 90 English translation in Macey, Savonarolan Laude, xxviii.    46 Viva, viva in oratione... Live long in prayer...   hanno a star in sempiterno have to remain for eternity nel caliginoso inferno in the darkness of hell coi demoni a dannazione [...] in damnation with demons […]  Viva, viva in nostre core91 Live long in our hearts92   Viva, viva in nostro core Long live, long live in our hearts. Cristo re duce, e signore Christ the King, leader and Lord.   ciascun purghi l’intellecto Let everyone purge his mind memoria e voluntate memory and will terrestre e vano effetto of earthly and vain affections I tutto in caritate let him burn completely in charity cemplando la bontate contemplating the goodness Giesu re di Fiorenza of Jesus, King of Florence digiuni e penitenza through fasting and penitence formi dentro e fore. let him reform himself inside and out.   Chi volete Giesu regni If you want Jesus to reign tuo grazia in vostro core through His grace in your heart e gli odii e pravi sdegni change all your hatreds and emutate in dolze amore wicked angers into sweet love pacciando ogni rancore chasing away every ill feeling scun prenda in se la pace let everyone accept peace in himself tuo e quell ch’a Giesu piace that is what is pleasing to Jesus el cielo e qui nel core. up in heaven and here in your heart.   O Giesu quante beata O Jesus, how blessed is he chi dispreza il cieco mondo who scorns the blind world questo e quel felice stato that is that happy state che tien sempre il cor iocondo. that always keeps the heart joyous E pero io mi confondo and thus I am confused che per paglia, fumo e spine. that because of straw, smoke, and thorns Noi perdiamo il dolze fine we lose our sweet goal Ch’e Giesu, nostro Signore. which is Jesus, our Lord.   Surgi, dunque Agnel benigno Rise up, then kind-hearted lamh Contro al fiero Farone against proud pharaoh deh riforma il corvo in cigno ah! Refashion the crow into a swan supplantando il gran Dracone supplant the great dragon sveglia omai il tuo Leone wake up now your lion della tuo tribu di Iuda from your tribe of Juda ch’a sguardare e cosa cruda for it is a cruel thing to see                                                 91 Italian text in Macey, Savonarolan Laude, xxviii–xxix. 92 Ibid., xxvii–xxix. Transcription adapted from Mancuso, “Serafino Razzi’s ‘Libro primo delle laudi spirituale’,” 39.    47 Viva, viva in nostre core... Live long in our hearts...   dove han posto il tuo licore. where they have placed Your lifeblood.   Benedetto sie ‘l Pastore Blessed be the shepherd della soma ierarchia of the supreme hierarchy Giesu Cristo, nostro amore Jesus Christ, our love e la Madre santa e pia and his Mother, holy and devout ch’a sedenti in tenebria who has sent a great light han mandato una gran luce to those in darkness e pero con viva voce and thus with loud voices chiaman Cristo nel lor core they call Christ in their heart.  Example 11. Canzona degli huomini salvitichi, Anon.93                                                  93 Transcription adapted from Macey, Savonarolan Laude, 23–31.    48       49        50       This “Song of the Wild Man” praises a life led by reason. The first stanza praises those who live with reason as “upright men” and champions. These men are in search of a group of ladies and as they depart from their home; the poet uses the pillars of Hercules to emphasize the    51 distance that these reasonable men will travel to find these ladies. In Greek mythology, these pillars represent the outermost limits that Hercules travelled. The value of travelling far through many regions is idealized in this poem. Although the primary sources of lauda contrafacta do not explicitly indicate this Carnival song as a model, more recent scholars have deduced that these laude must be contrafacta, due to their identical poetic form and similarity of syntax of the first line of the refrain of each poem.94 The lauda poem titled “Live long in prayer” by an anonymous poet turns from addressing the reasonable men from the Carnival song, toward addressing the faithful population of Florence; to those who live in devotion to God, as opposed to reason. The first stanza of the lauda describes how if one desires to get to heaven, he or she must live without vice or sin, reminding themselves that those who sin will be damned to hell.   Another lauda borrows the melody of this Carnival song, and was sung by the fianciulli during the Carnival season between the years 1496 and 1498, a time when Savonarola held the most influence over the citizens of Florence. The first stanza of this lauda focuses upon Christ as King of Florence and instructs the faithful to “purge” their minds through “fasting and penitence,” calling attention to the Lenten season that would follow the Carnival celebration. The second stanza goes on to instruct those that want Jesus in their hearts that they should find peace within themselves, and change their anger into love with the goal of reforming one’s self “inside and out.”  The third stanza details how blind the world is, and that the events in the world cause distractions from keeping one’s heart joyous. The first two lines of the fourth stanza asks the faithful to “rise up – against proud Pharaoh,” asking the Florentines to, as the Jewish people did in Egypt, to “supplant the dragon,” the dragon symbolizing sovereign reign and evil, and to                                                 94 See Macey, Savonarolan Laude; and Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence.    52 “wake up – the lion,” as King David was awakened to help the Jewish people gain their freedom.95 The last line of this stanza discusses the “cruel” placement of the lifeblood of Jesus, which alludes to how when the Jewish people left Egypt, each household had to paint a cross in the blood of their first born son, whom they sacrificed, to please the Pharaoh after this uprising.96 The followers of Savonarola would understand that this fourth stanza was asking them to rise up against the godless way of life adopted in the Florentine Republic during Carnival. The final translated stanza of this lauda presents Jesus as a shepherd of the faithful people, who sent a “great light to those in darkness,” perhaps alluding to Savonarola, whom these fianciulli followed. The fact that these boys are singing to people through the streets of Florence during Carnival is in concert with the last two lines of this final verse. They must refer to themselves, who are “with loud voices, [calling] Christ in their heart.”   The similarities between these three texts involve the grammar and accentuation of the Italian text. The repetition of the words “viva, viva,” in each refrain, as well as identical end rhyme patterns (albeit with different vowels) display the fact that the lauda poets must have modeled their verses upon the Carnival song. The difference between these texts reflects changes in the values of the Florentines, as the Carnival song tackles popular secular topics of the late fifteenth century, appealing to the ladies in the streets watching the Carnival parade, courtly love and references to Ancient Greek Mythology. The lauda “Long live in prayer,” on the other hand, preaches to the faithful by inciting fear of being damned to hell. The final lauda contrafactum encourages Florentines to call Jesus to Florence as their King, and to maintain freedom from Medici rule during that family’s expulsion between 1496 and 1498, asking them to elect a different way of life. The poet redirects the themes of Carnival toward those of Lent by telling                                                 95 2 Samuel 5:3. 96 Exodus 12:7.    53 the listeners to fast and repent during the celebration of Carnival instead of to indulge. In contrast to the celebration of the rational minds of men, who value travelling to the farthest outreaches to find ladies of the Carnival song, sung to mock the ladies in the streets and to appeal to the indulgence of men, the lauda poems both instruct and incite fear into the people, in advertisement of the Christian faith, or as part of religious reform under Savonarola.       The reason why Savonarola was able to influence the ritual practices of Carnival and Lent is that he had the support of the Signoria (the Florentine government) in 1497, but as the opposition to his preaching and rules grew, Florence became once again divided, and in 1498 a new Signoria was elected that reflected this.97  Not long afterwards, he would be executed by the Florentine citizenry. Savonarola died a martyr’s death, burnt at the stake in the center of Florence in 1498, and this would prompt the creation of several lauda texts in his honor that would circulate for decades in the region, particularly among the Dominican friars.98 The performance of these laude, and by extension the music of Carnival, helped to sustain the Savonarolan spirit of reform after his death up until the late sixteenth century.99                                                   97 Plaisance, Florence in the Time of the Medici, 72. 98 Ibid., 88. 99 Patrick Macey, “The Lauda and the Cult of Savonarola,” Renaissance Quarterly 45, no. 3 (Autumn, 1992): 440.     54 Chapter 2: Contrafacture and Carnival Songs in the Sixteenth Century  Carnival Songs in the Early to Mid-Sixteenth Century  Upon Savonarola’s execution, Florence fell into the hands of Piero Soderini, whose family held several past connections to the Medici regime, and had served as Gonfaloniere under Lorenzo four times. The relationship between the Florentine Republic and the Medici family, not to mention other wealthy Florentine families, fell into decline after the inadequate leadership of Piero de’ Medici. From 1502 to 1512, Soderini again served as Gonfaloniere a vita, and in 1503, Soderini commissioned a Carnival song in order to forge alliances, the Canzona della ninfa.100 Two political camps formed in Florence at this time, those who supported the policies of Soderini, and those who desired a return of the Medici family.101 Soderini chose to back the French in their war against the Spanish in 1512, leading to his demise when he fled the French arrival in the city. In the first half of the sixteenth century, other wars continued to take place between Italy and neighboring countries, such as the Italian Wars, where the Holy Roman Emperor Maximillian (1459–1519) attempted to protect Milan from French rule by joining against them in the Holy League. This led to the omnipresence of German mercenary troops in Florence and other parts of Italy, who were hired as warlords to protect the interests of Italians and Germans. Once again, due to the external threats from France and the inability of the Florentine republic to address these issues, the Medici family re-established their leadership in 1512 thanks to the efforts of Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici, cousin of Lorenzo, who regained control over the city with the support of Spanish troops; the family remained in power until                                                 100 William F. Prizer, “Reading Carnival: The Creation of a Florentine Carnival Song,” Early Music History 23 (2004): 236. 101 Anthony Cummings, The Maecenas and the Madrigalist: Patrons, Patronage, and the Origins of the Italian Madrigal (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2004), 54.    55 1527.102  The absence of the Medici from 1498 to 1512 did not prevent other wealthy families from sponsoring the creation and performance of Carnival songs.   Elite companies arose in Florence led by the patronage of wealthy families, such as the Strozzi and the Rucellai family. The artistic communities they cultivated were positioned to recreate a vital tradition in Florence of private artistic patronage. Originally these groups were connected to the values of the prominent and wealthy Florentine citizens with aristocratic objectives, before they became associated with republican or popular sensibilities. One of the elite companies of Florence was the Rucellai group, which consisted of leading Florentine aristocrats who gathered at the gardens of Cosimo di Bernardo Rucellai (1495–1520), the patriarch of the Rucellai family.103 Antonio Alamanni (1464–1528) and Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–1527), a Florentine politician who served as a diplomatic agent for the city from 1498 to 1512, were members of this group as well.104  Their interest with regard to the Carnival songs lay in the reclamation of trecento literary values in order to recapture the refinements of the Italian language introduced by Dante, Boccacio, and Petrarch; they also supported practices of popular as opposed to elite society, sponsoring works that adopt “popularizing” undertones in their poetic texts from the secular and profane literature of Lorenzo’s republic.105 The Rucellai group was responsible for organizing mascherate that included the singing of canti carnascialeschi in 1507. The Strozzi family also patronized the production of Carnival songs in the early sixteenth century: Lorenzo Strozzi (1504–1571), a member of the Rucellai group, is said to have “invented                                                 102 Miles J. Unger, Magnifico: The Brilliant Life and Violent Times of Lorenzo de’ Medici (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2008), 446. 103 Gertrude Randolph Bramlette Richards, ed., Florentine Merchants in the Age of the Medici: Letter and Documents from the Selfridge Collection of Medici Manuscripts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1932), 22, 86, 99. The Rucellai Group consisted of leading Florentine aristocrats who gathered at the gardens of Cosimo di Bernardo Rucellai (1495–1520), the principal member of the Rucellai family.  104 Cummings, The Maecenas and the Madrigalist, 22–3. 105 Ibid., 35.    56 and led – the Carro della morte in 1506; however, alternate dates are also given from other primary sources.106 In any case, the Strozzi brothers Lorenzo and Filippo sponsored the creation of new Carnival songs.107 These include the Canzona di Pastori di bacchiatori (1503), the Carro della Morte (1502–7), the Canzona delle zingane (1512),  and possibly the Canzona de’ Tedeschi (1507).  There also existed more popular organizations that privately sponsored the creation of artistic works in Florence. These include the companies of the Broncone, Cazzuola and Diamante, who met at more informal locales like the workshops of artists.108 These companies were more public and political than academic in nature, sponsoring works of a more popular nature. Formed specifically by Giuliano and Lorenzo de’ Medici upon their return to lead Florence in 1512, the Diamante (diamond) and the Broncone (vine or branch) each sponsored the creation of several trionfi to accompany floats in the 1513 Carnival parade, with the intention of creating the image that the city was flourishing under their leadership, and that a return to the “Golden Age” of Lorenzo’s republic was imminent.109 The Broncone production was directed by the well-known Florentine historian Jacopo da Nardi (1476–1563), while the Diamante production was directed by Andrea Dazzi (1473–1548), another famous humanist.110 Dazzi chose to enlist three floats, one for each stage of mankind, and over 500 torchbearers.     Giovambattista dell’Ottonaio is also representative of this period with his contribution of thirteen poems, two of which were set to music by Alessandro Coppini, and one by Giovanni Serragli. Giuggliemo Giuggiola wrote ten of the extant canti dei Lanzi, emulating the earlier                                                 106 Prizer, “Reading Carnival,” 194. 107 These are described in great detail in ibid., 240. 108 Cummings, The Maecenas and the Madrigalist, 99. 109 Michael Plaisance, Florence in the Time of the Medici: Public Celebrations, Politics, and Literature in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, ed. and trans. Nicole Carew-Reid (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2008), 101. 110 Cummings, The Maecenas and the Madrigalist, 24.    57 profane and popular tradition of the late fifteenth century. Giovan Francesco dal Bianco supplied three poems, while Machiavelli, Jacopo da’ Nardi, and Angelo Poliziano contributed one each.  It is during this period that experimentation with a wider range of poetic forms can be documented in the Carnival songs, evident in the variation of line lengths of the texts of these works. These songs demonstrate a “softening” of form to accommodate a greater variety of poetic formal types.111 The Carnival songs composed in the sixteenth century typically favored a four-voice texture instead of three. The through-composed nature of the vernacular Italian texts, furthermore, required less musical repetition as well as longer musical phrases to accommodate the irregular syllables. Savonarolan sentiments remained in play in the early sixteenth-century Carnival song texts, as can be seen in the Carro della morte, performed in 1507. The singers were dressed to resemble the dead and encouraged the Florentines to do penance, expressing the idea that despite the riches and glory a person received, only those with a pure heart will be rewarded in death.112 The song text highlights anti-carnivalesque elements, where the celebrants of Carnival are warned about death and its consequences.113 Example 12. Dolor pianto e penitenza, Castellano Castellani (1493)114   Dolor, pianto e penitentia  Anguish, tears and penance    Dolor, pianto e penitentia  Anguish, tears and penance  ci tormenta tucta via   Torment us constantly  questa morta compagnia  This is our company of dead  va gridando ‘penitentia’   Processes, crying ‘penance!’    Fumo gia come voi sete   We were once as you are now,                                                 111 Blake Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence: The ‘cantasi come’ Tradition (1375–1550), Italian Medieval and Renaissance Studies 9 (Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 2009), 163. 112 Joseph Gallucci Jr., Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 40 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1981), xxii. 113 Anthony Cummings, The Politicized Muse: Music for Medici Festivals, 1512–1537 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 209. 114 Italian and English translations of this poem can be found in Prizer, “Reading Carnival,” 185–7.    58  Dolor, pianto e penitentia...  Anguish, tears and penance...    voi sarete come noi   You will be as we;  morti sian, come vedete   We are dead as you can see,  cosi morti vedrem voi   Thus dead will we see you,  e di la non giova poi   And, once dead, it will do no good   doppo il mal, far penitentia  To do penance for your sins.    Anchor noi per carnovale  We too during Carnival  nostri amor’ gimo cantando;  Roamed the streets singing of our loves;  et cosi di male in male   And so from sin to sin   venevan moltiplicando   We became worse and worse;  hor pel mondo andian gridando  Now we wander the world crging  ‘pentientia, penitentia’   “Penance, penance!”    Ciechi, stolti, et insensati,  Blind, stupid, foolish people,  ogni cosa ie tempo fura,   Everything does time destroy;  pompe, gloria, honori e stati  Splendour and glory, honours and states  passon tucti, et nulla dura  Pass away and nothing remains,  et nel fin la sepoltura   And in the end the grave  Ci fa far la pentientia   Makes us all do penance.    Gran tormento et gran dolore  Horrible torment, horrible pain    Ha di la colui ch’e ingrato  Await the unrepentant   Ma chi a pietoso il core   but those with pious hearts   E fra noi molt’ honorato   are much honored among us dead.  Vuolsi amar quando altri e amato Love others as you love yourself  Per non far poi penitentia.  To avoid doing penance in the hereafter.   Questa falce che portiamo  This scythe that we are carrying  l’universo alfin contrista  Finally makes everyone contrite;  ma di vita a vita andiamo   We all pass from this life to the next,  ma la vita, o buona o trista  But life, be it virtuous or sinful,  ogni ben del ciel s’acquista  obtains every blessing from heaven  chi di qua fa penitentia.   if you do penance on earth.     Se vivendo, ciascun muore,  If we live, then we must die,  se morendo ogn’alma ha vita,   And in dying each soul find life  el Signor d’ogni signore   The Lord of Lords  questa legge ha stabilita:  Has laid down this law  tucti havete a far partita   Everyone must depart this life:     ‘penitentia, penitentia’   Penance, penance.     Tante chaccie, feste o canti,  Horrible torment, horrible pain  tucti un di vi fien tormenti,  Await the unrepentatnt,  e digiuni, affanni et pianti  But those with pious hearts  vi faranno star contenti:   Are much honoured among us dead  del malfar ciascun si penti,  Love others as you love yourself,  et tornate a penitentia.   To avoid doing penance in the hereafter.    59   Example 13.  Carro da morte, Bartholomeo degli Organi.115                                                          115 Transcription adapted from Margaret A. Mancuso, “Serafino Razzi’s ‘Libro primo delle laudi spirituale’ (Venice: Rampazetto for Giunti, 1563): A Critical Edition and Commentary” (M.A. Thesis, California State University, 1984), 570–8.    60         61        62         63  The amount of musical repetition is limited, with a tendency toward through-composition. This distinguishes this text as representative of musical stylistic tendencies of the sixteenth century. What is unusual about this work is the absence of melismatic passagework in the melody at the ending of the verses; yet there exist possible instances of text painting, where certain words that highlight the repentant nature of the moral lesson are submitted in the text.116  The poetic texts of early sixteenth-century Carnival songs not only retain remnants of Savonarolan sentiments, but also sustain the classicizing rhetoric introduced in the Medici era, topics concerning the conditions of living in cloisters and nunneries, as well as themes on religious beliefs and plays on the link between Carnival and Lent, all from the perspective of the merchant-class citizen; reflections of the popular beliefs of Florentines, both religious and profane.117 A conventional theme of Carnival song texts from the early sixteenth century is the fleeting nature of life and the necessity to repent and convert.118 An example of this is the Trionfo de’ diavoli (Triumph of the damned), in which Giuggiola Giugielmo warns of the consequences in the afterlife of those who disobey their princely ruler. The poem is structured as a ballata grande, with a four-line ripresa and seven-line stanzas. The moral of the poem in the last stanza remarks that one should seek to acquire merit through obedience and honor, regardless of the inequities of the earthly prince, for these will be dealt with in the afterlife, in heaven, by a higher prince.                                                    116 Gallucci Jr., Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, Text Synopses, 2:18. 117 Prizer, “Reading Carnival,” 203. 118 Ibid., 209.    64 Example 14. Dal’ infelice grotte,  Giuglielmo detto il Giuggiola119  Dal’infelice grotte    Ballad of the Damned    Dal’infelice grotte    From gloomy caverns  dove giorno non cape o luce pura,  where the pure light of day never enters  ma sempiterna notte,    but only eternal night  folta di nebbia tenebrosa et scura,  thickened by dark fogs  donne, fuggiti siano;    we, sweet ladies, have fled  et nostra sorte dura,    and are come to warn you of our fate.  per vostro bene, a mostrarvi vegniano.  for your own good.    Noi eravan di quegli    We once were blessed spirits  spiriti beati del superno coro,   in the heavenly choir  gia tanto lieti et begli    as lovely and as joyful  quant’ or sian brutti et pien d’ogni martoro: as we are now ugly and tormented  nostra perversa voglia    our disobedience caused us  del cielo el ver tesoro    to lose the true boon of heaven  ci tolse et tien sommersi in pena e’n doglia. and submerged us in grief and woe.     Non lievi alchun la vista   Let no one bid defiance  contro al principe suo, che cotal merto  to the prince, for he shall receive  cotal premio s’aquista    his just deserts from that prince  da quel principe al quale nulla coperto;  from whom nothing is hidden.  le nostre acerbe pene    our bitter pains  vi sieno exemplo certo:    are sure proof of this  temer e amare chi ‘l sommo sceptro tiene. fear and follow, the almighty ruler.   Donne, mentre che in vita   Ladies, since heaven grants you  di meritar el cielo gratia vi dona,  grace to acquire merit in this life  fate che alla partita    act in such a way that when you depart  non vegniate al dolor che si ci sprona  you suffer not that which goads us so  dalla eternale ambascia,    the eternal suffering  dove insieme s’aduna    in which all those are gathered  qualunche troppo prende o troppo lascia. who commit or omit too much.   The music for this carnival song was composed by the first of two principal composers of sixteenth-century Carnival songs, Alessandro Coppini. Coppini contributed a total of seven Carnival songs: some, such as the Canzone de zingane, were sponsored by Lorenzo di Filippo                                                 119 Text and translation by Avril Bardoni can be found in the insert to the recording Trionfi!, New London Consort, Philip Pickett, compact disc, L’Oiseau-Lyre 436 718-2.    65 Strozzi.120  The second principal composer of sixteenth-century carnival songs is Bartholomeo degli Organi, who contributed two Carnival songs; like Coppini’s, some of these songs were also composed at the behest of Lorenzo da Fillipo Strozzi. An example of a sixteenth-century carnival song is the Canzona del secol’ d’oro, composed for the Pope Leo X’s election to the Papacy in 1513. The company of the Broncone sponsored the creation of this Carnival song, whose political function is easily determined upon glancing at the text. The textual references, particularly in the second stanza (see example 15 below), to rebirth and renewal of the previous happier age indicate the political program of the Broncone to represent the return of the Medici as harbingers of a new Golden Age in Florence. Jacopo da’ Nardi organized a procession of 400 torchbearers, as well as seven floats for his Carnival festivities, where each float or trionfo was accompanied by a song.  Example 15. Colui che da le leggi alla natura, Jacopo da Nardi121  Colui che da le leggie alla natura He who gives nature her laws   Colui che da le leggie alla natura He who gives nature her laws in vari stati e secoli sipone decrees the different character of each age; ma del bene e cagione, but he is the source of goodness; e’l mal, e’ permette, al mondo dura evil exists in the world by his consent; onde in questa figura whence, in contemplating contemplando si vede this plan, one sees come con lento piede how one age l’un secol doppo l’altro al mondo viene slowly follows another to the world, et muta el bene in male, e ‘l male in bene. changing good to bad, and bad to good.   Dell’oro el primo stato e piu giocondo, The first, the Golden Age, was best, nelle seconde eta men ben si mostra; those that followed showed decline; e poi nell’ eta vostra until, by your own time, the world had al ferro alla ruggin viene ‘l mondo: degenerated into iron and rust: ma hora, essendo in fondo but now, having reached the nadir, torna il secol felice a happy age returns;                                                 120 Frank A. D’Accone, “Alessandro Coppini and Bartolomeo degli Organi: Two Florentine Composers of the Renaissance,” in D’Accone, ed., Music in Renaissance Florence: Studies and Documents (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2006), 55. 121 Text and translation by Avril Bardoni from Trionfi! (op. cit.).    66 Colui che da le leggie alla natura... He who gives nature her laws...   et come la Fenice and like a phoenix rising from the fire, rinasce dal bronchon del verde alloro: green laurel sprouts from the dead vine- cosi nasce del ferro un secol d’oro. stock: thus from iron a Golden Age is born.   Perche natura el ciel oggi rinnuova Since nature is by heaven renewed this day, e’l secol vecchio in peurile etade and a withered age regains the bloom of et quel del ferro cade youth, and the age of iron is defeated, che rugginoso, inutil si ritruova revealed as rusty and useless, a queste virtu giova seeing that these virtues a noi et a costoro benefit both us and those che furno al secol d’oro who lived in the Golden Age, tornando quel, tornare a star con voi it is fit that they should, like it, return, per farvi diventare simile a noi. that you may come to resemble us.   Dopo la pioggia torna il ciel sereno After rain, the skies are clear again: godi, Fiorenza: et fatti lieta ormai, rejoice, O Florence, and be ever happy, pero che tu vedrai for you shall see the virtues fiorir queste virtu drento al tuo seno flourish within your breast che dal sito terreno that had disappeared  havien fatto partita from the earth: la verita smarrita truth that had been lost, la pace, la iustitia, or quella or questa peace, justice, and more besides, t’inviton liete insieme e ti fan fetsa. beckon you joyously and pay you homage.   Triompha poche ‘l ciel tanto ti honora Rejoice, for heaven holds you in high sotto ‘l favor di piu benignia stella. regard, blest by the most kindly star Ciita felice e bella City of greater happiness and beauty  piu che tu, fussi mai nel mondo anchora than has yet been seen upon this earth; echo che vien quell’ hora behold, the hour has come che ti fara beata when you shall be blessed  e ‘n fra l’altre onorata and honored among your sisters, si che alla gloria tua per excellenza until, to extol your excellence, your name bastera ‘l nome solo, alma Fiorenza. alone will suffice, noble Florence.  Carnival Songs in the Late Sixteenth Century   The Medici family were again expelled between 1527 and 1530, and after the short rule of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici (1531–1537), Cosimo de’ Medici (1537–1574) became Duke, regaining possession over fortresses in Tuscany in 1543 and liberating the city from Emperor Charles V’s military. With control over the territory of Florence, Duke Cosimo I followed in the footsteps of his ancestors, fostering healthy perceptions of his rule with other regions in Italy    67 through patronage of public works, sponsoring the re-opening of the University of Pisa, and creating the Florentine Academy in 1541.122  The poetic texts of the Carnival songs composed in the sixteenth century reveal the aristocratic nature of Grand Duke Cosimo I’s leadership, celebrating the virtues of courtly life in the “old” republic of the fifteenth century.123 No longer a forum for a mosaic of social expressions, the Carnival celebrations lost their previous associations with Florence’s mercantile and Christian values, and now were reserved for elite celebrations such as family weddings and baptisms. We see in the later Renaissance a Florentine intellectual life that tended to withdraw into contemplation of its own past, a “classical” past that was idealized in ritual festivals. This occurred as a result of the revival of ancient Greek and Roman cultural products that highlighted the independence and self-preservation of the individual.124  This trend was expressed in the late sixteenth-century Carnival song texts that idealize popular culture as a revival of the classical values of Ancient Greece and Rome. Youth and the pastoral life are idealized in poetic texts that were now composed to provide a “context for popular citations in conscious imitation of the popular manner, placing the courtly character – of the Grand Duchy – outside its natural framework.”125    The canti dei lanzi, a subgroup of the canti carnasicaleschi that mocked the German mercenary troops occupying Florence under Emperor Maximilian (1459–1519), serve as an example of this: the stylistic tendencies of the music betray composition after 1500, while the song texts address subject matter and betray formal tendencies that imply a much earlier date. These popular songs employ more instances of triple meter and much more musical repetition than other carnival songs, yet textually they are representative of more traditional refrain-stanza                                                 122 Plaisance, Florence in the Time of the Medici, 102. 123 Ibid., 110. 124 Cummings, The Politicized Muse, 170. 125 William F. Prizer, “Games of Venus: Secular Vocal Music in the Late Quattrocento and Early Cinquecento,” Journal of Musicology 11, no. 1 (Winter 1991): 18.    68 forms, with eight-syllable verses.126 Over the course of the sixteenth century, music for the canti and trionfi became more complex, gaining resemblance to contemporary madrigals. More instances of through-composed strophes displace musical repetition, and the musical phrases that accompany the poetic texts are less repetitive and are longer to account for the irregular syllables of each line. An example is the Canto di lanzi pellegrini, composed to accompany a text known as Caritate, amore Dei! written by the poet Giuglielmo Giuggiola that references German troops returning from their pilgrimage to Rome, invoking aid from the Florentine citizens. The first stanza and refrain are as follows: Example 16. Caritate, amore Dei, Giuglelmo Giuggiola.127  Caritate, amore Dei! Charity, for the love of God!   Caritate, amore Dei! Charity, for the love of God! Pofer Lanzi, sventurate We are poor, miserable lanzi che da Roma star tornate just returned from Rome dale santé Giubilei. from the Holy Jubilee.   Queste pofer compagnone We poor companions son venute pellegrine have come as pilgrims, per foler santé Stazzone to see the Holy Stations of the Cross Fatte lunghe, e gran cammine: we have made a long hard journey, so Pero date Florentine give a little something, people of Florence, Caritate, amore Dei! show charity, for the love of God!                                                   126 Joseph J. Gallucci Jr., Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 40 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1981), ix. 127 Italian and English transaltion from Bonnie J. Blackburn, “Two ‘Carnival Songs’ Unmasked: A Commentary on MS Fl. Magl. XIX: 121,” Musica Disciplina 35 (1981): 171.    69 Example 17. Canto di lanzi pellegrini, Anon.128                                                    128 Transcription adapted from Gallucci Jr., Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, 2:99–100.    70    The music for the Canto de’ lanzi Pellegrini is strophic, composed for four voices. There is a middle section in a contrasting meter, yet the text is set to the music with stylistic traits that recall earlier pre-1500 stylistic tendencies, as the poem is in a refrain-and-stanza format and set in triple meter.   Contrafacture of Carnival Songs in the Early to Mid-Sixteenth Century    The singing of laude in public in the early sixteenth century virtually ceased, as this practice had been introduced by Savonarola, and it called attention to that tumultuous period. Despite the fact that borrowing profane melodies to outfit lauda texts became frowned upon, the practice of contrafacture still persisted, as traditional laude by Belcari referencing Carnival song models continued to be recycled and printed in sources. Therefore these sources represent the final phase of the city-wide tradition of singing laude, which formerly had been sung in public processions; now, confraternities continued to patronize the creation of laude, and sang them in    71 procession for major feast days, and no longer during Carnival. From the early years of the sixteenth century, confraternities began to include members that were against the Medici, and their numbers increased as the Medici family became less popular. From 1505, more members are documented as being from the upper classes, while at the same time, the amount of lower class participants declined.129  The sources of laude cultivated by such groups between 1500 and 1530 contain a total of eight contrafacta of Carnival songs composed prior to 1500, and twenty-five contrafacta of Carnival songs composed after 1500. Traditional lyrics by Lorenzo de’ Medici and Giovan dal Bianco are recycled, along with work by newer poets of the early sixteenth century, mainly Castellano Castellani, Berardo Giambullari, and Simon Palliao (see Appendix D). The first of the sources that recycle old repertory and combine it with the new is the print titled Laude vecchie e nuove (Florence: a petitione di Ser Piero Pacini da Pescia, ca. 1502–7).130  This source, also known as Gall4 after Galletti’s edition, transmits 494 poetic texts, and no less than 471 instances of contrafacture; in fact it is largely a reprint of  Gall1 through Gall3.131 . In total, Gall4 contains twenty laude that are contrafacta of Carnival song models, nine new Carnival songs, and two contrafacta that are also indicated in the earlier sources Gall2 and Gall3. This means that some Carnival song melodies are used for more than one sacred poem. The second source that consists of both recycled contrafacta as well as newer contrafacta is a print entitled Laudi spirituali di                                                 129 Lorenzo Poliziotto, Children of the Promise: The Confraternity of the Purification and the Socialization of Youths in Florence: 1427–1785 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 155. 130 This source was reprinted as Opera nova di laude facte e composte da più persone spirituali (Venice: Giorgio di Rusconi a instantia de Niccolo detto Zoppino, 1512). 131 The Gall4 source was reprinted and re-titled as Pal120, and R196I. Pal120 contains one new indication of contrafacture of a Carnival song that is not present in Gall4: this is the lauda O peccatore, io sono Dio, by Bartolomeo di Boccia, using the melody of the Canzona delle forese, also known by the incipit of the poetic text as Lasse in questo carnasciale, with poetry written by Lorenzo de’ Medici. The print begins with several laude by Lorenzo de’ Medici, combined with the addition of newer contrafacta by poets such as Castellano Castellani, Simon Pallaio and Bernardo Giambullari. See Gustavo C. Galletti, ed. Laude spirituali di Feo Belcari, di Lorenzo de'Medici, di Fransesco d'Albizzo, Castellani, e altri comprise nelle quattro più antiche raccolte (Florence: Molini e Cecchi, 1863), 211–84. Please see bibliography for details on these sources.    72 diversi, printed sometime after 1514; the extant exemplar in the Florentine Biblioteca Riccardiana (Ed. rari 196) is designated as R196. It contains three portions, an exact reprint of Gall4; a section of laude by Castellano Castellani (borrowing from Carnival songs by Bartholomeo degli Organi and Alessandro Coppini) and a group of 86 others from the time of Belcari; and finally, a compilation of devotional tracts printed in Florence in 1512. The three sections of this source can together be understood to represent a continuation of a practice whereby new repertory is mixed with “old favorites” from the period 1498–1512.132 The middle layer of this print, R196II , contains 141 laude with 169 contrafacta indications; fifty-five of these contrafacta are by Castellani. There are a total of fifteen Carnival song models referenced in this source, with eight new lauda contrafacta by Castellani and one by Giambullari, while six are by anonymous poets.    In sixteenth-century contrafacta of Carnival songs, the lauda texts continue to borrow the identical rhyme of the words of their models, at times even paraphrasing the entire incipit, a device which would have aided memorization of the new text. Other instances do occur, however, where the rhetorical grammar and meaning of the model is subverted by the lauda. An example of this is the lauda presented in the Introduction of this thesis, Lorenzo de’ Medici’s Dall’ alta stella, written to the music for Dalla alta piu stella by Angelo Divizio, and also known as the Trionfo della dea Minerva.                                                     132 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 146.    73 Example 18. Dalla alta piu stella, Angelo divizio da Bibbiena, and Dall’alta piu stella, Lorenzo  de’ Medici.  Dalla alta piu stella133  From the highest star descending   Dalla piu alta stella From the highest star descending discende a celebrare la tuo letitia, to grace your celebrations, gloriosa Fiorenza, O glorious Florence, la dea Minerva, cogl’ ingegni propitia: comes Minerva the goddess of wisdom, collie ogni scienza bringing every branch of knowledge vien, ch’e di suo presenza, with her, that by its presence per honorarti accioche sia piu bella. it may honor and embellish you.   Pocha ventura giova Little fortune do they enjoy a chi mancha el favor di queste donne, who lack these ladies’ favor, e tu, Fiorenza, el sai, but as you, O Florence, are well aware che queste son le tuo ferme colonne; they are your pillars of strength; la gratia che tu ai, the reputation that you enjoy d’altronde non la trai rests upon nothing else che dall’ ingegnio, di che ognior fai pruova. but intellect, of which you give daily proof.   La stele sono stiave The stars are the slaves del senno, et lui governa le fortune; of wisdom, and wisdom governs fortune; or ai, Fiorenza, quello you, Florence, now possess the prize che disiavi tanto e’n tante lune: you have longed for these many moons: l’onorato chappello. the cap of honor. Verra tempo novello, a new age dawns, in which you will have ch’arai le tre corone et la duo chiave. the triple crown and crossed keys.  Dall’ alta stella134 From the highest star descending   Dalla piu alta stella From the highest star descending disces’e n terra un divino spedor on earth a divine splendor Gloriosa regina glorious queen,  Vergina, e sposa madre del signore virgin, and wife, mother of Lord o luce matutina o morning light, happy Felice chi s’inchina the one who bows A quella santa madre bonesta e pia. to the saint mother, honest and pious.   O cordial dolcezza O amicable tenderness O sommo gaudio, e singolar conforto o highest joy, o unique comfort Vergine santa, e pia saint virgin, and pious scala de’ peccator, trionfo, e porto Ladder of the sinner, triumph, and harbor, Vaso del bel Messia. chalice of the messiah Giesu, dolce Maria Jesus, sweet Mary, lead us to that                                                  133 Italian text in Charles S. Singleton, Canti carnascialeschi del Rinascimento (Bari: Laterza, 1936), 213–14. English translation by Avril Bardoni in liner notes to Trionfi! (op. cit.). 134 Italian text from Mancuso, “Serafino Razzi’s ‘Libro primo delle laudi spirituale’,” 706–12.    74 Dall’ alta stella... From the highest star descending...   Guidaci a qule tesor, che’l modo sprezza treasure that the world doesn’t value.   Tu sei madre si degna You are mother so deserving, che’l ciel. La terra il Sol le stele e l’mare that the sky the earth, the sun the stars and the ocean dite san festa, e Gloria celebrate in your honor and glory, o luci pellegrini ardenti, e chiare O pilgrims, ardent lights, o eternal memoria and luminous, O eternal memory porta, trionfo, e Gloria honor, triumph and glory Di quell tesor ch’in ciel felice regna. of that treasure that in the heaven, rules.  Example 19. Trionfo della dea Minerva, Angelo divizio da Bibbiena (1492)135                                                   135 Transcription adapted from Gallucci Jr., Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, 2:14–15.    75         76         77        78    The music calls for four voices, and is composed to accompany a poetic text that is alternates between seven- and eleven-syllable lines with the rhyme aBcBccA. Originally preserved in Banco Rari 230 (BR 230) of the Biblioteca Nazionale in Florence, the music can also be found in Razzi’s anthology, the Libro primo delle laudi spirituali (Venice: Rampazetto, 1563), preserving music for all four voices. Both the textual structure of the two texts, as well as the musical style, indicate that this music was composed after 1500. This Carnival song, or trionfo, was most likely composed and performed for Giovanni de’ Medici’s election to the Papacy in 1513, as indicated in the final stanza (see example 19).136  The first stanza of the Carnival poem opens in the music with a leap in the soprano voice and melodic motion downwards in the top voice, as if to indicate the heights from which the stars are descending (example 19, mm. 1–3), with a melodic line that re-ascends at “star” (mm. 4–6). The top voice moves stepwise down, as Minerva descends to Florence to “grace the celebrations” of Florence                                                 136 William F. Prizer, “The Music that Savonarola Burned: The Florentine Carnival Song in the late 15th Century,” Musica e Storia 9 (2001): 29, and Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 124.    79 (mm. 7–10). In m. 15, the meter changes from duple to triple, and the musical texture changes from contrapuntal polyphony to four-voice homophony. The text that accompanies these four measures, “O glorious Florence”, is placed carefully, where the music can be seen to embellish the words of the text by being set off in this alternate meter (mm. 15–18). For the following line of the first stanza, the duple meter resumes with a musical phrase characterized by an equally active texture in the top three voices; the absence of the bass and the treble texture allude to the heavenly qualities of Minerva (mm. 19–22). The four voices unite again in m. 23, calling back and forth to each other (m. 24), perhaps to emphasize the different branches of knowledge, until m. 33, where the top voice falls out of the texture as the three lower voices remain. This music suits the theme of the presence of knowledge on earth, brought down from heaven. In measure 38 the meter changes once again from duple to triple, and the four voices unite in a homophonic texture. These measures wrap up the first stanza to conclude the theme of honor, and of how the knowledge gained from Minerva has embellished Florence. The second stanza then expands on the importance of attracting the attention of the goddess and her “branches of knowledge”, describing these as the foundations (“pillars of strength”) upon which the reputation of the city relies upon: the proof of intellect. The final stanza concludes this theme of ancient knowledge descending from the heavens by describing features of the night sky, where stars are “slaves of wisdom” who govern fortune which the Florentine city now possesses. The honor of wisdom from the first stanza is alluded to as the ultimate goal of the city, which is received through the “triple crown” and “crossed keys” of the Roman Catholic Church, the keys of which are given to the city of Florence through the Cardinalship of Giovanni de’ Medici.   This music for this Carnival song is indicated as a contrafactum to a lauda attributed to  Lorenzo de’ Medici in Gall4, where we find that the lauda Dalla alta piu stella should be sung to    80 the music composed for Dall alta piu stella discende, also known as the Trionfo della dea Minerva. This attribution cannot be correct, as the Carnival song was composed after Lorenzo’s death. Furthermore, it is not provided in modern editions of Lorenzo’s laude. The question remains of the authorship of this lauda, but the rhetorical content and focus upon the Virgin Mary indicate that it must have been used as a contrafactum in the early sixteenth century. It is at once obvious that this lauda is a contrafactum of the Carnival song upon first glance at the incipit, which is identical. Furthermore, the same poetic form is employed for both texts, making both equally suitable for the four-voice texture of the carnival song music. Both the Carnival song text and the lauda text rely upon the themes of honor and both adopt textual imagery that evokes the height and glory of the heavens. Despite this, it is understood that these themes are meant to invoke the honest and saintly qualities of the Virgin Mary as opposed to the city of Florence.  The musical texture suits this lauda as well as it did the Carnival song. In the first stanza, for example, the absence of the bass voice highlights the text “Glorious Queen, virgin, and wife”, all feminine qualities of Mary. The union between her and the Lord sees all voices resume together (m. 19). Praises of the Virgin Mary were common among lauda singers who gathered in the evenings. Praising her is said to bring the morning light, the act of bowing highlighted in the music by the omission of the top voice, with the lower voices sing together (mm. 33–37 in Example 19 above. The same honor that embellishes the city of Florence is redirected in the lauda toward the honesty and piety of Mary, where the music returns to homophony. The second stanza of this lauda continues to describe the tender and comforting benefits of praising Mary, asking her to lead them to a “treasure the world does not value”, that is, faith in Jesus Christ. This stands in stark contrast to the second stanza of the Carnival song, which seems to reflect    81 that the world valued a different treasure, that of knowledge and reputation. The final lauda stanza adopts the subject matter of the Carnival song—the stars—but instead pairs them with the sun and the ocean instead of the moons referenced in the Carnival song. The Carnival song grants the stars the ability to govern the fortunes of men, yet the lauda subverts the role of the stars and other heavenly bodies to celebrate the “honor and glory” of the Virgin Mary. Instead of the moon, the sun is referenced, connected to the next line of the poem which describes the “luminous” qualities of those inspired by Mary, and her honor and glory, in direct opposition to the honor of Florence in the Carnival song in the same stanza. Contrafacture of Carnival Songs in the Late Sixteenth Century  Both the lauda and Carnival song traditions drew heavily upon the public life of the merchant republic, and as the political landscape changed into an aristocracy in the sixteenth century, these traditions became more privatized.137 Just as the elite companies of sixteenth-century Florence appropriated Carnival festivals for their own pluralist intentions, the practice of singing laude was also appropriated by private clerical institutions. After 1530 and the return of the Medici family to Florence, the singing of laude continued only in Dominican convents in Tuscany, where their singing recalled to the nuns the memory of Savonarola (see Table 4).138  Among other contexts, these convents performed laude for the ceremonies that took place when inducting new members into their fold, at times hiring professional singers.139 While public interest in older and newer sacred contrafacta of the Carnival songs subsisted in the early sixteenth century, the middle of the century saw the production of laude by a younger generation of Dominicans who supported Savonarola by composing poems that honored him and asked for                                                 137 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 145. 138 Ibid., 173. 139 Ibid.    82 his assistance.140 Between 1530 and 1563, a total of seventeen contrafacture links exist to prior Carnival songs, five to songs composed prior to 1500, and twelve to songs composed after 1500. The sources that contain contrafacture of Carnival songs in the late sixteenth century, then, preserve poetry of two generations of Savonarolan poets.141   The principal sources for sacred contrafacta of Carnival songs in this period are Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale, Magl.VII.365 [hereafter M365] and Serafino Razzi’s 1563 anthology, the Libro primo delle laudi spirituali. M365 is a manuscript source of 211 lauda texts with 160 contrafacture indications (see Appendix C). The manuscript was copied between 1552 and 1563 for the Dominican convent of San Vincenzo just north of Florence in Prato. This convent in particular held associations to Savonarola, as they devoted themselves to perpetuating his memory. M365 contains a total of nineteen poems that are contrafacture of Carnival songs, eleven of them indicated in sources for the first time. We find here existing contrafacta made by Castellani and Benivieni, as well as instances of newer contrafacture by poets such as Agnolo Bettini (d. 1562).142 The purpose of this music was not for memorization and required some musical training, which the nuns would have received at the convent. As Wilson points out, the majority of the nuns at this convent were members of Florentine patrician families and likely would have enjoyed some degree of education in music.143   Also significant as a source for contrafacta is Serafino Razzi’s anthology, the Libro primo delle laudi spirituali da diversi eccell. e divoti autori, antiche e moderni composte, issued at Venice in 1563. Razzi, who composed contrafacta himself, was a priest in Florence who                                                 140 These sources are Gall4 of 1502/7 and R196 of 1514, Ferr84, Pal169, RC395, and the Razzi print of 1563 (see bibliography for details of these sigla). All of these sources are from convents of Dominican nuns. See Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 148–9. 141 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 149. 142 Macey, Bonfire Songs, 132–6. 143 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 172.    83 travelled among various convents to instruct and provide devotional services for the nuns. The introduction states that the work is comprised of laude “for singing in Florence in churches after Vespers and Compline – for the consolation and edification of devout servants of God.”144   The eighteen laude from this print that are contrafacta of Carnival songs are reduced by Razzi to two voices from their original three or four. It is implied in the introduction to Razzi’s print that a decline in the practice of singing laude in social settings took place, as opposed to only in the protection of convents: If indeed you are somewhat fewer than all those, nearly all of them not being [members of] religious [orders], who not many years ago gave up those spiritual songs called Laude, which in years past were sung not only in monasteries and convents by persons dedicated to the service of our Lord God, but devoutly at gatherings as well, and in private houses [...]145  The significance of Razzi’s anthology is that it preserves melodies uniquely for no less than eleven Carnival songs (nos. 5, 12, 13, 27, 42, and 83 in the print), that otherwise would exist only as poetry (see Appendix E). The Libro primo contains 114 contrafacta with music for 91 songs, presented in choirbook format for two, three, and four voices; indeed this is the only source of any kind that contains musical notation of Carnival contrafacta. We find many older texts from the Laurentian era (37 by Belcari, d’Albizo, and Lorenzo himself), as well as additions of texts by Razzi and other Dominicans associated with Savonarola’s church of San Marco in Florence (62 by Razzi, 13 by Fabroni, and 31 others by Dominicans at San Marco). According to Blake Wilson, those that belong to the pre-1494 tradition are nos. 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, and 16–20, represented by poetry by Lorenzo de’ Medici and Belcari, while those that belong to the post-1500 tradition are nos. 2, 5, 15, 17, 18, 19, 23, and 24, with contributions by Razzi and                                                 144 As translated in Macey, Bonfire Songs, 49–58. 145 Translation taken from Mancuso, “Serafino Razzi’s ‘Libro primo delle laudi spirituale’ (Venice: Rampazetto, 1563): 210–16; the complete Italian and edited version is provided in Patrick Macey, “Filippo Salviati, Caterina de’ Ricci and Serafino Razzi: Patronage Practices for the lauda and Madrigal at the Convent of S. Vincenzo in Prato,” in Franco Piperno, Gabriella Biagi Ravenni, and Andrea Chegai, eds., Cappelle Musicale fra Corte. Stato e Cheisa nell’Italia del Rinascimento (Atti del Convegno internazionale, Camaiore, 21-23 ottobre 2005) (Florence: Olschki, 2007), 364–5.    84 Fabroni. Another complexity in play in Razzi’s print is the various types of borrowing he applied to the Carnival song models. There are ten that remain faithful to the original, while three retain the cantus and tenor, and three retain only the cantus with a newly composed tenor line.146 Razzi transmits eighteen contrafacta of Carnival song models of which both music and text survive; six are indicated in this source for the first time, while the remainder are recycled from other sources (these include two by anonymous poets, and one each by Castellani, Medici, and Belcari). Razzi’s Libro primo represents an array of lauda composers, those whose links are recycled from previous sources, as well as new contrafacta indicated these older lauda to Carnival song models. The addition of new poets of contrafacture in Razzi’s anthology include: Bonfiazio Landini (d. 1527), Nicoli Fabroni (d. 1578), and Serafino Razzi (1531-1611) (see Appendix E). The final source to transmit later sixteenth-century poetic texts that are indicated as contrafacta of Carnival songs is a Dominican convent laudario, Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Ferrajoli 84 (hereafter Ferr84). This manuscript transmits thirty-seven contrafacta, fourteen of which are unique to the source. Many of the musical models that are borrowed by these poetic texts are madrigals by composers active in Florence between 1520 and 1530, including Philippe Verdelot and Jacob Arcadelt.147  Of these, there are eight instances of musical borrowing of Carnival songs that appear, although they do not bear cantasi-come indications. For two of the contrafacta, the musical notation is supplied.148  An excellent example of a sixteenth-century contrafactum of a Carnival song, the fifteenth-century contrafactum of the Canzona de’ profumi (“Siam galanti di Valencia”) by                                                 146 This is discussed in more detail in Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 185. It will suffice to state here which are of the first type (nos. 5, 7, 12, 30, 39, 40, 57, 82, 83?, and 90), the second type (nos. 13, 34, 53), and the third type (nos. 27, 38, and 42.) 147 Wilson, Singing Poetry in Renaissance Florence, 149. 148 The lauda that are contrafacture of carnival songs found in this source can be found listed in Appendix C. The contents of Ferr84 are detailed in: Fabio Carboni and Agostino Ziino, eds., “Laude musicali del XVI secolo: il manuscritto Ferrajoli 84 della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,” Cultura neolatina 33 (1973): 273–327.    85 Lorenzo as “O maligno e duro core” (first extant in the fifteenth-century print Gall3), can be found in Razzi’s anthology. That this fifteenth-century example is found in Razzi’s anthology is indicative of how he hoped to preserve the Florentine lauda tradition of borrowing tunes from unwritten musical genres. The reason for discussing this fifteenth-century contrafactum alongside the sixteenth-century contrafactum of the same Carnival song is to demonstrate the changes that took place in the approach to contrafacture over a greater period of time. The latest text, “O profeti, O martir’ forti,” written by an anonymous Dominican nun in the mid- to late sixteenth century in honor of Savonarola and his companions, can also be related to this Carnival song. This text can be found in a laudario compiled in the late sixteenth century for the convent of Santa Caterina da Siena with the shelfmark Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale, Palatino 169 (hereafter Pal169). This manuscript contains a total of 29 poems that have cantasi-come indications, none of which are of Carnival songs. Recent scholarship, however, has suggested that “O profeti” would have been sung to this Carnival song melody, due to similarities in the poetic form and incipit.  Example 20.  Siam galanti di Valencia, Anon., O maligno e duro core, Lorenzo de’ Medici,   and O profeti, O martir’ forti,’ Anon.   Siam galanti di Valenza149 We are dandies from Valence   Siam galanti di Valenza, We are dandies from Valence, qui per passo capitati just passing through here, d’amor gia presi e legati but already we have fallen in love delle donne di Fiorenza. with the ladies of Florence.   Molto son gentili e belle Very sweet and lovely are donne nella terra nostra; the ladies in our own land, voi vincete d’assai quelle, but you outdo them by a long shot come il viso di fuor mostra as your faces clearly show, questa gran bellezza vostra This great beauty of yours con amore accompagnate you accompany with love                                                 149 Italian text from Rodolfo Bruscagli, 5-7. Translation from Macey, Bonfire Songs, 41.    86 Siam galanti di Valenza... We are dandies from Valence...   se non siete innamorate if you are not in love e’ saria meglio esser senza. it would be better to forgo beauty.   [...] [...]     Donne, cio che abbiamo e vostro Ladies, all we have is yours se d’amor voi state accese if you are fired by love metterem l’olio di nostro we will give you our own oil ungeremo a nostre spese we will anoint you at our expense abbiam olio del paese we have the oils of our land gelsi, aranci e mongui mulberry, orange, and benzoin se vi piace, proviam qui if you like them, give them a try here fate questa esperienza. treat yourselves to this experience.   O maligno et duo core150 O hard and evil heart   O maligno e duro core O hard and evil heart, fonte d’ogni mal concetto source of every evil notion, che non soppit a mezo il petto why do you not burst in that breast, che non t’apri di dolore. why do you not open yourself with sorrow   Non pigliare alcun conforto Don’t take any consolation, o cor mio di pietra cura O my heart of hard stone; poi che Giesu dolce e morto, because sweet Jesus is dead, Trema il mondo, il sole oscura the world trembles, and the sun dims, Escon della sepoltura the dead come out of their tombs morti: e il tempio straccia il velo and the temple veil is rent, piange ohime, la terra, il cielo,  and the earth, the sky, cry alas, tu non senti, o duro core. but you don’t hear, O heart of stone.   Liquefatti come cera Melt like wax, o cor mio tristo, e maligno, O my bad and wicked heart poi che muor la vita vera because true life has died, giesu mio Signor benigno, my Jesus, kind Lord. fa cor mio sul duro legno Have yourself crucified, my heart, con Giesu ti crocifiga on the hard wood with Jesus, quella lancia ti trafiga let that lance pierce you, che passo di Giesu il core. which pierced Jesus’ heart.   O cuor mio cosi piagato O my heart, thus wounded, fa di lagrime un torrente let the tears flow in a torrent, come dal santo contato just as from that holy breast,                                                 150 Italian text from Mancuso, “Serafino Razzi’s ‘Libro primo delle laudi spirituale’ (Venice: Rampazetto, 1563)”: 470–1.    87 O maligno et duo core... O hard and evil heart...   versa sangue largamente the blood freely pours out. gran dolcezza cor mio sente Great sweetness, my heart, is felt chi accompagna Giesu santo, by whoever follows holy Jesus. se la pena e dolce tanto If the pain is so sweet, sweeter still piu dolce e chi con lui muore. is it for those who die with Him.   Vengon fuori con dolci acque Sweet waters come forth della fonte tanto amara from the fountain so bitter, poi che morte, o Dio ti piacque because death, O God, pleased you so fatta e morte dolce, e chiara, that death became sweet and dear. o cor mio da Giesu impara O my heart, learn from Jesus, la tua croce ancor tu prendi take up your cross still e sopr’essa ti sospendi and suspend yourself upon it; Non muor mai chi con lui muore. they who die with Him will never die again.   O profeti, O martir’ forti151 Lauda of the Three Martyrs of Jesus   O profeti, o martir’ forti O prophets, O strong martyrs, de venite in questa stanza ah, enter into this chamber, perche abbiamo ferma speranza for we have the firm hope di trovar per voi conforti of finding consolation through you.   Te Ferrara ha generato  Ferrara has generated you, te Geronimo fervente, you, Fervent Jerome, Te Fiorenza ha nutricato, Florence has nourished you, Te Silvestro dolcemente, you, Sylvester, sweetly, E te Pescia fu parente and for you, Dominic, Pescia A Domenico perfetto, was a perfect parent; Gererateci al diletto guide us to happiness In quest’anni brevi, e corti. in these years so brief and short.   Voi ci havete posto l’amo You have hooked us Con un’esca, che n’alletta, with bait that pleases us, E sol quello ora bramiamo and that is all we desire now, Perche il cor molto diletta; for it delights our heart very much; Fate l’alma nostra retta straighten our soul Con quel cibo a noi dimostro through this food shown to us, Or ch’allegri in questo chiostro now that happy in this cloister V’honoriam vivi, e non morti. we honor you as living, not dead.   Accendete il nostro petto Enflame our breasts Di quel fuoco dell’amore with that fire of love qual’a voi bruccio l’affetto by which your affection burned nel bel mezzo del calore, right in the middle of the flames,                                                 151 Italian text and translation in Partick Macey, Savonarolan Laude, xxiii–xxvi.    88 O profeti, O martir’ forti... Lauda of the Three Martyrs of Jesus...   quando morto con dolore when you died with the pain sostenesti nel gran fuoco, that you endured in that great fire, per trovarvi al dolce gioco in order to find yourself in the sweet play de celesti e secur’ porti. of heavenly and secure harbors.   Cose grandi vi vo’ fare A lively and solid faith  una viva, et ferma fede, will make you do great things, come l’opera ne appare as is evident to each of us a ciaschun che retto vede who sees straight; se la figlia al padre chiede like the daughter who asks the father- e noi siam’ vostri figliuole, and we are your little daughters- l’alta fede in nostre scuole maintain our halls mantenete padri accorti. that high faith, O wise fathers.   Quella verde e viva speme That verdant and living hope che vi fe’ portar’ gl’affanni, that allowed you to bear the pains, discend’ hora al vostro seme let it descend now to your children che si veste I vostri panni, who put on your habit, perche salga a gl’alto scanni so that they may rise to the highest rankes con il verde e buon costume, with verdant and moral behaviour, che speriam’ col vostro lume since we hope with your light pervenire a gl’alti porti. to attain the high heavens.   Se voi fusti di giustizia Since you were such amator cotanto ardenti, ardent lovers of Justice, accrescete la letizia increase the happiness a cuor nostri penitenti, of our penitent hearts, fate giuste nostre menti render our minds upright hor’ che siamo in questa valle, now that we are in this vale, e drizzate al dritto colle toward the straight path direct nostri affetti infermi e storti. our weak and twisted affections.   Male, e bene che nel futuro Evil and good, which the eye Vidde l’acchio di prudenza, of prudence sees in the future, vol il dicesti gia venturo you have already forecast it per trar l’huomo a pentienza, in order to draw man to penitence; se noi siamo vostra semenza if we are your seed alle figlie gl’ochie aprite, open the eyes of your daughers, la prudenza a noi unite five us the prudence da veder’ le varie sorti. to perceive the varied fates.   Fate forte la nostra alma Make our spirit strong come fu la vostra in terra, as yours was on earth, quand’ al ciel con la gran’ palma when up to heaven with the great palm ritornasti dalla guerra, you returned after the war,    89 O profeti, O martir’ forti... Lauda of the Three Martyrs of Jesus...   e ‘l nemico ch’or’ ci atterra and the enemy that now defeats us, ributtate al basso centro, throw him back to the center below, risenandolo giu dentro imprisoning him down there negli affanni delli morti. in the anguish of the dead.   Voi ch’havesti al ciel la mira You who had set your sight on heaven, temperati fusti in vita, you were temperate in life; se al piacer’ la carne tira if flesh is drawn to delight com’al ferro calamita, like iron to a magnet deh porgete dunque aita ah, deliver thence assistance temperando in nostro seno, by tempering in our breast quei piacer’ che son’ veleno those pleasures that are poison alli cuori in quelli assorti. to hearts engrossed in them.   Una bianca puritade A white purity gia vi  fece un’ bel mantello already provided you a fine mantle, ricamato d’honestade embroidered with integrity per piacere a Giesu bello, to please beautiful Jesus; e fe spose dell’Agnello so make us spouses of the Lamb, da voi padri sol vestiti, vested only by you, fathers, e de gigli rifioriti and with lilies reflowering  Quei producono I vostri horti. such as your gardens produce.   Non ci fia molesto, o grave It will not be heavy or bothersome il seguirvi con fatica, for us to follow you with exertion, se purgate l’ opre prave if we are purged of the evil works della nostra vita antica, of our previous life, se la grazia vostra amica and if you will besstow on us, padri nostri ci porgete, our fathers, that grace which is your  a Giesu in ciel vedrete friend, you will see our thoughts nostre menti essere rapporti. transported to Jesus in heaven.   Quella pace ch’univa That peace that united nel collegio vostro I cuori your hearts in your cloister oggi in noi Padri si scriva today let it be inscribed in us fathers, e rinfiammi I vostri ardori and re-ignite your fervor onde tutte con furore whence all of us in a frenzy possiam’ dir’ ecce quam bonum, can say: “Behold how good it is, possidente summum bonum possessing the highest good dello spirto, e de conforti. of the spirit, and of consolation.”     90 Example 21. Canzona de’ profumi, Anon.152                                                    152 Music transcribed from Gallucci Jr., Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, 2:4–5.     91        92            93    The original Carnival song, “Siam galanti”, is a song of the arts and crafts, where perfume vendors attempt to entice the ladies of Florence into buying their wares. The themes of love and beauty pervade the three stanzas that are translated above, while the perfumers describe the oils they bring from far away lands. A dandy from Valence (a French city) was known in Renaissance society to refer to a French man of influence and taste, one that places importance upon appearance. These men are passing through Florence and, in doing so, have fallen in love with the beauty of the ladies of Florence. The beauty of the ladies of Florence is celebrated with the theme of love, the text complementing them and favoring them over the ladies of France. The final stanza calls to the ladies of Florence, as the French perfumers offer free samples of the oils of their land. The profane nature of the Carnival text betrays composition in the fifteenth century, between 1474 and 1478, and the reference to the French perfumers suggests the economic interactions between Italy and France, resulting from the cultural interactions between Italy, France and Spain during the Italian wars  between 1494 and 1559. The first lauda text that borrows this Carnival song melody, “O maligno e dure core,” was written by Lorenzo de’ Medici    94 in the late 1490s and is in direct contrast with the carefree and humorous song of the perfumers. This Lenten text focuses upon the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, and was sung in the period preceding the Carnival festivities. The subject of the refrain is the “hardened heart” as the root of all evil and the source of pain through which all grief is felt. The act of falling in love from the Carnival song is translated to falling out of love in Lorenzo’s lauda. The common theme of love pervades both texts, in fact, demonstrating the connection between the poems. The third lauda text by an anonymous poet, “O profeti”, opens with a refrain that calls prophets and martyrs to seek consolation in the wake of Savonarola’s death, and furthers the theme of the heart is now “enflamed”, as Savonarola’s was, and then “penitent”. The nuns seek guidance and seek the ability to prophesize from their “father” Savonarola.   The first stanza of Lorenzo’s lauda goes on to describe how nothing comforts the broken heart of the Christian believer in contemplating the death of Jesus. The entire world falls apart as the dead rise from the ground, a stark and horrifying tale that would instill fear in listeners. In “O profeti”, the first stanza immediately draws the connection to Savonarola by referencing his origins in Ferrara, and acknowledging his “brief” time in Florence. The theme of the poem is given in the first line: “O prophets, O strong martyrs” of the Christian faith. In the first stanza, three saints are referenced by the poet, all of whom zealously pursued the preaching of the Christian faith. The first name mentioned is Jerome (331-420), a Latin Christian Priest and theologian who is known to be the most learned of the ancient fathers of the Western Church. He was known to have scorned the Roman clergy for their excesses, and was responsible for the creation of the Vulgate, the standard Latin translation of the Bible. St. Dominic (1170–1221), founder of the order to which Savonarola belonged, made the Christian faith accessible to    95 members of all classes by preaching in the vernacular.153 St. Sylvester (314–335) is also identified as a prophet and martyr, accredited with converting the Emperor Constantine to Christianity in Rome, thus changing the course of the Roman Catholic Church. There is a common theme to the legacy left by all three of these saints, the first being the common interest in making the liturgical texts of the Bible accessible to laymen as well as to the clergy, by either printing copies of texts in vernacular languages, or preaching in the vernacular. The second common theme in the lives of these three saints has to do with the nature with which they undertook their programs, with fiery and ferocious intent. Both of themes of scriptural accessibility and spiritual zealotry are applied to Savonarola. Instead of terrifying the listeners, the words of this lauda call for assistance from the prophet Savonarola and his fellow martyrs held dear by Florentine nuns. The second stanza asks the heart to melt away like wax. The heart is crucified as Jesus’ side was pierced, putting one’s own heart on the cross. The second stanza of “O profeti” features “heart” imagery, as the nuns express their delight in honoring Savonarola as living, as part of their vesting ceremonies. The third stanza describes in vivid imagery the gushing blood and pain this incites, and of how the only cure for the heartache of the Christian believer is the pain of death. The sweetness of pain and death are recurrent themes, and calls to attention the values of the flagellants, who were commonly seen in the streets of Renaissance Florence. This stanza asks that Savonarola enflame their hearts with the fire of love; using the same vivid imagery, the text describes how Savonarola was burned alive, as well as alluding to the zealous approach undertaken in his reformation. The final stanza of Lorenzo’s “O maligno e duro core” once again calls attention to the cure for the hardened heart: death. In the final four lines, Lorenzo asks the heart to learn from Jesus that each person must be responsible for                                                 153 Patrick Macey, Bonfire Songs, 5, 24.    96 themselves, each to carry their own cross, and instructs them to crucify themselves upon it. The fact that both the Carnival song text and the lauda text discuss cures and ointments relates them, demonstrating that Lorenzo had the Carnival song in mind when writing the poetry of the lauda text. “O profeti” contains several more stanzas than either the Carnival song or the lauda by Lorenzo. These stanzas (4 through 13) go on to instruct the nuns as to the behavior they are adopting by entering the cloister (stanzas 4–5) as well as seek guidance from Savonarola, delivering them from evil (stanza 6) and helping them to avoid temptation (stanza 7). Savonarola is deemed the means by which the nuns of this convent shall communicate with heaven in stanza 11, achieved through living a life that is full of grace and “goodness of spirit and consolation”.  The texts of both of the laude keep the focus on the heart. The heart’s melting “like wax”, its crucifixion, and its piercing by a spear all feature in Lorenzo’s lauda, while in the Dominican lauda the heart is “delight[ed]” and “hooked” like bait to honor the memory of Savonarola. In Lorenzo’s third stanza, the heart is wounded and tears “gush forth” from it, while in “O profeti” the heart is “enflamed” by the “fire of love”, burning with affection. The heart is compared to Savonarola, who endures in his missionary work and is finally rewarded with martyrdom for his efforts. The final stanza adopts the theme of liquids: oils to anoint the women of Florence to enhance their beauty in the Carnival song, and, in the case of the lauda, water, the “source of bitterness”. The Carnival song poetry is more frivolous, as the theme of the heart falling in love has now been displaced by the oils that anoint and incite love. The lauda, on the other hand, retains more depth not only by tackling more intense subject matter, but also by insisting how the heart must learn and die for and with the Lord. The final stanza of the “O profeti” does not relate as well to the Carnival song as Lorenzo’s lauda, as the focus is directed to the immediate context of the vesting ceremony for nuns.     97  The music of the Carnival song is sectioned into phrases that are demarcated by rests. The refrain consists of eighteen measures of music alternating between homophony and polyphony. Each phrase begins with all three voices moving together (mm. 1–9, and 10–18), while the ends of each phrase are differentiated with more activity in each voice (mm. 6–9 and 13–18). We find a shift duple to triple meter in m. 31, a section that features homophony and stepwise motion. The volta returns to the duple meter once again, and ends with light contrapuntal writing (mm. 45–48). The sophistication with which this music was composed has lead some scholars to suggest that Heinrich Isaac may be the composer of this song.154 Although both poems were composed in the late fifteenth century, Razzi clearly felt compelled to include Lorenzo’s contrafactum in his anthology, over sixty years later.                                                  154 Macey, Bonfire Songs, 41–2.    98 Conclusion   Both sacred and secular ritual expressions during the Renaissance helped to sustain the mercantile and civic values of the Florentine Republic. The popular and courtly poetry of the Carnival songs were “an integral element to the expression of elite rituals.”155  A gradual decline in the composition of Carnival songs is documented starting with the late fifteenth-century reforms made under Savonarola between 1494 and 1498, and culminating in the late sixteenth-century reforms of the Council of Trent, when the papacy decided to widen their censorship to include not only the practice of individual spirituality, but also to censor literature containing profane and sacrilegious content unrelated to the values of the Counter-Reformation Church.156  This censorship perhaps also accounts for the preservation of these songs as sacred contrafacta in late-sixteenth century sources, where a cantasi come indication of the original melody might go unnoticed by a critical eye. Both genres of literary and musical style, the Carnival song and the sacred lauda, found their way freely into public expression in the fifteenth century, with few boundary lines drawn between them. Cultivated by both secular and sacred institutions during the Renaissance in Florence, the contrafacture of Carnival songs indicates the original lack of distinction between secular and sacred aspects of social behavior in Renaissance Florence. This practice was used as a tool for memorizing hymns, for communicating spiritual and political messages, as well as to honor the memory of past regimes and leaders. Performed in street celebrations, religious processions, at weddings, and for funerals, the music for Carnival persisted, thanks to the familiarity of the tunes.                                                 155 Prizer, “Games of Venus,” 11. 156 Plaisance, Florence in the Time of Medici, 156.    99 BIBLIOGRAPHY  Manuscript Sources of Music for Carnival Songs  BR62  Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, MS Banco Rari 62.         BR230  Biblioteca Nazionale Florence. MS Banco Rari 230.        BR337  Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence. MS Banco Rari 337.    M117  Biblioteca Nazionale Florence. MS Magliabechi XIX.117.  M121  Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence. MS Magliabechi XIX.121.   Panc27 Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence. MS Panciatichi 27.  Ferr84  Biblioteca Aposotlica Vaticana, Ferrajoli 84.  Pal173  Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, MS Palat. 173.   RC395  Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence. Rossi Cassigoli 395.   Rs424II Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome, San Marco 424.   R2896  Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence, Ms. 2896.  SPKB 30 Staatsbibliotek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, N. Mus.       Ant. Theor. 30.    Printed Sources of Carnival Song Music  Razzi1563 Libro primo delle laudi spirituali da diversi eccell. e diversi autori,      antiche e moderni composte, edited by Serafino Razzi. Venice: Francesco     Rampazetto, 1563; repr. Bologna: Forni, 1969.   Manuscript Sources of Carnival Song Poetry  BAV3219 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 3219.  BNN D2 Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples,  XIII.D.2.   BNF P67 Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, MS Panciatichiano 25.      100 BRF2731 Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence, Riccardiana 2731.   M735  Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, Magl.VII.735.   Mk.27  Biblioteca Governativa, Lucca, MS Moucke 27, 1512.    Printed Sources of Carnival Song Poetry  1513  Canzoni sonetti strambotti et frottole libro tertio. Rome: Andrea Antico, 1513.  1515:I  Canzone per andare in maschera per carnesciale facte da più     persone [Florence: Bartolomeo de’ Libri [?], ca. 1494].   1515:II  Canzone per andare in maschera per carnesciale facte da più     persone [Florence: Lorenzo Morgiani and Giovanni Petri [?], ca. 1494].  1559 Tutti i trionfi, carri, mascheeate [sic] ò canti carnascialeschi andati per Firenze, dal tempo del Magnifico Lorenzo vecchio de Medici: quando gli hebbero prima cominciamento, per infino a questo anno presente. Edited by Antonfrancesco Grazzini (il Lasca). Florence: [Lorenzo Torrentino], 1559.  1560 Canzoni, o vero mascherate carnascialesche di M. Gio. Battista dell’Ottonaio […] Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1560.157  1750 Tutti i trionfi, carri, mascherate ò canti carnascialeschi […] Edited and enlarged by Rinaldo Maria Bracci (a.k.a. Neri del Boccia or Decio Laberio). 2 vols. [Lucca: Filippo Maria Benedini], 1750.   Manuscript Sources of Lauda Poetry  A161  Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, Conventi Soppressi 161.  BAV3711 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome, MS Barberini lat. 3711.  CS1545 Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, Conventi Soppressi G.8.1545.  CS1547 Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, Conventi Soppressi G.7.1547.  CS1548 Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, Conventi Soppressi G.7.1548.                                                 157 This print is by Ottonaio’s brother Paolo, who argued that Grazzini’s print of 1559 contained his brother’s works with several errors. Thus, Paolo had those entries eliminated from Grazzini’s edition, and printed them himself in this source. See Charles S. Singleton, The Literature of Pageantry in Florence during the Renaissance (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1937), 321.    101  LCS161 Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, Conventi Soppressi 161.  Mc262  Biblioteca Marucelliana, Florence, MS C.262.  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New London Consort, Christopher Pope. L’Oiseau-Lyre 436718. Compact disc.  Vecchie Letrose: Italian Renaissance Music. Syntagma Musicum. Arts Music 47504. Compact disc.                 113  Appendix A. Sources of Music of Carnival Song Models Source Date Carnival Song/Composer/Voice # BR 62 Late 15th c. Canzona degli spazzacamini, Anon., Cantus only. BR230 1500-15 Canzona delle forese, Anon.,    Canzona de’ visi addietro, Anon., frag.   Canzona de’ profumi,  Anon., 3vv.   Canzona di Bacco, Anon., 2vv.   Trionfo della dea Minerva, Anon, 4vv..   Trionfo delle dee, Isaac, 4vv.   Canzona de’ pescatori che pigliono ranocchi, Anon., 4vv.   Canzona de’ diavoli, Anon. 4vv.   Canzona di cacciatori,  Anon.   Canzona di pastori bacchiatori, Organi, 4vv.   Canto di lanzi pellegrini, Anon.   Canzona de’ granaiuoli, Anon., 2vv.   Canzona del Vaglio, Anon., 4vv.   Canzona de’ secol d’oro, Anon., 4vv.   Canzona de’ naviganti, Coppini, 4vv.   Trionfo de’ diavoli, Coppini   Canzona di donne che vendono agresto, Anon.   Canzona delle zingane, Coppini   Canzona della manna sorianna, Anon., 2vv.   Canzona de’ giostranti, Anon.   Trionfo delle tre parche, Anon.   Canzona degli uomini d’arme, Anon., 4vv. Panc27 1500-10 Canzona degli spazzacamini,’ Anon., 4vv. BR 337 Early 16th c. Canzona delle cicale, Organi   Trionfo delle dee, Isaac   Tambur, tambur, Anon.   Carro della morte, Coppini   Canzona di pastori bacchiatori, Organi, 4vv.   Canzona di fianciulle in casa, Anon.   Canto di lanzi pellegrini, Anon.   Canzona de’ naviganti, Coppini   Canzona de’ gisotranti, Anon. M121 Early 16th c. Canzona de’ diavoli, Anon., 4vv.   Tambur, tambur, Anon., 4vv.   Canto di lanzi pellegrini, Anon., 4vv.   Canzona delle anime d’anatte, Anon., 3vv.   Canzona di pastroi bacchiatori, Organi, 4vv. M117 Early 16th c. Canzona di pastori bacchiatori, Organi, 4vv. M164-7 ca. 1520 Canzona del Gufo, Anon. Razzi 1563 Siamo stati in Fiorenza, Giambullari   Visin, visin, visin, Anon.    114 Source... Date... Carnival Song/Composer/Voice #... ... ... Quant’e bella giovenezza, Medici.   Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici   Dalla alta piu stella discende, Medici   Giovanni mandati siano, Anon.   Pescatori a lenza siamo, da Prato   Pace Guerra, Guerra e pace, del Bianco   Amor che’ n terra ogni timore, Ottonaio   Dolor, pianto e penitenza, Castellani   Temporal fuor di natura, Anon.   Berricuoli, donne, e confortini, Medici   Franza, Franza, viva Franza, Anon.   Quant’e bella giovanezza, Medici   Ne piu bella di questa, Anon.   Viva, viva la ragione, Anon.   Donne per elezione e per natura, Bientina                    115 Appendix B. Sources of Poetic Texts of Carnival Song Models Source Date Incipit/ Poet/Form 1485 - Berricuocoli, donne, e confortini, L. de’ Medici, BaMn   Ferrivecchi e ramivecchi, Anon., BaMn   Siamo stati in Fiorenza, B. Giambullari, BaMn   Visin, visin, visin,’ Anon., BaMn   Quant’e bella giovanezza, L. de’ Medici, BaG   Siam galanti di Valencia, L. de’ Medici, BaG   Giovanni mandati siano, Anon., BaG   Viva, viva la ragione, Anon., BaMn M735 Late 15th c. Berricuocoli, donne, e confortini, L. de’ Medici, BaMn   Siam galanti di Valencia, L. de’ Medici, BaG   Dalla alta piu stella discende, A. da Bibbiena, Irregular. Mk27 1512 Siamo stati in Fiorenza, B. Giambullari, BaMn   Dalla alta piu stella discende, A. da Bibbiena   Ne piu bella di queste, Anon., Cz   Donne per elezione e per natura, J, da Bientina, BaG   Amor che ‘m terra ogni timore, G. dell’Ottonaio, BaG   Caritate amore dei, G. Giuggiola, BaG. BAV3219 16th c. Berricuocoli, donne, e confortini, L. de’ Medici, BaMn   Siam galanti di Valenzia, L. de’ Medici, BaG BNN D2 16th c. Berricuocoli, donne, e confortini, L. de’ Medici, BaMn.   Siam galanti di Valenzia, L. de’ Medici BaG BNF P1 16th c. Donne, per elezione e per natura, J. da Bientina, BaG. BRF 2731 16th c. Visin, visin, visin, Anon., BaMn   Franza, Franza, viva Franza, Anon., BaMn   Quant’e bella giovenezza, L, de’ Medici, BaG   Siam galanti di Valencia, L. de’ Medici, BaG   Dalla alta piu stella discende, A. da Bibbiena   Ne piu bella di queste, Anon., Cz.   Pescatori a lenza siamo, M. da Prato, BaG   Gia fummo or non sian piu, N. Macchiavelli   Viva, viva la ragione, Anon., BaMn.   Dolor, pianto e penitenza ci tormenta, C. Castellani, BaG   Donne per elezione e per natura, J. da Bientina, BaG   Amor che ‘n terra ogni timore, G. dell’Ottonaio, BaG   Caritate amore dei, G. Giuggiola, BaG. 1559 - Berricuocoli, donne, e confortini, L. de’ Medici, BaMn.   Ferrivecchi e ramivecchi, Anon., BaMn   Visin, visin, visin, Anon., BaMn.   Donne, siam, come vedete, L. de’ Medici, BaMn.   Siam galanti di Valencia, L. de’ Medici, BaG.   Dalla alta piu stella discende, A. da Bibbiena   Ne piu bella di queste, Anon., Cz   Pescatori a lenza siamo, M. da Prato, BaG   Pace guerra, guerra e pace, G. dal Bianco, BaG    116 Source... Date... Incipit/ Poet/Form... ... ... Gia fummo or non sian piu, N. Macchiavelli   Viva, viva la ragione, Anon., BaMn   Dolor pianto e penitenza ci tormenta, C. Castellani, BaG   Donne per elezione e per natura, J. da Bientina, BaG   Amor che ‘n terra ogni timore, G. dell’Ottonaio, BaG   Caritate amore dei, G. Giuggiola, BaG   Donne gentil di gran siam mercanti, G. dal Biano, BaMz   Contrar i venti, il mar, G. dal Bianco, BaG      117 Appendix C. Sources of Lauda Contrafacture of Carnival Songs158  Source Lauda Incipit/Poet Carnival Song Incipit/Poet Ch266 Or che fa tu peccatore, Anon.* Peschatori se voi volete, Anon.*  Peccatori se voi volete, Anon.* Peschatori se voi volete, Anon.* Gall2 Chi vuol pace nel suo core, Belcari Ferrivecchi e ramivecchi, Anon.  L’orazione e sempre buona, Belcari Ferrivecchi e ramivecchi, Anon.  O anima accecata, Belcari Siamo stati in Fiorenza, Giambullari  Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, Belcari Visin, visin, visin, Anon.  Giovanetti con fervore deh fug, d’Albizo* Faccia bene e’ pellegrini, Anon.*  O Dio, o somme bene, Medici* Portian donne per voi questo fag, Anon.*  Chi salute vuol trovare, d’Albizo* Donne chi vuole far filare lino, Anon.*  Poi che ‘l cor mi stringe , Belcari* Alle chiave, alle chiavone, Anon.* Gall3 l’orazione e sempre buona, Belcari Ferrivecchi, e ramivecchi, Anon.  O anima accecata, Belcari Siamo stati in Fiorenza, Giambullari  Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, Belcari Visin, visin, visin, Anon.  Io son quell misero ingrato, Medici Donne siam come vedete, Medici  Quant’e grande le bellezza, Medici Lasse in questo carnasciale, Medici  Peccator, se tutti quanti, Medici Le cose al contrario vanno, Medici  O maligno e duro core, Medici Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici  Viva le congregazione, Marzochino Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici  Chi non ha l’amor di Dio, Boccia Giovanni mandati siano, Anon.  Se vogliam grazia impetrare,Marzochino* (Canzona dell’alloro), Anon.*  Deh merce Jesu amore, Boccia* Deh merce crudele amore, Anon.*  Peccatori ad una voce, Tornabuoni* (Canzona di Bardaccio), Anon.* M119 l’orazione e sempre buona, Belcari Ferrivecchi, e ramivecchi, Anon.  O anima accecata, Belcari Siamo stati in Fiorenza, Giambullari Gall4 l’orazione e sempre buona, Belcari Ferrivecchi, e ramivecchi, Anon  O anima accecata, Belcari Siamo stati in Fiorenza, Giambullari  Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, Belcari Visin, visin, visin, Anon.  Io son quell misero ingrato, Medici Donne siam come vedete, Medici  Peccator, se tutti quanti, Medici Le cose al contrario vanno, Medici  O maligno e duro core, Medici Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici  Viva le congregazione, Marzochino Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici  Chi non ha l’amor di Dio, Boccia Giovanni mandati siano, Anon.  Quant’e grande la bellezza, Medici Quant’e bella giovanezza, Medici  Chi vuol, Gesu, fruir, Anon. Berricuoli donne e confortini, Medici  Non fu ma piu dolce amore, Castellani Franza, Franza, viva Franza, Anon.  Riccoriamo a te Maria, Anon. Le cose al contrario vanno, Medici  Ave Maria stella mutatina, Anon. Le cose al contrario vanno, Medici  O Maria Magdalena dolce, Anon. Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici  Siam con somma riverenza, Giambullari Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici  Dall’alta stella disces’in terra, Medici Dalla alta piu stella discende, Medici  Molto piu Guerra che pace, Pallaio Pace Guerra, Guerra e pace, del Bianco                                                 158 Entries listed in bold represent contrafacture that are indicated for the first time, entries with a star next to them are contrafacture where the music or text does not survive. Entries listed in normal font are those that are repetitions from earlier sources.    118 Source... Lauda Incipit/Poet... Carnival Song Incipit/Poet... ... Gia fummo eletti ed or siam piu, Anon. Gia fummo or non sian piu, Macchiavelli  Deh torna omai pecorella, Castellani Donne gentil di gran siam, del Bianco  Aiuta, aiuta quegli, Giambullari Al gufo, al gufo uccegli, Giambullari  Qualunche el mondo spreza, Anon. Al gufo, al gufo uccegli, Giambullari  Su, su cari fratelli, Anon. Al gufo, al gufo uccegli, Giambullari  Alla morte orrenda e scura, Castellani Temporal fuor di natura, Anon.  Peccatori Maria noi siamo, Pandolfini Temporal fuor di natura, Anon.  Temeraria creatura, Giambullari Temporal fuor di natura, Anon.  Viva, viva in contrizione, Giambullari Viva, viva la ragione, Anon.  Deh volgete ogn’un l’affetto, Anon.* Deh porgete un po’ gli occhi, Anon.*  Giu veggiam se’ nostri errori, Anon.* Le nocciole, Anon.*  Noi siam tutti peccatori, Anon.* Quanti martir vergin egli, Anon.*  Questa e quella croce grande, Anon.* Queste donne un arbor grande, Anon*  Noi siam tutti peccatori, Anon.* Agli uccegli, donne, agli ucelli, Anon*  Che si sentissi offessa, Giambullari* (Canzona della gelosia), Anon*  Peccatori ad una voce, Tornabuoni* (Canzona dell’insalata), Tornabuoni* Pal120 O peccatore, io sono Dio eterno, Medici Lasse in questo carnasciale, Medici.  l’orazione e sempre buona, Belcari* Canzona de’ panollini, Anon.*  Con desiderio io vo cercano, Anon.* Ma si debba desperare, Anon.* R2896 Dolce Dio pien di clementia, Anon.,  Dolor pianto e penitenza, Castellani, 4vv. Rs424II Da poi che nato e il sol, Castellani* Come d’un sol color, Ottonaio*  Dal sommo cielo el verbo eterno, Castellani Sybille sian di pudicitia ornate, Anon.  Dall’alta stella disces’in terra, Medici Dalla alta piu stella discende, Medici  Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, Belcari Visin, visin, visin, Anon.  O maligno e duro core, Medici Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici  Alla morte orrenda e scura, Castellani Temporal fuor di natura, Anon. R196II Guerra e pace, pace e Guerra, Castellani Pace Guerra, Guerra e pace, del Bianco  Peregrin tutti in questo mondo, Castellani Anime siano ch’a l’inferno tapine, Boccia  Ah bel fonte sacro, Castellani  Noi siam donne, cacciatore, Anon.  Dolor pianto e penitenza grida, Castellani Dolor pianto e penitenza, Castellani  Duolti e piangi tua fallenza, Anon. Dolor pianto e penitenza, Castellani  Madre del redemptor vergine, Castellani Donne per elezione e per natura, Bientina  Al vaglio, al vaglio, Castellani Al vaglio, al vaglio, al valgio, Fr. Medici  Madre del redemptor vergine, Casstellani Colui che da legge alla natura, Nardi  Venite peccatori cercando andiamo, Anon. Contrar’i venti, il mar, del Bianco  Anime sante e gloriose siano, Castellani Donne, galanti sempre state, Giuggiola  Venite peccatori cercando andiamo, Anon. Contrar’i venti, il mar, del Bianco  L’anima e quell ache e grata, Anon. L’abito, donne l’effigie, Bientina  Chi non si struggie nel divino amore, Anon. Del qualche carita, Giuggiola  L’anima e quell ache e grata, Anon. L’abito donne, l’effigie, Bientina  L’anima e quell ache e grata, Anon. Poiche visto ‘l tempo abbiano, Anon.  Quel primo excelso ben somma, Anon. Quel primo eterno amore, Ottonaio  Vergine gloriosa in ciel beata, Anon.* La gran memoria dell’ eta passata, Nardi*  Per non trovare il piu sciuro, Anon,* Per non trovar la piu sciura fede, Ottonaio*  Quel creator delle cose... luce, Anon.* Quel creator delle cose...vite, Alamanni*  Gloriosa madonna, alta regina, Anon.* Se la grazia del ciel sopra voi, Anon.*    119 Source... Lauda Incipit/Poet... Carnival Song Incipit/Poet... Ferr84 Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, Belcari Visin, visin, visin, Anon.  Dalla piu alta stella, L. Medici/Anon? *no link*  Peccatori Maria noi siamo, C. Pandolfini *no link*  L’oratione e sempre buona, F. Belcari *no link*  Quanto e grande la bellezza, L. Medici *no link*  S i pensassi a piaceri del paradiso, F. Belcari *no link/with music*  Amor che in terra il tuo amor mandasti, A. Bettini *no link*  Ogni giorno tu mi di, Castellani *no link/with music* M365 Chi non ama te Maria, Benivieni Giovanni mandati siano, Anon.  Peccatori Maria noi siamo, Pandolfini Pescatori a lenza siamo, da Prato??  Ome, ome quanto misero, Landini Tambur, tambur, Anon  Anime afflite e tribolate, Castellani Anime siano ch’a l’inferno tapine, Boccia  Dia laude ogni mortale, Anon. Donne per elezione e per natura, Bientina  S’i pensassi Jesu al dolce amore, Anon. Donne per elezione e per natura, Bientina  Amor che ‘n terra il tuo amor, Bettini Amor che’ n terra ogni timore, Ottonaio  L’amor divin, ch’ognaltro amor, Anon. Amor che’ n terra ogni timore, Ottonaio  Poverta, fatiche stenti santo, Poggibonzi Caritate amore dei, Giuggiola  Ricchi siam, lieti, e contenti, Anon. Caritate amore dei, Giuggiola  Spiriti sian sempre gaudenti, Razzi Caritate amore dei, Giuggiola  Giu nelle infernal grotte, Anon D’all infelice grotte, Giuggiola  Come d’un sol color son nostri, Fabroni* Come d’un sol color, Ottonaio*  Vedete oggi Maria che va, Anon.* Come d’un sol color, Ottonaio*  Serve siam’del buon Jesu, Anon.* Lanzi maestri di trombone, Ottonaio* Razzi O anima accecata, Belcari Siamo stati in Fiorenza, Giambullari  Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, Belcari Visin, visin, visin, Anon.  Quant’e grande la bellezza, Medici ‘Quant’e bella giovenezza,’ Medici.  O maligno e duro core, Medici Siam galanti di Valencia, Medici  Dall’alta stella disces’in terra, Medici Dalla alta piu stella discende, Medici  Chi non ama te Maria, Benivieni Giovanni mandati siano, Anon.  Peccatori Maria noi siamo, Pandolfini Pescatori a lenza siamo, da Prato  Guerra e pace, pace e Guerra, Castellani Pace Guerra, Guerra e pace, del Bianco  Dolor pianto e penitenza, Castellani *no link, sacred Carnival song?*  Amor che ‘n terra il tuo amor, Bettini Amor che’ n terra ogni timore, Ottonaio  Spiriti sian sempre gaudenti, Razzi *Sacred Carnival Song*  Alla morte orrenda e scura, Castellani Temporal fuor di natura, Anon.  Madre de peccatori, Anon. Berricuoli, donne, e confortini, Medici  Ogni giorno tu mi di, Castellani Franza, Franza, viva Franza, Anon.  Quant’e grande le ballezza, Medici Quant’e bella giovanezza, Medici  Vergine santa, gloriosa e degna, Poliziano Ne piu bella di questa, Anon.  Viva, viva in oratione, Anon. Viva, viva la ragione, Anon.??  S’i pensassi a piacer del paradiso, Belcari Donne per elezione e per natura, Bientina        120 Appendix D.  Carnival Contrafacture in Sources of Contrafacture Compiled between 1500 and 1530   Carnival Song/Poet/Voice # Incipit of Lauda Source159 Al gufo, al gufo uccegli, Giambullari, 4vv. Aiuta, aiuta quegli, Giambullari Gall4   Qualunche el mondo spreza, Anon. Gall4  Su, su cari fratelli, Anon. Gall4 Al vaglio, al vaglio al vaglio, Fr. Medici, 4vv. Al vaglio, al vaglio, Castellani R196II  Anime siano ch’al inferno tapine, Boccia, 3vv. Peregrin tutti in questo mondo, Castellani R196II  Berricuocoli, donne, e confortini, L. de’ Medici, 4vv. Chi vuol Jesu fruir con tutto Gall4 Contrar’i venti, del Bianco, 4vv. Venite peccatori cercando andiamo, Anon. R196II Colui che da legge alla natura, da’ Nardi, 4vv. Madre del redemptor vergine, Casstellani R196II Dalla piu alta stella discende, A. Divizio, 3vv. Dalla piu alta stella disces’in terra, Anon. Gall4 Dolor pianto e penitenza, Castellani, 4vv. Dolor pianto e penitenza grida, Castellani R196II   Duolti e piangi tua fallenza, Anon. R196II Donne per eletione e per natura, Bientina, 4vv. Madre del redemptor vergine, Castellani R196II Donne galanti sempre state siano, Giuggiola, 4vv. Anime sante e gloriose siano, Castellani R196II Deh qualche carita a noi meschine, Giuggiola, 4vv. Chi non si struggie nel divino amore, Anon. R196II Donne gentil di gran siam mercantati, dal Bianco, 2vv. Deh torna omai pecorella, Castellani Gall4 Franza, Franza, viva Franza, Anon., 3vv. Non fu mai piu dolce amore, Castellani Gall4 Gia fummo or non siano piu, Macchiavelli, 4vv. Gia fummo eletti ed or siam piu, Anon. Gall4 Le cose al contrario vanno, Medici,  frag. Riccoriamo a te, Maria, Anon. Gall4 L’abito donne, l’effigie e ‘l colore, Bientina, 2vv. L’anima e quell ache e grata, Anon. R196II Noi siam donne cacciatore, Anon., 4vv. Ah bel fonte sacro, Castellani  R196II Pace Guerra, Guerra e Pace, dal Bianco, 4vv. Molto piu Guerra che pace, Pallaio Gall4   Guerra e pace, pace e Guerra, Castellani R196II  Poiche visto ‘l tempo abbiano, Anon., 4vv. L’anima e quell ache e grata, Anon. R196II Quel primo eterno amore, Ottonaio?, 4vv. Quel primo excelso ben somma, Anon. R196II Siam galanti di Valencia, L. de’ Medici, 3vv. O Maria, Maddalena dolce, Anon.160 Gall4                                                 159 The earliest source that contains the contrafacture indication to the carnival song.  160 This poem is written in a different poetic form, the Quatrain.     121 Carnival Song/Poet/Voice #... Incipit of Lauda... Source...  Siam con somma riverenza, B. Giambullari Gall4 Temporal fuor fi natura, Anon., 4vv. Alla morte orrenda e scura, Castellani Gall4  Peccatori Maria noi siamo, Pandolfini Gall4  Temeraria creatura, Giambullari Gall4 Viva, viva la ragione, Anon., 3vv. Viva, viva in contrizione, Giambullari Gall4       122 Appendix E. Carnival Contrafacture in Razzi’s 1563 Libro primo [...]    # Incipit/Poet Model/Poet 12 Madre de peccatori, Anon., 4vv. Berricuocoli, donne, e confortini, L. de’ Medici. 27 O anima accecata, F. Belcari, 2vv. Siamo stati in Fiorenza, B. Giambullari. 46v O anima accecata, Anon, 2vv. O anima accecata, F. Belcari. 34 Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, F. Belcari, 2vv. Visin, visin, visin, Anon. 37 Spiriti sian sempre, F. Belcari, 3vv. *not contrafacture, only indicated as such in M365. 42 Ogni giorno tu mi di, C. Castellani, 2vv. Franza, Franza, viva Franza, Anon. 7 Quant’e grande la bellezza, L. de’ Medici, 3vv. Lasse in questo carnasciale, L. de’ Medici 39 O maligno et duo core, L. de’ Medici, 3vv. Siam galanti di Valencia, L. de’ Medici 82 Dall alta stella disces’ in terra, L. de’ Medici, 4vv. Dalla alta piu stella discende, A. da Bibbiena 13 Chi non ama te, Maria, G. Benvieni, 2vv. Giovanni mandati siano, Anon. 90 Vergine santa, gloriosa e degna, A. Poliziano, 4vv. Ne piu bella di queste, Anon. 48 Peccatori Maria noi siamo, C. Pandolfini, 3vv. Pescatori a lenza siamo, M. da Prato 5 Molto piu Guerra che pace, S. Pallaio, 4vv. Pace Guerra, Geurra e pace, G. dal Bianco 83 Viva, viva in oratione, Anon., 3vv. Viva, viva la ragione, Anon. 57 Dolor pianto e pentienza grida, C. Castellani Not indicated as contrafacture. 30 S’i pensassi a’ piacer del paradiso, F. Belcari, 4vv. Donne per eletione, J. da Bientina 40 Amor che ‘n terra il tuo amore, A. Bettini, 4vv. Amore che ‘n terra ogni timore, G. dell’Ottonaio 38 Poverta fatiche stenti santo, B. da Poggibonzi, 2vv. Caritate amore dei, G. Giuggiola 48 Peccatori Maria noi siamo, C. Pandolfini, 3vv. Temporal fuor di natura, Anon. 

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