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Environmental change and economic transformation in northwest BC : settler and First Nations perspectives… Tesluk, Jordan Dennis 2014

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 Environmental Change and Economic Transformation in Northwest BC: Settler and First Nations Perspectives on Environmental Protection in the Post-Forestry Era   by  Jordan Dennis Tesluk   M.A., Simon Fraser University, 2006 B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2003   A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of  Doctor of Philosophy  in  The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies  (Sociology)     The University of British Columbia  (Vancouver)  September, 2014   © Jordan Dennis Tesluk, 2014 iiAbstract This dissertation examines the way that resource-dependent communities in northwest British Columbia respond to environmental problems in the wake of industrial decline. Northwest communities face many challenges in revitalizing their economies, including significant declines in the health of their local resource base and the uncertain impacts of global climate change. Throughout most of the 20th century, the forestry-based economy dominated British Columbia, and relegated Aboriginal rights and the environmental movement to the margins of resource decision-making processes. The decline of forestry, and the weakening of historical structures have created openings for new social movements to influence resource development activities and community planning. Efforts to create a new industrial base thus unfold within a very different social and political environment than in the past era.  The analytical body of this dissertation utilizes data from a study of community leaders and resource managers in three northwest towns. It is argued that environmental change represents an alpha-level risk that threatens the ability of these communities to subsist. However, responses to environmental problems are mitigated by the emergence of environmentalism and Aboriginal rights as important forces in the northwest, and by the continuing influence of relationships between northwest communities and external agencies that seek to exert control over the resource base. Settler communities seek to achieve balance between industrial and environmentalist imperatives, and see localized natural resource issues as continuations of the struggle between heartland and hinterland interests. However, climate change provokes stronger calls for environmental protection, and sensitizes these communities to their reliance upon wider society. In contrast, First Nations view themselves as independent from both industrial and environmentalist forces, and see environmental problems as issues to be managed through the assertion of their cultural and territorial rights. Findings reveal that opportunities for new social movements to influence resource development are shaped by the way that communities adapt to the contours of the post-staples economy. Moreover, theories of modernization and risk that find resonance in metropolitan settings may not apply in the peripheries of staples-producing regions.  iiiPreface This dissertation is an original intellectual product of the author, Jordan Dennis Tesluk. The fieldwork reported in Chapters 5-7 and in the conclusion was covered by UBC Ethics Certificate number H10-01660. The project was titled “Climate Change Adaptation Planning for Northwest Skeena Communities” (CCAPNSC).  The survey design used in this research was developed in cooperation with Dr. Ralph Matthews, Dr. Robin Sydneysmith, G. Piggot, and D. Brinkman, with assistance from other collaborators in the CCAPNSC project. Collection of survey data was performed by myself, G. Piggot, K. McPherson, A. Kanio, and R. Matthews. The initial entry and analysis of the survey data was performed by G. Piggot and myself. Depictions of frequency data (including Figures 9, 19, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 17) were developed by myself, G. Piggot, and R. Matthews for use in reports for the CCNAPNSC project. Variants of these figures are utilized in final report, “Climate Change Adaptation Planning for Northwest Skeena Communities” (Brinkman et al., 2012).   ivTable of Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................... ii Preface ................................................................................................................................ iii Table of Contents ............................................................................................................... iv List of Tables .................................................................................................................... vii List of Figures .................................................................................................................... ix List of Abbreviations ...........................................................................................................x Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... xii Dedication ........................................................................................................................ xiii Introduction ..........................................................................................................................1 Settler and Aboriginal Communities: Forestry and Environmentalism .........................3 New Industrial Developments and Community Responses ...........................................9 Chapter One: Analytical Framework for Examining Contemporary Northwest BC .........14 Research Questions ......................................................................................................15 Question One ......................................................................................................17 Question Two ......................................................................................................19 Question Three ....................................................................................................20 Question Four......................................................................................................24 Question Five ......................................................................................................27 Chapter Two: Methodology ...............................................................................................32 Study Area ...................................................................................................................32 Data Source ..................................................................................................................33 Study Communities and Sampling Method .................................................................35 Survey Instrument ........................................................................................................41 Interviews ............................................................................................................46 Interactive Methodology and Refinements ..................................................................47 Data Analysis and Coding ...........................................................................................49 Qualitative Analysis .....................................................................................................54 Additional Data ............................................................................................................59 Chapter Three: Rural Development in British Columbia ..................................................60 Part One: Historical Perspectives on Resource Dependent Communities in BC ........61 The Rise of Industrial Forestry ...........................................................................65 Tenures and Control of the Forests .....................................................................70  vForestry and Social Organization in Northwest BC ...........................................78 Part Two: First Nations and the Forestry Era ..............................................................87 First Nations and the Industrial Colonization of BC ..........................................89 First Nations in the Forestry Economy ...............................................................93 Aboriginal Rights and Northwest Development: The Early Stages ...................97 Part Three: Environmentalism in BC .........................................................................102 Early Environmentalism and Northwest Communities ....................................103 The Environmentalism-Forestry Conflict .........................................................109 Environmentalism and First Nations ................................................................117 Chapter One: Conclusion ..................................................................................122 Chapter Four: Times of Change .......................................................................................123 The Decline of Northwest Forestry ............................................................................124 Out of the Woods and Into the Boardrooms: Shifts in Environmentalism ................133 The Rise of Aboriginal Rights ...................................................................................138 An Altogether Different Landscape ...........................................................................145 Chapter Five: The Northwest Region Today ...................................................................147 Introducing the Study Communities ..........................................................................151 Terrace ..............................................................................................................151 Prince Rupert ....................................................................................................152 Lax Kw’alaams ................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined. Staples and Beyond ....................................................................................................155 Forestry .............................................................................................................161 Fishing...............................................................................................................167 Tourism .............................................................................................................171 Mining and Energy ...........................................................................................175 Community Resources and the New Economy ................................................180 Chapter Six: Pursuing Renewal in Three Communities ..................................................192 Terrace .......................................................................................................................192 Re-Imagining Forestry and Forest Uses in Terrace Today ...............................201 The Terrace Environmental Movement ............................................................206 Competing Visions of Development and Environmental Protection ................212 Prince Rupert .............................................................................................................221 Optimism, Exports, and Environmentalism ......................................................227  viProtection and Control and Prince Rupert Fisheries .........................................238 Environmental Protection and Industry at the “End of the Line” .....................243 Lax Kw’alaams ............................................................ Error! Bookmark not defined. The Ascendance of Lax Kw’alaams .................................................................247 Changing Directions and Roles in Resource Development ..............................254 First Nation Building and the New Economy ...................................................258 Environmental Protection and the Aboriginal Path ..........................................265 Chapter Seven: Environmental Change in the Northwest ...............................................274 Valued Resources and Environmental Change ..........................................................275 Correlation Findings ..................................................................................................285 Responding to Natural Resource Problem: Questions of Balance.............................287 Confronting Widespread Change and Impacts of the Unknown ...............................305 Settler Responses .......................................................................................................310 Lax Kw’alaams and Climate Change ........................................................................316 The Uncertainties of Rights and Title ........................................................................322 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................328 Environmental Governance in the New Northwest Economy ...................................328 The Context of Change: First Nation and Settler Perspectives ..................................336 Bibliography ....................................................................................................................340 Cases Cited.......................................................................................................................368 Appendix 1: CCAPNSC Study Area ...............................................................................369 Appendix 2: Respondent Characteristics .........................................................................370 Appendix 3: Interview Questions ....................................................................................371 Appendix 4: Northwest Industrial Projects ......................................................................376 Appendix 5: Correlation Tables .......................................................................................377 Appendix 6: Condition of Environmental Resources ......................................................378 Appendix 7: Importance of Climate Change ...................................................................380 Appendix 8: Scatterplots for Correlation Data ................................................................382   viiList of Tables  Table 1: Sustainability Matrix Items................................................................................ 43 Table 2: Drivers of Change .............................................................................................. 44 Table 3: Government Decisions Requiring Consultation with First Nations ................ 143 Table 4: Terrace Community Profile ............................................................................. 151 Table 5: Prince Rupert Community Profile ................................................................... 153 Table 6: Northwest Employment (NAICS) ................................................................... 158 Table 7: Northwest Employment (NOCS) ..................................................................... 159 Table 8: Wild Salmon Fisheries ..................................................................................... 167 Table 9: Regional Rankings for Community Resources ................................................ 181 Table 10: Rankings of Community Resources for Study Communities ........................ 183 Table 11: Largest Employers in Terrace ........................................................................ 193 Table 12: Terrace Employment Profile (NOCS) ........................................................... 195 Table 13: Terrace Employment Profile (NAICS) .......................................................... 197 Table 14: Terrace ENGOs ............................................................................................. 206 Table 15: Community Resources in Terrace 1991-2011 ............................................... 215 Table 16: Largest Employers in Prince Rupert .............................................................. 223 Table 17: Prince Rupert Employment Profile (NOCS) ................................................. 224 Table 18: Prince Rupert Employment Profile (NAICS) ................................................ 225 Table 19: Fairview Terminal Volume ............................................................................ 226 Table 20: Community Resources in Prince Rupert 1991-2011 ..................................... 229 Table 21: Prince Rupert ENGOs .................................................................................... 231 Table 22: Lax Kw’alaams Employment Profile (NOCS) .............................................. 248 Table 23: Lax Kw’alaams Community Resources 1991-2011 ...................................... 250 Table 24: Regional Rankings for Environmental Resources ......................................... 275 Table 25: Rankings of Environmental Resources for Study Communities ................... 276 Table 26: Reliability Analysis for Condition of Environmental Resources .................. 277 Table 27: Changes in Environmental Resources: Regional View ................................. 278 Table 28: Changes in Environmental Resources: Study Communities ......................... 280 Table 29: Rankings of Drivers of Change: Regional View ........................................... 281 Table 30: Rankings of Drivers of Change for Study Communities ............................... 282  viiiTable 31: Correlations for Environmental Protection and Environmental Issues ......... 286 Table 32: Changes in Environmental Protection ........................................................... 292 Table 33: Respondent Characteristics ............................................................................ 370 Table 34: List of Northwest Industrial Projects ............................................................. 376 Table 35: Correlation Tables ......................................................................................... 377   ixList of Figures  Figure 1: Northwest Region ............................................................................................... 2 Figure 2: Study Area ........................................................................................................ 33 Figure 3: Matrix Format for Resources ........................................................................... 43 Figure 4: Matrix Format for Drivers of Change .............................................................. 45 Figure 5: The Northwest Region.................................................................................... 147 Figure 6: First Nations of the Northwest ....................................................................... 148 Figure 7: Traditional Territories of the Lax Kw’alaams First Nation ........................... 155 Figure 8: Northwest Industrial Projects ......................................................................... 175 Figure 9: Environmental Protection Rankings in Terrace ............................................. 184 Figure 10: Environmental Protection Rankings in Prince Rupert ................................. 185 Figure 11: Environmental Protection Rankings in Lax Kw’alaams .............................. 185 Figure 12: Community Resources in Terrace ................................................................ 213 Figure 13: Community Resources in Prince Rupert ...................................................... 229 Figure 14: Community Resources in Lax Kw’alaams ................................................... 250 Figure 15: Past and Current State of Forest Industry ..................................................... 255 Figure 16: Condition of Environmental Resources: Regional Assessment ................... 278 Figure 17: Changes in Environmental Resources: Regional View ................................ 279 Figure 18: CCAPNSC Study Area ................................................................................. 369 Figure 19: Distribution of Values for Terrace: Environmental Resources .................... 378 Figure 20: Distribution of Values for Prince Rupert: Environmental Resources .......... 378 Figure 21: Distribution of Values for Lax Kw’alaams: Environmental Resources ....... 379 Figure 22: Distribution of Values for Terrace: Climate Change ................................... 380 Figure 23: Distribution of Values for Prince Rupert: Climate Change ......................... 380 Figure 24: Distribution of Values for Lax Kw’alaams: Climate Change ...................... 381 Figure 25: Terrace: Environmental Protection and Environmental Resources ............. 382 Figure 26: Prince Rupert: Environmental Protection and Environmental Resources .... 382 Figure 27: Terrace: Environmental Protection and Climate Change ............................. 383 Figure 28: Prince Rupert: Environmental Protection and Climate Change ................... 383   xList of Abbreviations  AAC  Annual Allowable Cut AANDC Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada BCABIC British Columbia Aboriginal Business & Investment Council  AFA  Ancient Forest Alliance  BC  British Columbia BCANSI British Columbia Association of Non-Status Indians CCAPNSC  Climate Change Adaptation Planning for Northwest Skeena Communities CEAA  Canadian Environmental Assessment Act CTR  Coast Tsimshian Resources DFO  Department of Fisheries and Oceans ENGO  Environmental Non-Governmental Organizations FFESC Future Forest Ecosystem Science Council FLNRO Ministry of Forest Lands and Natural Resource Operations FOWS  Friends of Wild Salmon FRP  Forest Revitalization Plan GDP  Gross Domestic Product IWA  International Woodworkers Association JRP  Joint Review Panel NAICS North American Industry Classification System  NDP  New Democratic Party NTFP  Non-Timber Forest Products NGO  Non-Governmental Organization NOCS  National Occupational Classification System NTL  Northwest Transmission Line PNCIMA Pacific North Coast Integrated Management Area PRES  Prince Rupert Environmental Society PRPA  Prince Rupert Port Authority SNCIRE Skeena Nass Centre of Innovation in Resource Economics  SWTC  Skeena Wild Conservation Trust  xiTEDA  Terrace Economic Development Association KTIDS Kitimat Terrace Industrial Development Society TEK  Traditional Ecological Knowledge TFL  Tree Farm License TSA  Timber Supply Area TSL  Timber Sale License UBC  University of British Columbia UBCIC Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs UNBC  University of Northern British Columbia WCEL  West Coast Environmental Law WWF  World Wildlife Fund   xiiAcknowledgements  I am deeply thankful for the seemingly inexhaustible enthusiasm and patience of my supervisor Dr. Ralph Matthews, who provided invaluable support and assistance to me during the course of my thesis work.  Without his guidance and critique, this thesis would not have been completed, and without his kindness and wisdom I would not have been able to find a way forward. I would also like to thank Dr. Terre Satterfield and Dr. Sylvia Fuller for providing me with their insights and analysis, and for their dedication to detail as I shaped and reshaped this study.   The data for this study was drawn from a multi-disciplinary project that involved many people and many different agencies. I thank the Future Forest Ecosystem Science Council for providing the funding for the Climate Change Adaptation for Northwest Skeena Communities project that provided data for this study. Fellow graduate student Georgia Piggot and Dr. Robin Sydneysmith were essential collaborators with me in the execution of the research conducted by the UBC social science team.  Dirk Brinkman played a key role in driving the research project forward, and in bringing diverse actors together on a unique project. Additional support was provided in the field by Katie McPherson from Brinkman Reforestation Ltd. I thank the Social Science and Humanities Research Council for their financial support during my initial Doctoral studies leading up to this study. I am also appreciative to the many fine instructors in the Department of Sociology at the University of British Columbia, including Dr. Gerry Veenstra, Dr. Thomas Kemple, and Dr. Becky Ross. Each provided me with knowledge and skills that have supported me in my work.  This study would not be possible without the cooperation of the people of the Lax Kw’alaams First Nation, the City of Terrace, and the City of Prince Rupert. I thank both the local leaders in these communities for supporting the research behind this study, and the 150 individuals who generously provided their time and insights to help myself and others learn more about their unique and special place in this world.  I thank my partner Jessica for her patience and support during both the long weeks I spent away to conduct research, and for the many months in which I was absent within our house as I wrote into the late hours of the night. I thank my parents, Colleen and Dennis, for everything.   xiiiDedication   This thesis is dedicated to several people that have passed by. These include Dr. Patricia Marchak whose work directly inspired my own, and my grandparents Kenneth and Emma who I miss greatly.  Second, I dedicate this work to the people that live in British Columbia today, particularly those in the northwest who are working to create a new future for themselves in an age of change and challenge.  Finally, I dedicate this work to the future of my child, soon to arrive. I hope you will have the privilege of experiencing this land and its people in the same way that I have.  1Introduction  This thesis examines the role of environmentalism and Aboriginal rights within northwest British Columbia communities as they seek to recover from the decline of the forest industry and adapt to changing environmental and economic conditions. The decline of forestry has corresponded with an exodus of population and capital from the region, resulting in significant social disruption and economic difficulties for forestry-dependent communities. In the wake of shifting resource markets and changes in the role of the state in protecting and supporting rural areas, northwest B.C. communities face the challenge of finding new ways to revitalize local economies.  However, other changes are also occurring that affect the direction of development in the region.  Communities that formerly were the core of the northwest forest economy, are now caught up in a renewal process that involves three dominant dynamics: (1) the growing influence of environmentalism and pro-environmental organizations (ENGOs); (2) the growing importance of Aboriginal rights and increased engagement of aboriginal communities in regional development; and,  (3) the development of new industrial actors centred around mining, oil and gas developments – including pipelines and liquefied natural gas facilities, as well as transport and port infrastructure. There are varying levels of competition and alliance among these three interests to assert control over economic (and ultimately social) activities in the region.  There are also changes occurring in the environment on both a local and global level, which pose threats to the well-being of northwest communities, and which create challenges for resource development activities. The spread of new blights into northwest forests and unprecedented closures in local fisheries indicate the emergence of new threats to the two most important historical drivers of the regional economy. Human intervention is directly implicated in many of the problems affecting the northwest resource base. This includes the failure of past resource management regimes to adequately protect the resource base from over-exploitation. The acknowledgment of human-induced climate change in the global scientific community indicates that problems in fisheries and forests can no longer be dismissed as parts of natural cycles. These problems are compounded by a new set of pressures that accompany the growth of energy and mineral industries in the region. Northwest communities are thus caught  2up with competing interests in a battle to negotiate a balance between the need to protect the environment they rely upon while enabling the resource development activities that allow them to subsist. This study is about the transformation of society, political economy, and culture in northwest British Columbia. It focuses on the role that environmental protection and Aboriginal rights play in reshaping the way that northwest communities respond to environmental problems. At the centre of this analysis are three communities that represent, in particularly dramatic form, the changing social dynamics of northwest BC.  These communities include Terrace, Prince Rupert, and Lax Kw’alaams (see Figure 1). Figure 1: Northwest Region  (World Atlas, 2013). The key question at the heart of this study is that in light of the impending wave of industry, how do northwest BC communities (both settler and First Nations) engage with the emerging environmental movement and the intersecting influence of Aboriginal rights as they attempt to deal with environmental problems? Before providing an analysis of these social processes, it is helpful to first provide, in somewhat broader  3detail, more information about the transformations that I have just identified.  In doing so, I provide a preview of the analysis and discussion that constitutes the body of this work. Settler and Aboriginal Communities: Forestry and Environmentalism Since the arrival of Europeans on the west coast, the history of BC has largely unfolded as a story of society’s relationship with forestry. While fur trading, fishing, and mining have played important roles in the growth of the province, the forest industry has occupied the centre of analysis in studies of BC development, and has played a pivotal role in defining the relationship between the province and the global economy. Industrial forestry reshaped lands, gave rise to new communities, and provided the province with an identity as a global superpower in pulp and timber production. However, the rise of industrial forestry also privileged the interests of specific groups over others. Throughout most of the 20th century, the combined forces of industrial capital, the state, and unionized labour held sway over the forests of BC, while relegating other interests in society to the margins of resource development. Within the context of the era in which forestry defined the political and economic makeup of the province, environmentalism and Aboriginal rights were positioned as challenges to the status quo. The rise of environmentalism and Aboriginal rights thus emerged as challenges against the primary driver of economic development and social organization in resource-dependent communities of BC.  Over the past 20 years, the industry endured an unprecedented and prolonged recession. This negatively impacted the northwest, and contributed to an exodus of population and capital. However, the decline of the forestry-driven political economy also created space for new forms of social, economic, and political influence to gain a footing. First Nations, supported by court rulings recognizing the existence of Aboriginal title and their right to be consulted in activities that affect their people and their land, have emerged as important players in resource development. First Nations have strengthened their positions not only as stakeholders in northwest development, but also as partners and leaders in industrial activities. During the same time, environmentalists have moved beyond the bounds of provincial urban centres and  4established new organizations throughout the province and in the northwest. Tactics of blockading and protesting, although not completely abandoned, have been largely replaced by strategies that bring market pressures to bear on development activities, The BC environmental movement has increasingly developed cooperative relationships with industry and state bodies that contrast with the antagonistic relationships of the past that culminated in the “War in the Woods” of the 1990s. Changes in the strategy and positioning of the environmental movement also reflect a change in their relationship with the rural working class, and a shift in the forestry labour movement.  The relationship between environmentalism and forestry-dependent communities in British Columbia has historically been defined through conflicts between environmentalists and the combined forces of industry, labour, and the state. With changes in appurtenancy, the export of raw logs from BC has increased, thus enabling resource extraction to continue without the benefits of processing accruing to local communities. At the same time, there have been significant losses in the forestry workforce (particularly the unionized workers in manufacturing and processing), including a near disappearance of jobs in large mills in the northwest.1 As a result, there is no longer as strong a contingent of resident forestry workers to stand as proxies for forest industry interests in rural communities, and rural forestry workers no longer stand united with the state and industry as opposition to the environmentalist movement in province-wide debate over forest policy and practices. Increasingly, there is common ground to be found between environmentalists and forestry workers in resisting the management of BC forests. This was clearly demonstrated in October, 2008 when over 2,700 environmentalists and forestry workers rallied at the BC legislature to protest against raw log exports, and to jointly voice opposition against the environmental destruction and loss of working opportunities produced by the export of old-growth raw logs out of the country (Lavoie, 2008).  As these changes in the social and economic structure have unfolded over the past two decades, important shifts have also occurred in society’s understanding of the environment. Awareness of environmental change and humanity’s role in the                                                  1 An exception to this is the re-opening of the Skeena Sawmill near Terrace in 2012, with a limited workforce.  5degradation of the environment has been buoyed by new understandings of climate change, and resource-dependent communities have been confronted by the risks associated with humanity’s impact on their resource base on an unprecedented scale.  The forests of BC have played host to a prominent manifestation of these impacts in the form of the mountain pine beetle outbreak, which has swept across nearly 20 percent of the provincial land base. The mountain pine beetle outbreak has been linked to industrial forestry practices and changes in the climate that have rendered the forests more susceptible to the pest. The outbreak poses threats to the economic survival of communities dependent upon forestry, and to the safety of communities that now find themselves surrounded by millions of hectares of dead timber that require only a period of extended heat and a source of combustion to create wildfires that could reduce them to ashes.  While the northwest has sat on the fringe of the mountain pine beetle outbreak, it has encountered other new threats to forest health and faces a future in which the landscape is predicted to change dramatically. As the climate has changed and temperatures have risen in the northwest, dothistroma needle blight has emerged as a new threat to local forests (Woods et al., 2005).2 Such challenges can be expected to become more frequent, with world scientists reaching nearly unanimous agreement that global temperatures will continue to rise in the coming century.3 These environmental changes compound the economic disruptions that have afflicted the forest industry, and add to the uncertainties facing northwest communities.  Northwest fisheries have endured their own crises with the cyclical collapse of the salmon stocks.  The record low returns in the 2013 salmon runs resulted in the closure of fisheries that provide essential food and employment to many northwest families, and the unprecedented shutdown of First Nations fisheries on the Skeena                                                  2 Researchers in the northwest have predicted a variety of potential climate shifts, nearly all of which include increases in temperature (Melton et al., 2012, p.78). 3 Another implication of global climate change is the increasing occurrence of extreme weather events (McCarthy, 2001). Such changes could increase the frequency of climate-related problems for the northwest such as the 2010 windstorm that fell trees throughout the areas surrounding Terrace. This storm produced extensive damage to the forests and prompted requests for the nearby town of Rosswood to be declared a provincial disaster area (Ritchie, 2010).  6River.4 As northwest communities seek to build new futures in the wake of the forestry recession, they do so while confronting their own vulnerability to environmental change, and the consequences of failure to manage natural resources in a manner that provides stability for their economies. The paths of these communities are shaped by political-economic changes occurring on both a local and global basis. Two aspects of these changes provide the defining lens for this study. The first of these is BC’s movement from the primarily forest-centred staples economy into new patterns of economic activity. This study begins with an examination of the northwest as a staples-producing region during the earliest stages of BC’s entry into the Canadian Confederation, and the province’s subsequent growth and transition into new roles in the changing economy. This study provides an extension to this field by examining the challenges faced by resource-dependent regions as they enter an era in which the broader economy places more emphasis on services, technology, and other “post-staples” sectors, and less emphasis on the production of wood, minerals, and other staples goods. The work of Marchak (1983, 1995) and Hutton (1994, 2007) figure prominently in my analysis. However, I focus my work specifically on the way this transition affects relationships between the northwest region and the forces of environmentalism and Aboriginal rights, while including the uncertainties surrounding environmental changes as a key element of my analysis. The second key aspect of political-economic change that frames this study, is the transformation of the state and the rise of neoliberal models of governance. Drawing on the work of Matthews and Young (2005, 2007), I examine the way that changes in the state have affected resource-dependent communities and their relationships with the rest of society. As I explore the role of environmental protection and Aboriginal rights in northwest BC, I do so while following the development of these movements as responses to state and industrial actions. However, I also examine the way in which these movements have been transformed alongside the state, and how they exert their                                                  4 Salmon stocks have fluctuated dramatically in recent years, with different areas of the province experiencing different levels of returns, and in some cases record lows have been followed by record highs. Scientists continue to work to understand these fluctuations. The implications for the northwest fisheries are outlined in Chapter Five.  7influence as manifestations of globalization and the shifting relationship between society and the forces through which it governs itself. Within the context of transforming economies and the shifting role of the state in regulating resource-development activities, the environmental movement provides access to broader spheres of social, scientific, and economic influence that assist local communities in asserting their own local values in resource development activities. That is, the environmental movement provides support to those who wish to challenge historical patterns of subordination to industrial capital. However, at the same time that it provides support for some local interests, the pursuit of environmental protection poses challenges to other aspects of economic revitalization in the northwest.  While the environmental movement provides a means to address industry impacts on valued resources, in some ways it has characteristics similar to those same industries. Like them, the environmental movement introduces into the region a set of social processes and political influences that cannot fully be controlled through local means. In particular, it provides a foothold for wider anti-industrial discourse and activism, thereby posing challenges to resource development projects that hold promise for economic revival for the region. This complicates the agenda for the future that is being developed in local communities. They are unable to detach themselves from their dependency on resource development for economic growth, and they cannot fully control either the potential impacts of industry on the resources they rely upon for both social and economic activity, or the forces of environmental protection that function to mitigate these impacts. However, by engaging with a growing environmental movement on both a local and global basis, northwest communities may be able to influence the balance between their dependence on industry and their need to protect the resources upon which they rely. In my subsequent analysis, I examine the relationship between this effort to achieve balance and the movement within ‘settler’ (i.e. non-indigenous) society to alter unsustainable relationships with the environment. I draw on Ulrich Beck’s Risk Society thesis to explain how threats to natural resources (and to society) are linked to new forms of social and political activism, and efforts to develop more sustainable relationships with the environment. I contend that these efforts are inhibited by  8geopolitical and cultural cleavages between resource-dependent communities and the environmental movement, and between these communities and the institutions that define environmental protection, and which regulate resource development activities in BC.  The challenge of reconciling the balance between industry and environmental protection with historical frictions in settler society is further complicated by the intersection of environmentalism and Aboriginal rights. I contend that the rise of environmentalism in the northwest presents a different set of considerations to First Nations communities than to settler communities.  First Nations neither base their understandings of the environment, nor do they structure their relationship with natural resources, through opposing institutions of resource exploitation and resource protection. Like settler communities, First Nation communities align themselves with both industrial capital and environmental groups, when such arrangements are compatible with their own interests and specific resource values. However, it will be demonstrated here that efforts by both the environmental movement and the state to balance resource development with resource protection, remain forces external to First Nations communities. As a result, they are supported only to the extent that they are compatible with First Nation interests and their particular goals related to self-determination.  Thus, a major theme of my analysis is that settler communities and First Nation communities have differing foundations for their alignments with industrial and environmentalist interests, and these differences also reflect their own unique and somewhat differing paths of development. While settler communities rely on institutions of environmental protection to assist them in asserting local interests in the course of resource development, First Nations instead pursue this goal through the assertion of Aboriginal rights and title against historical oppression under colonial rule. These competing strategies for influencing resource development highlight the continuing impact of historic political and economic structure on contemporary development in northwest British Columbia (BC). More importantly, while settler and First Nation communities share mutual goals in achieving greater control over the resource base and revitalizing their economies, they differ in regard to the tools and strategies deemed  9appropriate for achieving these objectives. The ways in which northwest communities navigate these tensions provides insights into the way that diverse local communities respond to social and environmental change. It also helps define the relationship between northwest communities and the evolving structures of governance that mediate control over their resource base.   New Industrial Developments and Community Responses The interplay between northwest communities and the forces they draw upon in their respective paths of development occurs within the context not only of a changing environment and a shifting economy but also a changing state. In response to the decline of the previous political economic structure, the state has introduced policies that liberalize natural resources rights while reducing the role of government in determining the relationship between local communities and the economy (Matthews and Young, 2007). These changes simultaneously place increased onus on local communities to define their roles in the economy and build linkages with external capital, even as they experience the dismantling of state mechanisms that had heretofore sought to ensure that these relationships provided an appropriate balance of benefits to the local area. Corresponding with these changes in governance, increased emphasis has been placed on the role of technical experts and systems of environmental assessment and community consultation. Thus, institutions and agencies from outside the local area strongly influence the configuration of political, economic and social processes in ways that do not always recognize the complexity of the local and regional relationships between settler and First Nation communities, nor their sometimes different relationship to the environment.  Of course, as I have indicated, all of these more ‘social’ processes involving the shifting interplay between environmentalism and Aboriginal rights are taking place in a context wherein northwest BC currently faces a wave of industrial activity greater than anything that the region has witnessed in half a century. After two decades of closing businesses and population exodus, the northwest now appears to be on the cusp of an economic revival in the form of new hydroelectric projects, mineral exploration, oil and gas development, as well as fresh interest in the forest industry.  This imminent wave of  10development can be seen as a fourth industrial revolution in the northwest, with the first being the development of indigenous resource activities, the second being the arrival of European industry, and the third being the post-war boom. The fourth is the hungry queue of industrial suitors that now stands at the door of the northwest, looking to extract profits from the resources of the region.  Among these projects is the Enbridge Gateway Project, a $5 billion dollar twinned oil and light natural gas (LNG) pipeline that would travel through the northwest from Alberta to the BC coast. The project has caused protests in both local communities and in southern urban centres of the province. Mixed groupings of First Nations, environmental groups, and other local residents have been marching through various northwest communities to demonstrate opposition to the oil pipeline construction and increased tanker traffic in coastal waters that would be associated with it. Although Enbridge remains the highest profile project in the region, equally significant developments are occurring in other industries. A $1 billion molybdenum mine is being planned near the community of Kitsault, with an associated expansion of the community’s role as a deepwater port. However, the project faces opposition from a developer that purchased the majority of the town land and buildings with the intent of establishing a nature retreat and resort in the same area.  In early 2012, the town councils for the cities of Terrace and Prince Rupert voted in favour of stating their official opposition to the Enbridge oil pipeline (Benn, 2012; The Northern View, 2012a; The Northern View, 2012b), while the neighbouring community of Kitimat chose to take a neutral position pending the outcome of environmental assessments. A series of community and technical hearings were conducted between 2011 and 2013 through a Joint Review Panel (JRP) administered through the federal Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency (CEAA). While various ENGOs and local community representatives attended those hearings, an alliance of Coastal First Nations as well as the Lax Kw’alaams First Nation boycotted the JRP, citing financial difficulties in attending hearings and lack of faith in the fairness of the process. In December 2013, the JRP granted approval to the Enbridge project, providing its ability to meet the demands of 209 required conditions identified by the JRP, and pending approval of the application by the federal government as it faces legal  11challenges from First Nations and ENGOs, as well as the complicated task of obtaining social license for the project. As of January 2014, ten court challenges had been filed against the JRP, including appeals from the Gitga’at, Haisla, and Gitxaala First Nations, the Federation of BC Naturalists, and Ecojustice, a Vancouver-based ENGO. (Moore, 2014; Linnet, 2014) No matter the outcome of the Enbridge project, the passage of resource exports through the region is expected to increase greatly, leading to a planned port expansion in Prince Rupert that is projected to quadruple the city’s capacity for handling container traffic. As the infrastructure for this expansion is put into place, newly opened offices of ENGOs based outside the region have been at the centre of the environmental assessment processes that evaluate the environmental impacts of these developments. ENGOs have also been central in organizing resistance to projects that would potentially fuel the export markets. In late 2012, following a campaign led by local residents and environmental organizations, a tripartite agreement among industry, government, and First Nations was reached to extend a moratorium on coal bed methane mining in the Klappan region (headwaters of the Skeena River) in exchange for expansion of industrial opportunities in other parts of the province. However, continuing plans for coal mining in the region have re-ignited resistance from the Tahltan First Nation, and attracted the attention of ENGOs concerned with clean energy solutions.  Meanwhile, construction has already begun on the $560 million Northwest Transmission Line, being built to provide power to the new wave of industry anticipated in the region, including the mining projects north of Terrace and Prince Rupert. The project broke ground in early 2012, but only after completion of an environmental assessment that resulted in 71 separate commitments and the successful negotiation of agreements with seven local First Nations who approved passage of the line across what they have claimed as their traditional territories.   While energy and mining projects provide the main driver for northwest industrial expansion, forestry remains an important contributor to the regional economy, and forms an area of potential growth. In 2003, the Lax Kw’alaams First Nation acquired the rights to the largest timber forest license in the northwest, and became the  12primary driver of forestry activity in the region between Prince Rupert and Terrace. New opportunities are being explored in the use of wood products for bio-energy and innovative wood products, and in early 2013, the City of Terrace signed a 10-year lease with a Chinese firm for use of the primary local mill site on the edge of town. However, the mill faces obstacles in obtaining timber for its operations as many of the local timber licenses are now controlled by First Nations that sell their timber on the open market, resulting in the shipment of raw logs globally and away from local processing facilities. The export of logs has attracted criticism from ENGOs and labour groups, concerned about the lack of benefits to rural communities from the practice of exporting logs from a region in need of employment in processing and manufacturing.  As forestry companies move forward with plans for use of the resources in their tenure, advertisements are placed in local newspapers and letters are sent out to invite local First Nations, environmental groups, and other members of the public to provide input prior to the finalization of Forest Stewardship Plans. This is in line with similar agreements in other areas such as on the mid-coast and on Haida Gwaii. For example, in 2009, an agreement among various forestry companies, First Nations, and environmental groups was put into affect to protect from logging, 2 million hectares of the mid-coast in an area now known as the Great Bear Rainforest. In 2011, Taan Forest, the largest forest license holder in Haida Gwaii, obtained Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) certification for its operations, providing accreditation supported by environmental organizations to assist the company in marketing its products. These examples, in various ways, provide insight into the roles of environmentalism and Aboriginal rights, their potential to either enable or constrain economic and industrial action, and the jockeying among different communities and social movements to assert their interests in northwest development activities. In the pages that follow, I will argue that environmental changes and economic decline have produced an atmosphere of critical uncertainty that provokes northwest communities to place greater emphasis on the protection of the environment. Within this atmosphere of change and uncertainty, opportunities are created for new social movements to take root in northwest communities and exert their influence on resource-development activities. However, the impulse to protect the environment must be understood within the context  13of structural conditions and relationships with broader society that constrain and enable the ability of these communities to act as agents in shaping their own futures. The ways that northwest settler and First Nations communities encounter and respond to environmental and economic problems occurs within two distinct and contrasting, yet inextricably linked, development trajectories. My analysis provides a new perspective for understanding the challenges these communities face in their efforts to adapt to a changing world, and sheds light on the issues that both divide them and bring them together in this endeavour.    14Chapter One: Analytical Framework for Examining Contemporary Northwest BC In this chapter, I lay out the analytical framework that I use to explain how the three communities that are at the centre of my analysis, engage with environmental protection as they adapt to changing economic and social conditions. My analysis focuses on two key issues. The first is the way that the relationship between northwest communities and new forms of environmental governance has been re-shaped by changing structural conditions. These new forms of environmental governance include a growing environmental movement, the rising influence of Aboriginal rights and title, and changes in the structure of the state. I argue that the decline of the historical political economic structure has created openings for new social movements to influence the course of resource development activities. However, relationships between northwest communities and new forms of environmental governance should be viewed as part of a broader struggle to exercise control over the resource base.  My second focus is on the way that environmental problems are perceived in northwest communities, and how these communities prioritize environmental protection in relation to other important objectives related to community well-being. I frame this issue as a response to risk on both a local and global level, and place it within the context of communities that are experiencing changes in the way that they use their resource base while attempting to revitalize their economies.  The development processes currently occurring in the northwest do not exist in a vacuum, nor are they wholly determined by the history of the region and its position relative to global resource markets.  The paths that lay northwest communities behind do not dictate their ways forward. However, the position from which they proceed and the choices they face, can only be understood by accounting for the distinct historically-based experiences of the settler community residents and First Nations that share the region, and the continuing transformation of their relationships with each other and the rest of society. Understanding their relationships with forces such as resource development and environmental protection as they adapt to the challenges of globalization is a story of both continuity and change. I thus begin my study in Chapter Three with an analysis of literature and archival sources to reveal the central role that the  15forestry industry has played in the economic and social organization of northwest BC. This examination outlines the roles that economy, politics, and culture have played in shaping the relationships between environmental protection and northwest resource-dependent communities. In Chapter Four, I examine the impacts of the forestry recession on resource-dependent communities in BC, and changes in Aboriginal rights and the environmental movement that have occurred over the past 20 years. Chapter Five, Six, and Seven examine the social dynamics associated with these transformations as they are unfolding in three northwest communities. Research Questions In this thesis, I seek to demonstrate that the role of environmental protection in northwest BC is one key manifestation of a changing political economic structure, and an indicator of the ways that northwest communities are seeking to adapt to and reposition themselves with this structure. I define environmental protection as involving a combination of social movements and state processes aimed at exerting control over natural resources for the purpose of shielding them from harm, including the potential harms posed to the environment by industrial activity. The way in which these communities incorporate environmental protection into their strategies for economic renewal must be understood as a response both to past experiences and to current pressures on the resource base, including the uncertainties posed by new environmental risks. While threats to the environment are expected to provoke efforts to protect valued resources, localized responses to these problems are mitigated by the relationship between resource-dependent communities and the institutions that define the competing processes of protection and exploitation. As northwest communities engage with a changing economy, they are caught in a vortex of tensions involving a growing awareness of environmental change on both a local and global level, the challenge of adapting to a new regulatory environment and the demands of local residents for new ways of earning a living in a revitalized community. The ways in which they navigate such tensions provides insight to the relationship between emerging systems of environmental governance, and the historical and cultural context of resource-dependent communities.   16By examining environmental protection within the complexity of these relationships, I also seek to explain the ways that the emerging environmental movement is supporting northwest communities in their efforts to shape their own futures. This study is located amidst five key developments that underlie my analysis. These include:  (1) the transition of BC into the post-staples economy; (2) strategies for economic renewal in the BC hinterland; (3) the impact of risk and environmental decline on the management of natural resources; (4) the influence of new models of governance (particularly the ascendant neoliberal state) on relationships between resource-dependent communities and the environment; and, (5) the contrast between First Nation and settler community experiences amidst these changes. These interrelated areas in turn correspond with five key research questions that together shape my analysis of environmentalism and Aboriginal rights in northwest communities.  1. How have changing economic conditions shaped the relationships between northwest communities and environmental protection?    2. How does environmental protection become incorporated into northwest communities’ strategies for economic revitalization as they adapt to the new economy?   3. How does environmental decline and associated responses to risk (on both a local and global level) affect the relationship between northwest communities and environmental protection?   4. How do northwest communities engage with new forms of governance as they seek to balance the interests of economic expansion and environmental protection?  5. How do settler and First Nations communities differ in regard to the way they adapt to the changes occurring in the northwest?   17Question One How do changing structural conditions shape the relationships between northwest communities and environmental protection?   My analysis follows the work of Marchak (1983, 1995), Rajala (2006), and Hayter (2000), among others, whose work I examine in Chapter Three of my study. In the subsequent chapters, I continue their analyses into the current context of northwest economic development, allowing me to examine environmental protection and Aboriginal rights according to conditions today. I have two objectives in answering this question. The first is to explain how the economy shapes resource development, and to identify the environmental pressures that accompany these activities. The second is to examine the ways in which northwest communities are able to capitalize on the structure of opportunity in the post-staples economy, and how their stakes in the economy shape their role as either supporters or opponents of resource development activities. I examine recent changes in the northwest economy on both a regional and community scale, and situate these changes within the broader fabric of Canadian and BC economic structure, with reference to the post-staples analyses of Hutton (1994, 2007), Wellstead (2007), McAllister (2007), and Howlett and Brownsey (2001).  I base my analysis on employment data, and a review of ongoing and proposed resource development activities in the northwest.  Traditional staples theory focused on the position of the northwest relative to the core and periphery of an integrated national structure, with northwest communities providing raw materials within a forestry driven economy, structured and guided by the provincial government. In contrast, my analysis assesses the position of northwest communities relative to globalized forces of mobilized capital, and a metropolitan core that Rayner and Howlett describe as being, “increasingly disconnected from resource extraction activities.” (2007, p.53).  Hutton argues that, in the wake of a declining resource base, BC has moved away from an exclusive reliance upon natural resource exports, and towards an economy based more upon service and knowledge-based industries (1994).5 Hutton contends the new society is characterized by “a sharper divide in the socioeconomic welfare of                                                  5 He defined this transition as the move from a “mature” staples economy to a “post-staples” economy.  18resource-dependent communities vis-à-vis urban society, a growing sense of social alienation and isolation, and a national policy and governance structure dominated increasingly by urban (and more especially metropolitan) interests.” (2007, p.25). Despite the broader shifts toward metropolitan economies, Hutton predicted that ongoing staples development would persist in dependent regions. The bias of the new society towards new technologies (including those that reduce employment in primary industries) and globalized trade means that staples industries will no longer lead Canadian development, but instead will be delegated to increased subservience beneath the social and economic dominance of metropolitan centres of technical innovation, politics, and commerce (2007, p.25).  In this respect, the provincial economy may be “post-staples”, but may be better understood as “post-forestry” within the regional northwest context, as the prominence of industry has decreased while the local reliance upon resource exports persists. For regions such as northwest BC, the post-staples economy assigns them a lesser degree of importance and relevance in the provincial and national structure, and a greater level of dependency upon the wealth-producing modern industries of technology and information based in the metropolitan core of the province. Resource-dependent regions face difficult futures with the relative importance of primary industries decreasing in the provincial and national economy, urban areas holding distinct advantages in developing new opportunities, and society directing increased scrutiny towards the use of natural resources. My study therefore considers the precarious position of northwest communities, and evaluates their efforts to revitalize their resource-based economies in the context of a broader society that is seeking to transcend primary industry dependence.  I examine data on employment and economic activity from Statistics Canada, combined with secondary literary sources from industry and government to identify how the conditions of the post-staples economy are affecting the course of resource development activities in my study communities. I utilize interviews with civic leaders and resource managers to provide a view of these trends from the perspectives of the directing minds of these communities, and I use their input to define the environmental  19issues facing their region as they attempt to adapt to changing economic conditions.6 Within this context, I examine the challenges facing northwest economic expansion in various industries, with recognition of difficulties faced in forestry (Rayner and Howlett, 2007; Thorpe and Sandberg, 2007), oil and gas (Carroll et al., 2011), fisheries (Rayner and Howlett, 2007), and non-extractive industries such as tourism (Schmallegger and Carson, 2010). This analysis establishes the fundamental economic conditions within which northwest communities engage with the competing influences of resource development and environmental protection. I provide both a regional level of analysis in answering this research question, as well as a community level of analysis, which leads me directly into my second research question. Question Two How does environmental protection fit into northwest communities’ strategies for economic revitalization as they adapt to the new economy?  The second focus of my analysis is on the efforts of resource-dependent communities to rebuild their economies and adapt to new roles within the region and, in turn, reshape their community identities. This perspective looks beyond the viability of resource development activities and the broader forces that enable or inhibit industry, and examines the relationship between: (a) community development strategies, identities, capacities, and resource values, and (b) the emerging structure of opportunity in the northwest region, and the environmental issues it entails. I examine the ways that northwest communities incorporate natural resource values into the strategies they use to attract new investors while maintaining agreeable conditions for residents. I draw on observations from community and regional development plans and economic initiatives, as well as community visions shared by civic leaders and resource managers, and their valuations of various environmental and community resources.  Markey et al. (2012) examine the creation of an “economy of place” among northern communities, and assess the respective capacities and unique assets of                                                  6 This approach digs beneath the surface of “person-on-the-street” studies, and explores the environmental issues from the perspective of people that; (A) are directly involved in dealing with resource management and community development, (B) possess a higher level of knowledge of such issues than average citizens, and (C) who play an active role in shaping the position of the community in relation to these issues.  20northwest communities in terms of their value to both attracting industry and supporting quality of life.  While Markey et al., draw a broad scope to their study, I draw a tighter focus to the role of natural resources and environmental protection in community visions. In this respect, I follow the work of Birkeland (2008), who contends that, in times of industrial transition, resource-dependent communities experience an opportunity to reconsider and re-establish their relationships with the environment and to articulate a new identity rooted in the environmental bases of their community culture. Like Birkeland, I account for the influence of industrial history on community culture, and I consider the challenges inherent in the transition between past and future community identities.  With the decline of the Fordist forestry monolith that drove the northwest economy and held sway over the landscape, I examine new ways that northwest communities are using their resource base (including both extractive and non-extractive industries) and the position given to these activities in visions of these communities’ futures. In this respect, I identify the new functions and identities that my study communities are carving out within the regional structures outlined in the previous question. This includes challenges to traditional use of forestry lands, and conflict over new resource development activities such as the emerging friction between northwest recreation and tourism industries and the growing oil, gas, and mineral sector. I examine the conceptualizations of environmental protection advanced by the proponents of competing development visions, and the ways that civic leaders and resource managers see the environmental movement as either contributing to or inhibiting the revival of their communities. Question Three How does environmental decline and associated responses to risk (on both a local and global level) affect the relationship between northwest communities and environmental protection?  In my third area of analysis, I examine how the collapse of the forestry and fishing industries and the emergence of new threats to these resources (including both local impacts and a changing climate), affect the level of importance attached to protecting the environment, and how does this shape relationships between northwest  21communities and the environmental movement that is developing in the region. In Chapter Four, I examine failures in forest management, and the associated decline of the forest industry. In subsequent stages of my analysis, I examine more specific manifestations of environmental problems in the northwest, the way that these issues are perceived within the communities, and they way that they shape understandings of environmental protection. I base my analysis on interviews with civic leaders and local resource managers, their appraisals of the environmental threats posed by new development activities, and the relationship between these perceptions and the importance attached to environmental protection.  I evaluate the uncertainties posed to northwest communities today as an exemplar of what Ulrich Beck described as the shift from modern to late-modern risk (1992). Compared to historical threats to human welfare, modern risks are inescapable and unforeseen products of human action that embody “irreversible threats to the life of plants, animals, and human beings” (Beck, 1992, p.13). Unlike the risks of the previous era, the risks of late-modernity cannot be delimited spatially, temporally, or socially. In this sense, previous methods of social insurance and risk assessment fail, and society is unable to adequately quantify or control the risks we face today (ibid).  For the northwest, the uncertainties of the past era revolved around challenges of supply and demand; this included the ability of modern resource management strategies to ensure a stable supply of staples to local communities, and a political economic structure through which to connect them to the market. The historical challenges of northwest communities thus focused on the production of wealth and the sustained growth of industrial capacity. These challenges reflected Beck’s characterization of the problems faced by the previous (early modern) era as the production of “goods”, which contrast sharply with (late) modern problems, which embody the prevention of “bads” (Lupton, 1999, p.59). According to Beck (1992), the dangers of the late modern era differ from the past in terms of the nature of impacts, the scope of effects, and the ability of scientific management principles to mitigate the threats posed to society. Dangers of modern society involve unprecedented levels of risk, such as nuclear disaster and irreversible global climate change. Modern dangers escape localized management regimes, and pose  22threats to human welfare on a global level, as the impact of modern dangers such as radiation and climate change defy science’s best effort at either containment or mitigation. The inability of historically trusted institutions of knowledge and power to protect society from modern risks thus undermines not only the authority of science over assessing risks, but also the public’s trust its capacity to do so (Beck, 1995).  In the northwest, the unprecedented closure of the Skeena sockeye fishery in 2013, and the advance of disease and pests into northern forests reflect the failure of traditional resource management regimes to control the risks now permeating the northwest landscape. On a global scale, the concerns of forestry management policies, and of impending oil and gas development, transcend the localized impacts of erosion or pollution, and hold ties to broader impacts on the planet.  Beck argues that upon being confronted by the escalating risks of humanity’s own creation, society engages in a process of “reflexive modernization” in which new social movements emerge to challenge the institutions that have failed us, creating the possibility for the “creative (self-) destruction for an entire epoch: that of industrial society.” (1994, p.2). The seemingly irrational rejection of scientific management, in favour of morally-based and socially-based arguments for addressing threats to human welfare, becomes part of a truly rational reaction to the failure of science to protect society (Beck, 1992, p.58-60). Societal responses include new political movements based on international collaboration to reduce perceived dangers, and new social movements that apply pressure to political and economic institutions to achieve change, and to protect interests of mutual concern to all members of society, including the health of the environment. The advent of Risk Society is thus tied to both the physical dangers that society faces, as well as the uncertainties of the social changes that accompany the rejection of traditional modes of social organization.  Beck explains that the rejection of historical and traditional channels of social order result in a crisis of identity that he refers to as ‘individualization’. “Put in plain terms, individualization means the disintegration of the certainties of industrial society as well as the compulsion to find and invent new certainties for oneself and others without them.” (Beck, 1994, p.14) In the forthcoming chapters, I track this process within the context of the northwest (as described in the  23previous research question) as it continues its transition out of the forestry-driven economy of the past era in which its role in the provincial political economy was clear, and its cultural identity was firmly rooted in the workplaces of logging and commercial fisheries, and its progression into the new “post-staples” economy in which the northwest is grappling with competing industries and competing identities, amidst a shifting political economic landscape in which its ties to both the state and industry undergo continual renegotiation. In my analysis, I examine the pressures that are exerted upon northwest communities as they confront the environmental impacts of past and pending resource development activities, and contemplate new identities for their communities. These communities face the challenge of developing new relationships with the economy, and new methods of using their resource base that will enable them to persevere under new and emerging (local and global) environmental and social pressures. To explore this tension, I examine what are deemed to be the most important threats facing northwest communities from the perspective of civic leaders and resource managers, and interpret these in the context of the Risk Society framework provided here. To assess their response to these risks, I analyze the relationship between perceptions of environmental problems, and of the importance attached to environmental protection.7 I evaluate both the local context of risk as represented by problems identified with the local resource base, and the global context of risk as represented by the perceived influence of climate change on the future of the region. This approach joins the work of Olofsson and Ohman (2007) by evaluating empirical support for the Risk Society thesis by assessments of, and responses to, risk.8  My analysis of risks and response occurs far from the context of the cosmopolitan core of society in a culturally diverse milieu, and is written from the contrasting perspectives of settler and First Nations communities. In this regard, I evaluate the applicability of Beck’s work against critiques of its Eurocentric and urban-centred biases based on its origins in the urban environmental movement of advanced                                                  7 The assessment of environmental problems includes perceptions of conditions of valued environmental resources, changes in the environment, and assessments of climate changes as an environmental issue. 8 Olofsson and Ohman (2007, p.177-8) observe the lack of empirical support as a key critique of Beck’s work (citing Dingwall, 1999; Lupton and Tulloch, 2001, 2002, Wilkinson, 2001).  24western European nations (Buttell, 2000; Lam. 2009)9. As Schnaiberg and Gould (1994) observed, the hierarchy of risks identified in one part of the world or one segment of society cannot be assumed to occupy the consciousness of populations in another part of the world, where different sets of environmental and social pressures weigh upon society. Moreover, the path of modernization that is followed by settler culture and its struggle to achieve balance between the interests of industry and environment cannot be assumed to represent the path followed by First Nations (High, 1996; Nadasdy, 2005). My analysis contributes to understandings of environmental change and societal response by examining these issues within the context of a rural environment. Flint and Luloff assert that resource-dependent communities have always occupied a sensitive position at “the dynamic interface between social and environmental processes.” (2005, p. 408). The location of resource communities relative to resource development activities sensitizes them to the risks of industrial society not only through their proximal exposure to the physical consequences of development, but also by virtue of their central role in shaping the relationship between society and the environment. As Herbert and Cheshire-Higgins explain, “The relations of rule established between rural development experts and local communities, are central to the operation of these networks of governance.” (2004, p.290). In this respect, my examination of the relationship between perceptions of risks and the importance of environmental protections sets the stage for the progression of my analysis in the fourth research question that explores the relationship between northwest communities and new models of environmental governance. Question Four How do northwest communities engage with new forms of governance as they seek to balance the interests of economic expansion and environmental protection? The fourth area of my analysis focuses on the challenges that northwest communities face in managing environmental risks amidst a shifting political landscape. In Chapter Three, I argue that the balancing of economic and environmental interests                                                  9 Even Beck recognizes the Eurocentrism of his own work, and the need to branch out and explore different types of cosmopolitanism in different social contexts (Beck and Levy, 2013, p.26)  25was largely determined by an axis of state, capital, and working class interests that collectively reshaped the resource base in a manner that supported a particular model of industry. In the current era, the historic models of industry have collapsed, and a more diverse set of actors converges upon resource decision-making processes. As northwest communities respond to environmental issues, they do so while no longer occupying a clear position in provincial economy. As a result, they are left to assert their interests in resource development activities and respond to environmental problems without the linkages they historically held with the aforementioned axis of powers that dominated resource management in the past era.  The way in which northwest communities respond to environmental issues must be understood not only in terms of their exposure to risk, but also within the context of these communities’ relationships with the emergent forms of governance that enable and constrain control over the resource base. I focus on two key issues within this milieu. The first is the challenge that northwest communities face in overcoming the political and geographic isolation from resource decision-making processes. The second is the way that northwest communities interact with ENGOs, and with the impact of Aboriginal rights and title, as growing influences on environmental management.10  The isolation of northwest communities from the control of their resource base originally developed as a result of their position within the staples economy. However, the rise of the neoliberal state (as part of an ongoing process of economic globalization) brings new dimensions to this challenge, that northwest communities must deal with as they seek to become efficacious participants in the management and protection of their resource base.11 I adopt Matthews and Young’s definition of neoliberalization as “a strategy and process that aims to establish new means of accumulation and social                                                  10 These two lines of examination place the structural analysis and response to environmental risk (as explained in the first three research questions), within the context of communities adapting to new forms of governance.   11 This situates neoliberalism as a response, primarily led by capitalist interests, to the previous (Keynesian) state, which managed the growth of industry by balancing it against regulatory models intended to support community development and environmental protection (McCarthy and Prudham, 2004, p.278). However, my primary goal is not to theorize about the nature of neoliberalism, trace its origins in systems of global governance, or evaluate the actions of the current provincial political regime in relation to these matters. Instead, I examine the way that specific practices of governance (that have been characterized as neoliberal) are shaping the relationship between northwest communities and environmental protection.  26regulation through the partial transfer of authority and/or responsibility from the public sphere (where it is subject to collective claims and/or contestation) to private domains (be they corporate, group and/or individual).” (2007, p.177). I also recognize McCarthy and Prudham’s characterization of neoliberalism as a more complex and diffuse manifestation of economic and political globalization that brings a wide array of market and social forces to bear on local milieus (2005). This includes a more prominent role for market forces in the regulation and development of natural resources, and the participation of a wider range of actors in economic and environmental management arenas once reserved for the state. I recognize that neoliberal processes are defined by two dimensions: the “roll-back” of impediments to economic development, and the “roll-out” of new initiatives to promote the rational growth of markets and to empower private actors to engage with the challenges of resource management without reduced government interference (Lockie and Higgins, 2007; Peck and Tickell, 2002). Under conditions of neoliberal governance, northwest communities are more distant from the control of their resource base by virtue of their increased isolation from a receding state, yet at the same time brought closer to this process through their opportunity to engage as one among many parties involved in the protection and management of the environment.  Neoliberal models of governance create problems for environmental protection, as the reduction of state intervention stimulates a natural “race to the bottom” in environmental management, as competitors in the private sector naturally follow the capitalist imperative of securing profit above all other objectives (McCarthy, 2004, p.340).  The withdrawal of the state from resource management includes reduction of enforcement staff and closure of regional offices in key ministries dealing with natural resources.12 Environmental challenges also arise from the sheer volume of resource development activity enabled by the removal of regulatory restrictions. An example of this is the proliferation of mineral development applications that followed changes to the Land Act, which provided corporations with access to 85 percent of the province for                                                  12 The potential for environmental harm is enabled by reductions in state capacity for enforcement, as reflected by the reduction in enforcement staff and the corresponding drop in enforcement actions by the BC Ministry of the Environment between 2001 and 2005 (Gage and Saha, 2007).  27mineral exploration (Matthews and Young, 2007, p. 181). The most important aspect of the neoliberal era, for the purpose of my analysis, is the state’s withdrawal from the direct management of natural resources and the increased role played by private actors and market forces in determining the balance between resource development and environmental protection.13  I draw on interview data with civic leaders and resource managers in order to explain the effects of the described changes in governance on northwest communities’ response to environmental issues. 14 I examine obstacles that local actors encounter while dealing with environmental issues, the ability of local actors to gain access to state agencies, and assessments of their efficacy as participants in resource management decision-making processes.15 These data provide me with a means to evaluate the neoliberal logic that assumes that these communities are able to engage in the rational market-driven process of resource management in the age of globalization, in a manner that supports a desirable balance of economic development and environmental protection.  I use these findings to assess the way that these communities’ adaptations to neoliberal styles of governance shape their response to environmental issues, and how they believe environmental protection should be pursued in the current era. Of course, the influence of Aboriginal rights and the environmental movement on northwest communities’ response to environmental issues is expected to vary between settler and First Nations communities. I address this important issue in my fifth and final research question. Question Five How do settler and First Nations communities differ in regard to the ways that they adapt to the changes occurring in the northwest?16                                                   13 An example of the advance of market forces into resource policy is the implementation of market value-based rates (over government set rates) for royalties (stumpage) paid to the province by forestry companies in exchange for the rights to harvest timber (Matthews and Young, 2007). 14 These include representatives from senior leadership, community outreach, technical advisory, and front-line resource management positions. More details on the respondents is provided in the methods chapter that follows. 15 A list of the interview questions utilized in this analysis is provided in the methods chapter.  16 The term “First Nation” and “settler” communities belies the diversity within northwest communities. It must be acknowledged that there are many First Nations people living in and playing key roles in “settler” communities, and there are also non-First Nations people living in and playing key roles in First Nations  28The fifth area of my analysis is the study of the ongoing efforts of First Nations groups and communities to assert their right to self-determination from the period of early colonization and through into the current era. This line of analysis is not independent from the previous four research questions and in that sense is not an additional consideration. Instead, this question serves as an orienting lens for the study that brings balance to the historical and cultural context of this work, while providing insight to the intersection between environmental protection and Aboriginal rights.17  The first four research questions focus exclusively on the interaction between northwest communities and institutional forces originating from within settler culture, with a focus on the processes of environmental protection. To provide balance to my analysis, I also examine the interaction between these communities and the influence of Aboriginal rights in the management of natural resources.  I examine survey data that show the level of importance attached to Aboriginal rights and title and First Nations treaty settlements by the residents and leaders of First Nation communities in the region. In that context, I examine the perceptions that the residents of all three of my respective study communities have with regard to the assertion of Aboriginal rights and title in relation to resource development activities. Aboriginal rights and environmental protection represent overlapping spheres of social movements and state processes oriented in particular around exerting control over land and natural resources. While the primary target of these two movements is common, the objectives are not always the same as the assertion of Aboriginal rights and title is oriented around a broader set of objectives than environmental protection. In my analysis I examine circumstances in which the assertion of Aboriginal rights and title is consistent with settler culture’s effort to protect the environment, including examples of cooperation between ENGOs and First Nations in resisting specific forms of resource development. However, I also examine circumstances in which in the assertion of Aboriginal rights is aligned with the expansion of resource development, including                                                                                                                                                 communities. The more appropriate terms may be First Nations-led and settler-led communities. However, the shortened titles suffice for this study, with the caveat provided here. 17 In this sense, the contrasting First Nations and settler community viewpoints function like a pair of three-dimensional glasses that provide depth to the analysis that goes beyond a single image.  29projects driven forward by settlers as well as projects under the exclusive control of First Nations. My examination of differences between First Nations and settler communities is grounded in High’s (1996) analysis of First Nations’ relationship to the wage economy, and Nadasdy’s (2005) analysis of the relationship between Aboriginal rights and environmental movements. First Nations are following distinct paths of development that sometimes run parallel to those of settler society. However, I recognize that First Nations experiences cannot be subsumed within or compared directly to those of the settler culture.  The struggles that society faces in adapting to neoliberal models of governance is often traced to the essential tension that Polanyi described as the “double movement”, which occurs as capital seeks to free itself of its obligations to society, and society reacts to defend values that it believes cannot be reduced to functions of the market (Polanyi, 1944; Bakker, 2010; Higgins et al., 2008; McCarthy and Prudham, 2004; Palacios, 2001). In contrast, the Risk Society thesis uses the concept of “reflexive modernization” to describe the societal response to the disintegration of its traditional identities as a result of globalization and immersion in a world of shared risks, and the corresponding decline of trust in the political and scientific institutions that historically provided protection from danger (Beck, 1992, 1994).  Both Beck and Polanyi focus upon social responses to disruptions in the balance between institutional functions that support economic and industrial growth on one hand, versus functions that support social welfare on the other. However, I shall seek to demonstrate that in the northwest milieu, First Nations and settlers differ in terms of their attachments to the previous era of resource management and the models of social organization from which they originated. As the Keynesian and Fordist foundations of the staples economy give way to the forces of globalization, settler communities are witnessing the decline of the political economic arrangements that provided them with a means to subsistence, and guarantees of service and relevance in relation to the core of the province and the country. While First Nations share in the uncertainties posed by the changes occurring in economic and political structures, they also witness the decline of a  30structure that for nearly two centuries stood as an obstacle between them and their ability to shape their own future and exercise control over their resource base.  As the neoliberal shift continues and the state yields increasing control to the private sector, all segments of society face challenges in ensuring that their social needs are met and their values remain protected amidst the advance of new global market influences. Amid these changes, the federal government has promoted self-government for First Nations as a means of freeing them from dependence upon the state, and as a way of entering global society as sovereign actors (ibid, p.265-6). At the same time, the province of BC has encouraged First Nations to enter into direct negotiations with corporate actors and other local groups in order to allow industrial growth to continue, while deflecting attention away from the underlying issues of Aboriginal title (Vernon, 2007).  In some cases, First Nations have seized the opportunity to take more active roles in the management of natural resources and create new influential roles for themselves in the economy, both as self-governing treaty nations (Salee and Levesque, 1998; Feit et al., 2001), and while continuing to assert Aboriginal rights and title in absence of treaty agreements (Matthews and Young, 2005). Salee and Levesque suggest that these actions comprise a means by which First Nations can separate themselves from the politics of dependency that was defined by the assertion of their interests through the paternal intervention of the state. Instead, they see it as a method of establishing their sovereignty in the global economy and for challenging courses of development that threaten their interests (1998, p.100; 127-8). Neoliberal models of governance, with their emphasis on the role of private actors, provide new opportunities for First Nations to assert their interests in resource development activities (Scott, 2006).  However, critics have warned that the state’s withdrawal from the spheres of economic and social development, and the corresponding advance of First Nations into arenas of co-management and self-sufficiency exposes First Nations to increasing assimilation by corporate influence and pose a threat to their culture and independence (Slowey, 2008). Others have warned that the expectation for First Nations to engage in co-management of resources while industry continues to advance overlooks fundamental  31differences between settler and First Nation ideals regarding what environmental protection entails and what values should be preserved (Coombes et al, 2012).   Both settlers and First Nations face challenges in asserting their interests as they engage with a new suite of private actors in the management of their resource base. However, for First Nations, these challenges represent a continuation of a struggle that has been unfolding over a longer timeframe, and one that overlaps a broader struggle towards self-determination. With settler communities comprising a part of the broader culture against which First Nations are seeking to assert their sovereignty, it is likely that there will be differences in the ways in which each group believes environmental protection should best be pursued.  The investigation of that outcome is a dominant focus of the following chapters.  I build on previous studies, many of which have been previously cited here. In doing so, I provide an analysis that directly compares First Nations and settler experiences within a shared milieu, in which the respective groups interact with each other while seeking to exert control over a common resource base. This provides an opportunity to examine similarities and differences in their response to threats to their resource base, and in the ways in which they engage with the emerging forms of governance that serve to protect against these risks. By examining the differences between these groups, and identifying the ground they hold in common, I aim to provide insight to ways that First Nations and settlers can come closer together in the protection of the environment that they share.  32Chapter Two: Methodology Study Area The northwest region of British Columbia forms the focal point in this study. There are many overlapping boundaries that define the northwest, including various districts of forest and land management, and different electoral areas, census divisions, and economic development areas. This complex set of boundaries overlaps with distinct geographic areas divided by land and water, and with the traditional territories of the many First Nation groups that live and travel through the region. However, it is helpful at this point to provide a general outline of the region at the centre of this study so that references to the northwest and comparisons with the rest of the province can be situated in a geographic context. For the purposes of this study, the northwest comprises an area surrounding the communities of Terrace, Prince Rupert, and Kitimat. Terrace and Prince Rupert are among the three communities from which data was collected for the final analysis in this study, with the third being the First Nations community of Lax Kw’alaams. The Skeena-Queen Charlottes and Kitimat-Stikine census divisions (or regional districts) form the area at the centre of this study (see units 15 and 24 in Figure 2).18 These districts include the major population centres mentioned previously, while excluding other larger communities in the northwest quadrant of the province. There are numerous smaller towns in the area, including both First Nation and settler communities.  In many parts of this study, a broader northwest perspective is utilized that includes references to areas that extend beyond the Skeena-Queen Charlottes and Kitimat-Stikine districts from which statistical data is drawn. These districts are host to                                                  18 Economic data for these two districts are often combined into a single area referred to as the North Coast, in order to enable adequate comparison with the rest of the province (British Columbia, 2013). Within this study, analysis of Statistics Canada data follows the same pattern. From a forestry perspective, the area encompasses the current Kalum forest district and a portion of the Skeena-Stikine forest district (also covering the major population centres mentioned previously). These areas overlap with the former Prince Rupert Forest district. Changes in forest district boundaries have occurred several times in the past, but dates and specific boundaries of theses changes are not readily available. However, approximation of these areas is sufficient for this study, as the focus is on a general area that is acknowledged to overlap with a multitude of geographic, political, cultural, and economic boundaries. Politically, the area encompasses the North Coast and Skeena provincial electoral areas, and a portion of the Skeena-Bulkley Valley federal electoral district. First Nations in the region include the Tsimshian, Nisga’a, Tahltan, Haida, and Haisla, as well as other nations possessing overlapping traditional territories in the area.  33industrial activities and patterns of social organization that interconnect with those in the selected census districts, and their boundaries overlap with many of the other political and economic areas referred to in the literature. Relevant neighbouring areas include the Bulkley-Nechako, Central Coast, and Stikine census divisions (see units 2, 5, and 26 in Figure1). A more detailed description of the focus area will be provided later, when examining the primary data utilized in this study. Figure 2: Study Area  (British Columbia Census Divisions, 2013) Data Source The primary source of data is a research project that was titled “Climate Change Adaptation Planning for Northwest Skeena Communities.” (CCAPNSC) The project was funded by the Future Forest Ecosystem Science Council (FFESC), which includes representation from the Ministry of Forests Lands and Natural Resource Operations (FLNRO), Ministry of the Environment, University of British Columbia (UBC), and the  Key  Primary area of study  15- Kitimat-Stikine 24- Skeena Queen Charlottes  Extended areas of relevance  2 – Bulkley-Nechako 5 – Central Coast 26- Stikine  *Numbers represent census division designations  34University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC).19 The FFESC was assembled to support research on forest and range management within the context of a changing climate.  The CCAPNSC was led by Coast Tsimshian Resources (CTR) and Brinkman and Associates Reforestation Ltd.20 The project was staffed by an interdisciplinary team of researchers and advisors that included social science researchers, environmental organizations, provincial and federal ministry representatives, and experts in biophysical modelling of forest ecosystems and climate change.21 The goal of the project was to combine the latest scientific modelling techniques with expertise in sociology and resource management, and to combine these pools of knowledge in a community engagement process aimed at supporting adaptive response capacity in the northwest. The geographic boundaries of the modelling projects, and the general reference area for the project, closely approximate the study area identified in this thesis (see Appendix 1, Figure 18). Social science researchers from the University of British Columbia were responsible for engaging community leaders and resource users from each of the participating communities, and examining their collective understandings of environmental change and their opinions related to the future of their communities and their ability to adapt to future challenges. The social science team was headed by Dr. Ralph Matthews, and included myself along with several other graduate students. The social science team worked in cooperation with a committee including CTR and Brinkman representatives and other members of the interdisciplinary team to develop the survey tools used in this study.                                                     19 Funding for the FFESC is provided through FLNRO, in the form of grants to support research on forest and range management adaptations to climate change. 20 Coast Tsimshian Resources is a business owned by the Lax Kw’alaams First Nation. Brinkman and Associates is a contractor that has been hired by Coast Tsimshian Resources to assist in the management of their northwest forest licenses. The community of Lax Kw’alaams is one of the three communities included in my study. 21Participants included the University of British Columbia, Coast Tsimshian Resources, Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne, University of Victoria, BC Ministry of Environment, Environment Canada, World Wildlife Fund, ESSA Technologies Ltd., Cortex Consultants Ltd., Brinkman Forest Ltd., and BC Ministry of Forests, Lands and Natural Resource Operations.  35Study Communities and Sampling Method The selected communities provide input from a selected segment of the northwest region, and are oriented towards centres of regional decision-making and resource management. The communities of Terrace and Prince Rupert were selected for the study as they form the primary centres of political and economic activity in the region. They comprise the two largest population centres in the northwest, and represent nexus points for regional resource management and the intersection of different levels of state and private sector activity. Terrace provides a distinctly forestry-centric viewpoint due to its historic role in timber harvesting and wood milling. For Terrace, the decline of forestry represents a dynamic shift in identity, and provides insight to a community undergoing a fundamental shift in both economy and regional function. In this respect, Terrace played a central role in the CCAPNSC study, functioning as ground zero for the transition between the age of forestry and the future. Terrace thus serves as the reference community in my own study, and the starting point from which I branch out into my comparisons of the other study communities.  Prince Rupert has also borne strong bonds with forestry as the home to pulp and wood milling industries. However, it also has a strong history in commercial fisheries, and has played a central role in connecting the northwest with global markets as a shipping port and nexus point for northern transportation. Prince Rupert thus provides the perspective of a community adapting to new industrial opportunities, while retaining its fundamental role in the regional economy.  Lax Kw’alaams was included in the study due to their direct relationship with the industrial representative in the CCAPNSC project (CTR), and the central role that Lax Kw’alaams plays in the regional forestry sector as a major license-holder.22 Most importantly, Lax Kw’alaams provides insight to northwest development from a First Nations perspective, and acts as a focal point in the assertion of Aboriginal rights and title throughout the northwest region. While the inclusion of Lax Kw’alaams provides input from a smaller community, it is acknowledged that there are many other small                                                  22 Throughout this study, the study communities are generally referred to and examined in the order of Terrace, Prince Rupert, and Lax Kw’alaams. This ordering reflects the sequence in which the interviews began in each community (with overlap between them).   36communities (both settler and First Nations) in the region that are not represented in this study. Efforts were made to include additional First Nations in the study, but negotiations could not be completed prior to the completion of the project. Prior to beginning the research, permission was sought from the Mayors of Prince Rupert and Terrace, as the work would inevitably involve members of city staff and elected officials. In Lax Kw’alaams, permission was sought from both the elected Chief and Council and from the community Elders. This practice is consistent with ensuring that the research is conducted with respect to both formal and traditional lines of authority and knowledge within the respective communities. The researchers directing the CCAPNSC project determined that understanding the way in which the study communities adapt to climate change required going beyond the public sphere of knowledge, and examining the inner workings of these communities and the sources of influence that shape their relationships with the rest of the world. The social science team of the CCAPNSC was thus charged with gathering data from community leaders and resource managers in the three study communities.  The respondents targeted for the social science study for CCAPNSC project represent the essential acting and directing leaders of the communities, and they are believed to possess a higher level of knowledge about the study topics than the general population. These respondents are not representative of the general public, but instead comprise a highly influential group that provide a view to the interaction of their respective communities with industry, government, and other groups involved in the management of natural resources. These respondents play a central role in establishing the direction of their communities as they adapt to changing economic, environmental, and social conditions, and they have an important influence on the articulation of their respective communities’ identities.  Throughout the analytical sections of this study, I refer to the respondents collectively as “local leaders”. Although many of them are more directly engaged with resource management activities, and others deal more directly with civic leadership activities, the collective term “local leaders” is representative of their role in shaping the direction of the community in terms of its process of growth and relationship with resource development activities.   37The CCAPNSC project was funded by the Future Forest Ecosystems Science Council, and thus held a focus on forestry-related activities, particularly within the work of the other project members which covered topics such as changes in tree species and land-based impacts of forestry. However, the social science component of the project cast a wider net, and gathered input from local leaders involved in many non-forestry related fields, including the fishing industry, recreation and tourism, education, and service industries. Although this study revolves around forestry, it draws on input from a diverse range of activities. Between the fall of 2010 and the summer of 2011, interviews were conducted with a total of 150 respondents, with 50 interviews completed in each community. There was no complete sampling frame for the target population, and no available list of contact information for all potential respondents. In order to adapt to these circumstances, the project utilized a modified snowball sampling methodology (Goodman, 1961) with multiple starting points. Initial starting points included individuals that were believed to be closest to the nexus of resource development and community activities, including Town Councillors, Band Council Members, and senior managers in local government agencies and NGOs. The use of multiple starting points helped reduce the probability that one individual would have an undue influence on the shape of the final sample, and to ensure access to pre-determined key areas of activity.23 Individuals were selected based on their membership in various central political, economic, and resource management organizations. During the course of each interview, respondents were asked to identify other individuals who would be able to provide insightful information on the topics discussed. Each identified name was not automatically included for interviews. Instead, a list of names was accumulated, and respondents were selected based upon their name or their organization being identified by multiple respondents, and by their organization or personal occupation providing a new branch to the network covered by the sample.24 As the research progressed, the                                                  23 This included City Council and Band Council, key government office, ENGOs, and major employers in the resource sector. 24 Once a potential respondent was identified, they were sent a letter that described the research project along with a permission form that outlined the steps taken to protect the identities of the respondents.  38names identified in interviews were continually tracked, in order to verify that appropriate respondents were selected for the interviews. As new names were no longer identified, it was determined that new starting points were needed. When new starting points failed to produce suitable new respondents, it was determined that satisfactory coverage of the target population had occurred.  This sampling method bore similarity to the “reputational” method employed by Saunders in his study of urban politics (1979). Saunders’ approach was found to be effective in identifying individuals that were deemed to hold power within specific areas of political activity. In the current study, the target was the arena of resource management and civic leadership, and the objective was to penetrate both formal and informal layers of leadership and knowledge, particularly for the purpose of locating individuals that possessed informed perspectives that spanned a period of time that would allow them to provide input on changes in the region. This sampling method was also particularly helpful in the First Nations community, which lacked the same formal economic and bureaucratic structures of the settler communities, and where traditional lines of authority and knowledge were equally important to those in the political and industrial spheres. A potential drawback of the snowball sampling method is that it follows patterns of social, professional, and occupational networks. It is possible that influential and knowledgeable individuals occupying isolated positions in local networks are excluded from selection when using this sampling strategy. However, the sampling was conducted based on the premise that influential leadership and resource management positions are both attached to other agencies, and known within the networks that were accessed within the sampling process. There was also a degree of qualitative judgement exercised in the selection process, and respondents often provided additional information that explained why specific individuals should be included in the sample.25 Therefore, even individuals that were identified as a suitable candidate by only one other respondent                                                                                                                                                 After delivery of the letters, potential respondents were contacted by telephone and arrangements were made for interviews at a location convenient to and comfortable for them. 25 Examples of such qualifying information included citing the breadth of experience of a potential respondent, their direct involvement in key resource development projects, and (in the case of Elders) their length of time in the community.  39stood a chance of being included in the sample, if they were determined to hold a position of significant importance and insight for the research. Nonetheless, the potential exclusion of some isolated individuals is acknowledged as a limitation.  Although no clear response rate was recorded during the sampling process, only a very small number of selected people declined to participate in the research, or failed to respond to the written notices and telephone calls made to solicit their participation.26 The high level of response in the sampling process was attributed to the pre-selection of respondents with involvement and interest in the research topic.   The pool of respondents interviewed in Lax Kw’alaams differed somewhat from the respondents in the settler communities. Local leadership in Lax Kw’alaams is provided by a Chief and 11 councillors elected under the Indian Act, who form various subcommittees to deal with portfolios such as economic development. The traditional structure of leadership of the Lax Kw’alaams First Nations includes the heads of four clans that are distinguished by lineage that determines the standing of respective families and their position within the clan (Halpin and Seguin, 1990).27 As with many First Nations, Elders hold an elevated status within the community, and are active in various roles of consultation and representation. Other informal groups include a group of mothers known as the “Grandmas”, who are considered important providers of traditional knowledge and community insight. These various levels of traditional and formal bureaucratic lines of authority and leadership contrast sharply with the political and economic structures found in the larger settler communities included in this study. The comparative lack of business development in Lax Kw’alaams provided a smaller pool of entrepreneurs and business owners to include within the sampling frame. The community also lacks the multiple levels of municipal, regional, provincial, and federal government that are located in the Prince Rupert and Terrace, and does not host the same types of labour and business representation groups (such as unions and Chambers of Commerce). With a smaller infrastructure and local industrial base, there                                                  26 Approximately fifteen people declined to participate throughout the three study communities. A greater number of people were unable to be reached through mail, telephone, or electronic means. This number is estimated at approximately thirty people throughout the three study communities. Based on these estimates, the response rate is estimated to have been close to 75%. 27 Both the Tsimshian and Nisga’a are divided among four clans that include the Laxgiik (Eagle), Ginhada (Raven), Laxgibuu (Wolf), and Gispwudha (killer whale).  40are also fewer persons in Lax Kw’alaams directly involved in the formal administration of community planning and industrial development.  More importantly for this study, the types of knowledge considered to be most important in Lax Kw’alaams in terms of resource management do not necessarily parallel the types of knowledge that are deferred to in the settler communities. Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) plays an important role in guiding First Nations and other indigenous peoples in shaping their relationship with the environment. (Berkes, 1993, 1999).  Berkes (2000, p.1252) defines TEK as a “cumulative body of knowledge, practice, and belief, evolving by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment.”  TEK is also recognized as including empirical observations that support survival, detailed understandings of ecological processes and natural resource management principles, understandings of socio-economic organization necessary for community functions, and a distinct worldview or “cosmovision” that guides the broader body of knowledge (Berkes, 1999). TEK is also recognized by non-First Nations scholars as holding value comparable to western scientific approaches to the study of natural resources, and as holding the potential to assist western scientific perspectives in understanding human-nature interactions (Huntington, 2000; Turner et al., 2000). In order to recognize the value of TEK, and the different lines of authority and leadership that guide resource management and community development in Lax Kw’alaams, the sampling frame was expanded to include additional groups that may not be as important in settler communities. This included Elders, community social groups, and heads of traditional families (or houses) that play a key role in the community. The inclusion of community “Elders” in the sampling frame was not limited to Lax Kw’alaams. In both Terrace and Prince Rupert, several respondents were included based on their status as “elder statespersons” of forestry and resource industries. These individuals included people that remained involved in various facets of resource management and civic leadership as volunteers, historians, or consultants. The sampling process thus included consideration of both professional and cultural dimensions of community leadership in both the settler and First Nation communities.  41Community leadership institutions included in the sampling strategy included a variety of different agencies, including groups affiliated with health, education, recreation, and community support services. However, there was a greater emphasis placed upon agencies dealing with resource management, political representation, and economic development. Despite the wide array of agencies and individuals considered for inclusion in the sampling strategy, the sample ultimately included more men than women in all of the study communities. This included 78 percent, 72 percent, and 64 percent male respondents in Terrace, Prince Rupert, and Lax Kw’alaams, respectively (see Appendix 2). This ratio is viewed as being reflective of the gender division within the community and resource-management institutions targeted in this study, rather than a product of sampling bias.28 It is important to acknowledge that a different sampling strategy that focuses on a different set of community institutions may have obtained a different set of respondents, and included a higher percentage of women. The results in this study therefore hold limited generalization to the broader community, and may not reflect the ratio of men and women that are active in leadership and resource-management positions in other communities.   The sampling method ultimately provided a pool of respondents that were believed by the researchers and by the respondents to be among those most directly involved in the civic leadership of their community and knowledgeable of the natural resources and resource development activities in the region. A summary of the respondents’ key characteristics is provided in Appendix 2. Survey Instrument The social science research component of the CCAPNSC revolved around a survey that was designed in a cooperative effort between the UBC sociology team, headed by Dr. Ralph Matthews, and Brinkman and Associates led by Mr. Dirk Brinkman. The survey incorporated a series of numerical scales (referred to within the project as a sustainability matrix), combined with a series of open and close-ended questions delivered through in-person interviews performed in the communities. The sustainability                                                  28 For example, at the time of the study, 19 of 27 (70 percent) positions in the local municipal governments and band council were occupied by men (including Mayors, Chief, and Councillors). In comparison, 71 percent of the respondents sampled from the three study communities were male.  42matrix was based on a concept introduced by Dirk Brinkman, drawn from work he had done with researchers studying deforestation and indigenous peoples in Amazonas. The design of the questions included in the interview schedule was based on work conducted by Matthews and Sydneysmith (2010a; 2010b) on climate change and adaptive capacity community in northern Canadian communities. The interview schedule was reviewed and revised multiple times with members of the CCAPNSC team, and tested in trial runs with respondents approximating the background and positions of those projected to be included in the research.  The matrix incorporated a set of colour-coded scales upon which respondents were asked to indicate the respective importance and condition of various resources. The matrix included three topic areas, including natural or environmental resources, social or community-level resources, and drivers of future change in the region. Environmental resources included a set of selected natural resources and features of the region that were agreed upon by the contributing members of the CCAPNSC project, with validation provided by those familiar with the region, its history, and most economically and socially important resources.29 Their collective expertise was utilized to reach an agreement on a set of environmental resources that were deemed to reflect a set of items that bore importance to each of the study communities.  Community resources included various civic and social functions, areas of activity, and community features. As with the environmental resources, the CCAPNSC members worked together to finalize a list of items that reflect important building blocks of community development, and resources that are tied to the well-being of each of the study communities. The environmental and community level resources included the items identified in Table 1.30                                                  29 The CCAPNSC project included numerous members with extensive experience working in the northwest region and conducting both social science and environmental research in the study communities. 30 Later in this section, I explain the methodology utilized to collect data on community and environmental resources not included in the original list that was created by the CCAPNSC.  43Respondents were asked to identify the current condition of both environmental and community level resources on a scale of one to ten, with ‘one’ representing “poor condition” or a vulnerable resource, and ‘ten’ representing good condition or a flourishing resource. However, instead of numbers, a colour-coded scale was utilized that moved from red to green, with red indicating critical vulnerability and green representing flourishing (see Figure 3). Respondents were asked, on a second parallel line, to indicate what they believed the condition of the resource to be approximately 20 years ago, or in the year 1990.32 This temporal context provided a desirable fit for this thesis, as 1990 comprises a key date that marks the division between the era of forestry discussed in Chapter Three and the era of change that followed. Figure 3: Matrix Format for Resources                                                   31 Oolichan (also spelled “eulachon”) are small sardine like fish, valued as a source of food, oil, and feed fish for larger species. 32 During the development of the methodology, it was acknowledged that there may be limitations for some respondents in their ability to provide assessments from 20 years ago. Factors influencing the ability to do so include the age of the respondent, amount of time spent in the area, and inaccurate recall. However, it was also determined that the respondents to be included in the research would comprise a select set of the population that hold a more detailed knowledge of the subject area and of the community than most people would possess. They would ostensibly have access to more detailed data on such topics, and be directly involved in the management, monitoring, or evaluation of the items addressed in a temporal context within the survey. Table 1: Sustainability Matrix Items  Environmental Resources Salmon Drinking water Oolichan31 Rivers and waterways Animals and wild game Forest health and diversity Berries Timber supply Mushrooms  Community Resources Local government and city administration Environmental protection Small business development Local infrastructure Forest industry Natural resource trade and exporting Outdoor recreation Tourism  Access to education Heritage and local culture  44The selection of colours instead of numbers was based on a combination of input from past work by Mr. Dirk Brinkman, innovations by the social science team, and the desire to ensure that the scales were relevant within the cultural context of both settler and First Nations populations. Respondents were also asked to assign each resource a numerical ranking to indicate its respective importance to the well-being of the region, with ‘one’ representing the most important resource. This created a hierarchy of resources for both environmental and social dimensions of each community, and for the overall region of the study.33  While the rating and ranking of various resources provided a past and present view of the study communities, the “drivers of change” provided a view of what the respondents expected in the future for their respective communities. Drivers of future changes included various phenomena and areas of activity that CCAPNSC members deemed to be relevant to the study of adaptation in resource-dependent communities.34 These included the items listed in Table 2.  Respondents were first asked to rate the drivers of change on a scale of ‘one’ to ‘nine’, based on the strength of their influence on the future of the region, with ‘one’ representing no influence and ‘nine’ representing a powerful influence.35 Instead of the “red-to-green, critical-to-flourishing” continuum scale utilized for resources, the strength of influence was measured upon a graduated “power-metre” scale that progressed from transparent to bright yellow (see Figure 4).36                                                    33 The environmental and community resources were rated and ranked separately, with a different matrix sheet provided for each set of resources. 34 As with the environmental and community resources, members of the CCAPNSC project consulted with the social science team to assist in establishing a set of items that were believed to represent the most important factors shaping the future of the region. 35 A nine-point scales was used instead of a ten-point scale, in order to provide a neutral midpoint with a score of “5”. 36 The underlying concept here was that of a “power bar” that increased in power as it increased in colour saturation.  Table 2: Drivers of Change Natural resource policies Global economy Climate change Transportation  Availability of Natural Resources  People moving out of the community New people moving into the community First Nations Treaty Settlements/ Aboriginal Rights and Title  45Figure 4: Matrix Format for Drivers of Change   Second, respondents were asked to rate each driver on the familiar red-to-green scale to indicate the nature of the influence as either positive or negative, with ‘red indicating the most negative effect and ‘green’ indicating the most positive effect. As with the environmental and community resources, respondents were also asked to rank the drivers of change numerically to indicate their respective levels of importance in determining the future of the region. With both the drivers of change and the environmental and community resources, respondents were permitted to remove items from, or add items to, the matrix, based on their opinions regarding the most important resources or drivers of change. This process rarely involved removal of items, but did provide a list of additional items that were identified as being important in each community.  This process resulted in the alteration of one item in the list of drivers of change. Although consultations were held prior to the research project, Lax Kw’alaams members expressed a wish midway through the project for one of the items on the drivers of change to be changed.  The item “First Nations Treaty Settlements” was replaced with the item “Aboriginal rights and Title” in matrices completed with Lax Kw’alaams respondents. Key representatives of Lax Kw’alaams asserted that the change should be made to best reflect their beliefs regarding which drivers of change are most important.37 Therefore, measurements of this item cannot be directly compared between Lax Kw’alaams and the other participating communities, and analysis of qualitative data must be used for making direct comparisons between Lax Kw’alaams and the other                                                  37 Completion of surveys in Terrace and Prince Rupert was already partially complete by the time the alteration was made for the Lax Kw’alaams respondents. Therefore, it was not possible to include both items (Treaty Settlements and Rights and Title) on the matrices. Secondly, it was believed that doing so may cause confusion for some respondents. The request was accommodated based on respect for the participating community, despite the challenge it presented to the analysis of data. As noted earlier, the Lax Kw’alaams First Nation remains at stage two of the treaty process, and has secured the majority of their benefits agreement through the assertion of their rights and title in the northwest region.  46study communities on matrix items related to Aboriginal rights and title and treaty settlements.  Interviews The matrix was completed in conjunction with a semi-structured interview that asked questions related to the respondent’s own activities, the activities of their organization, assessments of social and environmental issues, and the ability of the community and their organization to respond to change. Like the matrix, the interview schedule maintained a focus on past, current, and future conditions in the community and the region, grounding the research within the context of a changing community and environment.  The interviews were organized into six areas of inquiry. In section one, respondent were asked to provide information related to their personal characteristics, history in the community, community and civic involvement, personal and household reliance upon natural resources, and their professional and personal affiliations.  Section two focused on a cascading series of questions regarding the key issues related to the community, the environment or natural resources, and forestry. Respondents were first asked to identify the three most important issues related to the community and its future. Environmental or forestry related issues identified at this stage were carried forward and entered as responses in the following questions related to environment and forestry. If no environmental or natural resource issues were identified among the most important community issues, respondents were directly asked to identify the three most important environmental issues in the community. Forestry issues identified at this point were carried forward entered as in the following question about forestry. If respondents did not yet identify specific forestry issues for the community, they were asked to do so and the answers were entered into the final part of the question series. The cascading question structure produced a hierarchical list of issues that civic leaders, resource managers, and resource users perceived as being important for their communities. Respondents were also asked, following the full series of questions, if they perceived any relationship between the issues and climate change.   Section three of the interview examined respondents’ use of, and perceptions of, various sources of information on environmental and natural resources issues. The  47fourth section of the interview examined respondents’ roles within their various organizations, the way in which their organizations functioned, and their capacity for dealing with challenges related to environmental changes. Section five explored relationships between respondents (and their organizations) and various other organizations and groups both within and outside of their community. This included reference to ENGOs, First Nations, and various levels of government. The final section of the interview examined respondents’ perceptions of the general community, and its capacity for coping with environmental change, and their opinions regarding the forces that are likely to influence the future of their communities. A complete set of interview questions is provided in Appendix 3. The various sections of the interview were staged intermittently with separate sections of the matrix, with the arrangement designed to prevent queuing respondents towards assuming a definitive climate change orientation in their responses, and to provide the opportunity to follow up on rated and ranked information from the matrix with more detail in the semi-structured questions. Interviews were recorded on a digital device, and transcribed to enable entry and analysis in Nvivo qualitative software. Interactive Methodology and Refinements Four different interviewers were involved in the collection of data, and extensive measures were taken to protect inter-rater reliability and to ensure consistency in delivery of the interview.38 The research was conducted in a variety of physical and social settings, and dealt with a wide array of complex information, that in some cases pertained to contentious issues and personal or cultural beliefs about the environment and the community. The focus on civic leaders, research managers, and research users meant that many respondents would occupy central roles in the community and would require assurances that their answers would not be shared with other parties. I played a central role in the training of the social science research team, and was directly involved in the refinement of the interview delivery practices. I personally completed nearly 50                                                  38 One additional researcher (the head of the sociology team) was involved in the delivery of a single interview, in order to verify that the established routine and schedule satisfied the objectives that were established for the sociology team, and to better acquaint himself with the subtleties of the project.  48percent of the interviews in the project, and had direct access to the range of responses provided in each community.  New interviewers were provided with sample transcripts (written and recorded) to review as part of their training and preparation of the research. Prior to proceeding to the field settings, the researchers would meet with the team leader (myself), and review the interview schedule question-by-question in order to discuss appropriate ways of responding to questions from the respondents and defining particular concepts.39 The four participating interviewers also met several times as a group at the beginning of the research project to discuss appropriate ways of managing interviews, responding to questions, and entering the data. This process covered a wide array of interview methodology topics, that although numerous and subtle, are seen as important considerations in gaining candid and informative information from the respondents. Most importantly, this process of interviewer-training was aimed at enhancing inter-rater reliability. The training focused on ensuring that the different interviewers asked the questions in the same manner, and used the same systems for recording answers. Researchers were also coached in the use of appropriate body language, and management of the research setting in order to ensure the comfort and privacy of respondents, and to facilitate candid responses.  Respondents were provided with the choice of either filling in the matrix themselves, or having the researcher assist them in selecting appropriate response categories to ensure that the recorded data matched their intended answers. In the case of respondents self-completing the matrix, researchers were instructed to maintain intermittent broken eye-contact, and to only monitor the general process of response to ensure correct interpretation of written directions by the respondent.  To assist with proper completion of the matrix, the researchers guided the respondent through their first response, and paraphrased their indicated answer to ensure that they understood the response categories and scales being utilized, and had selected                                                  39 I led a series of training seminars with all of the participating researchers, in which we compared modelled our interpersonal methodology, reviewed sample interview recordings, and provided feedback on each other’s practices.  49the answer they desire.40 Respondents were then prompted to proceed at their own pace, with only intermittent attention from the researcher. Researchers maintained only broken eye contact while the respondent was completing the matrix, to afford a feeling of privacy as they provided their answers. Researchers were also coached in regard to appropriate positioning of chairs, open versus closed body language, and selection of appropriate attire. Respondents were asked for permission to use a recording device for the interviews, but researchers were instructed to draw as little attention as possible to the device to help preserve the sense of privacy that was promised to the respondents in the research.41 Data Analysis and Coding The interviews provided a mixture of qualitative and quantitative data, with the former obtained through the semi-structured interview questions and the latter obtained primarily from the matrix questions. This study draws upon a mixture of these two forms of data, using each according to its particular merits and limitations. The matrix data is utilized to identify broad trends and patterns of belief among the local leaders in each study community. The interview data is used to provide finer detail and examples of the trends indicated by the matrix data, and to examine issues and relationships that go beyond the more clearly delineated boundaries of the matrix questions. For example, the activity of ENGOs was not addressed in any matrix questions. However, the subject of ENGO activity in the community arose frequently in the interviews when respondents were asked about other groups in the community that they work with (Question 51), or groups that they consult in order to obtain knowledge regarding environmental issues (Question 39).42  The matrix data was entered into an SPSS database for statistical analysis. The resultant data produced hierarchical assessments of the resources considered most                                                  40 For example, if a respondent selected the far green circle to represent the current state of mushrooms, the researcher would verbally confirm that the respondent intended to indicate that he or she believes mushrooms are currently in a flourishing or very good condition. 41 For example, researchers were instructed to place the recorder on one of the interview documents. This way, in the case of a quiet speaker, the interviewer could simply move the paper thus better positioning the recorder, instead of drawing attention to the recorder by handling it directly. 42 A complete list of the interview questions is provided in Appendix 3  50important to the community, assessments of changes in the condition of the resource, and ratings of the social and environmental forces that are seen as being most important in shaping the future of the region. The ratings of the conditions of resources are treated as interval level data when examined as part of a Likert scale. The rankings of resources and drivers of change are treated as ordinal level variables. I will first explain the considerations guiding the treatment of the ranking data, and then explain the considerations guiding the treatment of the rating data. The rankings of environmental and community resources provide a means of measuring the emphasis that the study communities place on specific natural resources and different aspects of industrial and community activity as they rebuild their economies. As indicated earlier, drivers of change also received rankings in the matrix. However, I will refer to the resource rankings for the purposes of this explanation. The designation of the rankings as ordinal level variables is based on the conceptual properties of the rankings, examination of the resultant data, and consideration of demands associated with the statistical methods used to analyze the data.  Recognizing Steven’s theory on the scale of measurements (1946), the rankings can be viewed as ordinal variables because it is not possible to definitively measure the distance between the rankings, or to assert that the distance between the rankings are all equal. The ordering of the rankings does provide a clear progression from resources considered more important to resources considered less important, but measuring the distance between rankings and determining if the differences between rankings at one level are the same as the differences at another is not possible.43 Some researchers contend that Likert-type items, such as the individual rankings of resources used in this study, can be used as interval level variables despite questions regarding the specific measurement of distance between response categories. Clason and Dormody (1994) observe that singular Likert-type items are commonly treated as interval level data and analyzed using parametric statistical methods in social science                                                  43 For example, it is not possible to determine if the difference between the first and second most importance resource is the same as the difference between the ninth and tenth most important resource. Similar considerations apply to the drivers of change, which are ranked according to their importance in determining the future of the region.  51research.44 However, others argue that such methods are not acceptable when the variable does not produce a normal distribution of values, and when definitive (lower or higher) boundaries produce accumulations of responses at either end of the scale (Clason and Dormody, 1994; Borgatta and Bohrnstedt, 1980).45   Preliminary analysis of the ranking of environmental protection and its relationship with other key variables indicated that the data would not meet the assumptions necessary for regression analysis and other similar tests. These limitations were partly due to the small sample size obtained within the community (N < 50), and partly due to the failure to identify linear relationships between environmental protection and selected independent variables.46 Guided by the caveats observed in the literature, I ultimately decided to treat the ranking data as ordinal data because the ranking of environmental protection plays a key role in this study, and because initial parametric testing presented problems in meeting assumptions for regression analysis. The primary objective in this study is to examine the relationships between the importance of environmental protection and other variables. The use of more sophisticated forms of statistical analysis, such as ordinal regression, was ruled out due to the limited sample size and the associated difficult in obtaining highly accurate results in multivariate analysis.47 Therefore, I based my analysis upon the use of more simplistic, but more applicable, statistical methods, while relying upon the interview data and qualitative coding to provide further detail on the general patterns identified in the matrix data. My main focus involves measurements of association between the importance of environmental protection, and other variables related to community resources, environmental resources, and drivers of change. Exploration of results obtained using various statistics (including Pearson’s r, Kendall’s tau, and Spearman’s rho) yielded similar results for all measures of association involving environmental                                                  44 The authors conducted a survey of journal articles, and found that such approaches were evident in 34% of the 188 sampled articles (1994, p.35). 45 Typically, responses were clustered at the high end of the scale, where high rankings were indicated by a low numerical indicator (‘1’ represents the highest rank). Responses tended to be distributed with lower concentrations at the low end of the scale, as respondents were able to add items to the rankings, thus increasing the total number of rankings provided. 46 Fifty respondents were interviewed in each community. However, due to lack of complete data for every respondent, measurements occasionally yielded an “N” less than 50. 47 As indicated earlier, linear regression was ruled out due to the inability to establish linear relationships between the independent variables and the dependent variable, and other violations of key assumptions.  52protection. Ultimately, Spearman’s rho was selected as the appropriate measure of association. I selected this statistic as it is suited for analysis of ordinal level data, such as rankings, that are close to interval level data, but which lack a high level of clarity in relation to the distance between the response categories. Spearman’s is also appropriate for data in which “ties” in values are unlikely, and for the analysis of relationships between ordinal and interval level data variables.48 It is also particularly useful for my analysis as the use of rankings instead of values in the calculation of Spearman’s rho renders the statistic less vulnerable than Pearson’s r to the influence of outliers. This consideration allows for the inclusion of particularly strong viewpoints in the analysis, without the risk of them unduly influencing the outcome. Moreover, calculation of Spearman’s rho does not rely upon the use of variables that approximate a normal distribution of values. This consideration is helpful in my application for cases in which a large number of respondents share a similar opinion, or place a similar level of importance on a particular resource. As indicated earlier, the ratings of resource conditions are treated as interval level variables in this study. This approach is taken specifically for the analysis of changes in the perceived condition of different environmental resources, and to create a Likert-scale that represents perceptions of localized environmental conditions based on an index of perceived conditions for multiple resources. In comparison with the ranking data, the underlying concept for the resource ratings is more clearly articulated by the survey instrument. Ratings are assigned on a clear numerical scale of ‘1’ to ‘10’ that is accompanied by a colour-coded “slider” bar, with clear definitions for the end points of the scale.49  While the number of response categories varied with the number of items to rank, the rating categories adhered to a strict scale of ‘1’ to ‘10’. Although the ideal number of response categories for obtaining interval level data from Likert-items remains subject to debate, the use of 10 response categories has been found to support                                                  48 Spearman’s rho can be used to measure association between an interval level variable and an ordinal variable. “Ties” are unlikely to occur, due to the large number of response categories in the variables. In the case of correlations between different community-resource rankings, ties are not possible due to the exclusive application of a single unique ranking to each resource. 49 In contrast, rankings are assigned according to a fill-in box, without any other visual or conceptual guides by which to guide the response.  53high levels of reliability and validity in social science research, and produces high levels of approval from respondents based on the ease of comprehension and completion (Preston and Colman, 2000). Sisson and Stocker (1989) contend that calculation of means and use of t-tests is acceptable for Likert items. In this study, I use both forms of measurement in order to analyze perceived difference in the condition of natural resources.50  I also utilize Likert-items as interval level data for measuring the perceived conditions of environmental and community level resources, and for measuring the perceived change in these resources as perceived by the respondents. This includes the calculation of means, and the use of t-tests to determine if the average level of change perceived in individual resources is statistically significant. To obtain data on perceived changes in individual resources within each study community and for the region as a whole, I calculated means for the current and past conditions of the resource, and measured the difference between the means using a paired sample t-test in order to determine if the perceived difference is statistically significant.  Together, the perceptions of environmental conditions, changes in key resources, and rankings of drivers of future change provide a basis upon which to examine the concerns that local leaders hold about the future of their communities and the health of the environment. I utilize measures of association to determine the relationship between these variables and the importance that is based on environmental protection. However, I also acknowledge that the response to environmental issues is a complex social process that is shaped by relationships with the institutions involved in the initial production of, and corresponding systems of mitigating, risks to the environment. The selection of variables available in study and the characteristics of the data set being utilized make it impractical to use quantitative methods to analyze the factors that shape the relationship between perceived threats to the natural resource base and the importance of environmental protection. Therefore, additional data (from beyond the matrix) is required in order to explore the more complex relationships between the way northwest communities perceive environmental protection, and the forms of governance that                                                  50 I also provide means for ranking data, but include medians to ensure that the ordinal nature of the data is also represented.  54enable and constrain control of the resource base. My analysis of these issues, and the data used for my fourth research question, is thus based primarily upon a qualitative analysis of my study communities’ interactions with the forms of governance that guide resource management in the northwest region, and their experience in working with various agencies in responding to environmental issues.51  Qualitative Analysis My work represents a departure from the original purpose of the CCAPNSC project, which focused more directly on forestry activities, forest ecosystems, and adaptation to climate change impacts. I was able to utilize the raw matrix data from the project to support several parts of my analysis. I was also able to utilize a portion of the qualitative data that was originally coded for the purpose of the CCAPNSC project. However, it was necessary to conduct a separate coding process to obtain information that provided a better fit for my analysis of the study communities.  Following transcription, interviews were entered and coded using Nvivo9 qualitative software. The initial coding process was completed by a single researcher, which supported a high level of reliability in the coding outcomes. Specific questions from the interview were coded by grouping responses into categories that formed distinct ways of answering specific questions. This approach provided the ability to conduct basic statistical analyses on broad areas of inquiry, such as identification of the most important issues in the community. The initial substantive and thematic coding process (and the specific formulation of the actual questions) was designed to satisfy the needs of a series of community reports produced for the CCAPNSC project. The substantive coding was directly applicable for this study, as it organized the interview data into clearly delineated categories of response.52 However, much of the original thematic coding focused on issues that are not central to this work. It was therefore                                                  51 My fourth research question focuses on the way in which new forms of environmental governance (including environmentalism and Aboriginal rights) affect the response to environmental problems. 52 For example, answers to questions that sought to identify the most important issues facing the community were substantively coded (categorized) into categories including environmental issues, economic issues, and social issues.  55necessary to complete a second wave of both substantive and thematic coding to derive an original set of data that I could use to analyze my research questions.  In this study, I set out to shed light on the roles that environmentalism and Aboriginal rights play in northwest communities as they move from the foundations of their forestry based histories, through the challenges of the past two decades of recession, and into a future of social, environmental, and industrial change. Specifically, I have sought to examine the way these communities are able to reconcile the competing pressures of influential social movements with the emerging economic structure that is developing around them.  The impact that new resource development will have on these communities is complex, and it involves difficult challenges of supporting economic revival while protecting the natural resources that are valued in these communities. Similarly, the way that environmentalism and Aboriginal rights are perceived in relation to development activities in these communities is neither simple, nor easy to measure. In some cases these movements function as constraints on resource development activities, as illustrated in the protests against oil pipeline development, and the actions of ENGOs and First Nations in achieving a can on shale gas drilling in the northern parts of the region. In other cases, these movements function as enablers of new forms of activity, such as the proliferation of new industrial initiatives led by First Nations partners, and the development of environmentally sustainable certified timber products. The linkages between these communities, the environment, and the forces of development that affect them embody layers of complexity that are sensitive to the pushes and pulls of these relationships, and recognize the historic, geographic, and cultural milieu within which they operate. Thus, sheer measures of importance only provide insight to the outer layers of these issues in terms of their impacts in the region.  I contend that the relationships between northwest communities, environmental protection, and new forms of governance can only be understood within the context of the specific types of influences that these forces exert upon development activities and community growth. In my qualitative analysis of the CCAPNSC data, I engage in a more detailed coding of the interviews that reveals the complexity of these relationships.  56My substantive coding process included three distinct phases. These phases included more detailed coding of discussions related to the effects of resource development activities on the communities, coding of respondents’ perceptions of the various forces affecting the governance of these development activities, and coding of the emergent themes that were produced during my review of the data and the first two phases of coding.  The matrix only provided data for a limited set of resource development activities, particularly forestry and natural resource trade. Therefore, the first key phase in the analytical coding for this work focused on the way that respondents view various resource development activities in the region. This coding phase included three stages.  1. I identified references to resource development activities. This included reference to forestry, fishing, oil and gas development, mining and mineral exploration, hydroelectric development, and other forms of resource development. 2. I coded the influence of these development activities into negative or positive impacts.53 It also included coding of singular responses that refer to complex or contradictory influences that are neither purely negative nor positive. 3. I coded these impacts into distinct either social (community) impacts or environmental impacts.   This coding scheme supports my analysis of my research questions in two ways. First, it provided me with additional data related to the way that the study communities are seeking to adapt to the new northwest economy, and the types of resource development activities they are seeking to support. This provided me with insight to the identities that these communities are seeking to articulate as they engage with other groups and agencies involved in the northwest development projects, and to identify their vested interests in specific resource development activities.                                                  53 This coding scheme allowed me to identify respondents that identified both positive and negative impacts, and to distinguish them from respondents that only identified negative or positive impacts.  57Second, this coding scheme assisted in identifying what aspects of the environment and the community are seen as needing protection, and the type of the protection that is desired. This coding scheme provides the means to understand how the various resource development activities are expected to impact the region in the context of risk. I examined the data in combination with the matrix data that identified which resources are valued most in each community. I used this approach to identify specific resource development activities that are seen as affecting highly valued resources, and to gain insight to the nature of the risks perceived by the community. The second key phase in my coding process focused on a more sensitive examination of the way that the respondents perceive environmental protection, and Aboriginal rights and title. As indicated earlier, the matrix data only provided basic indicators of how environmental protection and Aboriginal rights are perceived, relative to other community resources and drivers of change. The goal of my study is to examine the specific functions and roles that these two movements play in northwest communities, and to better understand the relationships that they hold with resource development activities and response to environmental problems. To support this objective, I coded the interview data in four distinct four stages.  1. I identified references to environmental protection and Aboriginal rights in relation to resource development activities.  2. I coded the influence of environmental protection and Aboriginal rights as either negative or positive for the community. 3. I distinguished the influence (either negative or positive) as based in enabling development activities, or constraining development activities. 4. I coded the basis of the influence in actions comprised state actions or the effects of law and policy, or the result of private actions and the effects of public activities.  This substantive coding process produced a more sophisticated set of data relating to Aboriginal rights and environmental protection than provided by the matrix data, with detailed insight regarding the roles these movements are seen to play in  58relation to resource development activities in the northwest. In the findings and analysis chapter, I delve into each of the three communities to examine the ways that they are managing the competing pressures of these movements and the drive towards economic revitalization.  The third phase of coding overlapped with and extended beyond the first two coding phases. The first two coding phases provided a simple categorization of responses, and created large general groups of quotes associated with either positive or negative views on specific forms of resource development and environmental governance. Within these categories, I organized responses into natural groupings of quotes that illustrated the specific way in which resource development and environmental governance issues are understood and discussed in each community.  For example, within the coded categories for negative and positive assessments of resource development activities, I created codes for the specific types of impacts that are viewed as being associated with specific resource development activities. As the original coding process progressed, new categories of specific impacts emerged, such as impacts to marine environments, and pollution of their air. This process assisted in identifying key themes that characterized the primary resource development issues within each community, and the way in which respondents characterized the specific nature of the impacts. Within the coded categories for positive and negative assessments of environmental protection and Aboriginal rights, I distinguished whether respondents directed their comments toward state actions taken to protect the environment or the actions of ENGOs and public parties. I also identified emergent categories based of the specific type of influences that respondents associated with these groups, including distinct types of economic and social effects. This assisted in identifying the specific manifestations of environmental governance that are seen as either beneficial or harmful within each community, and for articulating the way in which they are understood within each community.  I utilize quotes from respondents to illustrate my findings, and to provide examples of key themes in my study. Each quote is followed by a letter that indicates the community that the respondent lives in, with “T” for Terrace, “P” for Prince Rupert, and  59“L” for Lax Kw’alaams. The letter is followed by a numerical code based on the respondent’s interview file. Additional Data Additional data for this study includes press articles, industry reports, government publications, census data, and other sources from the public domain. These data are used predominantly to provide detail on events occurring in the study area, and to explore the activities of specific companies and agencies. This pool of information helps place the interview data from the respondent communities into context with specific activities occurring around them.      60Chapter Three: Rural Development in British Columbia   This chapter covers three key aspects of resource community development in BC that assist in defining the challenges that northwest communities face in the present day. The first part of the chapter examines the defining characteristics of social organization and economic growth in these communities, with emphasis on the role of forestry in shaping the political-economic and cultural landscape onto which Aboriginal rights and environmentalism have emerged. I argue that the forestry-based economy created obstacles that relegated environmentalism and Aboriginal rights to the margins of development in northwest communities. Close relations between state and industry allowed big business and foreign capital to expand their control over rural areas and facilitated the development of alliances between industrial forestry and the rural working class that pushed other groups aside in the negotiation of control over the resource base. However, the structure of the forest industry was also defined by inherent instability that eventually resulted in an economic collapse that created new opportunities for environmentalism and Aboriginal rights to emerge as influential forces in both settler and First Nations communities. The second part of the chapter examines the historical relationship between First Nations and the structural forces driving rural development, and identifies the conflicts that fuelled the Aboriginal rights movement in the northwest. First Nations have faced, and continue to face, many challenges in asserting their rights and their title to their lands. Key among these has been the assertion of their own human-nature relationships, distinct from both western environmental ethos and purely utilitarian perspectives on nature.  Throughout the twentieth century, First Nations have held cooperative and conflicting relationships with both industry and environmentalism. However, First Nations’ paths of development cannot merely be viewed as a middle road between these forces. The assertion of Aboriginal rights in northwest resource development activities must be understood as an effort to advance a distinct set of relationships with nature and a unique path of industrialization that has been directly impacted by, yet stands apart from, that of settler society. Understanding the difference between settler and First  61Nations paths of development through the age of industrial forestry helps explain the way in which these communities are responding to environmental problems today. The third part of the chapter explores the roots of the environmental movement in BC, its growing role in rural community development activities, and the background of the relationship between environmentalism and First Nations people. I argue that the historical frictions between environmentalism and rural BC communities were products of the class structure and power relations that drove the provincial political economy. This analysis will set the stage for explaining how the reconfiguration of the political-economic and social structure creates opportunities for both environmentalism and Aboriginal rights to play new roles within contemporary rural communities as they seek to adapt to a changing environment.  Part One: Historical Perspectives on Resource Dependent Communities in BC Each stage of industrial growth and community development that has occurred in rural BC since colonization has contributed to the tension that is experienced in the northwest today. Likewise, each school of thought that has been brought to bear on this subject has made an enduring contribution to the way that these communities are understood. I review some of the most important and influential analyses of rural development in BC (and in Canada) so that I may outline the tensions affecting the northwest today, and so I can explain how this thesis builds upon the work of past scholars.  The study of Canadian development and economic activity has been strongly influenced by the work of Harold Innis (1930, 1933), who focused on the country’s early origins as a supplier of raw materials to the British empire and other developed countries. Innis played a key role in articulating several key concepts in the economic history of Canadian rural resource development, and his work serves as a proxy for a widely accepted characterization of BC history and political economy. Innis described the early Canadian economy as being characterized by central urban industrialized regions (heartlands) contrasted with dependent peripheral rural resource-supplying regions (hinterlands), high levels of dependency on foreign markets with corresponding fluctuations in economic stability, and underdevelopment in secondary and tertiary industrial sectors (Ley and Hutton, 1997).   62Instability was a fundamental feature of the core-periphery model, with the succession of changing export-dependent resource markets producing disruptive effects on communities and cultures. Innis’ (1933) early work examined the cultural destruction of First Nations in eastern Canada by the European fur trade. This occurred first through exploitation of First Nations by Europeans for indigenous knowledge of the land to develop the fur industry, and later through the pervasive spread of technology and economic systems that pushed traditional practices aside (ibid). Similar impacts of industrial forestry in western Canada on First Nations will be explored later in this chapter. To be sure, the destruction of First Nations culture was carried out through various modalities, including the spread of disease, the implementation of residential schools, assimilation and religious conversion, social degradation, and discriminatory government policies. However, industry provided the conduit by which European influences spread throughout the rural areas of the province. Innis’s model provided a structurally deterministic view of rural development that viewed social organization as contingent upon dominant economic forces. Innis contended that new forms of society develop to serve new markets, and old forms are destroyed as their utility to changing markets declines.54 The collapse of the fur trade in eastern Canada and the shift to forest products as the next economic staple corresponded with a decline of nomadic fur-trading culture (Innis, 1930). This shift was accompanied by a steep rise in immigration and the population of western Canada by European settlers as new forms of industry spread across the country (ibid).   Although the eastern fur trade forms the focus of Innis’ work, the fur trade also played a key role in establishing early relations between First Nations and settler populations in west (Mackie, 1993, 1997; Marsden and Galois, 1995; Gibson, 1992). Lax Kw’alaams (formerly known as Fort Simpson) became a destination for settlers in the late 1820s, as the Hudson’s Bay Company sought to extend its influence into the northwest region (Mackie 1997, p.59-60). The location played a key role in the expansion of British influence against the advance of American fur traders, providing                                                  54 Innis’s early work examined the fur trade in eastern Canada (1930), including the negative impact the industry had on First Nations cultures as European technology and trading system displaced traditional trapping culture.   63colonists with a strategic position in establishing access to fur-producing territories. Additionally, Lax Kw’alaams’ location provided access to the established trade networks of the northwest First Nations, and to crucial pools of knowledge and labour that enabled the expansion of settler commerce (ibid, 60,150).  The arrival of colonial fur traders had a significant impact on First Nations political and economic organization. The balance of power among different First Nations and among different houses within them was altered by the new trading relationships established with the settler forces (Marsden and Galois, 1995). The marine fur-trading routes were soon followed by the creation of land-based transportation routes and the arrival of new immigrants as part of the northern gold rush in the Yukon territories (McKay, 1978, p.159).55 Although the importance of the fur and gold-mining industries declined greatly by the end of the 17th century, they provided the early commercial infrastructure and population bases that supported the early growth of forestry as a staples industry in BC. The progression from fur trading and gold mining to forestry and fisheries led to the founding of numerous settler communities in northwest BC, with their development following steps within a larger productive process that unfolded according to the progressive exploitation and exhaustion of desired resources.56 By the early twentieth century, a heartland base in Vancouver and the lower mainland assumed ownership, management, processing, and shipping functions over the rural coastal and interior hinterlands of the province (Ley and Hutton, 1987). Examining Prince Rupert, Rajala (2006, p.32) explains that the town experienced stages of growth corresponding with development of new trade routes such as the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway (GTP) in 1914, and the subsequent construction of new mills and canneries connected to it. In addition to providing milling sites and an access point for harvesting timber in the coastal region, the town of Prince Rupert was originally developed to act as a port for export of raw materials to developed countries via ocean trade routes, and for                                                  55 The earliest transportation routes (for settlers) between Terrace and Prince Rupert in northwest BC were established by steamboat, as part of gold rush exploration in the mid-1800s (Downs, 1972). During the same era, many of the 30,000 prospectors travelling through BC moved into the early log-cutting industry after the Gold Rush, providing valuable human resources in an area geographically isolated from the population centres of the country (McKay, 1978).  56 This pattern of community development does not apply to the First Nation communities that were already established in the region, long before the arrival of European settlers.  64import of products such as silk from Asia (Large, 1973). Similar to many other towns along the GTP, the town of Terrace was surveyed in 1910 following construction of a sawmill near the Skeena River, which (together with the railway) acted as a resource corridor to the coast (Rajala 2006; 32).  The founding and growth of northwest BC resource towns has thus unfolded as an industrial narrative, with the northwest (and other hinterland areas) functioning as a resource-providing region to the lower mainland and overseas market, and BC playing a similar role to eastern Canada and its international trading partners. The Innisian model incorporated relations of dependence and subordination of the hinterland to the heartland, and of the staples-providing country serving its export partners. The instability of rural areas and their dependence upon the urban core is a product of the institutional structure of the core-periphery pattern of development. Hayter and Barnes explain that the staples model is characterized a large interventionist state body that is purposively designed to secure the participation of large scale businesses (and their capital) in creating the infrastructure necessary to enable the growth of a natural resource export based economy (1990, p.161).57 Emphasis is placed on ensuring the stability of institutions in the urban core to coordinate access to foreign markets and secure relationships with large industrial partners, while sacrificing entrepreneurial development and stability in rural areas. This pattern of organization poses problems to economic stability when there are changes in demand for raw materials from primary trading partners. Building on the work of Innis and his contemporaries, Watkins coined the term “staples trap” to describe conditions in which over-reliance upon raw material exports inhibits the industrial diversification needed to endure fluctuations in external markets (1963, p.151). Hayter and Barnes (1990) contend that the Innisian model, and the staples trap that it entails, provides an accurate explanation for BC rural development, not only through its formative stages, but also through to the latter stages of the 20th century. The staples                                                  57 Hayter and Barnes cite railroads and canals as examples of the infrastructure required to support historic Canadian staples industries. Railroads played a key role in BC industrial development, while the flooding of river valleys to create reservoir lakes not only provided power to processing facilities, but also created functional canals, which were used for transporting timber through areas of the province where roads and rail did not reach.  65model of development, the challenges that accompany it, and the role of the state in maintaining this economic framework, have formed a central focus in the study of rural BC development. As critical schools of thought developed in Canadian academia, increasing scrutiny was directed towards the role of both state and industry in the shaping of the Canadian political economy, and the implications of these patterns of industry for social organization in resource dependent communities. Influential works included Lucas’s study of the sequential development of resource towns (1972), Clement’s study of the mining industry (1981), and Marchak’s analyses of the BC forest industry (1983, 1995).  This thesis examines the northwest region within these broader frames of analysis, and focuses specifically on the way that this course of development shaped the relationships between northwest communities and the rest of the world. The tenuous relationship between core and periphery, and town and country, forms an important theme that is rooted in historical analyses that preceded this study, and the enduring influence of the staples model of development on the northwest today.  The Rise of Industrial Forestry Just as the European fur trade in eastern Canada introduced economic systems that disrupted previous patterns of culture and trade, the rise of the BC forest staples economy disrupted First Nations societies in the northwest. The history of BC forestry pays limited attention to First Nations and their use of the forests. Drushka states, “Indigenous inhabitants did not make extensive use of this forest.” (1999, p.67). McKay (1978, p.160) acknowledges First Nations engaged in hand-logging prior to Europeans, but does not provide any detail about their activities.58 In contrast, Taylor (1975) devotes several pages of his book Timber to First Nations woodcutters. However, these historical sources make reference only to First Nations’ use of wood and ignore other forest uses,                                                  58 Hand-logging involves cutting trees by axe or saw, and transporting it to its next point of transit (usually boat or animal pull) through manual means. Hand-logging, and the small scale to which it was confined by reliance upon manual labour, was soon subsumed by export-oriented forestry and the application of industrial technology.  66treating trees (particularly marketable timber) and forests as interchangeable concepts.59 Rajala (2006, p.115) notes the contrast between these narrow (economically-based) and utilitarian definitions of forests and a wider spectrum of ideas regarding land use, stating “the aboriginal one gave way to the market-driven conception of nature.”  The four decades spanning 1871 to 1911 witnessed a 700 percent increase in the population of BC, and an increase from 24 to 224 sawmills (Marchak, 1983, p.33). This period included the construction of the Georgetown sawmill between Prince Rupert and Port Simpson (present day Lax Kw’alaams) in 1875 and a yellow cedar mill in Hartley Bay in 1905 (Rajala, 2006, p.34). American investors purchased the Hartley Bay mill in 1908 (ibid), providing an early sign of a trend of foreign ownership of BC resources that would follow in subsequent years.60   State legitimation of industrial forestry through tenure and licensing provided valuable public revenue, and played a key role in asserting national sovereignty over perceived “wilderness” areas in the era surrounding Confederation (Marchak, 1983, p.32).61 However, the patchwork system of leases, grants, and tenures that emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries produced circumstances in which the Crown had limited control over development of the land, and accrued limited royalties and payments as market conditions changed. With growing concerns over resource control and public revenue streams, the Crown introduced a new system of Timber Sale Licenses (TSLs) in the Forest Act of 1912 (ibid, p.15), with the price of the TSLs determined through bidding processes.62                                                   59 The treatment of forests as trees is done despite the diversity of flora and fauna in BC forests and their value to First Nations people These different uses will be touched on in more detail later in this chapter when discussing the Aboriginal rights movement. 60 Other American acquisitions in this period included the purchases of 89 square miles of Crown timber on the Queen Charlotte Islands by Midwest investors, and 156 square miles of timber on Graham Island by a Los Angeles controlled company (Rajala, 2006, p.32). In 1907 alone, 258 American investors acquired timber licenses in BC (Bernsohn, 1981, p.11). 61 The word “wilderness” is used in parentheses in acknowledgement that the areas in question were inhabited by First Nations, and were designated as empty as part of the colonization process which involved claiming of lands that were never yielded by the First Nations. Marchak explained that American influence in northern BC remained a concern even after joining Confederation, and the development of resource exports without connection to a clear industrial plan of maturation for the province was based on a strategy of occupying the territory rather than developing it (1983, p.32). 62 The intention of the TSL system was to encourage competition and extract more royalty value from the forest (Marchak, 1983, p.36).   67The creation of these private holdings was a pivotal linkage in the commodification of forests into new forms of value, and a key step in establishing limitations on forest uses that relegated other perspectives on forests to the margins of the political economic structure. The application of scientific forestry management strategies, and the quantification of forests as timber stands defined by wood volume and market value, enabled the transformation of forests into areas of governmental and capital control (Demeritt, 2001, p.435-437). Braun (2002) explained that the transformation of forests into tree farms left no room for other forest uses, making the economic value of the forests prominent, and rendering other types of value invisible.63 Access to land and forest resources became subject to regulations and systems based in Victoria and controlled through increasingly complex abstractions of the timber market, with the traditions of First Nations and the recent historical practices of European pioneers relegated to the margins of industry. This system allowed corporate powers (including many American firms) to enter the market (Marchak, 1983, p.36) and gain influence on Canadian rural development.  Between 1900 and 1913, forestry investments in BC increased from $2 million to $150 million per annum, 60 percent of which was American funding (Taylor, 1975, p.98).64 Those unable to compete for licenses (including most First Nations people) were excluded from management of the land (Rajala, 2006, p.42-43).  The expansion of industrial forestry and the reconfigured ownership of natural resources did not go uncontested. Although hand-logging provided valued work for many First Nation people, First Nations in northwest BC mounted objections to this commodification of the forests, and the new forms of ownership affecting lands they had occupied and resources they had utilized for centuries.65 During the 1880s, Nisga’a leaders blocked settlers from accessing timberlands in the Nass Valley north of Terrace                                                  63 Prudham described the industrial forest as something that came to be “bought and sold on the basis of such highly abstracted renderings that the very notion of the commodity fetish is given new meaning” (2007, p.259). 64 Taylor (1975, p.68) described the expansion of forestry licensing in the early 20th century as “The American Invasion”, citing the mass purchase of timber leases near Prince Rupert by Washington-based speculators as northwest context for this trend. 65 Hand-logging still played a role in the industry during this period, and was one of the few areas of the industry that First Nations people were able to participate. “If I now take any sticks of timber from these places the white men will come along and say ‘leave that alone, it belongs to me.’” (unidentified Bella Coola man in Rajala, 2006, p.42)  68and other local tribal leaders protested to provincial and federal leaders about the seizure of traditional lands for timber license purposes (Rajala, 2006, p.42). Hayter (2000, p.33) explains that the assignment of First Nations people to isolated reserves on limited tracts of land supported an “empty land assumption” among colonizers and the (unjust) claiming of BC wilderness by the Crown, and subsequent allocation to industrial uses.66  The earliest manifestations of industrial forestry thus functioned to push Aboriginal rights to the margins of the development process that was sweeping through northwest BC and the rest of the province. Despite such objections, allocation of timber tenures continued in a manner that cut off both First Nation and settler populations from direct relationships with the resource base that surrounded them. The history of forestry license development and growth of the industry in the northwest provides important insights to the relationship that developed between northwest resource communities and corporate capital, a bond which was important in mediating future relationships between northwest communities and new social movements such as Aboriginal rights and environmentalism.  Although the increase of forestry investment portended new industrial opportunities, the manner in which the forests were controlled and the locus of the control meant that opportunities would be funnelled into specific sets of productive relations that emphasized enrichment of foreign investors over the long-term stability of rural communities. Thus, the economic structure of the industry that would define rural development in much of BC reflected deference to increasing the power of the provincial heartland and its relationships with external markets, while sacrificing the enrichment of entrepreneurship in the hinterland.  Lumber production in BC tripled in the period between 1915 and 1945 (Bernsohn, 1981, p.55), during which advances in technology and a rapidly growing pulp industry increased demands for timber in a province already known for its sawmill industries.67 Throughout this period there were numerous fluctuations in both the                                                  66 This assumption was based on the belief that if the First Nations were not utilizing the land in a manner similar to Europeans, then the land is empty and open development.  67 In the 1930s, advances in chemistry drove the development of pulp milling, which stimulated demands for resources to provide materials for printing, munitions, and packaging industries in the global  69provincial and local northwest forest industries, with timber production rising sharply following periods of war or depression. Demand for northwest timber products during this era drew momentum in the Terrace region from pole manufacturing and saw milling, and in Prince Rupert from saw milling and shipping of wood to other BC processing facilities for pulp milling (Rajala, 2006; Taylor, 1975). Despite repeated cycles of boom and bust, a trend of overall forestry growth persisted, with sawmills in the Prince Rupert district increasing in number from 18 to 44 between 1914 and 1939 (Hayter, 2000, p.43).  By 1943, more than 60 small sawmills were operating along the Skeena River in the area east of Terrace (Rajala, 2006, p.113).  These increases in activity, however, did not necessarily correspond with increased local prosperity, as the northwest region was hindered by volatile market conditions in the saw milling industry and a peripheral position in the emerging pulp industry. Distance from markets created obstacles for northwest sawmills in competing with their southern competitors, and northwest booms were often based on short-term needs such as the construction of military barracks in Prince Rupert during World War II, or the surge in railway tie production during the expansion of the Canadian National Railway (CNR) and its supporting spurs (Rajala, 2006, p.91-114). In the absence of a pulp mill in Prince Rupert until 1947, local logging contractors were forced to deal with monopolistic log-buyers as the market for spruce increased in importance in the coastal industry.  Concerns about the optimization and renewal of forest resources had been growing in the province during the 1930s, with new replanting programs being initiated by the BC Forest Service and private landowners on Vancouver Island (Drushka, 1999, p.41-42). As the ability and capacity of the industry to extract timber from the landscape increased, concerns about future timber supplies and effective utilization of the resource also rose. Criticisms of wasteful logging practices and fears about dwindling supplies of accessible timber on a provincial level were also evident in the northwest. Efforts to maximize spruce production during World War II resulted in the waste of non-target                                                                                                                                                 marketplace (Bernsohn, 1983, p.161).  Increased availability of electric power and larger more efficient blades provided new sources of efficiency and capacity in sawmills (Hayter, 2000, p.41).  70species trees in the Queen Charlotte Islands (Rajala, 2006, p.112-113).68 Meanwhile, expanding pole production resulted in increased depletion of cedar in the Skeena watershed, prompting the need to seek new sources of resources farther from the main processing sites near Terrace (ibid). Although harvesting was increasing in both the northwest and throughout the province, value-producing activity was not increasing in lockstep. While cutting continued to rise from 1919 to 1946, no additional pulp mills were built in the province (Taylor, 1975, p.164).  Early models of industrial forestry in the northwest served to benefit foreign investors at the cost of local enrichment, and the model that would come to dominate the region in the following decades only ingrained this pattern more deeply. In the subsequent decades, the role of the state, its relationship with industrial capital, and the impact of this partnership on the social organization of northwest communities became increasingly clear. The decisions that were made during this period were critical in shaping the industry by further defining ownership of forest resource rights, increasing the centralization of timber cutting rights, and providing the means to accelerated production in future years.  Tenures and Control of the Forests The primary linkage supporting the state-capital relationship was the system of tenure used to allocate rights to forest resources. The evolution of the tenure system reflects a specific type set of economic relations that included cooperation between government and big industry to reshape rural BC. The embedment of this industry model played an important role in shaping the class culture of forestry communities, and defining the relationships between these communities and Aboriginal rights and environmentalism in future decades.  The forest tenure system that was developed in the period following WW II provided the fundamental framework for the development of rural BC. Concerns about the rate of timber depletion, particularly on the coast, prompted BC Chief Forester C.D. Orchard to call for a Royal Commission in 1943 to assist in remodelling the timber                                                  68 Sitka spruce was widely used in construction of aircraft during World War II.   71license system.69 After consulting various members of industry, government, and the public, the Sloan Commission endorsed the Chief Forester’s proposals, and a new system of tenure was introduced with the new Forest Act (Drushka, 1999, p.43).  The new system included two new types of tenure units. The new forms of forest tenure included “private working circles” that combined old Crown grants and tenures with additional Crown land into units called Forest Management Licenses (later renamed Tree Farm Licenses or TFLs), and “public working circles” composed entirely of Crown lands that were called Timber Supply Areas (TSAs) within which licenses (Timber Sale Licenses or TSLs) to harvest timber were allocated to companies using a complex quota system (Pearse, 1992, p.17-19).70  While the TFLs were designed around single company ownership, the TSAs were designed to operate according to the same sustained yield principles as TFLs, with the goal of allowing smaller operators to remain in the industry, with the government retaining the primary forest management responsibilities (Hak, 2007, p.51). The administrative requirements of TFLs were tailored toward big business, as small operators could not meet management demands of a TFL, even if working in cooperation with each other (Hak, 2007, p.56). The new tenure units were larger than the previous timber licences, and provided a system in which the Crown maintained ownership of the land, while the licensees (particularly in relation to TFLs) took on new levels of responsibility for forest management, including silviculture.  Corporate response to the new tenure system was positive, based on the greater access to timber and longer security in tenure.71 However, many forest service and private sector parties (particularly small operators) opposed new TFL system due to belief it would lead to concentration of cutting rights, poor management of the publicly owned resource, and damage to local economies as large corporations swallowed up small operators. (Drushka, 1999, p.45). Under the new tenure system, the government held exclusive discretion in granting forest tenure, and the system of forest land-use                                                  69 Often referred to as the Sloan Commission of the 1940s, which was later repeated as the Sloan Commission of the 1950s.  70 In 1957, these became termed as public sustained yield units (Hak, 2007, p.59).  However, the term “Timber Supply Area” remains in use today. 71 The first 23 TFLs carried perpetual terms that could only be revoked if the licensee violated the conditions of the contract (Pearse, 20, p.1992).   72decision-making did not provide any avenues for public participation, and such matters remained insulated from meaningful public input until the mid-1990s (Pearse, 1992, p.19; DesRoches, 2007, p.672).72 The fundamental framework for assigning forest resource ownership and for determining the uses to be imposed on forest landscapes was thus structured to exclude non-industrial interests (including environmentalist and Aboriginal rights concerns), and favour a specific set of capitalist interests.  The result of the new tenures system was a gold rush for trees, with companies buying up all they could to secure access to trees and establish their market position in the forestry boom to follow (Drushka, 1999, p.152). Labour unions were supportive of the new tenure system and provided its passage into legislation, largely based on its deference towards the large forestry corporations that supported the majority of union jobs (Hayter, 2000; Prudham, 2007).73 Within the Ministry of Forests, foresters favoured the awarding of TFLs to large companies based on the belief in their financial capacity to weather boom-bust periods without either going out of business or abandoning forest practices in favour of quicker more profitable logging methods (Hak, 2007, p.64).74 However, small operators protested the award of every TFL in the coastal region, fearing that the way the system was unfolding was leading to consolidation of timber rights in a corporate elite, and in turn relegating small companies to sub-contractor status in servitude of an oligopoly with power to control the market (ibid, p.56). In this sense, the industry that drove growth in northwest BC was predicated upon subjugation of local interests to foreign capital and state control over the resource base. The tenure system not only facilitated the concentration of harvesting rights in the hands of large corporations, but also provided fuel to the acceleration of harvesting                                                  72 The government-led  method of allocating TFLs represented a significant departure from the past system in which the Forest Service made such decisions (Drushka, 1985, p.72). DesRoches notes that public participation prior to the 1970s was limited only to special enquiries, such as Royal Commissions. From the 1970s to the mid-1990s, systems for public participation in forestry activities remained poorly developed, and were not embodied in any comprehensive policy or strategic planning process (2007, p.672-676). 73 Unions tended to favour large employers, and have historically opposed to any type of community level forest tenure due to the belief that non-unionized labour would infiltrate the industry through such small and independent tenures (Prudham, 2007, p.267). Marchak adds that unions favoured large employers due to reliability of employment, higher wages, and greater emphasis on safety measures (1983, p.156). 74 Large companies were favoured as recipients of TFLs due to their stability through recessions, greater capacity for forest management, and the larger scales of profit for the Crown (Marchak, 1983, p.30-49).  73based on the allocation of larger areas of timber to license-holders. Hayter (2000, p.49) observes that the Annual Allowable Cut (AAC) was adjusted repeatedly throughout the two decades following the new Forest Act, and each adjustment followed an upward direction. 75 The government’s logic in the implementation of large-scale TFLs with increasing AACs was that large corporations would be attracted to invest heavily in the region based on guaranteed access to resources, and would have the incentive to follow through on resource renewal to preserve the value of their long-term tenures (ibid).  The large scale of new timber tenures and the calculation of the AAC based upon human-assisted forest regeneration incorporated a “logic” of exchanging the complex values of biologically diverse old growth forests with the pure economic calculus of plantations. (Prudham, 2007, p.265). Thus, the new tenures system provided a mechanism for the liquidation of old growth forests and expanded the territory under scientific forest management within which limited forest uses were possible. The arrangements set out in the modern tenure system set the foundation for future conflicts between industry and environmental and Aboriginal rights by enabling mass harvest of old-growth forests and facilitating increased harvesting across the traditional lands of First Nations peoples. In 1958, the first road into the Nass Valley in northwest BC was built, as part of the continued expansion of activity centred around the Prince Rupert pulp mill, which formed the centrepiece in the first TFL ever awarded (TFL 1). (Taylor 1975, p.166). This allowed the forest industry to extend its mass harvest activities into the traditional territories of the Tsimshian, Nisga’a, and Gitxsan First Nations in northwest BC.  The system of tenure arising from the (first) Sloan Commission exerted a powerful influence on the forestry industry during the post-war boom, and throughout one of the busiest periods of BC rural development, during which forestry communities expanded and the provincial infrastructure solidified.  There would be many amendments made to the tenure system throughout the 40 years following the Sloan Commission, with various alterations made to the names of licenses, the way in which                                                  75The AAC is a system of calculation that seeks to balance the amount of timber cut each year with the ability of the forest to regenerate, thus ensuring sustained yield over time. This includes calculation of silviculture programs to replant, and fire prevention to reduce loss of timber stocks.   74volume of harvestable timber would be assigned, and the way in which licenses could be acquired and amalgamated.76 However, the basis of the tenure system as one favouring large corporations and mass harvesting remained consistent.77 The resulting pattern of development formed strong economic linkages between rural communities and large corporations, and these linkages were reinforced through processes of license amalgamation and concentration and through the regulatory revisions that enabled these processes. The reliance of rural communities upon large forestry corporations served to align industry and rural working class interests when the dominance of industrial forestry was challenged by environmentalism and Aboriginal rights in future decades.  The deference toward large-scale operations in awarding and structuring of tenures was characteristic of what Hayter (2000) described as a purposive movement by the BC government towards building a Fordist forest industry that would be equipped to compete in the global market. Fordism is characterized by large corporations using advanced technology to increase efficiency and profits, while working cooperatively with government to stimulate mass-production and economic growth. The ability of large companies to afford new technology provided them with advantages in meeting the demands of government regarding the types of community growth that would accompany award of a TFL. An example of this was the granting of the very first TFL to the New York-based Celanese Corporation in 1947, with the agreement to build a new $25 million kraft pulp mill near Prince Rupert (Rajala 2006, p.146).78 Following the acquisition of the TFL and the construction of the pulp mill, Celanese made intensive investment into new mechanized logging processes, such as the increased use of chainsaws, caterpillar tractors, and high-lead rigging systems for movement of fallen                                                  76 By the late 1990s, there were seven different types of tenure in BC forests, with TFLs and Forest Licenses (or FLs) being the dominant license types, accounting for over 80 percent of the AAC  (Marchak, 1999, p.16-17). Forest Licenses effectively replaced Timber Sale Harvesting Licenses (TSHLs), which had earlier replaced the TSLs (Pearse, 1992). 77 TSHLs and TSLs underwent processes of acquisition and amalgamation throughout the Fordist era in which cutting rights were concentrated in the hands of the few. When TSLs were replaced with FLs, the new form of license was made much larger in scale than the former license (Pearse, 1992, p.34), catering again to a big industry model of forestry. 78 TFL 1 is located in northwest BC, covering an area that stretches from Prince Rupert to Terrace. Celanese was the controlling party in the creation of Columbia Cellulose Company (Colcel). The development of new boilers allowed the kraft process to surpass the sulphite process in pulp milling in the mid-20th century. The new process provided both economic and environmental advantages to the sulphite process.  75timber, allowing the company to increase efficiency and volume in feeding their new mill (Rajala, 2006, p.148). However, these advances also impacted employment negatively, as timber production in the Prince Rupert Forest District increased by 60% between 1955 and 1962, while logging jobs increased by only 3% (ibid, p.166).  On a provincial level, the number of employees per 1,000 cubic metres (cm3) of harvested wood steadily declined between 1965 and 1996, falling from 1.69 to 1.02 employees per cm3 (a fifty percent decline) (British Columbia, 2000, p.91). Marchak et al (1999, p.102) assert that the primary reason for employment decline in forestry has been the application of labour-saving technologies. Workers expressed little resistance to the advances in technology that made increases in production possible, and instead sought to secure increased wages through their union representatives as a way of sharing in the wealth produced by the growing industry (Hak, 2007, p. 158-167; Marchak et al, 1999, p.103).79 The general complicity of forest workers in the trend of increased production prompted Marchak (1983) to characterize labour (along with forestry communities) as “partners with industry”, based upon the support they provided labour to large forestry companies during revision to the Forest Act and tenure structure, and their shared opposition to forest preservation efforts.  In the northwest, Celanese expanded its influence throughout the decades following the award of TFL 1 by purchasing the Prince Rupert Sawmill operation in 1965, the Pohle sawmill in Terrace in 1969, and an additional 20 timber sale licenses from Hazelton Sawmills farther up the Skeena River (Rajala, 2006, p.179-180). BC lumber production increased by 49 percent between 1961 and 1972, but the number of sawmills decreased by 61 percent (Hak, 2007, p.60). Small operators, facing increased operating costs and management requirements associated with tenure requirements, were forced to sell their licenses to larger corporate bodies (ibid, p.65). During this time, Celanese expanded its operations, and many smaller operators in the Terrace region found themselves either bought out by a large company or out of business as a result of being unable to secure access to the timber needed to run their own operations (Marchak, 1983, p.326). This pattern of industrial development increased the level of                                                  79 A more detailed examination of the role of unions in supporting the industry and shaping rural communities will be provided later in this chapter.   76dependence between northwest communities and large forestry companies, while further undermining entrepreneurial development and the growth of secondary manufacturing in the region.  Columbia Cellulose was eventually purchased by the BC Government in 1972, and reorganized as a Crown Corporation called Canadian Cellulose (CanCel) (Drushka, 1985, p.82).80  Local contractors and independent industry members were opposed to the sale, and were critical of having such a large corporate entity continuing to expand its influence over the region (Drushka, 1985, p.82-83). Only the Terrace mill (Skeena Forest Products) was locally owned, but it fell to foreign ownership in 1969 under the US-based Price Company, which later sold the company to CanCel as it sought to secure access to more wood for its pulp operations (Rajala, 2006, p.193). This sale effectively left every lumber mill in Terrace under the control of CanCel by 1980, and the region increasingly dependent upon the success of this large corporation (Marchak, 1983, p.327). Thus, the convergence of technology with the new tenure system and large corporations set the foundations for the centralization of timber rights and the rise of an industrial forestry oligopoly with increasing influence over rural BC communities.  The defining characteristic of the Fordist era of forestry was that of increased production, and increased consolidation of cutting rights. The provincial timber harvest increased from 26.6 million cubic metres in 1955 to 60 million cubic metres in 1975 (Drushka, 1999, p.49). During the course of this rise, the ten largest forestry companies increased their control over the industry from 37 percent of the AAC to 59 percent (ibid). The same 10 companies owned between 70 percent and 90 percent of all timber licenses at this time, 34 percent of all lumber facilities, 74 percent of all plywood and veneer facilities, and 90 percent of all pulp mills (Marchak, 1983, p.30). Seven of the ten companies were owned outside of Canada (ibid), including the New York based Celanese and the San Francisco based Crown Zellerbach corporations that were influential in the northwest. By 1973, the 43 original TFLs awarded by the province had fallen to 34 through surrender and consolidation (Taylor, 1975, p.163). The vast majority of wood being harvested at this time was being directed towards low-value                                                  80 CanCel was renamed BC Timber in 1981, and remained under provincial ownership until 2002, when the Liberal Government sold the Skeena operations to NWBC Timber and Pulp Co. (Rajala, 2006, p.214).  77products such as pulp and dimensional lumber, leaving small mills and wood product makers without access to timber (Drushka 1999, p.56). By 1989, the provincial harvest peaked at 89.1 million cubic metres (ibid, p.56), with 69 percent of the harvest controlled by the ten largest companies by 1990 (ibid, p.91). However, the emphasis on large corporate operations under foreign ownership with a focus on production of staple materials for export (such as pulp and dimensional lumber) set the pillars of the industry in a pattern that would later prove to be unstable. In this sense, the staples trap that ensnared the northwest was constructed from raw dimensional lumber and pulp. Drushka aptly stated, “The tenures system has been the primary factor in the development of a monolithic forest industry, as susceptible to destruction by natural economic events as is a monocultural forest also susceptible to an insect or disease attack.” (1999, p.156) The settlement structure of rural BC was based upon direct involvement of the state and large corporate partners in maintaining local economies (Matthews and Young, 2007, p.179-180). For all but four years of the post-war period between 1951 and 1991, BC remained under the control of a single political party (Social Credit Party) that remained committed to the use of the tenure system to fuel corporate industrial forestry as a means to generate royalties and develop the rural areas of the province (Jackson and Illsley, 2008, p.164). The state played a key role not only in designing, revising, and administering the tenure system, but also in supporting forest communities through provision of social welfare programs and building the provincial infrastructure that connected rural communities to the market and heartland processing centres (Marchak, 1983, p.30).  In addition to provision of services and infrastructure, the state maintained the critical linkage between forestry companies and rural communities through the use of appurtenancy policies. Appurtenancy (meaning “attachment to”) policies were enacted to require that the use of natural resources must provide benefits to the communities in the region from which the resources are extracted. In British Columbia, forestry, appurtenancy requirements have included regulatory mechanisms such as amendments to the Forest Act of 1947 and the Timber Manufacture Act of 1906, which restricted log exports and required that timber cut on Crown Lands be processed in the local region  78(Pearse, 1992, p.10; Hayter and Barnes, 2012, p.14).  Initial awards of licenses to harvest timber included clauses to require processing of trees at a specific mill or within the region, and were often made conditional upon agreements between state and corporate bodies on construction of new mills, bringing jobs and potential tax revenue (based on the processing activity) to a community. An example of these arrangements was Columbia Cellulose’s agreement to construct a new pulp mill in Prince Rupert in 1948 in exchange for receiving a TFL covering 809,400 hectares of forest (Drushka, 1999, p.45; Rajala, 1999, p.198).  Appurtenancy policies compelled companies to process forest resources within the region they are harvested, even during economic conditions in which doing so was less profitable than exporting raw materials outside the region. Jackson and Curry (2004, p.44) explain that market conditions created by appurtenancy policies prompted the government to support ultimately unsustainable resource policies to ensure their corporate partners in provincial development would continue operating.  As Marchak (1995, p.88) explained, “When an entire economy rests on a few large corporations, governments are unlikely to apply rules that could damage or even inconvenience the “stakeholders”.”   Forestry and Social Organization in Northwest BC Given the Fordist corporate structure just described, what did it mean to live in a forestry-dependent community during the heyday of industrial forestry? That is, how did the structure of centralized control of forest resource ownership and increased levels of resource extraction, shape the social organization and culture of the region that is our focus here? Did such a system produce specific forms of social organization and community identity that aligned rural communities with forestry interests?  In this section, I argue that there are strong such linkages. I demonstrate that forest industry dependence imposed a specific social hierarchy in rural BC communities that emphasized working class interests, influenced local relationships with political structures, and positioned harvesting workers as key figures in community social organization. By examining the influence of forestry on social organization in northwest communities during this period, we will provide both a cultural and social organizational  79context within which to explain how Aboriginal rights and environmentalism were situated as marginalized social movements in rural BC communities during the era of prosperity in industrial forestry. The influence of forestry on northwest communities penetrates occupational structures, migration, political activity, and the very culture and identity of the communities. Forestry’s role in the provincial economy is subject to debate. Estimates of the provincial workforce that relies upon forestry are subject to what is defined as forestry or forestry-dependent work, and estimates of profits generated to companies and revenue to the province differ between government and industry figures. However, there is little argument that the industry has historically been one of the most important employers in the province, and one of the largest sources of provincial government revenue and export value.81 The forest industry claimed to account for 10 percent of all jobs in the province at the beginning of the 1970s (Marchak et al, 1999, p.101). At the peak of activity in the province in 1981, over 97,000 people were employed directly in forestry, including logging, wood processing, and paper and pulp industries (British Columbia, 2000, p.91).82 When indirect jobs are included, approximately 20 percent of the workforce was dependent upon forestry (Drushka, 1999, p.92).83 Within British Columbia, the economic importance of forestry varies greatly from region to region, depending upon the level of forestry activity relative to other activities. The focus of this study is the northwest, and there, forestry has played a central role in local employment and economic activity, with a degree of employment dependence far higher than the provincial average. The influence of forestry on community organization goes beyond immediate employment opportunities. Forestry has a direct impact on other economic activity, and stimulates business in supporting industries such as those providing food, accommodation, and supplies to workers and                                                  81 Forest products accounted for over 60 percent of provincial export values in 1952, rising to over 80 percent by 1966, and upwards to over 90 percent in 1996 (Hayter, 2000, p.73). Figures have varied greatly over the past half century, but as of 1996, forestry still accounted for 60 percent of provincial export revenue, and provided $1.7 billion dollars in stumpage fees and $20 million in rent to the province (British Columbia, 1996). 82Census statistics indicate a total population of 2,168,055 over the age of 15, with 1,417,285 people employed in BC in 1981.  83 Drushka (1999, p.92) contends that economists provide varying estimates of indirect/direct job rations, from 4:1 to 1:1. Based on a conservative 2:1 ratio, and 7 percent of the provincial workforce participating directly in forestry, approximately 20 percent of the workforce depended upon forestry in 1980.  80industry and driving overall population growth. A research group survey indicated up to 50 percent of employed persons in the Skeena region were involved in forestry in 1976, while Statistics Canada estimated forestry employment at 63 percent in 1971 for the region between Prince Rupert to Hazelton (Marchak, 1983, p.332). Within these figures, nearly 50 percent of workers were employed by CanCel, with many additional contractors dependent upon the company for work (ibid). Work shapes the population of resource towns starting with the initial residents.84 In rural BC, this working class make-up has been found to persevere through growth and community change, as the majority of in-migrants to BC forestry towns arrive for the purpose of securing employment (Halseth, 1999, p. 374). The majority of forestry workers in the Fordist period were unionized, with membership in the International Woodworkers of America (IWA), the Canadian Paperworkers Union (CPU), or the Pulp Paper and Woodworkers of Canada (PPWC) (Hayter, 2000, p.58; Drushka, 1999, p.81).85  By 1974, 46.8 percent of all forestry workers in Canada were members of a trade union (Statistics Canada, 2000a). By 1980, 55.7 percent of all BC workers in primary industry occupations were members of a union (Statistics Canada, 2000b).86 Marchak’s 1983 study of forestry workers in three communities, including one northern and one northwest community, found 65 percent of workers were union members, with 37 percent (of union members) in the IWA and 41 percent in one of the other two aforementioned pulp unions (1983, p.256). Unions were highly supportive of Fordist forestry policies that enabled industry expansion through new licensing tenures and the increased influence of large forestry corporations. As we will see later in this chapter, unions have also played a key role in representing forestry workers and their communities in the face of challenges to industrial forestry from new social movements, including Aboriginal rights and environmentalism.                                                   84 Lucas (1972) noted that all resource-based communities begin with a building phase, and the working class construction workers make a formative contribution to the town culture and identity that follows. 85 Determining the exact level of union membership in either BC or the northwest over time is problematic due to the complex politics between different unions, and the frequent mergers and changes of union names.  86 Data on forestry is not provided at the provincial level for this time period. Primary industries include forestry, mining, fishing and other resource sectors.  81Forestry figures prominently in politics of rural communities, and the provincial government has made a practice of assigning the ministerial portfolio for forestry to MLAs representing rural forestry-dependent areas. In the northwest, the provincial seat for the Skeena region of northwest BC was occupied by Edward Kenney from 1941 to 1953, with Kenney serving as the Minister of Lands and Forests from 1944 to 1952.87 During the peak years of the post-war forestry boom between 1956 and 1972, the Ministry of Forests was headed by Ray Williston of the Fort George provincial electoral district, which surrounds Prince George. Forestry backgrounds also figured prominently in Skeena district Members of Parliament, including former logger and union organizer Frank Howard who held the seat as a representative for the New Democratic Party (NDP) from 1957-1974, and the provincial MLA seat for the Skeena region from 1979 to 1986.  The heavily unionized working population of rural BC provided an important source of support for the NDP, which has historically represented working class interests in provincial politics. The IWA and other unions played a key role in supporting the NDP both in terms of financial backing and voting support (Hak, 2007, p.108; Blake et al, 1985). The northwest electoral districts of Skeena and Prince Rupert have exhibited voting patterns that reflect working class and union tendencies, with higher support for the NDP/CCF parties occurring in these two ridings than in the rest of the province for nearly every election between 1953 and 1991 (Elections BC, 1988; 2002).88 Thus, both the leadership and the general population of the northwest rural communities have traditionally held strong ties to industrial forestry.  Although forestry has endured multiple periods of boom and bust, the industry that emerged in BC during the Fordist era following WWII brought higher incomes and more consistent employment to forestry communities than they had seen in the past                                                  87 Kenney served as Minister of Lands and Forests from 1944 to 1952. A similar arrangement followed in 1986, with the election of David Parker, who served as Minister of Forests for the Social Credit party from 1987 to 1989. Wilson (1998, p.59) notes that environmentalists considered Parker to be openly antagonistic towards their movement. The North Coast riding (created in 1990) which covers the area surrounding Prince Rupert has also been represented by a Minister of Forest, under NDP politician Dan Miller from 1990-1991. 88 During the 12 election years, NDP/CCF support fell below the provincial average only once in the Prince Rupert electoral district (1956) and only twice in the Skeena district (1966 and 1986) (Elections BC, 1986). The Prince Rupert district was renamed as North Coast during district realignment prior to the 1991 election.   82(Hayter, 2000, p.58).89 Grass and Hayter (1989, p.243) explain that unions have played a key role in protecting forestry wages in BC, by securing wage protection, even during times of employment recession. The benefits of forestry work, however, are unevenly distributed through the rural population, and the stratification of forestry employment is reflected in the social hierarchies that help characterize forestry town culture. Understanding the occupational hierarchy of forestry towns provides insights to the social barriers that Aboriginal rights and environmentalism faced in forestry-dependent communities.  Employment in primary occupations has been important in northwest communities, particularly for men, and forestry in particular has provided a source of highly paid work. Wages in forestry through the 1980s did not appear to be based upon education or other types of human capital (Marchak, 1983, p.136), and the workforce has exhibited divisions that have positioned white male harvesting workers as key figures in the economic and social structure of forestry communities. In the northwest in 1981, where forestry dominates the primary sector, 15.2 percent of employed men and 2.9 percent of women were employed in primary industry occupations, compared with only 7.6 percent of men and 2.3 percent of women throughout BC (Statistics Canada, 2010a).90  The forestry workforce has also been characterized by divisions of race and ethnicity that have historically posed barriers to minorities, including First Nations people. During the early era of the BC forestry industry, racial hierarchies not only subjected immigrants who differed from ideal colonial norms to marginalized positions in the workplace, but also awarded lesser pay to workers from non-white ethnic backgrounds (Li, 1988, p.45). In the early days of the industry, First Nations people were often paid a fraction of the rate paid to non-First Nations workers for doing the                                                  89 Forestry, as a source of employment, exerted a prolonged positive effect on income levels in BC communities, and studies in the 1990s continued to find that forestry-dependence was associated with higher levels of income in BC communities (Parkins et al, 2003; Stedman et al, 2005). Drushka (1999, p.166-167) notes that loggers in BC are more highly paid than anywhere else in North America. 90 Primary industry employment includes forestry, fishing, and other industries involving direct extraction of resources, without secondary processing. Figures are based upon number of men and women employed in primary industry as share of men and women within the employed workforce. Selected census districts included the Skeena- Queen Charlotte and Kitimat-Stikine districts, which encompasses the communities of Terrace, Prince Rupert, Kitimat, and other small communities.   83same job (Menzies and Butler, 2001). As the union drive intensified during the post-war boom, and new mills were built, First Nations shared unequally in the opportunities. Surveys of pulp and plywood plants in 1954-1955 indicated that no First Nations people were yet employed in the more modern operations, even in operations located close to communities with large First Nation populations (Jamieson, 1961, p.223). As the industry developed and colonization of BC intensified, First Nations people were forced to compete with marginalized non-European immigrant populations for employment and experienced little success in securing steady access to work (Marchak, 1983, p.341). Examining data from northwest BC, Marchak found that aboriginal people who were successful in securing forestry employment through the boom of the post-war industry, found high levels of segregation in the workplace and limited access to positions as supervisors or managers (1983, p.336-337). Despite the clear discrimination suffered by BC First Nations, Marchak found that northwest residents expressed very little sympathy for aboriginal people both in regard to employment challenges and their rights to the lands (ibid, p.342-343). As the Aboriginal rights movement gathered momentum in the latter half of the 20th century and sought to address natural resource issues, it faced patterns of social organization, defined largely by industry, in which First Nations people had historically faced exclusion and marginalization. The clear divisions of race and gender within the highly unionized workforce have contributed to the development of a stable occupational hierarchy in forestry-dependent communities that places white male workers at the top. Social movements that challenge the dominance of this hierarchy thus pose implicit threats to the economic and social arrangements that they support. The range of occupations included in the forestry sector is diverse, and there are numerous other industry sectors that are dependent upon the forestry industry within small towns. However, the image of the industry and the identities of forestry-dependent communities have been strongly rooted in the image of men who harvest trees. Their activities are celebrated in community events, arts and literature, and the outwards appearance of forestry towns. To give but one example, when one travels to the northwest, one is greeted at the outskirts of Prince George by a 30-foot tall log figurine in a hardhat, named “Mr. PG”. The famous Mr. PG  84was erected in 1960 as a tribute to the logging industry and its importance to the region.91 Forestry-dependent towns are sometimes referred to as “logger towns”, even though the workers involved in the actual logging activity comprise only one occupation among the many that depend on forestry directly or indirectly for employment and prosperity. Within the forest industry, those who actually cut trees enjoy an elevated status in social and occupational hierarchies and their exploits are celebrated in chronicles such as “The Lumberjacks” (McKay, 1978), and in the poetry of the famous “Bard of the Woods” Robert Swanson.92 The romanticized image of loggers and tree fallers is rooted in the extreme physical demands and dangers of the job. Falling has historically held an alpha status within forestry work, and members of this profession have enjoyed elevated social recognition and economic rewards. Occupying a critical position in the productive process, in the past fallers have been able to command pay rates approaching double the average of other harvesting workers by resisting union and employer efforts to convert them from piece rate to wage-based pay scales (Hak, 2007, p.192).93  The skills of falling and cutting trees are celebrated as a sport in many forestry towns, and in 1971 Premiere W.A.C. Bennett proclaimed logger sports to be the official industry sport of the province (Moore, 1971).94 Today, forestry festivals in numerous towns throughout the province, including Terrace, continue to showcase the skills of lumberjacks in logger sports events as part of these towns’ summer celebrations, demonstrating the importance of such activities to community heritage and history.                                                  91 A smaller scale figure of a similar heritage, named “Sookie Sam”, can be seen on the outskirts of Sooke, a town with a long logging and milling history on the west coast of Vancouver Island. Visitors to the town of Mackenzie are greeted by the world’s largest tree-crusher (a large yellow machine resembling an over-sized steam-roller). In the town of Squamish, a similar-sized statue of a lumberjack (named Sam) with an axe stands at the entrance to town. 92 Born in 1905, Swanson worked throughout BC in various logging, camps, and published six books of poetry that are popular among forestry workers and the general population alike. 93 In settings where mechanical falling is impractical or impossible (including coastal and mountainous areas), the productive process begins with the abilities of highly trained fallers that are able to cut down large trees with minimal damage to the valuable wood and human safety.  94 Logger sports include competitions in activities such as tree falling, log sawing, and axe throwing. These events showcase the skills of workers that cut trees using power saws and hand tools. The events pay little attention to the activities of other forestry workers, or the women that work in supporting roles I the industry.  85Forestry has played in influential role in the social organization and representation of rural communities in many ways. This has included influencing workforce stratification, shaping political activity, and articulating the working class identity of rural communities. However, forestry dependence has also represented a source of disruption for rural communities due to the dramatic cycles of boom and bust that have affected the industry. The dependence of the BC forest industry on foreign export markets (particularly the US) has made it highly susceptible to shifts in the demand for pulp or timber outside of Canada.95  When forestry downturns have occurred, the northwest has suffered accordingly. Between 1975 and 1977, the town of Terrace experienced significant declines in population, employment, and other economic activity during a time in which CanCel was unable to find markets for its pulp and timber (ibid, 1983, p.334). The collapse of CanCel and pulp milling in the Skeena region would later be part of a major economic recession in the northwest region as the forest industry fell into a more pronounced and prolonged recession near the end of the century. Rajala (2006, p.82) contends that the northern lumber industry is particularly susceptible to the impact of booms and busts due to competition from southern mills, high freight rates, and challenges of marketing the lumber from the region (ibid). For the 30years following the release of the new Forest Act in 1948 and the advent of the modern forest industry, population in the northwest followed a steady increase. Between 1951 and 1981 the population of Prince Rupert steadily increased, with a small ebb occurring only in the mid-1970s (City of Prince Rupert, 1995). The community of Terrace also experienced significant growth during the forestry boom. Although census statistics were not gathered in Terrace during the early part of the post-war forestry boom, the community experienced its largest period of population growth during the peak decades of the forestry boom between 1961 and 1980, before the flow of new residents dried up in the early 1980s. With the collapse of the American lumber market in 1974 providing the first signal of recession (Rajala, 2006, p. 181-196; Hak, 2007, p.3), the forest industry in Prince Rupert began to experience the effects of the first                                                  95 It is estimated that a rise of one cent in the Canadian dollar versus the US dollar decreased BC forest revenues by $180 million (Drushka, 1999, p.86).  86waves of forestry recessions that would continue intermittently throughout the region over the coming decades. Decline in one community often resulted in decline in neighbouring communities. As a source of logs and labour for large mills in other northwest towns, Terrace was hit hard when major closures occurred in either Prince Rupert or Kitimat (Rajala, 2006, p.191).  Rapid changes in population and industrial activity have been associated with various forms of social instability. Literature on boom-bust resource towns has connected the rapid expansion and contraction of population and industry with well-being and welfare dependence (Lawrie et al., 2011, p. 143), availability of public services (Gilmore 1976), and incidence of various social problems (Gilmore and Duff, 1975; Murdock and Leistritz, 1975; Freudenburg and Jones, 1991). Marchak contends that in staples-based economies, social stability in resource communities is impeded by the structure of the industry.  Cycles of boom and bust and concentration of managerial power and technological development in urban areas or foreign countries inhibit the maintenance of local capacity and community stability by pushing workers out of the region, rather than providing them with the means to develop opportunities for localized industrial enrichment and adaptation (Marchak, 1983, p.24-28). Over-reliance upon an externally based corporate managerial class, and failure to nurture business ownership with direct ties to the long-term interests of the community, facilitate an exodus of ownership and capital when industrial recessions occur (Marchak, 1983, p.319).  These effects are most noticeable in “instant” towns where industry plays a direct role as the builder and administrator of the community.96 Marchak contends that in older resource towns (such as Terrace) a more committed group of long-term residents provides a source of social stability. However, the structure of the industry (including the concentration of ownership and focus on mass extraction and the exhaustion of the forest resource by the history of mass extraction) poses barriers to the community using forestry to create more sustainable and consistent economic opportunities based on                                                  96 Marchak distinguishes between “instant” towns and older forestry towns. Instant towns are built in a short period of time specifically for the purpose of providing labour to a new industrial development, and corporate bodies play a direct role in forming civic governance structures and providing public amenities. Marchak uses Mackenzie as an example of an “instant” town. Kitimat provides a comparable example in the northwest.  87localized control and investment (ibid, p. 345-346). Thus, the same features of the industry that drove the growth and success of industrial forestry from the post-war period through to the 1980s, came to stand as obstacles to creating a more stable and long-lasting form of prosperity in the northwest.   In this section I have argued that forestry exerts a profound influence on the social organization and identity of communities that rely upon the industry. Northwest BC communities relied heavily upon the mass extraction and export of forest resources to drive their own growth and prosperity. Harvesting and exporting were emphasized over value-added manufacturing and industry diversification. Those with prominence in extraction processes, namely loggers, have figured prominently in the occupational hierarchy and culture of northwest communities. These arrangements have been reinforced by union organizations and relations with the state that focus on negotiation of benefits within a model of corporate forestry dependence. As a result, attempts to negotiate alternatives to forest uses or to question the legitimacy of forest resource ownership stand as challenges to the way that northwest communities have historically developed and organized.  The remainder of this chapter provides a more detailed examination of Aboriginal rights and environmentalism, and their relationships with rural BC and the forest industry.  Part Two: First Nations and the Forestry Era First Nations have been directly affected by the rise of industrial forestry in BC, but in ways that are dramatically different from the experience of non-First Nations residents of rural BC. This section looks at the experience of First Nations in relation to the forces of industrial capitalism that shaped rural BC, specifically industrial forestry. The exclusion of First Nations people from rural development activities within the industrial forest-driven economy of the northwest was part of a larger pattern of domination. Although it is not possible to review all aspects of First Nations colonial experiences in this study, it is necessary to examine how First Nations experiences in forestry (and other industries) and their position within the general socio-economic structure affected the positions they occupy today in relation to resource development activities.   88Before proceeding further, the diversity of the First Nations population must be acknowledged. Although provincial and international boundaries do not provide accurate boundaries for First Nations or their traditional territories, it is estimated that there are 235 First Nations bands in BC, with 29 different tribal councils, with 196,075 people spread throughout 1,701 reserves and other areas of the province (British Columbia, 2012a). First Nations are neither a homogenous group, nor one that is represented by a single unified political voice. At certain points in this chapter and this study, First Nations are referred to by their individual nation or band name. Some generalizations are made regarding patterns of social organization and interaction with industrial, political, and social forces. It is nonetheless acknowledged that First Nations do not all share common histories or similar experiences with the issues at the core of this study. References to First Nations’ experiences in forestry and northwest community development activities tend to be divided into three areas of examination. The first involves the impact of colonization and industrial expansion on First Nations and their role in early stages of industrial forestry and colonial rural development activities. The second examines the marginalization of First Nations both within industry, and within the broader social structure.97 The third way in which First Nations are mentioned in literature about forestry-dependent communities is their empowerment through the progression of Aboriginal rights, and their increasing role in forestry and northwest development activities.  The Aboriginal rights movement is defined for the purposes of this study as the collective efforts aimed at bringing First Nation societies to be on even footing with the colonizing society, and to overcome the disadvantages that they have endured through various forms of mistreatment, the primary being the unlawful seizure of their lands and resources. It is important to acknowledge that Aboriginal rights cover a wide range of freedoms and social justice issues. Within Aboriginal rights, Aboriginal title refers to the right of Aboriginal people to use and occupy the lands that they have occupied since time immemorial. Aboriginal title plays a key role within the broader sphere of rights,                                                  97 Some level of detail was already provided from this area during the examination of occupational hierarchies in the forest industry.  89and is essential for the exercise of many other Aboriginal freedoms. The ability of First Nations to self-govern and determine their own paths of development is directly affected by their ability to exert control over the lands and resources they rely upon for cultural practices, direct sustenance, and economic development. Aboriginal rights are, to some extent, incomplete without recognition of Aboriginal title. The colonization and industrialization of the northwest infringed on many forms of Aboriginal rights, and the disregard for Aboriginal title that was inherent in the creation of industrial forests was perhaps the most significant of these violations within the context of this study. First Nations and the Industrial Colonization of BC The first Europeans arrived in northwest BC in 1787, shortly after James Cook made first contact with the First Nations in Nootka Sound on Vancouver Island in 1778 (Menzies and Butler, 2001, p.411). By the 1800s, the influence of early industrial capitalism had arrived in the northwest, with the establishment in 1834 of a Hudson’s Bay trading post in Port Simpson (now known by the traditional name of Lax Kw’alaams) (ibid). Full-scale colonization occurred much later in the northwest than in the rest of BC with the growth of fully established communities near the late 1800s and early 1900s (Tennant, 1990, p.20). Early treaties limited recognition of First Nations lands to those that they had placed buildings upon, and early governors proceeded with development as if the land were empty prior to colonial arrival (Tennant, 1990, p.25-39). This approach to colonization assisted the early growth of resource industries, and served to confine First Nations to reserves, often in marginal locations. The early colonization of the northwest was focused heavily on establishing communities to support forestry, fishing, and fur industries that sought to exploit a resource base that First Nations had relied upon for thousands of years, thus setting the stage for enduring conflict between First Nations and the primary industrial drivers of northwest development. By the end of the 19th century, timber speculators and forestry companies seeking to increase their tenures were encroaching on the territories of northwest First Nations, staking claims to vast areas of forest and cutting off First Nations from the resource base (Rajala, 2006, p.42).  90The displacement of First Nations from their lands and resources by the forces of capitalism was not unique to forestry. The rise of industrial fishing occurred in parallel to that of forestry, and compounded the dislocation of First Nations people from their lands and resources. Historically, the most prosperous tribes had located their settlements close to major salmon spawning streams (Gladstone, 1953, p.21), but they were cut off from control of these fisheries by the rise of commercial canning operations. Upon complaints from the canners, First Nations were forced by the government to destroy their traditional fishing weirs and utilize less effective nets, and European fishers exploited First Nation knowledge to increase colonist adaptations to northwest conditions (Pinkerton, 1987, p.252; Key, 1990 in Trosper, 2002, p. 331).98 Despite these disadvantages, northwest First Nations experienced relative success in the fishing industry, gaining status and resources comparably better than that of First Nations in other areas of the province (Tennant, 1990, p.73). However, this relative success is nonetheless rooted in a history of structural disadvantage and exploitation. Northwest canneries successfully exploited First Nations’ labour due to their disadvantaged positions within other parts of the labour market, including forestry (Pinkerton, 1987, p.257). The development of the commercial fishing license system in the 1968 Davis Plan, made fishing commercially unviable for aboriginal fishers by creating further economic barriers to their ability to compete with settler fisheries (Rajala 2006, p.185). Thus, the deference towards corporations in the allocation of resource rights in fishing reflected the same inequalities that occurred in allocation of timber licenses, with First Nations left largely outside the flow of benefits. The forestry-focus in this study is not intended to diminish the importance of fishing to First Nations, or to discount the industry’s role in shaping First Nations’ relationships with institutions of capitalism and settler society. Indeed, fisheries played a key role in introducing First Nations to the wage economy, comprised an important venue of interaction between First Nations and settler cultures, and continues to play such roles today. However, forestry had a much larger role in shaping the broader                                                  98 First nations were further hindered in competing with industrial fisheries by the inability to sell their reserve lands in order to obtain the necessary capital for purchasing modern fishing equipment (ibid, p. 256). First Nations were also penalized by restrictions on their ability to operate motorized fishing boats until 1923 (Tennant, 1990, p.73).    91provincial economy, and determining economic relationships between BC and the rest of the world. Forestry was equally influential in the interior of the province as it was on the coast. Moreover, the industry played a central role in reshaping the landscape and redefining the way in which the territories in BC are divided and managed by the state.  Although known primarily for their relationship with fisheries, northwest First Nations have, and continue to be, active harvesters and traders of a variety of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), including berries, barks, roots, and medicinal plants. Krech contends, “Narratives about North American Indians are contingent on the times in which they are created” (1999, p.26), and their non-industrialized use of forests has functioned to frame settler understandings of First Nations-forest relationship in limited terms through to the modern era. First Nations people have engaged in forestry “since time immemorial”, but did not have their practices recognized as such by Eurocentric definitions of forest management (Parsons and Prest, 2003, p. 779).  Braun explains that western scientific approaches to forest management excluded First Nations and their traditional practices, thus undermining their claim to forests and legitimizing the claims of settlers (2002). Through the 1930s and 1940, as the Forest Service implemented bans against the traditional burning practices that had been used to produce berry-growing sites (Rajala, 2006, p.114).99 The growth of industrial forestry also interfered with First Nations trap lines and their access to NTFPs (ibid, p.42), and these impacts were compounded by the development of mineral exploration and mine development in the northwest (Baker and McLelland, 2003). Disruption of traditional practices has had far-reaching impacts on First Nations, and interruption of harvesting activities has interfered with kin relations established during harvest season and other forms of social organizations such as traditional sharing rituals, rites of passage, and intergenerational transmission of knowledge (Nelson et al., 2005).100 The narrow industrial view of forest values by the settler population not only                                                  99 The reason for imposing such bans was to protect timber values (Rajala, 2006). First Nations affected by the burning ban included the Gitskan, Wet’suwet’en, and Nisga’a peoples (Gottesfeld, 1994). 100 Demands of employment and education have left limited time for traditional activities, furthering the destruction of culture and disrupting the transmission of traditional ecological knowledge critical for maintaining First Nations’ relationships with the environment and with each other (Nelson et al., 2005, p.292).   92included the failure to acknowledge the role of NTFPs in First Nations society, but also the different ways in which they utilized timber.   “I want to stress that even before contact, Indian people practiced forestry and traded in the products of the forest land. It is not something new brought by the white man. Our language, and I believe just about every language in this province, has a word for lumber, a word for tree. There is a name for every kind of tree in this province in our languages.” (Gordon Antoine of the Coldwater First Nation in Nathan, 1993, p.161).  Trees seen as worthless to industrial forestry, such as the birch, provide a variety of products to northwest First Nations, including masks, woven products such as hats and other clothing, utensils, and canoes. Such products not only possess substantial market value in modern economies, but also provide social value in the preservation of educational and cultural practices by virtue of the very act of production (Turner and Cocksedge, 2001, p.37). Collectively, the increase of northern settlement and the spread of industrial resource development presented major sources of disruption for First Nations at a time when they had not yet obtained recognition of the fundamental rights that are crucial for preserving their culture and their populations. Still, First Nations were not passive witnesses to the commodification of their landscapes, and northwest nations were prominent in expressing early resistance to the advance of industrialization. After initial incursions of European fishers and loggers to the northwest, Chief Mountain of the Nisga’a came to Victoria in 1881 to protest the intrusions upon his people’s lands, and four years later a group of three Tsimshian Chiefs visited Prime Minister Macdonald in Ottawa (Tennant, 1990, p.55). Specific complaints about timber use in the northwest were brought to Victoria in 1887 (Rajala, 2006, p.42). The formation of the Nisga’a Land Committee in 1909 represented the first long-lasting First Nation political organization in the province (Tennant, 1982, p.27).101 These early events demonstrated the regional political capacity of northwest First Nations, and represented the roots of the Aboriginal rights and title movement in the region.                                                    101 The committee includes the name “Nishga”, while other reference to this Nation utilize the spelling “Nisga’a”.  93First Nations in the Forestry Economy The aboriginal population in BC is estimated by some researchers to have exceeded 250,000 at the time of European contact (British Columbia, 2007, p.4). After several decades of disruptive contact with European colonists, the BC aboriginal population is estimated to have fallen to a mere 28,000 by 1885 and to a historic low of approximately 23,000 in 1929 (ibid).102 The decimation of the population left aboriginal people with a monumental challenge in retracing their presence on the land as their rights movement gained momentum in the late twentieth century. Quality of life indicators have shown (and continue to show) that in comparison with non-aboriginals, First Nations experience higher infant mortality rates and lower life expectancy (Kendall, 2001), increased social problems such as substance abuse and suicide (Zimmerman, 1992), and lower levels of education and employment (Stanbury, 1973,1975).  Social inequalities have been historically been accompanied by differences in access to and control over natural resources, that have only recently begun to be corrected. As of 1987, only 0.5 percent of forestry tenures in BC were held by First Nations (Nathan, 1993, p.139).   Literature focusing on industrial forestry and northwest rural development includes ample reference to the impacts of early industry on First Nations, their response to these early incursions, and their roles in the early colonization and development of the northwest industry (Rajala, 2006; Marchak, 1983; Menzies and Butler, 2001; Hayter; 2000; Drushka; 1999; McKay 1978; Knight, 1978; Bernsohn, 1981; Taylor, 1975).  Literature on more recent developments focuses on First Nations and their growing influence on resource development activities in the late 1980s and 1990s as the movement to recognize Aboriginal rights and title gained momentum and a series of court decisions provided First Nations with new means through which to involve themselves in resource use and regional decision-making (Hayter, 2000; Rajala 2006; Drushka, 1999; Parungao, 2011; Parsons and Prest, 2003). However, these sources provide scant reference to changes in the relationship between First Nations and industrial forestry during the period between colonization and the rise of Aboriginal                                                  102 Epidemics of small pox and other diseases were helped cause these declines, along with an array of destructive social and physical impacts on Aboriginal communities.  94rights. This gap in the literature presents an impression that First Nations at first resisted the colonization of their territories by corporate industry (to varying degrees), but this resistance became subsumed within a larger pattern of marginalization until First Nations became empowered to exercise their rights in a more influential way. This neglects the ongoing transformation and progression that was occurring within First Nations communities during this time, and fails to account for the possibility that First Nations were continuing to advance along a different path of development than the rest of society.  The middle half of the 20th century has been called the “era of irrelevance” for First Nations (Miller, 2000, p.221).103 High (1996) contends that the experience of First Nations in the colonization process and their contributions to the early foundations of Canadian staples industries including forestry has been well-documented, but their roles as members of the growing wage economy, including their involvement in the rise of industrial forestry, has remained poorly understood (ibid). Lutz (1994 in High, 1996) argues that between the time of colonization and the rise of Aboriginal rights (both as a social movement and as a comprehensive body of law), First Nations were hindered from effectively integrating with the rising industrial capitalist economy due to paternalistic state and court interventions that restricted their economic opportunities while treating them as wards of the state requiring assistance.104  Discrimination against First Nations (discussed earlier in this chapter) has also been implicated in structural inequality experienced by First Nations during the industrialization of the northwest. Deficits in education and other quality-of-life                                                  103 Miller identifies 1932 to 1978 as the “era of irrelevance”. This era extends roughly from the beginning of the period in which First Nations began to be assimilated into the wage economy, until the period in which the Aboriginal rights movement began to gain momentum and draw on new sources of law and social action to assert their title to land, resources, and self-governance. However, the end of this era can be argued to have occurred earlier. In 1969 BC First Nations rejected Federal proposals to abolish the Indian Act and the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs in exchange for cash payouts delivered through a provincial decentralization of Aboriginal assistance (Menzies, 1994, p.779). First Nations instead demanded they “deserved all the normal rights and advantages of Canadian citizenship, as well as special government assistance to compensate them for the hardships imposed by arbitrary government administration of their affairs.” (Dyck, 1991, p.110 in Menzies, 1994, p.779).  104 An example of this was the law preventing First Nations from selling their land to generate capital for business purposes (Tennant, 1990, p.73). First Nations were also restricted in their ability to utilize modern technology for fishing and hunting activities or to conduct such activities for profit, based on the assumption that Aboriginal rights to engage in such activities (whether for personal gain or profit) must only utilize “traditional” methods and must only be conducted for “traditional” purposes (Elias, 1990).   95indicators posed further challenges to First Nations in competing for equality within the workplace and society in general. High (1996), however, argues that structural barriers are overstated and that First Nations remained selectively involved with industrial employment opportunities during the middle half of the 20th century as a means of strengthening their culture without submitting to assimilation within the western industrial wage-labour economy.  Drawing on the ethnography of Rolf Knight (1978), High explains that First Nations engaged in a variety of ‘work” activities that were not historically recognized as work within the wage economy, and that these activities provided great value not only to First Nations, but also to the settler economies around them.105 During the period of industrial expansion that connected the northwest to the rest of the province by rail, First Nations provided labour for hand logging and millwork in Kitsumkalum (near Terrace), and beach combing in Metlakatla (near Prince Rupert) prior to the development of populous settler communities (Menzies and Butler, 2001, p.415). Although these activities seldom provided consistent employment for northwest First Nations, who divided their time among fishing and food harvesting activities, they important sources of supplemental income (ibid, 2001, p.413).  First Nations thus resisted being “proletarianized” along with the rest of the rural population, but nonetheless remained involved in and (to a degree) dependent upon the resource industries that drove rural development (High, 1996, p.261-3).  Acknowledgement of the role of First Nations in the early forest industry challenges naturalizing assumptions that present First Nations as nature-based people with no stake in modern resource industries (Thorpe and Sandberg, 2007).  It would be a mistake to assume that every form of industrial development was resisted by First Nations, and that they opposed the growth of forestry and other industries in their territories. Lutz (1992, p.87-88) notes that the Kitimat band in the northwest actively sought the construction of a sawmill in their territory in the 1880s, and some Tsimshian                                                  105 High draws on ethnographic studies of First Nations involvement in wage labour, including forestry work, and utilizes some statistical data to validate his position. High contends, “The seasonal round appropriated aspects of the capitalist economy to strengthen the whole. Hence, the native economy involved not only hunting, fishing, and trapping activities but also included seasonal and occasional wage labour. Native participation in the wage labour economy must, therefore, be seen in relation to the resiliency of aboriginal societies.” (1996, p.263)  96bands permitted the development of canneries in their territories. These occurrences do not contradict the negative impacts that rural development had on First Nations in the northwest, but instead shows the complexity of their interaction with their interactions with the colonization and industrialization processes. First Nations did not follow the same trajectories as settler populations in the adoption of capitalist industrialization, and did not enjoy the same measures of success as non-First Nations populations. However, they nonetheless incorporated capitalism and industrialization into their own developmental processes, albeit in a way that must be understood as being different from non-aboriginal society. There are numerous small First Nations communities spread throughout the northwest, including towns such as Gitwinksihlkw, Laxgalsts’ap, and Kitwanga. Although many of them are difficult to find on a map or to locate within forestry literature, these communities have not stood still in time. Despite the barriers they faced in sharing the benefits of industry and land development, they remained attached to and dependent upon forestry and other capitalist activities and have developed along with the forestry dependent settler communities, albeit along a different path.  Based on High’s position, it would be a mistake to judge the progress of First Nations based on their success within the industrial economy that drove northwest development, or to assume that the primary objective of Aboriginal rights and title movement in this region is to correct inequalities in the existing division of benefits within the existing industrial-driven structure and to obtain a more equitable division of lands with industrial potential.  Instead, Aboriginal rights in the northwest should be viewed as a social movement seeking to ameliorate the incongruence between the dominant model of rural development and a (sometimes) parallel, but distinct, path of development.106 The aboriginal path of development and industrialization was not visible through much of the 19th and 20th centuries due to structural barriers that prevented First Nations from fully utilizing their resource base and influencing rural development activities in a more profound way. However, as Aboriginal rights and title                                                  106 This does include a significant emphasis on ameliorating economic and structural inequalities. However, the goals of the dominant economic model should not be presumed to be the same as those of First Nations society.   97gained recognition, the ability of First Nations to determine their own paths, and for these paths to influence northwest development activities, became increasingly clear.  Aboriginal Rights and Northwest Development: The Early Stages As indicated earlier, northwest First Nations were active in protesting industrial activity as early as the 1880s. First Nations faced many obstacles in their efforts to assert their rights to the land and the resource base, including a 1927 parliamentary ban on claim-related political activity among aboriginals (Tennant, 1990). This policy was consistent with the state functioning to eliminate opposition to the expansion of its control over rural areas and natural resources, and reduce challenges to the economic partnerships it formed with industry.  As a deeper understanding of human rights developed, state strategies shifted from simple neutralization of aboriginal challenges, to a more sophisticated bureaucratic strategy of containment that tied First Nations closer to the colonial system of governance. Major steps in Aboriginal rights occurred in the 1950s with the removal of the ban on land claims-related political activity, and with First Nations obtaining the right to vote in 1960 (Tennant, 1990, p. 130). Increased access to provincial and federal funds aided the organization of First Nations in BC through the 1960s, and led to the creation of the BC Association of Non-Status Indians (BCANSI) and the Union of BC Indian Chiefs  (UBCIC) (ibid, p.154).  However, the formal rationalization of Aboriginal rights also exerted inhibiting influences on the efficacy of First Nations in asserting their rights and titles, as the closer First Nations organizations became tied to the state, the more tightly they were required to define their mandate. This resulted in cleavages between groups and produced challenges to the unity of the BC Aboriginal rights movement (Tennant, 1990). First Nations were aware of the contradictory influence of their close ties to the state, and in a key turning point in 1975, the UBCIC and the BCANSI voted to reject all government funding in an effort to break free of state control (ibid, p.179).  Despite the limitations of these new formal organizations, Morris and Fondahl  (2002, p.116-117) contend that the development of these organizations provided a sense of collective identity, and established networks of influence and information that  98supported First Nations in their efforts to assert their sovereignty in the face of ongoing development activities in their territories.107 Additionally, the organizations provided formal institutional bodies through which assistance could be rendered to First Nations. To give but one example from the northwest, the UBCIC provided legal advice to the Tl’azt’en Nation in negotiations with the province in the mid 1970s over impacts of logging activities and railway construction on both reserve and non-reserve lands (ibid).108 This case represented an important step for Aboriginal rights in BC, as it signalled an increasing ability for First Nations to influence development activities in their region, and to extend their influence beyond the confines of their reserves, even in the absence of an effective land claims process. The negotiations between the band and the province eventually led to the Tl’azt’en becoming the first First Nation to be awarded a TFL in BC In 1992 (Booth, 1998, p.350).109  The BCANSI and UBCIC played prominent roles for only a short period, and their collapse resulted in BC First Nations returning to the practice of asserting their rights and title on an individual Nation-by-Nation basis (Tennant, 1990). Northwest First Nations acted as leaders in this role, continuing the pattern of active resistance that began in the late 1800s with the Nisga’a’s first trip to Ottawa. Throughout the period in which the BCANSI and UBCIC sought to represent collective First Nations’ interests, the Nisga’a had continued to assert their interests independently. In 1967, the Nisga’a initiated a case that would lead to profound changes in the way that Aboriginal rights and title are defined in the courts and understood in our society.  Led by Frank Calder, cofounder of the Nisga’a Tribal Council, the Nisga’a made a legal declaration that Aboriginal title to their lands had never been extinguished, and that the Nisga’a had the right to occupy their lands and manage their resource base until a treaty was reached with the Canadian and British Columbia Governments (Allen,                                                  107 The Aboriginal rights movement also drew upon increasing pools of national strength in the 1980s, as pan-Indian identity was bolstered by the prominence of Aboriginal people’s recognition in the 1982 Constitution, their role in blocking the Meech Lake Accord, and nationally publicized events of political resistance in various locations in Canada (Menzies, 1994, p.784).   108 Negotiations occurred following a long period of blockade action of industrial activities by the Tl’azt’en (Morris and Fondahl, 2002). The Tl’azet’en First Nation is located between the communities of Fort St. James and Smithers, along the north shore of Stuart Lake.  109 The Tl’azt’en established both a mill and a timber company, marking an important step forward for northwest First Nations into the resource economy (Booth, 1998, p.350).    992013).110 The Nisg’a’s declaration was rejected in the Supreme Court of BC, and in the BC Court of Appeal, before proceeding to the Supreme Court of Canada. The Supreme Court ultimately denied the Nisga’a appeal. Six of the seven judges asserted that the Nisga’a’s Aboriginal title had existed at the time of colonization. However, the six judges split on the matter of whether or not Aboriginal title still existed, and the seventh judge rejecting the case on a technicality. Although the Nisga’a’s attempt to achieve recognition of their Aboriginal title did not succeed, Asch (2007) explains that the case represented a ground breaking step forward due to the way in which Aboriginal title was characterized in the ruling in the Supreme Court of Canada.  In the BC Court of Appeal, Chief Justice Davey, rejected the Nisga’a claims, while providing a dim view of Aboriginal culture, characterizing them as primitive and lacking the institutions of civilized society (ibid, p.102). In contrast, the Supreme Court of Canada took a very different view of Aboriginal culture, and its conceptualizations of property and governance:  “The [Nishgas] in fact are and were from time immemorial a distinctive cultural entity with concepts of ownership indigenous to their culture and capable of articulation under the common law.” (Calder et al. v. Attorney-General of British Columbia, [1973] SCR 313, p. 375)  The Calder decision not only provided a correction against the limited views of Aboriginal culture expressed in the lower courts, but in recognizing the qualities of Aboriginal systems of governance, set the stage for recognition of Aboriginal people’s right to self-determination (McNeil, 2007).  Further cases with more direct implications on the issue of Aboriginal title would follow in the 1990s. However, in the years following the Calder decision, the lack of progress in negotiating land rights and access to resources with the provincial government resulted in waves of further protests and blockade activities by First Nations in BC (Blomley, 1996). Success by one Nation provided examples for others to follow across the province. Shortly after the Tla-o-qui-aht and Ahousaht Nu-Cha-Nulth’s obtained                                                  110 The Nisga’a chose a legal declaration as their method of asserting their title as it provided an opportunity for the courts to rule upon the issue of Aboriginal title without having to be concerned with the potential consequences of their decision (Allen, 2013, p.16).  100injunctions against logging of their traditional territories on Meares Island in 1985, the Haida Nation began blockades against logging on Lyell Island. These tactics proved successful in Haida Gwaii and elsewhere in the northwest and, when Courts of Appeal began granting injunctions on the basis that industrial activity should cease until relevant land claims were settled (Tennant, 1990, p.224). 111   The Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en staged blockades against logging near Kitwanga (located north of Terrace), following Chief Justice Allan McEachern’s ruling against aboriginal title in the Delgamuukw case in the Supreme Court of British Columbia in 1991 (Rajala, 2006, p.210).112 Further forestry-related blockades occurred in the area through the early 1990s, until the Delgamuukw case was settled in 1997. Public assertions of Aboriginal rights was not limited to land-based issues in the northwest, as fishing rights also figured prominently in First Nations protests in this region. In 1989, First Nations members marched through the streets of Prince Rupert, following a public protest by non-aboriginal fishers against fishing privileges protected for First Nations (Menzies, 1994, p.781). These developments represented a significant shift in the assertion of Aboriginal rights towards pursuing change in the local region. Although the legal precedents enabling more widespread meaningful action would not occur until the late 1980s and early 1990s, actions to assert the Aboriginal rights of northwest First Nations demonstrated a growing local capacity for action and a clear intent to challenge development activities that exclude First Nation interests. However, the prospect of increased self-determination brought new challenges to First Nations and they faced the task of developing institutional structures with not only the capacity, but also the traditional and legal authority to engage in treaty negotiations. In 1988, the Tsimshian Tribal Council (TTC) was formed to represent the interests of the seven Tsimshian tribes, and assumed a mandate to manage issues and negotiate treaties for the member nations (British Columbia, 2012b). However, the TTC represented the traditional chiefs of the seven Tsimshian tribes, and not the leaders of the bands as elected according to                                                  111 Haida Gwaii is commonly referred to as the Queen Charlotte Islands among settler populations.  112The case was subsequently heard in the Supreme Court of Canada. The final decision affirmed the existence of Aboriginal title, providing First Nations with new formalized means by which to influence land-use decisions (Rajala, 2006, p.210-211).  101the process imposed by the Indian Act. Friction developed between the two groups regarding the way in which the treaty process should be conducted (Kelly, 2005), resulting in a prolonged court battle between the elected and traditional leaders that took nearly 10 years to resolve.113 While First Nations faced challenges within their own communities in determining the path to take in negotiation of treaties and assertion of Aboriginal rights, they also faced obstacles as a result of the attitudes of the settler population. Tennant contends that public support for land claims began to grow during the 1980s, due to the desire to resolve potential challenges to industrial and economic activity (1990, p.236). In contrast, Marchak’s (1983) findings suggest that any interest in solving challenges to industrial progress did not necessarily flow from a strong basis of support for Aboriginal rights among the non-aboriginal population, as the majority of respondents in her survey of Terrace residents were reluctant to acknowledge discrimination against First Nations, let alone support their claims to territorial rights (ibid, p.342-342).114 The challenges First Nations faced in gaining support for their grievances was made difficult by attitudes of open antagonism towards First Nations land claims among several members of the BC Provincial government in the early 1980s (Tennant, 1990, p.229-233).115 Concerns about the impact of aboriginal land claim settlements on forestry resources included potential changes in the efficient utilization of forest resources under First Nations control, loss of provincial revenue from forestry activity, reduction to (non-aboriginal) of economic and social benefits derived from forests people, and difficulties in coordinating government and First Nations forest management (Cassidy and Dale, 1988, p.90). Thus, the Provincial government of the early 1980s treated aboriginal land                                                  113 Six of the represented Tsimshian bands sought an injunction to prevent the BC Treaty Commission from dispersing funds to the TTC. In a 2005 decision, the BC Supreme Court affirmed the elected leaders as parties with authority to represent First Nations in treaty negotiations (Tsimshian Tribal Council v.  British Columbia Treaty Commission et al, 2005 BCSC 860). 114Lack of public support for First Nations assertion of Aboriginal rights were also observed elsewhere in the region, in regard to other resource issues. In 1989, non-Aboriginal fishers in Prince Rupert conducted a protest against fishing privileges granted to Aboriginal fishers (Menzies, 1994, p.781). 115 "All they want is dollars. They don't want to throw anybody off the land, they just want billions and billions of dollars." Social Credit Spokesman Brian Smith, in Tennant, 1990, p.229). Smith would later compare the willingness of the government to negotiate land claims with First Nations with the actions of former Prime Minister of England Neville Chamberlain negotiating with Adolf Hitler prior to World War II (ibid). Smith left the government in 1986, and the official government position on negotiations would eventually soften and acknowledge the provincial obligation to engage in negotiations with First Nations.   102claims as a threat to the economic and industrial structure of the province, and as a liability to be managed by the Federal government (Tennant, 1990, p.229-233). Still, by the 1980s, Aboriginal rights were progressing as a movement within First Nations communities and organizations, and to a more limited extent within the economic and legal arenas. First Nations were beginning to achieve positive results for some of their efforts to influence northwest development activities. However, First Nations still faced social barriers among the general public and members of the institutional bodies with which they interacted. The transition of Aboriginal rights and title from a social movement to an influential form of governance in the northwest did not occur until key legal precedents were established, resulting in important regulatory changes.  As later chapters will demonstrate, the relationship between Aboriginal rights and the environmental movement would provide a key platform on which First Nations’ would assert their relationships to the environment. The political economic structure that excluded environmentalism and Aboriginal rights from northwest development activities also functioned to bring the two movements together in mutual resistance against industrial forestry. Although the two movements supported each other in many efforts to resist industrial forestry, environmentalism and Aboriginal rights also became distinguished from each other by contrasting views on, and stakes in, the industrialization of the northwest. The following section will explore the growth of the environmental movement, along with an examination of how environmentalism and Aboriginal rights both aligned and departed in regard to their relationships with northwest development activities.   Part Three: Environmentalism in BC The third part of this chapter explores the roots of the environmental movement in BC, its relationship with the primary forces of resource community development, and the relationship between environmentalism and First Nations. It will be argued that forestry-dependent communities and the rural working class were not pre-disposed to oppose environmentalism based on differences in environmental values or beliefs, and expressed strong attachment to the protection of and control over their resource base  103prior to the development of antagonisms between the environmental movement and the forestry industry. The friction that developed between the environmental movement and forestry-dependent communities was a product of a specific set of structural conditions combined with class and cultural-based frictions that placed the objectives of the environmental movement at odds with the interests of forestry workers. These circumstances were aggravated by the failure of the environmental movement to develop alliances with the rural working class, and by the success of forestry companies and their political allies in exploiting geopolitical and cultural cleavages in securing working class support for their model of development. Early Environmentalism and Northwest Communities In BC, early expressions of environmentalism were largely based in urban centres, with a focus on protecting wilderness areas within reach of urban areas such as Victoria and Vancouver (Wilson, 1998; Hak, 2007). One of the earliest conservation campaigns in BC occurred on central Vancouver Island, with the creation of Strathcona Park in 1911, with lower mainland nature reserves following in the Garibaldi, Mt. Seymour, and Cypress Mountain areas (Wilson, 1998, p.100). These early movements reflected a pattern of heartland urban areas seeking to exert control over the resource-producing hinterland of the province, with recreational and aesthetic interests of the urban middle class conflicting with the industrialization of BC forests. Within forestry communities, specific concerns about environmental impacts of logging first arose regarding pulp mills and their impacts on human and animal health. During the post-war boom, residents in Port Alberni expressed concerns to the government about pulp effluent and its effects on people and on salmon (Hak, 2007, p.175).116 However, protests against environmental impacts of forestry and other industrial projects were extremely rare in rural communities during the middle half of the 20th century, despite the massive scale of industrial transformation that was occurring on the land (Wilson, 1998, p.100). In the northwest, the damming of the Nechako River for the Alcan smelter in Kitimat in 1954, and policy changes to allow                                                  116 These conditions were considered during ensuing public inquiries and the development of the Pollution Control Act of 1967 (Hak, 2007, p.176).  104industrial activity in Tweedsmuir Park attracted no organized resistance from nearby northwest settler communities (ibid).117  Between 1950 and the early 1970s, the post-war boom accelerated resource industries in BC to new heights, with the doubling of lumber production in the interior, doubling of provincial hydroelectric production, tripling of mineral production, the doubling of paved kilometres of highway, and a massive increase in the construction of logging roads (Wilson, 1998, p.41, 80; British Columbia, 2012c). This period of prosperity also corresponded with the growth of interests in recreation and tourism (Drushka, 1999, p.83), bringing a growing middle class into contact (and conflict) with logging and other resource-extraction activities. Bernsohn (1981, p.36) explains that the massive increase in logging roads that accompanied the forestry boom provided increased public access to the backcountry. Recreation-seekers (including fishers and hunters) were able to expand their range, and the public acquired a means by which to discover the impacts that industrial forestry was having upon the environment (ibid). In the northwest, the expansion of freshwater fishing licenses brought an increasingly affluent section of society into the wilderness where only industry had previously ventured as representatives of colonization, resulting in conflict between outdoor enthusiasts and logging companies over backcountry access (ibid). These developments were significant enough that in 1966, the British Columbia Lumberman magazine identified fishery conservationists as one of the most important problems facing the forest industry (Hak, 2007, p.187).  In response to the increasing demand for park and recreation land and the emerging environmental movement, the NDP government expanded BC parklands from 2.9 to 4.5 million hectares between 1972 and 1975 (Wilson, 1998, p.131). However, most of the additional area was located in inaccessible regions of little interest to industry, including large areas of land in the northwest (ibid). Approximately 42 percent of the additional area was included in the Spatsizi Plateau Wilderness Area north of                                                  117 Wilson notes that only those flooded out by the Kenney dam expressed resistance to the project (1998, p.100). A small number of ranchers were displaced by the flooding caused by the dam, but were paid $1544 for each acre of lost land (Windsor 2005, p.155). The majority of displaced people, however, were Cheslatta First Nation, who were given a mere 10 days notice of the flooding and were paid a mere $190 per acre of lost land (ibid).   105Terrace, with an additional 21 percent of the additional area included in two other remote northwest parks.118 Spatsizi, in particular, was favoured by the government for park status due to its lack of marketable timber or other attractive resources, and was selected despite a lack of support from environmental organizations and wilderness groups that were more interested in conserving other areas of the province (ibid, p.135).119 In contrast, the Khutzeymateen watershed (located in the northwest, near Prince Rupert) was proposed for park status by university researchers and Fish and Wildlife officers, based on its high population of grizzly bears and rich salmon runs (ibid, p.133). However, high timber values in the Khutzeymateen area prompted the Ministry of Forests to approve harvesting in the area, and the site remained unprotected until receiving protection as a park in the early 1990s (Rajala 2006, p.199-200; Drushka, 1999, p.61).  The main sites of tension between environmentalists and the forest industry at this time were in the Vancouver Island and Lower Mainland region, and in the east Kootenays.120 Thus, the creation of parks in the northwest was not a result of environmentalist activity in the area, but instead may be viewed as part of a political strategy to appease growing demands from an increasingly environmentally conscious and recreation-minded voting public without substantially interfering with the forest industry that continued to function as the primary economic driver for the northwest and the province. While the growing environmental movement was successful in battles to protect contested areas in the southwest of the province (such as Mt. Arrowsmith and Pacific Rim Park) where the majority of the recreation-seeking population was located, the movement was less influential in the more isolated northwest region where industrial considerations remained the primary factor in selection of parklands.                                                   118 The Spatsizi Wilderness Area currently encompasses 696,160 hectares, and originally included 675,000 hectares (Wilson, 1998, p.130). The additional 21 percent of the additional park area added to the northwest region included Atlin Park (233,00 hectares) and Tatlatui Park (105,500) hectares (ibid).  119 Bernsohn (1981, p.138) notes that between 1973 and 1976 only a small number of people visited Tatlatui Park and other northwest parks created during this era. 120 The East Kootenays are notable for hosting a diverse population of First Nations and settler populations, including Doukhobors, Quakers, “hippies”, and young Americans who had fled the US draft during the Vietnam conflict. These groups have been associated with a strong “living off the land” ethic, and resistance against the influence of large industry and corporate control (Martineau, 2007; Janovicek, 2012).  106The environmental movement had developed more extensively in the US prior to its growth in Canada (Hak, 2007, p.179), feeding off the counter-culture social radicalism that accompanied the Vietnam War. Zelko (2004, p.79) contends that ecological consciousness was perceived in Canada as a force flowing northwards from the US, stimulating Canadian nationalist critiques about the ‘Americanization’ of Canada in the 1970. The emergence of environmental advocacy organizations in BC was perceived as a foreign influence that took root in the urban middle class. By the late 1960s and early 1970s, Vancouver was considered a counter-cultural centre and an attractive destination for hippies, new leftists, and draft dodgers, along with the social activism causes they supported (ibid).121 The city played host to a growing middle class, two major universities, and was situated within close proximity to majestic natural resources attractive for recreation, increasing the suitability of the city for the growth of environmentalism.  Prior to the 1969, Zelko (2004, p.197) contends there were no influential environmental organizations in British Columbia.  The first two effective formal environmental organizations in BC included the Vancouver chapter of the Sierra Club (opened in 1969), and the Society for Pollution and Environmental Control (SPEC), which was founded at Simon Fraser University in the early 1970s (Hak, 2007). The former focused on establishing parks and protecting wilderness, while the latter focused on pulp mill pollution and deforestation, and pursued tighter standards and increased enforcement of pollution regulation (ibid). The most influential and high-profile organization to develop in BC was Greenpeace, which formed in 1970 to protest nuclear weapons testing in the Pacific Ocean (Zelko, 2004).122 Greenpeace’s early emphasis on issues that cross international boundaries provided a blueprint that would define its influence in future years as an opponent to the impact of globalized corporate forestry on the BC landscape. The germination of Greenpeace in the suburbs of Vancouver staffed the organization with a heavily professional managerial class membership, whose                                                  121 Following Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, Zelko (2004, p.63) suggests cities nurture post-material values in people with more wealth and education, who are secure with their economic situation and can afford to focus more intensely on quality-of-life issues. 122Between 1970 and 1995, Greenpeace grew from 12 members to 2.9 million members in 158 different countries (Hayter and Soyez, 1996, p.145)  107interests did not necessarily find resonance with the interests and concerns of the working class (Harter, 2004, p.88-90). The characterization of BC environmentalism as an urban middle-class movement is thus rooted in not only the geographic origins of the major founding organizations, but also the class origins of their early membership and leadership ranks, and the cultural milieu in which they developed. Early research on environmental attitudes found that rural populations support environmental protection less than their urban counterparts (Lowe and Pinhey, 1982; Tremblay and Dunlap, 1977). Explanations for these patterns include claims that rural populations favour utilitarian versus recreational uses of the environment, and possess stronger attachment to resource industries (Hendee, 1969; Murdock and Shriner, 1977). Social class has also been identified as a potential determinant for environmental attitudes, with assertions that middle and upper class populations are more engaged with social issues and possess material advantages that allow them to engage with such issues once their more fundamental needs are satisfied (Morrison et al., 1972; Martinson and Wilkening, 1975).123 However, review of evidence to support class-based differences in environmental beliefs has found little support for the existences of such patterns on a widespread basis (Van Liere and Dunlap, 1980).124 Norton (2003, p.101-102) notes that assumptions of working class ideology as being unsupportive of environmentalism are not generally supported by empirical research. Instead, he argues that there have been industry-specific circumstances that have placed environmental concerns at odds with the interests of certain groups of workers, and that the views of these workers do no not necessarily reflect working class ideology on a general basis.  Not all environmental groups in BC were based in cities or established as local chapters of a foreign organization, and friction between environmentalism and rural communities did not develop upon immediate contact. In some parts of BC, local community groups formed to protest logging practices and to provide opposition to                                                  123 These explanations revolve around Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, and the belief that once basic needs (such as shelter and food) are met, people are more willing and able to deal with other issues in society (Van Liere and Dunlap, 1980). 124 Evidence for generalized differences in environmental concern between rural and urban populations has also been inconsistent, and has been found to be contingent upon how the environment is defined, particularly, whether local of global issues are identified as the focus of concern (Van Liere and Dunlap, 1980).  108foreign capital’s increasing control of over local resources.125 For example, the town of Smithers in northwest BC developed a reputation for harbouring many residents with strong pro-environmental sentiments. The town was considered a focal point for environmentalism in the northwest in the 70s and 80s, and was regarded with caution by the forestry industry as a community with an unusual tendency to demand input on resource development decisions (Bernsohn, 1981, p.139). A local chapter of SPEC was established in Smithers in the early 1970s. The chapter expressed criticism towards increased forestry production and reduced local processing, and the associated impacts on the community and local environment (Moore, 2002, p.222).  Among the general northwest population, industry was not always uncritically embraced as with local community interests. Thus, Marchak’s 1979 survey of Terrace residents found significant opposition to pipeline construction in the region, based on potential threats posed to the environment by such a project (1983, p.338-339). Marchak explained, “These responses would indicate not that residents were opposed to industrial development, but that they were opposed to a form of development that is directed by outsiders in their own interests.”(1983, p.340).  Northwest communities did not occupy clear pro-industrial and anti-environmentalist positions. Indeed, residents expressed clear concerns about the environment and their resource base when they believed it faced significant threats. Northwest communities also expressed reluctance to accept control over their resource base by external parties. 126  But, as I have noted, environmental groups themselves were external parties with strong social class, cultural, and environmental values that differed from the majority of the residents of northwest BC. Environmental groups thus faced obstacles in gaining influence in regions where they were clearly distinguished from local populations by markers of class, culture, and geography.                                                   125 For example, the Valhalla Wilderness Society was formed by local residents of the Slocan Valley in 1974 as part of an effort to resist external corporate control of the forestry land-base (Wilson, 1998, p.205).  126 As discussed earlier in this chapter, resistance against external control of the local resource base was also evident in early resistance among local contractors and workers against centralization of cutting rights among the industrial elite, and the development of timber tenures that favoured foreign corporate bodies over locally based small operators.  109The Environmentalism-Forestry Conflict The relationship between environmentalism and rural communities was influenced greatly by its relationship with forestry workers. This relationship started off with cooperation in many cases, before devolving into conflict. The IWA had expressed concerns to industry about forestry pollution at numerous times throughout the 1950s, and various labour organizations lent their support to environmental groups during the early 1970s in efforts to reduce pollution in the pulp milling industry (Hak, 2007, p.183). The Sierra Club and Greenpeace joined with local fishers in Prince Rupert in the late 1970s to protest logging impacts on fish habitat in the Queen Charlottes Islands (Rajala, 2006, p.204-5). SPEC made early inroads with forestry workers on issues such as the toxicity of lumber sprays. However, these relationships were short-lived and eventually gave way to antagonistic relationships between the organization and forestry labour groups (Hak, 2007, p.183-185).  Hak links the falling out between SPEC and forest unions to cultural differences between the groups and SPEC’s failure to understand union politics.127 SPEC’s more radical counter-culture urban membership clashed with the straight-laced conservative working person culture of the IWA, causing distrust among the union members. SPEC also made demands that unions found unreasonable, such as applying taxes to union members to fund SPEC and asking the union to focus on environmental issues instead of worker wages during industry negotiations (Hak, 2007, p.184-186). The Sierra Club also alienated potential labour allies with positions taken regarding logging practices, and proposals to tax the industry for environmental purposes (ibid).  Harter (2004) contends that Greenpeace (like SPEC) originally sought an alliance with workers against corporate resource exploitation, but turned against workers when the organization decided that such agreements would compromise the organizations’ values.128  Instead, Greenpeace turned to the international stage to                                                  127 “It was a simple fact…that trade unionists, office workers, and housewives hate students. Overwhelmingly, university students came from families that were not headed by industrial workers, and protesting students were seen as pampered, destined to be higher up the social scale than industrial workers, and ungrateful for the privileges of attending university” (Hak, 2007, p.186, citing Perry, 1968, p.7) 128 Harter (2004) argues that Green peace failed to appreciate the importance of cultural attachments to occupations and their inherent relationships with nature. This lack of empathy was demonstrated in the  110pressure forestry companies through global markets, thus alienating labour groups and advancing the characterization of environmentalism as an external force attempting to exert control over rural areas (ibid). 129 These outcomes are consistent with Foster’s assertion that the environmental movement failed from an early stage to take advantage of opportunities to align itself with the working class at moments when capitalism has attacked the workers (2003, p.31).130 The cultural and class-based contrast between urban environmentalists and rural workers functioned as an aggravating factor in a divide between environmentalism and an “exploitation axis” consisting of industrial capital, rural labour, and a government bureaucracy that produced policy complicit with industrial interests (Nelles in Wilson, 1998, p.91).  Environmentalism’s focus on BC forestry began to increase in the early 1980s, and grew in response to pressure on provincial resources and increasing global awareness of environmental change. Forestry activism was fuelled by the prominence of clearcuts on the BC landscape, which provided a more visual type of impact than other environmental problems such as ozone depletion or pollution. (Wilson, 1998, p.48-49). The environmental movement achieved an increased level of influence under the 1972-75 NDP government that had sought to increase state and limit corporate control over forests. However, the movement faced increased opposition with the re-election of the Social Credit government in 1975. In response to the growing influence of the environmental movement, the more business-friendly Social Credit government assumed an agenda to ‘contain’ the environmental movement through reshaping of                                                                                                                                                 lack of sensitivity shown towards loggers as well as seal hunters and fishers. Meanwhile the company claimed to represent the environment on behalf of all people, casting resource worker relationships with nature as lacking legitimacy. 129 Greenpeace’s most well known international market activities targeted publishing companies in Europe that utilize BC pulp products, staging protests at their German headquarters and at the Canadian embassy in an effort to induce boycotts on BC timber products from areas deemed environmentally sensitive (Hayter and Soyez, 1996). 130 Foster notes that environmentalists were absent during class struggles between resource workers and industrial capital in fights over wages and working conditions. When the spotted owl became the focal point of conflict between loggers and environmentalists in the northwest US, it occurred at a time when there was a class war occurring between rural workers and industrial capital. However, environmentalists remained insensitive to the circumstances of the workers increasing a gap where a bridge may have been built (Foster 1993, p.131).   111forest policy and tenure reform while also reshaping the Forestry Act in an attempt to revitalize the industry (Wilson 1998, p.149-151).131  The 1978 Forest Act abandoned sustained yield for a system of “high yield” forestry that incorporated increases to the AAC (ostensibly) balanced by increased silviculture methods to justify increased extraction (Drushka, 1999, p.52). The Minister of Forests contended that the forests were overly mature, and increased cutting of old timber was required in order to provide room for new growth (Marchak, 1983, p.81).  The new Act favoured large forestry companies, paying only lip service to public input and the needs of small operators. In the wake of declining economic conditions in forestry, unions aligned themselves with industry and the government in supporting the new Act and in pushing back against the environmental movement (Martin, 2008, p.159). Under the new regime, BC forestry employment sharply rebounded, reaching its highest point in the second half of the 20th century in 1979 (at 97,307 employees), with an annual harvest that climbed steadily through the early 1980s to reach a post-war peak of 90,591 cubic metres in 1987 (Marchak et al, 1999, p.91). In addition to an increase in harvesting volume and overall employment, the new Act was accompanied by several changes that contributed to the increase of environmental-industry conflict. These changes included the careful funnelling of public input to harvesting plans into consultation forums with no actual impact on outcomes (Drushka, 1999, p.126; DesRoches, 2007). A second key change in forestry policy was a mandate to provide forestry companies with increased flexibility when failing to meet forest regulations (Hayter, 2000, p.88).132 The government’s willingness to overlook poor forestry practices (a policy referred to as sympathetic administration) angered environmental groups and prompted increased protest activity (Hayter, 2000, p.88).  A third key change was a series of policies designed to streamline the management of multiple forest uses through an integrated process of land management. This policy was based on recommendations from the 1975 Royal Commission that were intended to protect multiple forest uses (Drushka, 1999, p.52-53). However, the                                                  131 Tenure reform was based largely on economic factors. However, new features of the tenure system were designed to limit the influence of environmentalists and other public input on forestry activities.  132 Examples of this included allowing forest companies to leave lower value logs to rot or burning them instead of processing them (Drushka, 1999, p.53).  112implementation of the policy resulted in the rejection of applications to designate areas with a singular use (such as “wilderness”).  This resulted in logging and recreation uses applying to common areas, thus allowing harvesting to occur while leaving clearcut areas behind for recreation (ibid). Wilson (1998, p.150-151) explained that replacing the comprehensive approach to land management that balanced BC’s industrial forests with designations of new parklands (as conducted under the previous NDP government) with a case-by-case approach of overlapping and conflicting forest usages in which industry trumped other uses resulted in environmentalists setting out upon a series of prolonged “‘valley by valley’ battles” to protect alternative forest values. Following the temporary boom of the forestry industry that accompanied the business-friendly Forest Act of 1978, the industry was hit by a sudden and severe recession in the early 1980s that cost the industry approximately $1.1 billion and saw unemployment rise from 6.4 percent to 19.2 percent between 1979 and 1982 (Hayter, 2000, p.67).  The failure of the province to engage in adequate silviculture programs eroded its timber supply, leading to a situation in which it no longer held a depth of forest stocks to allow it to compete with other wood-supplying nations on the global marketplace (Marchak, 1991).133 This resulted in a lack of sufficient high quality second or third growth timber to fuel industry needs, and increased pressure from environmentalists to protect the remaining old growth forests which were becoming subject to increasing logging pressure due to their high economic value (Wilson, 1998, p.124). The failure of environmentalism to bridge the divide between its urban core and the forces of rural labour resulted in environmentalism forming a convenient target for resentment when the industry went into decline. Industrial capital responded to the environmentalist pressures with public relations campaigns to cast environmentalism as a threat to rural workers, despite the fact that job loss was linked to other factors (Doyle et al., 1997; Dunk, 1994, p.15). The main sources of job loss within forestry have been advances in technology, and the use                                                  133 The term “falldown” is utilized to describe the declining productivity of the forests after shifting from mature timber supplies to younger stock. The falldown effect in BC is linked to a chronic failure of the BC forestry industry to pace timber extraction in a sustainable manner, the failure to match extractions with effective silviculture practices (tree planting and growing), and the failure of the government to implement policies to effectively require industry to carry out silviculture responsibilities (Marchak et al, 1999; Drushka, 1995; Wilson, 1998, p.124).   113of machines that replace the labour of entire crews of workers (Dunk, 1994, p.16; Marchak, p. 1995, p.38; Marchak et al, 1999, p.102; Hayter, 2000, p.264-7). Of the 27,000 jobs lost in forestry between 1981 and 1991, it is estimated that only two percent were lost due to conservation measures with the remainder attributed to advances in technology (Goldberg, 1994, p.27).  During this time period, the number of workers per 1000 cubic metres of harvested wood declined from 1.41 to 0.98 (BC/Canada Statistics, 2000, p.19). Thus, the structure of the industry continued to shift towards arrangements in which fewer jobs were available for workers and increased pressure was placed on old-growth forests, which had become the target of protection for environmentalists.  Throughout the 1980’s, the forest industry (led by the Council of Forest Industries as the dominant representative group for forestry capital), spent between $1.5 and $2 million per year on publicity campaigns titled “Forests Forever” (Wilson, 1990, 154 in Doyle et al., 1997, p.248). This campaign, intended to elicit public support for industrial forestry in the face of challenging global economic conditions and increasing environmental critiques, was paralleled by a series of locally-based ‘Share’ movements, which created networks of forest workers, local citizens, businesses, and forest companies to support industrial forestry while preserving recreation in the woods (Wilson, 1998, p.66).134 The “Share” movement countered the localized strategies of environmental groups by using images of forestry-dependent families and conscientious forest harvesting, and portraying opponents of industrial forestry as urbanites that lacked appreciation for rural culture (Moore, 2002, p. 249).  The environmental movement responded to the reinvigorated state-industry coalition of forestry control by engaging in increased on-site protests and acts of civil disobedience, combined with strategies to highlight the unique aesthetics of west coast forests to build a broader base of support for the movement (ibid, p.236-8). Through the 1980s, high-profile conflicts between environmentalists and the logging industry                                                  134 American anti-environmentalist, Ron Arnold provided the following advice to MacMillan Bloedell and other BC forestry companies regarding the ‘Share’ movement and publicity campaigns: "It can be an effective and convincing advocate for your industry. It can evoke powerful archetypes such as the sanctity of the family, the virtue of the close - knit community, the natural wisdom of the rural dweller...And it can turn the public against your enemies...I think you'll find it one of your wisest investments over time."(Arnold in Goldberg, 1994, p.27).  114occurred in the Stein, Carmanah, and Walbran valleys, as well as South Moresby and the Stikine Valley in the northwest (Hayter, 2005, p.25).135  While the locations of conflict in BC during the early environmental movement were concentrated in the southern part of the province, the growth of environmentalism and the new site-by-site format of the movement brought a new presence to the northwest, and small environmental groups began to sprout up in response to specific industrial activities. The Sierra Club assisted the Friends of Stikine and Residents for a Free-Flowing Stikine in organizing resistance in conjunction with the Tahltan First Nation, against logging and hydro development in the Stikine River Valley, an area also known as the Sacred Headwaters (Demchuk, 1985).136 The more highly publicized South Moresby protests involved Canada Parks and Wilderness Society, the Sierra Club of Western Canada, the Friends of Ecological Reserves, Canadian Nature Federation, and the World Wildlife Fund, with international support provided by Audubon, National Parks and Conservation Society, the Sierra Club, and Earthlife (Sewell et al, 1989, p.156). In an effort to gain national and international attention, a caravan of environmentalists and Haida Gwaii First Nations travelled from St. John’s, Newfoundland to Vancouver, BC (Sewell et al, 1989, p.159).  Publicity of the South Moresby protests was included in MacLeans, Nature Canada, National Geographic, the New York Times, the London Observer, and The New Yorker (Gardner, 1994, p.174).  A total of 89 people, mostly Haida, were arrested for blockade and protest activities (Sewell et al, 1989, p.148). Industry asserted that preserving the area would cost the province $75 million in revenue and deprive the local region of up to 1,100 logging and woodworking jobs (Gardner, 1994, p.163).137 Thus, the initial spread of the environmental movement into the northwest occurred along provincial battle lines drawn between new local interest groups supported by larger international environmental organizations with ties to global media and large urban centres, versus the interests of forestry workers in rural communities.                                                   135 South Moresby includes a chain of islands in the southern area of Haida Gwaii, including Burnaby, Lyell, and the southern portion of Moresby Island. 136 Efforts to prevent development in the Stikine region extended into the 21st century, and continue today over concerns regarding mineral and hydro development.  137 Opponents disagreed with these figures and contended the true costs were close to 2 million dollars in revenue and only 210 jobs (Gardner, 1994, p.163).  115Leading into the early 1990s, the environmental movement’s critique of industrial forestry in BC had developed into a network of locally-based protests linked to a series of globally-mobilized boycott campaigns orchestrated by Greenpeace and the US-based Rainforest Action Network (RAN) and the National Resource Defense Council (NRDC) (Hayter, 2005, p.25). The most well-known protest occurred at Clayoquot Sound in 1993, in which more than 12,000 people protested (including people from many countries around the world) and more than 850 arrests were made (Langer, 2003). Protest activities included actions such as blockades of roads to prevent industrial activity, sabotage of equipment, sit-ins at government and corporate offices, and various publicity-generating activities such as a free concert at Clayoquot Sound by the Australian rock band Midnight Oil. The result was a series of (sometimes violent) confrontations between environmentalists and loggers and forestry town residents.  Violence was not uncommon in confrontations between protestors and local residents. Forestry dependent communities often reacted negatively when environmental protests targeted resources in their region, and some residents and workers took action to assert the importance of forestry to the livelihoods. At Clayoquot, local residents dumped human waste at the protest site, and a protestor was shot with a pellet gun and was injured when loggers cut down the tree that the protestor was occupying (Langer, 2003; Harter, 2004). In the town of Squamish, a group of 70 to 100 forestry workers raided a protest camp outside the town of Squamish and assaulted the protestors, resulting in the arrest of five forestry workers (Moore, 2002, p.409-410). The IWA responded to the latter event with a statement that reaffirmed the battle lines that had been drawn between the environmental movement and forestry-town residents.   "We don't condone what happened- but we certainly won't apologize for what happened out there. These people aren't fighting for the TFL, they're fighting for their families, their children, their jobs"(The Chief, September 28, 1999 in Moore, 2002, p.410).  Detachment from the realities of labour characterized working class critiques of environmentalists and their urban origins, along with detachments from genuine relationships with nature, and detachment from the status quo. Wilson noted that during conflict over forest resource, local workers made sharp distinctions between local  116residents and outsiders, describing protesters as hippies and draft dodgers with no bond to the economic structure of the community (1998, p.217). However, assuming rural residents were unwitting pawns of industry in the ‘war in the woods’ fails to do justice to the complexity of the relationships between rural workers and the environment, and the experience of rural workers as their livelihoods came under increasing environmentalist critique.  The friction between environmentalists and forestry town workers was part of a larger pattern of social conflict occurring throughout western North America. Drushka (1999, p.106) contends that throughout the 1980s forestry workers were portrayed in the media as, “an uneducated, ecologically insensitive underclass,” and this portrayal held sway throughout North America.138 Reed (2003, p.52) contends that anti-logging campaigns in BC were harmful to rural communities not only due to the targeting of their primary industrial drivers, but also due to their isolation from the political, social, and information resources that are used to fight battles of morality on issues such as the environmental impacts of forestry. Examining the conflict between environmentalists and loggers in Oregon, Satterfield (2002, p.70-77) explains that the romanticized and respected image of loggers was subverted in environmentalist critiques of the industry. The masculine rugged personality of the job was recast as lacking balanced emotional relationships with the land and other people, transforming the public image of the heroic family provider into that of a villainous destroyer of nature. Satterfield contends that while forestry workers perceive this stigmatization as a painful betrayal by society, it also provides impetus for them to reaffirm their group solidarity and assert their identity as part of an under-appreciated working class (ibid).  Reed (2003) reached similar conclusions in her study of BC coastal logging towns. In response to environmentalist attacks on logging, rural communities responded with efforts to reaffirm their identities as working class forestry towns. Forestry                                                  138 Drushka’s portrayal of the media as pro-environmentalist contrasts with that of others (Doyle et al, 1997) who point out the ability of industry to manipulate the press to portray forestry in a sympathetic light while framing environmentalists as left-wing extremists. Drushka (who worked as a journalist before his career in forestry) contends that the vilification of forestry workers in the media is due to journalists belonging to “a technocratic urban elite with no cultural connection to the rural people who still maintain the foundation of the economy” (1999, p.107). Drushka does, however, acknowledge that the conflict between the groups was also aggravated by loggers that continued to log in a destructive manner, despite changes in regulation and practice (ibid).   117community animosity towards environmentalism may thus be viewed as a defensive response to the attack on rural labour by competing demands of a changing economic system and shifting cultural views on the environment that forestry workers find impossible to reconcile while fighting for their own survival. A new discourse of rights emerged among forestry workers, in which the loggers countered environmentalists’ portrayal of them as pawns of industrial capital with narratives about the economic hardships of rural living and their right to earn a living, while retaining their traditional relationships with the resource base (Satterfield, 2002, p. 63).  “Briefly and generally stated, loggers see themselves as members of historically rooted land-based communities whose experiential knowledge of the forest is sound and wise, but who nonetheless have been cast unfairly as violent antagonists and treated without respect, despite their wood-cutting contributions to society.” (Satterfield 2002, p.160)  It would be presumptuous to assume that the perspectives of resource workers comprise a homogenous voice, or that such a voice represents all rural residents. The literature on the conflict between environmentalism and forestry provides little room for the experiences of resource town residents holding perspectives aligned with the environmentalist movement, or for rural residents and workers who were unwilling to express their opinions due to the pressure of the social norms in their community.  At the beginning of environmentalism’s growth in BC, there was potential for a rural-based environmental movement that includes forestry workers. These relationships were largely undermined by environmentalism’s failure to understand and connect with rural labour as well as by the efforts of capital to cast environmentalism as an enemy of rural communities. Thus, it is my argument that the potential remains for cooperative and productive relationships between forestry dependent communities and environmentalism if the aforementioned structural and cultural barriers can be overcome.  Environmentalism and First Nations The relationship between environmentalism and Aboriginal rights is based on unsteady foundations, and moments of both cooperation and conflict have occurred between these  118two social movements in BC and elsewhere in the northwest region. In the beginning, the need for support from each other was based on the position of both movements on the fringes of the mainstream and their standing as outside challenges to the economic and political arrangements that control rural development activities. Within American society, where the radical roots of environmentalism formed, Native American practices provided inspiration to early wilderness preservation and conservation movements, and other outdoor activity groups (Cornell, 1985). The development of ecology as a distinct field of science has been described as “a return to the land wisdom of the Indian.” (Udall 1973, p.32 in Nadasdy, 2005, p.298).  First Nations traditional relationships with nature have been utilized by both First Nations and environmentalists as a critique of industry’s destruction of nature (Milton, 1996). At the base of this collaboration was a shared interest in preservation and conservation that was illustrated vividly in research that outlined the correspondence between support for environmentalist and First Nations causes (Robinson et al, 2007). However, environmentalists and First Nations have ultimately possessed different objectives in their resistance to industrial capitalism, which for First Nations is subsumed within a broader resistance against colonial domination.  The environmental movement drew upon support from BC First Nations at numerous times throughout its development in the province. By the time environmental advocacy emerged as a meaningful force in BC, First Nations had already been in conflict with the colonial state and industrial capital over natural resources and land use for more than two centuries. This provided the environmental movement with a well-established ally that held a legitimate claim to the resources deemed in need of protection.139  Wilson (1998, p.57) contends that most environmental groups have supported First Nations land claims and the right to self-government. Prominent examples of alliances between First Nations and the environmental movement include the cooperation of the Friends of Clayoquot Sound (FOCS) and the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal                                                  139 Nadasdy explains that the use of Aboriginal imagery in environmental campaigns possessed potent political power that evokes sympathy on a global level while tapping into influential local social relations (2005, p.312).  119Council in preventing logging on Meares Island in 1979 (Robinson et al, 2007, p.585). Environmentalism-First Nations cooperation also figured prominently in preservation campaigns in the Stein Valley and in the Kitlope watershed near Bella Coola, and the aforementioned protests in South Moresby (Rajala, 2006; Wilson, 1998). In these examples of cooperation, the different groups generally supported each other’s objectives, based on the premise that establishment of First Nations title to forested land would result in management regimes that would be more sensitive to the environment than those proposed by large forestry corporations. In the northwest, First Nations and local environmentalists acted in unison against the proposed damming of the Stikine River by BC Hydro. A highly publicized banner that hung across the Alaskan highway included a slogan that placed the interests of First Nations and other people on the same side of the battle. The sign read “‘Dam the Stikine, Dam the Iskut, Dam the people.”(Peyton, 2011, p.368).  Although First Nations found allies in environmentalists when defending their territories from the forces of industrial capital, it did not necessarily follow that First Nations were anti-logging or anti-industry. It was shown in many cases that First Nations’ resistance was not based on opposing industrialization altogether, but was instead focused more squarely upon the unfair division of resource control. At the peak of conflict in Clayoquot Sound, the Ahousat and Tla-o-qui-aht First Nations distanced themselves from environmentalists when protest methods became more radical (Nathan, 1993, p.156). The Tla-o-qui-aht, specifically, indicated that their people were in favour of logging, with 60% of their members involved in forestry prior to the court injunction that halted logging, and they simply objected to the way that logging was being proposed on the site in question (ibid).  First Nations involved in northwest environmental protests also expressed the difficulty of being caught between siding with environmentalists in resisting industrialization of their territories versus the tension of their own path of industrialization and development. This is reflected in the following quote from the Chief of the Tahltan First Nation during the fight to prevent damming of the Stikine River:   120“In our traditional territories we have the largest block of trap lines in BC, which is an important source of income for our people. These areas are being logged, and our people were promised jobs to replace trapping but they haven’t happened. We are not opposed to development. We want our people to develop along with the resources.” (Chief Pat Edzerza of the Tahltan First Nation in Nathan, 1993, p. 163).  Nadasdy contends that alliances between environmentalists and aboriginal people cannot succeed when the nature of aboriginal relationships to the environment is actually expressed according to aboriginal people’s own terms. Nadasdy warns, “Any attempt to place First Nation people somewhere on the environmental spectrum, for whatever reason, is to impose on them the terms of a debate that is not their own.” (2005, p.313).  While many examples of cooperation and alliance between First Nations and environmentalism exist, there has also been friction, and occasionally conflict, between the two groups. Nadasdy (2005, p.313) contends that the occasional alliances that have occurred have often been based upon environmentalists deploying a stereotyped image of indigenous people as ecologically noble beings, and this image has ultimately hindered First Nations in their quest to achieve self-determination. Kalland (2003, p.11) explains that such representations of aboriginal people as environmentalists act as a “double edged sword”. Images of aboriginals as environmentalists provide moral power in legitimizing aboriginal land claims, but holds them up to out-dated notions of what comprises indigeneity, thus denying them the right to exercise true self-determination as they follow their own distinct path of modernization.  In his study of images and discourse deployed by environmentalists in the battle over Clayoquout Sound in the early 1990s, Braun (2002) explained that any sign of modernity (including motors on boats or modern clothing) threatened to disqualify the legitimacy of aboriginal people’s identity and undermined their symbolic value as part of the nature that environmentalists were trying to preserve.  Drawing on a similar example from northwest BC, Rossiter (2004) contends that, during environmentalists’ campaigns to preserve the Great Bear Rainforest, First Nations people were treated as natural features of the landscape and referred to with deference to their traditional lifestyles, while manifestations of their modern activities are neglected or denied. The imposition of stereotyped images of First Nations people as naturally ecological beings  121placed them in a double bind in which they continue in the marginalization that has resulted from their treatment under colonialism as inferior beings, but are deprived of their claims to heritage and self-determination when they display features associated with western modernization.  Wilson (1998, p.57) contends that a turning point in environmental-First Nation relationships occurred in 1991 when the Provincial government recognized aboriginal title and right to self-government. This change provided First Nations with a distinct form of empowerment, thus reducing their need for alliances with other parties. As First Nations have obtained increased control in the development and usage of forests and other natural resources, friction with environmentalism has become more common. Like settler communities, First Nations have in some cases come to view environmentalists as yet another external party seeking to cast their control over the resource base upon which they rely.  One of the earliest signs of the growing gap between environmentalism and First Nations occurred in 1996 at Clayoquot when the Nuu-chah-nulth (who entered the treaty process in 1994) told Greenpeace that they had no right to interfere in the management of First Nations lands, and asked that environmentalist blockades against logging be abandoned (Hayter, 2000, p.338). More recently in the northwest, the Lax Kw’alaams First Nation attracted criticism from the Wilderness Committee for its involvement in the export of raw logs (MacDonald, 2009). However, after being shut out of the forestry economy for so many decades, the ability to benefit from the use of the local resource base provides a valuable opportunity for First Nations at a time when they are still struggling to close the prosperity gap with the rest of society. As First Nations take on an increased role in controlling resource development, their relationship with the environmental movement is likely to face new tests. In her 1995 book, Marchak wrote:  “Cynics may anticipate that if native bands succeed in claiming territory, they will simply become the forestry entrepreneurs of the twenty-first century. Since native people are neither more saintly nor more sinful than other folk, they are unlikely to re-create the world totally as self-sufficient village communities, but there is reasonable evidence that some bands at least are fully capable of changing the forest-exploitation patterns established by other settlers in the profligate century.” (1995, p.107)  122 Chapter One: Conclusion In this chapter it has been argued that forestry dependent communities in BC are not anti-environmental and have complex relationships of dependency with the environment that surrounds them. However, the BC environmental movement emerged at a time when rural working class interests were facing the first signs of the decline of industrial forestry. Antagonisms between environmentalism and forestry-dependent communities were aggravated by the environmental movement’s failure to overcome the class and cultural barriers with the rural working class, by industrial capital’s deflection of blame for economic pressures onto the shoulders of environmentalism, and by state actions to support economic and regulatory structures that perpetuated unsustainable models of forest resource extraction. First Nations and the environmental movement at first found common ground in their resistance to industrial capitalism. However, as First Nations increased their capacity to determine their own futures and assert their interests in the use of natural resources, it became apparent that the challenges that environmentalism and Aboriginal rights had posed to industrial capitalism were based on profoundly different objectives.    123Chapter Four: Times of Change Throughout the era in which forestry defined the shape of northwest communities, both Aboriginal rights and environmentalism had been relegated to positions of limited influence on resource development activities.  These conditions were reinforced by a close partnership between the state and the forest industry, and a political economic structure that pitted the interests of these movements against those of the rural working class. However, in this chapter, I show that the primary threats to the well-being of forestry-dependent communities leading up to the 1990s were revealed not to be environmentalism and Aboriginal rights. Instead, forestry communities were decimated by the collapse of an industrial model based on political and economic arrangements that had ceded control of resources to external parties, while emphasizing the mass harvest and export of raw materials over the enrichment of local entrepreneurial development and protection of the forests.  The late 1980s and early 1990s comprise an important turning point in the history of the province, and a key period of reference for three interrelated shifts that are central to this study. First, it marks a key moment in the decline of forestry, as the industry entered a period of recession from which it has not yet recovered.140 Second, the environmental movement gathered momentum following the protests in Clayoquot Sound. As the power of the forest industry waned, the environmental movement developed new market-based strategies that provided it with a potent new source of power through which to influence resource development in the new era of industry that would follow. Third, the Aboriginal rights movement, empowered by key legal precedents recognizing Aboriginal rights and title, emerged as an influential force in the management of lands and resources.    The collapse of forestry dismantled the occupational structure that placed forestry workers at the top of economic and social hierarchies, thus altering the conditions under which Aboriginal rights and environmentalism engage with economic                                                  140 Although forestry remains an important part of the BC economy today, the industry stands as a shadow of its former self, and the political and economic arrangements that supported the rise of industrial forestry no longer function as the driving force of social organization in the province. However, I refer to the period following the late 1980s and early 1990s as the “post-forestry” era only partly because of the recession in the forest industry.  124development activities. Critiques of forestry thus no longer equate with attacks on the core identity and economic interests of the region. The failure of the Fordist model of forestry-based development to provide secure futures for northwest communities has created the potential for environmentalism and Aboriginal rights to locate common ground with other local groups seeking to find a better way of managing the resource base. In the first section of the chapter, I review the decline of forestry in BC and in the northwest over the past 20 years, and the impacts that this shift has had on affected communities. In the subsequent sections, I examine changes in Aboriginal rights and environmentalism, and the ways that these changes have affected the roles these movements play in resource development activities today. Together these three shifts provide an update to the context in which my study takes place, and explain why a new perspective is needed to understand the way that northwest communities deal with environmental issues today. The Decline of Northwest Forestry  The BC forestry industry has endured numerous cycles of boom and bust throughout its long history. However, the downward cycles that began occurring in the 1980s and intensified into the 1990s went beyond temporary fluctuations in the Canadian dollar or shifts in the global demand for pulp and lumber. These changes were linked to fundamental changes in BC’s position in the global pulp and timber market, and were accompanied by a radical restructuring of the industry, resulting in significant change to forestry-dependent communities in BC.  At the beginning of the 1990s, the northwest remained heavily reliant upon forestry and logging, with 7.2 percent of the labour force employed directly within these industries, versus only 2.2 percent of the provincial workforce (Statistics Canada, 2010b).141 However, a series of significant recessions in the forest industry prosperity                                                  141 The northwest region, for this analysis, includes the census districts of Skeena-Queen Charlottes and Kitimat-Stikine. These districts include the communities of Terrace and Prince Rupert in addition to those areas identified in the district titles. The data for forestry and logging as an occupational category is only available for 1991, and is not available in subsequent years for comparison due to changes in the job classification schemes utilized by Statistics Canada. This job classification only reflects persons employed  125through the 1990s severely impacted the vitality of forestry-dependent communities. Tracking the health of the forestry industry presents challenges when comparing data across several decades due to inconsistencies in the types of measures used by Statistics Canada, and in the BC forest industry. However, examination of overlapping economic and occupational measures, combined with observations of specific industry, provides a consistent picture of a decline both in forestry and in general economic conditions in the northwest region. Problems in the forest industry were apparent in BC prior to 1990, even though timber production data indicates continued growth in the industry up to this date. Between 1979 and 1989, forestry employment decreased throughout the province by 14 percent, resulting in the loss of over 13,800 jobs from the peak of employment prosperity at the beginning of the 1980s (British Columbia, 2000, p.91).142 Between 1996 and 2006, the number of workers employed in o