“Music as a Delight of God and Men”: Absolutism, Genre, and Instrumental Music in Seventeenth-Century Salzburg by Kimberly Jean Beck Bachelor of Music, University of Wisconsin – Madison, 2006 Master of Arts, University of Iowa, 2009 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies (Music) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) June 2015 © Kimberly Jean Beck 2015 ii ABSTRACT The seventeenth century was an age of absolutist ideology during which many European princes took upon themselves trappings of both religious and secular authority. Composers in the service of absolutist patrons were compelled to provide music that could move easily between sacred and secular venues and represent both facets of the prince’s power. Contemporary conceptions of musical classification exhibit this porous threshold between religious and profane genres and performance spaces. In this dissertation, I show how a flexible conception of musical genre—one in which traditionally sacred and secular idioms were blended in diverse ways—illustrated the dual nature of the authority of Salzburg’s absolutist Prince Archbishop. The diverse oeuvre of Salzburg’s composers calls into question the very definition of musical genre in the period. While a modern conception of fixed musical genres is manifest in theoretical treatises of the time, musical evidence suggests that well-defined genre classifications did not practically exist in the seventeenth century. Rather, composers took a malleable approach to genre, often blending different texts, musical forms, and styles to craft musical compositions latent with meanings that encompass several genres. In the first chapter, I consider genre as described in contemporary treatises and argue that modern literary genre theory provides a useful lens for the study of genre in the period. Chapter 2 turns to the sacred repertoire of Salzburg, which in its variety of centonized texts, timbres, and instrumentations deviates from the stylistic norms of liturgical genres. In Chapter 3 I explore the representational capabilities of the large-scale works performed during spectacles that were symbolic of the power and piety of Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop. Salzburg’s instrumental ensemble sonatas, explored in Chapter 4, reveal iii two particular uses for the term “sonata” and point to the genre as a site of both representation and innovation. The final chapter considers the solo sonata as a devotional aid in the context of cyclic spiritual exercises in Salzburg, where music transcended the limitations of genre to move between notionally sacred and secular performance spaces to represent the piety and power of the Prince Archbishop. iv PREFACE This dissertation is the original, unpublished, independent work of the author, Kimberly Beck. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................................................... ii PREFACE .................................................................................................................................................................. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................................................................................................................................... v LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................................................... vii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................................... viii LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES .......................................................................................................................... x LIST OF LIBRARY SIGLA ................................................................................................................................... xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................................................. xiv INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................................................... 1 Project Overview ......................................................................................................................................... 2 Methodology .................................................................................................................................................. 4 Thesis Outline ............................................................................................................................................... 5 PRELUDE: SALZBURG IN THE LATE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY (1670–1700) ........................... 8 CHAPTER 1. GENRE, TAXONOMY, AND MUSICAL REPRESENTATION .................................... 20 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 20 Seventeenth-Century Taxonomy ........................................................................................................ 23 Modern Literary Genre Theory ........................................................................................................... 27 Genre and Representational Meaning in Seventeenth-Century Sources ............................ 31 CHAPTER 2. MALLEABLE LITURGY AND MUSICAL REPRESENTATION: THE OFFERTORY AND EMBLEMATIC SACRED SONG ............................................................................................... 39 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 39 Echoes of Trent: The Liturgy of Late Seventeenth-Century Salzburg .................................. 40 Andreas Hofer’s Ver sacrum seu flores (Salzburg, 1677) and the Pietas Salisburgensis 48 Eucharistic Doctrine, Emblematic Song, and Biber’s Hic est panis ........................................ 66 Conclusions: Genre and the Catholic Liturgy ................................................................................. 78 CHAPTER 3. SPECTACLE AND MUSICAL REPRESENTATION IN ABSOLUTIST SALZBURG…. .......................................................................................................................................... 84 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 84 Contexts of Catholic Spectacle and the Representation of the Prince Archbishop ......... 86 Crafting an Impressive Sound: Salzburg’s Large-Scale Repertoire ....................................... 97 Representation of Royalty in Large-Scale Works ...................................................................... 111 Conclusion: Situating Salzburg’s Large-Scale Works ................................................................ 122 vi CHAPTER 4. GENRE AND REPRESENTATION IN SALZBURG’S INSTRUMENTAL ENSEMBLE WORKS ........................................................................................................................... 128 Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 128 Theoretical Definitions of the Sonata in the Seventeenth Century ..................................... 129 The Problem of the Sonata in the Seventeenth Century ......................................................... 135 Absolutism and the Sonata ................................................................................................................. 140 The Sonata as an Independent Piece .............................................................................................. 145 The Sonata as a Prelude ....................................................................................................................... 150 Paratexts and Representational Function .................................................................................... 167 Conclusions: Genre Theory and the Sonata .................................................................................. 176 CHAPTER 5. THE SOLO SONATA IN SALZBURG AND CATHOLIC DEVOTION ..................... 187 Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 187 Biber’s Paratexts, Rosary Devotion, Ignatius’ Spiritual Exercises ........................................ 189 Maximilian Gandolph’s Archconfraternity of the Rosary ....................................................... 200 Biber’s Crucifixion Sonata, the Turkish Siege, and Devotion to the Cross ....................... 207 Conclusions: The Devotional and Narrative Capabilities of the Sonata ............................ 213 EPILOGUE ............................................................................................................................................................ 218 Conclusions ............................................................................................................................................... 218 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................................. 221 Early Printed Sources ........................................................................................................................... 221 Secondary Sources ................................................................................................................................. 222 Scores .......................................................................................................................................................... 239 APPENDIX A: WORKS OF ANDREAS HOFER ......................................................................................... 243 APPENDIX B: WORKS OF HEINRICH BIBER .......................................................................................... 247 vii LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 Printed Liturgical Books of the Salzburg Cathedral Archive. ........................................ 43 Table 2.2 Musicians on the Salzburg Payroll, 1667–1697. ................................................................ 46 Table 2.3 Andreas Hofer, Ver sacrum seu flores, Contents. ................................................................ 51 Table 3.1 Disposition of Küsel Engraving. ................................................................................................ 94 Table 3.2 Hofer, Settings of the Te Deum. ............................................................................................... 104 Table 3.3 Instrumentation of Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis. ............................................................. 108 Table 3.4 Biber, Missa S. Henrici, Gloria, Instrumentation/Texture Diagram. .......................... 116 Table 3.5 Salzburg’s Large-Scale Repertoire. ........................................................................................ 125 Table 4.1 Instrumentation in Biber’s Sonata tam aris quam aulis. ............................................... 145 Table 4.2 Instrumental Textures in Biber’s Sonatae tam aris quam aulis. ................................. 146 Table 4.3 Biber, Fidicinium sacro-profanum, Sonata III, Formal Diagram ................................. 148 Table 4.4 The opening sonatas of Muffat’s Armonico......................................................................... 151 Table 4.5 Divisions of Movements of Sonata II of Muffat’s Armonico tributo. .......................... 153 Table 4.6 Biber, Mensa sonora, Table of Opening Sonatas. .............................................................. 155 Table 4.7 Clamer, Mensa harmonica, Contents. .................................................................................... 162 Table 4.8 Biber, Mensa sonora, Concluding Sonatinas. ...................................................................... 163 Table 4.9 Heinrich Biber, Sonatae tam aris quam aulis (Salzburg, 1676). ................................. 180 Table 4.10 Heinrich Biber, Fidicinium sacro-profanum (Nuremberg, 1682). .......................... 183 Table 4.11 Heinrich Biber, Harmonia artificiosa-ariosa (Nuremberg, 1696) ........................... 185 Table 5.1 Biber, Rosary Sonatas, Contents.............................................................................................. 190 Table 5.2 Text Subtitles in Sonata No. 80 in A-Wn, Codex XIV – 726. .......................................... 207 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 Michael Praetorius’s Musical Taxonomy from Syntagma Musicum III .................... 36 Figure 1.2 Athanasius Kircher’s Definitions of Musical Styles. ........................................................ 37 Figure 1.3 Marco Scacchi’s Musical Taxonomy as described in a letter to Christoph Werner, in 1648…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. ............... 38 Figure 2.1 Andreas Hofer, Ver Sacrum seu flores, Title Page. ............................................................ 50 Figure 2.2 Hofer, Vox in Rama, Text and Musical Texture. ................................................................. 58 Figure 2.3 Abraham Megerle, Speculum musico-mortulae. ................................................................ 68 Figure 2.4 Crossed Violin Strings for Biber’s Resurrection Sonata. ............................................... 70 Figure 2.5 Biber, Hic est panis, Violin Part. ............................................................................................... 71 Figure 2.6 Biber, Hic est panis, Text. ........................................................................................................... 74 Figure 2.7 Johann Kaspar Kerll, Delectus sacrarum cantionum, Title Page and Index. ........... 81 Figure 2.8 The Relationship between the Genres of Psalm, Offertory, and Motet. ................... 82 Figure 3.1 Opening Groups of the 1682 Procession. ............................................................................ 91 Figure 3.2 Depictions of Instrumental Ensembles amongst the Trade Groups. ........................ 91 Figure 3.3 Christoph Lederwasch’s Engraving of Salzburg’s Grand Jubeljahr Procession of October 1682. ...................................................................................................................................................... 92 Figure 3.4 Salzburg’s Royal Music. .............................................................................................................. 93 Figure 3.5 Melchior Küsel, Engraving of the Performance in Salzburg’s Cathedral. ................ 96 Figure 3.6 Heinrich Biber, Missa St. Henrici, Credo, Formal Diagram. ......................................... 119 Figure 4.1 Georg Muffat, Armonico tributo, Title Page. ...................................................................... 139 Figure 4.2 Muffat, Armonico tributo, Sonata I Title. ............................................................................ 150 ix Figure 4.3 Andreas Christoph Clamer, Mensa harmonica, Title Page. ......................................... 161 Figure 4.4 Biber, Sonata S. Polycarpi, Title page. ................................................................................. 168 Figure 4.5 Biber, Sonata a 6, “die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt,” manuscript title page......... 172 Figure 4.6 Heinrich Biber, Sonata a 6, “die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt.” .................................. 173 Figure 5.1 Biber, Sonatae violino solo. Sonata I. ................................................................................... 192 Figure 5.2 Biber, Rosary Sonatas, Annunciation. ................................................................................. 193 Figure 5.3 Biber’s Signature to the Dedication of the Rosary Sonatas. ....................................... 194 Figure 5.4 Johann Jacob Zehentner, Manuale Pietatis, Title Page.................................................. 201 Figure 5.5 Zehentner, Devotion on the Fifth Mystery of the Rosary, the Crucifixion. ........... 203 Figure 5.6 Archconfraternity of the Rosary, Broadside. ................................................................... 205 Figure 5.7 Vienna, Minoritenkonvent, Kodex XIV – 726, Victori der Christen. ......................... 208 Figure 5.8 Biber, Opening of the “Crucifixion” Sonata. ...................................................................... 208 Figure 5.9 Biber, Opening of the “Turkish Siege” Sonata. ................................................................ 209 Figure 5.10 Zehenter, Rosary Psalter. Devotion for at the foot of the Cross. ............................ 215 x LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES Example 2.1 Hofer, Caelie cives Jubilate, mm. 1–6. ................................................................................ 55 Example 2.2 Hofer, Resurgenti Deo, mm. 105–112. .............................................................................. 55 Example 2.3 Hofer, Vox in Rama, mm. 1–6. .............................................................................................. 62 Example 2.4 Hofer, Vox in Rama, mm. 19–24. ......................................................................................... 63 Example 2.5 Hofer, Vox in Rama, 49–54. Instrumental Interlude. .................................................. 64 Example 2.6 Hofer, Vox in Rama, mm. 127–134. ................................................................................... 65 Example 2.7 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 44–45. ......................................................................................... 72 Example 2.8 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 35–36. ......................................................................................... 72 Example 2.9 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 21–24. ......................................................................................... 73 Example 2.10 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 11–17. ...................................................................................... 76 Example 2.11 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 62–70. ...................................................................................... 77 Example 3.1 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Gloria, mm. 106–118. .................................................... 105 Example 3.2 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Gloria, mm. 31–35. ......................................................... 106 Example 3.3 Hofer, Missa Archi Episcopalis, Kyrie, mm. 1–6. .......................................................... 107 Example 3.4 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Credo, mm. 201–205. .................................................... 109 Example 3.5 Biber, Plaudite tympana, mm. 34–49. ............................................................................. 110 Example 3.6 Hofer, Missa Archi Episcopalis. Kyrie, mm. 32–39. .................................................... 111 Example 3.7 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Kyrie, mm. 1–5, Trumpet Parts. ................................. 114 Example 3.8 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Kyrie, mm. 25–27, Trumpet Parts. ........................... 115 Example 3.9 Biber, Missa Alleluia, Gloria, mm. 111–114. ................................................................. 115 Example 3.10 Biber, Missa S. Henrici, Gloria, mm. 1–10. ................................................................... 117 xi Example 3.11 Biber, Missa S. Henrici, Gloria, mm. 38–43. ................................................................ 118 Example 4.1 Hofer, Ad festum virginis, mm. 1–4. ................................................................................. 158 Example 4.2 Hofer, Ad sereni caeli, mm. 1–8. ........................................................................................ 159 Example 4.3 Biber, Trombet und Musicalischer Tafeldienst, Sonatina, mm. 1–7. .................... 165 Example 4.4 Biber, Sonata Sancti Polycarpi, for Eight Trumpets and Continuo mm. 32–35. ................................................................................................................................................................................. 169 Example 4.5 Biber, Trombet undt musicalischer Tafeldienst, Intrada, mm. 1–5. ..................... 170 Example 4.6 Biber, Trombet undt Musicalischer Tafeldienst, Sonata opening. ......................... 171 Example 4.7 Biber, Sonata a 6, “die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt,” mm. 37–42. ....................... 174 Example 4.8 Biber, Sonata a 6, “Die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt,” mm. 53–56. ....................... 175 xii LIST OF LIBRARY SIGLA A-Gmi Graz, Musikwissenschaftliches Institut der Karl-Franzens Universität A-GÖ Göttweig, Benediktinerabtei, Musikarchiv A-KR Kremsmünster, Benedictine Convent Music Archive A-ÖNB Vienna, Austrian National Library A-Sca Salzburg, Archiv des Salzburger Museums A-Sd Salzburg Cathedral Archive A-SEI Seitenstetten, Benediktinerstift, Bibliothek und Musikarchiv A-Sfr Salzburg, Franziskanerkloster Musikarchiv A-SLA Salzburg Landesarchiv A-Ssp Salzburg, Erzabtei St. Peter, Musikalienarchiv A-Wgm Vienna, Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde in Wien A-Wm Vienna, Minoritenkonvent Archive B-Bc Brussels, Conservatoire royal de Bruxelles Bibliothèque B-Br Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert 1er CH-E Einsiedeln, Switzerland, Musikbibliothek CH-SGd St. Gallen, Switzerland, Domchorarchiv CH-Zz Zürich, Zentralbibliothek, Musikabteilung CZ-Bm Brno, Moravské Zemské Muzeum CZ-KRa Kroměříž, Czech Republic, Arcibiskupský zámek - Hudební sbírka CZ-Pak Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu CZ-Pnam Prague, Národní museum – Náprstkovo muzeum D-Bsa Berlin Singakademie Archive D-Bsb Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin D-Dl Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek D-Gs Göttingen, Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek D-LEm Musikbibliothek der Stadt Leipzig D-Mbs Munich, Bavarian State Library D-Mm Munich, Bibliothek der St. Michaelskirche D-MS Schwarzach am Main, Abtei Münsterschwarzach, Musikbibliothek D-MT Metten, Abtei Metten, Bibliothek D-OB Ottobeuren, Benedictine Convent Library D-PA Paderborn, Germany, Erzbischöfliche Akademische Bibliothek D-Rp Regensburg, Germany, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, Musikabteilung D-PO Pommersfelden, Graf von Schönbornsche Schloßbibliothek D-WD Wiesentheid, Musiksammlung der Grafen von Schönborn-Wiesentheid GB-DRc Durham, The Cathedral Library GB-Lbm London, British Museum GB-Och Oxford, Christ Church Library I-Bc Bologna, Civico Museo Bibliografico-Musicale I-Ls Lucca, Biblioteca del seminario arcivescovile I-Od Orvieto, Biblioteca dell’ Opera del Duomo xiii I-Td Turin, Archivio arivescovile, Fondo del Capitolo Metropolitano PL-Kj Krakow, Biblioteka Jagiellońska PL-Wu Warsaw, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka SI-Lf Ljubljana, Slovenia, Franciscan Archivexiv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Although mine is the only name on the title page of this document, to say that this dissertation has been a solitary endeavor would be completely untrue. Many people from different walks of life have contributed to this project in one way or another. There are simply no words to describe the gratitude that I feel to all of you. Thank you. Thank you to the many librarians and archivists that assisted me in archival quests across central Europe. The archivists and staffs of both the Salzburg Landesarchiv and the Salzburg Cathedral Archive were patient with me as I ventured into archival research for the first time. The process of learning how to do archival work was less painful because of their assistance. A special thank you to Josef Miltschitzky for helping me locate some precious partbooks in the Ottobeuren archive and Birgit Eisinger-Schanderl in the office of the abbot at the Abbey in Ottobeuren for sharing her workspace with me. Thank you also to Jitka Kocůrková and the staff at the Kroměříž Castle Archive for helping me make the most out of my research trips to the Czech countryside. I was fortunate to receive the following fellowships and grants to support my research: a Fulbright Research Fellowship, the Ernst Mach Stipendium from the Austrian Exchange Service, the Hugo E. Meilicke Memorial Fellowship, the Ernest Wesley Cubitt Sharpe Memorial Scholarship. Travel support was provided by the Eugene K. Wolf Travel Grant for European Research from the American Musicological Society. I am particularly thankful to my advisor, Alexander Fisher, for helping me navigate the process of conducting archival research in Europe from a continent away and for xv helping me navigate the process of writing a dissertation. Thank you also to my readers, David Metzer, Hedy Law, Alan Dodson, and Richard Prince. Those who have offered mental and emotional support throughout this process are many. I’d like to send a shout out to Joseph R. Matson and Jessica Narum who provided amusement and endless encouragement throughout this process. To my Canadian contingent, thank you for providing hours of silent support while toiling away in our shared office space. A special thank you to my accountabilibuddy Nancy Murphy for early morning work dates and endless hours of sitting silently in coffee shops working alone together, an activity completely confusing to some. Thank you to David Crook for introducing me to musicology and providing encouragement throughout my graduate career. Finally, thank you to my family for supporting me on the long road to a Ph.D.1 INTRODUCTION In his Itinerarium exstaticum (Rome, 1656), Athanasius Kircher recounted the performance of a trio sonata in Rome: They began the composition which was for two small violins and the kind of lute known as a theorbo with such agreeable harmony and extraordinary combinations of intervals, that I cannot recall having heard the like before, for when they combined diatonic, chromatic and enharmonic passages, it is hard to describe how moving these unusual combinations were. And next, as they descended through the octave from high to low they became gradually more gentle, thus affecting the senses of the listeners with similar languor. Then they arose as from a deep sleep to arouse one to unimaginable heights […] and then sometimes, with low sounds of sorrowful disdain, they drew forth a mood of melancholy, as if engaged in a tragic event. […] Little by little, they began to pass into more rapid and urgent figurations, joyful and dancing, until I was close to becoming overwhelmed with the violence of my mood…excited by thoughts of combat and battle. And finally, with a slackened impulse, I was brought to a calmer frame of mind inclined to compassion, divine love, and denial of worldly things, by such extraordinary grace and noble dignity that I am convinced that the heroes of old […] never attained such skill.1 In his vignette Kircher relates his emotional response to the trio sonata, noting the narrative quality of the piece, despite its lack of text, and the affective capability of the music to bring one to a “calmer frame of mind inclined to compassion, divine love, and a denial of worldly things.” This conception of the capacity of instrumental music was a recent phenomenon in the middle of the seventeenth century, one that encouraged an expanded role for instrumental music in itself and in its accompaniment of vocal music. This newly ascribed affective ability of instrumental music allowed it to move beyond the subservient accompaniment or simple doubling of vocal parts to create extramusical meaning more readily than in the past. Instrumental music was a central tenet of musical practices in Salzburgin the second half of the seventeenth century. In the years between 1670 and 1687, the archiepiscopal 1 Qtd in Peter Allsop, The Italian ‘Trio’ Sonata: From its Origins until Corelli (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 57. 2 court and chapel of Salzburg was home to three notable composers, Heinrich Ignaz Franz von Biber (1644–1704), Georg Muffat (1653–1704), and Andreas Hofer (1629–1684), all of whom composed works in both vocal and instrumental genres. The simultaneous presence of these three musicians in Salzburg and their surviving output testify to the value the Prince Archbishop of Salzburg ascribed to music representative of the sovereign and ecclesiastical power of his station. Project Overview The seventeenth century was an age of absolutist ideology during which many European princes took upon themselves trappings of both religious and secular authority. The archiepiscopal court of Salzburg, for example, was governed by a single ruler, the Prince Archbishop [Fürsterzbischof], who served as both a religious and political authority, representing the melding of the Church and the sovereign state. The dual function of this ruler, who was both of princely blood and a high ecclesiastic, provides a compelling mode of musical patronage, as composers in his service dealt regularly with the relationship between sacred and secular realms and were obliged to provide music for both domains. Religious festal celebrations in Salzburg, for example, served as public symbols of both the piety and power of the court, all of which required suitable musical embellishment. Composers active in seventeenth-century Salzburg, therefore, readily composed and published music appropriate to navigate the permeable boundaries between religious and profane genres and spaces to exhibit the devotion and authority of their patrons. Instrumental music in particular, lacking explicit connection to a text, provided an ideal and versatile medium for performance in both consecrated and civic venues. Augmenting vocal textures with instrumental ensembles, especially those that 3 connoted royal power through the deployment of trumpets and other brass instruments, for example, aurally signalled wealth and prestige. While Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop ruled over an independent principality (the Erzstift or Fürst-Erzstift, including the city of Salzburg), he remained subject both to the Holy Roman Emperor in Vienna and to the Papal court in Rome.2 The absolutist power of the Imperial Court of Vienna was made particularly explicit by the Pietas Austriaca, a Habsburgian brand of piety that held that the power of the royal family was granted expressly by God. However, the absolutist power of Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop, especially his sovereign power, was not as self-evident. Politically and religiously charged productions in late seventeenth-century Salzburg, such as the celebration of the jurisdiction’s jubilee year in 1282, portray the post-Tridentine absolutism of the Prince Archbishop, a melding of church and state that revolved around elements of Christian theology that were particular to the Catholic Church. In this dissertation, I will show how a flexible conception of musical genre—one in which traditionally sacred and secular idioms were blended in diverse ways—reflected both the religious and secular authority of Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop. A contemporary conception of musical genre is paramount to gaining an understanding of the way music could create meaning accessible to its audiences and patrons. Modern, well-defined genre classifications, however, did not practically exist in the seventeenth century. Composers relied on aspects of text, venue, audience, and instrumental and vocal dispositions to determine the nature of their musical compositions, rather than on particular genre labels. 2 When a new Prince Archbishop was elected in Salzburg, for example, his election needed to be approved both by the Pope in Rome and by the Emperor in Vienna. For more on this relationship see Franz Martin, Salzburgs Fürsten in der Barockzeit (Salzburg: Verlag Das Bergland-Buch, 1949), 7–12. 4 As a result, the repertoire of Salzburg’s composers calls into question how genre was constructed in the minds of seventeenth-century composers, patrons, and listeners and how these genres were manipulated in order to reflect and reinforce the city’s political allegiances, especially to the Catholic Church.3 Methodology The methodology of this dissertation mirrors that of Steven Saunders and Andrew Weaver in their respective studies of music at the courts of Emperors Ferdinand II and Ferdinand III. Saunders and Weaver explore music in the socio-political context of the Imperial court, reconstructing the soundscape of power and piety that reverberated through Vienna in the early to mid-seventeenth century.4 Weaver focuses on music as a mode of representation, discussing music in its various guises, liturgical and secular, as emblematic of imperial majesty and piety. I make use of this methodology along with an approach to genre theory inspired by the work of modern literary genre theorists John Frow, Mikhail Bahktin, and Jacques Derrida, among others, to consider the representative capabilities of the repertoire of the archiepiscopal court of Salzburg. This dissertation aims to expand our understanding of instrumental music in German-speaking Europe, which has long been neglected in favor of studies in vocal music and opera of the period. My study focuses on the music of Heinrich Biber, Andreas Hofer, and Georg Muffat, much of which exists in manuscript in the archives of Austria, Germany, 3 For more on music and the representation of political systems, see Richard Leppert and Susan McClary, eds, Music and Society: The Politics of Composition, Performance, and Reception (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1989) and Matthias Range, Music and Ceremonial at British Coronations from James I to Elizabeth II (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2012). 4 Steven Saunders, Cross, Sword, and Lyre: Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II of Habsburg (1619–1637) (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995), and Andrew Weaver, Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011). 5 and the Czech Republic. Fortunately, many works of Biber and Muffat have been published in modern editions as volumes of the Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich and the Denkmäler der Musik in Salzburg series.5 However, this study will bring to light repertoire that has been neglected in the current body of research on seventeenth-century instrumental music, some of which is currently unavailable to both scholars and performers in modern edition. While I do consider certain well-known collections of repertoire, such as Heinrich Biber’s Rosary Sonatas and Georg Muffat’s Armonico tributo, the main emphasis of this thesis is on the lesser-known liturgical and ensemble music of Biber and Hofer. While this repertoire was integral to routine and occasional performances in Salzburg’s court and chapel, much of it remains unavailable in modern editions. Thesis Outline This study considers music in relevant political and religious contexts at the archiepiscopal court of Salzburg. While a comprehensive history of Salzburg is beyond the scope of this study, there are several elements of the historical context that require explanation. In the prelude, I will introduce the composers of Salzburg, the court’s Prince Archbishop, and its relationship to the neighboring court of Kroměříž, the castle of which today houses much of the Salzburg repertoire in single copies (unica). I will also describe the variety of post-Tridentine absolutism, the Pietas Salisburgensis, that shaped the 5 See the scores section of the bibliography for a list of modern editions. While many of these editions date from the 1970s, recent attention has been given to the repertoire of Biber by James Clements and Jiří Sehnal in the early 2000s. In 1999 Sehnal published an assortment of Biber’s liturgical music for Vespers and in 2000 Clements published a critical edition of Biber’s Missa Christi Resurgentis. Heinrich Biber, Missa Christi Resurgentis, ed. James Clements, Recent Researches in the Baroque Era 107 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 2000), and Heinrich Biber, Alleluja tres reges de saba veniunt, Laetatus sum, Nisi dominus aedificaverit, Salve regina, ed. Jiří Sehnal, Denkmäler der Musik in Salzburg 10 (Munich : Musikverlag E. Katzbichler, 2001). In the late sixties, two works of Hofer, a Te Deum and Magnificat, were edited and published in modern edition by Charles H. Sherman. See Andreas Hofer, Te Deum and Magnificat, ed. Charles H. Sherman (Mainz and Columbia, MO: Universal Edition GmbH and the University of Missouri Press, 1969). 6 religious and musical life of Salzburg in the late seventeenth century. The first chapter lays the theoretical groundwork for a more detailed discussion of generic and representational principles in the musical repertoire of the archiepiscopal court in Salzburg that follows. I consider the shift in modes of representational thought in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as described by Michael Foucault and musicologists Tim Carter and Jeffrey Kurtzman, who have emphasized the cutting edge representational functions of music in this period. I propose the use of the modern literary genre theories of John Frow and Jacques Derrida, among others, as a lens through which to approach the construction and use of genre in seventeenth-century sources. Finally, I suggest that the representational function of music allowed it to serve an integral part of the infrastructure of Salzburg’s society. The following two chapters examine the flexible notion of genre in Salzburg’s liturgical repertoire and the way the nebulous definitions of genre were manipulated to represent the dual sacred and sovereign power of the court in sacred or civic venues. Chapter 2 concerns genres in the Salzburg sources that reveal a particularly flexible approach to liturgy, such as the Offertory. The wide variety of timbres, instrumentations, and centonized texts that were pieced together from various sources in liturgical or paraliturgical pieces calls into question the very definition of liturgical genre. Chapter 3 explores the implementation of large-scale orchestrations in the church music of Biber and Hofer, both of whom crafted liturgical spectacles aurally and visually emblematic of the political and ecclesiastical power of Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop. Chapter 4 turns towards Salzburg’s print and manuscript sources of instrumental ensemble sonatas. These sources reveal two particular uses for the term “sonata” and point 7 to the genre as a site of experimentation and innovation. The final chapter explores the solo violin sonata as a devotional tool for the accompaniment of cyclic spiritual exercises. Through the study of these various sectors of musical repertoire, I show how music is symbolic of the dual nature of Salzburg’s post-Tridentine absolutism, transcending the limitations of genre to move between sacred and secular performance spaces in the contexts of Catholic liturgy, spectacle, civic celebration, and devotion. 8 PRELUDE: SALZBURG IN THE LATE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY (1670–1700) Before assuming his post as Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop, Maximilian Gandolph von Kuenburg (r. 1668–1687) studied philosophy in Graz and theology at the Benedictine University in Salzburg following a stay at the Collegio Germanico in Rome, an educational experience that influenced his musical and architectural tastes.6 Max Gandolph actively promoted the Catholic faith, a key tenet of post-Tridentine absolutism, and is well-known for his aggressive pro-Catholic and anti-Protestant agenda, issuing orders for the searching of houses for Protestant propaganda and even for the expulsion of Protestants from the principality in 1684.7 Another of Max Gandolph’s efforts, although ultimately unsuccessful, was his order for Protestant children under the age of 15 to be removed from the homes of their parents and to be placed, rather, with Catholic families.8 The Prince Archbishop’s endeavors to propagate the Catholic faith were not limited to anti-Protestant legislation, however. He poured a wealth of resources into lavish musical representations of Catholic theology and episodes from the Bible. Catholicism and the construction of impressive edifices with Catholic flavor, including the pilgrimage church of Maria Plain located on a hill outside of the capital.9 Maximilian Gandolph’s ardent Catholicism was indicative of his post-Tridentine absolutism, central to which was the belief that the dedication of one’s lands and power to holy purposes would result in economic, political, and military successes. Therefore, piety 6 Franz Martin, Salzburgs Fürsten in der Barockzeit (Salzburg: Verlag Das Bergland-Buch, 1949), 116. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid., 117. This order was unsuccessful because families on both sides of the Catholic/Protestant divide refused to comply. 9 Ibid., 119. 9 was understood as the “obvious foundation of any good government”.10 For example, the Princeps in Compendio (The Essential Prince), a seventeenth-century guide to princely life and leadership, explains how the ruler will be continuously supported by God as long as he promotes divine worship and protects and promotes the Catholic religion.11 This absolutism was manifest at Salzburg’s neighboring courts, such as that of the Elector of Bavaria in Munich, and was embraced in an all-encompassing way in the Pietas Austriaca of the imperial court in Vienna, where the Habsburg imperial family asserted a special relationship between God and their dynasty. While the royalty and sovereign power of the emperor in Vienna was self-evident, his ecclesiastical power would have been less so, especially since the Habsburg emperors were not anointed as high ecclesiastics, as the French kings were.12 In Salzburg, the opposite held true. As a consecrated archbishop of the Catholic Church, the Prince Archbishop’s sacred authority would have been visually evident in his title and vestments, but his secular, sovereign power would have been less explicit. While the musical sources of Salzburg aurally propagate both the sovereign and sacred power of the Prince Archbishop, there was a distinct effort to demonstrate the sovereign aspects of his power through the deployment of extraordinarily large-scale performing forces and the 10 Anna Coreth, Pietas austriaca, trans. William D. Bowman and Anna Maria Leitgeb (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2004), 1. 11 Ibid., 9. This volume was first published in 1632 and re-issued in Vienna under Emperor Leopold I in 1668. Princeps in compendio, hoc est puncta aliquot compendiosa, quae circa guernationem reipublicae observanda videntus (Vienna, 1668). Reprinted in Oswald Redlich, Monats-Blatt für Landeskunde von Niederösterreich 3 (1906/07): 105–24. 12 For more on the French brand of absolutism see Patricia Behre Miskimin, One King, One Law, Three Faiths: Religion and the Rise of Absolutism in Seventeenth-Century Metz (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002), David Parker, The Making of French Absolutism (London: Edward Arnold, 1983), and William Beik, Absolutism and Society in Seventeenth-Century France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). 10 integration of timbres often associated with royalty, such as that of trumpet ensembles with timpani, into the liturgical repertoire. In Salzburg, as in Munich and Vienna, this absolutism revolved around Catholic doctrine that conflicted with Protestant beliefs. While the emperor’s Pietas Austriaca focused intently on devotion to the Cross and to the wounds of Christ, in addition to Marian and Eucharistic piety, Salzburg’s Pietas Salisburgensis emphasized devotion to Christian martyrs and saints of local importance such as Salzburg’s patron St. Rupert in addition to Marian and Eucharistic piety.13 Musical compositions resonated with the particular devotional interests of a composer’s patron, examples of which will be seen in the particular feasts for which Hofer set Latin texts in his Ver sacrum collection of 1677, in Heinrich Biber’s setting of Hic est panis, in which scordatura creates a musical emblem representative of the Catholic doctrine of the transubstantiation (See Chapter 2), and in the overt Marian references in his Rosary Sonatas (See Chapter 5). In the second half of the seventeenth century, particularly in the years of 1678 to 1687, the musical establishment of Salzburg was graced by the presence of not only one, but three talented composers, all diligently composing for an array of vocal and instrumental ensembles. The three notable composers that called Salzburg home in the second half of the seventeenth century, Heinrich Ignaz Franz von Biber, Georg Muffat, and Andreas Hofer, all composed music that reflected Salzburg’s absolutist nature. Hofer’s name first appears in the payment records of the Salzburg court in 1654 and remains listed 13 Coreth, Pietas, 1. For more on the Pietas Austriaca of Ferdinand III, see Andrew Weaver, “Chapter 6: Mirrors and Models: Piety and Spirituality in the Service of the Crown,” in Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012), 193–222. Maria Goloubeva discusses the Pietas of Ferdinand’s successor Leopold I in The Glorification of Leopold I in Image, Spectacle, and Text (Mainz: von Zabern, 2000). 11 under the title of Chorregenten until the year of his death in 1684.14 Heinrich Biber, perhaps the most substantial pillar in Salzburg’s musical establishment, settled in Salzburg between the years of 1668 and 1670 and remained there until his death in 1704.15 Salzburg served only as a brief interlude for instrumental composer Georg Muffat, who worked there from 1678 until just after the death of Prince Archbishop Maximilian Gandolph in 1687. Although Salzburg was a mere waypoint during the career of Georg Muffat, he played a crucial role in introducing international styles to the court. By the time he arrived in Salzburg in 1678, Muffat had already studied in Paris with Jean-Baptiste Lully between 1663 and 1669 and then at the Jesuit Colleges at Sélestat in 1669 and Molsheim from 1671.16 Muffat was then sent to Rome by Prince Archbishop Maximilian Gandolph in the early 1680s to study instrumental compositional styles before abandoning Salzburg to take up a post in Passau after his patron’s death in 1687. Muffat’s collection of instrumental ensemble sonatas, the Armonico tributo (Salzburg, 1682) bears the closest association to Salzburg as it was published as a commemorative volume in honor of Salzburg’s jubilee celebrations in 1682. Furthermore, the five sonatas of this collection put forth an intriguing use of the term and genre of “sonata”, using the term to label both multi-movement pieces as well as shorter movements within the larger works (see Chapter 4). Andreas Hofer, the least-known composer of the trio, was the chief “church musician” of Salzburg in the second half of the century, but the close reading of his 14 Salzburg, Landesarchiv, Geheimes Archiv XXIII 4/2, October 1665 – January 1666. 15 Biber’s name first appears in the payment records in January 1672, but contemporary letters between Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer, Biber, and the Bishop Karl von Liechtenstein-Castelcorn in Kroměříž show that Biber probably arrived on the scene in Salzburg between 1668 and 1670. Salzburg, Landesarchiv, Geheimes Archiv XXIII 4/2, October 1670 – January 1672. 16 Susan Wollenberg, “Georg Muffat,” Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, Oxford University Press, accessed October 27, 2012, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/19294. 12 repertoire remains largely a lacuna in musicological research. Hofer is listed in the payment records of the Salzburg court as one of the choir-vicars [Chor Vicary] and likely spent the majority of his life in Salzburg.17 While none of his birth or baptismal records is known to be extant, we do know that his father, Christian Hofer, was a lawyer living in Salzburg at the time Andreas was a student at the Benedictine University in Salzburg beginning in 1643; Christoph’s request for Salzburg citizenship in 1642 is extant in the Salzburg’s court documents, the Gerichts-Protokollen.18 Andreas is listed as a student in the 1640 and 1643 Album studiosorum, the student registers for the University in Salzburg.19 Following his education in Salzburg, Hofer served for two years as organist in the town of St. Lambrecht in Styria in the south of Austria, according to a short notice in the Hochfürstliche und Hofgerichts-Protokoll from October 1649.20 Despite the fact that he does not appear in the payment records until 1654, Hofer was likely active as a church musician at the Salzburg court, as an entry in the cathedral records, the Consistorial-Protokollen, notes that Hofer was apparently cited for performing a Mass without the proper qualifications on 12 September 1653.21 Hofer was promoted to Kapellmeister of the Salzburg court in 1678, a post that he retained until his death in 1684, when he was succeeded by none other than Heinrich Biber. Miriam Barndt-Webb’s 1972 thesis on the life and works of Andreas Hofer, which clears up several misattributions made by previous musicologists, remains the sole piece of 17 Salzburger Landesarchiv, Geheimes Archiv XXIII 4/2. 18 Miriam Barndt-Webb, “Andreas Hofer: His Life and Music 1629–1684” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1972), 14. 19 Ibid., 13. 20 Ibid., 16. 21 This was likely the result of a miscommunication between the Archbishop of Salzburg and Hofer’s previous employer, the Abbot at St. Lambrecht. Originally cited in ibid., 18. Salzburg Cathedral Archive, Consistorial-Protokollen 12 September 1653, 422v–423. 13 scholarship dedicated to this composer.22 Unfortunately, when Barndt-Webb was completing her research the Salzburg Cathedral archive was under lock and key due to the disappearance of valuable manuscripts, likely during the Second World War. The 1950s and 1960s saw the reassembly of the archival materials. Finally, in the early 2000s, the cathedral archive was established in the newly renovated Cardinal-Schwarzenberg House, a building adjacent to the cathedral nestled against the Mönchsberg. This renovation has greatly improved the access to Hofer’s extant musical works, including the majority of the partbooks for his Ver sacrum seu flores (Salzburg, 1677), a printed collection of eighteen Offertories for feasts throughout the church year (See Chapter 2).23 Other essential parts of Hofer’s oeuvre, including settings of psalms, hymns, litanies, two Masses (including a Requiem Mass), Vespers texts, Offertories, and other “sacred songs” set for a wide variety of voices and instruments, including violins, violas, bassoons, trumpets, and trombones, survive in the archives of the Kroměříž castle in the present-day Czech Republic.24 The Kroměříž archive has been extensively catalogued in recent decades, making these elements of Hofer’s oeuvre accessible including manuscript parts for four large-scale settings of the Te Deum, a hymn that often served as a large-scale representation of military or royal power. Set for varying performance forces including a string orchestra and a chorus of trombones, these are the only extant settings of the hymn from the Salzburg court and are a part of Hofer’s oeuvre of large-scale liturgical music in manuscript that regularly boasts performing forces of greater than fifteen parts.25 Hofer’s 22 Barndt-Webb, “Andreas Hofer: His Life and Music 1629–1684.” 23 A-Sd, A 1148. 24 In addition to the resources in Salzburg and Kroměříž, sources of Hofer’s music also reside in archives Munich, Berlin, Kremsmünster, and Einsiedeln. See Appendix A of this dissertation for a list of Hofer’s extant works. 25 CZ-KRa, A 715, A 718, A 719, A 720. 14 extant oeuvre, despite the preservation of the majority of it in Kroměříž, provides a glimpse into the music that was used on an everyday and occasional basis to accompany rituals in Salzburg. The preservation of a great deal of Salzburg repertoire in the Kroměříž castle is the fruit of a relationship of musical trade between these two courts in the late seventeenth century. The relationship between Kroměříž and Salzburg began with the election of Prince-Bishop Karl II von Liechtenstein-Castelcorn (r. 1664–1695) as the archbishop of Olomouc (Olmütz). Karl’s relationship with Salzburg began when Prince Archbishop Paris Lodron (r. 1619–1654) of Salzburg made Karl a canon and prebend of the Salzburg Cathedral chapter in 1637.26 In 1654 Karl relocated to Salzburg when Paris Lodron’s successor, Guidobald von Thun (r. 1654–1668), had Karl ordained as a priest and made him the deacon of the cathedral chapter in 1655.27 Following the unexpected death of his episcopal predecessor in Olomouc, Karl von Liechtenstein-Castelcorn was elected in 1664 as his successor. However, even after his move to Olomouc in 1665 Karl maintained his relationship with Salzburg, as he kept his house and his rank as canon in the latter city.28 Although the seat of the bishopric was in Olomouc, the Prince-Bishop preferred the countryside and oversaw the building of a lavish palace in the nearby small town of Kroměříž, which is about 200 kilometers northeast of Vienna.29 Away from the hustle and bustle of Olomouc, Karl frequently sojourned there with his court and dedicated a great amount of resources to building up his musical chapel. He corresponded with bishops in 26 Jiří Sehnal, Pavel Vejvanovský and the Kroměříž Music Collection: Perspectives on Seventeenth- Century Music in Moravia, trans. Judith Fiehler (Olomouc: Palacký University Press, 2008), 11. 27 Ibid., 12. 28 Ibid. 29 There has been no substantial study of music at the court of Olomouc, specifically. However, Robert Rawson recently published Bohemian Baroque: Czech Musical Culture and Style, 1600–1750 (Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2013). 15 Vienna, Salzburg, Passau, Regensburg, Prague, and Wrocław, and with informants in Venice and Rome, to aid in the procurement of musical talent and manuscripts.30 Paul Nettl, the first musicologist to discuss Karl’s legacy, describes him as a knowledgeable and generous patron of music with an attitude towards music that reeked of “snobbish ambition.”31 This sort of ambition was aided by Pavel Vejvanovský (c. 1633–1693), Karl’s court trumpeter, who actively pursued and collected musical resources for the court at Kroměříž.32 Vejvanovský started collecting music for Karl as soon as he started working at the court and continued throughout his career.33 The trumpeter was particularly interested in the repertoire of Salzburg. In fact, the paper Vejvanovský used to transcribe works in the 1660s was made by the Sichelschmied paper mill, which was located at Lengfelden in Salzburg.34 Vejvanovský’s insatiable appetite for musical collection, likely encouraged by Prince-Bishop Karl, led to the preservation of a great number of pieces by Salzburg’s composers today in Kroměříž, where the episcopal court was seemingly invested in archiving its musical resources, especially those of liturgical music. Before settling in Salzburg for the duration of his career from around 1670 to 1704, Heinrich Ignaz Franz von Biber was employed at the court of Prince-Bishop Karl von Liechtenstein-Castelkorn at Kroměříž. Biber left the service of Prince Bishop Karl to 30 Ibid., 17. 31 Paul Nettl, “Die Wiener Tanzkomposition in der zweite Hälfte des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts,” Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 8 (1921): 45. 32 Vejvanovský was educated at the Jesuit school of Opava and moved to Olomouc to take a post at the court in 1664, where he served as a trumpeter in the festivities that first welcomed Bishop Karl II to the city. For more on Vejvanovský, see Jiří Sehnal, “Pavel Vejvanovský im internationalen Kontext,” in Jiří Sehnal, ed., Musik des 17. Jahrhunderts und Pavel Vejvanovský (Brno: Österreichisches Ost- und Südosteuropa Institut, 1994), 5–8. 33 For example, Jiří Sehnal has identified eight pieces that Vejvanovský had copied during a brief sojourn in Vienna in May 1665, including Masses by Felice Sances, Antonio Bertali, and Vincenzo Fux. See CZ-KRa A 479, A 47, A 213. Don Smithers and Jiří Sehnal, “Vejvanovský, Pavel,” Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online, Oxford University Press, accessed November 11, 2014, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/29124. 34 Sehnal, Pavel Vejvanovský, 38 16 relocate to Salzburg under auspicious circumstances. In 1670 Karl sent Biber to Innsbruck to retrieve instruments from the famous Tyrolean instrument maker, Jakob Stainer. Biber left on this mission, but never returned to Kroměříž. Rather, he remained in Salzburg, where his name appears in the court payment records for the first time in 1672 as a chamber servant [Kammerdiener]. His nominal position on the payroll likely the result of the fact that he had left his previous employer without giving proper notice, and had therefore failed to procure the proper paperwork officially releasing him from the service of the Prince Bishop.35 Evidence in the works composed by Biber in Salzburg around 1673 clearly demonstrates that Biber was working as a violinist and composer in Salzburg, despite his official title as a chamber servant. Whether or not the Stainer instruments were delivered to Kroměříž is unknown, but we do have evidence that the relationship between Biber and his former patron was not soured permanently by his change in itinerary. Although it took years, Prince-Bishop Karl did eventually issue a complimentary letter discharging Biber from his service in 1676, years after Biber’s actual departure.36 While Biber’s career move was indeed fraught with drama, it initiated a series of musical exchanges between the two courts, likely the fruit of Biber’s efforts to mend his relationship with his former patron, as posited by Jiří Sehnal;37 these seem to have included the Arien a 5,38 the “Nightwatchman” Serenada a 5,39 the 35 Salzburg, Landesarchiv, Geheimes Archiv XXIII 4/2, October, 1672. 36 While we do not have the letter from Karl, we do have a letter from Maximilian Gandolph from 28 October 1676 thanking Liechtenstein for his letter, writing, “sambt dem beygeschlossenen unseren Cammerdiener und HofMusicus Henrich Franz Biber erhailten Lossbrieff.” Jiří Sehnal, “Heinrich Bibers Beziehungen zu Kremsier” in De Editione Musices: Festschrift Gerhard Croll zum 65. Geburtstag, eds. Wolfgang Gratzer and Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl (Regensburg: Laaber Verlag, 1992), 322. 37 Ibid., 320. 38 CZ-KRa, A 89. 39 CZ-KRa, A 103. 17 Sonata S. Polcyarpi,40 a setting of Lux perpetua,41 and a copy of his Vesperae a 32,42 which included settings of the psalm Dixit Dominus and the Magnificat.43 This relationship of trade facilitated by both Vejvanovský and Biber is likely responsible for the preservation of much Salzburg repertory, especially works by Biber and Hofer, as unica in manuscripts at the Kroměříž castle archive.44 Without the efforts of Vejvanovský, Prince-Bishop Karl, and Biber, much of the repertoire of Salzburg’s composers would likely have been lost. Biber is certainly most well-known for his solo violin sonatas, especially the so-called “Rosary” Sonatas. He accompanied each of the fifteen sonatas in this manuscript collection with an engraving depicting a scene from the Mysteries of the Rosary, which attaches a visual analogue to each sonata and generates sacred extramusical meanings.45 Biber also composed liturgical music during his tenure in Salzburg, much of which is extant in manuscript, including five settings of the Mass Ordinary for voices and instruments, a variety of settings of Latin texts labeled as Offertories, and settings of litanies for the Virgin and for St. Joseph.46 Furthermore, a set of four sacred songs for voices and instruments by Biber was recently discovered in musical sources recently catalogued in the Berlin Singakademie music archive.47 Biber’s sole liturgical print, the Vesperae longiores ac 40 CZ-KRa, A 108. 41 CZ-KRa, A 98. 42 CZ-KRa, A 115. 43 Sehnal, Pavel Vejvanovský, 161. 44 For more on the musical court and chapel of Kroměříž, see Jiří Sehnal, “Die Musikkapelle des Olmützer Bishofs Karl Liechtenstein-Castelcorn in Kremsier.” Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch 51 (1967): 79–123. 45 Two facsimile editions are available. See Heinrich Biber, Mystery Sonatas, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek: Mus. Ms. 4123, introduction by James Clements (Wyton, Huntingdon, Cambs.: King’s Music, 1997), and Heinrich Biber, Rosenkranz-Sonaten: Bayerische Staatbibliothek München: Mus. Ms. 4123, ed. Manfred Hermann Schmid (Munich: Strube, 2008). 46 For a complete listing of Biber’s liturgical works, see Appendix B of this dissertation. 47 D-Bsa, SA 296. The texts set include Hic est panis, Maria Jungfrau wer das Glück dich hat anzuschaun, Quasi cedrus exaltata sum, and Suscitavit dominus. 18 breviores (Salzburg, 1693), includes psalm settings for instruments and voices and remains unpublished in a complete edition.48 Biber’s published collections of instrumental ensemble music for multiple contexts, sacred and secular, further emphasize his interest in instrumental timbres and reveal an reluctance to follow any circumscribed boundaries between sacred and secular realms. The titles of his collections, the Sonatae tam aris quam aulis, “Sonatas Suitable for Church or Chamber” (Salzburg, 1676), and the Fidicinium sacro-profanum, “Fiddle music for sacred or profane use” (Nuremberg, 1682),49 point to the functional versatility of both collections, which is further reflected in the diversity of musical styles found in each composition. Biber’s prints are part of a broader movement to produce versatile instrumental collections throughout German-speaking Europe in the middle of the seventeenth century, exemplified by Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer’s Sacro-Profanum Concentus Musicus (Nuremberg, 1662), which was published while Schmeltzer was employed as the director of instrumental music at the court of Emperor Leopold I in Vienna.50 In the preface to this collection Schmeltzer describes the value of the amalgamation of these two genres and the dual purpose and function of his music: Music is a delight of God and men, an exercise of devotion and an emblem of human virtues, and most certainly this sacred-profane musical concert thus is brought together, so that it would be able to serve as much to a pious adoration of the 48 British musicologist Brian Clark has edited and published the first two sections of this collection, the Vesperae longiores and the Vesperae de Beatae Virginae Mariae on his website, Prima la Musica! www.primalamusica.com. However, the Vesperae breviores as well as the Psalmi per annum necessarii remain extant only in copies of the original part books printed in 1693 held in A-Sd (A 173) and D-Bsb (2o Mus. Pr. 169). 49 Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer, Sacro-Profanum Concentus Musicus (Nuremberg, 1662) RISM S 1658, Heinrich Ignaz Franz von Bibern, Fidicinium Sacro Profanum (Nuremberg, 1683) RISM B 2617. 50 Rudolf Schnitzler, “Schmeltzer, Johann Heinrich,” Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online, Oxford University Press, accessed August 9, 2014, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/24921. 19 blessed as the respectable desires of men, as much to a practicing piety in the Church as, apart from Her, to renewing the human spirit.51 Throughout the course of this dissertation, we will see how Salzburg’s composers, Hofer, Biber, and Muffat used music, particularly instrumental music, as a devotional and representational means to delight both God and men. We must first consider, however, the seventeenth-century frame of mind in which this repertoire was conceived, and this is where we shall begin. 51 Originally cited in Charles Brewer, The Instrumental Music of Schmeltzer, Biber, Muffat and Their Contemporaries (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 39. 20 CHAPTER 1. GENRE, TAXONOMY, AND MUSICAL REPRESENTATION Introduction In a recent article on approaches to musical style in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Rachel Mundy writes: “By asking what it means to identify, teach, and hear musical style, we can engage more sensitively with music’s power to classify human cultures.”52 Studying the approach to defining or categorizing styles can unveil particular modes of thought that actively shaped knowledge in a particular time and place. In the seventeenth century, cataloging knowledge was a unifying principle of investigation.53 Regardless of their field of study, researchers were motivated to seek elements of organization, similitude, and difference in the world around them. Musically speaking, this was made manifest in the treatises of musical theorists of the period such as Michael Praetorius, Athanasius Kircher, and Marco Scacchi, in which these scholars categorized music according to text, performance context, instrumentation, and style. These encyclopedic taxonomies mapped the relationships between objects or ideas (signified) and their identifying terms (signs), a relationship that, according to Michel Foucault, was considered arbitrary in the developing “representational system or language” in the seventeenth century.54 In The Order of Things, Foucault describes the destabilization of the relationship between sign and signified in the late sixteenth and early 52 Rachel Mundy, “Evolutionary Categories and Musical Style from Adler to America,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 67 (2014): 761. 53 Mary Slaughter, Universal Language and Scientific Taxonomy in the Seventeenth Century (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 1. 54 Originally published as Michel Foucault, Les Motes et les choses (Paris: Éditions Gallimard, 1966). Translated into English by the author as Michel Foucault, The Order of Things, An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1994), 71. It is also worth noting that many semioticians, most notable Ferdinando Saussure, juxtapose the “signifier” and “signified” and consider the “sign” to be the union of the signifier and signified. Therefore, Foucault’s “sign” corresponds to Saussure’s “signifier.” See Ferdinand de Saussure, Writings in General Linguistics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). 21 seventeenth centuries.55 A sign in the sixteenth century, according to Foucault, existed in a mutually exclusive connection between a sign and that which it signified. For example, in the era of resemblance, it was understood that there was something about the word “violin” that resembled the object of the violin. No other word could be used to describe a violine. The seventeenth-century shift towards representation granted a new flexibility to the relationship between the sign and signified, and signs were rather considered as arbitrary representations of that which they signify.56 Therefore, in the seventeenth century, the relationship between the word “violin” and a violin itself was considered arbitrary. This flexible relationship between sign and signifier allowed music independent of text to take on a communicative role. In musical terms, prior to the development of a representational language, textless instrumental passages were not considered to communicate non-musical meanings. However, this severing of the singular relationship between sign and signifier allowed music in the absence of text to assert itself as a communicative device independent of words, a phenomenon that has been discussed by Gary Tomlinson and Jeffrey Kurtzman in regards to instrumental passages in the music of Monteverdi.57 Once a musical symbol expressing an idea or emotion “was established as convention, it was capable of conveying its significance in the absence of words,” such as a 55 Foucault, The Order of Things, 126. 56 Ibid., 129. 57 See Gary Tomlinson, Monteverdi and the End of the Renaissance (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), and Jeffrey Kurtzman, “Monteverdi’s Changing Aesthetics: A Semiotic Perspective,” in Festa musicologica: Essays in Honor of George J. Buelow, ed. Thomas Mathiesen and Benito Rivera (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1995), 233–255. 22 descending bass line was capable of signifying a lament, for example.58 Therefore, the necessity of actual words to communicate meaning in music diminished and wordless instrumental music gained the potential to project extramusical ideas. Jeffrey Kurtzman notes this aesthetic shift and the developing cultural system of symbols in the music of Monteverdi, who used text painting to create musical symbols closely allied to their textual counterparts in his early collections.59 In Monteverdi’s eighth book of madrigals in 1638, however, the music itself becomes the sign, the primary term in the symbol system, a metaphor for a “sensory concept unspecified by a text.”60 Music itself gains the ability to craft its own connections, connotations, and associations within a musical-style system, a web of meaningful relationships.61 For example, when Monteverdi first established his stile concitato in the Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda (1624), the singers dramatically mimed the fighting actions accompanying the sounds of agitated instrumental parts playing fast, repeated pitches. In later works, once the style had been distinguished and established, the dramatic representation on stage was no longer necessary. The topic of conflict and fighting was conveyed musically by the instrumental agitation in absence of text or a staged drama.62 58 Jeffrey Kurtzman, “Monteverdi and Early Baroque Aesthetics: the View from Foucault,” in Il Madrigale oltre il madrigal: dal barocco al novecentodestino di una forma e problemi di analisi, ed. Alberto Colzani (Como: Antiquae Musicae Italicae Studiosi, 1994), 115. 59 Kurtzman, “Monteverdi’s Changing Aesthetics,” 240. 60 Ibid., 243. 61 Ibid., 240. 62 Gary Tomlinson, “Music and Text,” Critical Inquiry 8 (1982): 585. Heinrich Schütz provided an example in his use of Monteverdian stile concitato textures referencing secular “battle” music in his sacred symphonies. See for example, Schütz’s instrumental parody of Monteverdi’s madrigal Armato il cor, Es steh Gott auf, SWV 356, from the Symphoniae Sacrae II, published in Dresden in 1647, which opens with rapidly reiterated pitches in the violins prefacing the opening text, “Let God Arise.” See Heinrich Schütz, Symphoniae Sacrae II, ed. Werner Bittinger, Heinrich Schütz: Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke 15 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1964), 27. Also see Gerald Drebes, “Schütz, Monteverdi und die “Vollkommenheit der Musik – Es steh Gott auf aus den Symphoniae Sacrae II (1647),” Schütz-Jahrbuch 14 (1992): 25–55. 23 Music’s representational ability was also implemented in sacred music. Particular timbres and textures were often affiliated with certain parts of the Catholic Mass. For example, the Elevation of the Mass, during which the consecrated bread and wine were raised up for the congregation to see, was often accompanied by simple, soft, and grave music.63 Gregory Barnett has described the resulting musical topoi of sacred, churchly sounds. This musical style system allowed for the use of a similar musical texture to that of Elevation outside of the context of the Mass to inspire meditation on the mystery of the Eucharist that goes along with this particular moment of the Mass. Similarly, the antiphonal exchanges of the sung litanies can be referenced musically by instrumental ensembles, as we shall see in Biber’s ensembles sonatas discussed in Chapter 4. The process of expressing representational meaning in instrumental music relies in part on the construction of musical genres. While genre and style taxonomies articulated by encyclopedists reveal seventeenth-century conceptions of genre, literary genre theory of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries provides an additional lens through which we can understand the practical and meaningful manipulation of musical genre and style in the period. 64 Seventeenth-Century Taxonomy Genre creates a framework of expectations, which plays a role in one’s understanding of the world through the conscious and unconscious observation of genre 63 Gregory Barnett, Bolognese Instrumental Music, 1660–1710 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008), 206. 64 See Charles Brewer, “Chapter 1: Stylus Phantasticus and Stylus Hyporchematicus: Concepts of Instrumental Music in Late Seventeenth-Century Central and Eastern Europe,” in Instrumental Music of Schmeltzer, Biber, Muffat, and their Contemporaries (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 1–44. 24 classifications.65 In the words of literary theorist John Frow, genre is a way to “actively generate and shape our knowledge of the world [...] in talk and writing, music and images.”66 By examining the way thinkers and composers of different times and places categorize music itself, we can understand how they conceived of musical genre distinctions. In her study of taxonomies of Renaissance literary genres, Rosalie Colie has categorized the defining attributes of genres into thematic, metrical, or topical characteristics, categories that map readily onto elements of musical genres that are established in the treatises of seventeenth-century music theorists.67 In the hierarchical musical taxonomy of Michael Praetorius in his Syntagma musicum of 1619, for example, texted works are arranged according to textual topic and form.68 Compositions are organized into groups with either “serious” or “humorous” texts. The humorous texts are then divided into three sections determined by the form of the text, whether the text is directly linked to a poetic form, is in a free form, or is “patched together.” Form and topic are fundamental to Praetorius’s taxonomic understanding of texted pieces. These principles are also evident in Athanasius Kircher’s style taxonomy in his Musurgia universalis of 1650.69 Kircher divides his stylus ecclesiasticus [sacred style] into two groups, one of works bound to a cantus firmus, and one of freely-composed works. Topic plays a central role in defining the stylus madrigalescus, which sets texts of “fables and histories of 65 John Frow, Genre (London and New York: Routledge, 2006), 1, and Peter Seitel, “Theorizing Genres: Interpreting Works,” New Literary History 34 (2003): 277. 66 Frow, Genre, 1. 67 Rosalie Colie, The Resources of Kind: Genre-Theory in the Renaissance (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1973), 7. 68 For a chart of Praetorius’s hierarchical taxonomy, see Figure 1.1 at the end of this chapter. 69 Athanasius Kircher, Musurgia universalis sive ars magna consoni et dissoni (2 vols, Romae: Ex Typographia Haeredum Francisci Corbelletti, 1650); facsimile edition in one vol., ed. Ulf Scharlau (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1970). 25 virtues and vice.” Textual meter and form categorize the stylus melismaticus, which “belongs to verse and metrical compositions.”70 While Colie’s categories are based chiefly on texts, Paul Whitehead describes elements of instrumental repertoire that establish a generic framework of expectations in the absence of text including style, structure (or form), hierarchical relationship, and social function (performance context).71 Evidence supporting Whitehead’s idea is found in seventeenth-century genre constructions. Praetorius, for example, divides untexted works into two groups based on structure and form. Freely composed “preludes” are diametrically opposed to works that are composed in specific dance forms. Social functions or performance contexts further subdivide the dances, which are categorized by whether the accompanying physical dance movements had fixed steps, such as the passamezzo and the galliard, or whether the dance was in a free style such as the courante or the allemande. Kircher takes a similar approach to textless music using performance context, form, and style to define his three classifications of explicitly instrumental music: the stylus hypochematicus, the stylus symphoniacus, and the stylus phantasticus. The stylus hypochematicus encompasses courtly music including court dances and homophonic ensemble music, such as canzonas.72 The social dances are then ordered “by the evident law of meter, responding with proportion to the gestures of the moving dancers.”73 The stylus phantasticus, on the other hand, is characterized particularly by a freedom and 70 For a complete list of Kircher’s various styles, see Figure 1.2 at the end of this chapter. These passages were originally translated by Brewer in Instrumental Music, 24. 71 Paul Whitehead, “Austro-German Printed Sources of Instrumental Ensemble Music, 1630–1700” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1996). 72 Brewer, Instrumental Music, 23–24. 73 Ibid., 32. 26 virtuosity of style. Kircher’s stylus symphoniacus seems to be a catch-all term for anything else, “belonging to all sorts of instruments.”74 In contrast to Praetorius and Kircher, Marco Scacchi does not divide the works primarily into groups based on the presence or absence of a text or dance type. Rather, he divides music into three “styles” based chiefly on performance context in a taxonomy of musical style that he offered in a letter to a fellow composer, Christopher Werner, around 1648.75 Scacchi subdivides his three categories of ecclesiastical, chamber, and theatrical music by performance forces and instrumentation.76 The ecclesiastical style, for example, is subdivided into four classes: 1. masses or motets for 4, 5, 6, or 8 voices without organ; 2. the same type of pieces with organ accompaniment; 3. the same pieces, but accompanied by instruments; and 4. motets composed in “the modern fashion.”77 The chamber music category is divided into three classes: 1. the unaccompanied madrigal; 2. songs with Generalbass; and 3. compositions that include “all musical instruments: violins, larger viols, theorbos, lyres, and flutes, etc.”78 While taxonomic definitions of genre construct frameworks of expectations, composers in the seventeenth century often evaded these generic boundaries, calling upon 74 Melanie Wald, Welterkenntnis aus Musik: Athanasius Kirchers Musurgia universalis und die Universalwissenschaft im 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2006), 153. 75 This letter was Scacchi’s response to a collection of pieces Christoph Werner had sent him, the Praemissa musicalia (Königsberg, 1646) [RISM W 803]. Werner had written to Scacchi, requesting feedback on his compositions. In his dissertation, George Boyd notes that the original copy of Scacchi’s letter was recovered in 1955 and is now residing in the Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek in Hamburg. George Boyd, “The Scacchi/Siefert Controversy with Translations of Marco Scacchi, Cribrum musicum and Paul Siefert, Anticribatio musica” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1996), 20. This sources has been discussed at length by Walter Werbeck in “Heinrich Schütz und der Streit zwischen Marco Scacchi und Paul Siefert,” Schütz-Jahrbuch 17 (1995), 64. Prior to being lost during World War II, the letter was published in its original Latin by Erich Katz in Die musikalischen Stilbegriffe des 17. Jahrhunderts (Charlottenburg: W. Flegel, 1926), 83–89. 76 Translated by Boyd in “The Scacchi/Siefert Controversy,” 22. See a table of Scacchi’s taxonomy in Figure 1.3 at the end of this chapter. 77 Translated in ibid. 78 Translated in ibid. 27 established generic musical conventions in altogether different genres. For example, a composer could reference the homophonic texture, strophic form, and well-defined musical phrases of the genre of a sacred chorale within the context of an ensemble sonata.79 Therefore, mapping repertoire according to seventeenth-century taxonomies can be vexing, a difficulty Colie articulates as “the challenge to match an imaginative structure to reality.”80 In contrast to composers’ more flexible approach to the idea of genre, the circumscribed definitions of genres recorded by theorists of the period such as Praetorius, Kircher, and Scacchi provide genre definitions. While the practical and theoretical conceptions of genre seem to be fundamentally at odds, approaching genre through the lens of modern literary genre theory provides a model for the manipulation of genre in practical use. Peter Seitel, for example, describes genre as “an interpretive tool, a set of concepts and methods that provides insight into the kinds of meaning articulated by a work that accounts for the aesthetic experience it produces.”81 Modern Literary Genre Theory Modern genre theory has roots in the early nineteenth century, when literary scholars embarked on a quest for a “philosophical theory of genre, as distinct from a purely descriptive account of individual genres.”82 Rather than formulating divisions of genres, 79 The juxtaposition of this variety of textures is evident in Heinrich Biber, Fidicinium Sacro-Profanum, ed. Erich Schenk, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 97 (Vienna: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1960). See for example Sonata 3 of the collection, which opens with dense four-part homophony, digresses into a dance-like flurry, and includes a section of imitative counterpoint interrupted by a solemn adagio section of homophony. The final adagio in the last two measures is preceded by a fiery exchange between violins before the final cadence. See Chapter 4. 80 Colie, The Resources of Kind, 7. 81 Seitel, “Theorizing Genres,” 275. 82 David Duff, “Introduction,” in Modern Genre Theory (London: Longman, 2000), 3. Gérard Genette has shown that the genre theory distinguishing between three modes of literary representation: epic, lyric, 28 Ferdinand Brunetière was the first to put forth the idea that literary genres develop out of one another in his L’ evolution des genres (1890).83 This idea was central among the Russian formalists in the early twentieth century, a school of thought championed by Yury Tynyanov, among others, who argued that genre could be constructed in relation to those that surround it.84 This school of thought merged synchronic and diachronic methodologies, acknowledging a constantly shifting hierarchy of genres in which genre could be a function of previous manifestations of that genre.85 Later in the twentieth century, Tzvetan Todorov distinguished historical genres, the result of an “observation of literary reality,” from theoretical genres, which are constructed, rather, by a process of deduction of a theoretical order.86 In an essay on the origin of genre, Todorov explores both the process by which new genres are formed out of old ones and the difference between “literary works” and “speech acts,” two categories that resonate strongly with the work of his colleague, Mikhail Bakhtin.87 Bakhtin distinguishes between simple (primary) and complex (secondary) genre designations, describing a nesting relationship between literary language and ordinary, pragmatic language: Secondary (complex) speech genres – novels, dramas, all kinds of scientific research, major genres of commentary, and so forth – arise in more complex and comparatively highly developed and organized cultural communication (primarily written) that is artistic, scientific, sociopolitical, and so on. During the process of and drama, which came under fire in the Romantic period was a conflation of the work of Aristotle and Plato. While Aristotle defined literary types according to mode and object of representation, Plato named three modes of literary representation: narrative, dramatic, and mixed. Gérard Genette, The Architext: An Introduction, trans. Jane E. Lewin (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992), 60–72. 83 Ferdinand Brunetière, L’evolution des Genres (Paris: Hachette, 1890). 84 Yury Tynyanov, “The Literary Fact,” trans. Ann Shukman in Modern Genre Theory, ed. David Duff (London: Longman, 2000), 29–49. Originally published as Yury Tynyanov, “O Literaturnom fakte” Lef 2 (1924), 100–116. 85 Duff, “Introduction,” 7–8. 86 Tzvetan Todorov, The Fantastic: A Structural Approach to a Literary Genre, trans. Richard Howard (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1973), 13–14. 87 Tzvetan Todorov, “The Origin of Genres,” in Genres in Discourse, trans. Catherin Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 13–26. 29 their formation, they absorb and digest various primary (simple) genres that have taken form in unmediated speech communication. These primary genres are altered and assume a special character when they enter into complex ones. They lose their immediate relation to actual reality and to the real utterances of others.88 Colie also describes complex genres as a carefully worked out and self-conscious mixture of various genres, a “generus mistum”.89 Colie uses the literary epic as an example, which while being a self-contained genre, contains parts that are generically elegiac, epigrammatic, and hymnic.90 While the elegiac sections of text are mournful or sentimental, the epigrammatic sections of texts are concise and pithy, and the hymnic texts are metric and strophic. A literary epic, a genus mistum, may contain sections of text in all three of these genres. Elements of these “simple” genres appear within a work of a “complex” genre. In operatic terms, for example, the simple genres of recitative and aria appear within the complex genre of an opera. While Colie specifically talks about particular works that belong to a “genus mistum,” literary theorist Jacques Derrida rejects “pure” forms of genres outright. In an utter repudiation of Russian formalism and strictly defined genres, Derrida’s post-structuralist, performance-based formulation of genre dictates that “a text does not belong to any single genre,” and puts forth the idea that “every text participates in one or several genres, there 88 Mikhail Bakhtin, Speech Genres and Other Late Essays, trans. Vern W. McGee, ed. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1986), 62. Clare Bokulich described the idea of “generic nesting” in fifteenth-century music in a 2014 paper on generic interconnection in Josquin’s Elevation motet, Tu solus, qui facis mirabilia, which cites a rondeau (song) by Ockeghem, D’ung aultre amer, and Josquin’s Missa Tu solus, which incorporates both the motet and the song. Bokulich unravels the generic relationships between the rondeau, motet, and Mass, and argues that cross-generic nesting illustrates how musical genres can be built around one another. Clare Bokulich, “A song within a motet within a Mass: Josquin’s Tu Solis and Generic Nesting in Fifteenth-Century Music,” paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Musicological Society, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, November 6–9, 2014. 89 Colie, Resources of Kind, 19. Colie cites examples of this in the works of the baroque poet Constantijn Huygens in particular. 90 Ibid., 21. 30 is no genreless text, there is always a genre and genres, yet such participation never amounts to belonging.”91 Twentieth-century literary theorist Anne Freadman likewise rejects the idea of a concrete, taxonomic construction of genre. She articulates two assumptions about genre that are, by the nature of genre, false, because the relationship between a text and its genre is never singular: 1. “That a text is ‘in’ a genre, i.e. that it is primarily, or solely describable in terms of the rules of one genre” and “2. that a genre is ‘in’ a text, i.e., that the features of a text will correspond to the rules of that genre.”92 In the words of John Frow, another modern genre theorist: “Texts do not belong to genre, rather they use genre.”93 According to the inherent mixture of genres described by modern literary theorists such as Derrida, Freadman, and Frow, genre functions on two intersecting planes. On the first, theoretically “pure” plane of genre, particular qualities establish discrete and recognizable genre conventions. Frow describes the first plane of genre consisting of “simple forms [that] tend to have specific and definite meanings or functions.”94 The second, practical plane of genre occurs when the generic construction is referenced in a particular work. According to Frow, in the second plane, these simple forms are “then extended, expanded, aggregated, parodied, or in some other way transformed in the more complex forms.”95 The recognizable genre definitions of the first plane are necessary to make particular genres identifiable in the second plane of genre. The defining characteristics of 91 Jacques Derrida. “The Law of Genre,” trans. Avital Ronel, Glyph 7 (1980): 230. 92 Anne Freadman. “Untitled: (On Genre),” Cultural Studies 2 (1988): 73. 93 Frow, Genre, 1. 94 Ibid., 39. 95 Ibid., 30. 31 the genre of the liturgical litany, for example, need to be established and widely understood before a reference to the genre can be understood within the context of an instrumental sonata, an example of which we will see in Biber’s Sonata a 6, die pauern Kirchfarth genanndt, in Chapter 3. Tim Carter has explored literary generic pluralism in the operatic repertoire of the early seventeenth century, citing compelling examples from Monteverdi’s dramatic oeuvre in which the composer uses elements of a variety of theatrical genres, such as intermedio, favola, and tragedia, within a single operatic work.96 As we shall see, the flexible and versatile nature of genre was crucial to the development of specific musical genres in the seventeenth century. Genre and Representational Meaning in Seventeenth-Century Sources The flexible nature of genre is particularly evident in the creative and innovative liberties taken by Salzburg’s composers to musically represent both the piety and majesty of the Prince Archbishop’s court. Musical genres could function as signs, sacred or secular, in the seventeenth century, as long as generic characteristics were clearly established as conventions. John Frow provides a framework for constructing generic conventions to facilitate mapping the interaction between genres, describing genre as a “framework for processing information and for allowing us to move between knowledge given directly in a text and other sets of knowledge that are relevant to understanding it.”97 Information not given directly by the text may include the semiotic medium and physical setting of a genre, 96 Tim Carter, “Monteverdi, Early Opera and a Question of Genre: The Case of Andromeda (1620),” Journal of the Royal Musical Association 137 (May 2012), 1–34. Although the music for Monteverdi’s Il rapimento di Proserpina (1630) is unfortunately lost, Carter observes the strategic blending of the genres of intermedio and favola in the libretto. Monteverdi creates generic confusion by injecting additional dialogue into the traditional framework of an intermedio and incorporating standard dramatic devices associated with the favola, such as a messenger scene, and a formal lament into the tragedia. 97 Frow, Genre, 80. 32 which are not themselves a component of the genre’s text itself, but constitute a material and technical matrix within which the genres are embedded. The semiotic medium and physical setting of a genre frame the conditions that govern and signal generic structure.98 For example, the semiotic medium of a documentary film takes into account the optical capacities of cameras, editing procedures, and sound recording in addition to the medium of film.99 The semiotic medium and physical setting of a liturgical piece of music is mediated by the fact that the text is in Latin, or that the piece survives in a liturgical part book or in manuscript parts, and any sort of liturgical or festal designation given in the source. While these elements are not embedded in the musical text itself, they aid in the construction of a liturgical genre. According to Frow, the discursive qualities of genre are wrapped up in three dimensions of the work: formal features, rhetorical structure, and thematic content or various topoi.100 Formal features of a musical work include the visual structure of a musical work, which may be conveyed by the layout of a print or manuscript. In texted works, formal structure may be manifest in the form of the text at hand. The disposition of instruments and voices, musical form, and the syntactic structure or musical vocabulary can also shape the form of a work, as will be explored in the large-scale works of Biber and Hofer in Chapter 3. The rhetorical structure of a genre provides information about the relationship between the senders and receivers of the messages, that is, the author or composer and the readers or audience. The particular “situation of address”, or the speaking position of the 98 Ibid., 73. 99 Ibid. 100 Ibid., 72. 33 performer, plays a role in making the rhetorical structure of a work apparent. Is the text written in the first person or the third person? Is the text relaying a narrative or acting out a drama with monologues and dialogues? While this can be fairly straightforward in vocal music, the situation of address can be complicated by the composer’s choice of voicing or orchestration. For example, Monteverdi set the text of Arianna’s solo lament twice, once for solo voice and once for an ensemble of voices, or multiple settings of liturgical texts by Andreas Hofer for various orchestrations. In these cases, the text remains the same, while the situation of address changes. Performance context also plays a role in the rhetorical structure of a genre: is the work designed to be performed as part of the liturgy dedicated to God? Or is meant to be sung in a tavern? The thematic structure or content of a musical work draws upon a set of conventional topics or topoi. Frow himself provides a musical example of this dimension of genre. He writes that “In music we might say that [thematic content] is expressed as the emotional tone characteristically carried by musical forms: quietly meditative in the nocturne or the evening raga, plaintive in the country-and-western ballad, triumphant in the military march, drivingly energetic in techno.”101 In vocal music, for example, the topic of the text at hand largely forms the basis of the thematic content, whether it is a setting of text from the liturgy or a saucy piece of romantic poetry. Paratexts in the manuscript or print sources, such as subtitles in Biber’s ensemble sonatas, or pictures as in Biber’s Rosary Sonatas, may convey thematic content of a work. Liturgical or festal ascriptions may also convey a theme. For example, the sacred repertoire of Andreas Hofer includes pieces with various liturgical or festal designations that set 101 Ibid., 74. 34 highly varied texts that elude liturgical prescription. As already notes, the representational language of the seventeenth century also allowed topics to be referenced in the music itself. The stile concitato can convey the theme of warfare, while the use of brass instruments and trumpet calls invoke the topic of royal power. Thematic content, however, does not have to be completely static in a work. In the Salzburg sources, we have a unique example of a single work that exists in two different sources with very different thematic references. Biber’s Rosary Sonatas, as mentioned above, are each accompanied by a depiction of one of the fifteen mysteries of the Virgin Mary, such as the Annunciation, the Visitation, or the Crucifixion or Resurrection of Christ. These pictorial paratexts infuse these instrumental works with a devotional capability and thematic structure. However, a concordant manuscript source of the tenth sonata in Biber’s Rosary collection, which was originally accompanied by a depiction of Christ’s Crucifixion, survives in a Viennese archive. Instead of a picture, however, the Vienna source has different sections of the sonata labeled with short phrases of text relating key moments in the Turkish siege of Vienna in 1683, such as the Entry of the Turks [into Vienna], for example (See Chapter 5). Frow notes that “Genres are always complex structures that can be defined in terms of all three of these dimensions: formal, rhetorical, and thematic.”102 He does acknowledge, however, the significant overlap between the dimensions and that the relationship between the dimensions can be unequal. In certain genres, the formal structure will be of greater importance to defining the genre than the thematic content, while in other genres, the opposite may be true. Frow’s dimensions of genre organize the characteristics of genre 102 Ibid., 76. 35 that contribute to formulating discrete genres, the elements of which may be identifiable within the context of other works. Throughout this dissertation, modern literary genre theory will articulate the relationship between musical genres in Salzburg, where composers approached musical genres with a distinct flexibility in order to aurally invoke the piety and sovereign power of the Prince Archbishop in liturgical, paraliturgical, and secular performance contexts. Genre theory will provide a framework for understanding the integration of courtly, regal sounds within sacred repertoire of Salzburg, much of which calls into question the very definition of liturgical genres or the appearance of sounds of sacred vocal works or country dances in the instrumental ensemble sonatas. Finally, Biber’s well-known collection, the Rosary Sonatas, melds literary and musical genres of cyclic sensory devotion and the solo violin sonata, and grants a devotional capability to the musical work. 36 Figure 1.1 Michael Praetorius’s Musical Taxonomy from Syntagma Musicum III103 Compositions are considered, for instance, I. With a Text: A. Serious (concertos/motets/falsobordone, which are adapted in part to religious, in part to secular matters, as in the praise of heroes and at solemn festivals) B. That is humorous, considered by reason of 1. the text a. being complete consisting of verses that are fixed: madrigals, stanzas, sestinas, sonnets b. unfixed texts: dialogues, canzonas, canzonettas, arias c. patched together, such as messanzas or quodlibets. 2. the use: a. for political occasions: giustinianas, serenatas, balletts b. economic purposes, such as vinettas, giardinieras, villanellas. II. Without a Text, such as A. Preludes 1. By themselves: fantasia, fugue, sinfonia, sonata 2. To a dance, such as the intrada or toccata B. Dance Forms with 1. Fixed steps: pavan, passamezzo, galliard 2. Free steps: branle, courante, volta, allemande, mascherada 103 Michael Praetorius, Syntagma Musicum III, ed. and trans. Jeffrey Kite-Powell (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 17. 37 Figure 1.2 Athanasius Kircher’s Definitions of Musical Styles.104 1 Stylus ecclesiasticus “is found in masses, hymns, graduals, and antiphons. It is either bound or free. The bound type is based on a cantus firmus or choral. The free type is based on the taste of the composer.” 2 Stylus canonicus “is when in one part many are bound together, but this is not highly regarded today, although it is an artful style to set many types of canons.” 3 Stylus motecticus “is majestic and splendid, and is so defined because its mode or tone is artfully concealed through mixture with other sounds in such a manner that it can be recognized only by its end.” 4 Stylus phantasticus “belongs only to instruments, since the composer allows only his art and the delicacy of the musical phrases to be heard.” 5 Stylus madrigalescus “belongs to fables and histories for virtue and vice and derives its name from its first creator, named Madrigallus.” 6 Stylus melismaticus “is so defined from its sweetness, and belongs to verse and metrical compositions; it has two, three, or four joints, different figures, whose closing phrases are repeated.” 7 Stylus hypochematicus “belongs to solemn festivities and is two-fold: theatrical and dancing, the former belongs to comedies and the later to court dances.” 8 Stylus symphoniacus “also belongs to all sorts of instruments.” 9 Stylus dramaticus sive recitativus “has its own particular musical phrases and bases itself on the affections that the subject matters bring with themselves.” 104 Originally translated in Brewer, Instrumental Music, 24. 38 Figure 1.3 Marco Scacchi’s Musical Taxonomy as described in a letter to Christoph Werner, in 1648.105 Primum igitur assero triplicem omnino stylum in Arte Musices reperiri. Primum, Ecclesiasticum; Alterum Cubicularem; Postremum, Scenicum seu Theatralem: quorum singulos diversis etiam modis a peritis considerari oportet. I. Ecclesiasticus in quatuor iterum stylus dividitur. Primusque comprehendit Missas, Motetta, et similes Cantilenas 4. 5. 6. 8. Vocum, absque Organo. Secundus easdem Cantilenas, adiuncto Organo, ita, ut plures etiam chori pleni possint constitui. Tertius similes Cantilenas in concerto. Quartus demum Motetta juxta usum modernum. II. Cubicularis tria etiam membra complectitur. Primum est Madrigalium exclusis instrumentis, quae vocantur vulgo: da Tavolini. Secundum est Cantilenarum cum Basso Generali. Tertium admittit Omnia instrumenta musica: Violinos, Violas MAjores, Tiorbas, Testidunes, Flautos, etc. III. Theatralis seu Scenica Musica simplex est, et unico contenta stylo, in eoque consistit, ut cantus colloquendo, et colloquia canendo perficiantur. In the first place, therefore, I assert that musicians recognize three styles in this art: ecclesiastical, chamber, and scenic or theatrical. Each of these should be viewed also in different ways. I. The ecclesiastical style is subdivided into four classes. The first class includes masses, motets, and similar pieces for 4, 5, 6, or 8 voices without organ. The second class has the same pieces but with organ accompaniment and consists of multiple choirs making up the full chorus. The third class uses similar pieces but with instruments. Finally, the fourth class has motets composed in the modern fashion. II. The chamber style has three classes. The first is madrigal without instruments; these [madrigals] are commonly called “on the table”. The second class is songs with generalbass. The third class includes all musical instruments: violins, larger viols, theorbos, lyres, flutes, etc. III. The theatrical or scenic style is simple, consisting of only one class which is those pieces which sing in speaking and speak in singing. 105 Originally translated in Boyd, “The Scacchi/Siefert Controversy,” 22. 39 CHAPTER 2. MALLEABLE LITURGY AND MUSICAL REPRESENTATION: THE OFFERTORY AND EMBLEMATIC SACRED SONG Introduction In the dedication of his sole printed collection of liturgical music, the Vesperae longiores ac breviores (Salzburg, 1693), Heinrich Biber notes the powerful capabilities of vocal music combined with instrumental accompaniment in an allusion to Davidic song: Where a string harmonizes with a human voice, there the hearts of heavenly ones are easily moved towards thanksgiving and praise; and the Royal Psalmist never deployed his voice and strings with greater efficacy than when he gave life to his prayers with a sounding ten-string instrument.106 While most studies of the music in Salzburg in the seventeenth century tend to focus on the virtuosic solo violin sonatas of Heinrich Biber, a rich body of settings of Latin sacred texts for instruments and voices composed by both Biber and his contemporary Andreas Hofer survives in manuscript and print sources, many of which have yet to be edited or studied. These works reveal the representational function of a wide variety of texts, performing forces, and musical textures in sacred contexts. The sacred music of the liturgy, decorated by the liberal admixture of voices and instruments praised by Biber in his preface to the Vesperae, was an ideal venue for the display of both the Catholic piety and sovereign power of Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop, two principal facets of Salzburg’s brand of post-Tridentine absolutism, the Pietas Salisburgensis. The archbishopric of Salzburg provides a fascinating case study for the use of liturgical music as part of an absolutist program. In the late seventeenth-century liturgical practices in the city were a unique blend of local practice and Roman ritual. Interestingly, however, many of the sacred texts set by Salzburg’s composers are not found in either of 106 James Clements, “Aspects of the Ars rhetorica in the Violin Music of Heinrich Biber (1644–1704)” (Ph.D. diss., Royal Holloway, University of London, 2002), 102. 40 the Salzburg or Roman liturgies, even when the pieces are given a liturgical assignment in surviving print or manuscript sources. Rather, Biber and Hofer both set highly centonized texts, which include segments of prayers, hymns, scripture, and freely composed verse. In this chapter, genre theory provides a lens through which to study the melding of various texts and timbres, including those of instrumental genres, in liturgical or paraliturgical settings. In addition to their creative approach to texts, Biber and Hofer used instrumental music to enhance the dramatic potential of the texts at hand. Furthermore, the selection of texts reflects specific elements of the Pietas Salisburgensis, central to which were Catholic dogmas such as the transubstantiation of the Eucharist and devotion to Mary and Christian martyrs.107 Case studies of repertoire including Hofer’s printed collection of Offertories, the Ver sacrum seu flores (Salzburg, 1677),108 and Heinrich Biber’s setting of Hic est panis, a text related to the celebration of the Eucharist,109 will show how Salzburg’s composers used a malleable concept of liturgical genre to musically represent of Salzburg’s Catholic piety in the late seventeenth century. Echoes of Trent: The Liturgy of Late Seventeenth-Century Salzburg Following the Council of Trent (1545–1563), the Papal court in Rome took widespread measures to regulate liturgical practices throughout central Europe. Efforts were made to standardize liturgical texts by issuing revised liturgical books, such as the 107 For more on various Eucharistic practices, see Lee Palmer Wandel, ed. A Companion to the Eucharist in the Reformation (Leiden: Brill, 2014). For information about the Catholic Reformation, see Michael Mullett, The Catholic Reformation (New York, NY: Routledge, 1999). 108 A-Sd, 1148 109 D-Bsa, SA 296. The liturgical or devotional intention for this piece is not clearly indicated in the manuscript source of this piece. Based on its text, it might have been used for the feast of Eucharist or that of Corpus Christi. 41 Roman Breviary (1568) and the Roman Missal (1570). Despite the impetus for standardization of liturgical practice, Salzburg was privy to the Papal dispensation that allowed dioceses with liturgical traditions older than 200 years to maintain their local traditions.110 Therefore, until quite late in the sixteenth century, Salzburg’s liturgical practices were based on those of the Augustinian Canons who had staffed Salzburg’s cathedral chapter since the founding of the Archdiocese in 1122, a defining characteristic of which was the veneration of local saints such as St. Rupert and St. Virgilius.111 However, in 1588 Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop Wolf Dietrich von Raitenau (r. 1587–1612) mandated that Salzburg voluntarily adopt the liturgical practice of the Roman Rite.112 Despite Wolf Dietrich’s declaration, change was slow to come, and the practice of the Roman Rite in the city was first implemented in 1595.113 Moreover, the first Roman Breviary was not printed in Salzburg until 1613.114 Furthermore, the traditional Salzburg 110 For more on Salzburg’s religious history during this period, see Franz Ortner, Reformation, katholische Reform, und Gegenreformation im Erzstift Salzburg (Salzburg: Universitätsverlag Anton Pustet, 1981). 111 Gerhard Walterskirchen, “…das einem Singen und Klingen wohl mochte vergehen: Musik in Salzburg zur Zeit der Gegenreformation,” in Gegenreformation und Barock in Mitteleuropa, in der Slowakei, ed. Ladislav Kačic (Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, 1999), 84. 112 Hintermaier cites the text of a statement by the Cathedral Deacon on 25 April 1588: “Es gehe confuse in Verrichtung des Gottesdienstes zue, weshalb er den Chor in eine bessere und richtigere Ordnung bringen und das Salzburgische Breviarium und Missale nach dem Römischen reformiren lassen und paulatim ins Werk richten, und wenn dann der römische Brauch etwas bekannt worden, wolle hochfürstliche Gnaden das reformirte Breviarium und Missale drucken lassen […], daß die Confusio und große Unordnung in Verrichtung des Gottesdienstes so mit Celebriren, Singen, Lesen und anderen Kirchenzeremonien dermaßen eingerissen, das weder der Salzburgische noch Römische Brauch observirt würde […] kurz, es sole neue Reformatio ad usum Romanum eingerichtet warden.” Ernst Hintermaier, ed. Katalog des liturgischen Buch- und Musikalienbestandes am Dom zu Salzburg. Teil 2: Die Musikhandschriften und Musikdrucke in Chorbuch-Notierung (Salzburg: Universitätsverlag Anton Pustet, 1992), 3. Although Wolf Dietrich was elected Archbishop of Salzburg in 1587, he had already been a canon of the cathedral chapter since 1575. Franz Martin, Salzburgs Fürsten in der Barockzeit (Salzburg: Verlag Das Bergland-Buch, 1949), 14. 113 Ernst Hintermaier, “Die Kirchenmusik und Liturgie-Reform Wolf Dietrichs,” in Fürsterzbischof Wolf Dietrich von Raitenau: Gründer des Barocken Salzburg, ed. Ulrike Engelsberger (Salzburg: Universitätsverlag Anton Pustet, 1992), 296–302. 114 Christopher Porter “Salzburg W.B. XIV: Historical Context, Liturgical Significance, and Critical Edition” (D.M.A. thesis, University of Iowa, 2008), 40. 42 Rituale continued to be printed in the city as late as 1686.115 However, these ritual books, whose 1640 and 1686 editions bear the subtitle ad usum Romanum accommodatum, did adapt the Roman practices into the local model. For a list of liturgical books currently held in the Salzburg Cathedral archive (see Table 2.1). Wolf Dietrich’s notable step of instroducing the Roman Rite in Salzburg in 1588 was likely inspired by his education, from 1576 to 1581, at the Collegium Germanicum in Rome.116 Founded in 1552 by the Papal court, the Collegium was entrusted to the Jesuit order with a mandate to restore the position of the Catholic Church in the German-speaking world, and through Wolf Dietrich it bore a demonstrable influence on the practices of Salzburg’s Cathedral and court late into the seventeenth century.117 Evidence that Raitenau maintained a considerable interest in the Roman Rite even after leaving Rome survives in a copy of the Pontificale Romanum, a volume that contains the ceremonies and rites performed by Catholic bishops, that was printed in Venice in 1582 with a portrait of Wolf Dieterich on the cover.118 Wolf Dietrich continued to maintain a close relationship with Rome, traveling there for a personal audience with the Pope in 1588, one year after his election to the post of Prince Archbishop. He was Salzburg’s only Prince Archbishop to have done so.119 115 Two exemplars are available in the Salzburg Cathedral Archive, a 1640 edition, which has recently been noted as lost, W.b.LIX, and a 1686 edition, W.b.LV. 116 Ibid., 3. 117 Martin, Salzburgs Fürsten, 14. 118 While little is known about the circumstances surrounding this print, it is apparent that following his time at the German College, Wolf Dietrich traveled for two years between 1582 and 1583, possibly to Venice. The print can be found in the former library of the Capuchins in Radstadt. The volume is described briefly in the catalog of liturgical prints included by Ernst Hintermaier in Hintermaier “Die Kirchenmusik und Liturgie-Reform Wolf Dietrichs,” in Fürsterzbischof Wolf Dietrich von Raitenau: Gründer des Barocken Salzburg, ed. Ulrike Engelsberger (Salzburg: Universitätsverlag Anton Pustet, 1992), 298. Hintermaier describes the engraving of Raitenau on the cover of the volume, but does not provide further information about a preface, dedication, or other paratextual elements of the print. These details await further study. 119 Martin, Salzburgs Fürsten, 15. 43 Table 2.1 Printed Liturgical Books of the Salzburg Cathedral Archive.120 Title Year City of Publication Salzburg Cathedral Archive Catalog Nr. Missale Romanum 1596 Antwerp Schatzkammer/Dommuseum Missale Romanum 1629 Cologne W.a.LXI Missale Romanum 1662 Rome W.a.N XVIII [=W.a.LV?] Missale Romanum 1671 Salzburg W.a.LVII.; W.a.N XIV. Missale Romanum 1671 Salzburg W.a.LVIII. Missale Romanum 1686 Lyon W.a.N XIII Missale Romanum 1686 Kempten W.a.LII Missale Romanum 1692 Salzburg W.a.N CXXXII. Missale Romanum 1694 Salzburg W.a.LXIV./1-6 Missale Romanum 1704 Cologne W.a.LXII. Breviarum Romanum 1671 Venice W.b.XLVI Breviarum Romanum 1697 Antwerp W.a.XCI. Psalterium Romanum 1683 Salzburg W.V. (?), W.VI. (?); W.XIV,; W.XVI.; W.XVII.; W.XVIII. Psalterium Romanum 1685 Salzburg W.V. (?), W.VI. (?); W.VII.; W.VIII.; W.IX.; W.X.; W.XI.; W.XII.; W.XIII.; [W.XV.]; W.XVII.; W.XVIII. [W.b.XIX] Psalterium Breviarii Romani 1609 Regensburg W.a.N. CXII.; W.a.N CXVI Rituale Salisburgense 1640 Salzburg [W.b.LIX.] Rituale Salisburgense 1686 Salzburg W.b.LV. 120 For more information about these books and the entire collection of liturgical books held in the Salzburg Cathedral Archive, see Franz Wasner, Stefan Engels, and Ernst Hintermaier, eds., Katalog des liturgischen Buch- und Musikalienbestandes am Dom zu Salzburg, Teil 1: Die gedruckten und handschriftlichen liturgischen Bücher (Salzburg: Universitätsverlag Anton Pustet, 1992). 44 During his time as a boarding pupil at the Collegium, Raitenau would have heard the sounds of highly varied singing and concerted music permeating the halls of the school, fully immersing the future Prince Archbishop in the musical aesthetics of the post-Tridentine Collegium.121 Although the liturgical practices of the college were based largely on constitutions written by the Jesuit Order’s founder, Ignatius of Loyola, which make no particular mention of music at its founding, in 1573 liturgical practice became a primary focus of study at the College, and a program of liturgical music was established under Father Michael Lauretano, rector from 1573 to 1587.122 Lauretano so much encouraged singing and concerted settings of the liturgy that complaints were filed that the students’ studies were “greatly hindered by that insatiable and perpetual custom of singing,” and that the Germans will “take little or nothing with them [back to Germany] except music and ceremonies.”123 Wolf Dietrich was influential in expanding and reshaping the musical institution of Salzburg’s court, actions that reverberated into the later seventeenth century. Evidence of Raitenau’s large-scale restructuring of the musical forces in Salzburg is found in his 1591 decree that formed a “new foundation for choral music,” that increased the number of musicians and divided the cathedral choir from the court musicians. 124 As a part of this new system, instrumentalists and trumpeters were hired and paid as court musicians 121 For more on Wolf Dietrich’s time at the Collegium Germanicum, see Franz Martin, Wolf Dietrich von Raitenau, Erzbischof von Salzburg (Vienna and Leipzig: A. Hartleben’s Verlag, 1925). 122 Thomas Culley, “The Influence of the German College in Rome on Music in German-Speaking Countries during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (I),” Analecta musicologia 7 (1969): 5. See also Thomas Culley, Jesuits and Music: I. A Study of Musicians Connected with the German College in Rome during the 17th Century and of their Activities in Northern Europe (St. Louis, MO: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1970). Evidence for the great attention given to musical studies at the Collegio in the late sixteenth century exists in letters complaining of the great amount of time and energy invested in liturgical music at the College. 123 Ibid., 8. 124 Ernst Hintermaier, “Es kundt im Himmel mit scheener oder lustigber sein’: Musikpflege und mehrchöriges Musizieren am Salzburger Dom im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Erzbischoff Paris Lodron (1619–1653): Staatsmann Zwischen Krieg und Frieden, ed. Peter Keller (Salzburg: Dommuseum zu Salzburg, 2003), 121. 45 (Hofmusici). The cathedral choir was made up of two groups of musicians, which are identified separately in the extant payment records from the Salzburg court.125 The choir vicars [Chori vicarii], on one hand, were priests selected “on the basis of their musical ability” whose primary liturgical responsibility was to sing figural music. This group was led by a Chorregent, who was responsible for leading the choir in the absence of the Kapellmeister.126 This group also included choir boys of varied ability, the Corporey Knaben, who were required only to sing plainchant, and the Kapell Knaben, who were more skilled and could be tasked with singing figural music and concerted solo parts.127 The second division of the cathedral choir was a group of Choralisten, lay choristers who were tasked with singing plainchant. Although there were three Prince Archbishops who served between the reigns of Wolf Dietrich and Maximilian Gandolph (r. 1668–1687), there are significant parallels between the musical establishments of these two rulers. The organization of musicians established by Raitenau, for example, remains evident in the payment records from 1669 to 1694, which show a steady increase in choristers and instrumental musicians during the period (see Table 2.2). 125 These payment records survive in individual fascicles in the Salzburg Landesarchiv, Geheimesarchiv, XXIII. 126 Eric Chafe, The Church Music of Heinrich Biber (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press: 1987), 34. 127 Porter, “Salzburg W.B. XIV,” 43. 46 Table 2.2 Musicians on the Salzburg Payroll, 1667–1697.128 1667 1668 1669 1672 1673 1674¹ 1675 1676 Cathedral Choir Chorregenten 20 21 19 21 22 22 19 22 Choralisten 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 Chor Musicanten 16 16 16 21 24 24 24 24 Court Musicians Organist 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Musico 2 2 3 4 4 3 3 Porthier und Trompeter 2 4 4 4 Trompeter 2 3 7 10 10 10 12 Hörpaugger 1 1 1 1 1 1 Calcant 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ¹Money set aside for education of choir boys starts in 1674 – 1697 * Muffat is listed as one of the organists. 1682 1685 1686 1687 1694 1697 Cathedral Choir Chorregenten 22 20 20 20 21 21 Choralisten 8 8 8 8 8 8 Chor Musicanten 27 31 31 31 36 36 Court Musicians Organist 3* 3* 3* 3* 1 1² Musico 5 6 6 7 13 12 Porthier und Trompeter Trompeter 11 11 10 11 12 12 Hörpaugger 2 2 2 2 1 2 Calcant 2 2 2 2 2 2 ²Listed as "organisten, auch Instrumenten" In general, these payment records show a clear trend of dedicating greater financial resources towards musical forces and especially instrumentalists, for liturgical practice at the Salzburg court and chapel.129 These records convey that some trumpeters were 128 Data collected from the Salzburg Landesarchiv, Geheimesarchiv XXIII (Besoldungsliste). The individual folios are identified by year. 129 While Salzburg’s court and chapel were governed by the same institution, the two organizations are listed separately in the payment records. The musicians of the court are listed as “Hofmusici” in the records, while the chapel musicians are listed as “Chorherrn.” 47 employed solely as musicians, “trumpeters”, while others listed worked as both “porthier und trumpeter.” Porters and trumpeters worked in other ceremonial capacities, but could also play when extra trumpeters were needed.130 Around 1673, musicians were no longer listed as both porters and trumpeters, suggesting a greater degree of specialization on the part of the court trumpeters. However, later in the century the names of musicians begin to appear in an entirely different section of the payment records, that for “Kammerdiener und Porthier” (Chamber Servants and Porters), and it is here that Heinrich Biber’s name first appears in 1672. While we cannot be certain that every name on this list in the payment records is that of a musician, the fact that Biber’s name appears there indicates that musicians could have been listed amongst this group of court employees. There are further parallels between the anti-Protestant/pro-Catholic campaigns of Wolf Dietrich and Maximilian Gandolph. It was during Raitenau’s reign that Salzburg’s government began to take steps to establish the territory as a Catholic stronghold and to infuse the city with an overwhelming Catholic presence, a reaction to the growing popularity of the teachings of Martin Luther, which were prevalent in the rural mountain regions and among the civil servants and tradesmen of Salzburg.131 The archbishop forbade mixed marriages between Protestants and Catholics and introduced legislation that threatened the religious freedom of farmers and merchants in more far-flung areas of the Salzburg archdiocese, where the Protestant faith had taken its strongest hold.132 Similarly, Max Gandolph promoted an aggressive religious agenda, conducting regular searches for 130 While “porthier” can be translated as “porter” it is likely that the word was meant to define a ceremonial door guard, or a “Türhüter.” Men in this role could serve this ceremonial function, but could also perform the duty of court trumpeter, if need be. Thank you to Alex Fisher for pointing this intricacy out to me. 131 Porter, “Salzburg W.B. XIV,” 3. 132 Martin, Salzburgs Fürsten, 16. Raitenau’s mission to expel Lutheran teachings was realized in the expulsion of Protestants from the entire diocese in 1725. 48 banned Protestant propaganda and even expelling Protestants from the principality in 1684, as mentioned previously.133 These large-scale Catholic reforms were, according to Franz Ortner, not solely a reaction to Luther, but also a reflection of Salzburg’s desire to re-establish an independent spiritual principality and political state for the Catholic Church.134 As will be shown below, music composed by Salzburg’s composers for the Catholic liturgy served as an ideal venue for Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop to demonstrate the vibrancy of the Catholic community in the city and to emphasize his defense of the Catholic faith, an integral element of post-Tridentine absolutism. Andreas Hofer’s Ver sacrum seu flores (Salzburg, 1677) and the Pietas Salisburgensis In the seventeenth century, the Offertory of the Mass was a particularly flexible and adaptable section of the liturgy.135 Andreas Hofer’s Ver sacrum seu flores (Salzburg, 1677), a printed collection of so-called “Offertories”, provides a compelling example of the versatility of this liturgical item, especially in Salzburg.136 Based on the textual and stylistic variety embodied in the collection, Hofer could very well have deployed a more generic title such as Sacrae cantiones, or even Motetten. However, he deliberately referred to the works as pro Offertoriis (for the Offertory) and indicates that these works are to be used “chiefly for Offertories” (Offertoriis potissimum servituri). In fact, Hofer mentions the particular importance and popularity of the liturgical genre in a special note to the readers 133 Ibid., 116. 134 Ortner, Reformation, katholische Reform, 87. 135 For more on the flexibility of the Offertory, see Anthony Cummings, “Towards an Interpretation of the 16th-Century Motet,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 34 (1981): 43–59, and Stephen Bonta, “The Uses of the ‘Sonata da Chiesa’,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 22 (1969): 54–84. 136 This collection for five voices and five instruments was printed by Salzburg printer Johann Baptist Mayr and dedicated to Prince Archbishop Maximilian Gandolph. 49 included in the print. He acknowledges the high demand for music for the Offertory, expressing his “great hope that the Offertory should flourish in many places on account of public demand; if not to satisfy it, then at least to attend to it.”137 In the preface to the collection Hofer indicates that he conceived of the print as a cursory, pragmatic group of pieces that was in no way “embellished for the sake of grandeur or for a particular artifice in order that they might be useful to many” [non adornavi ad Magnificentiam, aut peculiare artificium ut serviant pluribus]. The title page of the collection can be seen in Figure 2.1. 137 “Et profecto meis hisce laboribus spes major adspirat, fore, ut floreant quia communi desiderio OFFERTORIUM in plerisque locis, si non satisfacere, saltem favere videntur.” A-Sd, A 1148. 50 Figure 2.1 Andreas Hofer, Ver Sacrum seu flores, Title Page. The collection opens with a piece for the feast of the Nativity and concludes with a motet for the Common of Virgins and Martyrs. The eighteen pieces appear in proper liturgical order according to the Catholic Church year, and are mostly for feasts of the Temporale, the period of the church year between Christmas and Trinity Sunday, the first Sunday after Pentecost. Hofer sets Offertories for several of the main feasts of the Catholic Church year that celebrate pivotal moments in the lives of both Christ and Mary, such as the Nativity, the Resurrection, and the Ascension of Christ, and the Purification of the Blessed Virgin. 51 Hofer also includes works for Pentecost and for the feasts of several saints and apostles, such as St. Stephen, the Apostle John, and Philip and Jacob (James). The collection concludes with seven works for the ordinary time of the church year, between Trinity Sunday and the beginning of Advent. This section of the publication includes works for the Feasts of the Blessed Sacrament (Corpus Christi), John the Baptist, and for the Commons of the Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, and Virgins and Martyrs. See a list of the contents of the collection in Table 2.3. Table 2.3 Andreas Hofer, Ver sacrum seu flores, Contents. # Title Feast 1 Dum medium silentium Nativitas domini 2 Adeste fideles Stephani 3 Gaudent Caeli Joannis Apost. Evang. 4 Vox in Rama Innocentium 5 Ad cunas Jesuli Circumcisio Domini 6 Consurgites fortes Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary 7 Resurgenti Deo Resurrectio Domini 8 Vidi conjunctos viros Philippi et Jacobi Apostolorum 9 Ecce Cruce Domini Crux Inventio 10 Caeli cives Jubilate Ascensio Domini 11 O suavis aura Caeli Pentecost 12 Panis candidissime De Venerabile Sacramento 13 Audite insulae Joannis Baptistae 14 Egredimini filiae Sion Blessed Virgin Mary 15 Estote fortes in bello De Apostolis 16 Quam splendita De uno Martyre 17 Ad cereni caeli De Confessore 18 Ad festum virginis properate De Virgine et Martyre The contents of this collection reveal the focal points of Salzburg’s sovereign piety, or Pietas Salisburgensis. For example, Hofer curiously omits Offertories for particular feasts of general importance. Although he opens the collection with works for the four feast days that occur in direct succession—the Nativity, St. Stephen, St. John the Apostle, and the Holy 52 Innocents, the latter three of which are feasts of the second class—he does not include an Offertory for Epiphany, a feast of the first class. Similarly, we find a work for the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin but not for her Annunciation, Nativity, or Assumption. Rather than including a piece for every major Catholic feast, Hofer’s choices suggest a particular reverence to Christian martyrs, who were key sanctoral intercessors in times of adversity, or particular, lesser known feasts, such as the Invention of the Cross (Crux Inventio). These choices reveal a particular focus on the holy defensive power that could purportedly be summoned through worship or devotion, a theme central to the Pietas Salisburgensis and the broader field of post-Tridentine absolutism.138 Devotion to the cross—embodied in Hofer’s Ecce Cruce Domini—was considered a powerful defense in battle. For example, the feast of the Invention of the Cross was celebrated on 3 May and commemorates the founding of the sacred wood of the cross by St. Helena. Although it is a feast of the second class, the legend of this feast directly relates to the power of the cross in battle, for it was after Constantine’s victory at the Milvian Bridge in 312, allegedly won in part through the power of the cross, that his mother traveled to Jerusalem to find the True Cross. Devotion to the crucifix in particular would have reminded listeners of its symbolic power, which was promulgated by legends of Austrian generals parading through their troops before important battles carrying a crucifix to exhort their soldiers to victory.139 Devotion to the cross also carried a more abstract, devotional purpose, especially during a time of righteous conflict, reminding families and 138 Anna Coreth, Pietas austriaca, trans. William D. Bowman and Anna Maria Leitgeb (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2004), 1. 139 Ibid., 41. Coreth cites the example of the important Catholic victory in the Thirty Years’ War at White Mountain in 1621, which was thought to be granted because the cross was carried into battle along with the soldiers. 53 friends of victims that just as supposedly Christ willingly suffered and shed His blood for the salvation of humanity, so too did Christians freely choose to sacrifice their lives to defend Christianity against non-Christian enemies.140 The willingness of a Christian to bear the cross was manifest in his “readiness to accept all sorrow and suffering from God.”141 This embrace of the ideology of Christian sacrifice is evident in Hofer’s inclusion of Offertories that glorify martyrs. Adeste fideles, for example, is for the feast of St. Stephen, the first Christian martyrafter the death of Jesus. Hofer also includes the Offertory Vox in Rama for the Feast of Innocents, commemorating Herod’s slaughtering of all of the firstborn boys of Bethlehem, the victims of which are considered the first martyrs for the Christian faith. For the ordinary part of the church year Hofer sets Offertories for the Common of a Martyr, the Common of Virgins and Martyrs, and the Commons of the Apostles, who regularly endured persecution for their faith. Hofer’s collection shows a marked interest in providing concerted music for the glorification of those who sacrificed their lives for the faith. Each piece in Hofer’s Ver sacrum is accompanied by two violins, a standard performing force in sacred concertos of the early seventeenth century. These violins provide harmonic accompaniment, engage in imitative exchanges and dramatic melodic flourishes. Trombones or violas accompany these violins depending upon the work. If the orchestration includes trombones, the fifth instrumental part is an additional trombone. If the secondary instrumental parts are violas, the fifth instrumental part is for either a bassoon (fagotto) or a bass viola. The instrumentation of the final piece, Ad festum virginis 140 Clements, “Aspects of the Ars rhetorica,” 277. 141 Coreth, Pietas, 39. 54 properate, for the Common of Virgins and Martyrs differs, however. Two violins and one trombone accompany the eight vocal parts. The varied instrumental accompaniments in Ver sacrum set the collection apart from similar prints, and reveal Hofer’s intentional use of instrumentation as a representational device. For example, Hofer uses the powerful brass timbre of trombones to accompany the Offertories celebrating the main events of Christ’s life in Ver sacrum: the Nativity and the Resurrection. Three trombones also accompany the violins in the aforementioned Ecce Cruce Domini for the feast of the Invention of the Cross. Furthermore, Hofer uses trombones to accompany Offertories for feasts celebrating those who have overcome adversity; those celebrating the feast of Saints John and John the Baptist and the Common of the Apostles, defenders of the faith. Despite the lack of trumpets in Ver sacrum, Hofer still references this particularly royal instrumentation in the collection. For example, in the Offertory for the feast of the Ascension, celebrating the occasion on which Christ ascends from earth into heaven to take his place on the throne as the King of Heaven, Hofer imitates the sound of trumpet calls in the violin parts, as the violins play descending fourths and repeated notes imitating the repetitive calls of trumpets (see Example 2.1). Similarly, Hofer alludes to the presence of trumpets in the Resurrection Offertory, which celebrates Christ’s rising from the dead. He accomplishes this with perfect fifth leaps in the first violins in mm. 105-112. See Example 2.2. 55 Example 2.1 Hofer, Caelie cives Jubilate, mm. 1–6.142 Example 2.2 Hofer, Resurgenti Deo, mm. 105–112.143 While Hofer’s Offertories are specifically designated for feasts throughout the church year, the texts as presented in Ver sacrum do not correspond to either the Roman or Salzburg liturgies. Rather, the texts are highly centonized, combining sections of text from scripture, poetry, Biblical commentary, and prayers. This was not an uncommon practice in 142 Transcription mine, from A-Sd, A 1148. 143 Ibid. 56 the seventeenth century and certainly not unique to Salzburg; the fact that Hofer’s works do not include standard Offertory texts certainly does not exclude the possibility that they were used for the Offertory of the Mass. James Moore has demonstrated that centonized or non-liturgical texts were used in the Venetian liturgy, as a 1639 document cites the performance of works with “texts with made up words that are not found in holy books,” during the “offertory, the elevation, the Agnus Dei, and between the psalms at Vespers.”144 The practice of centonization in the Offertory repertory is quite old: in her discussion of the medieval Offertory, Rebecca Maloy characterizes the texts of the early Offertory in a dramatic way, writing that “In many Offertories, the scriptural basis is altered to create a sort of libretto.”145 In Hofer’s Offertory for the Feast of the Innocents, Vox in Rama, elements of the liturgical texts prescribed for this feast are interwoven with sections of descriptive prose and a rhymed hymn-like text that serves as a refrain throughout the piece. Following an opening narrative phrase that Hofer sets in an accompanied recitative style, Hofer introduces the hymn-like text “Agni balant”, that recurs three times throughout the piece. The reiterations of the hymn-like text separate three sections of the text, which are, oddly, 144 James Moore, Vespers at St. Mark’s: Music of Alessandro Grandi, Giovanni Rovetta and Francesco Cavalli (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1981), 152. There have been a number of investigations on the relationship between settings of non-liturgical sacred, Latin texts and their liturgical use. Cummings addresses the question of defining a liturgical genre in the sixteenth century and introduces the term “paraliturgical” to describe pieces of music that were used in liturgical settings, but that do not set prescribed liturgical texts. Anthony Cummings, “Towards an Interpretation of the 16th-century Motet,” 47. Likewise, Bonnie Blackburn calls into question whether or not text is a reliable determining factor or clear indicator of liturgical use in her examination of the manuscript collection of the Treviso Cathedral. Bonnie Blackburn, Music for Treviso Cathedral in the Late Sixteenth Century: A Reconstruction of the Lost Manuscripts 29 and 30 (London: Royal Musical Association, 1987), 18. Most recently, David Crook has argued for the function of a motet text as a gloss on the Epistle or Gospel reading for the day. David Crook, “The Exegetical Motet” (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Musicological Society, San Francisco, California, November 10–13, 2011). 145 Rebecca Maloy, Inside the Offertory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 11. 57 not alike in form or mode of speech. See a full diagram of the text and musical texture in Figure 2.2. Hofer opens Vox in Rama with a passage from the Gospel of Matthew (2:18), a quotation of the prophet Jeremiah that is the final verse of the prescribed Gospel reading for the Feast of Innocents: “Vox in Rama audita est ploratus & ululatus Rachel plorans Filios suos & noluit consolari, quia non sunt” (A voice is heard in Ramah, weeping and great mourning, Rachel weeping for her children and refusing to be comforted, because they are no more.)146 While this text does not align with the prescribed Tridentine Offertory for this feast, Anima nostra, sicut passer erepta est, it does appear as the text for the Communion.147 Therefore, a Mass featuring Hofer’s Vox in Rama would have involved three statements of Matthew 2:18 within a relatively short span of time. 146 The entire Gospel reading for the Feast of the Innocents is Matthew 2:13–18. In the Latin Vulgate, the text is: “Angelus Domini apparuit in somnis Joseph, dicens: Surge, et accipe puerun, et matrem ejus, et fuge in Aegyptum, et esto ibi usque dum dicam tibi. Futurum est enim ut Herodes quaerat puerum ad perdendum eum. Qui consurgens accepit puerem et matrem ejus nocte, et secessit in Aegyptum: et erat ibi usque ad obitum Herodis: ut adimpleretur quod dictum est a Domino per prophetam dicentem: Ex Aegypto vocaui filium meum. Tunc Herodes videns quoniam illusus esset a magis, iratus est valde, et mittens occidit omnes pueros, qui erant in Bethlehem, et in omnibus finibus ejus, a bimatu et infra secondum tempus, quod exquisierat a magis. Tunc adimpletum est quod dictum est per Jeremiam prophetam dicentem. Vox in Rama audita est ploratus, et ululatus multus: Rachel plorans filios suos et noluit consolari, qui non sunt.” (When they had gone, an angel of the Lord appeared to Joseph in a dream. “Get up,” he said, “take the child and his mother and escape to Egypt. Stay there until I tell you, for Herod is going to search for the child to kill him.” So he got up, took the child and his mother during the night and left for Egypt, where he stayed until the death of Herod. And so was fulfilled what the Lord had said through the prophet: “Out of Egypt I called my son.” When Herod realized that he had been outwitted by the Magi, he was furious and he gave orders to kill all the boys in Bethlehem and its vicinity who were two years old and under, in accordance with the time he had learned from the Magi. Then what was said through the prophet Jeremiah was fulfilled: “A voice is heard in Ramah, weeping and great mourning, Rachel weeping for her children and refusing to be comforted, because they are no more.” Matthew 2:13–18: NIV) 147 Missale Salisburgensis (Vienna, 1510), 51. D-Bsb Res/4 Liturg. 446. Many thanks to David Crook for suggesting the potential relationship between motet texts and Gospel and Epistle readings and for encouraging me down this line of inquiry regarding Hofer’s Offertory texts. 58 Figure 2.2 Hofer, Vox in Rama, Text and Musical Texture. 4. Vox in Rama, For the Feast of the Innocents Vox in Rama audita est ploratus & ululatus Rachel plorans Filios suos & noluit consolari, quia non sunt. (Rx) Agni balant innocentes, mox futuri victimae. Lupus ferox stringit dentes properatque perdere Prolem puram DEO gratam atque Caelis destinatam, militis acinace. Ruit cohors saeva ferro non parsura DEO vero, Vitam quaerit JESULI , qui nec tangi, nedum caedi se nolente qui nom laedi Ense potest improbi (Rx) Agni balant innocentes, mox futuri victimae. Lupus ferox stringit dentes properatque perdere Milles premit Mater gemit condolens infantulo Solo Cantus TUTTI Solo Cantus II, Repeated TUTTI Cantus II and Tenor, Paired Voices, Repeated TUTTI **Instrumental Interlude “Sonatina” ** Cantus I and I, Paired Voices TUTTI Cantus II and III, Paired Voices TUTTI Cantus I, Repeated TUTTI All Voices in Exchange with one another. Voices labeled “aria” at individual A voice was heard in Ramah wailing and loud lamentation, Rachel weeping for her children; she refused to be consoled, because they were no more. The innocent lambs bleat, soon to be victims; the savage wolf bares his teeth and hastens to destroy […] […] the pure offspring, dear to God and destined for heaven, with the soldier’s sabre. The savage band, which would not even spare the true God, seeks with the sword the life of little Jesus, he being unwilling, who cannot be harmed, who cannot be touched, much less killed, by the sword of the wicked. The innocent lambs bleat, soon to be victims; the savage wolf bares his teeth and hastens to destroy. The soldier threatens, the mother wails, consoling her little child. She takes him 59 Ista capit Ille rapit & extorquet brachio, Non horreseis o Tyrane scelus saevum & immane, tante constans sanguine Dum profundis hunc cruorem provocas, Caeli furorem, Tam infando crimine. Audi miser & sceleste quae nunc caesam turba teste, caelo voces intonant Sub throno DEI omnes Sancti clamant Vindica Domine sanguinem nostrum DEUS, Noster DEUS (Rx) Agni balant innocentes, mox futuri victimae Lupus ferox stringit dentes properatue perdere entries. Marked Aria, Cantus I Solo, TUTTI Homophonic texture TUTTI, Imitative Texture TUTTI Homophonic texture, Change to 3/2 time TUTTI, Homophonic Texture up, he seizes him, and tears him from her arms. “Do you not shudder, O tyrant, at the savage and monstrous crime, consisting of so much blood? While you are shedding this gore, you are calling down the wrath of heaven by a crime so unspeakable. Hear, wretched and criminal one, what at the testimony of the slain band voices are intoning to heaven:” From under the throne of GOD the saints cry out: “Avenge, O Lord, our blood, O our God!” The innocent lambs bleat, soon to be victims; the savage wolf bares his teeth and hastens to destroy. 60 Hofer’s emphasis of the text “Vox in Rama” strengthens the exegetical connection between the Old and New Testaments and suggests an interpretation relevant to contemporary conflicts in central Europe. Just as Matthew connected Jeremiah’s letter to the Babylonian exiles (cf. Jeremiah 31:15) to the murder inflicted on the Holy Innocents by King Herod, Hofer may have related the Gospel text to the tribulations of recent memory and of the present day: the tragedy of the Thirty Years’ War and the ongoing threat of the Turks, who were continuing their advance toward German-speaking Europe around the time Ver sacrum was published in 1677. This sense of the Christian flock crying to God for defense and for revenge is strengthened by the text of the final phrase of the piece, which is a prayer voiced in a full tutti texture. The text of the prayer, “Sub throno Dei omnes Sancti clamant, Vindica Domine, sanguinem nostrum DEUS noster” appears in part in the Salzburg Breviary as an antiphon in the offices of Nones and Lauds on the Feast of the Innocents.148 Furthermore, this text in particular resonates with the Tract for the Mass for the feast, Effuderunt sanguinem, which ends with a phrase that closely aligns with Hofer’s closing prayer: “Vindica Domine sanguinem sanctorum tuorum qui effuses est super terram.”149 Despite these textual references, there seem to be no quotations of chant material in Hofer’s Offertory. The hymn-like text, “Agni Balant”, which returns twice during the Offertory as a refrain, paints a gruesome picture of innocent lambs just before the slaughter, drawing a connection between the innocent, “pure” babies of Bethlehem and the lambs that are 148 The Liber Usualis (Tournai: Desclee & Co.), 429. 149 Missale Salisburgensis (Vienna, 1510), 50. 61 stalked by a savage predator, a wolf.150 The imagery of a wolf resonates with many instances in scripture, in both the Old and New Testaments, where corrupt prophets or enemies of the Church are characterized as wolves. In Acts 20:29, for example, Luke warns his fellow believers that after he leaves, “Savage wolves will come in among you and will not spare the flock.” Similarly, in Matthew 7:15, Jesus himself warns the Apostles to “Watch out for false prophets. They come to you in sheep’s clothing, but inwardly they are ferocious wolves.” The first two times the hymn text appears, the first phrase is sung by first a solo Cantus II and then a solo Cantus I part, and the rest of the voices and instruments join in on the second phrase. The language of the first “verse” of this Offertory, which follows the first statement of the hymn, shifts to the dramatic mode to describe the futility of the attempts to kill the baby Jesus. A possible reference to the Turkish threat in particular may be found in the appearance of the term acinaces in the text of Vox in Rama. While the word is Greek it was often used in Latin to refer to whatever weapon the Persians were using at a given time. At this point, it would have referred to a scimitar, a weapon that was visually emblematic of the military threat from the east.151 The second verse, “Ruit cohors,” features a description of the gruesome murder scene, including the wailing of the mothers and the soldiers tearing the children from their mothers’ arms. Following the second appearance of the hymn refrain, the frame of language shifts to direct speech, as the women implore the soldiers to recognize the 150 Miriam Barndt-Webb, “Andreas Hofer: His Life and Music, 1629–1684” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1972), 174. 151 Clements, “Aspects of the Ars rhetorica,” 277. Clements describes the use of the depiction of a sabre, in particular, in paintings to identify the enemies as particularly eastern or Turkish. Thank you also to Gregory Johnston for pointing me to the difference between a sabre and an Accinace (or scimitar). Johnston notes that the reference to a scimitar would have been more threatening than a sabre, as many troops, especially cavalry would have been carrying sabres. 62 monstrosity of their crime, and beg for the wrath of heaven to revenge their heinous acts. Finally, a single woman, a cantus solo voice, solicits the heavens to hear the prayers of the community calling on God to avenge their blood and punish the perpetrators who are murdering their children, which prefaces the text of a prayer asking God to avenge the murder of the Innocents, a prevalent Catholic theme in the seventeenth century as mentioned above. Throughout Vox in Rama, Hofer uses musical textures, melodies, and instrumentation to articulate the shifts in modes of speech, to support the dramatic narrative of the text, and to allude to different musical genres. For example, Hofer sets the opening liturgical text in the voice of Rachel, with a solo cantus voice accompanied by violoncello and three violas as an accompanied recitative. Hofer’s choice of a recitative-like style for this text is suitable for the dramatic text at hand, the words describing the voice of Rachel weeping for her slaughtered children, the earliest Christian martyrs (Example 2.3). Example 2.3 Hofer, Vox in Rama, mm. 1–6.152 152 All of the musical transcriptions of Vox in Rama are my own from A-Sd, A 1148. 63 Hofer sets a Latin hymn-like text, Agni balant, in a largely homophonic, syllabic style for the full choir and instruments, a texture characteristic of the genre of a hymn. Hofer’s choice of hymn-like text and texture as a refrain is fitting for this context as well, as the text serves as a strophic refrain throughout the piece, returning with the same melody and musical texture each time the text appears throughout the Offertory. These sections contrast in meter with a shift to 6/4 time, as well, further emphasizing the shift in the mode of speech. This refrain also lends a more sacred tone to the piece, as the other sections of the piece are composed in dramatic or artful modes more commonly heard on stage rather than in the context of a sacred service (Example 2.4). Example 2.4 Hofer, Vox in Rama, mm. 19–24.153 153 The R in the score is notated in the print. Hofer used this R to refer to when the voices in cappella join the voices in concerto. 64 A brief instrumental interlude labeled as a “sonatina” follows the first iteration of the “Agni balant” refrain, musically separating the hymn-like section from the first verse of the prose text. This interlude introduces a third mode of speech, a text describing the soldiers who are seeking, in vain, to murder the infant Jesus. Two violins open the sonatina in an imitative texture while the three violas provide harmonic accompaniment (Example 2.5). Example 2.5 Hofer, Vox in Rama, 49–54. Instrumental Interlude. Musical texture plays a role in creating drama in the following section, in which we hear of the soldier tearing the baby out of the arms of its mother. Hofer sets this section for solo voices, pairs of voices, and very occasionally, a tutti texture. The varied and contrapuntal style creates the sounds of a frantic community speaking in desperation, in 65 anticipation of the slaughter to come. Hofer musically sets the scene, differentiating between the narrator imploring the cruel soldiers to hear the cries and prayers of the victims, and the prayers of the masses being offered up to God. For example, a solo cantus voice implores the soldiers to hear the prayers of the people in mm. 115–119, with a virtuosic melodic line marked “aria”: “Hear, wretched and criminal one, what voices are intoning to heaven.” This florid melodic line is described as “aria” in the print and the shift to this solo texture from a dense polyphonic sound is made even more striking by the stark reduction of instrumental forces at this particular moment. Hofer concludes the piece with a final prayer of the masses being offered up to God at the conclusion of this Offertory: “Avenge, O Lord, our Blood, O our God!” (Vindica Domine, sanguinem nostrum DEUS noster). In this case, the entire ensemble contributes to this prayer set in a broad, homophonic texture with full instrumental accompaniment in 3/2 time. The homophonic texture allows the prayer to ring out loud and clear and the two violins, three violas and continuo accompanying the five voice parts reinforces the great strength and power of communal prayer (Example 2.6). Example 2.6 Hofer, Vox in Rama, mm. 127–134. - 66 Hofer’s collection of Offertories, Ver sacrum, embodies the flexibility of Salzburg’s liturgy in the late seventeenth century. Hofer was not limited to standard selection of high Catholic feasts, but rather set texts related to feasts dedicated to saints and martyrs, who were regarded as powerful intercessors in times of affliction. Furthermore, Hofer did not abide by the constraints of the prescribed liturgical texts, but rather centonized texts from different sources to craft texts fitting for the various feasts. Hofer used a variety of performing forces throughout the collection, evoking the powerful brass textures in the Offertories celebrating key moments in the life of Christ and the Virgin and of Saints John and John the Baptist, among others. Although trumpets do not appear in the collection, Hofer alluded to the sounds of the royal instrumentation by mimicking trumpet calls in the violin parts. Hofer’s collection shows how liturgy could serve as a venue for representational and dramatic music. Moreover, throughout the collection Hofer emphasizes the strength of God’s advocacy and the power of intercessors, a central tenet to the Pietas Salisburgensis. Eucharistic Doctrine, Emblematic Song, and Biber’s Hic est panis While Hofer wove the broad themes of the Pietas Salisburgensis into his Offertories, Heinrich Biber uses a musical emblem to represent the Catholic doctrine of the Eucharist in his setting of Hic est panis for solo bass and scordatura violin.154 The seventeenth-century emblem was a visual device first developed as a pious educational tool in which the image and accompanying text relayed a spiritual or moral message to the reader.155 The very 154 D-Bsa SA 296. The manuscript of Hic est panis is dated 1683 and is ascribed to a Chori St. Annae on its title page. An archivist has labeled the work an “arie” on the upper left hand corner of the page. 155 Daniel Edgar, “The Encoding of Faith: Scordatura in Heinrich Biber’s Mystery Sonatas” (Ph.D. diss., University of York, 2008), 38. 67 purpose of an emblem was to encode meaning in one way or another, obscuring it from the reader and engendering an intimate relationship between the composer of the emblem and the reader himself. Bruna Filippi describes the relationship that develops between the reader and the “coder” of an emblem throughout the process of “solving” the code: To the deciphering ability or the erudite sensibility of the most expert [readers] was left the pleasure or the task of figuring out the key and identifying the hidden structures. The [reader’s] enjoyment was all in the difficulty of discovering therefore in the pleasure of resolving the refined riddles of composition—in recognizing the steps in the composition process and in retracing, in the opposite direction, the route travelled by the author […] the discovery of what had been hidden, in what is unsaid, or in what is only sketched rather than fully drawn, was the soul of the emblematic expression.156 For example, Abraham Megerle, Salzburg’s chapel-master from 1640 to 1651157 prepared a printed volume titled Speculum musico-mortulae, das ist: Musicalischer Todten-spiegel (Salzburg, 1672) in preparation for his death.158 In this volume an array of sacred emblems accompanies an autobiography of Megerle, devotions, and prayers. Each emblem consists of a phrase in the vernacular at the top of the page, a collection of images in the middle of the page, many involving pictures of particular families of musical instruments, and a Latin prayer or devotion at the bottom on the page.159 See for example, the emblem dedicated to the Blessed Virgin in Figure 2.3. 156 Bruna Filippi, “The Orator’s Performance: Gesture, Word, and Image in Theatre at the Collegio Romano,” in The Jesuits II. Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 532. 157 Walter Pass, “Abraham Megerle,” Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed May 5, 2014. www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/subscriber/article/grove/music/18265 158 Abraham Megerle, Speculum musico-mortuale, das ist: Musicalischer Todten-spiegel (Salzburg, 1672). University of Salzburg Special Collections R 92971I. 159 In depictions such as these memento mori emblems, musical instruments often carry associations of vanity, impermanence, earthly corruption. While the instruments appear at the bottom of the image, the images above represent heavenly foils to them. 68 Figure 2.3 Abraham Megerle, Speculum musico-mortulae.160 Megerle’s emblem shows how text and image were integrated in a meaningful way in the seventeenth-century emblem. Filippi describes the way meaning can be crafted in an emblem: Emblems were iconographic, verbal compositions that, by virtue of the special relationships and reciprocal qualification between word and image, involved complex operations of rhetoric and brought into play contents that were both moral and spiritual. The association between the image, the body, and the textual parts, the soul, was supposed to achieve a unity of meaning, which rendered the two 160 Megerle, Speculum music-mortuale, 25. 69 elements of the emblem mutually penetrating and complementary. It was precisely this operation of putting the two parts into relation that constituted the foundation of emblematic language.161 Just as images and text work together to create hidden meaning in a visual emblem, music and text can work together to “encode” meaning in a musical work. In Hic est panis, for example, Biber uses a scordatura violin accompaniment to craft a musical emblem representative of the Catholic understanding of the Eucharist. Scordatura is the practice of tuning the strings of a string instrument to different pitches than the normal, established pitches. The notation of music in scordatura is such that the player reads and fingers the pitches as if the violin were in the normal tuning, in essence turning the notation into a form of tablature. Tuning the violin differently could extend an instrument’s range, or offer novel colors, timbres, or possible sonorities.162 However, there are also situations in which the scordatura tuning does not make any new pitches or chords available on the instrument, but is, rather, a way of encoding the music in an unnecessarily complex form of tablature. Daniel Edgar has described Biber’s development of scordatura tuning as an emblematic, musical device, a fundamental part of Biber’s compositional language.163 Just as the emblem encoded spiritual and moral messages in images and accompanying text, scordatura uses notation and tuning to foster latent meaning in the music.164 For example, in Biber’s eleventh Rosary sonata, which is accompanied by a depiction of the Resurrection, the violinist is to exchange the positions of the middle two strings on the violin, D and A, 161 Bruna Filippi, “The Orator’s Performance,” 552. 162 David Boyden and Robin Stowell. “Scordatura,” Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online, Oxford University Press, accessed April 4, 2014, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/41698. 163 Edgar, “The Encoding of Faith.” 164 Ibid., 8. 70 which creates a representation of the cross in two visual crossings of strings on the instrument: one in the peg box and one beneath the bridge. In this way, Biber visually encodes a reminder of the Crucifixion, the fundamental reason for the Resurrection, on the instrument itself (Figure 2.4). Figure 2.4 Crossed Violin Strings for Biber’s Resurrection Sonata. While the Rosary Sonatas, arguably Biber’s most well-known works, provide intriguing examples of scordatura, Hic est panis is Biber’s sole extant setting of a Latin text accompanied by a violin in scordatura tuning. The lowest two strings of the violin are each to be tuned up a fourth, and the upper two strings to be tuned down a step and a half step. The result is that the strings that are usually tuned to G, D, A, and E are respectively tuned to C, G, C, and E-flat. This tuning does not expand the range of the instrument, but rather contracts it (Figure 2.5).165 165 Eric Chafe explores the allegory behind many tonal areas in his work on the tonal allegory in the works of J.S. Bach. He does find that C minor is used in an overwhelming association with death and burial in Bach’s Cantatas. However, these associations are not at play here in Biber’s piece. Eric Chafe, Tonal Allegory in the Vocal Music of J. S. Bach (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991), 152. 71 Figure 2.5 Biber, Hic est panis, Violin Part. Just as an author or artist encrypts meaning in a visual or literary emblem, Biber himself “encodes” the music in scordatura in Hic est panis. This encoding of the music in this form of tablature works on two levels, one for the performer and one for the audience. For the performer, the experience is corporeal. In her recent dissertation, Lindsey Strand-Polyak, a baroque violinist herself, describes Biber’s works for scordatura violin as “spiritual exercises in music,” evoking the performative process and the physical experience of devotion.166 Strand-Polyak describes the minutiae of the kinetic experience of performing a piece in scordatura: she feels the unique tuning system of each sonata through the varied response of the bow in the right hand, which is dependent on the varied tension of the strings, and the particular shifts in the resonance of the instrument itself when the tunings are irregular.167 There is also a visual element to this cipher. For example, 166 Lindsey Strand-Polyak, “The Virtuoso’s Idiom: Spectacularity and the Seventeenth-Century Violin Sonata” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 2013), 121. 167 Ibid., 133. See also Elizabeth Le Guin, Boccherini’s Body: An Essay in Carnal Musicology (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006). 72 the retuning of the instrument results in notation of what appears to be leaps of fourths, but in reality sound like stepwise scalar passages, as can be seen in Example 2.7. Example 2.7 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 44–45. Likewise, parallel fifths on the page sound as parallel thirds in performance, as can be seen in measures 35–36 in Example 2.8. Example 2.8 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 35–36. This encoding works on a visual level with the audience as well. For example, there are several moments in Hic est panis in which the violinist plays double stops, a technique 73 that usually results in a resonant harmony. But while the audience witnesses the violinist performing a double stop, the tuning configuration results in the production of two pitches at the unison, as can be seen in the cadence in measure 23 in Example 2.9. Example 2.9 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 21–24. In Hic est panis Biber uses the scordatura violin part to craft a musical emblem representative of the Catholic doctrine of the transubstantiation. This emblem is composed of the music written on the page, the text at hand, and the sounds produced in performance. The text of this piece combines a liturgical text for the Feast of Corpus Christi with words of scripture, a similar, centonized textual construction as that discussed above in Hofer’s Vox in Rama. The opening phrase of the text, Hic est panis, qui de caelo descendit, (“This is the bread that came down from heaven”), comes from the final verses of the Gospel reading for the Feast of Corpus Christi (John 6:59); this text also appears as the verse within the sixth Responsory for Matins in the same feast, Ego sum panis vitae.168 The second phrase of the text, appears in earlier verses of John 6, but also appears as the verse 168 Liber Usualis, 934. 74 within the third Matins Responsory, Respexit, Elias ad caput suum.169 While both texts appear at various points in the liturgy for the Mass and Office for Corpus Christi, they never occur exactly how Biber presents them. While Biber was seemingly not compelled to set an explicitly prescribed liturgical text, he was cognizant of the liturgically prescribed texts and therefore pieced together passages related to the Gospel message for the appropriate feast in his setting (Figure 2.6). Figure 2.6 Biber, Hic est panis, Text. Hic est panis Qui de caelo descendit Si quis manducauerit, Ex hoc pane Vivet in aeternum This is the bread that came down from heaven (John 6:58 NIV) He who eats of this bread Will live eternally. (John 6:51 NIV) John 6:59, Latin Vulgate: Hic est panis qui de caelo descendit non sicut manducaverunt, patres vestri manna et mortui sunt qui manucat hunc panem vivet in aeternum. John 6:52, Latin Vulgate: Si quis manducaverit ex hoc pane vivet in aeternum et panis quem ego dabo caro mea est pro mundi vita. The Latin text of the setting contains verses from a section of the Gospel of John (6:59) in which Jesus explains to his disciples that He himself is the bread of life and that He is the way to heaven, an idea highly relevant to the Catholic doctrine of the transubstantiation. John recalls Jesus’ words: I am the bread of life. Your ancestors ate the manna in the wilderness, yet they died. But here is the bread that comes down from heaven, which anyone may eat and not die. I am the living bread that came down from heaven. Whoever eats this bread will live forever. This bread is my flesh, which I will give for the life of the world. (John 6: 48–52). The Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation was a point of great contention between the Protestant and Catholic churches of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Whereas 169 Ibid., 928. 75 Protestants understood the bread and wine of the Eucharist as simultaneously bread and wine and Christ’s body and blood, the Catholic doctrine of the transubstantiation describes the substance of the Eucharist itself as the true body and blood of Christ alone. The doctrine was first described in the Constitutions of the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 and was later confirmed as doctrine at the Council of Trent in 1551. The Constitution describes how [Christ’s] body and blood are truly contained in the sacrament of the altar under the forms of bread and wine, the bread and wine having been changed in substance, by God’s power, into his body and blood, so that in order to achieve this mystery of unity we receive from God what he received from us.170 Although the outward appearance and taste of the bread and wine remain, the items are transformed with a blessing into the true body and blood of Christ, which the Catholics then consume as a reminder of their sanctification through Christ’s death and resurrection. Catholics believe they must eat of the true flesh of Christ in order to come to God through Christ and gain eternal life in heaven. Biber’s emblematic use of scordatura here is particularly meaningful, as it provides a musical illustration of this Catholic doctrine. Appearances are not what they seem: despite all appearances, the bread and wine are truly flesh and blood. This concept is reflected in Biber’s encoding of the accompanying violin part in a scordatura-tablature, as the audience perceives a disjuncture between the visual impression of the violin playing and its aural consequence, which would be especially apparent if the performer was visible to the audience. 170 Norman Tanner, S.J., ed., Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, 2 vols. (London, 1990), 1:230. Originally cited in Lee Palmer Wandel, “Introduction,” in A Companion to the Eucharist in the Reformation, ed. Lee Palmer Wandel (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 4. 76 Biber illustrates the mysterious process of the transubstantiation further with varied musical textures throughout the piece. At the outset of the work, the acrobatic bass voice and virtuosic violin part are involved in melodic exchanges, singing and playing in alternation (Example 2.10). Example 2.10 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 11–17. It is not until the very end of the piece that the voice and violin unite and the violin truly accompanies the voice, a moment of poignant musical and devotional significance. It is in the final phrase of text at the very end of the piece that the singer proclaims eternal life for those who eat the body of Christ, the sacred bread, that the violin and bass voice join to sound simultaneously, mimicking the transformation engendered by the blessing of the 77 Eucharist, as bread and wine, flesh and blood, enter into a mystical relationship with one another (Example 2.11). Example 2.11 Biber, Hic est panis, mm. 62–70. Biber’s use of scordatura encodes the music of the violin for both the performer and the audience. This process of encryption manifests a particular relationship between the composer and those who work to decipher his musical emblems. During the Counter-Reformation, the Catholic Church responded to the Protestant challenge by creating and 78 promoting visual representations and images that communicated orthodox doctrines.171 Works of music and art therefore took on representational roles to encourage believers to embrace justification by one’s deeds, devotion to Mary and the Saints, and the transubstantiation of the Eucharist. Biber’s creation of a musical emblem representing the Catholic understanding of the Eucharist would thus have taken on great significance in the religious atmosphere of late seventeenth-century Salzburg. The musical emblem of the scordatura encourages his “readers”—the audience and the performer—to meditate upon the Catholic understanding of the sacrament of the Eucharist, an important symbol of the new covenant between Christ and his followers following his death and resurrection and, in the case of the Pietas Salisburgensis, a poignant representation of the exceptional relationship between the Prince Archbishop and God. Conclusions: Genre and the Catholic Liturgy The settings of sacred Latin texts by Biber and Hofer raise questions pertaining to the definition and function of liturgical genre and musically illustrates the relationship between genres described by the modern genre theorists outlined above in Chapter 1. Andreas Hofer labels his polyphonic settings of sacred Latin texts as Offertories, despite the lack of Offertory texts officially prescribed according to the Roman Rite. Despite their status as “Offertories,” these pieces closely resemble the texts and textures of the genre of motet. In Hic est panis, a piece without a particular genre ascription, Heinrich Biber sets a text that could be used for the liturgy with a solo scordatura violin accompanying a virtuosic bass solo, crafting a musical emblem in a style that would have been relatively 171 Frédéric Conrod, Loyola’s Greater Narrative: The Architecture of the Spiritual Exercises in Golden Age and Enlightenment Literature (Frankfurt: Peter Lang Academic Publishing, 2008), 4. 79 unfamiliar within the context of the liturgy. Biber’s Hic est panis, which lacks a particular genre ascription, on the other hand, seems to resemble an early cantata, an unstaged dramatic setting of a sacred text. Furthermore, Biber’s piece seems to meld the visual genre of the emblem with the musical genre of the sacred song. Genre blending, which are completely natural according to modern genre theory, confounds the process of categorizing liturgical genres. Biber and Hofer use defining characteristics of genres to make references to various genres audibly apparent in both Vox in Rama and Hic est panis. For example, the strophic treatment of the text and melody, the regular phrase structure, and the rhyming structure of the text refers audibly to the genre of hymn in Hofer’s Vox in Rama. The genre of accompanied recitative, on the other hand, is evident in the free forms of the text and melody, a speech-like quality to the text setting, and the simple, harmonic accompaniment to the work’s opening phrases. In Hic est panis, the virtuosity of the brief melodies and scordatura in the violin part allude to the genre of the solo violin sonata, a particularly free-form genre. The vocal genre of the aria is evident in the free-form text set in the piece and the tuneful melody sung by the solo bass voice. The references to various genres in these works of Biber and Hofer, embody the very flexibility of genre described by modern genre theory. Different characteristics, such as text or practical usage, can be used to identify liturgical genres, which can make clearly defining a genre such as the Offertory problematic. Psalm texts, for example, appear in various guises throughout the Mass. Originally, Offertories contained the text of a psalm along with that of a Respond verse. Although the prescribed psalm verses of Offertories were dropped in the Middle Ages, 80 seventeenth-century Offertories continued to contain texts from the book of psalms, even if they were not complete or liturgically prescribed psalm texts.172 Therefore a musical setting of a psalm could carry various liturgical genre labels, as a liturgical label, such as “Offertory”, identifies the piece as a specific element of the ritual. The labeling of these works as “Psalmic Offertories” then categorizes these particular works according to both practical use and text. The overwhelming presence of polyphonic, instrumentally accompanied music designated for the Offertory is unique to the repertoire of Salzburg. Settings closely resembling the Offertories of Salzburg, such as those of Hofer’s Ver sacrum, are generally labeled as motets or sacred songs by contemporary composers working at contemporary institutions as seen in Giacomo Carissimi’s Sacri concerti musicali (Rome, 1675) for two to five voices.173 Likewise, in the extant manuscript repertories of Antonio Bertali and Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer in Vienna, and Johann Kaspar Kerll in Munich, Latin sacred works, even those with clearly liturgical texts, are labeled as motets or sacred songs, not as Offertories. For example, in Johann Kaspar Kerll’s Delectus sacrarum cantionum (Munich, 1669) for two to five voices, two violins, and continuo, the title of which makes no reference to liturgical genres, Kerll sets four Marian antiphons and several verses from liturgical Responsories. However, in this collection, these works are not identified as liturgical settings, but are rather referred to as simply sacred songs [sacrae cantiones] (Figure 2.7).174 172 Maloy, Inside the Offertory, 31. 173 Giacomo Carissimi, Sacri concerti musicali a due, tre, Quattro, e cinque voci (Rome: Mascardi, 1675). [RISM C 1222] Partial extant copies in A-Wgm (SI, SII, B, org) and I-Od (B, org). Full copies in GB-Lbm, Och and I Bc, Ls. This print remains unpublished in modern edition. 174 Johann Kaspar Kerll, Delectus sacrarum cantionum (Munich, Johannes Jaecklin, 1669). [RISM K 456] A complete set of partbooks (CI, CII, A, T, B, bc) is extant in PL-Kj, Mus. Ant. Pract. K 160. Partial extant 81 Figure 2.7 Johann Kaspar Kerll, Delectus sacrarum cantionum, Title Page and Index.175 Although the genre label of “motet” is absent for the most part in the Salzburg sources, the genre label, which is identified by its polyphonic texture and sacred Latin text, could be applied to many of the works by Biber and Hofer. For example, based on style settings of psalms, offertories, and psalmic offertories could be identified as “motets,” although a motet would not necessarily be consider an Offertory. See Figure 2.8. copies in GB-Lbm, Signatur B 109 (A,T, bc) and I-Td, Signature E1 (SI, SII, T, B, bc) For a modern edition see Johann Kaspar Kerll, Delectus sacrarum cantionum, ed. Bettina Eichmanns, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern 19 (Wiesbaden: Breitkopf & Härtel, 2006). 175 Ibid., 59. 82 Figure 2.8 The Relationship between the Genres of Psalm, Offertory, and Motet. Salzburg’s Offertories, polyphonic settings of sacred Latin texts, comprise a subset of the genre of the motet. While the Offertory had been a part of the Mass since the eighth century, the first collections of polyphonic settings of the genre appear first in the late sixteenth century, composed by Orlando di Lasso and Giovanni Pierluigi Palestrina.176 Richard Powers asserts that Palestrina’s Offertories brought “the tradition of singing free-style motets to accompany the action around the Offertory better into line with the official language of the divine service by providing motets with texts not only appropriate to the 176 Palestrina’s printed collection of Offertories, the Offertoria totius anni secundum sanctae romanae ecclesiae consuetudinuem (Rome, 1593) contains settings of 68 Offertories for the Mass, arranged according to the liturgical calendar and setting the prescribed liturgical texts. Unlike Palestrina’s other works for the Mass Proper, which are set in a more conservative contrapuntal style with cantus firmi, these works are composed in a free motet style. Orlando di Lasso’s Offertories survived first in manuscript, evidence of which is a Munich court chapel choir book containing free-style motet settings of texts for the Offertory for the various Sundays in Advent and for the Sundays and Weekdays in Lent. This collection was also produced in support of the introduction of the Roman Rite in the Munich court chapel c. 1580. Many of these Offertories were later published in Munich by Adam Berg in 1585 along with other works in a collection of 32 Sacrae Cantiones for four voices. [RISM L 955]. Complete set of partbooks for this collection can be found in GB-Lbm and B-Br. These collections reveal that the practice of embellishing the Offertory of the liturgy with polyphonic music in a free-motet style was already at work in the late sixteenth century. See Giovanni Pierluigi Palestrina, Offertori di tutto l’anno a 5 voci (1593), ed. Lavinio Virgili, Le opera complete 17 (Rome: Edizione Fratelli Scalera, 1952), and Orlando di Lasso, Sacrae cantiones for Four Voices (Munich, 1585), ed. David Crook, The Complete Motets 14 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1997). 83 day but also proper to the liturgy.”177 In other words, setting these Offertories in a polyphonic, motet style was Palestrina’s move to integrate the free-motet form more fully into the liturgical service. These collections, according to Walther Lipphardt, indicate a “profound change in the perception of the liturgy” and what composers thought of as liturgical at the end of the sixteenth century.178 Lipphardt describes the sixteenth-century liturgy as shifting: “From the periphery of the mysteries, art turned back to the heart – but no longer as art bound to the cantus firmus, but as free creation, as religious music that was linked to the sacred only through the text and its dignified musical setting.”179 The variety of Latin-texted pieces by Biber and Hofer demonstrates the continued expansion of the creative development of the liturgy of the Mass. Their settings of sacred Latin texts for voices and instruments, or virtuosic solo violin and voice, draw on the venerable tradition of musically elaborating the Mass to display the wealth and piety of the Salzburg court. The creative manipulations of text and music project essential aspects of Salzburg’s Catholic piety, especially devotion to the cross, the glorification of Christian martyrs, and the doctrine of the transubstantiation of the Eucharist. 177 Harold Powers, “Modal Representation in Polyphonic Offertories,” Early Music 2 (1982): 49. 178 Walther Lipphardt, Die Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Proprium Missae (Heidelberg: Kerle, 1950), 55. 179 Ibid. 84 CHAPTER 3. SPECTACLE AND MUSICAL REPRESENTATION IN ABSOLUTIST SALZBURG Introduction In post-Tridentine confessional absolutism, piety was considered the “obvious foundation of any good government,” and therefore directly related to sovereignty.180 For example, the Princeps in compendio (The Essential Prince), a guide to princely ruling, recommended “piety, justice, and clemency, as the essential modes for exercising political sovereignty,”181 and describes how God calls the ruler to his reign, and that God assists the ruler continuously with his tasks of governing.182 Piety and sovereignty were completely intertwined with one another. A musical spectacle emblematic of the piety of a ruler would have also been considered a demonstration of the princely power of the Prince Archbishop. A colossal display of ecclesiastical power, for example, is visually evident in the architecture of Salzburg, especially in the massive cathedral completed in the 1620s. Moreover, ostentatious exhibitions of power, wealth, and piety are evident in the large-scale music of Salzburg’s composers in the late seventeenth century, much of which was intended to accompany sacred celebrations of worship. These magnificent public displays of piety and glorification in Salzburg sought to harness the power of the divine to grant 180 Anna Coreth, Pietas austriaca, trans. William D. Bowman and Anna Maria Leitgeb (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2004), 1. 181 This volume was first published in 1632 and re-issued in Vienna under Emperor Leopold I in 1668. Originally cited by Coreth in Pietas, 9. Princeps in compendio, hoc est puncta aliquot compendiosa, quae circa Guernationem Reipublicae observanda videntus (Vienna, 1668). Reprinted in Oswald Redlich, Monats-Blatt für Landeskunde von Niederösterreich 3 (1906/07): 105–24. See also Maria Goloubeva, The Glorification of Emperor Leopold I in Image, Spectacle, and Text (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 2000), 38. 182 Coreth, Pietas, 2. 85 political, economic, and military success, according to the tenets of post-Tridentine absolutism.183 Contexts for grandiose music in Salzburg include liturgical and paraliturgical services in the cathedral, as well as grand processions commemorating events, such as Salzburg’s Jubilee year in 1682. Composers Heinrich Biber and Andreas Hofer played a significant role in these festivities, crafting pieces for expansive vocal and instrumental forces that created an impression of grandeur. While much of the scholarly focus on Biber’s output has revolved around his smaller scale works for solo violin or for small ensembles, his oeuvre holds a sizeable number of works for large ensembles of between 8 and 53 voices.184 Furthermore, a wealth of extant large-scale works of Andreas Hofer remains in manuscript parts in the archives of Kroměříž. Biber and Hofer deploy large-scale instrumentations in settings of Vespers music, Latin motets, Offertories, Requiem Masses, and the Mass Ordinary. The performing forces for these pieces reach beyond the scope of an eight-part double choir and surpass the more “typical” disposition of a vocal choir accompanied by three violas and/or two violins, which differentiates these large-scale works from those composed for daily liturgical activities discussed above in Chapter 2. Rather, these works were designed with a religious and political symbolic purpose, an ability that was granted to these pieces by the representative abilities of genre, as described above in Chapter 1. Genre provides a framework for the understanding of music as a sign of power and wealth. The instrumentations used by Biber and Hofer in their large-scale sacred works, especially the use of trumpet and timpani 183 Salzburg’s post-Tridentine absolutism was related to the values of the pietas austriaca, the epicenter of which was located at the Imperial court in Vienna. Coreth, Pietas, xii. 184 For a list of Salzburg’s large-scale repertoire, see Table 3.5 at the end of this chapter. 86 ensembles, resonated with timbres used to accompany the entrance of important dignitaries or state visitors to the city or to accompany the procession of the Prince Archbishop himself. The instrumentation of these works is diverse, including various string ensembles and combinations of cornetti, clarini, trombones, timpani, and unpitched drums (“tamb.”). While both composers use polychoral textures in their expanded pieces, the deployment of timbre is often more orchestral in nature, with various combinations of string, brass, and wind instruments accompanying one or two choirs of vocal parts.185 Biber and Hofer’s use of instrumentation in a shifting mixed concertato style is a seventeenth-century precursor to the development of the orchestra in the eighteenth century under Joseph Haydn.186 Like Haydn, Biber and Hofer implement techniques of nuanced writing for individual instruments and frequently use dramatic contrasts between the whole ensemble and individual instruments.187 Biber and Hofer’s use of instrumentation in Salzburg’s repertoire reveals how large-scale sacred music could publicly exalt God and sumptuously display the piety of Salzburg’s leadership. Contexts of Catholic Spectacle and the Representation of the Prince Archbishop There was an attitude of Catholic triumphalism in the archbishopric of Salzburg in the second half of the seventeenth century. The archbishop’s jurisdiction, which was also an independent principality, had successfully managed to avoid total devastation during 185 Emily Dolan focuses on the reconfiguration of the orchestra from a powerful, yet indelicate entity into a “diverse musical community in which each instrument had its own character and identity,” lending a unique voice to the whole. While Dolan focuses on this in the eighteenth century, this transformation is seen at work in the Salzburg repertoire from the end of the seventeenth century. See Emily Dolan, The Orchestral Revolution, Haydn and the Technologies of Timbre (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 3. 186 With respect to Haydn see ibid., 10. 187 Ibid., 10. 87 the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648) and maintained its status as a Catholic stronghold throughout the political tumult. The jubilant attitude in Salzburg following this conflict was reminiscent of the celebratory mood in Rome following the decisive Catholic victory at White Mountain in 1620, a period that Graham Dixon has deemed the Roma triumphans (Rome triumphant), characterized by an ostentatiousness of expression that was “designed to impress rather than to communicate the text.”188 In Salzburg a similar mood is evident in the large-scale liturgical music composed by Salzburg’s composers in the second half of the seventeenth century and was aurally apparent in the frequent inclusion of the royal timbres of trumpet and timpani ensembles in this repertoire. Large-scale music played a central role in triumphant acts of statesmanship.189 In fact, records describe a performance of a large-scale Te Deum by court musicians, trumpets, and drummers for Paris Lodron as he left Salzburg for the occasion of the signing of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, one of the treaties that ended the war.190 A similar victorious zeal appears to have followed the later defeat of the Turks at the siege of Vienna in 1683, a military victory that was supported by prayerful and devotional efforts in Salzburg and commemorated with a lavish musical celebration with trumpets and timpani.191 In addition to military victories, large-scale works accompanied sacred celebrations in Salzburg as well. For example, trumpets, drums, and four simultaneously-sounding organs accompanied the 1654 ceremony in which the Pallium, a ceremonial woolen cloak sent 188 Graham Dixon, “The Origins of the Roman ‘Colossal Baroque’,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 106 (1979–1980): 120. 189 Steven Saunders, Cross, Sword, and Lyre: Sacred Music at the Imperial Court of Ferdinand II of Habsburg (1619–1637) (New York, NY: Oxford University Press), 11. 190 Joseph Mezger, Historia Salisburgensis (Salzburg, 1692), 810. Salzburg University Library, R1442II. 191 Ibid., 845. 88 from the Pope, was bestowed on Prince Archbishop Guidobald.192 Similar sumptuous musical performances accompanied the transfer of the remains of a former Abbot of St. Peter’s to the Cathedral in 1661 and ceremony elevating Archbishop Maximilian Gandolph to the station of cardinal in 1684.193 Regardless of the state of Salzburg’s coffers, the performance of extravagant music could always be justified because of its “utility in divine worship and its role in exalting God.”194 Music composed for immense ensembles, especially for the services of Mass and Vespers, could therefore always be justified as an offering to God and a public demonstration of the Catholic piety of the Prince Archbishop. The spirited Catholicism of Salzburg in the second half of the seventeenth century, for example, is evident in the title and instrumentation of Biber’s Missa Catholica, set for eight vocalists, two clarini, two violins, three violas, violone, and organ continuo.195 Salzburg’s patriotic impetus is evident in the titles of large-scale Masses composed by both Biber and Hofer, in particular, such as Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis, and Hofer’s Missa Archi Episcopalis. Furthermore, Plaudite tympana, the hymn that accompanies the Missa Salisburgensis and is likewise scored for 53 parts, sets a text particularly honoring Salzburg’s chief patron saint, St. Rupert. These extravagant accompaniments to the Catholic liturgy graced Salzburg’s offerings to God with 192 Eric Chafe, The Church Music of Heinrich Biber (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1987), 59. 193 Mezger, Historia Salisburgensis, 845, 876, 973, 974. Salzburg Landesarchiv, Prothocollum Capitulare book, 1673, fol. 21v. Other services mentioned include those in the honor of a visit of Emperor Leopold in 1664 and of Ferdinand Maria and his wife in 1670. See Chafe, Church Music, 60. 194 Saunders, Cross, Sword, and Lyre, 11. 195 Chafe, Church Music, 59. Unfortunately most of the parts for this Mass are currently lost. While the title page lists the orchestration as for four voices in concerto and in ripieni, two clarini, two violins, 3 violas, a violone, and an organ continuo part, only the clarino 2, violin 1 and 2, and the three viola parts are currently extant in in the archives of Kroměříž as CZ-KRa, A 31. Walter Jaksch has edited the surviving parts: Missa Catholica [Fragment], ed. Werner Jaksch, in International Music Score Library Project, accessed December 4, 2012, http://imslp.org/wiki/Missa_Catholica_(Biber,_Heinrich_Ignaz_Franz_von). 89 extraordinary musical forces while also crafting a powerful display of the prestige, temporal power, and cultural tastes of the sovereign ruler. Music’s ability to reverberate across visual boundaries suits it to the task of aurally conveying the power and piety of an institution. As described by Alexander Fisher, the visual and aural senses of space were rarely coterminous – an acoustic horizon, for example, could far outstrip its visual counterpart.196 The large-scale liturgical compositions of Salzburg, for example, would have accompanied Catholic celebrations in the Cathedral, which was located in the very center of the city. The great amount of sound produced by the instruments and choirs within the cathedral walls would have easily been heard outside of the cathedral, echoing through the many close corners of Salzburg’s various city squares. Even if one was not physically sitting in the cathedral directly witnessing the performance, the sounds of sumptuous praise would have transcended the physical boundaries of the cathedral to be heard by anyone passing through the center of the city. Performances outside of the cathedral, such as those accompanying processions, would have had a more direct impact. Fisher portrays mobility as a principal feature of Catholic devotional culture, as processions and pilgrimages “physically appropriated space with spectacles of sight and sound.”197 Residents of the city would have been able to visually witness the sumptuous display of wealth accompanied by the sounds of musical ensembles performing throughout the procession. The potential magnitude of these processions is evident in a copper engraving of such an event that was a focal point of the celebration of Salzburg’s Jubeljahr of 1682, the 1100th anniversary of the founding of the 196 Alexander Fisher, Music, Piety, and Propaganda: The Soundscape of Counter-Reformation Bavaria (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2013), 11. 197 Ibid., 18. 90 archbishopric. Over 2000 Salzburgers of the various sacred and secular estates of the community are depicted by artist Christoph Lederwasch walking alongside their fellow citizens. The subtitle of the print describes the procession of 18 October 1682 as an act of thanksgiving to the Holy Trinity, the Blessed Virgin, and the patron saints of the land of Salzburg.198 83 different groups are designated in the key at the bottom of the engraving (Figure 3.3). The procession is led by a two court trumpeters followed directly by a court timpanists [Hörpaucker], followed by two more trumpeters. Each of these three small groups is listed in the index and each group is given a specific number to identify them in the print (Figure 3.1). The court timpanists and trumpeters appear in the engraving followed by the “Rittmaister,” or riding master, who leads the Prince Archbishop’s royal cavalry. A long line of tradesmen’s guilds peppered with small instrumental ensembles of three to five musicians playing their instruments follows. These small groups are comprised of like instrumental groups; the string ensembles include viols and violins, such as the group depicted between guilds numbered twelve and thirteen. Ensembles of wind instruments include groups such as that of three shawm players marching between guilds numbered 33 and 34 or shawms and bagpipes, such as the group of four instrumentalists depicted towards the end of the long train of guilds. A lone harpist is shown performing as he walks along with the procession. Although these small ensembles of musicians nestled amongst the tradesmen are not listed in the index at the bottom of the print, the presence 198 The subtitle of the engraving in full reads : “Eigentliche Abbildung der Procession so den 18 Octobris im Jahr Christi 1682, von Urhebung aber des Erzstifts Salzburg im Ailffthunderten Jahrslauff, vorderist zu Ehrn und schuldigisten danckh der Allerheiligisten Dreÿfaltigkheit so dan der Ubergebenedeiten Jungfrauen und Mutter Gottes Mariae, auch deren anderen h.h. Landts- PATRONen gehalten worden.” 91 of these musical groups grants a sonic element to this engraving that would otherwise be absent (Figure 3.2). Figure 3.1 Opening Groups of the 1682 Procession. Figure 3.2 Depictions of Instrumental Ensembles amongst the Trade Groups. 92 Figure 3.3 Christoph Lederwasch’s Engraving of Salzburg’s Grand Jubeljahr Procession of October 1682.199 199 A-Sd, Graphiksammlung 10. 93 Salzburg’s cathedral choir appears toward the end of the procession with the groups of clerics. The first group of court trumpeters that is not listed in the index leads the court timpanist [Hörpaucker] and twelve courtly [hochfürstliche] trumpeters that are labeled as numbers 61 and 62, respectively. It appears that a groups of choir boys [Chorknaben] follow, leading the adult choristers, each carrying a music book. The group sings while the final member uses a stick or a rolled up sheet of paper to beat a steady tempo while the choir processes. Although these singers are outfitted in the engraving as a chapel choir, they are labeled in the index as the “royal music” [62. die Hochfürtl: Musica] (Figure 3.4). Figure 3.4 Salzburg’s Royal Music. While one can only imagine the particular musical pieces performed by the various ensembles as the parade meandered through the narrow streets of Salzburg, we can be assured that the music emanating from this procession to the ears of passersby would have been impressive and varied in sound and timbre. A 1682 engraving by Salzburg artist Melchior Küsel illustrates a musical performance in the Cathedral that signals another sonic celebration of the jubilee. Architectural design, musical form, and style were closely intertwined in the seventeenth century, and the very design of the cathedral, which was dedicated in 1628, would have encouraged the performance of large-scale polychoral liturgical repertoire. At the time of its dedication, the cathedral was furnished with four balconies, one in each corner of the 94 transept. Two of these four lofts were graced with small organs, “nicely decorated and beautifully painted.”200 However, by 1654, the cathedral housed five organs, one in each balcony and one larger organ in the choir loft at the back of the church.201 Küsel provides an extensive amount of detail in his engraving, and a close examination of the musicians depicted in the various balconies of the cathedral reveals an ensemble of instrumentalists and singers. The engraving shows six groups of musicians, including musicians in the left and right sections of the choir, and four balconies, each filled with various instrumentalists, singers, and soloists. Eric Chafe provides a summary of the performing forces as depicted in the engraving (Table 3.1).202 Table 3.1 Disposition of Küsel Engraving. Choir Left Choir Right Balcony: Right Front 6 singers 11 singers 2 string players 1 soloist 1 soloist 2 singers 1 conductor 1 Cornetto organ 1 Violone 1 string player Balcony Left Front 1 Regal and bellows blower conductor 2 singers 1 trumpet 2 trombones Balcony Right Rear 1 organ Balcony Left Rear 3 singers 1 cornetto 1 Singer or Conductor 1 conductor 1 conductor 1 Singer 2 trumpets Two trumpets 1 organ Organ Chafe suggests that this depiction may refer to a performance of Biber’s Missa Christi Resurgentis, or Vesperae a 32, or the Missa Archiepiscopalis or a Te Deum by Andreas Hofer. The piece being performed in this particular engraving may also be Heinrich Biber’s 200 Chafe, Church Music, 33. The cathedral was dedicated during the tenure of Prince Archbishop Paris Lodron (r. 1619–1654). 201 Ibid. 202 Ibid., 45. 95 massive Missa Salisburgensis composed for 53 parts, a work that was likely composed for the Jubeljahr celebrations. In any case, Küsel’s engraving shows how the musicians of Salzburg participated in aural and visual demonstrations of the power and wealth of the court and chapel of the Prince Archbishop in performances of colossal musical repertoire in the cathedral (see Figure 3.5).96 Figure 3.5 Melchior Küsel, Engraving of the Performance in Salzburg’s Cathedral.203 203 Salzburg Museum, InvNr 71–25. Reproduced with the permission of the Salzburg Museum. 97 Crafting an Impressive Sound: Salzburg’s Large-Scale Repertoire The composers of Salzburg were not the first to experiment with large-scale instrumentations. Vast performing forces are found in Roman repertoire of the earlier seventeenth century, which consists mainly of polychoral, alternatim exchanges of homophonic blocks of sound between multiple standardized SATB choral ensembles.204 In these large-scale pieces, composers such as Felice Anerio, Vincenzo Ugolini, and Paolo Agostini used ample, but straightforward musical textures. For example, Anerio’s Sacri hymni (1596) contains motets for eight voices, all of which adhere strictly to the alternatim principle, never deviating from the rigid homophonic use of two four-part choirs.205 Similarly, Vincenzo Ugolini’s “colossal” motet composed for three choirs, Quae est ista, opens with a brief imitative section in which an opening motive is treated successively in each choir.206 Following this opening section, the entire motet is composed of homophonic exchanges between the various choirs, occasionally joining all together for a tutti statement. Only very rarely do pairs of voices break off to introduce rhythmically distinctive passages. Paolo Agostini, who succeeded Ugolini as maestro di cappella at St. Peter’s in Rome in 1626, uses similar musical textures in his Dixit Dominus for six choirs.207 Likewise, Francesco Soriano’s Psalmi et Mottecta […]liber secundus (Venice, 1616), contains works for up to sixteen voices, including Masses in the stile antico and double-choir motets and psalms: these are largely in a syllabic, homophonic style, with different choirs involved 204 Dixon, “Origins of the Roman ‘Colossal Baroque’,” 118. 205 Felice Anerio, Sacri hymni (Venice, 1596). RISM A 1080. Extant copies in Bologna in the Civico Museu Bibliografico-Musicale and in Rome in the Biblioteca Casanatense. 206 Vincenzo Ugolini, Motecta et missae, lib. 2 (Rome, 1622). RISM U 36. For a modern edition, see Vincenco Ugolini, Motecta et Missae. Selections, ed. Graham Dixon. London: Mapa Mundi, 1982. 207 Originally cited in Dixon, “Origins of the Roman ‘Colossal Baroque’,” 123. Cappella Giulia MS V. 71. 98 in homophonic exchanges.208 The Roman style is, therefore, defined by a consistently homophonic and alternatim musical texture, one that differs greatly from the musical textures of Salzburg’s large-scale repertoire.209 In Venice, which defended its independence from papal oversight in the wake of the Council of Trent, church ceremonies were tied more to civic ritual.210 Innovative Venetian composers such as Giovanni Gabrieli and Claudio Monteverdi used a concertato style, like that heard at the Jesuit colleges, in their large-scale settings for the services of Mass and Vespers. Individual vocal and instrumental parts were used in various combinations to generate a wider variety of textures and timbres. For example, Giovanni Gabrieli in his posthumous second book of Sacrae Symphoniae (1615) was the first composer to separate instruments as a distinct ensemble and to provide them with obbligato parts. Moreover, Gabrieli emancipated solo voices, “playing them off against each other in various combinations and writing for them in the more florid style of the stile moderno.”211 The musicians of the Jesuit Collegio Romano and the Collegio Germanico embraced this more varied tradition of the mixed concertato style, despite their proximity to the Pope in Rome. Sacred performances and ceremonies at these institutions often included performance of works that were significantly more varied in texture, tessitura, and timbre.212 Pietro Delle Valle describes the type of music one might hear any day in the Jesuit Collegio Romano in his Discorso of 1640: 208 Francesco Soriano, Psalmi et motecta (Venice, 1616). RISM S 3984. 209 Dixon, “Origins of the Roman ‘Colossal Baroque’,” 123. 210 Jerome Roche, North Italian Church Music in the Age of Monteverdi (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 9. 211 Ibid., 113. 212 Dixon, “Origins of the Roman ‘Colossal Baroque’,” 125. 99 If you by chance found yourself the other day in the Collegio Romano at the performance of such very fine music for six choirs composed by the younger [Virgilio] Mazzocchi, you would have heard the madrigalian style with longing and brightness, and the motet style with seriousness and well-wrought imitation of various old and new airs, spirited recitative of some elegance.213 The multiplicity of styles that Delle Valle describes resonates with Salzburg’s large-scale repertoire, the textures and styles of which varied substantially from section to section. This connection should be of little surprise as two of Salzburg’s Prince Archbishops Wolf Dietrich (r. 1587-1612) and Maximilian Gandolph (r. 1668–1687) were educated at the German College, as mentioned above. This likely forged a lasting connection between Salzburg and the Jesuit institutions in Rome. While the mixed concertato is prevalent in Salzburg’s large-scale liturgical repertory, it is blended with the antiphonal/polychoral styles of Rome to craft a spectacle demonstrative of the absolutist power of Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop. Hofer and Biber both use ripieno voice and instrumental parts that double existing parts to augment and vary the texture of their music. In the manuscripts these individual parts are labeled either as “Rip.” (“ripieni”) or “in Capella” and contain the phrases that can be augmented by the ripieno players separated by long period of rest during which only the Concerto parts sing and play.214 The ripieno parts, although optional, can aid in the shaping 213 Originally cited in ibid., 125. Original text in Pietro delle Valle, Della musica dell’eta nostra in Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodramma (Bologna: Forni, 1969), 172. Delle Valle goes on to describe a performance of a piece for twelve or sixteen choirs by Virgilio Mazzocchi, a composer whose works were often used at the Collegio. While we are not sure about which works of Mazzocchi’s are being discussed by the chronicler Della Valle, we do see several works in Mazzocchi’s oeuvre that are of a colossal nature, including a motet, Beatum Franciscum, composed for sixteen voices, instruments, and continuo. Also listed in Mazzocchi’s works list in Grove Music Online are Masses, magnificats, antiphons, and hymns for four to twenty voice parts, many including instruments. See Wolfgang Witzenmann, “Virgilio Mazzocchi,” Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online, Oxford University Press, accessed November 24, 2014, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/18203. 214 We also have evidence of vocal or instrumental ripieno parts for printed works by Biber. For example, the copy of Biber’s printed Vesperae longiores ac breviores held in the Bavarian State Library in Munich is accompanied by a variety of manuscript parts for brass or wind instruments. D-Bsb, 2o Mus. Pr. 100 of an aural space, as the additional performers could be positioned in different locations in the performance space. Making use of additional voice parts was a simple way for composers to thicken a musical texture and create a large, impressive wall of sound cascading through the cathedral that would not be limited by the physical walls of the cathedral in Salzburg. Many of the large-scale settings of Hofer and Biber are loosely connected with particular feasts or events of special significance to Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop or to the composers themselves. For example, the two pieces that boast the largest instrumentations, Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis in 53 parts and its accompanying hymn Plaudite tympana, were likely composed for Salzburg’s jubilee year in 1682.215 Sumptuous Masses were also likely performed during the Easter season, such as Biber’s Missa Christi Resurgentis, which Biber sets for SSAATTBB choir accompanied by clarini, cornetti, 169. In some sources, the addition of ripieno parts is indicated in the other parts or partbooks with a “T” for Tutti or “R” for Ripieni. However, these practices are inconsistent in the sources. 215 The Missa Salisburgensis was originally thought to have been composed by Orazio Benevoli for the consecration of the Salzburg Cathedral in 1628, a belief that was founded by an incorrect annotation penciled in around 1878 on the folio containing the Mass, which read, “Zur Einweihung der Domkirche in Salzburg componirt von Orazio Benevoli. (Anno 1628 den 24t Septbr)” (For the dedication of the Salzburg Cathedral, composed by Oratio Benevoli, 24 September 1628). When the manuscript of the massive work was bequeathed to the Carolino Augusteum in Salzburg in 1884, this inscription was simply taken for fact. However, in the 1970s Salzburg musicologist Ernst Hintermaier revealed that this Mass was composed not by Benevoli in the 1620s, but rather by Heinrich Biber in the 1680s, arguing convincingly that the most likely context for performance of the Mass was Salzburg’s Jubilee of 1682. Hintermaier supported his argument in part on the paper the Mass was copied on and the copyist hand responsible for the manuscript, which is that of Salzburg Scribe no. 111, a scribe active in Salzburg in the early 1680s. Hintermaier also cites accounts of the dedication of the Salzburg Cathedral in 1628, which indicate that the musical ensemble on that occasion was divided into twelve choirs. Although the Missa Salisburgensis does boast 53 parts, these parts are only divided into five choirs with additional trumpet/drum ensembles placed in two galleries, making the total number of choirs seven at the most. We can conclude that the most likely performance context for the colossal Mass would have been the 1682 Jubeljahr celebration. See Ernst Hintermaier, “‘Missa Salisburgensis’: Neue Erkenntnisse über Entstehung, Autor und Zweckbestimmung,” Musicologica Austriaca 1 (1977): 154–96 and idem., “The Missa Salisburgensis,” The Musical Times 116 (November 1975): 965. The Missa Salisburgensis was first published in modern edition as Orazio Benevoli, Festmesse und Hymnus, zur Einweihung des Domes in Salzburg 1628 (Missa Salisburgensis. Plaudite tympana.) ed. Guido Adler, Denkmäler der Tonkunst Österreich 20 (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1959). 101 trombones, violins, violas, and continuo.216 In a similar vein, the large-scale instrumentation of two four-part vocal choirs, soloists, and an assortment of violins, violas, trumpets, kettle drums, cornetti, trombones, theorbo, and a continuo group of organ and violone of Biber’s Missa Alleluia implies that the Mass might have been performed as a Missa pontificalis, a Mass presided over by the Prince Archbishop himself, perhaps for one of the services during the Easter period of the church year based on the title.217 Similarly, the title of Hofer’s Missa Archi Episcopalis for two vocal choirs, violins, violas, and a group of brass and wind instruments including clarini, trombones, and cornetti suggests that it was likely a high Mass officiated by the Prince Archbishop himself.218 In fact, Werner Jaksch proposes that this piece could have been composed for occasion on which Max Gandolph assumed the archiepiscopal dignity in 1668.219 In addition to Masses that were likely presided over by the Prince Archbishop, Biber used large-scale instrumentations for occasional liturgical works. For example, Biber’s Missa Henrici was likely composed for the service in which his daughter, Anna Magdalena Biber, took her vows as Maria Rosa Henrica at the Stift Nonnberg monastery in Salzburg in 1697.220 Biber sets this Mass for a choir of SSATB voices accompanied by 2 clarini, 3 trombe (trumpets), 3 trombones, timpani, 2 violins, 3 violas, and a continuo group including 216 CZ-KRa, A 84. For a detailed instrumentation see Table 3.5 at the end of this chapter. For a modern edition, see Heinrich Biber, Missa Christi Resurgentis, ed. James Clements, Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era 107 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 2000). 217 Heinrich Biber, Missa Alleluia a 26 in concerto ed., Werner Jaksch (Stuttgart: Carus Verlag, 1994), ii. 218 B-Bc, F. 1821. The work was originally attributed to Orazio Benevoli and is published as a part of his Complete Works. For a modern edition, see Heinrich Biber, Missa Bruxellensis, ed. Brian Clark (Huntingdon, England: King’s Music, 2004). Hofer’s Missa Archi Episcopalis: KR, C7/653. 219 A-KR, C7/653. Andreas Hofer, Missa Archi Episcopalis, ed. Werner Jaksch, in International Score Musical Library project, accessed December 2, 2014, http://imslp.org/wiki/Missa_Archi_Episcopalis_%C3%A0_19_(Hofer,_Andreas). 220 A-KR, C12/685. Heinrich Biber, Missa Sti. Henrici, ed. Armin Kircher (Stuttgart: Carus Verlag, 2004), viii. 102 comprised of a violone, bassoon, contrabasso [string bass] and organ. Settings of the Requiem Mass that were likely composed to celebrate the passing of specific dignitaries or church officials were also occasions for large-scale instrumentation. One of the two settings of the Requiem Mass by Biber embraces a vast sonority. The Requiem a 15 (in A major) is scored for SSATBB chorus and soloists accompanied by an ensemble of violas, violins, oboes, trumpets, and trombones, while the Requiem ex F con terz min[ore] is scored for a more standard ensemble of violas and violins.221 Hofer also set a Requiem Mass for a six-part choir, an ensemble of violas, and trombones.222 While Mass settings comprise the bulk of Biber’s large-scale repertory, both Biber and Hofer set music for Vespers and Latin sacred songs for instrumentations exceeding the standard eight-part polychoral double choir voicing. While many of the Latin songs lack liturgical or generic labels, some sources contain a festal ascription. Others are labeled explicitly as “Offertories” either with or without a festal designation. For example, Hofer sets Estote fortes in bello for the Common of the Apostles for two SATB choirs accompanied by two violins, two cornetti, three trombones, and an organ continuo part.223 Similarly, Biber sets Lux perpetua, for which he does not include a festal designation, for two four-part SATB choirs, soloists, two violins, two violas, and three trombones.224 Music for Vespers was occasionally set in large-scale textures. For example, Biber’s Vesperae a 32 (ca. 1674), comprising the opening psalm of the Vespers cycle, Dixit Dominus, 221 CZ-KRa, A 181 and A 182, respectively. For modern editions, see Requiem a 15 in A major, ed. Werner Jaksch, in International Scores Music Library Project, accessed 10 December 2014, http://imslp.org/wiki/Requiem_in_A_major_(Biber,_Heinrich_Ignaz_Franz_von), and Heinrich Biber, Requiem in F minor, ed. by Guido Adler, Denkmäler der Tonkunst Österreich 59 (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsantalt, 1923). 222 CZ-KRa, A 739. 223 CZ-KRa, A 361. Hofer also sets this text for a smaller ensemble in his Ver sacrum seu flores as described above in Chapter 2. 224 CZ-KRa, A 340. 103 and the Magnificat, is the earliest large-scale work in Biber’s oeuvre.225 The title page of the Kroměříž manuscript indicates that these pieces were intended for the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, reading AMDGBMV [Ad Maiorem Dei Gloriam Beatissimae Mariae Virginis ] Assumptae.”226 Settings of both of these texts, the Dixit and the Magnificat, by Hofer for large-scale performing forces are also extant in the Kroměříž archive. Hofer sets the Dixit for two SATB choirs accompanied by two violas that are doubled by trombones, and a continuo group that includes organ, violone, and bass trombone.227 Two settings of the Magnificat by Hofer survive, one for nine parts and once for seventeen parts.228 The Magnificat a 17 is set for a SSAATTBB choir, four violas, two cornetti, three trombones, and an organ continuo part. Other Marian works were also set in large-scale textures. For example, Hofer composed a set of Litanies for the Blessed Virgin for a choir, additional in capella voices that occasionally double vocal parts, violas, trombones, and an organ continuo part, which survives in the Kroměříž archive.229 Four settings by Andreas Hofer of the Latin Te Deum hymn are extant in the Kroměříž archive.230 This hymn was often performed in an opulent setting for extravagant ceremonies throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.231 This hymn was used, for example, to accompany the election and installation of bishops and archbishops and to 225 For modern editions, see Heinrich Biber, Vesperae à 32, ed. Ingomar Rainer, Wiener Edition Alter Musik 10 (Vienna: Doblinger, 2000), and Heinrich Biber, Vesperae a 32, ed. Werner Jaksch, in International Scores Music Library Project, accessed 9 December 2014, http://imslp.org/wiki/Vesperae_%C3%A0_32_(Biber,_Heinrich_Ignaz_Franz_von). 226 CZ-KRa, A 438. 227 CZ-KRa, A 426. 228 Hofer, Magnificat a 9, CZ-KRa, A 431, and Magnificat a 17, CZ-KRa, A 430. The continuo part is not counted as one of the seventeen parts. 229 CZ-KRa, A 435. 230 CZ-Kra, A 715, A 718, A 719, and A 720. There are no extant settings of this hymn by Biber. 231 John Caldwell, “Te Deum,” Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed 25 November 2014, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/27618. CZ-KRa A 715, A 718, A 719, and A 720. There are no extant settings of this hymn by Biber. 104 mark the visits of important dignitaries and officials. It could also appear at the conclusion of Matins on Sundays or feast days, or in various other liturgical contexts as a processional chant, as a song of thanksgiving, or as a hymn of victory on the battlefield.232 Hofer’s settings of the Te Deum boast the largest orchestrations in his oeuvre, with two choirs each accompanied by additional doubling voices in cappella and instrumental parts including string, wind, brass, and percussion instruments (Table 3.2). Table 3.2 Hofer, Settings of the Te Deum. Work Instrumentation Sigla Te Deum Laudamus S (2), A (2), T (2), B (2), vl (2), vla (2), cornetti (2) trombette (5), trombone (3), tamb, org, CZ-Kra/ A 715 Te Deum confitemur Choir I: CATB, Choir II: C, A, T(2), B(2), tr (2), vla (3), trombetta (3), trombone (4) CZ-Kra/ A 718 Te Deum Laudamus S (2), A (2), T (2), B (2), vl (2), vla (2), cornetti (2), clarini (2) trombetta (3), trombone (3), tambure CZ-Kra/ A 719 Te Deum confitemur Choir I: S, A, T, B, Choir 2: S, A, T, B, viola (3), clarini (2), trombetta (3), trombone (4), Rip: Choir I: SATB, Choir II: SATB CZ-Kra/ A 720 Biber and Hofer use a variety of timbres in these compositions, including those of wind, brass, string, and percussion instruments. These instruments tend to perform nuanced musical roles well-suited to their particular timbres, a characteristic that predated the eighteenth-century orchestra, according to Emily Dolan.233 While violins, cornetti, or clarini play virtuosic, soloistic melodies, violas and trombones provide a harmonic accompaniment for either the vocal or instrumental parts. See, for example, the four-part contrapuntal trombone choir in Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis, which accompanies a reduced vocal texture in the Gloria (Example 3.1). 232 Ibid. 233 Dolan, Orchestral Revolution, 3. 105 Example 3.1 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Gloria, mm. 106–118.234 234 This excerpt has been re-transcribed for legibility from Heinrich Biber (Orazio Benevoli), Festmesse und Hymnus, zur Einweihung des Domes in Salzburg 1628 (Missa Salisburgensis. Plaudite tympana.) ed. Guido Adler, Denkmäler der Tonkunst Österreich 20 (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1959), 28. 106 In contrast, violins often appear in more melodic contexts, as can be seen in a violin duet introducing a tenor duet in the second vocal choir in the Gloria of Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis (Example 3.2). Example 3.2 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Gloria, mm. 31–35.235 Biber and Hofer integrate instrumental parts into their works in two ways: as independent instrumental choirs in a polychoral texture and as an accompanying orchestra. In works that embrace the orchestral style, the instrumental parts are not grouped into particular choir groupings and come and go throughout the piece, evading the standard polychoral texture in favor of creating a “kaleidoscope effect” of shifting orchestral timbres and colors throughout the works, to use a term coined by Eric Chafe.236 Therefore, in scores of Biber’s Missa St. Henrici and his Vesperae a 32, and Hofer’s Missa Archi Episcopalis, a few examples of works arranged for orchestras of instruments and vocal choirs are best arranged in the score by instrumental type, the approach taken in the modern editions of the works. The score layout best articulates Biber and Hofer’s approach to orchestration, often grouping instruments in pairs or trios of like instruments at the same pitch level. 235 This excerpt has been re-transcribed for legibility from Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Plaudite Tympana, 19. 236 Chafe, Church Music, 64. 107 For example, in his Missa Archi Episcopalis, which is set for eight concerted voices (SSAATTBB), including 2 cornetti, 3 trombones, 2 clarini, 2 violins, 2 violas, and a continuo group of violone and organ, Hofer groups instruments of like timbres. The Mass opens with a seventeen-measure sonata for two violins, two violas, and continuo. At the opening of the first vocal movement, the Kyrie, the strings are exchanged for a harmonic ensemble of three trombones and violas. Throughout the piece, the clarini and cornetti most often always appear as paired voices, together as can be seen in the clarino duet the opening phrase of the Kyrie (Example 3.3). Example 3.3 Hofer, Missa Archi Episcopalis, Kyrie, mm. 1–6.237 237 Hofer, Missa Archi Episcopalis, 5–6. 108 Polychoral textures are not completely absent in the Salzburg repertoire. In Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis and two of Hofer’s settings of the Te Deum, for example, the vocal and instrumental forces are grouped polychorally into individual groups reminiscent of the earlier Venetian tradition. For example, the performing force of Biber’s Mass contains two vocal choirs, each with eight singers. One vocal choir is accompanied by two violins and four violas, while the second choir is accompanied by organ continuo alone. The remaining five choirs are constituted solely of instruments, divided by family. One choir is composed of two violins and four violas; the second includes two oboes, four flutes, and two clarini; the third contains two cornetti and three trombones. The texture is further augmented by two groups of four trumpets, each accompanied by timpani (Table 3.3). Table 3.3 Instrumentation of Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis. Choir I 8 voices: SSAATTBB Choir V 8 voices: SSAATTBB organ 2 violins Choir II 2 violins 4 violas 4 violas Choir IV 2 cornetti Choir III 2 oboes 3 trombones 4 flutes Loco II 4 trumpets 2 clarini Timpani Loco I 4 trumpets Timpani Biber blends polychoral orchestral textures in the Credo of his Missa Salisburgensis. The constantly shifting musical texture of this movement often implements a standard polychoral texture. However, rather than pitting standard choral groups against one another, Biber takes a free approach, engaging various ensembles, vocal and instrumental, in musical exchanges with one another. For example, in mm. 201–215 of the Credo paired 109 voices from the two vocal choirs, the string choir, and the brass choir, volley melodies back and forth (Example 3.4). Example 3.4 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Credo, mm. 201–205.238 In a similar way, Biber mixes polychoral and orchestral approaches in his setting of the hymn Plaudite tympana, which accompanies the Missa Salisburgensis and was likely 238 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis. Plaudite Tympana, 62. 110 performed during Salzburg’s Jubilee year in 1682.239 Biber opens the hymn with two vocal choirs involved in straightforward homophonic exchanges with one another, with a sparse instrumental accompaniment. Following the first phrase, Biber continues to use this particular texture, but broadens the timbre of the piece by deploying each and every one of the seven groups of musicians. In measure 34 the texture shifts drastically to that of concerted solo voices. Instead of pairing two voices from the same choir, Biber pairs one bass voice from each of the two choirs, accompanying each voice with two violins from each of the two string ensembles (Example 3.5). Example 3.5 Biber, Plaudite tympana, mm. 34–49.240 Hofer also shifts between polychoral and orchestral textures in a single work. Despite the overall orchestral texture of his Missa Archi Episcopalis, in the third petition of the Kyrie, Hofer divides the voices into two CATB choirs, one accompanied by the trombones and cornetti and one accompanied by the violins and clarini. The two groups exchange homophonic, chordal phrases, aurally reminiscent of the more traditional polychoral exchange of homophonic blocks of sound (Example 3.6). 239 The text of the hymn, likely penned by an anonymous local playwright, is an ode to St. Rupert, one of Salzburg’s patron saints. Chafe, Church Music, 61. Biber, Missa Salisburgensis. Plaudite tympana, iv. 240 Chafe, Church Music, 95. 111 Example 3.6 Hofer, Missa Archi Episcopalis. Kyrie, mm. 32–39.241 Representation of Royalty in Large-Scale Works The seventeenth century was a transitional period for instrumental music in sacred performance contexts. James Leonard Brauer describes the transition of instrumental music in sacred contexts from colla parte practice to the eventual incorporation of idiomatic instrumental writing.242 Stephen Bonta has described the use of the sixteenth-century instrumental ensemble Sonata da chiesa to complement and augment the vocal 241 Hofer, Missa Archi Episcopalis, 15–16. 242 James Leonard Brauer, “Instruments in Sacred Vocal Music at Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel: A Study of Changing Tastes in the Seventeenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1983), 152. 112 ensemble when needed.243 Robert Weaver has discussed the representational and programmatic use of instrumentation to create esoteric meaning in sacred contexts and Craig Otto described how musical sign and allegory can communicate extramusical meaning in the liturgical works of the Liechtenstein collection in Kroměříž.244 Both Otto and Weaver identified the use of brass instruments, especially trumpets, as a musical sign for royalty, both secular and sacred. In fact, Emily Dolan recently described resonances of this practice in the eighteenth century, when instruments “internalized” their associations and functions. Trumpets, for example, were no longer merely tools of war, but they embodied war, victory, and celebration in their sound.245 Moreover, trumpets symbolized the power and wealth of nobility, as they were often made of precious metals symbolic and sonically differentiated from brass instruments.246 Both Biber and Hofer implement trumpet parts in their large-scale works, parts that are labeled as “tromba” and “trumbetta” in the sources. Hofer uses the term “trumbetta” to refer to trumpets in two of his four settings of the Te Deum, designating different ranges using treble, soprano, and alto clefs. Biber uses the term “tromba” to indicate trumpet parts in his Missa Alleluia, the Missa S. Henrici, and the Missa Salisburgensis. Biber’s non-Mass large-scale works, such as the Litania de S. Josepho and the Vesperae a 32, also involve trumpet parts. 247 243 Stephen Bonta, “The Uses of the ‘Sonata da Chiesa,’” Journal of the American Musicological Society 22 (1969): 54–84. 244 Robert Weaver, “Sixteenth-Century Instrumentation,” Musical Quarterly 47 (1961): 363–378, and Craig Allen Otto, “Symbol Structures in Central European Church Music: Aspects of the Word-Tone relationship in the Mid- to Late Seventeenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., Syracuse University, 1978), 308. 245 Dolan, Orchestral Revolution, 16. 246 Thank you to Gregory Johnston for pointing this out. 247 The words “tromba,” “trumpetta” and “trombette” are used interchangeably in the Salzburg literature to refer to trumpet parts. There does not seem to be a specific rule that determines which clefs are used when the different terms are used to describe the instruments themselves. 113 In Biber’s oeuvre trumpet parts are most often accompanied by parts for timpani, a pairing that was entirely typical of courtly trumpet corps in the early modern period, as seen above in the introduction and description of the musicians on the Salzburg payroll.248 While the church musicians were listed under the list of “Cathedral Choir” employees, the group of “Court Musicians” always included trumpeters or drummers (See Table 2.2 on p. 46). These ensembles carried out military and ceremonial duties, and as the payment records reflect, they were generally separate from other musicians at the court, such as the chapel musicians [Thumb Chor persohnen und Vicary] and the chamber servants [Cammerdiener und Porthier], a group that occasionally included musicians. The implementation of groups of trumpets and timpani, which form two of the “choirs” in Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis, for example, would have clearly invoked the sounds of ceremonial and military events within the context of the Mass. The music performed by the trumpet groups is aurally reminiscent of the courtly function of the trumpet ensemble. For example, the dotted rhythms introduced in the trumpets and echoed in the other instrumental parts and the voice parts in the following measures call on the sounds of introductory trumpet calls reminiscent of the traditional ceremonial and military sounds of trumpets at the opening of the Kyrie of Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis (Example 3.7). 248 All of the pieces that contain trumpet parts also contain timpani parts, except for that of the Litany of St. Joseph. It is also unclear as to what Biber and Hofer meant by the term “Tromba.” While in most cases, it seems to be referring to trumpet parts, there are also parts listed as “Tromba” parts that are notated in bass clef, which is very unusual for a trumpet part. It is perhaps possible that Biber and Hofer used the term “Tromba” to refer to brass instruments. The trumpets would play the parts notated in the higher clefs while a trombone could play the part notated for the bass or tenor clef. In the Missa Salisburgensis and Plaudite tympana, the trumpet parts are notated in soprano and also clef, but in the Missa S. Henrici, there is a tromba part notated in a bass clef, which raises the question of instrumentation Biber was calling upon. 114 Example 3.7 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Kyrie, mm. 1–5, Trumpet Parts.249 Trumpet parts emphasize cadences with repeated pitches and short melodic flourishes, and occasionally provide brief regal-sounding interludes, as seen in mm. 25–27 of the same movement (Example 3.8). Trumpet calls might also invoke the sovereign position of God as the King of Heaven, drawing the listener’s mind musical representations of royalty. For example, in the Gloria of Biber’s Missa Alleluia, Biber uses idiomatic trumpet calls to introduce and accompany a bass duet on the text “Qui sedes ad dexteram Patris” (Thou who sits at the right hand of the Father) (Example 3.9). These trumpet calls are examples of Biber’s use of varied instrumentation to create variety and express form in the setting of a standard, liturgical text in his large-scale settings. For example, Biber calls on varied groups of solo voices and instruments to set apart the petitions of the Gloria of the Missa S. Henrici (Table 3.4). 249 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis. Plaudite tympana, 1. 115 Example 3.8 Biber, Missa Salisburgensis, Kyrie, mm. 25–27, Trumpet Parts.250 Example 3.9 Biber, Missa Alleluia, Gloria, mm. 111–114.251 250 Ibid., 4. 251 This example has been re-transcribed for legibility from Heinrich Biber, Missa Alleluia a 26 in concerto, ed. Werner Jaksch (Stuttgart: Carus Verlag, 1994), 40. 116 Table 3.4 Biber, Missa S. Henrici, Gloria, Instrumentation/Texture Diagram. Et in terra pax… Solo Strings, 2 sopranos, continuo mm. 1-23 Gratias agimus tibi… SSATB, clarini, trombe, timpani, 2 violins mm. 24-37 Domine Deus Rex coelestis… Solo Bass Voice, 2 solo violins mm. 38-69 Qui tollis peccata mundi… Voices Alone, continuo – Alla Breve mm. 70-122 Qui sedes ad dexteram… Full Texture mm. 123-143 Quonilam tu solus sanctus… Opens with AT duet, Voices Alone, continuo mm. 144-178 In Gloria Patris… Full Texture mm. 179-245 Following the intonation of first phrase, “Gloria in excelsis Deo” (Glory to God in the Highest), in chant, the polyphonic Gloria opens with two sopranos accompanied by a string ensemble and continuo in mm. 1–20 singing a text that exalts God: “and on Earth Peace to good men; We praise you, we bless you, we adore you, we glorify you” (et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis. Laudamus te, benedicimus te, adoramus te, glorificamus te) (Example 3.10) Biber sets the following verse thanksgiving, Gratias agimus tibi propter magnam gloriam tuam (We give you thanks for your great glory), in a full tutti texture for all voices accompanied by clarini, violins, trumpets, and timpani. The following text shifts from the glorification of God to the description of His nature: “Lord God, heavenly King, O God, Almighty Father, Lord Jesus Christ, Only Begotten Son, Lord God, Lamb of God, Son of the Father,” (Domine Deus, Rex caelestis, Deus Pater omnipotens. Domine Fili Unigenite, Iesu Christi, Domine Deus, Agnus Dei, Filius Patris). Biber sets this text for a starkly reduced texture of a bass solo voice accompanied only by continuo and two violins in mm. 38–69 (Example 3.11). 117 Example 3.10 Biber, Missa S. Henrici, Gloria, mm. 1–10.252 While the text of the Gloria of the Mass embodies a prayer glorifying God and asking for mercy, the Credo is a statement of faith recited by believers, describing the narrative of the Christian faith: that Christ was born of Mary, and was crucified and raised from the dead. In his setting of the Credo in the Missa S. Henrici, Biber uses varied instrumentations 252 Heinrich Biber, Missa Sti. Henrici, ed. Armin Kircher (Stuttgart: Carus Verlag, 2004), 15. 118 and styles to craft a quasi-“cantata” dramatizing this confession of faith. Shifting musical textures musically represent various components of this text (Figure 3.6). Example 3.11 Biber, Missa S. Henrici, Gloria, mm. 38–43.253 253 Ibid., 22. 119 Figure 3.6 Heinrich Biber, Missa St. Henrici, Credo, Formal Diagram. [Credo in unum Deum] Patrem omnipoténtem, factorem cæli et terræ, visibílium ómnium et invisibílium. Et in unum Dóminum Iesum Christum, Fílium Dei unigénitum, et ex Patre natum, ante ómnia sæcula. Deum de Deo, lumen de lúmine, Deum verum de Deo vero, Génitum, non factum, consubstantiálem Patri: per quem ómnia facta sunt. Qui propter nos hómines et propter nostram salútem descéndit de cælis. Et incarnátus est de Spíritu Sancto ex María Vírgine, et homo factus est. Crucifíxus étiam pro nobis sub Póntio Piláto; passus et sepúltus est, et resurréxit tértia die, secúndum Scriptúras, et ascéndit in cælum, sedet ad déxteram Patris. Et íterum ventúrus est cum glória, iudicáre vivos et mórtuos, cuius regni non erit finis. I believe in one God. The Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord, Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father, not made. God from God, light from light, true God from true God. Begotten not made, one being with the Father, through Whom all things were made. Who for us men and for our salvation Came down from Heaven And was incarnate of the Holy Spirit, born of the Virgin and was made man. He was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate: suffered, died, and was buried. On the third day, he rose again according to the scriptures. He ascended into heaven and sits at the right hand of the Father. He will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead and His Not Set Polyphonically. Intoned. Full Instrumentation Solo Canto 2, Alto, Tenor Voices, Violins, violas, continuo, Bass Solo Violins, Violas, Continuo Full Choir, Clarino, trumpets, two violins, Full Choir, Clarino, trumpets, one violin, Canto I Solo, 2 violins (solo), continuo CCATB and continuo Full Texture: all voices and instruments Repeated pitches, exchanges between instruments and full choir. Chordal and homophonic. Contrapuntal and Imitative. Virtuosic bass solo, paired violins, Violas harmonically emphasize cadences Homophonic. Imitative and contrapuntal in voices parts. Instruments enter to expand texture at cadences. Triple meter (3/2), alla breve, stile antico texture Duple Meter, Adagio, imitative, theme opens with four repeated pitches. Triple Meter (3/2), homophonic texture in voices (half notes), virtuosic, running eighth notes in the violin parts. 120 Et in Spíritum Sanctum, Dóminum et vivificántem: qui ex Patre Filióque procédit. Qui cum Patre et Fílio simul adorátur, et conglorificátur: qui locútus est per Prophétas. Et unam, sanctam, cathólicam et apostólicam Ecclésiam. (Alto solo) Confíteor unum baptísma in remissiónem peccatorum. Et expecto resurrectionem mortuorum, et vitam ventúri sæculi. Amen. kingdom will have no end. And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord and giver of Life. Who proceeds from the Father and the Son. Who with the Father and the Son, is adored and glorified, Who has spoken through the Prophets. And in one Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church. I confess one baptism for the remission of sins, and I look for the resurrection of the dead. And the Life of the world to Come. Amen. Solo CCATB voices, continuo Alto Solo with continuo Bass Solo with continuo Return to full texture: all voices, all instruments. Imitative entries between solo vocal parts. Opens with duet between Cantos 1 and 2, continuo. Texture builds from there. Recitative-like melody in solo alto voice. Recitative-like melody in solo bass voice. Tutti imitative entries, paired cornettos, trombones, and violins. Starts with just voices and then the instruments join in. 121 This movement resonates with moments of musical representation reflecting the text itself and Catholic doctrine. Following the intonation of “I believe in one God” by a single voice in chant, Biber uses a full, exuberant texture to express the greatness of God the Father that is described in the opening phrase, “the Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth, and of all things, visible and invisible.” Biber sets the following text describing how Jesus was begotten by God for a reduced texture of a trio of solo cantus, alto, and tenor in a contrapuntal style accompanied by a string ensemble. The text describing Jesus as “begotten not made, one being with the Father, through him all things were made” emphasizes Jesus’s oneness with God, set for a bass solo accompanied by violins, violas, and continuo. Biber turns to a full choir and orchestra in the following phrase, “who for us men and for our salvation came down from heaven,” which is set in a homophonic texture, crafting a aural representation of the unity of the Christian church and shifting the focus from Jesus to the community of believers on earth. The musical representations do not stop here. The final petitions of the Credo, in which choir confesses the Christian belief in a single Christian church and the belief in one baptism for the forgiveness of sins, are each set in a solo voice (alto and bass, respectively) accompanied solely by continuo. In addition to texture and instrumentation, meter can aid in musical representation. In this Credo, Biber uses meter to represent elements of Christian theology. For example, Biber switches from duple, cut time to a triple, 3/2 meter in the two sections of the Credo that describes the Godly attributes of Jesus. The first shift to triple meter is introduced for the text describing how Jesus was incarnate of the Holy Spirit and born of the Virgin Mary. Biber then sets the description of Jesus’ earthly crucifixion in a duple meter in the next 122 phrase, the act of imperfect humans on earth. However, for “Et resurrexit”, Biber shifts back to a jubilant triple meter. The powerful orchestrations of these large-scale sacred works are ideal for the expression of the dual nature of absolutist power. While the Mass is a sacred genre of Catholic ritual, the integration of trumpet and timpani ensembles, likely positioned in the cathedral’s balconies, invoked the sounds of courtly, royal representation, contrasting greatly with the instrumental texture of two violins accompanied by four violas that is otherwise commonly found in the liturgical works of both Biber and Hofer. Furthermore, Biber used varied instrumental and vocal textures in his settings of the Mass ordinary not only to create an expansive and impressive setting of the Mass, but also to differentiate textual phrases, as shown above in the discussion of the Gloria of Biber’s Missa S. Henrici. Biber also used musical texture to dramatize the narrative of the Christian faith in the Credo of the same Mass. Conclusion: Situating Salzburg’s Large-Scale Works The large-scale repertoire of Salzburg has long been associated with the idea of the “colossal baroque,” a term coined by Manfred Bukofzer to describe Biber’s Missa Salisburgensis. Bukofzer describes the style as the “inflation of essentially modest music to mammoth dimensions,” and the “stupendous facility of spatial dispositions.”254 In a brief article on the Salzburg repertory, Eric Chafe avoids the term “colossal” and rather describes the large-scale works of Salzburg’s composers as a part of the “luxuriant baroque” style.255 Chafe does not define a “luxuriant baroque” style outright, but mentions the “lavish 254 Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York, NY: W.W. Norton, 1947), 64–68. 255 Eric Chafe, “Masses by H.I.F. von Biber: The Luxuriant Baroque,” American Choral Review 38 (1996): 5–6. 123 polychoral Masses, Vespers, Offertories, and Church Sonatas” that make up a good part of the repertoire of the Salzburg Cathedral in the late seventeenth century.256 Both of the terms “colossal” and “luxuriant” are relevant to the way these works with “a view to create an effect of special magnificence” contributed to the creation of spectacle for the purpose of sacred representation and glorification of absolutist leaders, especially Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop.257 Large-scale pieces have long been affiliated with musical taxonomies. For example, Bukofzer describes the “colossal style” as one of the five styles he affiliated with sacred music in the seventeenth century, along with monody, the few-voiced concertato, the many-voiced concertato, and the stile antico. However, the Salzburg repertoire shows that all five styles were often presented in a single work, embodying the flexible idea of style and genre outlined in Chapter 1. This was not completely unique to Salzburg. In fact, Steven Saunders describes textural variety, metrical contrasts, and a diverse approach to text setting as novel and modern elements in the sacred vocal works of imperial, Viennese composers around the middle of the century, which were reminiscent of the Venetian polychoral tradition of the early seventeenth century. Further linking this imperial repertoire to that of Salzburg, Werner Jaksch has suggested that this Venetian multi-choir concerted style might have traveled to Salzburg via the presence of Giovanni Priuli and Christoph Strauss in Vienna in the middle of the century.258 The function of music as a representational force emblematic of power and majesty creates a further parallel between practices at the two courts. Steven Saunders describes 256 Ibid. 257 Dixon, “The Origins of the Roman ‘Colossal Baroque’,” 115–128. 258 Biber, Missa Alleluia, ii. 124 how sacred music functioned as musical representation in Vienna, citing the “use of sizeable, diverse, virtuosic ensembles,” along with trumpets that can evoke temporal and divine kingship.259 Andrew Weaver has described how Valentini’s Missa Non eris finis, which was likely composed for a Habsburg coronation, used “sheer sound” to emphasize the majesty of the Emperor through its use of brass, especially of trumpets.260 For example, trumpets appear in an instrumental sonata that introduces the clause from the Credo, “cuius regni non erit finis” (He who rules without end). In this piece, trumpets draw a parallel between Christ’s eternal glory and that of the Emperor, alluding to the monarch’s piety divine right of rule.261 Similarly, the instrumentations and mixed concerted style of the large-scale repertoire of Biber and Hofer in Salzburg was certainly capable of the same representative function as sacred music in imperial Vienna. The varied instrumentation and style of this music includes ensembles of instruments often heard in church and also in the context of civic and military ceremonies. The musical references to sovereign power crafted by the use of large-scale instrumentations and particularly the timbre of trumpet ensembles were made possible within sacred genres by the flexible nature of genre identified by literary genre theory. The use of these secular timbres within sacred works further emphasizes the dual nature of Salzburg’s court. The large-scale musical repertoire of Biber and Hofer aurally propagated the Prince Archbishop’s wealth, sovereign power, and religious faith and established the sacred power of the Catholic Church in the archbishopric. 259 Saunders, Cross, Sword, and Lyre, 12. 260 Andrew Weaver, Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 117. 261 Ibid., 118. 125 Table 3.5 Salzburg’s Large-Scale Repertoire. Composer Title Genre Instrumentation Hofer O quam metuendus est locus iste Offertory S (2), A, T, B, vl (2), vla (2), org (2), fag, Rip: S (2), A, T, B, Hofer Quo progrederis sine filio pater Offertory S (2), A, T, B, vl (2), vlne, org (2), trb (3), Rip: S (2), A, T, B, Hofer Veni de Libano Offertory S (2), A, T, B, vl (2), vla (2), vlne, org (2), fag, Rip: S (2), A, T, B, Hofer Te Deum Laudamus Latin Hymn S (2), A (2), T (2), B (2), vl (2), vla (2), cornetto (2) trombette (5), trombone (3), tamb, org, Hofer Te Deum confitemur Latin Hymn Choir I: CATB, Choir II: C, A, T(2), B(2), tr (2), vla (3), trombetta (3), trombone (4) Hofer Te Deum Laudamus Latin Hymn S (2), A (2), T (2), B (2), vl (2), vla (2), cornetto (2), clarini (2) trombetta (3), trombone (3), tambure Hofer Te Deum confitemur Latin Hymn Choir I: S, A, T, B, Choir 2: S, A, T, B, viola (3), clarini (2), trombetta (3), trombone (4), Rip: Choir I: SATB, Choir II: SATB Hofer Gaudeamus Exultemus a 15 Latin Sacred Song S(2), A(2), T(2), B(2), vl (2) vla (2), trombone (3), cornetti (2), org. Hofer Dextera Domini magnificata est a 17 Latin Sacred Song S(2), A(2), T(2), B(2), vla (4), cornetto (2), trombone (3), org, Hofer Virgo prudentissima Latin Sacred Song S(2), A(2), T(2), B(2), vla da braccio (2), trombone (4), org. Hofer Venite gentes accurite populi Latin Sacred Song S (2), A, T (2), B, violetta (3), trombone (2), org Hofer Magnificat a 17 Magnificat S(2), A(2), T(2), B(2), viola (4), cornetti (2), trombone (3), org. Hofer Requiems Requiem S(2), A, T (2), B, viola (3), trombone (2) org or vla. Rip: org. Hofer Litanies for the BVM Litanies S (2), A, T, B, vla (2), trombone (3), org, Rip: S (2), A, T, B, Hofer Dixit Dominus Psalms S (2), A (2), T (2), B (2), vl (2), vla (2), trombone (3) vlne, org, 126 Composer Title Genre Instrumentation Hofer Fundata es domus domini Latin Sacred Song S (2), A, T (2), B, Coro, vl (2), vla (2), cornetti (2) org Hofer Requiems Requiem Mass S, A, T, B, , viola (3), org, Rip. SATB Hofer Masses, Missa Quid vobis videtur Mass S (2), A, T, B, , vl (2), vla (3), trombone (3), continuo. Rip: SATB Hofer Vespers/ Psalmi Breves Vespers/Psalms S (2), A, T, B, vl (2), vla (3), org, Rip: SATB, Hofer Estote fortes in bello Latin Sacred Song S (2), A (2), T (2), B (2), vl (2), cornetti (2), trombone (3), org Hofer Audite insulae Latin Sacred Song S (2), A (2), T (2), B (2), vl (2), vla (3) Hofer Stabunt Justi Latin Sacred Song S (2), A, T (2), B, vla (3), trombone (3), org. Hofer Tenebrae factae sunt Responsory S (3x), A (3x), T (3x), B solo, B (3x), vla 1 (2x), vla 2 (2x), vla 3 (2x), vlc (2x), b (2x) Hofer Gloria et honore Offertory Choir 1: SATB, Choir 2: SATB, org, bc. Hofer Dominica prima Passionis Latin Sacred Song Coro 1: S, A; Coro 2: S, A, T, continuo Hofer Missa Archi Episcopalis a 19 Latin Mass S (2), A (2), T (2) B (2) vln (2) vla (2), clarini (2), trombone (3), cornetti (2), vlne, org. Rip: S, 1,2; A 1, 2, T 1,2, B 1,2 Biber Litania de S. Josepho a 20 Litany Choir 1: SATB, Choir 2: SATB, vln (2) vlas (5), trumpets in D (2), trombones (3), continuo Biber Lux Perpetua Antiphon Choir 1: SATB, Choir 2: SATB, vln (2), vlas (2), trombones (3) Biber Missa Alleluia Mass Choir 1: SATB, Choir 2: SATB vln(2), vlas(3), trumpets(6), kettledrums, cornetti (2), trombones (3), theorbo (1), vlne, org. Biber Missa Bruxellensis Mass Choir 1: SATB, Choir 2; SATB, vln (4), trumpets (4), cornetti (2), trombone (3), continuo. Biber Missa Catholica Mass SATB, vln(2), vla (2), clarini (2), continuo: violone and organ, Rip: SATB Biber Missa Christi Resurgentis Mass Choir 1: SATB, Choir 2: SATB, vlns (2), vlas (2), clarini (2), cornetti (2), trombones (3), organ, violone 127 Composer Title Genre Instrumentation Biber Missa S. Henrici Mass SSATB chorus and soloists, vlns (2), vlas (3), clarini (2), trumpets (3), timpani Biber Missa Salisburgensis and Plaudite Tympana Mass 2 eight-part choruses (SSAATTBB), vln (4), vla (8), oboes (2), flutes (4), clarini (2), cornetti (2), trombones (3), trumpets (8), timpani (2), continuo: organo (2) Biber Requiem a 15 Requiem Mass SSATBB chorus and soloists, violette (4), trombe basse (2), oboes (2), trombones (3), continuo: bassoon, organ. Biber Requiem ex F con terz min[ore] Requiem Mass SSATB chorus and soloists, violins (2), violas (3), trombones ad libitum (3), continuo: organ Biber Sonata pro Tabula a 10 Sonata 5 "flautae" (recorders), vlns (2), vlas (3), organ Biber Sonata Sancti Polycarpi Sonata 8 trumpets, kettledrums, continuo, violone Biber Vesperae a 32 Vespers/Psalm Choir 1: SATB, Choir 2: SATB vlns (2), vlas (2), trumpets (4), kettledrums, cornetti (2), trombones (3), organ, Basso di viola (violone). Rip: Choir 1: SATB, Choir 2: SATB 128 CHAPTER 4. GENRE AND REPRESENTATION IN SALZBURG’S INSTRUMENTAL ENSEMBLE WORKS Introduction Instrumental timbres were an integral part of the soundscape of Salzburg in the seventeenth century. Instruments other than organ were used to accompany the Mass in Salzburg as early as 1613, but in the later seventeenth century instrumental ensembles were ubiquitous throughout the city.262 In the 1670s, Maximilian Gandolph engaged not one, but two composers to write instrumental music for liturgical, paraliturgical, and secular performances. Georg Muffat was employed by the court from 1678 to 1689 and Heinrich Biber began work in Salzburg around 1670, remaining until his death in 1704. While the surviving repertoire of the predecessors of Biber and Muffat, Stefano Bernardi and Abraham Megerle, consists of works for voices that are only occasionally accompanied by continuo,263 settings composed around 1670 and later without idiomatic instrumental parts are rare. This repertoire was augmented by a wealth of instrumental sonatas, canzonas, and sinfonias that are preserved in prints and manuscripts of the later seventeenth century, some of which are accompanied by paratexts such as subtitles given on the title pages or phrases of text written in the scores.264 The term “sonata” appears as a title of both individual works and of smaller sections in multi-movement collections in the repertoire of Salzburg’s well-known composers Muffat and Biber, and their lesser known contemporaries Andreas Hofer and Andreas Christoph Clamer. This varied usage of the 262 Eric Chafe, The Church Music of Heinrich Biber (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1987), 32. 263 If instrumental parts appear in these works, they are either simple continuo parts, or instrumental doublings of ripieno parts. 264 This trend continues into the eighteenth century, as works by Heinrich Biber’s son Carl Heinrich Biber, who was active as a composer in Salzburg following the death of his father, are invariably for voices accompanied by an orchestra. 129 term raises the question of how these composers conceived of this genre. However, genre theory as described in Chapter 1 lends credence to this malleable conception of the genre in this period, which was defined in large part by a versatility that made it an ideal medium for innovation in both sacred and secular contexts and an ideal genre for experimenting with representational musical textures and timbres. Theoretical Definitions of the Sonata in the Seventeenth Century Disparate definitions by seventeenth-century theorists paint an ambivalent picture of the term “sonata” for the modern observer. Despite the prominence of the sonata in the Baroque era, there is but a single scholarly study dedicated to the genre. In his broad overview of the sonata, William Newman shows the term’s roots in Italian and French practice. Although the term can be traced to the past participle of the Italian word, sonare, the earliest use of the word as a noun comes from a French cognate, “sonnade.” The term appears to refer to a genre for the first time in the Intabolatura de liuto published by the blind Italian lutenist Giacomo Gorzanis in Venice in 1561. Recent scholarship on the sonata tends to oversimplify the complexity inherent in such a flexible genre, attempting to establish a generic differentiation between the sonata da chiesa and sonata da camera.265 Regardless of the interest in applying this binary division to seventeenth-century repertoire, these terms do not appear in theoretical definitions until early in the eighteenth century in works by Thomas Janowka, Sebastián de Brossard, Johann Mattheson, and Johann Walther.266 However, the broader term “sonata” 265 Charles Brewer suggests an approach to the music of the time and place that “more clearly reflects the intellectual, aesthetic, and cultural views” of the time and place.” Brewer, The Instrumental Music of Schmeltzer, Biber, Muffat, and Their Contemporaries (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 1. 266 Tomas Baltazar Janovka, Calvis Ad Thesaurum Magnae Artis Musicae (Vetero-Pragae:Georgius Labaun, 1701; reprint as Dictionarium Musicum II, Amsterdam: Fritz Knuf, 1973), and Sébastian de Brossard, 130 does appear in several theoretical sources in the seventeenth century, including the treatises of Michael Praetorius and Athanasius Kircher. As we shall see, these theorists define the genre of sonata not by sacred and secular connotations, but rather by the presence of instrumental timbres and freedom of musical style. The common trait that runs through each and every definition is the great versatility inherent in the genre itself, which is also reflected in the various uses of the term by composers, copyists, and printers in the Salzburg sources. In his Syntagma musicum of 1619, Michael Praetorius offers the earliest definition of the sonata. He categorizes it alongside preludes, fantasias, fugues, and sinfonias as preludes “by themselves,” as opposed to preludes “to a dance,” a category that includes intradas and toccatas.267 To define the sonata, Praetorius compares and contrasts the sonata with the canzona and the motet, and uses aspects of instrumentation, musical style, and performative function, i.e. whether the music was intended to accompany a dance or a church service, or simply to entertain, to formulate his two-fold description of the sonata as a genre. First of all, the genre relies on instrumentation and style: the sonata must be performed solely by instruments and is further defined by its “solemn and splendid” motet- Dictionaire de musique (Paris: Chez C. Ballard, 1705), and Johann Mattheson, Der vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg: Christian Herold, 1739; reprint, as Documenta Musicologica V, ed. Margarete Reimann, Kassel: Baerenreiter, 1954); translated in Johann Mattheson, Johann Mattheson’s Der vollkommene Capellmeister, trans. Ernest C. Harriss (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1981), and Johann Gottfried Walther, Musikalisches Lexikon oder musikalische Bibliothek (Leipzig: Wolffgang Deer, 1732. Reprint in Documenta Musicologica III, ed. Richard Schaal. Kassel: Bärenreiter Verlag, 1953). 267 Michael Praetorius, Syntagma musicum, III, trans. Jeffrey Kite-Powell (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2004), 17. 131 like style.268 However, Praetorius also associates the term with trumpets at banquets and dances, using performative function to describe another aspect of the genre: Sonata, Sonada: The sonata, from sonando [playing] in Italian is so named because it is performed solely by instruments, like the canzona, and not by voices. Very beautiful examples of this genre can be found in the canzonas and sinfonias by Giovanni Gabrieli and other composers. But there is this distinction, in my opinion: sonatas are quite solemn and splendid, like motets, while canzonas are lively, happy, quick, and full of black notes throughout. The word sonata or sonada is also associated with trumpeters at banquets and dances.269 Despite the seemingly interchangeable use of the terms “sinfonia,” “canzona,” and sonata” in printed collections of the seventeenth century, Praetorius distinguishes between all three genres in his treatise. The sonata seems closer in style to the solemn, sacred motet, which differs from the canzona, a lively and virtuosic contrapuntal work composed in particular formal structures, such as short fugues and artful fantasies for 4, 5, 6, and 8 voices.270 Praetorius defines the sinfonia, by contrast, as a dance movement in a “free, full, concentus, composed in the manner of a toccata, Pavan, Galliard, or other similar harmony with 4, 5, 6, or more parts on instruments alone without the use of the voices.”271 Furthermore, the sinfonia was “used now and then at the beginning and also the middle of a concert of choral songs, like a Praeambulatura on the organ,” appearing occasionally “under the term ripieno, ritornello, etc,” which may refer to the use of the sinfonia as a 268 This contrapuntal and solemn musical style of the sonata can be seen particularly in Biber’s collection of instrumental pieces, the Trombet undt musicalischer Tafeldienst (CZ-KRa, A 879), which contains both an opening intrada and sonata and will be discussed further below. 269 Praetorius, Syntagma, 39. It is noteworthy that Praetorius writes that examples of the sonata can be found “in” the genre of the canzona or the sinfonia. In his formulation of the definition it seems that Praetorius is referring to the flexibile nature of the genre of the sonata. 270 Translation from T.D. Dunn, “The Instrumental Music of Biagio Marini” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1969), 17. 271 Translated in ibid., 24. 132 repeated ripieno part within vocal genres.272 Praetorius assigns to these three genres, then, distinct musical styles and performative functions. Roughly thirty years later in his Musurgia universalis of 1650, Athanasius Kircher uses compositional process to define the sonata, rather than aspects of musical style or performance context. Kircher associates the sonata with the stylus phantasticus,273 which is appropriate to instruments [...] the most free and unfettered method of composition, bound to nothing, either to words, nor to a harmonious subject, organized with regard to manifest invention, the hidden reason of harmony, and an ingenious, skilled connection of harmonic phrases and fugues. And it is divided into pieces which are commonly called Phantasias, Ricercatas, Toccatas, and Sonatas.274 While Praetorius separates instrumental works that function as preludes to dances from those that stand alone, Kircher groups all of these works together into one category defined by a free compositional approach rather than by function or performance context. The two different approaches to defining genres by Praetorius and Kircher betray a mid-century shift in the defining characteristics of instrumental genres. While Praetorius valued style, Kircher focuses more on compositional process in his definitions. Definitions of the sonata from the early eighteenth century shift back towards the explicit formulations of Praetorius. While Thomás Baltazar Janowka in his Clavis ad thesaurum (Prague, 1701) defines the sonata as a “grave and grand musical work composed for all types of instruments,”275 he goes on to describe the liturgical performance of the sonata, writing that, “such works a few years ago were solemnly produced at Mass after the Epistle; however, from this [practice], because they smack of the stylus 272 Translated in ibid. 273 For more on the stylus phantasticus see Brewer, Instrumental Music, and James Clements, “Aspects of the Ars rhetorica” (Ph.D. diss., Royal Holloway, University of London, 2002), and Elias Dann, “Heinrich Biber and the Seventeenth-Century Violin” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1968). 274 Brewer, Instrumental Music, 25. 275 William Newman, The Sonata in the Baroque Era (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1983), 23. 133 phantasticus […] they have now ceased in fact to be in [church] use.”276 Janowka is the first to make mention of the explicitly liturgical function for the sonata in church, but his definition contains components of the definitions of both Kircher and Praetorius. Janowka mentions the fantastic style, the trademark characteristic of Kircher’s definition and the “grave and grand” stylistic qualities of the genre, characteristics recognized by Praetorius. In his Dictionnaire de musique (Paris, 1703), Sébastien de Brossard provides a more explicit definition of the sonata and is the first to divide the sonata da camera from the sonata da chiesa. De Brossard describes the sonata da chiesa, “which is to say, proper to the Church,” as beginning “usually with a grave and majestic movement, suited to the dignity and sanctity of the place; after which comes some sort of gay and animated fugue.”277 The sonata da camera is associated instead with the suite: “The second type concerns sonatas that are called ‘da Camera’, that is to say, suitable for the chamber. These are really suites of several short pieces suitable for dancing.”278 Like Janowka, de Brossard incorporates elements of earlier definitions and emphasizes the varied style and extended nature of the compositions in his definition of the sonata, which includes ordinarily extended pieces, Fantasias, or Preludes, etc., varied by all sorts of emotions and styles, by rare or unusual chords, by simple or double Fugues, etc., etc., all purely according to the fantasy of the Composer, who, being restricted by none but the general rules of counterpoint, not by any fixed meter or particular 276 Originally cited in Brewer, Instrumental Music, 35. 277 Gregory Barnett, “Form and Gesture: Canzona, Sonata and Concerto,” in The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Music, eds. Tim Carter and John Butt (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 504. Barnett cites Sebastián Brossard, Dictionaire de Musique (Paris, 1703; facsm.: F Knuf (ed.), Hilversum, 1965), 139. 278 Original text: “Le second genre comprend les Sonates qu’ils apellent da Camera, c’est à dire, propres pour la Chambre. Ce sont proprement des suites de plusieres petites pieces propres à faire danser.” Originally cited by Michael Robertson, The Courtly Consort in German-Speaking Europe, 1650–1706 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), 47. Robertson cites Sebastián Brossard, Dictionaire de Musique (Paris, 1703; facsm.: F Knuf (ed.), Hilversum, 1965), 118–19. 134 rhythmic pattern, devotes his efforts to the inspiration of his talent, changes the rhythm and the scale as he sees fit, etc.279 Brossard mentions instrumentation in particular, specifying the use of violins and continuo: “One finds [sonatas] in 1–8 parts, but ordinarily they are for Violin alone or for two different Violins with a Basso continuo for the Clavecin, and often a more figured bass for the Viola da gamba, the Bassoon, etc.”280 Johann Mattheson and Johann Gottfried Walther are the first theorists to use a particular form to define the genre, describing the sonata as an extended piece with multiple sections. Mattheson defines the genre as a “kind of instrumental work, especially a violin piece, which consists of alternating adagio and allegro [sections].”281 Walther also mentions the use of exchanging slow and fast movements in his Musikalisches Lexicon of 1732: “A sonata is a grave and ingenious piece scored for instruments, especially violins, and consisting of alternating adagio and allegro sections.”282 Elements of these definitions are present in the sonatas by Salzburg composers, as we shall see. The shifting definitions of the genre of the sonata in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries reveal various approaches. The early definitions of Praetorius show an interest in defining and relating the sinfonia, sonata, and canzona to one another. Kircher’s theoretical discussion reveals a shift in focus towards compositional process. Finally, the early eighteenth-century definitions of the genre show a combination of the earlier approaches, emphasizing the freedom of styles and compositional techniques that characterize the sonata of the period. The versatility of the sonata simultaneously defines the genre and makes a concrete definition impossible. 279 Newman, The Sonata, 24-25. 280 Ibid. 281 Ibid., 25. 282 Ibid., 27. 135 The Problem of the Sonata in the Seventeenth Century Defining the seventeenth-century sonata is problematic due to the apparent inconsistency in the use of the term not only by theorists, but also by composers and printers, who tend to use the terms sinfonia, sonata, and canzona interchangeably. For example, Stefano Bernardi, an Italian composer who started his career in Verona, but later moved to serve at the court of Salzburg in 1624, refers to “canzoni” on the title page of his 1613 Motetti in cantilena, con alcune canzoni, but in the index he lists the works as “sonatas” instead.283 Likewise, in a volume of Madrigaletti, Bernardi includes a work titled “Sonata Sesta in Sinfonia,” which is listed as “Canzona” in the index to the collection.284 Similarly, Salomone Rossi uses the word “Sonata” to title all of the partbooks in his Il primo libro delle singfonie e gagliarde (1607), save for the tenor partbook, which is titled “Sinfonia”.285 According to Sandra Mangsen, this inconsistent terminology is a result of the way music began to “strain hard against the stylistic boundaries imposed by particular social function” in the late seventeenth century.286 Elements of abstract sonatas often 283 Peter Allsop, The Italian ‘Trio’ Sonata (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 47. Stefano Bernardi, Motetti in cantilena, con alcune canzoni per sonare con ogni sorte di stromenti, Op. 5 (Venice, 1613). RISM B 2049 An extant copy of the continuo part is in the Austrian National Library. A complete copy can be found in The Ferrara Biblioteca comunale Ariostea. For an edition see Stefano Bernardi, Sonata and Sinfonias from the Motetti in cantilena a Quattro voci, con alcune canzoni per sonare con orni sorte di stromenti (Venice 1613) and the Concerti acadmici con varia sorte di sinfonie a sei voci … libro primo (Venice, 1615–1616), ed. James Ladewig, Italian Instrumental Music of the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries 23 (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1992). 284 Allsop, Italian ‘Trio’ Sonata, 47. Stefano Bernardi, Madrigaletti, op. 12 (Venice, 1621). RISM B 2069. A complete copy can be found in the Austrian National Library. 285 Ibid. Salamone Rossi, Il primo libro delle sinfonie e gagliarde (Venice, 1607). RISM B 2763. Several works from this collection appear in Salamone Rossi, Sinfonie, Gagliarde, Canzone, i, ii, ed. J. Newman and F. Rikko (New York, NY: Mercury Music Corp., 1965). 286 Sandra Mangsen, “The ‘Sonata da Camera’ Before Corelli: A Renewed Search,” Music & Letters 76 (1995): 19. 136 appeared alongside dance movements in collections of instrumental pieces, and virtuosic sonatas occasionally incorporated explicit dance movements.287 The unpredictable appearances of modifiers with the term “sonata,” such as da chiesa and da camera, for example, have been the subject of much speculation. Charles Brewer posits that the presence of organ or harpsichord for the continuo part may indicate a churchly or courtly function, respectively, for the piece.288 Likewise, according to Eric Chafe, a pious affect created by a polychoral texture or wind instruments may betray a sacred function.289 William Newman defines the style of the church sonata as embodying a “weightier more serious character, as the result of a richer, sometimes a more polyphonic texture, and of more developed forms.”290 On the other hand, Newman suggests that the presence of labeled dance movements may indicate a courtly sonata.291 Gregory Barnett notes that in the Bolognese sources, a sonata that has labeled dance movements, even if it is lacking a specific label, would not have been considered suitable for performance in church, and would therefore be considered a sonata da camera.292 However, none of these particular designations is found to be completely consistent in the extant repertoire. The modifiers da chiesa or da camera are absent in the Salzburg repertoire, in which sonatas are labeled as just that – sonatas. Scholars have taken different approaches to understanding the stand-alone label of “sonata.” For example, in his study of the Bolognese sources Gregory Barnett posits that the terms “sonata” and sonata da chiesa are roughly 287 Ibid. 288 Brewer, Instrumental Music, 1. 289 Chafe, Church Music, 184. 290 Newman, The Sonata, 34. 291 Ibid., 35. Newman notes that there are also “sonate da camera” that do not contain any dance movements at all, but are rather collections of program pieces, or arrangements of opera tunes , or are collections limited entirely to standard church sonata types. 292 Gregory Barnett, Bolognese Instrumental Music, 1660–1710 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008), 172. 137 equivalent. Using semiotic theory to differentiate between “sonata,” sonata da chiesa, and sonata da camera,293 he describes the latter as a “marked term” and “sonata” as an “unmarked term,” noting that the term da chiesa rarely appears individually, but is used consistently in opposition with da camera. Therefore, Barnett concludes that whenever the unmarked term “sonata” is used, the “churchliness of that sonata is understood,” thus broadening the definition of the sonata da chiesa.294 Furthermore, Barnett notes that the da chiesa modifier connotes a more serious and learned style but does not “impose restrictions on the use of the music it describes.” Therefore the da chiesa sonatas “may be considered stylistically distinctive and functionally multi-purpose.”295 Likewise, in his study of the church music of Heinrich Biber, Eric Chafe defines the sonata da chiesa broadly, writing that even if it were not labeled as such, “polychoral sonatas and sonatas with wind instruments were intended primarily for performance in church.”296 Like Barnett, Chafe places many works titled “sonata” in the category of the sonata da chiesa. On the other hand, Newman and John Daverio have argued that works titled “sonata” belong more to the realm of the courtly sonata da camera. Newman notes that the term da camera in this period originally meant “for use at court,” but also took on wider implications to describe non-church or secular or diversional/chamber music, implying a broader definition of the courtly sonata.297 Similarly, Daverio writes that both “serious” and dance music were affiliated with the da camera sonatas, which would have facilitated 293 Ibid. Here Barnett cites Robert Hatten’s work on music and markedness, a term borrowed from the field of linquistics. For more, see Hatten, Musical Meaning in Beethoven: Markedness, Correlation, and Interpretation (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2004). 294 Barnett, Bolognese Instrumental Music, 171. 295 Ibid., 189. 296 Chafe, Church Music, 184. 297 Newman, The Sonata, 35. 138 performance in a wide variety of contexts and therefore abstract sonatas and dances labeled as “sonatas” would likely fit in with the courtly, da camera grouping.298 Paul Whitehead describes the preoccupation with the division of sonata da chiesa and da camera as problematic because of its “attempt to divide the spectrum of genres to correspond to a possible division into secular and sacred functions.”299 Rather, Whitehead contends that the term “sonata” illustrates the flexibility inherent in the genre and argues that we should avoid the attempt to place a sonata in a courtly or churchly category. Peter Allsop proposes the term “free sonata” to circumvent the genre connotations of sonata da chiesa or sonata da camera altogether, describing the sonata as “embodying the most radical trends of period” where composers could experiment with new techniques, such as scordatura, tremolo or echo effects.300 Similarly, Mangsen describes the seventeenth-century “sonata” as an abstract piece, a “non-dance composition suitable for use in church, but usually fit for the chamber or theater as well.”301 These versatile descriptions of the genre align best with the use of the term “sonata” in the Salzburg repertoire. The modifiers da chiesa and da camera appear in only one source in the Salzburg repertoire: Muffat’s collection of five multi-movement sonatas, the Armonico tributo cioè Sonate di Camera commodissime a pocchi, ò a molti stromenti (Harmonic tribute, i.e. sonatas da camera, suitable for a few or many instruments).302 The appearance of this term in the title is likely a reflection of Muffat’s presence in Rome, where 298 John Daverio, “In Search of the Sonata Before Corelli,” Acta Musicologica 57 (1985): 200. 299 Paul Whitehead, “Austro-German Printed Sources of Instrumental Ensemble Music, 1630–1700,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1996), 101. 300 Allsop, Italian ‘Trio’ Sonata, 50. 301 Mangsen, “Sonata da Camera,” 19. 302 Georg Muffat, Armonico tributo (Nuremberg, 1682). RISM M 8126 For a modern edition, see Georg Muffat, Armonico tributo: Exquisitioris harmoniae instrumentalis gravi-jucundae selectus primus (Salzburg, 1682), ed. Erich Schenk, Denkmäler der Tonkunst Österreich 89 (Wien: Österreichischer Bundesverlag, 1953). 139 the term was already in common usage while he was assembling the collection.303 At the very least, Muffat’s 1682 collection suggests that the term was known in Salzburg in the late seventeenth century (Figure 4.1). Figure 4.1 Georg Muffat, Armonico tributo, Title Page. 303 Daverio, “In Search of the Sonata,” 206. While we do not have evidence of Muffat studying with Corelli during his time in Rome in the early 1680s, it is not beyond a reasonable doubt that the two composers would have rubbed shoulders and that this is probably where Muffat picked up the term sonata di camera. 140 Despite the title’s citation of sonate di camera, the music of Muffat’s Armonico tributo exhibits a mixture of da chiesa and da camera elements. Each sonata contains three to six movements, including dance movements positioned alongside free movements in contrapuntal and homophonic styles, which often include pitches repeated in dotted rhythms that mimic the sounds of trumpet calls, lending the homophonic sections a stately air. While the presence of dance movements may identify these pieces as “courtly,” the diversity of textures that appears within these works renders them suitable for performance in a wide variety of contexts. Despite the presence of the term sonate di camera in Salzburg in the late seventeenth century, it is clear from the other sources of sonatas in Salzburg that the division between church and court styles was generally of little significance for composers. Rather, the versatility of the genre of sonata allowed it to transcend any sort of divide between sacred and secular performance spaces and to serve both types of functions. Absolutism and the Sonata The absolutist nature of Salzburg’s court is reflected in the dual sacred and secular nature of printed collections published by Biber and dedicated to Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop. The melding of church and government was a crucial component of Salzburg’s post-Tridentine absolutism, which was centered on the belief that if a ruler dedicated himself and his lands to sacred purposes, God would grant the jurisdiction success and prosperity. Therefore, musical reflections of piety that could serve in both sacred and secular performance contexts would have been ideal representations of the absolutist nature of the court. 141 Biber both alludes to and elides the division between the courtly and churchly spheres by avoiding simple genre-based titles and using rather elegant Latin titles for his printed collections. These titles, such as the 1676 Sonatae tam aris quam aulis, “Sonatas Suitable for Church or Chamber,”304 and the 1682 Fidicinium sacro profanum, “Fiddle music for sacred and profane use,”305 both describe the versatile function of the ensemble sonatas contained in these prints. It is interesting that in this case Biber avoids the term “sonata” in the title of the Fidicinium, especially since he labels the individual works within the collection as “Sonatas.” Furthermore, Biber avoids using the terms “da camera” and “da chiesa” to describe the works in either collection. While these terms are notably lacking in the Salzburg sources of the sonata, Biber must have been familiar with the term sonata da camera since Muffat’s Armonico tributo was published in Salzburg in 1682, in the same year as the Fidicinium. However, it is uncertain whether Biber encountered the term before or after publishing his 1682 collection. In the dedication to the Sonatae, Biber alludes to the dual nature of the power of the Prince Archbishop, both aspects of which are mentioned throughout the dedication. For example, he opens the dedication with wordplay on the Latin fides, which can mean both “fiddle” and “faith.” He writes: “To fashion faith in the fiddles, and to test before men this [faith], not briefly in sound but durably, I decided to offer the present Musical Opus in 304 Heinrich Biber, Sonatae tam aris quam aulis (Salzburg, 1676). RISM B 2614. Extant copies reside in Berlin in the Staatliche Hochschule für Musik und Darstellende Kunst and in the Kroměříž archive (A 4212a). For a modern edition, see Heinrich Biber, Sonatae tam aris quam aulis servientes, ed. Erich Schenk, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 106–107 (Vienna: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1963). There are two copies of the partbooks of this print extant in Berlin in the archive of the Staatliche Hochschule für Musik und Darstellende Kunst and in Archiepiscopal Archive in Kroměříž. Many manuscript copies of individual sonatas from this collection survive in a a variety of libraries throughout Central and Western Europe. 305 Heinrich Biber, Fidicinium sacro-profanum (Nuremberg, 1682). RISM B 2617. Complete extant Copies are in the Cathedral Archive I Durham, England, in the Zurich Zentral Bibliothek and a partial copy resides in the Biblioteka Universytecka in Warsaw, Poland (only vln II, vlne, and org). 142 enduring print” (Fidem in Fidibus facturus, eamque nono cum sono brevem, sed durabilem pro viribus probaturus, stabili dare praelo praesens Opus Musicum constitui).306 Biber goes on to mention the representative quality of the music as well, noting that “scarcely anything is better [than music] able to be fitting to [represent] a prince and his court.”307 In his dedication to the Sonatae, Biber uses a musical analogy to describe and reference the desirable harmony of the state, mentioning also the “supreme head of the Prince” and the “faithful guidance of the counselors”: Quemadmodum enim in hoc, ut grata sit Instrumenti Concordia, Intelligentia praesideat, Digiti temperent, Chordae vero obtemperent et Majora minoribus consonant, necesse est: ita plane, ut recta sit Aulici Regiminis, imo Reipublicae Harmonia, supremum Principis Caput provide gubernet, fida Consiliariorum Manus sedulo juvet, aequali denique sono et optata Concordia pareant Subditi, unica Aulae regula, certa patriae Salus est. Certainly, so that it would be proper of the princely rule, and even the harmony of the state, it is the one rule of the court, the certain welfare of the fatherland, that the supreme head of the Prince should govern prudently, the faithful hand of the counselors should assist diligently, and finally the subjects should obey in unison and with welcome concord.308 Similarly, the prefatory material of the Fidicinium sacro-profanum alludes to the juxtaposition of the sacred and secular. The print includes a portrait of the composer accompanied by a brief note of praise to Biber from the Philomusici Noribergenses, a distinct society of music lovers from Nuremberg, which mentions Biber’s propagation of the faith by using a fiddle and also Biber’s position as a guide of the “the royal heart.” It reads: 306 Translated in Brewer, Instrumental Music, 255–256. 307 Ibid. Praesertim quod eam musicae dignitatem noverim, ut vix quidquam melius convenire principi ejusque aulae posse, quasi persuasum habeam. 308 Ibid., 276–277. 143 Viva viri species parvo spectator in orbe; Paucos arte pares magnus at orbis habet. Ingenio, fidibusque fidem non praestat inanem, Quando Chorum simul, & regia corda regit. Ita honoris ergo accinuerunt, Philomusici Noribergenses. The living appearance of the man is observed in this little orb;/ Yet the great orb has few equals in art. / By his genius and with a fiddle he does not propagate a vain faith, / When at the same time he guides the chorus and the royal heart./ so, therefore, to his honor sing / The lovers of music from Nuremberg.309 Biber was not the only composer who alluded to the absolutist nature of the Salzburg court in his printed collections. In the dedication to his Mensa harmonica, a collection of ensemble movements most likely commissioned to commemorate the Jubeljahr in 1682, Andreas Christoph Clamer makes mention of the Prince Archbishop’s diplomatic abilities and refers to both the sacred and secular elements of his station. Clamer calls Max Gandolph a “great prince” and praises his “harmonious government” in which “nothing dissonant or discordant is to be endured, but all things resound with equity and consent, and also with tranquil concord, always clothed in holiness” (Harmonico Regimine dissonum nihil aut discors pati, sed aequali ut consensus, ac tranquilla Concordia consonant Omnia, semper velis).310 There are two possibilities for collections of this kind. Either all of the works in the collection should be considered suitable for performance in both sacred and secular contexts or some works in the collection may be suitable for church, while others may be suitable for court. Either approach is possible in Biber’s Sonatae and Fidicinium. It is notable, however, that the sonatas of the Sonatae tam aris quam aulis are followed by 309 Ibid., 282. While the Sonatae was printed in Salzburg, the Fidicinium was printed in Nuremberg by Wolfgang Endter, the same printer who produced Biber’s Sonatae violino solo (1681) and the later Harmonia articificiosa (1696). 310 Ibid., 282. Not much is known about Andreas Christoph Clamer. In the dedication to his Mensa harmonica he is identified as the “master of ceremonies of the Cathedral Church of Salzburg. (Andrea Christophoro Clamer, Metropol. Eccl. Salisburg. Caeremoniario, & Praesentiario.) 144 twelve short settings for trumpet a due, which are not mentioned on the title page, nor are provided with a genre label in the print. These pieces are stately trumpet calls between eight and twenty-eight measures in length, eleven of which are in binary form, and one of which is in ternary form. The pieces are fanfare-like with frequent parallel motion between the two voices, and a prevalence of dotted rhythms and short sequences. The presence of these brief duos that seem to be secular trumpet fanfares at the end of this collection suggests that perhaps these duos are the secular, “quam aulis” element of the print, while the preceding Sonatas represent the “tam aris” section of the collection, which would have been ideal for sacred performance venues. While this distinction is possible in the Sonatae, the Fidicinium contains only ensemble sonatas, suggesting that these works would have been considered applicable in the context of either church or court. These prints are similar to contemporary publications by Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer, a musician at the Imperial court in Vienna. Schmeltzer published two such collections, including the Duodena selectarum sonatarum applicata ad usum tam honesti fori, quam devote choir (A dozen of select sonatas applicable to the use both of a noble forum and of a devout sanctuary, [Nuremberg, 1659])311 and the Sacro-profanus concentus musicus fidium aliorumque instrumentorum (A Sacred-Profane Musical Concord of fiddles and other instruments, [Nuremberg, 1662]).312 The collections of both Biber and Schmeltzer point to a permeable boundary between the realms of church and court 311 Johann Heinrich Schmelzer, Duodena selectarum sonatarum applicate ad usum tam honesti fori, quam devote chori (Nuremberg: Christoph Gerhard, 1659). RISM S 1657. For a modern edition, see Johann Heinrich Schmelzer, Duodena Selectarum Sonatarum, ed. Erich Schenk, Denkmäler Tonkunst Österreich 105 (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1965). 312 Johann Heinrich Schmelzer, Sacro-profanus concentus musicus fidium aliorumque instrumentorum (Nuremberg: Michael Endter, 1662). RISM S 1658. For a modern edition, see Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer, Sacro-Profanum Concentus Musicus, ed. Erich Schenk, Denkmäler Tonkunst Österreich 111–112 (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1965). 145 performance contexts and provide a musical reflection of the melding of church and state at absolutist courts such as those of Vienna and Salzburg. Therefore, any attempt to divide Salzburg’s instrumental repertoire into strictly sacred or secular categories is in vain and would deny the unique versatility of the genre, which appears as both an independent piece and as an introductory movement in the Salzburg repertoire. The Sonata as an Independent Piece In the Salzburg repertoire, which includes Biber’s aforementioned prints along with a variety of other print and manuscript sources, the term “sonata” appears before pieces of differing lengths and forms composed for trio, large ensemble, and solo instruments. It may be used for individual, multi-movement works, as well as for smaller sections within larger-scale works.313 In his Sonatae tam aris quam aulis (1676) Biber uses the term Sonata to title each of the twelve large-scale collections of movements for diverse instrumentations including strings, winds, and brass (Table 4.1). Table 4.1 Instrumentation in Biber’s Sonata tam aris quam aulis. Sonata Instrumentation Sonata I a otto 2 trumpets (Tromba), 2 violins, 4 violas, continuo Sonata II a sei 2 violins, 4 violas, and continuo Sonata III a sei 2 violins, 4 violas, continuo Sonata IV a cinque 1 trumpet, 1 violin, 3 violas, continuo Sonata V a Sei 2 violins, 4 violas, continuo Sonata VI a cinque 2 violins, 3 violas, continuo Sonata VII a cinque 2 trumpets, 2 violins, Basso di Viola, continuo Sonata VIII 2 violins, 3 violas, continuo Sonata IX a cinque 2 violins, 3 violas, continuo Sonata X a cinque 1 trumpet, 1 violin, 3 violas, continuo Sonata XI a cinque 2 violins, 3 violas, continuo Sonata XII a otto 2 trumpets, 2 violins, 4 violas, continuo 12 Duets 2 trumpets 313 To maintain clarity throughout this discussion I refer to individual movements as sonatas with a lower case s and large-scale, multi-movement complexes as Sonatas with a capital S. 146 These various instrumentations offer a diversity of timbres for Biber to use to create contrasting sections in each Sonata. In his study of Biber’s church music, Eric Chafe takes stock of the various instrumental textures utilized throughout the collection. Chafe’s table points out the predominant scoring of two solo violins accompanied by continuo in five of the twelve sonatas, a texture that is reminiscent of a standard instrumentation in use earlier in the century in Italian sources. The second most common texture in the collection is that of a string ensemble of violins and violas. While the violin parts of sometimes slightly more virtuosic, the string texture in imitative sections is more even. This instrumentation appears not only in the ensemble works of late seventeenth-century Salzburg but also in the instrumentally accompanied sacred works, such as the manuscript Offertories discussed in Chapter 2 and Biber’s printed collection of the Vesperae longiores ac breviores (Table 4.2). Table 4.2 Instrumental Textures in Biber’s Sonatae tam aris quam aulis. Instrumental Texture Sonatas using this Texture Solo Violin and continuo Sonatas 2, 3, 7 Two solo violins and continuo Sonatas 3, 6, 7, 9, 12 Violas (as a choir) and continuo Sonata 3 Violins contrasted with viola choir Sonatas 2, 3, 5, 9 Solo clarino and continuo Sonatas 4, 7 Two clarini and continuo Sonatas I, 7, 12 Clarini and violas with continuo (no violins) Sonata 12 Solo Violin, violas, and continuo Sonata 4 Solo Clarino, violas, and continuo Sonata 4 Two clarini, two violins, and continuo Sonata 7 Clarini, Violins, and violas in pairs with continuo Sonata 1 Clarino, violas, and continuo juxtaposed with violin, violas, and continuo Sonata 10 147 The Sonatas of the collection are largely sectional in nature, exhibiting an assortment of musical characteristics including dotted rhythms, melodies echoing between paired voices, and homophonic chorale textures, moments of monody and contrapuntal imitation. Dance rhythms and moments of stile concitato occasionally emerge, as well. Biber notates the individual sections with various tempo designations, alternating frequently between allegro, presto, and adagio sections.314 For example, Biber opens Sonata III with three sections in which the two violins engage in imitation on three different melodies. The first melody is in cut time and is expanded upon in mm. 1–19. Biber then writes a presto section in 12/8 time in which the two violins engage in imitation upon an entirely different theme. The third imitative section is only three measures long, but returns to cut time for the violins to exchange an arpeggiated melody in mm. 39–40 before all of the instruments enter for an adagio section in mm. 41–46; this leads into a section of stile concitato exchanges between the violins and violas in mm. 47–58. The sectional nature of the piece, which constantly shifts in texture and style, continues throughout the remainder of the sonata: we hear music for the violas accompanied by continuo, virtuosic solos for both of the violin parts, and a more solemn and homophonic 3/2 section, among others. Similarly, Biber labels each of the twelve large-scale works contained in his later Fidicinium sacro profanum (Nuremberg, 1682) as “Sonatas” despite the absence of the term in the title of the collection. The Sonatas vary from 66 to 143 measures in length and are each divided into sections by various tempo markings and/or shifts between triple and 314 For a table of the various sections of the Sonatas in Biber’s Sonatae tam aris quam aulis, see Table 4.9 at the end of this chapter. 148 duple meter.315 The sectional nature of each sonata is further articulated by the use of a wide variety of instrumental writing, as in the Sonatae, such as imitation, dotted rhythms, dance rhythms, moments of Monteverdian stile concitato, as well as sections of alla breve homophony. For example, the third sonata of the collection opens with a seven-measure Grave section in a fairly dense four-part texture that is followed by an Allegro section in 3/2 time and a treble-dominated, concerted melody in which the first violin plays virtuosic arpeggios while the remainder of the instruments play a harmonic accompaniment. This section then gives way in m. 40 to a presto in 12/8 time with dance rhythms and a melody that is treated in imitation, starting at the top of the texture in the first violin part and moving down towards the bass voices. A brief adagio movement of just six measures in a tutti disposition returns to duple cut time before returning to an imitative presto that follows with an angular musical motive in sixteenth notes. The piece closes with a three-measure adagio. While the piece does not contain individually labeled movements per se, the constantly shifting tempo markings, meter, and instrumental textures create a highly sectional plan (see Table 4.3). Table 4.3 Biber, Fidicinium sacro-profanum, Sonata III, Formal Diagram Grave mm.1-7 cut time dense, four-part texture pick-up oriented phrases dotted rhythms arpeggios Allegro mm. 8-39 3/2 time arpeggios, treble dominated texture straightforward rhythms treble-dominated mm. 40-54 12/8 time dance-like rhythms: long-short homophonic texture Adagio mm. 55-61 cut time homophonic Presto mm. 62-74 cut time imitation, angular musical motive Adagio mm. 75-77 cut time 315 For a table of the individual sections defined by meter and tempo markings in each sonata of Biber’s Fidicinium sacro profanum, see Table 4.10 at the end of this chapter. 149 Similarly, in manuscript sources, Biber uses the term Sonata to refer to large-scale, sectional works in various tempos and meters. For example, in the Sonata pro Tabula a 10, a work for five flutes, two violins, two violas, and continuo, the title of which betrays its likely use for entertainment at court (CZ-KRa, A 904a), Biber avoids a standard pattern of alternating slow and fast movements. Rather, the contrasting sections accelerate from grave to adagio, and eventually to a concluding presto. Biber uses meter as well to create sectional contrasts. For example, the only truly “trio” sonata that we have from Biber, CZ-KRa A 636, which remains unpublished in modern edition, is composed of contrasting sections demarcated not by tempo changes, but by changing meter alternating between cut time and 3/2 time.316 The Sonata a 6 for clarino trumpet, two violins, two violas, violone, and continuo (CZ-KRa, A 555) is through-composed, but contains three changes of tempo from allegro to presto to adagio and five sections are delineated by meter changes. Biber implements differing textures and instrumentations in this single sonata. Despite the sectionalized nature of the piece, the segments are not self-contained, but rather flow seamlessly from one to the next. This piece provides an excellent example of the way Biber integrates a variety of sounds, textures, and compositional techniques into a single manuscript sonata, just as he does in his printed works discussed above. In his 1682 Armonico tributo Georg Muffat labels each of the large-scale groupings of movements as “Sonatas.” Each Sonata is a complex of five to six dance or free movements, opening with an introductory movement and alternating between fast and slow movements. The movements are titled with dance titles or tempo markings and vary widely in size and scope. 316 CZ-KRa, A 636. 150 The Sonata as a Prelude William Newman has described the ability of the sonata to function both as an introductory and an independent piece, and the term appears in both contexts in the Salzburg sources.317 In fact, Muffat uses the term “sonata” in both ways in the Armonico tributo. In addition to labeling the large-scale groupings of movements as “Sonatas,” Muffat also uses the term sonata to title movements within the larger groupings, The use of the term sonata in two contexts in Muffat’s print demonstrates a flexible approach to the genre, which can be used simultaneously to identify an individual movement within a larger collection or a larger collection of dance and tempo-based movements (Figure 4.2). Figure 4.2 Muffat, Armonico tributo, Sonata I Title.318 As in Muffat’s Armonico tributo, sonatas commonly appear as introductory movements in the Salzburg instrumental repertoire. Daverio identifies introductory movements as a defining quality of the Austrian ensemble sonata, which he describes as a collection of movements prefaced with an introductory movement such as a Praeludium or Intrada.319 The sonatas of Biber and Muffat follow this model, but both composers also use movements titled as sonatas as introductory pieces. For example, while the five collections of movements in Muffat’s Armonico are titled as “Sonatas,” as discussed above, Muffat 317 Newman, The Sonata, 22. 318 Bibliothèque National de France, Richelieu - Musique - magasin: VM71482. 319 Daverio, “In Search of the Sonata,” 206. 151 opens four of the five groupings with a multi-section, introductory sonata movement.320 Each opening sonata movement begins with a Grave section in either a duple or triple meter that is followed by longer sections in binary form that contrast in either tempo or meter or both (see Table 4.4). Table 4.4 The opening sonatas of Muffat’s Armonico. Work Movement Title MS from DTÖ Sonata I C: SONATA mm. 1–27 C, Grave Tone: D mm. 28–80 C, Allegro e presto Sonata II ¢ SONATA mm. 1–23 ¢, Grave Tone: g 6/4: Allegro mm. 1–86 C: Grave mm. 1–9 C: Forte e allegro mm. 10–24 3/2: Grave mm. 25–29 Sonata III SONATA mm. 1–10 3/2: Grave Tone: A mm. 5–85 C: Allegro Sonata IV SONATA mm. 1–3 3/2: Grave Tone: e mm. 4–17 C: Grave In this print, the prefatory sonatas are multi-sectional entities. However, strategies for dividing the sonatas into sections vary, an issue expressly obvious in the opening sonata of Sonata II. The inconsistency in the formatting of the print makes the number of sections or movements included in each sonata unclear. The printer consistently uses a larger font and capitalized first letters to notate the dance movement titles as well as that of the movement titled “sonata.” On the other hand, the tempo markings are usually notated in a small italic font, which suggests that these tempo shifts most likely do not expressly signal the opening of a new movement. There is one instance, however, in which Muffat and/or 320 I have notated the words that appear in the print with capitalized first letters and italics in the same format in this chart. 152 his printer does notate a tempo marking as the start of a new movement by capitalizing the first letters of the “adagio” in Sonata III. The formatting of particular divisions between the movements is also erratic. Sections are delineated with double bar lines, fermatas, double-sided repeat signs, or closed repeat signs, or some combination of these three markings. This makes it difficult to discern whether Muffat intended the individual tempo sections as individual movements or as sections of the different movements. As a result, various scholars who have studied the collection have each delineated the movements of the collection differently. The most striking example of this can be seen in the different constructions of Sonata II. In his edition for the Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, for example, Erich Schenk paid the greatest heed to Muffat’s use of bar lines and double bar lines, placing movement divisions wherever Muffat included double bar lines. Daverio, on the other hand, groups all five of the divisions noted with tempo markings together into one large-scale sonata, most likely because of the smaller, italicized font used to indicate the different tempo changes. Brewer and Schenk both pay heed to the fermata, repeat sign, and double bar that appear between the 6/4: Allegro and the following C: Grave section. However, while Brewer lists the Sonata as being in a two-part form, Schenk divides these two sections into two individual movements. The three scholars all take a similar approach to the final five movements of the work, separating out the two movements labeled with the tempo marking, Grave. However, all three authors divide the opening five sections before the aria differently, each betraying a different methodology (see Table 4.5). 153 Table 4.5 Divisions of Movements of Sonata II of Muffat’s Armonico tributo. Brewer321 Schenk: DTÖ Edition322 Daverio323 Sonata [Grave-Allegro] ¢ SONATA mm. 1–23 Sonata: Grave - Allegro - Grave - Forte e Allegro - Grave 6/4: Allegro mm. 1–86 Grave-Forte e allegro-Grave C: Grave, C: Forte e allegro, 3/2: Grave mm. 1–29 Aria ARIA mm. 1–27 Aria Grave C: Grave mm. 1–10 C, Grave Sarabanda [Grave] 3/2: SARABANDA mm. 1–16 Sarabanda, Grave Grave C: Grave mm. 1–32 C, Grave Borea [alla breve] BOREA mm. 1–28 Borea The musical contents of this sonata best support Daverio’s conception of the opening sonata, which contains five sections in various styles that alternate between grave sections and sections in faster tempos. While the styles utilized in Muffat’s opening sonatas do vary, the instrumentation and texture remain more consistent, distinguishing Muffat’s works from those of Biber discussed above. However, Muffat does use a variety of styles throughout the sonata. For example, the sonata opens with a grave section in which suspensions are plentiful and are treated conventionally, creating a stile antico flavor in mm. 1–23. The following allegro section opens with playful dotted rhythms in a lilting 6/4 meter and brief melodies treated in echo between the various instruments or instrumental groups. A nine-measure grave section returns to the opening texture full of suspensions before a forte e allegro section with exchanges between solo and tutti groups and dotted rhythms in a duple meter, which this time around sound more martial in comparison with the previous 6/4 section. A brief five-measure grave section then concludes this opening 321 Brewer, Instrumental Music, 291. 322 Georg Muffat, Armonico tributo: Exquisitioris harmoniae instrumentalis gravi-jucundae selectus primus (Salzburg, 1682), ed. Erich Schenk, Denkmäler der Tonkunst Österreich 89 (Wien: Österreichischer Bundesverlag, 1953). 323 Daverio, “In Search of the Sonata,” 214. 154 sonata. A consistently walking eighth-note bass line clearly delineates the following Aria as an individual movement that follows the opening sonata. The wealth of inconsistencies as well as the variety of movements and styles exhibited in this print could very well be a result of the hasty construction of the collection. In the dedication to his Armonico tributo, Muffat implies that he was very busy in Rome when he heard about the Jubeljahr celebration and confesses that he had little time to quickly compile brief, diverse movements in a variety of styles; he begs that the dedicatee excuse the haste with which the collection was compiled.324 He writes Consequently, I risk consecrating to your Most Reverend Highness the harmonic tribute [Armonico tributo] of these, my sonatas, in which, even if there should be something of the least imperfection, it will be derived from that most vivid desire that I have always to comply with the most noble taste of your Most Reverend Highness. The lack of time, along with the urgency of the journey and of my diverse occupations, is able to serve as a legitimate excuse for a most gracious indulgence. However, I myself trust more in the total innate kindness of your Most Reverend Highness since formerly it had appreciated and excused the weakness of my most indebted service.325 In a similar way, Biber uses the sonata as a prefatory piece in his collections of instrumental ensemble music, the Mensa Sonora326 and the Harmonia artificiosa.327 In these collections sonatas appear as opening pieces of the various groupings, which are labeled as “pars” or “partia” in the Mensa and the Harmonia, respectively. In the Mensa sonora, “The Sonorous Table,” Biber opens Pars I, IV, and VI with sonatas. These movements are all fairly 324 Mangsen, “Sonata da Camera,” 30. 325 Translated in Brewer, Instrumental Music, 288. Original text: “Ardisco dunque di consacrare all’A.V.R.ma l’Armonico Tributo di queste mie Sonate, nelle quali se vi e cosa alcuna di meno diffettosa, sara derivate da quell vivissimo desiderio che ho sempre hauuto d’incontrare il nobilissimo gusto di V.A.R.ma La scarsezza del tempo con l’urgenza del Viaggio, e di mie diverse occupazioni puo server di legitima scusa per un gratiosissimo compatimento; Ma, piu mi confide nella comma innata benignita di V.A.R.ma gia avezza a gradire e scusare le debolezze della mia obligatissima servitu.” 326 Heinrich Biber, Mensa sonora (Salzburg, 1681). RISM B 2615. Complete extant copies reside in the Kroměříž archive the Akademische Bibliothek in Paderborn, Germany, and the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. A copy of the violin partbook resides in the Bavarian Staatsbibliothek in Munich. 327 Heinrich Biber, Harmonia artificiosa (Nuremberg, 1696). RISM B 2618. Complete extant copies exist in the Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek in Göttingen, in the Biblioteka Universytecka in Warsaw, and in the Graf von Schönbornsches Archiv in Würzburg, Germany. 155 brief, at 28, 33, and 15 measures in length. As in Muffat’s prefatory sonatas, each sonata contains two or three sections, each opening with a slow section. Either a second quicker section, or a fast middle section followed by a final slow section follows (Table 4.6). Table 4.6 Biber, Mensa sonora, Table of Opening Sonatas. Title Movement Tempo Measure Meter stylistic characteristics Pars 1 1. Sonata Grave mm. 1–6 ¢ Treble dominated, dense texture, lyrical melody in first violin Allegro mm. 7–28 ¢ Short imitative entries, syncopated accompaniment Version of the theme itself Playful dotted rhythms Second unique theme introduced in brief imitative entries in m. 15 Syncopation Pars IV 1. Sonata (Grave) mm. 1–8 6/4 Arpeggios and parallel motion between the voices, ends with suspension (Allegro) mm. 9–31 Imitation at the half measure in all three voices; texture varies throughout (more contrapuntal than homophonic) Adagio mm. 32–33 slow ending phrase Pars VI 1. Sonata (Adagio) mm. 1–4 ¢ dense contrapuntal texture (Presto) mm. 5–15 imitation at the half-measure in all three voices Biber uses the term sonata in the same way in the later Harmonia artificiosa (1697), which includes sonatas as introductory movements in two of the seven partiae of the collection. These sonatas are developed more consistently than those of the earlier Mensa sonora and all follow a tri-partite slow-fast-slow movement structure. The introductory sonata for Partia I, for example, contains three sections, Adagio-Presto-Adagio, distinguished by double bar lines and all in common time. The various sections are also differentiated by musical style. The opening adagio is chorale-like, chordal and 156 homophonic, while the following presto section is based mainly on motivic imitation between the violin/viola I and violin/viola II parts. The brief concluding four-measure adagio section returns to the chorale-like texture of the opening section. Similarly, the sonata that opens Partia IV of the collection is 46 measures long and is also in three parts, adagio-allegro-adagio, and contains a middle section in 6/4 time. The textures utilized in this sonata are similar to those of the opening sonata in Partia I. The piece opens with a homophonic adagio section, which gives way to a lilting 6/4 section in m. 11, which features imitation and paired voices, pairing the violin/viola I and the violin/viola II parts. As in the first sonata, the final adagio section returns to the chordal, homophonic texture of the opening section of the sonata. While Biber uses other introductory movements, such as the intrada or the praeludium, it is only the sonatas that follow this three-part form. In contrast, the prelude or intrada movements in this collection are more freely formed and improvisatory, favoring the repetition of formulaic melodies in place of artful imitation.328 In manuscript sources, sonatas appear as sections of multi-movement composites. As in the Harmonia, Biber contrasts his compositional approaches in introductory sonatas and intradas, respectively, which can be seen in the Trombet undt Musicalischer Tafeldienst. In the opening intrada, the lower voices provide simple chordal harmonies in long notes while the solo violin line imitates the calls of trumpets with fast repeated pitches and triadic arpeggios. The texture of the following sonata is more learned and intricate; all of the voices engage in motivic imitation with the solo violin part. Biber’s use of the two different genres here reinforces his understanding of the term “sonata” as embodying a 328 See a table of the contents of Biber’s Harmonia artificiosa in Table 4.11 at the end of this chapter. 157 more “solemn and splendid” style, as described in the definition of Praetorius described above. Biber opens his Balletti a 4, CZ-KRa A 4691, with a sonata containing very brief sections of just two or three measures in various tempos, alternating between adagio and presto. However, Biber deviates from this multi-sectional style in the through-composed opening sonata of the Balletti a 6, CZ-KRa A 932, scored for two trumpets, violin, two violas, and continuo. The piece opens with dotted trumpet calls exchanged between the trumpets and the violins, and continues with a melody that is exchanged in imitation between these instruments throughout the remainder of the twenty-one-measure sonata. In comparison to the opening sonatas of the Harmonia discussed above, which are 59 to 75 measures long and contain a wider variety of musical styles, this sonata is quite diminutive in nature. However, both of these sonatas serve the function of introducing a set of dance movements that follow. The sonata functioned also as an introductory movement in sacred vocal works. Salzburg’s chief church musician, Andreas Hofer, for example, opens fourteen of the eighteen Offertories in his collection of Offertories, Ver sacrum seu flores, discussed above in Chapter 2. The overwhelming prevalence of these opening sonatas in the collection reveals that opening a sacred texted works with an instrumental sonata was a common practice, at least in the works of Hofer.329 This practice is nearly ubiquitous in Hofer’s repertoire; most of Hofer’s works held in the Kroměříž archive, including Latin sacred songs and psalms, open with sonatas. 329 Hofer omits opening sonatas only in his Litanies, his Te Deum, and in a very small number of other settings. Biber does not include introductory sonatas for any of his psalm settings. Biber does use brief instrumental interludes, but he does not label them as “sonatas” in the print. 158 Hofer was not the only composer engaging in this practice in the late seventeenth century. Although none of the three Offertories by Heinrich Biber that survives in manuscript in the Salzburg Cathedral archive opens with an instrumental prelude, Biber’s setting of Quasi cedrus exaltatus sum, which survives in the Berlin Singakademie archive (SA 296), does open with a brief, four-measure instrumental prelude that is labeled as a sonata in each of the individual manuscript parts. In a similar way, several settings of Latin sacred texts by Antonio Bertali and Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer, who were both actively composing sacred Latin music in Vienna in the late seventeenth century, also include brief instrumental sonatas as preludes.330 Each prefatory sonata is between six and twenty-two measures in length and employs various musical styles, despite the brevity of the introductory movement. Hofer uses a phrase in the stile moderno, which is characterized by rapid note values and idiomatic writing with leaps and arpeggios for the violins, to open the final piece of the collection, Ad festum virginis (Example 4.1). Example 4.1 Hofer, Ad festum virginis, mm. 1–4.331 330 Most of the sacred settings by these two composers remain in manuscript parts, and archival work will need to be done to determine whether or not these other composers used the term “sonata” to label instrumental interludes in sacred settings. 331 Transcription mine, from A-Sd, A 1148. 159 Hofer uses imitation, straight rhythms, and conjunct motion to invoke the stile antico, as seen in the opening sonata for Ad sereni caeli, Hofer’s Offertory for the Common of the Confessors, in which the violas provide harmonic support for two violin parts that engage in imitation (Example 4.2). Example 4.2 Hofer, Ad sereni caeli, mm. 1–8.332 Unique also to Hofer’s oeuvre are brief instrumental interludes labeled as sonatas or sonatinas in five of the eighteen Offertories of the print. However, Hofer is not consistent in his labeling of these passages. For example, Quam splendita for the Common of Martyrs contains a seven-measure interlude in mm. 178–185 that bears no label at all. In many cases, Hofer’s sonata interludes serve a formal function, dividing sections of text or various musical textures. For example, Hofer uses a five-measure sonata in the Offertory for the feast of the Circumcision, Ad cunas Jesuli, to introduce a solo in the tenor voice that follows. In a slightly different way, Hofer uses a five-measure “sonatina” in the Offertory for the feast of the Innocents, Vox in Rama, to separate two sections of text, as discussed above in Chapter 2. Likewise, the stile moderno sonata in mm. 85–94 of Hofer’s setting of Ad festum virginis properate serves to separate the two texts that Hofer includes in this setting, the 332 Ibid. 160 first text being a Latin text of devotion to the Virgin Mary and the second being a text from the Song of Solomon 4:8, Veni di Libano.333 Hofer’s use of the term sonata in the Ver sacrum Offertories demonstrates the flexibility of the generic term during his time, and a change in the perception of the genre since earlier treatises by Praetorius (1619) and Kircher (1650). For example, Hofer’s use of the term in his Ver sacrum seu flores print conflicts directly with Praetorius’s definition, which stresses the fact that an instrumental sonata is an independent composition. Rather, Hofer integrates the sonata into his vocal works, using it as a prelude not to a dance movement, but instead to a setting of a sacred Latin text. Likewise, the improvisatory and free nature of Kircher’s stylus phantasticus, a key element in his definition of the genre, is also absent in Hofer’s sonatas. In fact, the flexibility of the form and function of the genre are the only remnants of the theoretical definitions described above. Although he does not use the sonata as an introductory movement, Andreas Christoph Clamer uses the term to refer to the individual movements that make up his collection, the Mensa harmonica, even though none of the movements is designated as a sonata.334 The only place where the word “sonatini” appears in the collection is in the full title: Mensa harmonica XLII. Rarioribus Sonatinis instructa, septem in partes, seu Tonos distributa, quatuor, aut duabus Vocibus ad libitum producenda (Salzburg: J.B. Mayr, 1682), “The Harmonious Table, arranged from 42 more scattered little sonatas, divided into seven 333 This text is also set in a motet “Della B.V. e per une Santa,” by Maurizio Cazzati’s Op. 52, Motetti a otto voci (Bologna, 1669). RISM C 1653. This setting of Cazzati’s Marian motet appears in four concordant manuscript sources, one of which resides in the Salzburg Cathedral Archive A-Sd, A 1517. Based on RISM, the only extant settings of this text in manuscript sources are by Cazzati and Hofer. 334 Little is known about Andreas Christoph Clamer (1633–1701), the other composer who published a collection of instrumental ensemble sonatas in Salzburg in 1682, the Mensa harmonica. He taught choir boys in Salzburg in the 1680s and might have also served as cantor at the cathedral. Brewer, Instrumental music, 281. 161 parts or tones, brought forth for four voices, or two according to one’s pleasure” (see a picture of the title page in Figure 4.3).335 Figure 4.3 Andreas Christoph Clamer, Mensa harmonica, Title Page. The forty-two freely composed “sonatinas” for two violins, viola da gamba, and continuo are organized into seven groupings labeled as partitas in the print, each including 335 Ibid., 282. For a modern edition, see Andreas Christoph Clamer, Mensa harmonica. Rarioribus Sonatinis instructa, Septem in Partes, seu Tonos distribute, eds. Rudolf Scholz and Karl Schütz, Denkmäler der Tonkunst Österreich 129 (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1979). The only extant copy of this print is extant in Paris in the Bibliothèque Nationale, VM-71474. 162 six movements set in the same tone.336 Here Clamer uses the word “sonatina” to refer to the individual movements within each partita, despite the fact that the movements are not labeled as such and are rather given different dance titles. This music betrays elements of Austrian, French and Italian dance suites. For example, Clamer opens five of the seven partitas of the collection with introductory “intradas”, a characteristic associated with Austrian suites. French influence is apparent in the inclusion of “suitte” and “gaye” movements and Italian influence can be seen in the inclusion of scherzo and lamento movements. This varied nature of the collection may betray the influence of Muffat’s international style.337 The appearance of a “lament” suggests a dramatic or representational meaning, a characteristic that we mostly see in the violin works of Clamer’s more famous colleague, Heinrich Biber (Table 4.7). Table 4.7 Clamer, Mensa harmonica, Contents. Title Movements Title Movements Partita I Lamento (Adagio quanto si puo) Partita V Bransle (Alla breve) Gigue (Allegro) Gaye (Alla breve) Sarabanda (Adagio, Adagio) Amener Balletto (Alla breve) Gavotte (Alla breve) Lamento (Adagio, Adagio) Moresca (Alla breve) Saltarello (Alla breve) Gigue Partita II Intrada (Adagio, adagio) Partita VI Intrada (Adagio, adagio) Courante (Adagio) Suitte (Alla breve) Sarabanda Courante (Adagio) Aria (Alla breve) Suitte (Alla breve - Grave - Allegro) 336 Brewer, Instrumental Music, 282. 337 Muffat had already been to Paris to study with Lully before starting work in Salzburg, so it is quite possible that Clamer had learned these compositional styles from studying the works of Muffat. 163 Title Movements Title Movements Gigue (Allegro) Sarabanda (Adagio) Saltarello (Alla breve) Saltarello (Allegro, Alla breve) Partita III Intrada (Allegro) Partita VII Intrada (Adagio) Moresca (Allegro) Courante (Adagio) Courante (Adagio, Adagio) Sarabanda (Adagio) Moresca (Allegro) Intrada Sarabanda (Adagio) Courant (Adagio) Scherzo Sarabanda (Adagio, Adagio) Partita IV Intrada (Adagio) Courante (Adagio) Sarabanda (Adagio) Gigue (Allegro) Balletto (Alla breve) Saltarello (Alla breve) The diminutive “sonatina” also appears in Biber’s aforementioned Mensa sonora, in which Biber includes such movements at the end of four of the partes (I, III, IV, and VI). These little movements are between seven and fifteen measures in length. Two of the concluding sonatinas are in two parts with a slow opening, followed by a final faster section. In the Pars I, Biber uses the final sonatina as a unifying movement, composing a miniature reprise of the melody from the opening sonata movement. However, Biber does not consistently use this technique. For example, he includes a sonatina at the end of Pars III, which does not contain an opening sonata. This sonatina follows an extensive Ciacona movement as does the sonatina that concludes Pars VI (Table 4.8). Table 4.8 Biber, Mensa sonora, Concluding Sonatinas. Work Movement Tempo Measures Meter stylistic characteristics Pars 1 Sonatina Adagio 7 mm. ¢ mini-reprise of the first theme 164 Work Movement Tempo Measures Meter stylistic characteristics of the first movement, slow and ornamented Pars III Sonatina (Adagio) mm. 1–3 ¢ slower introduction; dense texture; dotted rhythms (Presto) mm. 5–14 ¢ imitation at the half-measure; texture builds to dense at the end. Pars IV Sonatina Adagio 12 mm. ¢ treble dominated and virtuosic; homophonic lower voices Pars VI Sonatina Adagio mm. 1–4 ¢ homophonic, slower introduction Presto mm. 5–12 ¢ faster, all parts in strict imitation Similarly, Biber uses the term “sonatina” to label individual movements within a collection of movements in manuscript sources. Here Biber occasionally tacks a short “sonatina” of about 15 measures on to the end of a set of dance movements, titled either “Arien” or “Balletti.” We can see examples of this in the final, nine-measure sonatina that concludes the Balletti a 4, CZ-KRa A 4691, and the fourteen-measure sonatina that appears at the end of the Arien a 5, CZ-KRa A 879. A brief, thirteen-measure sonatina also concludes Biber’s manuscript ensemble work, the Trombet- undt Musicalischer Tafeldienst (CZ-KRa A 879). In this sonatina, Biber narrows the texture to that of a single violin melody that is played by two violins and is accompanied by two violas and continuo. The piece opens in a treble-dominated style with a quaint melody with dotted rhythms in the violin part with a viola accompaniment. Following the opening statement of the melody in mm. 1-4, the melody is then treated in imitation between all three parts with a continuo accompaniment in mm. 5-15 (Example 4.3). 165 Example 4.3 Biber, Trombet und Musicalischer Tafeldienst, Sonatina, mm. 1–7.338 The Salzburg sonatas reveal two main uses of the term sonata in the late seventeenth century. The term was used to title multi-sectional, large-scale works, as shown in Muffat’s Armonico tributo, Biber’s publications for instrumental music indicated as suitable for both sacred and secular performance venues, and in select manuscript sources. On the other hand, the term is also found titling individual movements of large-scale works, a practice more specific to the Salzburg sources, as in Muffat’s Armonico, the only collection that makes use of the term in both capacities in a single collection. The term is similarly used in this capacity by Andreas Christoph Clamer in his Mensa harmonica, and by Biber in his Mensa sonora and the Harmonia artificiosa, and in select manuscript sources of multi-movement works titled Arien and Balletti. While the music and forms found within 338 Heinrich Biber, “Trombet und musicalischer Tafeldienst,” in Instrumentalwerke handschriftlicher Überlieferung, ed. Jiří Sehnal, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 127 (Vienna: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1976), 61. 166 both the large- and small-scale sonatas embrace a wide variety of styles, instrumentations, tempos, and meters, the term consistently functions within the context of a multi-movement piece. In fact, in Biber’s last collection, the Harmonia artificiosa of 1696, the term appears consistently before tri-partite instrumental movements that precede groups of dance movements. There are some similarities between the Italian sonatas cultivated in Venice and Rome and those found in Salzburg. For example, the Italian sonata in the stile moderno is very similar in nature to those sonatas found in Salzburg, featuring motivic dialogues, antiphonally exchanged melodic statements, and alternate solos between instruments, or pairs of instruments in the case of Salzburg.339 Other similarities include the fact that the Italian sonata first came on the scene as an adjunct to vocal collections.340 As we have seen in Hofer’s Offertory collection, this was still taking place in Salzburg in the late seventeenth century. Finally, while the Salzburg composers most often use three-part structure of shifting tempos in their sonatas, Corelli uses a similar approach, especially in his op. 1 and op. 3 sonatas, in which he includes four-part sonatas, although he occasionally does includes a three-part sonata, in which the parts alternate between fast and slow movements. However, the forms of the Salzburg sonatas and the contexts in which they appear in print and manuscript both differ from those of sonatas by the nearby Italian composers in Rome and Venice. For example, the ensemble sonatas composed in seventeenth-century 339 Allsop, Italian ‘Trio’ Sonata, 87. 340 Ibid., 26. 167 Italy usually remain a 2 or a 3.341 The Salzburg ensemble sonatas tend to use larger instrumentations of up to eight parts. The stereotypical “trio” texture is generally called upon in smaller sections of the Salzburg sources. In terms of the contents of sonata collections, Italian collections, especially later in the seventeenth century, included dances that were grouped according to dance type.342 Furthermore, only preludes or intradas function as opening movements in the sonata collections of Italians such as Corelli.343 Using a “sonata” as an opening movement in a multi-movement “sonata” is a labeling convention unique to Salzburg. Paratexts and Representational Function Another aspect of the Salzburg sources, which is unique to Biber’s sonatas, is the inclusion of paratexts that indicate representational functions. Genre titles are commonly found on the title pages of most manuscript sources of sonatas in the period, usually followed by the number of voices and the indicated instrumentation. However, several of Biber’s manuscript sources bear additional paratexts on their title pages that suggest extramusical meaning, such as can be seen in his Sonata Sancti Polycarpi, CZ-KRa A 611. This paratext suggests that the work was most likely composed for the installation of Prince Maximilian Gandolph’s nephew Polycarp as the provost of the Salzburg Cathedral in 1673 and has little to do with St. Polycarp, per se.344 While this extended title would have not been visually apparent to the audience, the performance of this particular piece for the 341 Ibid. The Sonata a 2 in Italy, for example, was a vehicle for experimentation and innovation while the Sonata a 3 was a venue for more old fashioned styles. 342 Mangsen, “Sonata da Camera,” 24. 343 Ibid., 21. 344 St. Polycarp was a Christian leader in the first half of the second century, the bishop of Smyrna (modern Izmir, Turkey), and a disciple of St. John. He was martyred in 156 AD. They tried to kill him by burning him alive, but the flames did not touch him, so he was stabbed to death. www.americancatholic.org. 168 installation ceremony of Polycarp would have communicated the power of Salzburg’s reigning family through its instrumentation of eight trumpets and timpani (see Figure 4.4). Both Craig Otto and Robin Weaver have identified brass instrumentation as a musical sign for royalty, secular or sacred.345 Trumpets crafted from precious metals are symbols of wealth. The eight trumpets, kettle drums, and continuo of the Sonata Sancti Polycarpi would have resounded through the cathedral during the ceremony installing Polycarp into his role as provost. The music itself is that of regal trumpet calls with dotted rhythms, arpeggiated figures, and formulaic melodic flourishes throughout (see Example 4.4). Figure 4.4 Biber, Sonata S. Polycarpi, Title page.346 345 Robert Weaver, “Sixteenth-Century Instrumentation,” Musical Quarterly 47 (1961): 363, and Craig Allen Otto, “Symbol Structures in Central European Church Music: Aspects of the Word-Tone Relationship in the Mid- to Late Seventeenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., Syracuse University, 1978), 178. 346 CZ-KRa, A 611. 169 Example 4.4 Biber, Sonata Sancti Polycarpi, for Eight Trumpets and Continuo mm. 32–35.347 Biber engages in musical representation across various instrumentations, often representing the sounds of brass instruments using string timbres, as mentioned above in Chapter 2. Despite the reference to trumpets in the title of his Trombet- undt Musicalischer Tafeldienst, for example, trumpets are not a part of the instrumentation of the piece, which is for 2 violins, 2 violas, a violone, and cembalo. Nevertheless, Biber imitates trumpet calls with a solo violin at the beginning of the opening intrada movement, in the form of arpeggios and calls upon the stile concitato with very fast repeated pitches in the violin part while the string choir provides a static harmonic accompaniment (Example 4.5). 347 Heinrich Biber, “Sonata Polycarpi,” in Instrumentalwerke handschriftlicher Überlieferung, ed. Jiří Sehnal, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 151 (Vienna: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1997), 57. 170 Example 4.5 Biber, Trombet undt musicalischer Tafeldienst, Intrada, mm. 1–5.348 The two opening movements, the intrada and the sonata, reveal the blatant difference in the way Biber conceived of these two movement types. The texture of the intrada is sparse and the harmonic language is simple, with many repeated pitches in the arpeggiated solo violin part. The accompanying parts play sustained harmonies beneath the violin part throughout the brief movement. In the sonata, the reference to trumpet calls is less obvious, but is suggested in the prevalence of dotted rhythms, triadic harmonies, and the frequent use of arpeggios in both the solo violin part and in the accompaniment. Moreover, the accompanying parts of the sonata engage in motivic imitation with the solo violin part, which is more melodic than in the intrada. This resonates with the theoretical 348 Heinrich Biber, “Trombet und musicalischer Tafeldienst,” in Instrumentalwerke handschriftlicher Überlieferung, ed. Jiří Sehnal, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 127 (Vienna: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1976), 47. 171 definitions of “sonata” described above in which the theorists describe the sonata as being more solemn and lacking in so many black notes relative to the canzona, for example (Example 4.6). Example 4.6 Biber, Trombet undt Musicalischer Tafeldienst, Sonata opening.349 In his Sonata a 6, “die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt,” (The Peasants’ Pilgrimage) CZ-KRa, A 872, Biber reveals an altogether different take on the genre of the ensemble sonata. He graces the title page of this autograph with a dramatic subtitle but also includes a brief text within the score itself to clearly establish a dramatic framework for this ensemble sonata, suggesting the work as a musical dramatization of a pilgrimage. See the title page of this manuscript in Figure 4.5. 349 Heinrich Biber, “Trombet und musicalischer Tafeldienst,” 49. 172 Figure 4.5 Biber, Sonata a 6, “die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt,” manuscript title page.350 Composed in 1673, this sonata may have been intended for performance during the 1674 dedication of the pilgrimage church of Maria Plain, located just outside of the city of Salzburg, an event that also corresponds with the programmatic contents of the work. It is also possible that this sonata was composed as a reflection of pilgrimages to other destinations related to Marian worship, such as Mariazell in Austria, a town in the Styrian Alps that is home to an image of the Virgin carved into wood. This statue was enshrined in a chapel that was thought to be a sacral space in which the prayer of devotees were believed to be heard by the Blessed Virgin with particular attention, a concept that gained popularity in the late seventeenth century under intense promotion by the Habsburg emperors. 350 CZ-KRa, A 872. 173 Although Biber’s sonata does not contain explicitly separate movements, its four sections are distinguished by stark contrasts of texture and style. Biber opens the sonata with a short movement for concertizing solo violin accompanied by the string choir. The second section is prefaced by the text “die pauern Kirchfartt” in the violin parts (Figure 4.6).351 Figure 4.6 Heinrich Biber, Sonata a 6, “die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt.”352 The texture of this section differs considerably from that of the opening section of the piece. The treble-dominated virtuosic violin part disappears and Biber sets the tune of a well-known, Austrian Marian song, Mutter Gottes auswählt, the topic of which also aligns nicely with the supposition that the work might have been performed in the spirit of a Marian pilgrimage. Biber makes the connection between this instrumental movement and litany singing in his setting of the melody in short phrases exchanged between two 351 Heinrich Biber, Sonata a 6 “Die pauern-Kirchfartt genandt,” in Instrumentalwerke handscriftlicher Überlieferung, ed. Jiří Sehnal, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 151 (Vienna: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1997), 1–8. According to Walther Lipphardt, the tune Mutter Gottes ausserkorn was composed around 1631 by Pater David Gregor Corner and first published in his Gross Catolisch Gesangbuch in Nuremberg in 1625. See Walther Lipphardt, Marienlied (Freiburg: Christophorus Verlag, 1954), 51. 352 CZ-KRa, A 872. 174 instrumental choirs, a group of three treble instruments and a group of five bass or mid-range instruments (Example 4.7) Example 4.7 Biber, Sonata a 6, “die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt,” mm. 37–42. 353 Biber follows this solemn litany-like setting with an adagio calling for tremulo in the violin parts, paying homage to the organo tremolante (tremulant organ stop).354 In this “movement” Biber perhaps alludes to the celebration of the Elevation of the Host in the Mass once the pilgrims had arrived at their destination church. In his study of various sacred topoi with which instrumental music conjures the “churchly,” Gregory Barnett argues that the Elevation was commonly accompanied by soft and grave music, which would have been suitable for meditation on the mystery of the Eucharist.355 Biber’s use of 353 Biber, Sonata a 6 “Die pauern-Kirchfarth genandt,” 5. 354 Chafe, Church Music, 13. 355 Barnett, Bolognese Instrumental Music, 206. 175 this tremulante texture in the violins, a slow tempo, and dissonant suspensions in this section correspond with the characteristics Barnett outlines in connection with the durezze e ligature musical topoi commonly performed in connection with the Elevation of the Mass (Example 4.8).356 Example 4.8 Biber, Sonata a 6, “Die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt,” mm. 53–56.357 Biber concludes the Sonata a 6 with a rustic dance, which according to Eric Chafe represents Biber’s tendency to abandon usual social categories and standard sacred/secular associations.358 The position of the dance and the sounds of a festive atmosphere at the end of this sonata contributes to the dramatic nature of the pilgrimage sonata, as dancing and instrumental music were both activities that occurred commonly at the end of a pilgrimage, once the group had arrived at its destination. Alexander Fisher has found that these were common practices in pilgrimages in Bavaria earlier in the 356 Ibid. 357 Biber, Sonata a 6 “Die pauern-Kirchfartt genanndt,” 7. 358 Chafe, Church Music, 13. 176 seventeenth century, citing Jakob Rabus’s Christlichs Manual oder Handtbüchlein, in which Rabus mentions how many people depart on pilgrimages with “good intentions, but while underway make merry, sing insolent songs, tell foolish tales, yell, bellow, and sometimes take with them [wind] and string instruments, so that there can be dancing and other kinds of promiscuity.”359 Rabus goes on to discourage the common practice of “singing, dancing, noisemaking, and other worldly mischief” in the evenings during pilgrimages.360 Fisher connects the sounds of instrumental music with the arrival at a particular destination, noting that this moment in particular was always articulated with joyous sounds, “whether songs, bell ringing, or instrumental music.”361 A rustic dance movement concluding this pilgrimage sonata is rather fitting. As can be seen in this ensemble sonata, Biber employed paratextual elements and representational musical characteristics to foster meaning in his instrumental works, a technique that is a characteristic feature of Biber’s oeuvre. In order to facilitate the generation of musical meaning within the sonata itself, Biber made use of various well-defined genres within the versatile genre of the sonata in order to call upon the sounds of litanies, the Elevation of the Mass, and rustic dances, a representational function that would not have been possible without the definition of genres and can be explained through a discussion of modern genre theory. Conclusions: Genre Theory and the Sonata Modern literary genre theory, which was introduced in Chapter 1, provides a framework for understanding the great flexibility of the genre of the sonata and for 359 Fisher, Music, Piety, and Propaganda, 317. 360 Ibid. 361 Ibid., 320. 177 describing how different genres can interact within a single sonata. Within a malleable genre, such as that of the sonata, which is identified in part by its flexibility to absorb references to other genres, references to a completely different genre can be made. In the Sonata a 6, die pauern Kirchfartt genanndt, for example, Biber cites musical genres including the singing of litany prayers, the musical setting of the Elevation of the Mass, and a rustic dance. In order for these genre citations to be understood, the defining musical characteristics of a litany or rustic dance need to be clearly audible within the context of the instrumental sonata. For example, Biber calls upon the defining elements of the litany, such as compositional style and social/religious conventions related to typical performance contexts. Biber musically references the litany’s social function and original performance practice in the antiphonal exchanges between smaller and larger groups of instruments. The phrase structure of the melody in this section of Biber’s sonata resembles that of a responsive prayer with its short, two-measure phrases and the parallel octaves. Despite the stark contrast in timbre between the original context of the litany, which is usually sung with voices only, and the instrumental ensemble sonata, Biber’s reference to the genre is evident. Mikhail Bakhtin describes this hierarchical relationship in terms of simple and complex genres.362 According to Bakhtin, complex genres “arise in more complex and comparatively highly developed and organized cultural communication […] that is artistic, scientific, sociopolitical, and so on.”363 The simple genres, according to Bahktin, arise from 362 Mikhail Bakhtin, Speech Genres and Other Late Essays, trans. Vern W. McGee, ed. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1986), 62. 363 Ibid. 178 more “unmediated speech genres.”364 In other words, the complex genre is more of a work of art, while the simple genres are those that are a part of everyday life. While a novel would be a complex genre, the conversations between characters written in the novel are of a simple genre. Biber’s sonata provides a musical example of this relationship. The sonata, for example, can absorb the likes of another genre, such as the litany, country dance, or a musical setting for the Elevation of a Mass. The simple genres have roots in more “unmediated” art forms setting texts that were more utilitarian in terms of Catholic worship, or recreational in terms of the rustic dance. Since the sonata in itself is vaguely defined, a “pure musical fantasy, subject only to the whims and good taste of the composer,”365 it can absorb genres into itself as seen in Biber’s pilgrimage sonata, or the multi-movement, extended Sonatas found in Biber’s prints, the Sonatae tam aris quam aulis, and the Fidicinium sacro-profanum, and those of Muffat’s Armonico tributo. However, the sonata can also appear within other genres, as in the Offertories of Andreas Hofer in Ver sacrum seu flores discussed above, a collection in which sonatas appear as instrumental preludes or interludes. The sonata appears also in this guise in Clamer’s partitas of the Mensa harmonica, for example, or as introductory movements in Biber’s manuscript pieces or in the Mensa Sonora and the Harmonia artificiosa prints. Muffat provides a succinct example of this element of the sonata’s generic pluralism in his Armonico tributo, in which the term sonata appears to label both primary and secondary genres, heading each of the larger groupings of multiple movements, while also labeling smaller movements within the larger collection. 364 Ibid. 365 Newman, The Sonata, 22. 179 The elasticity of the sonata along with its lack of text made it an ideal medium for genre blending, a practice that transcended any sort of border between the sacred and profane. The capability of the genre to move between the sacred or secular spaces of the Church and court would have been an attractive quality at an absolutist court such as Salzburg. A single sonata, for example, could have been intended to serve a variety of functions at a court, in a church service, for private or public entertainment, or for private devotion, essentially blurring the boundary between sacred and secular musical realms. In Salzburg, the composers of sonatas avoided da chiesa and da camera designations. Moreover, the genre’s ability to accommodate references to other genres made it an ideal genre for the musical representation of power or piety. Rather, the genre was chiefly a musical vehicle for compositional fantasy, innovation, and creativity, and mediated between sacred and secular representations. 180 Table 4.9 Heinrich Biber, Sonatae tam aris quam aulis (Salzburg, 1676). Sonata Tempo Measures Time Signature Sonata I a otto (Allegro) mm. 1–38 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 trumpets 2 violins, 4 violas, and continuo 4 violas, continuo Adagio mm. 39–43 ¢ Presto mm. 43–50 ¢ Adagio mm. 51–54 ¢ Allegro mm. 55–94 ¢ Allegro mm. 95–150 3/2 Sonata II a sei (Allegro) mm. 1–29 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 violins, 4 violas, and continuo (Sempre Allegro) mm. 30–92 3/2 Adagio mm. 93–99 c Presto mm. 100–125 c Adagio mm. 126–130 c Sonata III a sei (Allegro) mm. 1–19 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 violins, 4 violas, continuo Presto mm. 20–37 12/8 Presto mm. 38–40 c Adagio mm. 41–46 c Presto mm. 47–66 c Adagio mm. 67–70 c Allegro mm. 71–80 3/2 Presto mm. 81–88 Adagio mm. 89–103 c Presto mm. 104–149 3/4 Adagio mm. 150–154 c Sonata IV a cinque (Allegro) mm. 1–25 Instrumentation: 1 Tromba, 1 violin, 3 violas, continuo mm. 26–34 c Allegro mm. 34–68 3/2 Presto mm. 69–90 Adagio mm. 91–99 c Allegro mm. 100–114 Sonata V a Sei Adagio mm. 1–3 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 violins, 4 violas, continuo Presto mm. 4–10 3/4 Adagio mm. 10–12 Presto mm. 13–53 c mm. 19–31 mm. 32–53 3/2 Adagio mm. 53–60 Allegro mm. 61–75 c Adagio mm. 76–80 Sonata VI a cinque Allegro mm. 1–28 3/2 181 Sonata Tempo Measures Time Signature Instrumentation: 2 violins, 3 violas/continuo mm. 29–42 c mm. 43–58 3/2 mm. 59–68 c mm. 69–90 3/4 Sonata VII a cinque Variatio mm. 1–12 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 Trombas, 2 Violine, Basso di Viola, continuo mm. 13–48 ¢ mm. 49–64 ¢ mm. 65–80 12/8 mm. 81–85 ¢ mm. 86–105 ¢ mm. 106–125 ¢ Sonata VIII (Allegro) mm. 1–13 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 violins, 3 violas, Continuo mm. 14–40 3/2 Presto mm. 41–54 c m. 55–83 c mm. 67–83 3/2 Allegro mm. 84–114 c Adagio mm. 115–120 Sonata IX a cinque (Allegro) mm. 1–39 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 violins, three violas/continuo Adagio mm. 40–44 3/2 Presto mm. 45–58 3/2 mm. 55–59 c Adagio mm. 59–70 3/2 Presto mm. 71–81 3/2 Adagio mm. 82–92 3/2 mm. 89–92 c Allegro mm. 93–98 3/4 99–109 c Adagio mm. 110–116 c Presto mm. 117–130 12/8 Adagio mm. 131–135 c Sonata X a cinque (Adagio) mm. 1–16 ¢ Instrumentation: Tromba, one violin, 3 violas, continuo (Allegro) mm. 17–32 ¢ (sempre allegro) mm. 33–88 3/2 Adagio mm. 89–94 c Presto mm. 94–121 c mm. 105–121 12/8 Adagio mm. 123–135 c Sonata XI a cinque Allegro mm. 1–4 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 violins, 3 violas, continuo Adagio mm. 5–10 ¢ Allegro mm. 11–62 ¢ Adagio mm. 63–75 c 182 Sonata Tempo Measures Time Signature Allegro mm. 76–119 Presto mm. 120–131 6/4 Sonata XII a otto (Allegro) mm. 1–32 ¢ Instrumentation: 2 trumpets, 2 violins, Adagio mm. 33–48 4 violas, continuo Allegro mm. 49–78 Adagio mm. 79–85 6/4 Presto mm. 86–105 6/4 183 Table 4.10 Heinrich Biber, Fidicinium sacro-profanum (Nuremberg, 1682). Sonata Tempo Marking No. of Measures Time Signature Sonata 1 Allegro mm. 1–2 3/2 Adagio mm. 3–22 3/2 Allegro mm. 23–33 ¢ Adagio mm. 34–53 3/2 Allegro mm. 54–65 c Adagio mm. 56–72 c Grave mm. 73–90 6/4 Adagio mm. 91–98 6/4 Sonata 2 (Adagio) mm. 1–11 ¢ Allegro mm. 12–24 ¢ just double bar mm. 25–39 ¢ (Presto) mm. 40–50 6/4 just double bar mm. 51–62 6/4 Allegro mm. 63–86 ¢ Adagio mm. 87–92 c Sonata 3 Grave mm. 1–7 ¢ Allegro mm. 8–39 3/2 mm. 40–54 12/8 Adagio mm. 55–61 ¢ Presto mm. 62–74 ¢ Adagio mm. 75–77 ¢ Sonata 4 Alla Breve mm. 1–13 ¢ double bar mm. 14–37 ¢ (Presto) mm. 38–56 ¢ Adagio mm. 57–76 6/4 Alla breve mm. 77–105 ¢ Sonata 5 Allegro mm. 1–24 ¢ Grave mm. 25–43 3/2 (piu presto) mm. 44–85 3/2 Allegro mm. 86–105 ¢ Sonata 6 (Allegro) mm. 1–10 ¢ (Adagio) mm. 11–21 6/4 (allegro) mm. 22–39 ¢ Presto mm. 40–62 6/4 Adagio mm. 64–76 ¢ Allegro mm. 77–96 6/4 (Adagio) mm. 97–102 ¢ Sonata 7 (Adagio) mm. 1–5 ¢ Presto mm. 6–10 ¢ Allegro mm. 11–22 6/4 184 Sonata Tempo Marking No. of Measures Time Signature Presto mm. 23–32 ¢ (allegro) mm. 33–42 6/4 Presto mm. 43–63 ¢ Adagio mm. 63–66 ¢ Sonata 8 Allegro mm. 1–14 6/4 (Presto) mm. 15–38 6/4 Presto mm. 39–61 ¢ Adagio mm. 62–63 ¢ Sonata 9 (Allegro) mm. 1–19 ¢ (Presto) mm. 20–39 ¢ (Grave) mm. 40–81 3/2 Adagio mm. 82–94 3/4 Presto mm. 97–140 3/4 Adagio mm. 141–143 ¢ Sonata 10 (Allegro) mm. 1–16 3/2 (Presto) mm. 17–29 ¢ Allegro mm. 29–57 3/2 Adagio mm. 58–67 3/2 Presto mm. 68–93 ¢ Adagio mm. 94–99 ¢ Sonata 11 Adagio mm. 1–2 ¢ double bar mm. 3–20 ¢ Piu presto mm. 21–62 3/4 Adagio mm. 63–81 ¢ Allegro mm. 82–97 12/8 Adagio mm. 98–102 ¢ Sonata 12 Allegro mm. 1–37 ¢ (Piu Presto) mm. 38–69 3/4 (Adagio) mm. 69–71 3/4 (Allegro) mm. 72–79 ¢ Adagio mm. 79–94 ¢ Piu Adagio mm. 94–99 ¢ Allegro mm. 99–138 6/4 185 Table 4.11 Heinrich Biber, Harmonia artificiosa-ariosa (Nuremberg, 1696) Partia # Movement Title Tempo Indications (if given) Time Signature Partia 1 Sonata Adagio c Presto c Adagio c Allamande c Gigue 6/8 Variatio I 6/8 Variatio II 6/8 Aria c Sarabande 3/4 Variatio I 6/8 Variatio II 3/4 Finale 3/4 Partia II Praeludium c Allamande c Variatio Balletto Allegro c Aria Presto 3/4 Gigue Presto c Partia III Praeludium Allegro 3/4 Allemande Amener Presto 3/4 Balletto c Gigue 6/8 Ciacona 3/4 Partia IV Sonata Adagio c Allegro 6/4 Adagio c Allamande c Trezza Presto 6/4 Aria c Canario c Gigue Presto 6/4 Pollicinello Presto 12/8 Partia V Intrada Alla breve c Aria Adagio 3/4 Balletto Presto c Gigue 12/8 Passacaglia 3/4 Partia VI Praeludium Adagio Aria c 186 Partia # Movement Title Tempo Indications (if given) Time Signature Variatio 13 Variations Finale Partia VII Praeludium 3/4 Allamande c Sarabanda 3/4 Gigue c Aria c Trezza 6/8 Arietta Variata 3/4 187 CHAPTER 5. THE SOLO SONATA IN SALZBURG AND CATHOLIC DEVOTION Introduction As in the ensemble sonata, innovative compositional techniques also defined the solo sonata in the seventeenth century. Indeed Heinrich Biber’s so-called Rosary Sonatas, likely the most well-known musical product of Salzburg in the late seventeenth century, reveal the solo sonata as a site of experimentation. Biber integrates the extended technique of scordatura tuning with pictorial paratexts to foster extramusical meaning in the absence of sung texts. The collection, which survives in a single source: an autograph manuscript at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich, is named as such because of the copper engravings that accompany fifteen of the sonatas.366 Each of the first fifteen sonatas is “titled” by a picture depicting one of the mysteries of the Rosary, a ritually repeated sequence of prayers accompanied by meditations on episodes in the lives of Christ and Mary.367 Although there is no engraving accompanying the final work, a virtuosic passacaglia, there is a small hand-drawn depiction of the guardian angel or the “Schutzengel” prefacing this work. While these images might suggest a cyclic performance of the pieces, the variety of scordatura tunings Biber implements in the individual pieces discourages the performance of these pieces in an uninterrupted cycle. In order to perform these works one after another, the violinist could use a different instrument for each sonata, or spend a significant amount of time between each piece retuning the strings of the violin to highly unusual pitches. 366 D-Bsb, Mus. Ms. 4123. 367 For a comprehensive history of Rosary devotion, see Anne Winston-Allen, Stories of the Rose: The Making of the Rosary in the Middle Ages (State College, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997). 188 The use of scordatura and the technical ability required to perform these pieces, which are riddled with complex double-stop configurations, have provided fodder for discussion of virtuosity in violin music in the Austrian orbit in the late seventeenth century.368 In another vein, the pictorial paratexts of the collection have often inspired a programmatic reading of these pieces.369 More recently scholarship regarding the collection has turned to the potential meditative and rhetorical functions of these works. In her 2013 dissertation, for example, Lindsey Strand-Polyak draws a direct line between the act of performing Biber’s sonatas and the cycle of Spiritual Exercises by famed Jesuit Ignatius of Loyola.370 In a similar fashion, Daniel J. Edgar has argued that the use of scordatura reflects Biber’s Jesuit background by creating emblemata within the musical works themselves, as I discussed in Chapter 2.371 James Clements explores the musical, artistic, and religious contexts surrounding the Rosary Sonatas and shows how rhetorical signs and symbols associated with the different contexts shaped the perception of the music.372 In this chapter I argue that Biber’s Rosary Sonatas meld the musical and literary genres of the sonata and devotion to shape the aural experience of sensory meditation. Rosary devotion was intrinsically both visual and cyclic, guiding the meditator through the contemplation of events in the lives of Christ and Mary. As discussed in Chapter 2, Lindsey 368 Peter Allsop, “Violinistic Virtuosity in the Seventeenth Century: Italian Supremacy or Austro-German Hegemony?” Il saggiatore musicale 3 (1996): 233–258. 369 See, for example, Andrew Manze, Liner notes to Biber: The Rosary Sonatas, Andrew Manze and Richard Egarr. Harmoni Mundi CD 907321/22, compact disc, and Elias Dann, “Heinrich Biber and the Seventeenth-Century Violin” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1968). 370 Lindsey Strand-Polyak, “The Virtuoso’s Idiom: Spectacularity and the Seventeenth-Century Violin Sonata” (Ph.D. diss., University of California. Los Angeles, 2013). 371 Daniel John Edgar, “The Encoding of Faith: Scordatura in Heinrich Biber’s Mystery Sonatas” (Ph.D. diss., University of York, 2008), 88. 372 James Clements, “Aspects of the Ars rhetorica in the Violin Music of Heinrich Biber (1644–1704)” (Ph.D diss., Royal Holloway, University of London, 2002). 189 Strand-Polyak suggests that a potent parallel can be drawn between Rosary devotion and the Spiritual Exercises of Jesuit Ignatius Loyola. Although the Jesuits were not the reigning Catholic order in Salzburg, a role that was occupied instead by the Benedictines, evidence shows that visual and cyclic devotion was still a palpable part of devotional life in Salzburg. Furthermore, a curious concordant source of one of Biber’s Rosary sonatas, accompanied by strikingly different paratexts, shows how the sonata could express thanksgiving for the intercessory power wielded by the Virgin Mary in times of need. These varied paratexts illustrate the narrative and devotional capability of the sonata, yet another curious quality of the genre, in this period and place. Biber’s Paratexts, Rosary Devotion, Ignatius’ Spiritual Exercises French literary theorist Gérard Genette coined the term “paratext” in the 1970s to describe “those liminal devices and conventions, both inside and outside the book that form part of the complex mediation between book, author, publisher, and reader [and are] parts of a book’s private and public history.”373 Genette describes the way paratexts change how readers or observers interact with a work or a source, and encourages a careful examination of the nature of these elements. Musicologists use the term to describe any information that is communicated outside of the musical text itself in a musical source, such as the pictures included in Biber’s Rosary sonatas or the various genre titles given in the manuscript. Just as in the ensemble sonatas studied above in Chapter 3, the genre ascription paratexts of Biber’s Rosary collection are rather mystifying. Although we call these works 373 Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Meaning, trans. Jane Lewin (Cambridge University Press, 1997), 1. Genette first introduced this idea in his Introduction à l'architexte. (Paris: Seuil, 1979). 190 “sonatas”, the term does not appear in the manuscript to describe each of the fifteen individual works, which are instead “titled” with pictures. However, the term “sonata” does appear labeling individual introductory movements of some of the fifteen pieces, which include a variety of other movements including allemandes, courantes, sarabandes, arias, and ciaconna movements. Each piece consists of a different number of both free and dance-based movements. In some cases, Biber uses clearly dramatic genre associations. A single Lamento movement is accompanied by the scene of the Agony in the Garden, for example (Table 5.1). Table 5.1 Biber, Rosary Sonatas, Contents. No. Scene Depicted Section Titles Given By Biber 11 The Annunciation Praeludium Variatio (+7 variations) Finale 22 The Visitation Sonata Allaman Presto 33 The Nativity Sonata (Presto/ Adagio) Courente/ Double (Adagio) 44 The Presentation at the Temple Ciacona (+ 12 varations) 55 The Finding in the Temple Praeludium (Presto) Allaman Guigue Saraban/Double 66 The Agony in the Garden Lamento (Presto/Adagio) 77 The Scourging Allamanda Variatio Sarab: Variatio 88 The Crowning with Thorns Sonata (Adagio/Presto) Guigue/Double (Presto)/ Double 99 The Carrying of the Cross Sonata Courente/Double Finale 110 The Crucifixion Praeludeium Aria (+ variations) (Adagio) 111 The Resurrection Sonata Surrexit Christus Hodie (Adagio) 12 The Ascension Intrada Aria Tubicinum Allamanda Courente/Double 191 No. Scene Depicted Section Titles Given By Biber 13 The Descent of the Holy Ghost Sonata Gavott Guigue Sarabanda 114 The Assumption of the Virgin n/a (grave, adagio) Aria Aria Guigue 115 Coronation of the Virgin Sonata Canzona Sarabanda 116 Guardian Angel Passcagalia (+ 64 variations) Despite the fact that the collection is popularly referred to as the “Mystery Sonatas” or the “Rosary Sonatas”, Charles Brewer has argued that these pieces should, in fact, not be called sonatas, but be referred to, rather, as “partias” or “partitas” based on their musical style.374 Based on the various movements of each piece as shown above in Table 5.1, these pieces do align with the seventeenth-century conception of the “partita”, which is defined as a “heterogeneous collection of music meant for concerto use by a small ensemble” in various manuscript and print sources from the period.375 This concept was not foreign to Biber. In fact, Biber uses the term “pars” or “partia” to title multi-sectional ensemble works opening with an abstract movement, followed by binary dances, arias, chaconnes, and other stylized movements, as seen in his Mensa sonora (1680) and Harmonia artificiosa (1696) (see Chapter 3).376 The Rosary Sonatas do embody this sort of varied “partia” or “partita” construction, as they contain groups of abstract and dance-based movements in a single suite. 374 Brewer, Instrumental Music, 301. 375 Ibid. 376 Heinrich Biber, Mensa Sonora, ed. Erich Schenk, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich 96 (Vienna: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1960). 192 However, the solo violin sonatas of Biber’s printed Sonatae violino solo (Salzburg, 1681) offer a firmer basis for using the term Rosary “Sonatas”. In the Sonatae, Biber includes eight violin sonatas, clearly labeled as such (Figure 5.1). Figure 5.1 Biber, Sonatae violino solo. Sonata I.377 Two of these eight “Sonatas” are in scordatura, and the structure of each piece varies substantially. Sections are delineated by tempo markings, as in the Mensa and the Harmonia, but also include dance-like sections labeled as gigues, chaconnes, and arias followed by variations and free form movements, as in the Rosary collection. There is no discernable pattern. The second sonata of the Sonatae, for example, opens with an unlabeled introductory movement followed by an aria and variations, a basic form that is also implemented in the Rosary collection. The fourth sonata opens with a presto followed by a gigue and a following double and concludes with an aria followed by variations. Based on Biber’s use of the term “Sonata” both in the title of this print, and to label the individual works themselves, the term would certainly seem to have some purchase. In the Rosary collection, the pictorial paratexts foster extra-musical meaning directly related to meditation on the Mysteries of the Rosary. For example, the first sonata is prefaced by a depiction of the Annunciation when the angel Gabriel visits Mary to tell her she will be the mother of Jesus (Figure 5.2). 377 D-Bsb, 2 Mus. Pr. 117. 193 Figure 5.2 Biber, Rosary Sonatas, Annunciation.378 Although the practice of Rosary devotion has medieval origins, it was particularly prominent in the seventeenth century. The Catholic victory over the Ottoman forces in Lepanto in 1571, which was credited in part to the praying of the Rosary by the Pope and Confraternity of the Rosary in Rome, renewed the popular status of Rosary devotion in Catholic communities in the late sixteenth century.379 Frédéric Conrod notes the increased prevalence of personal devotion in the period, writing that “in response to Luther, the Roman Church of the Counter-Reformation reaffirmed its determination to build structures of ecclesiastical guidance, both doctrinal and institutional, around the life of the Christian believer so that he could, in turn, be included in the ‘greater narrative’” of the Catholic Faith.380 The focus of the Rosary on the mysteries of the Christian faith as experienced through the lives of a man (Jesus Christ) and a woman (Mary) made this brand of devotion particularly well-suited to this purpose. Meditation was central to the Jesuit order, a key player during the Catholic Reformation. The order provided free, Catholic education in communities that were 378 D-Bsb, Mus. Ms. 4123. 379 Nathan Mitchell, Mystery of the Rosary: Marian Devotion and the Reinvention of Catholicism (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2009), 239. 380 Frédéric Conrod, Loyola’s Greater Narrative: The Architecture of the Spiritual Exercises, in Golden Age and Enlightenment Literature (Frankfurt: Peter Lang Academic Publishing, 2008), 3. 194 becoming desperately in need of literate people to serve the emerging forms of commerce and government in the seventeenth century.381 The Jesuits were widely responsible for establishing schools throughout central Europe in the seventeenth century, and Salzburg was no exception as the order presided over primary and secondary schools in the city. These schools hosted dramas for which Heinrich Biber is said to have composed music, which is now unfortunately lost.382 Biber’s ties to the Jesuits were not limited to composing music for Jesuit drama. He was likely educated in a Jesuit school in Opava (Troppau), located in the present day Czech Republic. Moreover, Biber’s full name includes two middle names, both of which are those of the founders of the Jesuit order, St. Ignatius of Loyola and St. Francis Xavier (Figure 5.3).383 Figure 5.3 Biber’s Signature to the Dedication of the Rosary Sonatas. 381 Joseph Tetlow, Ignatius of Loyola: The Spiritual Exercises (New York, NY: Crossroads Publishing, 1992), 29. 382 Eric Chafe, The Church Music of Heinrich Biber (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1987), 20. Chafe notes that both Andreas Hofer and Heinrich Biber composed music for the Jesuit school dramas in Salzburg. 383 Strand-Polyak observes that that these two names are not listed on Biber’s birth certificate, but that the composer himself spells out both names in his signature in the majority of his publications in public records, and indeed on the manuscript of the Mystery Sonatas. Strand Polyak then argues that Biber perhaps assumed these names later in life to pay important homage to the Jesuit leaders. Strand-Polyak, “The Virtuoso’s Idiom,” 114. While the unreliability of parish baptism records leads one to be suspect of whether or not Biber was given these names by his parents or assumed them at his own will, it is still not insignificant that his two middle names align with the first names of both of the founders of the Jesuit order. While Fransiscus could be referring to St. Francis, the combination of Ignatius and Francis in this context seems uncanny. Biber’s baptismal record is reproduced in facsimile in Paul Nettl, “Heinrich Franz Biber von Bibern,” Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 24 (1960), 61–62. 195 Personal devotion was paramount for the Jesuits. Ignatius of Loyola, one of Biber’s namesakes, developed a devotional handbook between 1522 and 1540 while he was traveling from Spain to Jerusalem as a religious pilgrim; this manual, The Spiritual Exercises [Exercitia spiritualia], became a mainstay of Jesuit devotional practices.384 Developed by Ignatius before he had received any officially sanctioned spiritual or doctrinal training, the Exercises were designed to guide a devotee through four weeks of solemn, solitary meditation.385 At first, their prescribed devotions were denounced by the Catholic Church and the Spanish Inquisition, most likely because of Ignatius’ lack of doctrinal education. However, in the late 1530s Ignatius did eventually procure a theological education in Rome before he was elected as General of the Jesuit Order upon its foundation in 1540. In 1548, Pope Paul III gave papal approval of the book and the text was finally printed the following year.386 The Spiritual Exercises are divided into four sections in which Loyola encourages his devotees to visualize the life of Christ. While the opening section, the “Consideration and Contemplation of Sin”, provides an initial guide to the process of self-examination and contemplation on the sinful nature of man, the following three sections shift the devotee’s mind, eyes, and ears to the life of Christ.387 The devotee is encouraged to imagine the dramatic scenes of Christ’s narrative and the Resurrection story: The life of Christ through Palm Sunday; The Passion of Christ; and The Resurrection and Ascension. Visualization is key to Loyola’s devotional process. For example, the devotion on the Incarnation of Jesus 384 Tetlow, The Spiritual Exercises, 23. 385 Ibid., 25. 386 Ibid., 31. 387 Ibid., 63. 196 opens with a meditation on the reason for Christ’s coming to earth. Ignatius instructs the devotee to recall how the Three Divine Persons gazed upon the vast sweep of the earth, around the whole globe, fully peopled and recall how, watching the multitude sinking down into Hell, They [the Trinity] make the decision deep in eternity that the Second Person [Jesus] should become human in order to save the human. And so, when the fullness of time came, the Divine Persons sent the holy angel Gabriel to Our Lady.388 In the second Prelude of this meditation, Ignatius directs the devotee to “envision the full sweep and circle of the earth [… ] and then come down to the particular, in the province of Galilee to see the house and the chamber of Our Lady.”389 There are close parallels between the process of Marian Rosary devotion—especially in the devotions on the fifteen Mysteries—and Loyola’s Spiritual Exercises. While the Exercises serve a similar purpose, putting the focus on Jesus’ life, Passion, and Resurrection, meditating on the Rosary leads the Christian through the narrative of the life of his mother, the Virgin Mary. Nathan Mitchell has noted that the process of Ignatian devotion introduced innovative techniques into the practice of the Rosary, such as the use of vivid of imagination or “setting the scene” of Biblical events or episodes in the lives of Christ, Mary, and the Saints.390 Praying the Rosary, a prayer assisted by a circular string of beads of various sizes, each representing a prayer, either the Ave Maria (Hail Mary), the Pater Noster (Our Father), the Credo, or the Gloria. The second element of the Rosary was the devotion on the fifteen Mysteries, which recount the lives of Christ and Mary, and are divided into three sections, the joyful, the sorrowful, and the glorious Mysteries. The joyful Mysteries include (1) Gabriel’s annunciation to Mary that she will be Jesus’ mother; (2) Mary’s visit to her cousin 388 Ibid., 100. 389 Ibid. 390 Mitchell, Mystery of the Rosary, 239. 197 Elizabeth; (3) the birth of Jesus; (4) The presentation of child Jesus at the temple; and (5) the finding of Jesus in the temple by Mary and Joseph. The sorrowful mysteries include (6) Christ’s agony in Gethsemane; (7): the scourging; (8) the crowning with thorns; (9) his carrying of the Cross; and (10) his crucifixion. The glorious mysteries include (11) Christ’s resurrection; (12) his ascension; (13) the sending of the holy spirit to the disciples; (14) Mary’s assumption into heaven; and (15) Mary’s coronation as queen of heaven. The Catholic Church responded to Luther with a prevalence of visual representations and images communicating the Catholic doctrines of justification and devotion to Mary, the Saints, and the Eucharist.391 The image-based devotion of the Rosary, moreover, did not require the devotees to read and was therefore easily distributed as Catholic devotional propaganda in the contentious atmosphere of the Counter-Reformation.392 Seventeenth-century Catholic devotion deployed music and art to encourage meditation on the lives of Christ and Mary, an example of which is Biber’s collection of violin sonatas accompanied by depictions of the Mysteries of the Rosary. The visual and narrative quality of these devotions have long inspired artist renderings of the various scenes in Rosenkranzbilder (Rosary picture cycles or books), which emerged not long after the devotion itself.393 The Jesuit priest Jerónimo Nadal, a collaborator of Ignatius of Loyola, provides an example of this in his Annotations and Meditations on the Gospels (1595), a volume that contains beautiful engravings depicting each scene from the Mysteries of the Rosary, each preceded by a relevant devotional 391 Conrod, Loyola’s Greater Narrative, 4. 392 Mitchell, Mystery of the Rosary, 6. 393 Ibid., 240. 198 text.394 This principle plays out in the fifteen canvas paintings (240cm x 210cm) by Adrian Blomaert and Zacharias Miller, each depicting a scene of the Mysteries, that grace the walls of Salzburg’s Aula Accademica, the meeting place of the academic Marian Congregation, the Alma Congregatio major Academica Benedictino-Salisburgensis, founded in 1619 for students and professors at Salzburg’s University.395 As a result of the close thematic relationship between these paintings and the pieces of Biber’s collection, Manfred Hermann Schmid has posited that Biber’s collection may have been composed specifically for the celebration of high feasts in the Marian Congregation.396 A similar cycle may be found on the walls and ceiling of the Jesuit church in Antwerp, where 39 paintings by Peter Paul Rubens visually inform worshipers of stories from scripture and from the lives of canonized saints. Anna Knaap has described these paintings as “instruments of meditative prayer.”397 Rubens’s paintings, according to Knaap, were “conceived as a unified program that guided the viewer through sacred space.”398 Like Rubens’ cycle of paintings, it would be fitting for the paintings of the Aula to be considered as a unified program upon which the members of the congregation could meditate.399 The 394 Edgar, “The Encoding of Faith,” 36. 395 These paintings were commissions in 1636 and 1637. Manfred Hermann Schmid, “Introduction,” in Heinrich Biber, Rosenkranz-Sonaten: Bayerische Staatbibliothek München: Mus. Ms. 4123 (Munich: Strube, 2008), 91. 396 Ibid. 397 See Anna Knaap, “Seeing in Sequence: Peter Paul Rubens’ ceiling cycle at the Jesuit church in Antwerp” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 2007). 398 Anna Knaap, “”Meditation, Ministry, and Visual Rhetoric in Peter Paul Ruben’s Program for the Jesuit Church in Antwerp,” in The Jesuits II. Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 157. 399 Schmid, “Introduction,” 91. One can see reproductions of these paintings in: Adolf Hahnl, “Die Aula Academica der Alma Mater Paridiana zu Salzburg; Studien zur Baugestalt und Ausstattung,” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seine Zweige 83 (Ottobeuren: Kommissionsverlag Winfried-Werk, 1972): 717–754. I believe that John Holloway has confused Salzburg’s Confraternity of the Rosary with the Academic Marian Congregation. However, being that Salzburg was an absolutist court, it could be possible that Max Gandolph’s Archconfraternity of the Rosary held their meetings in the Aula accademica as well. John Holloway, “Biber: A Man of Mysteries,” The Strad 105/1274 (1994): 240. 199 Jesuit devotional picture books, the paintings of the Jesuit church in Antwerp, and the cycle of paintings in the Aula of the Marian Congregation clearly show that the practice of creating cyclic illustrations relating the narrative stories of the Catholic faith, especially those of the Mysteries of the Rosary, was common in this period. In Biber’s collection, however, tension is manifest in that the scordatura tunings of the collection inhibit an uninterrupted performance of the cycle of pieces. Unlike the paintings described above or the pages of the picture book, the unique tunings of the sonatas of the collection necessitate an interruption between the performances of each sonata. However, the very presence of the scordatura tunings further connects the sonatas to a meditative purpose. In fact, Daniel Edgar has drawn a comparison between the different sound worlds created by scordatura tunings in each of Biber’s Mystery Sonatas and these artworks of Rubens: Biber uses scordatura in his sonatas to “create a physical experience for the devotee,”400 not dissimilar from the impact of viewing Rubens’ paintings: Each of Biber’s re-tunings impacts upon the mechanical workings of the violin in different ways, creating a broad and unusual palette of timbres and textures, which he is able to tailor to the subject of each Rosary Mystery. In this way, scordatura is to be regarded as the language through which the narrative of the Mystery Sonatas is relayed to the audience, not just in sound, but physically, through the experiential nature of the mechanical changes taking place on the violin’s body.401 Lindsey Strand-Polyak has described the Rosary sonatas as “spiritual exercises in music” and has argued that from the point of the performer, Biber designed the Rosary Sonatas to evoke the corporeal experience of reciting the stations of the Rosary itself. 402 The true experience of these pieces is that of the violinist him/herself. The minutiae of the kinetic experience of performing them are significant: the way the performer feels the 400 Edgar, “The Encoding of Faith,” 30. 401 Ibid., 88. 402 Strand-Polyak, “The Virtuoso’s Idiom,” 121. 200 unique tuning system of each sonata deeply, the variation in the response of the bow in the right hand dependent on the varied tension of the strings, and the particular shifts in the resonance of the instrument itself when the tunings are irregular.403 Strand-Polyak makes a convincing case for comparing the Rosary Sonatas with the process of Rosary Prayer and meditation as a physical experience, arguing that many scholars forget that the Rosary itself is not merely a picture book, but is rather a series of prayers and a process of guided meditation.404 It is likely that the visual depictions of the Mysteries of the Rosary that accompany each of Biber’s sonatas have roots Biber’s Jesuit education and the presence of the Jesuit order in Salzburg, and the importance of the visual element of Jesuit devotion. While the use of scordatura tunings created a corporeal devotional experience for the performer, the interrupted, yet cyclic nature of the collection suggest the use of these pieces as a musical accompaniment for devotion. Maximilian Gandolph’s Archconfraternity of the Rosary As a subscriber to post-Tridentine absolutism, Salzburg’s Prince Archbishop Maximilian Gandolph held a great stake in promoting Marian worship and the Catholic faith in Salzburg. To establish his piety as a devout Catholic leader, which was crucial to procuring God’s blessings on his territory, the Prince Archbishop founded an Archconfraternity [Erzbruderschaft] dedicated to the Rosary in 1672, particularly for members of the court.405 This organization fostered the practices of Marian devotion in Salzburg and served also as a public demonstration of the Prince Archbishop’s Marian piety. 403 Ibid., 133. 404 Ibid., 121. 405 Rupert Klieber, Bruderschaften und Liebesbunde nach Trent (Frankfurt: Peter Lang Academic Publishing, 1999), 326–330. 201 To commemorate the foundation of the Archconfraternity, Johan Jacob Zehentner, a canon from the nearby arch-provostry of Berchtesgaden, published a Manuale pietatis oder Geistliches Hand-Büchlein intended for use by members of the confraternity and printed locally in Salzburg by Johann Baptist Mayr (Figure 5.4). Figure 5.4 Johann Jacob Zehentner, Manuale Pietatis, Title Page.406 This little handbook, printed in duodecimo format, outlines the history and purpose of the Archconfraternity, the requirements and expectations of its members, and rules 406 Johann Jakob Zehentner, Manuale pietas oder geistliches Handbuchlein. Salzburg: Johann Baptist Mayr, 1672. University of Salzburg, Special Collections, Magazin 4, Signatur 319 I. 202 regarding the privileges of membership. It is in this section that the author reveals one of the purposes of the book: to confirm and establish the practice of Rosary Devotion, as described above, which was confirmed by the Pope. Zehentner writes: Und hat diese (durch vorermeldten h. Dominicum eingeführte und durch dessen Discipul mit grossem Eyfer fortgepflantzte) Andacht an underschiedlichen Orten unglaublich zugenommen also daß solches Exercitium von unterschiedlichen Päpstlichen heiligkeiten confirmirt, bestätiget und dazu schöne Ablaß verliehen worden.407 And this devotion (introduced by the aforementioned St. Dominic and spread by his disciples with great fervor) has wondrously increased in different places; so much so that such exercises have been confirmed by several different Papal Holinesses, and granted fine indulgences. The main contents of the book include prayers and devotions for the membership to use throughout the church year, with a special focus on Marian feasts. For example, we find special devotions on the fifteen Mysteries of the Rosary, divided into the customary three sections of the Joyful, the Sorrowful, and Glorious Mysteries. Prayers to be said before the different sections of Mass are also included and are followed by a section containing prayers intended for particular situations and to certain intercessors, such as the Guardian Angels (Schutz-Engel), holy patrons, and of course, Mary. This small prayer handbook clearly demonstrates the importance and power of prayer in summoning the intercessory powers not only of Mary, but also of other sacred patrons and angels. The devotions are remarkably descriptive and visual, echoing the practices of Ignatius’ Spiritual Exercises. For example, the devotion for the crucifixion uses descriptive adjectives not found in the Gospel accounts of Christ’s death to encourage the visualization of gruesome scene on the hill at Calvary (Figure 5.5).408 407 Ibid., 5. 408 The four Gospel accounts provide various details of the event, but do not use many adjectives to describe the scene. John 19:16–37 for example, relates how the soldiers cast lot of Jesus’s clothing, how Jesus put his mother Mary in the care of John, was offered wine vinegar and how his side was pierced with a spear after his death causing a flow of blood and water. Luke 23:26–56 chronicles the carrying of the cross by 203 Figure 5.5 Zehentner, Devotion on the Fifth Mystery of the Rosary, the Crucifixion. In dem fünfften Geheimnuß haben wir mit Bestürzung und grosser Traurigkeit zu betrachten/wie Christus zur Richtstatt gebracht/ und alldort mit grosser Unbarmherzigkeit seiner Kleyder entblöst/ auff das Kreuz niedergeworffen/ und mit groben Nägeln durch händ und füß daran gehefft/unnd mit Geschrey in die höhe auffgehoben worden / dabey ihme die Juden viel Schmach und Spott angethan/ auch in seinem grossen Durst Essig mit Gall vermischt/ in einem Schwamb/inseinen heiligsten Mund gestossen/hernach der gedultigste Jesus seine Augen auffgehoben/und mit lauter ganz kläglicher Stimm geruffen/Mein Gott, Mein Gott, warumb hastu mich verlassen/und hernach umb die neunte Stunde seinen Geist in die hand seines himmlischen Vatters befohlen und also verschieden ist.409 In the fifth mystery we consider with dismay and great sadness, how Christ was brought to the place of judgment/ and there with great mercilessness was stripped of his clothing/laid prostrate on the cross with coarse nails pounded through his hand hands and feet/ and with shouting was raised up above/ by which the Jews treated him with great dishonor and ridicule/ also for his great thirst mixed vinegar and gall/on a sponge/and shoved it into his holy mouth/ hereafter the most patient Jesus lifted his eyes and with a loud, lamenting voice called out, My God, My God, Why have you forsaken me?/And thereafter in the ninth hour, he gave up his soul into the hands of heavenly Father and was dead. Just as Ignatian devotion encourages the devotees to call upon the visions, tastes, and sounds of the dramatic scenes on which they are meditating, this Rosary psalter devotion appeals to three of the human senses, using descriptive adjectives to enhance the sensory details that are only glossed over in the Gospels. The text describes the “course nails” pounded through Christ’s hands and feet, the “great thirst” of Jesus for which he was offered vinegar and gall, and the sound of shouting that surrounded the scene, and the “lamenting” calls of Christ as he gave up his spirit. While the Gospel accounts of this event make mention of the events that took place, the descriptive adjectives in this devotion contribute to the sensory experience of meditating on the event. Rather than focusing on Simon of Cyrene, the crucifixions of the criminals on either side of Jesus, the darkness that comes over the land and the tearing of the curtain of the temple in two from top to bottom. Mark 15:21–41 likewise describes the tearing of the temple curtain and mentions the mocking of Jesus by the chief priests and teachers of the law. Finally, Matthew 27:32–56, which is the Gospel quoted by the Rosary devotion on the crucifixion, also mentions the hurling of insults at Jesus and the mocking, taunting words. None of these Gospels uses particularly descriptive adjectives as those found in the Rosary devotion. 409 Zehentner, Manuale pietas, 43. 204 the doctrinal significance of Christ’s death, this devotion rather inspires meditation on the scene of the crucifixion itself. In the early 2000s a one page, single-sided, engraved broadside dedicated to promoting Maximilian Gandolph’s Archconfraternity of the Rosary, containing precisely the same engravings of the fifteen Mysteries of the Rosary that are used as “titles” in Heinrich Biber’s unica manuscript collection, was discovered in the Salzburg Cathedral archive by Manfred Hermann Schmid.410 The text accompanying the pictures is that of the organization’s by-laws and regulations, along with the expectations and benefits of membership (Figure 5.6). 410 Schmid, “Introduction,” 91. 205 Figure 5.6 Archconfraternity of the Rosary, Broadside.411 411 Salzburg, Archive of the Archdiocese, Graphiksammlung 2880. 206 The explicit relationship between the broadside and Biber’s manuscript is still in question, but may provide insight into a potential date for the sonatas. As the engravings are small in size, and their subject matter was clearly of great importance to the archiepiscopal court in Salzburg, it is not out of the question that they could have been used on multiple occasions over many years. In fact, there could be other manuscripts or prints that might make use of these miniatures. It was not likely that the Salzburg printer would have discarded the copper engraving blocks after just one printing. In all likelihood, Biber had a copy of this broadside print or another publication featuring the engravings, someone then literally cut the images out of the original print and pasted them into the pre-measured and indicated spots in his manuscript. The other alternative is that Biber requested a special printing of these fifteen engravings to be used especially to grace each of his sonatas, a less likely scenario, as these engravings appear only in a single presentation manuscript and it would be unusual for a composer to sponsor a print run of a single sheet. The manuscript of the Rosary Sonatas contains a handwritten dedication, but the title page, assuming there was one to begin with, is no longer extant, and the date of the collection remains uncertain. Unfortunately, neither of the two dates for the aforementioned broadside (1678 and 1686) “solves” the mystery of the dating of Biber’s collection. Perhaps Biber was even asked to compose these sonatas particularly for the occasion of Maximilian Gandolph’s promotion to Cardinal. Both Maximilian Gandolph’s political and social advocacy of the Catholic faith could have been bolstered by this set of fifteen sonatas based on the Mysteries of the Rosary composed by his in-house violin virtuoso. The collection would have served as a display of Max Gandolph’s elevated 207 position in the Catholic Church, his piety, and an indication of his promotion of the Confraternity of the Rosary throughout the Archbishopric of Salzburg.412 Biber’s Crucifixion Sonata, the Turkish Siege, and Devotion to the Cross A compelling second source of the tenth sonata of Biber’s collection, the “Crucifixion” sonata, is found in a manuscript of the Minoriten Convent Archive in Vienna, and contains over 100 violin sonatas by composers active in seventeenth-century Austria.413 While the sonata is attributed to Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer in the manuscript, the music itself reveals the sonata to be a concordant source of Biber’s Crucifixion sonata from the Munich collection. Rather than the pictorial paratext of the crucifixion scene, the music is accompanied by brief textual subtitles describing the events of the Turkish siege of Vienna in 1683, such as Der Türcken Einmarsch (The Turkish Entry) and Der Türcken Belägerung der Stadt Wien (The Turkish Siege of the City of Vienna) (Table 5.2). Table 5.2 Text Subtitles in Sonata No. 80 in A-Wn, Codex XIV – 726. German English Translation Der Türcken Einmarsch The Turkish Entry Der Türcken Belägerung der Stadt Wien The Turkish Siege of the City of Vienna Der Türcken stürmen The Turkish Storm Einmarsch der Christen The Entry of the Christians Treffen der Christen Encounter with the Christians Durchgang der Türcken Rout of the Turks Victori der Christen Victory of the Christians 412 Ibid. 413 A-Wm, Kodex XIV 726, 162 recto. This collection includes three sections of works. The first sixty sonatas are copies from four printed collections of the late seventeenth century. For example, the volume contains full manuscript copies of Biber’s Sonatae violin solo (Salzburg, 1681), Johann Jakob Walther’s Scherzi da violin solo (Leipzig and Frankfurt, 1676) and Hortulus chelicus (Mainz, 1688), and Ignatius Albertin’s Sonatinae XII. Violin solo (Frankfurt, 1692). For more on this manuscript collection, see Friedrich Wilhelm Riedel, Catalogus Musicus I. Das Musikarchiv im Minoritenkonvent zu Wien. (Katalog des älteren Bestandes vor 1784) (Kassel: Internationale Vereinigung der Musikbibliotheken, 1963). 208 Unlike Biber in the Munich manuscript, the copyist of this Viennese source concludes the work with a brief, hymn-like homophonic movement labeled as “Victory of the Christians”; this is not included in the Munich source of the work (Figure 5.7). Figure 5.7 Vienna, Minoritenkonvent, Kodex XIV – 726, Victori der Christen.414 The scordatura in the Viennese source indicates, furthermore, that the violin should be tuned up a step from the Munich version, effectively transposing the piece from G minor into A minor (Figure 5.8 and Figure 5.9). Figure 5.8 Biber, Opening of the “Crucifixion” Sonata.415 414 A-Wn, Kodex XIV – 726. 415 D-Bsb, Mus. Ms. 4123. 209 Figure 5.9 Biber, Opening of the “Turkish Siege” Sonata.416 It is uncertain which source predates the other, but recent research reveals that the two sources may be fairly close in date. The first date assigned to the Munich collection in the late nineteenth century was 1676, based on its similarity in style to Biber’s printed collection of ensemble sonatas from that same year, the Sonatae tam aris quam aulis servientes.417 Charles Brewer recently argued for a later date of the Munich collection, closer to 1682, based on the prefatory material in two of Biber’s published collections.418 In Biber’s preface to the Fidicinium sacro profanum of 1682, he refers rhetorically to the print as the “fourth wheel of the four-horse chariot,” implying that the Fidicinium was Biber’s fourth collection dedicated to Prince Archbishop Maximillian Gandolph. Brewer argues that if Biber had already composed and dedicated the Rosary sonatas to Maximilian Gandolph before 1682, the printed Fidicinium would have been Biber’s fifth collection dedicated to Maximilian Gandolph, not the fourth. Although it is possible that Biber was referring only to his printed collections, Brewer provides further evidence in the dedication of Biber’s 416 A-Wn, Kodex XIV – 726. 417 Heinrich Biber, Sechzehn Violinsonaten mit ausgefuhrter Klaviergegleitung. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek: Mus. Ms. 4123, ed. Erwin Luntz, Denkmäler der Tonkunst Österreich 36 (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1959), xi. 418 Brewer, Instrumental Music, 310. 210 Sonatae violino solo (1681), in which the composer indicates that he was just beginning to write music for the solo violin and to experiment with the use of scordatura. Therefore, Brewer suggests a date closer to 1682 for the Rosary Sonata collection in Munich. Biber’s setting of Hic est panis for bass voice, continuo, and solo violin in scordatura, discussed above in Chapter 3, further supports Brewer’s argument for a later date, as that manuscript is dated 1683 and reveals a composer less experienced with composing in scordatura in comparison with the highly developed use of the technique evident in the Rosary Sonatas. What is certain is that the terminus post quem of the Vienna source is 1683, the year of the Turkish siege of Vienna. Brewer’s recent argument for a later date of the collection of Rosary Sonatas suggests that these two sources might not be separated as far in time as once thought. Gérard Genette describes official paratexts as containing “any message openly accepted by the author or publisher.”419 Unofficial paratexts, on the other hand, include any information that might have been added into a work without the knowledge or consent of the author. These two concordant sources of Biber’s sonata, one with paratexts relating to the Crucifixion, the second with paratexts relating to the Turkish siege, reveal very different meanings. The presentation quality of the Munich manuscript, along with Biber’s accompanying dedication to Prince Archbishop Maximilian Gandolph, shows that the crucifixion paratext was sanctioned by the composer himself. While these two sources may be fairly contemporary with one another, it is unclear whether the paratext of the Vienna manuscript should be considered “official” or “unofficial.” The erroneous attribution to Johann Heinrich Schmeltzer in the Minoriten Convent Archive manuscript indicates that 419 Genette, Paratexts, 10. 211 the copyist of that manuscript was fairly removed from Biber and his circle in Salzburg. However, whether or not the Turkish siege paratext in the Viennese source was known by Biber, the importance of devotion to the Cross in times of war, along with the topics of the two paratexts associated with these sonatas, suggest a musical link between Salzburg and Vienna around the time of the Turkish siege of 1683. More broadly, these two sources frame an argument for the devotional potential of an instrumental sonata. Devotion to the Holy Cross was especially important during times of battle and religious warfare, most notably during the Catholic struggle against the Turkish armies in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. While the Christians worshipped the Cross and carried it as a sacred symbol into war, their adversaries would drag the image of the crucifix “through filth” in order to taunt the Christians.420 The victory of the Catholics over the Protestants at White Mountain in 1620 was credited in part to the cross that was displayed at the head of the troops and in part to Mary, whose image was also carried along with the troops.421 Devotion to the Cross also carried a more abstract, meditative representational purpose. The willingness of a Christian monarch to bear the Cross was manifest in his “readiness to accept all sorrow and suffering from God.”422 Just as Christ purportedly suffered and shed His blood for the salvation of humanity, so too did Christians sacrifice their lives to defend Christianity against the Turks.423 In fact, James Clements has found evidence in seventeenth-century devotional books of the importance of meditation on the 420 Anna Coreth, Pietas austriaca, trans. William D. Bowman and Anna Maria Leitgeb (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2004), 37. 421 Ibid., 41. 422 Ibid., 39. 423 James Clements, “Aspects of the Ars rhetorica in the Violin Music of Heinrich Biber (1644–1704),” (Ph.D. diss., Royal Holloway, University of London, 2002), 277. 212 Cross during times of warfare, both on and off the battlefield.424 Meditating on Christ’s suffering is central to Rosary devotion. The story of Christ’s crucifixion, for example, is the pinnacle of the Sorrowful Mysteries of the Rosary, numbers 6 through 10. The parallel between the worldly battles against the Turks and the Crucifixion is further illustrated in the paintings that grace the walls of the Aula Accademica in Salzburg, the hall where the Confraternity of the Rosary held their meetings and devotions. In this painting depicting Christ bearing his cross up the Hill of Calvary, the soldiers who accompany him don half-moon emblems on their clothing and carry curved swords, and are therefore culturally identified as Muslim or Turkish.425 Considering the additional final movement of the sonatas mentioned above, the “Victory of the Christians,” this sonata emphasizes a connection between the Christian victory over the Turks in 1683 and the story of Christ’s victory over Satan through the Crucifixion and Resurrection. While at first blush the “official” and “unofficial” paratexts contained within the two sources of Biber’s sonata may seem to offer strikingly different musical “programs,” they also draw a parallel between Jesus’ intercession for mankind through his Crucifixion and Mary’s own intercessory powers. Devotion was an integral element of the military and prayerful support that Salzburg provided to Vienna during the time of the siege in 1683. In addition to military assistance in the form of 800 troops sent by Maximilian Gandolph from Salzburg to support the Viennese cause, there is a reference to prayers in support of the Viennese troops by the Salzburg community. 426 Every day at 7:00 am during the period of the siege, the “Turk Bell” would ring in Salzburg, at which time all who heard it would fall 424 Ibid. 425 Ibid. 426 Franz Martin, Salzburgs Fürsten in der Barockzeit (Salzburg: Verlag Das Bergland-Buch, 1949), 113. 213 to their knees and pray for the strength of the Christian army in Vienna. Processions of the relics of local saints along with a crucifix were also organized in Salzburg to call upon the strength of the Catholic saints and the Virgin to support the Christian troops.427 Therefore, it is not inconceivable that the Viennese version of Biber’s Rosary Sonatas could have been intended to harness the intercessory strength of the Virgin Mary in Vienna during the Turkish siege of 1683. Then, after the fact, this “contrafactum” of the crucifixion sonata might have been offered in Vienna to give thanks to God for granting the Christians a victory. In fact, the narrative structure of the Viennese “Turkish Siege” sonata resonates with the standard structure of meditation books in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which tended to be in the vernacular language and arranged in simple structures to reach an audience by appropriating common literary, or even narrative, formats.428 This sonata very well could have served a devotional purpose, musically illustrating the victory of the Christians following the Siege of Vienna, both to give thanks to God for the victory and to remind meditators of His power. Conclusions: The Devotional and Narrative Capabilities of the Sonata The divergent paratexts of Biber’s Crucifixion Sonata encourage a more thorough consideration of the devotional or dramatic function of the sonata as a genre. While the “Turkish Siege” sonata may have been used to meditate on the victory of the Christians in 1683, the Crucifixion sonata could have served as a meditational tool during the prayer of the Rosary. This set of prayers was considered a tool of great spiritual force, the primary means of accessing the intercessory power of Mary, whose role as the great intercessor and 427 Ibid. 428 Christine Getz, Mary, Music, and Meditation (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2013), 99. 214 patroness of the Catholic armies in the seventeenth century earned her credit for several Christian victories over the Turks including that at Lepanto in 1571 and in 1620 at White Mountain.429 Mary’s intercessory power inspired Catholic leaders to place the fates of their kingdoms in her hands. For example, Ferdinand III consecrated and placed “the whole territory under the protection, care, and patronage of the most glorious Virgin Mary.”430 Likewise, Maximilian I of Bavaria established the Virgin Mother as the center of national life, naming her the “Patroness of Bavaria” through public acts and directives.431 In Vienna, Leopold I granted Mary the title of Generalissima familiae Austriacae (The supreme commander of the Austrian family), placing her in the position of his commander in times of war and his plenipotentiary for peace treaties.432 Devotion to Mary and to the Cross are related, as the fifteen Mysteries include a distinct meditation on the Crucifixion. Mary’s role in the Crucifixion story is highlighted in a special devotional prayer included in the Rosary Psalter for Salzburg’s Rosary Confraternity for devotion at the foot of the cross. In this prayer, the meditator contemplates Christ’s earthly origins from the womb of the Blessed Virgin Mary and meditates upon Christ’s merciful suffering and his victory over the depths of hell on behalf of the sinners of the world. The mention of Mary’s role in bringing Jesus into the world stresses the fact that without Mary’s assistance, Christ could not have come to earth and 429 Ibid., 82–87. 430 Originally cited and translated in Coreth, Pietas, 52. Bericht des Fürstbischofs Ph. Friedrich Graf Breuner an den Kaiser aus dem Jahre 1645. Niederösterreichische Herrschaftsakten, Fasz. 32/2. For more on the Marian devotion of Ferdinand II and Ferdinand III, see Andrew Weaver, “Chapter 7: Maria Patrona Ferdinandi (et Austriae): Ferdinand III’s Marian Devotion as Public Image,” in Sacred Music as Public Image for Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 223–250. 431 Coreth, Pietas, 50. 432 Originally cited in ibid,, 57. Johann Ludwig Schönleben, Dissertatio polemica de prima origine aug. Domus Habsburgico-Austriacae, vol. 2 (Ljubljana, 1681), 172. 215 assume the sins of the world in his death. In a similar way, Catholics believe that Mary assists them on earth through her intercessory power in heaven (Figure 5.10). Figure 5.10 Zehenter, Rosary Psalter. Devotion for at the foot of the Cross.433 O Herr Jesu Christe durch jene Bitterkeit/welche du für mich armsten Sünder am Stammen deß heiligen Creuzes erlitten/sonderbar in der Stund/da dein Edleste Seel von ihrem gebenedentesten Leib ausgangen/bitte ich dich/ du wollest dich meiner armen Seel/in ihrem Außgang von dem Leib gnädiglich erbarmen/und Sie in das ewige Leben führen. Amen. Oh Christ Jesus, through such bitterness, Which you suffer on the holy Cross for me, a poor sinner/especially in the hour/ in which your noblest soul emerged from her sacred womb/I ask that you will graciously watch over my poor spirit when it emerges from its womb / and that you lead it to eternal life. Amen. At the archiepiscopal court of Salzburg, Biber had the important duty of representing in music the sovereign station and the Pietas Salisburgensis of the Prince Archbishop, through which the dedication of his lands to God and to Mary would result in favorable economic and military fortunes. While both the Protestants and the Catholics appreciated the Blessed Virgin Mary as an integral figure in the story of the incarnation of Christ, the Protestants disagreed with the sanctoral doctrine of Mary as a direct intercessor with God and with the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception.434 Therefore, Marian devotion became a crucial symbol of Counter-Reformation Catholicism, and the Rosary likewise became closely associated with Catholic reform.435 433 Zehentner, Manuale pietas, 93–94. 434 The doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, the belief that the Virgin Mary herself was born and lived without sin, was hotly disputed in various Catholic school of theology, and ultimately the Council of Trent decided not to make an official ruling on the doctrine. See Hubert Jedin, A History of the Council of Trent, Vol. II, The First Sessions at Trent 1545–1547, trans. Dom Ernest Graf O.S.B. (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd, 1957), 151–159. However, the doctrine proclaimed in an ecclesiastical edict in 1622 that was personally supported by Emperor Ferdinand II in Vienna and later confirmed by Pope Alexander VII in 1661. This church ruling led the Church fathers in the seventeenth century to see Mary as an “eschatological image of the immaculate church, the perfected church, full of grace, wisdom, and knowledge.” See Coreth, Pietas, 46-47. 435 Edgar, “The Encoding of Faith,” 33. 216 There is a compelling possibility that these pieces were used for performance during meditation on particular events of the Mystery cycle, perhaps as devotees contemplated the paintings of the Aula Accademica in Salzburg. Biber’s sonatas likely worked in tandem with devotional practices founded by Ignatius of Loyola involving visualization and contemplation of the narrative of the Catholic faith through the Mysteries of the Rosary. While we do not have evidence of other instrumental pieces that are as directly related to a devotional purposes as Biber’s Sonatas, two extant Rosary Psalters, printed in nearby Innsbruck in 1638 and 1640, show a clear precedent for including music as an accompaniment to Rosary devotion.436 These prints contain vernacular Rosary hymns and songs alongside poems and devotions on each of the fifteen Mysteries of the Rosary.437 Biber may or may not have known of these Psalters, but we do know that just before taking up his post in Salzburg around 1670, he had traveled to Innsbruck to pick up some instruments he was having made by Jacob Stainer, the famed instrument maker located in the Tyrolean capital.438 Biber may or may not have been familiar with these musical devotional books, but they do reveal a precedent in the regional devotional literature for the integration of music in Rosary devotions. It should be of little surprise that Biber composed a collection of sonatas accompanied by a Rosary devotional program, despite their lack of text. As established in 436 Ibid., 15. 437 Originally cited in James Clements, “Ars rhetorica,” 127. Unser lieben frawen Rosenkrantz. Das ist: Ein newes schönes Geistliches andächtiges Lied Von dem dreyfachen Rosenkrantz der ubergebenedeyton Himmelkönigin und Muetter Gottes MARIAE (Innsbruck: Johann Gachen, 1638) contains a Rosary hymn alongside poems on each of the 15 mysteries [GB-LBl: 11522.de.37]. Vier schöne newe geistliche Lieder von unser lieben frawn der himmelkönigin Maria. (Innsbruck: Michael Wagner, 1640) contains four songs on Rosary subjects with both music and text (in German) [GB-LBl:11522.df.73]. 438 Chafe, Church Music, 9. 217 Chapter 4, the genre of the sonata is defined by its versatility and ability to present representational meaning in a variety of forms. The sonatas point to the devotional and narrative possibilities of this instrumental genre, which was a venue for experimentation with advanced compositional techniques that pushed the limits of the representational abilities of instrumental music. 218 EPILOGUE Conclusions The flexible nature of classification in the repertoire of Salzburg composers Biber, Hofer, and Muffat allowed musical genre to function as a representational device to foster meaning in social, religious, and political contexts of Salzburg in the late seventeenth century. While the inconsistent genre ascriptions are problematic for categorizing works according to modern taxonomies, they embody the flexible nature inherent in genre described by the modern literary theorists discussed in Chapter 1. In the sacred repertoire of Salzburg, the malleable approach to genre has manifest a more varied notion of liturgical genre allowing liturgical pieces to absorb texts from widely varying sources to craft cantata-like works with dramatic elements that may aid in the experience of sensory devotion. Melding genres further allowed composers to cite musical genres representative of sovereign power and wealth, such as the trumpet and timpani ensemble music that appears in the large-scale sacred works of Biber and Hofer. Similarly, the mixing of genres in instrumental music made it possible for composers to meaningfully cite sacred genres to craft dramatic representations in sonatas, a genre that was not only defined by virtuosity, but also as a vehicle for innovation and creativity in composition. Throughout this dissertation, the melding of sacred and secular genres in the repertoire of Salzburg’s composers has pointed to the Prince Archbishop’s post-Tridentine absolutism, a merging of the powers of church and state. This combination of sacred and secular power was also in play at nearby courts, especially that of the emperor in Vienna. While the emperor’s sovereign power would have been particularly evident, his sacred 219 power would have been more veiled, especially since the emperor himself did not hold a powerful station in the Catholic Church. The opposite would have held true in Salzburg where the leader held the title and authority of an archbishop. The secular, sovereign power of the Prince Archbishop, on the other hand, would have been less immediately apparent. Therefore, it should not be of much surprise that the musical sources from Salzburg focus on portraying the regal quality and power of the court through the implementation of large scale instrumentations and military topics. Peter Wilson has described how absolutism emerged through human interaction and describes three categories of communication (1) between territories and states in the international arena, (2) between the formal institutions of the state and the people who compose and control them, and (3) amongst the inhabitants that make up the society of the given territory or state.439 At a post-Tridentine absolutist court such as Salzburg, music facilitated these avenues of communication. For example, music held an audible role in ceremonial procedures, during important state visits, both ecclesiastical and secular. Extant sources refer to the important role music played in the extravagant celebrations that accompanied the Elector of Bavaria’s visit to Salzburg in 1670440 or Prince Archbishop of Salzburg Maximilian Gandolph’s return visit to Bavaria in 1671, where the festivities included an opera by Johann Caspar Kerll.441 Music was involved in establishing the powerful formal institution of the Catholic Church in Salzburg as well, the wealth and power of which was expressed musically 439 Peter H. Wilson, Absolutism in Central Europe (London and New York: Routledge, 2000), 35. 440 Franz Martin, Salzburgs Fürsten in der Barockzeit (Salzburg: Verlag “Das Bergland-Buch,” 1949), 132. 441 La Reception faite a l’Archevesque de Salzbourg, dans la Cour de l’Electeur de Baviere (Paris, 2 Oct, 1671), Salzburg Landesarchiv, Geheimes Archive, XXIV/ 2 ½ . 220 through the spectacle of performance of Masses and other liturgical pieces for large-scale forces, as discussed above in Chapter 3. Music further contributed to the human interaction between the inhabitants of Salzburg, an example of which can be seen in the depictions of small groups of instrumentalists in the Jubilee year processions of 1682. In the seventeenth century, music served alongside written culture as a crucial element of the infrastructure of society necessary to put executive authority into place, one of the three elements of political power along with the power to command authority, and the legitimacy that justifies the social distribution of power.442 At an ecclesiastical court such as Salzburg, the Prince Archbishop was at once a religious and political authority. There was no separation of the Church and sovereign state. In this atmosphere, religious festal celebrations became symbols of both the sovereign and ecclesiastical power of the ruler. The sheer quantity and diversity of music composed for festal celebrations in Salzburg in the seventeenth century demonstrate the role of musical culture in representing power in such a place. The great amount of music composed by Salzburg’s court composers for Catholic feasts demonstrates the close relationship between the court and Church, and the publication of collections of instrumental pieces, “serving as much to the altars as to the palaces,” as discussed in Chapter 4, shows the value placed on music that could move quite easily between sacred and secular realms. Through and through, the repertoire of Salzburg reveals the communicative and representational properties of music, which served as a powerful social and political tool to establish the dual power of the archiepiscopal Pietas Salisburgensis. 442 Wilson, Absolutism, 36. 221 BIBLIOGRAPHY Early Printed Sources La Reception faite a l’Archevesque de Salzbourg, dans la Cour de l’Electeur de Baviere (Paris, 2 Oct, 1671). 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New York and London: Johnson Reprint, 1981. 243 APPENDIX A: WORKS OF ANDREAS HOFER Title Library Shelfmark Medium Genre Ascription443 3 Responsories/ 3 Offertories CZ-KRa A 950 Manuscript Offertory/Responsory Audite insulae CZ-KRa A 275 Manuscript Sacred Song Dextera Domini magnificata est a 17 CZ-KRa A 218 Manuscript Offertory Dixit Dominus CZ-KRa A 426 Manuscript Psalm Dominica prima Passionis CH-E 498,7 (Ms.3981) Manuscript Sacred Song Dominica quarta in Quadragesima CH-E 497,2/(Ms.3970) Manuscript Offertory Esto mihi in Deum protectorem D-Mbs Mus.ms. 4359 Manuscript Sacred Song Estote fortes in bello CZ-KRa A 361 Manuscript Offertory Fundata es domus domini CZ-KRa A 220 Manuscript Sacred Song Gaudeamus Exultemus a 15 CZ-KRa A 304 Manuscript Sacred Song Gloria et honore D-B Mus.ms. 10698/8 Manuscript Offertory Gloria et honore D-MT Mus.ms. 609 Manuscript Offertory Illumina faciem tuam A-Sfr no shelf mark Print Antiphon Illumina faciem tuam CH-SGd ArchDom 1/309 Print Antiphon In monte Oliveti, oravit ad patrem D-Mbs Mus. Ms. 4241 Manuscript Sacred Song Introibo ad altare Dei ad Deum A-Sfr no shelf mark Print Antiphon Introibo ad altare Dei ad Deum CH-SGd ArchDom 1/309 Print Antiphon Laetatus Sum CZ-KRa A 427 Manuscript Psalm Lauda Jerusalem Dominum a 3 CZ-KRa A 415 Manuscript Psalm Laudate Pueri a 4 CZ-KRa A 429 Manuscript Psalm Litaniae Lauretanae CZ-KRa A 675 Manuscript Litany Litanie de Venerabili Sacramento CZ-KRa A 681 Manuscript Litany 443 These genre ascriptions are those given in the sources themselves. If there is no genre ascription in the source, but the piece is a setting of a Latin, sacred source, I’ve identified the work as a “Sacred Song.” 244 Title Library Shelfmark Medium Genre Ascription443 Litanies for the BVM CZ-KRa A 674 Manuscript Litany Magnificat a 17 CZ-KRa A 430 Manuscript Magnificat Magnificat a 9 CZ-KRa A 431 Manuscript Magnificat Masses, Missa Quid vobis videtur (parts and score) CZ-KRa A 96 Manuscript Mass Missa Archi Episcopalis a 19 A-KR A-KR/C7/653 Manuscript Mass Nisi Dominus a 7 CZ-KRa A 428 Manuscript Psalm O quam metuendus est (no. 1) CZ-KRa A 248 Manuscript Sacred Song O quam metuendus est locus iste A-Sd A 1217 Manuscript Offertory Proprium missae: Tollite Principes/ Hodie scietis/Revelabitur gloria domini/Hodie scietis A-Sd A 1018 Manuscript Mass Proper Psalmi con una voce (Complete) Proske-Bibliothek AR 529 Print Psalms Psalmi: Confitebor D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Beatus Vir D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Laudate pueri D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Laudate Dominum D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Laetatus sum D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Nisi dominus D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Lauda Jerusalem D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Quam vana est spec D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Hymnun cantate D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Ubi duo aut tres D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Ascendens Christus D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Gaudia fideles D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi: Ego flos dampi D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms 245 Title Library Shelfmark Medium Genre Ascription443 Psalmi: Exurge domine D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Psalmi Cum Iucunditate D-Mbs Mus. Pr. 209/6 Print Psalms Quo progrederis sine filio pater A-Sd A-Sd/ A 1239 Manuscript Offertory Requiem a 12 (Antonio Bertali) CZ-KRa A 739 Manuscript Requiem Requiem a 7 CZ-KRa A 734 Manuscript Requiem Requiem a 7 (quarto score!) Also include Missa Inte Confidi by G.Felice Sances CZ-KRa A 732 Manuscript Requiem Stabunt Justi CZ-KRa A 286 Manuscript Offertory Te Deum confitemur CZ-KRa A 718 Manuscript Hymn Te Deum confitemur (Laudamus?) CZ-KRa A 720 Manuscript Hymn Te Deum Laudamus CZ-KRa A 715 Manuscript Hymn Te Deum Laudamus CZ-KRa A 719 Manuscript Hymn Tenebrae factae sunt D-Bsb Mus. Ms. 10698/10 Manuscript Responsory Tenebrae Factae Sunt D-Mm Mm 685 Manuscript Sacred Song Tollite principes portas vestras D-Mbs Mus. Hs. 45 Manuscript Offertory Unux ex discipulis D-MS Univ. Mus. 2/139(2)9 Manuscript Responsory Veni de Libano A-Sd A 1501 Manuscript Offertory Venite gentes accurite populi CZ-KRa A 324 Manuscript Sacred Song Ver Sacrum seu flores ( Complete) D-OB 1294 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Ad cereni caeli A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Ad cunas Jesuli A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Ad festum virginis properate A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Adeste fideles A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Audite insulae A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Caeli cives Jubilate A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory 246 Title Library Shelfmark Medium Genre Ascription443 Ver Sacrum: Consurgites fortes A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Dum medium silentium A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Ecce Cruce Domini A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Egredimini filiae Sion A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Estote fortes in bello A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Gaudent Caeli A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: O suavis aura Caeli A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Panis candidissime A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Quam splendita A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Resurgenti Deo A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Vidis con junctos viros A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Ver Sacrum: Vox in Rama A-Sd A 1148 Print Offertory Vespers/ Psalmi Breves CZ-KRa A 419 Manuscript Vespers Vidi conjunctos vivos CZ-KRa A 322 Manuscript Offertory Virgo prudentissima CZ-KRa A 219 Manuscript Latin Sacred Song 247 APPENDIX B: WORKS OF HEINRICH BIBER Title Library Shelfmark (If known) Medium (Collection) 4 Sacred Songs D-Bsa SA 296 Manuscript Alesando in Pietra A-Sfr 86/10.6 Manuscript Applausi festivi di Giove SI-Lf Manuscript Arien a 4 CZ-KRa A 878 Manuscript Arien a 4 CZ-KRa A 880 Manuscript Balettae ad duos choros: ab 8 CZ-KRa A 804 Manuscript Ballettae a 4 CZ-KRa A 887 Manuscript Ballettae a 4 CZ-KRa A 765 Manuscript Balletti a 6 CZ-KRa A 932) Manuscript Balletti Lamentabili a 4 CZ-KRa A 766 Manuscript Battalia CZ-KRa A 840 Manuscript Chaconne CZ-KRa A 946 Manuscript Dramma Musicale: Chi la dura la vince A-Sca Hs. 560 Print Fantasia A-Wm MS 726/No. 3 Manuscript Fidicinium Sacro-Profanum CH-Zz AGM XIII 122 & a-e Print Fidicinium Sacro-Profanum GB-DRc No. 415 Print Fidicinium Sacro-Profanum PL-Wu Print Harmonia Artificiosa D-Gs Print Harmonia Artificiosa D-PO Manuscript Number? Print Harmonia Artificiosa PL-Wu Print Harmonia Artificiosa - Partia VII D-Bsb Mus. MS 1775 Manuscript Hic est panis D-Bsa D-Bsa/ SA 296 (3) Manuscript In Festo Trium Regium, Muttetum Natale a 6 CZ-Bm Manuscript Laetatus Sum a 7 CZ-KRa A 4705 Manuscript 248 Title Library Shelfmark (If known) Medium Li trofei della fede cattolica SI-Lf Manuscript Litania de S. Josepho a 20 A-Sd A 435 Manuscript Lute Version of Passacaglia from Sonata VI of Sonatae Violino Solo A-KR Manuscript Lux Perpetua CZ-KRa A 340 Autograph Magne es Domina (?) A-Sd A 1424 Manuscript Maria Jungfrau wer das Glück dich hat anzuschaun D-Bsa SA 296 (2) Manuscript Masses in D Minor (Missa Quadragesimalis) CZ-Pak CZ-Pak/ 34 Manuscript Masses in D Minor (Missa Quadragesimalis) D-Mb Mus. Hs. 3 Manuscript Mensa Sonora D-Bsa A 4212b Print Mensa Sonora D-Mbs 2o Mus. Pr. 113 Print Mensa Sonora D-PA Print Mensa Sonora US-Wc Print Missa Alleluia A-KR C 8/661 Manuscript Missa Alleluia A-Sd A-Sd, A 1268 Manuscript Missa Bruxellensis B-Br F. 1821 Manuscript Missa Catholica CZ-KRa A 31 Autograph Missa Christi Resurgentis CZ-KRa A 84 Manuscript Missa ex B A-SEI Manuscript Missa quadragesimalis in d moll D-Mbs Mus.ms. 4281 Manuscript Missa Quadragesimalis/Missa Contrapuncto A-SEI Manuscript Missa Quadragesimalis/Missa Contrapuncto CZ-KRa A 202 Autograph Missa Quadragesimalis/Missa Contrapuncto CZ-Pnam XXXV D 115 Manuscript Missa S. Henrici A-KR C 12/685 Manuscript Missa Salisburgensis A-Sca Manuscript Missa Sancti Alexij In Contrapuncto Florido a 4tuor D-OB D-brd. OB. / MO 130a Manuscript Mystery Sonatas D-Mbs Mus. MS 4123 Autograph 249 Title Library Shelfmark (If known) Medium Mystery Sonatas - Sonata X A-Wm MS 726 Autograph Nisi Dominus aedificaverit Domum D-Dl Mus. 1851-E-500 manuscript Offertorium in Festo 7 dolorum: Quo abiit dilectus tuus A-GÖ Print Offertorium in Festo 7 dolorum: Quo abiit dilectus tuus A-Sd A178 Manuscript Offertorium: Congregamini Omnes Populi a 15 (1663?) CZ-KRa A 272 Manuscript Offertorium: Huc Poenitentes A-Sd A180 Manuscript Offertorium: Ne Cedite A-Sd A179 Manuscript Partita A-ÖNB T444-b. Mus Manuscript Passacaglia A-KR L 83 (1) Manuscript Pastorella A-Wm MS 726 Autograph Plaudite Tympana A-Sca Manuscript Quasi cedrus exaltata sum D-Bsa D-Bsa/ SA 296 (1) Manuscript Requiem a 15 A-Sd A181 Manuscript Requiem ex F con terz min[ore] (LOST) A-Sd A182 Manuscript Rosary Sonata X A-ÖNB T444-b. Mus Manuscript Rosary Sonatas-Preludium D-Mbs D-Mbs/ Mus.ms. 4123 Manuscript Salve Regina a 2 CZ-KRa A 693 Manuscript Seranada a 5 [der Nachtwaechter] CZ-KRa A 877a Manuscript Sonata A-Wm MS 726; Sonata No. 75 Manuscript Sonata A-Wm MS 726; Sonata No. 84 Manuscript Sonata (solo) Representativa CZ-KRa A 609a Manuscript Sonata a 3 CZ-KRa A 636 Manuscript Sonata a 6 CZ-KRa A 555 Manuscript Sonata a 6, die pauern-Kirchfarth genandt CZ-KRa A 872 Manuscript Sonata a 7 (for 6 trumpets) CZ-KRa A 107 Manuscript Sonata di Marche (same at Battalia) CZ-KRa A 609 Manuscript Sonata in A-dur (from Sonata tam aris, #4) CZ-KRa A 538 Manuscript 250 Title Library Shelfmark (If known) Medium Sonata in G-moll (from Sonata tam aris, #2) CZ-KRa A 539 Manuscript Sonata pro Tabula a 10 CZ-KRa A 904a Manuscript Sonata Sancti Polycarpi CZ-KRa A 611 Manuscript Sonata Violino Solo CZ-KRa A 479 Manuscript Sonata XII from Fidicinium A-ÖNB T443-b.Mus Manuscript Sonatae a due CZ-KRa A 521 Manuscript Sonatae Violino Solo A-KR Not Listed in RISM Print Sonatae Violino Solo D-Dl Mus. 1851/ R/1 Print Sonatae Violino Solo D-Lem Print Sonatae Violino Solo D-Mbs 2 Mus.pr.117 Print Sonatae Violino Solo D-PA Print Sonatae Violino Solo D-WD Print Sonatae, tam Aris, quam Aulis servientes CZ-KRa A 4212a Manuscript Sonatae, tam Aris, quam Aulis servientes D-Bsb Print Sonatae, tam Aris, quam Aulis servientes- Sonatas II, III, IV CZ-KRa A 539 Manuscript Sonatae, tam Aris, quam Aulis servientes-Sonatas VI, VIII, IX, XI CZ-KRa A 538 Manuscript Stabat Mater A-Sd Wb. 21 (A-Sd; A 1114) Manuscript Stabat Mater A-Ssp 1229.55 Manuscript Stabat Mater CH-E Manuscript Suites Nr. 1, 8, 10 from Fidicinium A-ÖNB S5271-c. Mus Manuscript Suites: Aria, Variazzo, Gavotte, Gigue A-Sd A 826 Manuscript Suites: Intrada A-Sd A 827 Manuscript Suites: Intrada, Ballo, Trezza, Aria A-Sd A 941 Manuscript Suscitavit dominus (attr. Carissimi) D-Bsa D-Bsa/ SA 296 (4) Manuscript Trattenimento musicale del'ossequio di Salisburgo A-Sfr 39/509.20 Print Trattenimento musicale del'ossequio di Salisburgo A-Sca Print Trombet- und musikalischer Taffeldienst CZ-KRa A 879 Manuscript 251 Title Library Shelfmark (If known) Medium Vesperae a 32 CZ-KRa A 438 Manuscript Vesperae a 32 CZ-KRa A 439 Manuscript Vesperae Longiores ac Breviores A-GÖ Print Vesperae Longiores ac Breviores Unacum Litaniis Laurentanis A-Gmi MS II Print Vesperae Longiores ac Breviores Unacum Litaniis Laurentanis A-Sd A 173 Print Vesperae Longiores ac Breviores Unacum Litaniis Laurentanis CZ-KRa A 4212c, A 4212d Print Vesperae Longiores ac Breviores Unacum Litaniis Laurentanis D-Mps 2o Mus. Pr. 169 Print Vesperae Longiores ac Breviores Unacum Litaniis Laurentanis D-OB 1269 Print Vesperae Longiores ac Breviores Unacum Litaniis Laurentanis PL-Kj Mus.ant.pract. B 600 Print
UBC Theses and Dissertations
Music as a delight of god and men : absolutism, genre, and instrumental music in seventeenth-century… Beck, Kimberly Jean 2015
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