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The growth and contributions of bridging social capital to rural vitality via school-community music… Prest, Anita L. 2014

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 THE GROWTH AND CONTRIBUTIONS OF BRIDGING SOCIAL CAPITAL TO RURAL VITALITY VIA SCHOOL-COMMUNITY MUSIC EDUCATION PARTNERSHIPS by Anita L. Prest B. Music, The University of Victoria, 1992 M. Music, The University of Calgary, 2001   A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in  THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Curriculum Studies)   THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)   December 2014  © Anita L. Prest, 2014   ii Abstract  Many rural communities in British Columbia, Canada, currently face social problems associated with boom and bust resource development, economic decline due to increased urbanization, and intercultural barriers between ethnic groups. In such settings, school music programs are often limited in scope or non-existent. Yet, in at least one rural community that undertook a school-community music education partnership, that partnership positively influenced community identity, agency, and vitality and brought greater recognition and support to its school music program. My purposes in this study were to investigate how three such partnerships have contributed to the social, cultural, and economic sustainability of their communities and to learn how they may have served to shift community members’ conceptions of the value of music and music education.   For this multiple case study of Powell River, Nelson, and Qualicum Beach, British Columbia, I examined school and municipal historical records and conducted interviews with individual community members and school staff to determine the circumstances that made possible their partnerships. I spoke with focus groups comprising partnership committee members to learn how the dynamic and structural properties of the partnership networks have impacted the ways in which social capital functions in them. Finally, I conducted 6-8 semi-structured interviews at each site with key community members to elicit their conceptions of changes over time regarding 1) identity, agency, and vitality, and 2) attitudes toward and scope of musical engagement inside and outside of their schools.  I found that partnerships that promoted local attributes, high levels of community engagement, and a physical commons fostered social capital and provided more opportunities   iii for community members to address local social justice issues (e.g., equitable access to music education, cultural inclusion), drawing upon shared values as bases for resolving those issues. I also found that reciprocity gives rise to social capital only when, in addition to a simple exchange, it entails a sincere recognition of efforts (e.g., moving beyond traditional rational actor or habitual conceptions). The bridging social capital emerging from these partnerships contributed significantly to vitality in these three communities, also favourably shifting community conceptions of the value of music education.        iv Preface I identified and designed the research program, performed all parts of the research, and analysed all research data. None of the research for this study has been published in any journal or publication. The research presented in this dissertation was approved by The University of British Columbia, Office of Research Services, Behavioural Research Ethics Board. Certificate of Approval (Minimal Risk) Number: H12-037                v Table of Contents	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	  	   	   	   	   	   	  	  	  	  	  	  	  ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................... ii PREFACE ............................................................................................................................................. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS......................................................................................................................v LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………………………ix LIST OF FIGURES…………...………………………………………………………………………x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.…………………………………………………………………………xi DEDICATION……............................................................................................................................xiii  CHAPTER 1:    INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1 1.1    Rural reality. ......................................................................................................................... 1 1.2    Introduction. .......................................................................................................................... 2 1.3    Music education in rural B.C. ............................................................................................... 4 1.4    Research questions. ............................................................................................................... 8 1.5    Connections between rural music education, social justice issues, and community           vitality. ................................................................................................................................ 10 1.5.1    Definition of rural. ........................................................................................................................................ 10 1.5.2    Human geography of British Columbia. ....................................................................................................... 11 1.5.3    Rural music education’s relation to social justice: Three vignettes. ............................................................. 12 1.6    Overview of following chapters. ......................................................................................... 20  CHAPTER 2:    LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................. 22 2.1    Community music…………..………………………………………………………………………22 2.2    Music education partnerships…………………………………………………………………….24 2.3    Social capital theory………………………………………………………………………………..26 2.3.1    Definitions. .................................................................................................................................................... 27 2.3.2    Social capital and the rural setting. ............................................................................................................... 31 2.3.3    Social capital and music education. ............................................................................................................... 32 2.3.4    Social capital and social justice. .................................................................................................................... 33 2.4    Music education philosophy. ............................................................................................... 35 2.4.1    Aesthetic music education philosophy. ......................................................................................................... 36 2.4.2    Praxial music education philosophy. ............................................................................................................. 39 2.5    Place-based and place-conscious education theory. ........................................................... 42 2.5.1    Thread 1: Critical lens. .................................................................................................................................. 46 2.5.2    Thread 2: Partnerships. .................................................................................................................................. 50 2.5.3    Thread 3: Social capital. ................................................................................................................................ 54  CHAPTER 3:    METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................... 57 3.1    Introduction. ........................................................................................................................ 57 3.2    Epistemology and its relation to methodology. ................................................................... 58 3.3    Research design: A multiple case study design. .................................................................. 61 3.4    Methods. .............................................................................................................................. 65 3.4.1    Introduction. .................................................................................................................................................. 65 3.4.2    Document analysis. ....................................................................................................................................... 66 3.4.3    Focus groups. ................................................................................................................................................ 69 3.4.4    Interviews. ..................................................................................................................................................... 74 3.5    Ethical considerations. ........................................................................................................ 79   vi CHAPTER 4:    CASE 1   (THE QUALICUM MUSIC ACADEMY - QUALICUM BEACH, B.C.) ............... 83 4.1    Introduction. ........................................................................................................................ 83 4.2    Characteristics of the town of Qualicum Beach. ................................................................ 84 4.3    Historical, geographical, and socio-cultural underpinnings of Qualicum Beach. ............. 87 4.3.1    Introduction. .................................................................................................................................................. 87 4.3.2    Qualicum Beach’s musical history. .............................................................................................................. 90 4.3.3    Qualicum Beach’s education and music education history. ......................................................................... 92 4.3.4    Geography and declining enrollment. ........................................................................................................... 95 4.3.5    Community values. ....................................................................................................................................... 96 4.4    The structures and features of the pre-partnership networks. ............................................ 98 4.4.1    Student and teacher recognition. ................................................................................................................... 98 4.4.2    Publicity via media outlets. ........................................................................................................................... 98 4.4.3    The Fine Arts Society and Premiere Performance. ....................................................................................... 99 4.4.4    Music parent group. .................................................................................................................................... 100 4.4.5    Performances in the community. ................................................................................................................ 100 4.4.6    Community musicians. ............................................................................................................................... 101 4.4.7    Liaison with other arts groups. .................................................................................................................... 102 4.5    The growth of social capital via the pre-formal partnership networks. ........................... 102 4.5.1    Introduction. ................................................................................................................................................ 102 4.5.2    The growth of individual social capital (micro) ……...…………………………………………………..103 4.5.3    The growth of social capital at the school and school district level (meso). .............................................. 104 4.5.4    The growth of social capital at the parent and community level (meso). ................................................... 105 4.6    The contributions of social capital emerging from pre-formal partnership networks. .... 108 4.6.1    Introduction. ................................................................................................................................................ 108 4.6.2    Liaison to Victoria Symphony. ................................................................................................................... 109 4.6.3    Pride in community. .................................................................................................................................... 110 4.6.4    The unique and important role of school music in fostering social capital in Qualicum Beach. ............... 110 4.7    The mobilization of social capital. .................................................................................... 111 4.7.1    The conception and implementation of the Music Academy. .................................................................... 111 4.7.2    Crisis: Threatened school closure. .............................................................................................................. 116 4.8    Possibilities for moving forward (macro). ........................................................................ 117 4.9    Crossroads. ....................................................................................................................... 119  CHAPTER 5:    CASE 2 (FESTIVAL NELSON - NELSON, B.C.) ........................................................... 121 5.1    Introduction. ...................................................................................................................... 121 5.2    Characteristics of the city of Nelson. ................................................................................ 121 5.3    Historical, geographic, and socio-cultural underpinnings of Nelson. ............................. 124 5.3.1    Introduction. ................................................................................................................................................ 124 5.3.2    Nelson’s musical history. ............................................................................................................................ 125 5.3.3    Nelson’s music education history. .............................................................................................................. 128 5.3.4    Community values. ..................................................................................................................................... 131 5.3.5    Crisis: Economic and social changes in the 1980s. .................................................................................... 133 5.3.6    School District 7 (Nelson) 1980-1996. ....................................................................................................... 136 5.4    The structures and features of the festival partnership networks. .................................... 138 5.4.1    MusicFest Nelson (1987 – 1991). ............................................................................................................... 138 5.4.2    Festival Nelson (1992-2011). ...................................................................................................................... 143 5.5    The growth of social capital. ............................................................................................. 146 5.5.1    Introduction. ................................................................................................................................................ 146 5.5.2    MusicFest Nelson. ....................................................................................................................................... 147 5.5.3    Festival Nelson. ........................................................................................................................................... 148 5.6    The contributions of social capital to community vitality, agency, and identity. ............. 152 5.6.1    Contributions to vitality. ............................................................................................................................. 152 5.6.2    Contributions to agency and identity. ......................................................................................................... 156 5.6.3    Contributions to the economy. .................................................................................................................... 157 5.6.4    The unique and important role of school music in fostering vitality in Nelson via social capital. ............. 157 5.7    The demise of Festival Nelson. ......................................................................................... 158   vii 5.8    A delayed effect: Nelson Cantando Festival. .................................................................... 160  CHAPTER 6:   CASE 3 (INTERNATIONAL CHORAL KATHAUMIXW - POWELL RIVER, B.C.) ......... 162 6.1    Introduction. ...................................................................................................................... 162 6.2    Characteristics of the city of Powell River. ...................................................................... 163 6.3    Historical, geographic, and socio-cultural underpinnings of Powell River. .................... 165 6.3.1    Introduction. ................................................................................................................................................ 165 6.3.2    Powell River’s musical history. .................................................................................................................. 170 6.3.3    Powell River’s music education history. ..................................................................................................... 175 6.3.4    The catalyst..………………………………………………………………………………………………176 6.3.5    Volunteerism in Powell River. .................................................................................................................... 179 6.3.6    Economic tailspin. ....................................................................................................................................... 180 6.4    The structures and features of Kathaumixw’s partnership networks. .............................. 181 6.4.1    Original structure, policies, agreements, practices, features of the networks. ............................................ 181 6.4.2    Growth and maturation of structures, formal policies, arrangements, practices, features of networks               (1990-2014). .............................................................................................................................................. 188 6.5    The growth of social capital. ............................................................................................. 200 6.5.1    Introduction. ................................................................................................................................................ 200 6.5.2    Growth of individual social capital (micro level). ...................................................................................... 200 6.5.3    Growth of social capital within the committee (meso level). ..................................................................... 201 6.5.4    Growth of social capital at the community level (meso level). .................................................................. 202 6.5.5    Growth of social capital at the provincial and global level (macro level). ................................................. 205 6.6    The impact of social capital. ............................................................................................. 206 6.6.1    Economic impact. ........................................................................................................................................ 207 6.6.2    Social impact. .............................................................................................................................................. 208 6.6.3   The unique and important role of school music in fostering social capital in Powell River. ...................... 220 6.6.4    Impact on conceptions of the value of music and music education. ........................................................... 221  CHAPTER 7:    ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS .......................................................................................... 222 7.1    Introduction. ...................................................................................................................... 222 7.2    Cross-case analysis. .......................................................................................................... 223 7.2.1    Research question one. ................................................................................................................................ 223 7.2.2    Research question two. ............................................................................................................................... 227 7.2.3    Research question three. ............................................................................................................................. 234 7.3    Findings. ........................................................................................................................... 236 7.3.1    The significance of context for partnerships. .............................................................................................. 237 7.3.2    Social capital. .............................................................................................................................................. 247  CHAPTER 8:    DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS .............................................................................. 258 8.1    Discussion. ........................................................................................................................ 258 8.1.1    Benefits of a social capital framework. ....................................................................................................... 258 8.1.2    Limitations of using a social capital framework. ........................................................................................ 263 8.1.3    The unique contribution of music to social capital. .................................................................................... 265 8.1.4    Towards a greater social justice in and through rural music education. ..................................................... 267 8.1.5    Social justice and rural community vitality. ............................................................................................... 271 8.2    Implications. ...................................................................................................................... 272 8.2.1    Implications for rural music education practice. ......................................................................................... 272 8.2.2    Implications for music teacher education. .................................................................................................. 277 8.2.3    Implications for music education research. ................................................................................................. 278 8.3    Epilogue. ........................................................................................................................... 279      viii BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................. 281  APPENDICES ....................................................................................................................................... 319 Appendix A: Definitions. ............................................................................................................ 319 Social capital. .......................................................................................................................................................... 319 Place-based and place-conscious education. ........................................................................................................... 320 Praxial music education philosophy. ....................................................................................................................... 321 Community vitality. ................................................................................................................................................. 322 School-community partnership. .............................................................................................................................. 322 Music education. ..................................................................................................................................................... 323 Community identity. ................................................................................................................................................ 323 Social justice. .......................................................................................................................................................... 325 Agency. ................................................................................................................................................................... 326 Appendix B: Interview and focus group questions. .................................................................... 327 Interview Questions (document analysis). .............................................................................................................. 327 Focus group questions (social capital dynamics and structure). ............................................................................. 328 Interview questions (social capital contributions). ................................................................................................. 329    ix List of Tables Table 4.1. Fourteen Social Impacts of Participatory Arts Programs Identified by Matarasso (1997) that Study Participants in Qualicum Beach Identified .............................................. 109  Table 5.1. Twenty-one Social Impacts of Participatory Arts Programs Identified by Matarasso (1997) that Study Participants in Nelson Identified ............................................ 153  Table 6.1. Tla’amin First Nation Participation and First Nations Themes in International Choral Kathaumixw .............................................................................................................. 199  Table 6.2. Thirty-five Social Impacts of Participatory Arts Programs Identified by Matarasso (1997) that Study Participants in Powell River Identified. ................................................... 209	     x List of Figures Figure 2. 1. Connections Between Main Topics……………………………………………..56	   Figure 4. 1. Qualicum Beach City Hall and Library ............................................................... 85	  Figure 4. 2. Qualicum Beach at High Tide and Public Walkway. .......................................... 89	  Figure 4. 3. Couples Dancing on Newly Paved Street 1949 ................................................... 90	  Figure 4. 4. Qualicum Beach High School Band in 1955 ....................................................... 93	  Figure 5. 1. View of Nelson………………………………………………………………... 122 Figure 5. 2. Nelson Opera House .......................................................................................... 125	  Figure 5. 3. Nelson City Band, 1894 .................................................................................... 126	  Figure 5. 4. Nelson Symphony Orchestra at Crystal Hall Willow Point, 1913 .................... 127	  Figure 5. 5. “Keltie” Band, 1919 .......................................................................................... 127	  Figure 5. 6. Nelson Operatic Society: The Pirates of Penzance, 1927 ................................. 130	  Figure 5. 7. Present Day Baker St. ........................................................................................ 135	  Figure 5. 8. MusicFest Nelson Structure .............................................................................. 139   Figure 6. 1. Map Showing Location of Powell River in Relation to Vancouver, B.C. ........ 163	  Figure 6. 2. Powell Lake, the Catalyst Paper Mill Site (Formerly Teeskwat), and the Old                                              Townsite ............................................................................................................. 164	  Figure 6. 3. Powell River Band 1915 (Courtesy of Powell River Historical Museum) ....... 171	  Figure 6. 4. Powell River Choral Group circa 1929 ............................................................. 172	  Figure 6. 5. Interior of Dwight Hall ...................................................................................... 173	  Figure 6. 6. The Powell River Company Pipe Band circa the Late 1940s ........................... 174	   Figure 7. 1. An Example of “Unsustainable” Social Capital ................................................ 256	   Figure 8. 1. A Visual Representation of Matarasso’s (1997) Conception of Social Capital as an Outcome and a Generator .............................................................................. 260	  Figure 8. 2. Social Capital as Dynamic and Interactive Support for the Partnership ........... 261	  Figure 8. 3. System Failure Without Social Capital Support ................................................ 262	     xi Acknowledgements  I have been honoured to have the guidance of three outstanding dissertation committee members. To my supervisor, Dr. J. Scott Goble, thank you for your high standards and belief in my potential as a scholar, and for the many hours you dedicated to conversing with, guiding, and inspiring me in order that I might do my best work. To Dr. Linda Farr Darling, thank you for enabling my participation in many of your projects as Rix Professor of Rural Education, and for your encouraging and nurturing ways. To Dr. Marie McCarthy, thank you for sharing with me your extensive expertise on the sociology of music education, and for agreeing to be part of my committee regardless of the geographical distance that separated us.  I am grateful for my family’s unwavering support. To my parents, Sylvio and Flora Rondina, for providing me with musical opportunities and instilling in me an appreciation for education, thank you. To my husband and life companion, David, who has encouraged and supported all of my musical and educational pursuits over the many years we have been together, my deep love and appreciation. To Jesse and Robin, my children, and Gita, my daughter-in-law, thank you for your belief in my ability to accomplish whatever goals I have set for myself and for understanding my passion for music education.   I would like to extend my thanks to all my students and the community of Keremeos for inspiring this inquiry, and to all the individuals in Powell River, Nelson, and Qualicum Beach who participated in and facilitated my research. At the Shawn Lamb Archives of Touchstones Nelson Museum of Arts and History, I would like to thank Laura Fortier, Archivist, and Kate Chandler, UBC Summer Intern (2013), for their invaluable assistance.   xii Bert Finnamore, the Heritage Manager at the Powell River Historical Museum and Archives, welcomed my research, and Teedie Kagume, the Collections Manager, suggested files for my perusal and confirmed details for me on more than one occasion. Natanja Waddell, Manager at the Qualicum Beach Museum, and her summer student for 2013, Esme Kurulak, ensured my access to all relevant material in their archives.  Finally, I would like to acknowledge the generous financial support of the Social Science and Humanities Research Council, the R. Howard Webster Foundation, and the University of British Columbia in their provision of fellowships and other scholarships that facilitated this study.                  xiii          To My Family         1 Chapter 1:    Introduction  1.1    Rural reality.1  “I’d love to join Jazz Band, but I can’t. It takes an hour for the school bus to get me to school, and it doesn’t even pick me up until 7:30 a.m., fifteen minutes after Jazz Band starts. My mom can’t drive me to school because she drives in the other direction to go to work,” declares thirteen-year old Pearl. “I can’t join basketball after school, either.”  Eager to initiate a Jazz Band class—it is my second year of teaching at the small, rural school in British Columbia where I eventually spend most of my 16-year public school teaching career—I am disconcerted by the obstacles my students must overcome in order to participate in the class, including those linked to transportation. Recently, I had approached my principal with a plan of action. I would institute an 8-12 Jazz Band course that would take place twice a week at 7:15 a.m. prior to regularly scheduled classes, thereby avoiding timetable conflicts that might prevent some students from participating but also inadvertently creating transportation problems. I am confident that, despite my classical music background and my having taken only one Jazz History course and one Jazz Theory course in university, I can, over time, foster a love of jazz among my students as part of a vibrant school music program. I will find a way 1) to hire jazz clinicians (even though they live at least 100 kilometres away) to enhance my instruction, and 2) to learn more about jazz myself (even though professional development funding is extremely limited and instruction is far away). Also, as a rural school educator, I realize that I must embrace the curricular and pedagogical challenges of a cross-graded class that spans the entire spectrum of secondary school grades. Despite these complications and with my principal’s approval, I had set about recruiting students.                                                     “Would your grandmother consider driving you to school if you slept at her house on                                                 1 Throughout this dissertation, I insert italicized personal vignettes to establish an experiential basis for issues that are central to this study.   2 the nights before Jazz Band classes?” I ask Pearl. Luckily, after a year of teaching in this community, I know this student and her family well enough to offer this suggestion.  “I don’t know. I’ll talk to her and my mom.”  Over the years, this kind of serious conversation and brainstorming preceded the decision of many students to join the out-of-timetable jazz band class. Parents carpooled when possible, some students biked a few kilometres to school (often in the dark with their instruments poised precariously on their laps), and sometimes the solution completely contradicted the advice and recommendations I had obtained in teacher education classes. For example, I often drove to school those students who lived near my home and required a lift in the early morning hours. There was no budget for either additional bussing or smaller class sizes—logical remedies that would have alleviated the heightened scheduling conflicts inherent to small schools.  1.2    Introduction.  Many rural communities in British Columbia (B.C.) currently face social problems associated with boom and bust resource development, economic decline due to increased urbanization of the province, and intercultural barriers between different ethnic groups, (Markey, Halseth, & Manson, 2008). Over the past 15 years, the B.C. provincial government has closed rural hospitals (Hanlon & Halseth, 2005), schools (BCTF, 2011) and courthouses (Ellan, 2002) as a response to rural population decline stemming from these issues. This has resulted in increased hardship for rural residents who attempt to access basic services, including a well-rounded education for their children. Increasingly, mainstream rural lobby groups are framing cuts as “threats to a rural way of life, and as discrimination against rural people” (Woods, 2006, p. 586). Their political awakening includes recognition of the social ramifications, previously ignored, resulting from decreased services and resources. In other   3 words, rural activists are increasingly framing their case as a human rights issue.   Critical human geographers2 have begun to examine government allocation of public services and investments across space, noting that these allocations are often distributed according to a formula based on population size rather than on people’s needs (Harvey, 1973; Soja, 2010; Young, 1990). They have argued that a universal and normative-scientific theory of “blind” justice (Rawls, 1971) that seemingly avoids bias and inequality by uniformly distributing resources may actually contribute to inequitable distribution of services to rural areas. For example, according to the conception of distributive justice associated with liberal political philosophy, urban decision makers may justify hospital closures in rural communities based on demographic data and urban norms (or bias) without accounting for the increased physical, social, and economic hardships faced by rural dwellers when traveling greater distances to access services. Critical human geographers call instead for governments to utilize the concept of spatial justice3—a form of social justice that is informed by geographic and contextual considerations—when making decisions concerning allocation of services and infrastructure, including those related to the provision of educational opportunities.   In B.C., community development researchers contend that the provincial government decisions are not informed by spatial justice and that government discourse of “rural decline as the inevitable result of globalization and urbanization” is ideologically driven, often prefacing announcements of additional cuts in services to the rural sector (Markey et al., 2008). They have called for elected provincial government politicians to establish priorities                                                 2Human and physical geographies comprise the two subfields of geography. Human geography is “the study of the interaction between human beings and their environment in particular places and across spatial areas.” Retrieved from http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/human+geography 3 All terms in this chapter are defined in greater detail in Appendix 1, beginning on p. 319.   4 that support infrastructure investment in rural regions, pointing out that rural communities often provide the resources that urban areas depend on. However, the provincial government has largely ignored this appeal, despite the fact that more than 20% of British Columbians live in communities of fewer than 35,000.4   For example, in 2003, a Rural Task Force created by the B.C. Ministry of Education found that school closures impact rural communities and students in ways that are unknown to urban dwellers who face the same situation. The members of the Task Force found, first, that affected students experience far greater commute times to their new schools than their urban counterparts, up to two hours each way on mountainous roads that are often treacherous in winter. Second, they found that rural schools are often the heart of their communities. Autti and Hyry-Beihammer (2014) and Tompkins (2008) ascertained that school closure actually causes rural community decline, suggesting that rural school vitality is closely aligned with community vitality. Third, the Task Force found that the already-existing educational challenges in rural settings, including “multi-grade classes, inflexible curriculum, teacher training, professional development, teacher recruitment and retention, support of special needs students, and course selection at the secondary level” (Enhanced Learning, p. 4), are magnified when rural schools are closed. Despite the findings of this task force, the B.C. Ministry of Education has closed over 100 schools in rural communities with fewer than 30,000 inhabitants since 2003 (BCTF, 2011).   1.3    Music education in rural B.C. Given that many rural schools and communities in British Columbia are experiencing decline, it is logical to assume that music education in rural communities is also at risk. In a study I conducted in 2011, in which I sought to understand the challenges that administrators                                                 4 BCStats. BC Development Region, Regional District, and Municipal Population Estimates 2006-2011.    5 and teachers face in the creation and delivery of music education programs in rural British Columbia (Prest, 2013a), I discovered that such programs are limited in scope or non-existent in most B.C. rural settings. The educators with whom I spoke explained that from their perspective, this disadvantageous situation is the result of a combination of factors, including administrators’ difficulty in recruiting to their communities those music specialists with additional teaching areas, a lack of local music education professional development opportunities for generalist teachers, plus the increased timetable and scheduling conflicts that are the consequence of declining enrollment. Yet, in my experience, in at least one rural community (Keremeos, British Columbia) that had undertaken a school-community music education partnership, the school music program was well developed. That partnership had positively influenced community identity, agency, and vitality and brought greater community recognition and support to its school music program (Prest, 2011).    In 1993, when I began teaching and living in the small community of Keremeos, British Columbia (population 1200) where I eventually spent 16 years, the music program in my Grade 5-12 school was limited to two (Grade 7 and Grade 8) band classes. Over a four-year period, the program grew more varied and eventually included students from all grades. As an outcome of this growth, one of my more senior ensembles was accepted to perform at a music festival in England. This experience proved to be musically and culturally enriching. More importantly, I realize in hindsight that the successful realization of that festival inspired those of us who had organized the venture to envisage a new undertaking. Upon our return from England, my school band parent executive, other interested community members, and I (the local intermediate and secondary school music teacher), wishing to provide music students additional learning opportunities of a more local nature, conceived and designed a school-community music education partnership—a non-competitive music education festival we called   6 Music Under the ‘K’—that took place annually for a 10-year period (1999-2008). At that time, we were not aware that this venture might be classified as a school-community partnership or, indeed, that such a concept existed. I learned sometime later that Bauch (2001) had defined school–community partnerships as “the development of a set of social relationships within and between the school and its local community that promote action … partnerships are built on social interactions, mutual trust, and relationships that promote agency within a community for the development of the common good” (p. 208).  Working together with school and school district personnel who provided some venues, equipment, transportation, and janitorial staff, our independent committee formed a non-profit society, eventually obtaining charitable status. In addition to inviting student groups from across the province to participate, we also offered local community musicians a chance to perform for others and professional musicians from across Canada an opportunity to entertain the entire community at free outdoor concerts. As Artistic Director of the festival, I hired those professional musicians, wrote grant applications, scheduled performances, organized student volunteers, and scheduled the delivery of needed equipment at each venue. Approximately 250 volunteers from our small community contributed annually to our endeavour.  Over a ten-year period, the festival fostered much goodwill in the community, generating myriad social, cultural, and economic benefits (Prest, 2011). Service groups, small business owners, farmers, teachers, doctors, and retirees collaborated to support a unique musical and educational experience for 600 music students from across the province and local residents. The large, outdoor concerts featuring professional classical, jazz, and folk musicians each drew 1000 audience members, contributing to the community’s social and cultural life. In light of the festival’s success, other community members envisioned and created two additional community events—an annual antique car show and an agricultural pepper festival. All three   7 events attracted people from communities elsewhere and generated much-needed economic activity in the village. My experiences as a festival organizer and participant over this extended period eventually propelled me to pursue doctoral studies so that I might examine in a rigorous, academic manner the ways in which goodwill is fostered by school-community music education partnerships and how it contributes to rural community vitality, agency, and identity.  I discovered later, after beginning the doctoral program in Curriculum Studies, that the goodwill, trust, agency, and sympathy that had been generated by the Music Under the ‘K’ Festival characterize the concept social capital (Hanifan, 1916; Putnam, 2000). Although the term is often associated with Bourdieu (1980, 1986), I employed other conceptions that were more closely aligned with the purpose of this study (please see p. 319). Falk & Kilpatrick (2000) define social capital as “the product of social interactions with the potential to contribute to the social, civic, or economic well-being of a community-of-common-purpose” (p. 104). I also learned that bonding social capital potentially benefits only the members of a homogeneous group (e.g., linguistically, racially, culturally), whereas bridging social capital reaches across barriers to connect diverse individuals and groups, contributing to the well-being of all the diverse members of a community (Gittell & Vidal, 1998; Putnam, 2000). For my doctoral research, I sought to examine how those aspects of goodwill, trust, agency, and sympathy among diverse groups of people—in other words, the bridging social capital—that had been generated by my community’s school-community music education partnership, had unfolded in other rural communities that had also developed music education partnerships. Although my personal teaching and festival experiences informed and provided the impetus for this study, I designed the study to broaden my understanding of how rural school-community music education partnerships unfold and contribute to the communities of which they are a part. In examining the experiences of others in multiple and distinct settings,   8 I would gain perspective on the process, learning from them while also shedding light on the concept of bridging social capital itself. I decided to conduct my multiple-case study in three rural communities (Qualicum Beach, Nelson, and Powell River, British Columbia) where music teachers and community members had jointly created school-community music education partnerships. Throughout my study, I sought to understand the contextual factors and specific actions that had facilitated the generation of school-community music education partnerships in those communities; the growth and dynamics of bridging social capital among diverse individuals in the community via those partnerships; and bridging social capital’s contributions to community vitality, identity, and agency and the valuing of music education. In other words, I sought to identify the ways in which music education partnerships had changed rural communities, including the ways they had changed the understandings and beliefs of those who participated in them. To date, there has been no research that examines school-community music education partnerships in rural communities to discover how and to what extent the bridging social capital created by the partnerships influences community identity, agency, and vitality. Nor has anyone examined the ways in which community members shift their beliefs about the value of music and music education (as a result of renewed community vigour) in order to more fully comprehend the contributions of this partnership approach to the purpose, curriculum, and pedagogy of music education in the rural context.   1.4    Research questions. In designing this study, I formulated my research questions in an open-ended, generative way because I sought to discover the ways in which complex factors had converged to enable school-community music education partnerships, and to understand more comprehensively the dynamics of social capital growth (at all levels) of those partnerships.   9 For example, by asking how rather than what, I was able to incorporate a temporal dimension that was vital to my comprehension of these processes. The following question was thus the focus of my research: How and to what extent does the bridging social capital created by a rural school-community music education partnership influence community identity, agency, and vitality, and thereby shift community members’ conceptions of the value of music and music education?  This question presupposes the existence of a music education partnership and the bridging social capital that it fosters. However, it does not explore the conditions that led up to the creation of the partnership, nor does it tease out the particular structures and dynamics that foster bridging social capital growth or the specific contributions social capital makes to communities that can be identified through inquiry. This led me to ask three additional questions: 1) How have the historical, cultural, and geographic factors in each of the three communities under study facilitated the development of school-community music education partnerships, as shown in public documents (including historical records, mandates, reports, newspaper articles and websites) and according to individuals (involved in education, local government, and business) in each community? 2) How have the formal policies, agreements, practices, and features (e.g., degree of stability, frequency of contact, quality of interactions, level of interconnection) of the partnership networks stimulated or retarded the growth of bridging social capital in each of these communities, according to partnership committee members? 3) What specific contributions of social capital to community identity, agency, vitality, and conceptions of music and music education’s value can be identified in each of these   10 communities?  1.5    Connections between rural music education, social justice issues, and community vitality.  At this point, I want to return to the larger context, already introduced on p. 2, within which my inquiry takes place in order to explain more fully 1) how rural music education is necessarily linked to the communities in which it is undertaken, 2) the ways in which music education in rural British Columbia is intertwined with issues of social justice and, thus 3) why a study examining school-community music education partnerships in rural B.C. settings must be informed by knowledge of the geographic, historical, cultural, and social contexts in those locations. I take this detour for the purpose of explaining how rural music education is a matter of social justice and, in turn, how social justice is linked to rural community vitality. During the sixteen years I taught in the village of Keremeos (population 1200) in south central British Columbia, I developed an awareness of three social justice issues that affect rural education, and that school-community music education partnerships might be a means to address these issues. These issues also influenced my decision to pursue doctoral studies.   First, I will define more precisely the notion of rural in the British Columbia context. Then I will present those aspects of British Columbia’s unique physical and social geographies that are pertinent to my personal examples, described later in this section (beginning on p. 12) in a series of vignettes, of the ways in which social justice issues are inherent to rural music education. Finally, I will highlight the connection between socially just actions and true rural community vitality and sustainability.  1.5.1    Definition of rural. For the purpose of this study, I define rural as communities of fewer than 35,000 people, and my focus is on the many small, rural communities in B.C., consisting of 1000-  11 15,000 people.  Additionally, I use the words rural and urban to signify non-metropolitan and metropolitan locations respectively. Furthermore, any examination of social justice issues in the public education system of British Columbia must be based on definitions and premises that reflect circumstances in B.C. In the United States (U.S.), education researchers often distinguish between urban and suburban schools, also noting the similarities between rural and urban schools. These categories do not reflect B.C. realities and are not suitable for this spatial justice-based inquiry. This is because the British Columbia Ministry of Education disperses education funding centrally to all public schools in the province based on a set, per-student funding formula, plus an additional funding formula targeted for specific extra expenses incurred due to contextual factors (e.g., higher heating, bussing, and teacher salary costs in northern schools).   This system of seemingly fair and equal distribution masks factors that are not immediately obvious. First, as noted previously, equal distribution (even after accounting for northern conditions) does not create equity. Second, although schools in metropolitan areas serve different populations depending on the neighbourhoods in which they are situated, they receive the same funding amount per student. Therefore, evident disparities in resources in B.C. metropolitan area schools are due not to different local tax bases, but primarily to the amount of money individual school parent groups (Parent Advisory Councils) are able to raise for their respective schools’ specific priorities. Third, although some rural school students may share some similar economic realities with inner-city school students, the dissimilarities of their geographic and social situations far outweigh their commonalities. Thus, an understanding of the spatial features affecting rural students is essential.  1.5.2    Human geography of British Columbia. The human geography of British Columbia is unlike that of some other provinces and   12 territories in that it is characterized by a relatively small, densely populated metropolitan region in the southwest corner of the province juxtaposed with a vast, sparsely populated expanse inhabited by diverse people, including First Nations, with various cultural and musical practices. First Nations, along with Inuit and Métis people, comprise Canada’s Aboriginal population. There are over 200 First Nations in British Columbia alone, belonging to 30 language groups (British Columbia Ministry of Education, 2006), each with unique cultural traditions. Each sub-group is called a “First Nation.”  1.5.3    Rural music education’s relation to social justice: Three vignettes.  “How is it possible that many of you don’t know your own addresses?” I asked my Grade 7 band class as I attempted to gather basic information on each student at the beginning of my first year of teaching. “We don’t need them,” answered one student. “We just say ‘turn right at Mr. McGinty’s red house and park the car in front of the cherry orchard.’” This should have been my first clue that relationships between individuals are prioritized in rural communities. Rather, I continued with my urban logic. “How do you know if it’s a cherry orchard or an apple orchard if it’s in the middle of winter?” I asked. The students looked at me in bewilderment, the gulf between us widening. “You can’t tell the difference?” they asked. “But you’re a teacher!” Through this exchange and others similar to it, I came to realize that my assumptions of what kinds of knowledge are necessary and important, cultivated by living in large cities in four Canadian provinces, might not hold up in a rural setting. I now am aware that my own urban bias initially influenced my rural teaching practice. Urban bias as it affects rural students, which I introduced on p. 3 with relation to government decision-making, may also extend to teachers’ perspectives and to curriculum, as it is outlined in textbooks and enacted through pedagogy.    13 Therefore, rather than promoting further the idea of rural insufficiency, in this study I used an asset model of rural education. I focused on access to a well-rounded education as a matter of social justice, by exploring the ways in which rural music educators, in conjunction with Ministry of Education and other programs designed to support rural education, might put aside their possible urban bias and enhance their communities via music education partnerships that reflect and utilize their local regions’ unique historical, cultural, social, and geographic features.           ~ It’s my first powwow and my sixth year as a rural music educator. The local Band office has invited our entire school (380 students from Grades 5-12) to the local powwow grounds for a daylong experience of First Nations cultural practices. We eat bannock and other foods prepared by community members, dance in a large circle to the singing and drumming of a local drum circle, and celebrate the jingle dancers and storytellers who share their culture and ways of knowing with all the students and staff. First Nations students are excited and proud to share the day’s festivities with non-Aboriginal students and staff. It is the late-1990s, before the majority of B.C. school districts and First Nations communities have completed Aboriginal Enhancement Agreements5 that formalize efforts to boost First Nations                                                 5 “An EA [Enhancement Agreement] is a working agreement between a school district, all local Aboriginal communities, and the Ministry of Education designed to enhance the educational achievement of Aboriginal students. EAs ... stress the integral nature of Aboriginal traditional culture and languages to Aboriginal student development and success. Fundamental to EAs is the requirement that school districts provide strong programs on the culture of local Aboriginal peoples on whose traditional territories the districts are located” (British Columbia Ministry of Education. Aboriginal Educational Enhancement Agreements, 2013). Retrieved from https://www.bced.gov.bc.ca/abed/agreements/welcome.htm    14 students’ academic success through respect for and inclusion of First Nations language and cultural practices. This powwow is an experiment and a step in relationship building. A well-respected traditional flute player intersperses his playing with explanations about the meanings and use of the songs he plays. He speaks about the way he fashions his handmade flutes. I have a brainstorm. I imagine him visiting my band classes, explaining the musical practices of his First Nation in greater detail to my students. I decide to speak to him that very day after someone explains to me that he is itinerant, often visiting other First Nations communities, contributing to and teaching traditional cultural practices. When I approach him and introduce myself, he reacts physically, backing away. I notice his reaction but gamely continue speaking to him, broaching the idea of his visiting my music classes. He mumbles some excuse, shrugs his shoulders, and walks away. I replay the  encounter in my head, wondering whether I said something wrong, but cannot put my finger on anything that would elicit such a response. Years later, I learn about the protocol that is important to follow when making such requests and about the relationship building that is integral to building trust between schools and First Nations communities. I also discover that this flute player, a respected Elder who was an important repository for his Nation’s cultural practices, may have had his own valid reasons for mistrusting schools and teachers, something I had never considered. From this experience, I became aware of a second social justice issue linked to rural schooling and rural living that is exemplified by the numerous emerging tensions and sustainability issues related to rural and minority people’s efforts in various locations to maintain local cultural traditions and values while also embracing the benefits of a more connected, globalized world. Recent social justice theorists have noted that social recognition, which renders visible those individuals and groups who have previously been   15 oppressed and/or unacknowledged by mainstream society, is also an important aspect of social justice (North, 2006). Efforts to maintain local cultural traditions and values are especially relevant in rural British Columbia, where the majority of B.C. First Nations are located.6 Although First Nations people do not reside in all B.C. rural communities, many communities are closely connected to First Nations people socially, culturally, and geographically. Eleven percent (60,000 students) of all British Columbian students self-identify as Aboriginal, and two out of every seven schools have First Nations populations of more than 20% (British Columbia Ministry of Education Aboriginal Report, 2011).  Warner (2006, in Faircloth & Tippeconnic, 2010) affirms that First Nations ways of knowing “are acquired and represented through the context of place, revolving around the needs of a community.” The notion of place is also important to place-based and place-   conscious rural education theorists who have emphasized the importance of keeping school curricula relevant to the local context (Corbett, 2007b; Gruenewald, 2003a). Corbett (2009) explains place-based education’s holistic approach, stating, “place-based education is a now well-             established framework for developing curriculum and pedagogy … that focuses youth on experiential education connected to consequential programming and assessment practices … within the places they live (p. 9).” I expand on these theories in greater detail in Chapter 2 (see p. 42).   Greenwood (2009) identifies the similarities between First Nations ways of knowing     and place-conscious education theory. He states also that research on rural education and Indigenous education has not adequately explored these commonalities, although both rural communities and Indigenous communities have some shared experiences of marginalization by the educational system.                                                 6 Aboriginal demographics from the 2011 National Household Survey. Retrieved from: https://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1370438978311/1370439050610   16 The schooling of both rural and Indigenous people, as part of a larger project of cultural assimilation, has not served these communities well, and has had the aim of intentionally breaking down ties to home communities … Despite these similarities, discourses around rural and indigenous education remain distinct and overlap only infrequently … While discourse in Indigenous education begins with an understanding of how identity and place have been impacted by colonization, discourse in rural education generally fails to acknowledge the deeper history of colonization in the places that rural people currently occupy. (pp. 4-5) The inclusion of local First Nations musical and cultural practices in B.C. music curricula, a somewhat radical innovation according to traditional conceptions of music education, is fully supported by a praxialist music education orientation as articulated by (among others) Regelski (2006) and Goble (2010). Praxial music education philosophy, which I present more fully in Chapter 2 (see p. 39), attends to “the effects of different musical practices in the social, cultural contexts in which they have arisen and the unique ways in which people in those contexts experience and understand them” (Goble, 2010, p. 245). Such an inclusion might enable First Nations students to see their cultural identities represented in and valued by their schools and wider communities. However, this innovation may entail a complex, lengthy process that includes building relationships and trust, following a set of protocols, and engaging in an ongoing dialogue (Archibald, 2011; Prest, 2012; Prest, 2013d). In reaching out to and developing relations and partnerships with community members, music teachers might call attention to and support the cultural uniqueness and difference of rural places, thereby shifting the balance away from a globalized curriculum toward a more “glocal” curriculum that recognizes, reinforces, and helps sustain multiple cultural ways of knowing and is locally appropriate (Atkin, 2003).   17        ~ “Last night, after school, three of your students followed and harassed my student as he walked to the mall. In our school, we have a zero tolerance policy for harassment of LGBTQ7 students. What are you going to do about it?” demands the counselor of the Ontario school my 34 band students and I were visiting on a SEVEC8exchange during my fourteenth year of teaching. Three days into our exchange, I am dismayed and disappointed to learn that some of my students have acted this way, deliberately mistreating a fellow student, acting like bullies, and tarnishing an otherwise extraordinary visit to another part of Canada. I speak to the three about the episode, trying to engage their empathy for the student they had harassed. My impression is that the Francophone community we are visiting is much more socially progressive than the small, socially conservative British Columbia village where my school is situated. Back home, changing the students’ homophobic attitudes is a work in progress, despite a concerted effort on the part of our school’s staff. One student instantly owns up to his hypocrisy, expecting others to treat him respectfully, despite his non-conformist appearance, while not according the same respect to others. A second student, after thinking about the situation, reveals that his uncle is gay and acknowledges that he has acted inappropriately. The third student, however, is intractable, vowing to continue to physically intimidate all queer youth he encounters regardless of what I said, or anyone else said, to dissuade him. All my students become aware of what transpired through whispered exchanges. It is a topic of conversation for some time. The next day, we visit a First Nation community located only a few kilometres away. Those of my students who are First Nations have carefully crafted a speech in Okanagan                                                 7 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer. 8 Society for Educational Visits and Exchanges in Canada. www.sevec.ca   18  (with the help of their Elders) and have brought several gifts for the Elders of this community. During the welcome ceremony, they deliver the speech and offer the gifts to the Elders to the amazement of the Ontario students. Many of these Ontario students had previously made pejorative comments about the community we are visiting although they had never visited it or knowingly had any interactions with First Nations people. Many of them had not recognized that some of my students were First Nations and were not aware that they had possibly and inadvertently insulted them. Two months later, when the Ontario students visit us, they take part in a powwow and learn about First Nations cultural traditions in this part of British Columbia, including songs and dances associated with specific ceremonies. They experience living Aboriginal traditions coexisting in relative harmony alongside non-Aboriginal (mostly European and some Punjabi) traditions. Many develop an interest in learning more about First Nations practices. This has been a long journey. My students had communicated electronically with their Ontario homestay partners for three months prior to our weeklong visit to Ontario in March. They continued to communicate with each other after our visit, even more enthusiastically, until late May, when the Ontario students visited us for a week, also participating in our annual Music Under the ‘K’ Festival. Last night, all the local partners who were part of the exchange in some capacity—120 parents, students, chaperones, and guest community members—celebrated together at a special potluck dinner, a symbolic culmination of what has essentially been a yearlong project for my Ontario colleague and me. The festival is now over; it’s the last morning of the exchange. The students have congregated in the school’s main hallway, crying and hugging each other, saying their goodbyes. Teachers at my school remark that they are amazed at the bond these students have forged. My students will remember many aspects of this trip: flying on an airplane, visiting eastern Canada, hearing   19 French spoken widely for the first time. But mostly, they will remember the connections they have forged with other people through the vehicle of music. The difficult social encounters that took place during this school exchange helped me become aware of a third social justice issue—those locally acquired prejudices and assumptions that students consider normal and may only recognize as problematic when they find themselves in new surroundings. As a result of their many interactions during this trip, did many students consciously revisit and question the systemic prejudice that they had acquired as a norm in their own communities, be it against LGBTQ youth or First Nations populations? Did they deliberately change their habitual thinking as a result of their questioning? I will never know the answer. I can only hope that these, plus other experiences related to social justice they might encounter in the future, may have an effect on some of them. The three vignettes I presented above illustrate just three of the ways in which issues of social justice are bound up with the topic of rural music education: urban perspectives that adversely impact the music education of rural students, marginalization of local cultural practices in music curricula, and social exclusion resulting from locally acquired norms and values. The vignettes also suggest how new approaches, like rural school-community music education partnerships, might serve to transcend deficit attitudes that prevail among persons who view rural education and communities as insignificant, non-essential, and even problematic (Corbett, 2007), and bring into being new ways of promoting ethical action for social and cultural inclusion, thereby promoting true community vitality.  Place-based education researchers and others have suggested that school-community partnerships and the social capital (or the bundle of “goods” including goodwill, trust, agency, and sympathy) emerging from such endeavours (Bauch, 2001; Sobel, 2005; Ball & Lai, 2006;   20 Wright, 2007; Tompkins, 2008; Bowman, 2009) also might help rural students learn about, contribute to, and invest in their communities. Members of rural communities may come to appreciate the contribution that schools and students can make to their long-term vitality and sustainability through project-based and experiential learning. Through partnerships, rural communities and schools may also recognize existing assets, harness them more effectively, and create new assets, thereby fostering community agency and pride.  1.6    Overview of following chapters.  In the subsequent chapters of this dissertation, I unfold my investigation of three school-community music education partnerships in Qualicum Beach, Nelson, and Powell River and the ways in which the bridging social capital generated by those partnerships has contributed to rural community vitality (thereby attending to social justice issues), and shifted community members’ valuing of music and music education. I review the literature—stemming from community music, music education partnerships, social capital theory, place-based education theory, and praxial music education philosophy—that informs and supports this study. Chapter 3 describes the methodology (qualitative), research design (multiple-case study), and methods (document analysis, focus groups, and interviews) used in this study and how they apply to the research questions. Chapters 4-6 present a detailed account of each case (Qualicum Beach, Nelson, and Powell River, B.C.), explaining the factors facilitating the music education partnerships, the ways in which the structures and dynamics of partnership networks have fostered or impeded the growth of bridging social capital, and the contributions of bridging social capital stemming from these partnerships to their respective communities’ vitality, identity, agency, and changing conceptions of music and music education’s value. Chapter 7 provides my cross-case analysis and findings. Finally, Chapter 8 presents a discussion of my findings and their significance for social justice as it relates to rural music   21 education, concluding with implications for rural music education practitioners, music teacher education, and music education research.    22 Chapter 2:    Literature review  Virtually no research has been published on bridging social capital stemming from rural school-community music education partnerships. Neither has anyone, to my knowledge, theorized or studied in any setting (rural or otherwise) the influence of bridging social capital fostered by such partnerships on community vitality, identity, and agency, and community members’ conceptions of music education’s value. But theorists and researchers writing on community music, music education partnerships, social capital theory, praxial music education philosophy, and place-based education theory have all undertaken projects that illuminate aspects of this topic in important ways.   In this chapter, I outline contemporary topics in the field of community music that are relevant to this study and the diverse forms of music education partnerships that researchers have examined to date. Then, I introduce social capital theory, praxial music education philosophy, and place-based and place-conscious education theories and explain how each of these theoretical perspectives, from its unique vantage, point sheds light on this investigation. I begin with social capital theory, move to praxial music education philosophy, and end with a discussion of place-based and place-conscious education theories, highlighting the ecological and socio-cultural aspects of place-consciousness and three threads these aspects hold in common. I also identify limitations, weaknesses, and gaps in the literature, thereby demonstrating ways in which my research will build on and extend previous knowledge. Finally, at the end of this chapter, I illustrate the way in which these three conceptual frameworks converge and point logically to this study’s questions and methods.   2.1    Community music.  Community Music (CM) is generally regarded as active music making by a group whose goal is well-being through belonging, lifelong music learning, fluid collaboration, and   23 continual border crossings socially, musically, and/or culturally (Veblen, 2008). Community Music groups are usually democratic in nature, driven by the interests and competencies of their members who are self-reflective learners and offer constructive feedback to music directors or facilitators. According to Veblen and Waldron (2012), “CM currently consists of informal music teaching-learning processes and amateur music-making carried out in non-institutional situations … CM may also take the form of partnerships between informal and formal music teaching/learning contexts” (p. 203). The Community Music Activity Commission of the International Society for Music Education characterizes the functions of Community Music (CM) in its vision statement. Community Music provides opportunities to construct personal and communal expressions of artistic, social, political, and cultural concerns. Community Music … can contribute to the development of economic regeneration and can enhance the quality of life for communities. Community Music activities encourage and empower participants to become agents for extending and developing music in their communities. In all these ways Community Music activities can complement, interface with, and extend formal music education structures. (“Community Music Activity Commission,” 2014) Higgins (2007) traces the origins of Community Music in the United Kingdom back to a concerted reaction by music makers outside traditional educational settings against Arts Councils and formal educational institutions whose leaders valued and promoted only “high art.” He suggests that in accordance with the understanding that one of music education’s roles is to enact greater equality and social justice, the notion of “community” as used in the term Community Music should emphasize the “hospitable act of welcoming” (p. 281), rather than a more enclosed and exclusionary understanding of the word. In his view, “hospitality   24 reveals the transgressive nature of crossing a threshold, while reminding us that any conditional hospitality takes place in the shadow [of] an impossible ideal” (p. 283).  In their study of six musically vibrant communities in Australia, Schippers and Bartleet (2013) identify nine domains of CM practices that they found present to varying degrees in each CM organization: infrastructure, organization, visibility and public relations, relationship to place, social engagement, support and networking, dynamic music-making, engaging pedagogy and facilitation, and links to school. With regards to the latter, they make several recommendations for policy.  Music educators in schools should be encouraged to consider ways in which local community music activity can assist in curriculum implementation … Likewise, community music performers/facilitators should be encouraged to consider ways of integrating activity with school performance schedules. Finally, community music performers/facilitators and school administrators should be encouraged to consider use of school buildings and equipment by community music groups. (p. 469) 2.2    Music education partnerships.  Schippers & Bartleet’s (2013) recommendations echo Higgins’ (2007) emphasis on the act of hospitality and openness to other individuals and groups, including those in formal educational settings. For a variety of reasons, some individuals in arts organizations, universities, K-12 schools, and other institutions have recently noted the reciprocal benefits of such openness. Thus, they have formed music education partnerships that reflect the needs, interests, budgets, and availability of the partnership members.  Several music education researchers have long called for such partnerships (Myers, 2008; Colley, 2008). Myers (2008) argues that there must be a connection between school music and the community through partnerships if students are to make music a part of their   25 lives after school. He states that we must approach, “the school years as an integral component of lifespan education that is complementary to, and interactive with, lifelong musical growth,” rather than school music “as preparatory to lifelong musical participation” (p. 55). Further, he suggests that the adoption of a lifespan music education model should be linked to the enhanced welfare of society. According to Colley (2008), comprehensive music education partnerships between schools and other organizations incorporate curricula, professional development, workshops by arts professionals, and access to resources that are not usually available in schools. Several researchers have examined a range of music education partnerships that are relevant to this study. The majority of these partnerships are those that exist between universities and schools (Conkling & Warren, 1999), and universities and communities (Carlisle, 2011; Richardson, 2007; Soto, Lum, & Shehan-Campbell, 2009). Soto et al.’s (2009) study is especially relevant because it summarizes their investigation of a partnership between a university and a rural community in Washington State. Brophy (2011) notes that many public schools also partner with music education associations, community/state arts organizations, other schools, individuals, and businesses. Colley, Eidsaa, Kenny, & Leung (2012) state that “policy-makers worldwide are increasingly referencing creativity as a key element in programs designed to foster economic development.” They describe music education partnerships in four international settings and suggest that the creativity fostered by such partnerships “merits attention” (p. 409). Unfortunately, Colley et al. (2012) do not critique the economic imperative of the policy makers they cite or the increasingly utilitarian nature of partnerships whose organizers package “creativity” as an end product to justify the partnerships’ continued existence.   26 However, some researchers have critically examined specific music education partnerships, arguing that some out-of-school arts organizations seek to capitalize on inadequate public education funding (Chapman, 2007; Hanley, 2003), rather than enhance already existing, well-supported music education programs. With regards to two Canadian arts programs—ArtStarts and the Royal Conservatory of Music’s Learning Through the Arts, Hanley (2003) cogently argues, “Beneath the rhetoric, arts partnerships are more about the employment of artists than the education of children and youth” (p. 18). Thus potential partners must critically examine each other’s intentions and forms of reciprocity, in addition to proposed programming and structure. Likewise, the funding issues that may drive partnership formation and the potential power imbalance that may be inherent to the arrangement (e.g., corporate funding of arts programs in impoverished schools) indicate that researchers should exercise caution before endorsing partnerships carte blanche.  2.3    Social capital theory.  Social capital is variously defined as a resource belonging to an individual, an asset located in relational networks available to those in the networks, and a set of values that guide relationships. The reason social capital has multiple definitions is because social capital theory, which has multiple origins, “ is still in transition to paradigm status” (Fulkerson & Thompson, 2008, p. 538). Yet, as Fulkerson and Thompson (2008) affirm, “it is essential to articulate a clear and precise definition of social capital if it is to be used effectively in empirical research, and in a way that is open to debate” (p. 553), reminding us of the spirit of academic research. Therefore, using an historical approach, I review the major theorists who have helped shape the diverse meanings and uses of the term because their occasionally incompatible opinions have generated a massive body of contradictory literature that is a maze to navigate. For the purpose of clarity and coherence, as I outline each theorist’s ideas, I explain which ideas   27 I drew from for this study and how they align with my purpose. Then, I gradually narrow my focus, summarizing the literature connecting social capital to rural development, and then that research which connects it to music education. I address the studies demonstrating social capital’s relation to rural school-community partnerships later in another section of this chapter (see p. 54). Finally, I illustrate the many ways in which several well-known social capital researchers have linked social capital to the concept of social justice. 2.3.1    Definitions. Social capital originally referred to material goods, such as roads, bridges, and lampposts, which belonged in common to the members of society. By the 1890s, the definition of social capital entailed both the physical capital that people own in common and abstract social concepts like goodwill, trust, and sympathy (Farr, 2004). Dewey used the term social capital in four texts (in 1899, 1909, 1915, 1934) in relation to education and schooling, sympathy, work, and growth (Farr, 2004; 2007). For Dewey, social capital was a positive force linked to human potential, existing in the social realm and held in common, that could be unleashed through education and opportunity (Dewey, 1909). Plagens (2011) has submitted that Dewey understood social capital as a “valuable resource that does not reside with the individual but emerges from interaction among individuals” (p. 42). From Dewey, I take the notion of social capital as a positive force located in relationships that may be used for the public good. Hanifan (1916), also writing from an education perspective, defined social capital as “that in life which tends to make these tangible substances [real estate, personal property, and cash] count for most in the daily lives of a people, namely, good-will, fellowship, mutual sympathy and social intercourse among a group of individuals and families who make up a social unit, the rural community, whose logical center is the school” (p. 130). Hanifan (1916),   28 a state supervisor of rural schools in West Virginia who was influenced by Dewey’s educational philosophy, thought that social capital might be nurtured deliberately and “directed towards the general improvement of the community well-being” (p. 131). Hanifan’s conception of social capital as goodwill and mutual sympathy tallied well with my personal experience and his application of social capital to an educational setting at the community level is congruent with this study’s purpose.  In his groundbreaking paper concerning the use of network analysis to link the strength of interpersonal ties—an aspect of micro sociology—to larger scale social phenomena, such as social cohesion, Granovetter (1973) argued that information travels further via individuals’ weak ties, or those people who are peripheral or marginal to one’s personal networks, than their strong ties, or those relationships characterized by intensity, intimacy, and reciprocal services over a period of time. Although Granovetter (1973) did not discuss these two terms as a way of understanding social capital, their relevance to the concept has since been recognized by social capital scholars. I use these terms in Chapter 7 (see p. 249) to discuss my findings. Primary among theorists categorized as neo-Marxist9 who critiqued socio-economic and cultural inequalities, Bourdieu (1986), a sociologist, defined social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition—or in other words, to membership in a group” (p. 249). The more one’s network included persons with cultural and economic prestige, the more social capital one possessed. Bourdieu’s (1980, 1986) concern with unequal and immutable distributions of power led him                                                 9 See Dimitriadis, G. (2010). Neo-Marxist research. In C. Kridel (Ed.), Encyclopedia of curriculum studies (pp. 605-609). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. doi: http://dx.doi.org.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/10.4135/9781412958806.n326   29 to regard social capital theory as an explanatory tool for understanding perpetuation of class privilege. In his conception, social capital is a resource belonging to the individual, and the number, intensity, and opaqueness of an individual’s connections affect that person’s social capital. In his view, the efficacy of social capital “stems from the fact that these [connections both between people and between forms of capital] remain unknown or even clandestine” (Coradini, 2010, p. 568). Also, according to Portes (2000), “Bourdieu’s key insight was that forms of capital are fungible, that is they can be traded for each other and actually require such trades for their development” (p. 2).  Bourdieu’s conception of social capital moves away from the earlier notion of a value-injected common good and emphasizes individual ownership of the resource, but, similar to Dewey’s conception, grapples with the injustice of its unequal distribution in society. I did not draw from Bourdieu to the same degree as other theorists because this study focused on social capital as a positive force fostered through collective agency. However, I took note of his conception and, as we shall see, the focus group discussions and interviews I conducted for this study confirmed that in order for social capital to reach paradigmatic status, some of Bourdieu’s notions must be included in its definition. Coleman (1990) stated, “social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity, but a variety of different entities, having two characteristics in common: they all consist of some aspect of a social structure, and they facilitate certain actions of individuals who are within the structure” (p. 302). In his view, social capital depends on context to exist and access to it is unevenly distributed (Edwards & Foley, p. 129). Coleman’s theoretical perspective was the least congruous to my purpose. In Coleman’s view, social capital is a conceptual tool to bridge two intellectual streams, the first supported by many economists, which held that individuals act strictly for personal gain—  30 also known as rational choice theory (RCT)—and the second espoused by the majority of sociologists, which maintained that people’s actions are constrained by the norms of their society (Coleman, 1988). Coleman sought to explain the importance of norms and network closure—the existence of sufficient ties to guarantee the observance of those norms (Coleman, 1987). Also, although Coleman (1990) implied that social capital could function as both an individual and a group attribute, he held that the quality of social capital as a public good is at odds with the rational actor’s private interest in bringing it into being. By contrast, Bourdieu was fundamentally opposed to RCT because he believed people used “practical logic,” constantly negotiating between their socially learned dispositions or habitus and the particular context or field in which they find themselves, rather than exercising rational choice when making decisions (Bourdieu, 1984). In other words, in Bourdieu’s view, people are not entirely rational; instead, they make decisions based on socially learned habits interplaying with immediate circumstance.  Putnam, a political scientist based at Harvard, defined social capital from a liberal position as “connections among individuals—social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them” (Putnam 2000, p. 19). In his model, social capital enhances civic engagement, and the norms and trust developed by networks—rather than the networks themselves—produce it. First come networks, then come the norms and trust, and finally comes the social capital. Putnam has been critiqued for using inaccurate and simplistic indicators of social capital in his surveys, and for holding a concept of social capital that is naive and overly focused on positive outcomes (Fine, 2010; Foley & Edward, 1999; Portes, 1998). But, from the outset, Putnam (1993) stated categorically that social capital might be implicit in maintaining social inequalities (p. 11). Putnam (2000) is also responsible for promoting Gittell & Vidal’s (1998) terms bonding and bridging social capital, already defined   31 on p. 7, which have much in common with Granovetter’s (1973) weak and strong ties. I took from Putnam his illumination of the important notions of bonding and bridging, and his emphasis on social capital as a benefit to collectives.  2.3.2    Social capital and the rural setting. The majority of research on social capital in the rural context focuses on rural development and revitalization (Castle, 2002; Flora, 1998; Flora & Flora, 1996; Flora, Flora & Fey, 2004; Kilpatrick, Field, & Falk, 2003; Onyx & Bullen, 2000; Onyx, Edwards, & Bullen, 2007; Reimer, 2002). Although researchers have disagreed about whether rural settings enable social capital development (Onyx & Bullen, 2000), detract from it (Yates & Jochum, 2003), or cause people to access and utilize it in ways different from those of their urban counterparts (Enns, Malinick, and Matthews, 2008), they all have tended to use social norm indicators that coincide with Putnam’s conception of community level social capital that is used for altruistic purposes related to the promotion of public good. Flora and Flora (1996) have been engaged with measuring the amount of social capital that exists in a community; however, these measurements do not assess the contributions of social capital created by a community activity to community vitality. Recent articles on social capital and rural communities have examined its relationship to power (Giorgias, 2007; Onyx, Edwards, & Bullen, 2007). In examining this relationship, three Australian researchers in Community Management, Onyx, Edwards and Bullen (2007), have successfully combined Bourdieu’s critique that social capital replicates existing inequalities with Putnam’s conception of community-held, rather than individually held, social capital. In doing so, these researchers have been able to demonstrate how the ways three Australian rural communities are structured affects community interactions and, concomitantly, what kind and what quality of social capital emerges from those interactions.   32 Vertical economic power structures (e.g., rural communities with one main employer) and horizontal economic power structures (e.g., rural communities with several small businesses and cooperative ventures) result in radically different networks, as well as opportunities to interact, and possibilities for social, cultural, and economic change. Such structures impede or facilitate the growth, quality, and efficacy of social capital. Onyx, Edwards, and Bullen’s (2007) study alerted me to the importance of context and the ways in which economic structures have a significant effect on relationships and decision-making in small communities. Their study is also an exemplar of the ways in which well-informed scholars have carefully and successfully combined elements of different conceptions of social capital in order to enhance their studies and made their findings rich. These researchers, in my view, by means of their thoughtful and systematic efforts are moving the term social capital towards a paradigmatic state, without compromising the effectiveness of social capital theory as a lens. In conducting case study research that included qualitative methods such as interviews and document analysis, these researchers were able to elicit information concerning the ways in which social capital functioned in those communities. 2.3.3    Social capital and music education. Putnam (2000) recognized that micro-level narratives describing specific settings where social capital and civic engagement are prevalent could enhance his broad quantitative analysis on the effects of declining volunteerism on social capital and civic engagement in the United States. In Better Together, Putnam and Feldstein (2003) depicted twelve case studies from across the United States, confirming that “social capital is higher in smaller settings— smaller schools, smaller towns, smaller countries, and so on” (p. 275-276). They also acknowledged, “the creative and performing arts bring together more ethnically diverse   33 participants than any other type of association” (p. 281). However, none of the twelve stories they depicted in the book discuss social capital in either a rural or an artistic setting. Music education theorists and others, though, have begun to research the benefits of developing social capital in small and large music ensembles (Langston & Barrett, 2008; Jones, 2010; Wright, 2012) and the ways in which an ensemble’s structural elements influence the kind of social capital that emerges from group interactions (Eastis, 1998). Moreover, Jones and Langston (2012) have suggested that “social capital development could be a deliberate aim of CM organizations” and that “educators and CM facilitators should consider social capital when developing musical offerings, designing curricula, and selecting pedagogical approaches” (p. 127).  Music education researchers also have drawn on social capital theory to examine the ways in which Inuit teachers create culturally relevant music curriculum (Russell, 2006), musicians in Northeastern England succeed in obtaining a music livelihood (Coulson, 2010), minority students access postsecondary music education programs (Kruse, 2013), and elementary general music specialists might develop their informal leadership potential (Luebke, 2010). With regards to university faculty, Wing (1996) has offered that music education researchers also might foster social capital in the music education community by deliberately reaching out to each other while engaging in research. 2.3.4    Social capital and social justice. Social capital theorists have long called for heightened awareness of structural and dynamic factors that foster or impede the formation of or access to social capital (Bourdieu, 1980; Dika & Singh, 2002; Foley & Edwards, 1999; Onyx, Edwards, & Bullen, 2007; Yates & Jochum, 2003). In 2008, Fulkerson and Thompson called for “more sensitivity to the interrelationships between history, power, and structures of inequality” with relation to social capital and its role in 

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