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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Applying social-ecological systems thinking to the urban quarter of old Sana'a and its associated garden Al-Sallal, Iman Khaled 2013

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APPLYING SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS THINKING TO THE URBAN QUARTER OF OLD SANA?A AND ITS ASSOCIATED GARDEN   by   Iman Khaled Al-Sallal   B.A.Sc., United Arab Emirates University, 2011     A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF   MASTER OF ADVANCED STUDIES IN ARCHITECTURE   in   The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies   (Architecture)     THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA   (Vancouver)   August 2013   ? Iman Khaled Al-Sallal, 2013 	 ? ii ABSTRACT For centuries, the urban quarter of the old city of Sana?a along with its accompanying garden followed an exclusively traditional way of life that was contained within the quarter?s bounds and which involved a high degree of mutually beneficial and co-evolving interactions between partnered human and natural systems. The waqf foundation was in charge of ensuring that water supply was continuously available and abundant for the gardeners, who were responsible for irrigating the garden and sustaining water sources. The garden?s produce supported the gardeners? families and the city?s central market. In return, it received its source of nutrients from the solid waste of the quarter?s inhabitants and livestock through a sophisticated sewage system.  With the arrival of modernization, the essential role that the urban garden held began to wane and dwindle until the garden was no longer able to provide for the quarter. As such, this thesis provides solutions that aim to restore the quarter to the vibrant and dynamic state that it once possessed in the past by critically examining its changing nature over time through the lens of social-ecological systems, one of regenerative design?s fundamental principles. The inspection uncovered a complex portrayal of interrelationships and cross-interactions between ecological elements and social groups within the quarter, and between it and new Sana?a. The resulting conclusions primarily deduced that the deterioration of the urban quarter?s social-ecological system originates from the mishandling of water and food sources by authoritative groups. Furthermore, while many of regenerative design?s core principles are universal, all have been primarily executed in North America and there have been no efforts to explore how they would unfold in a different cultural context. Also, there exists a small number of scholarly works that investigate the notion of social-ecological systems in relation to the built environment. By addressing these issues, this thesis discovered that the notion of religion and the design of water and waste systems majorly influence the quarter?s functionality thereby providing valuable insights that reveal how the concepts of culture and social-ecological 	 ? iii systems within the built environment are significant for the progression of regenerative design theory.                    	 ? iv PREFACE This thesis is original and unpublished. The work was carried out independently by the author, I. Al-Sallal.                  	 ? v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................. ii PREFACE ............................................................................................................... iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES ..................................................................................................... viii LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................... ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...................................................................................... xi DEDICATION ........................................................................................................ xii  1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 1 1.1 MODERNIZATION .................................................................................................... 3 1.2 DEFINING THE PROBLEM ........................................................................................ 5 1.2.1Negative effects of modernization ............................................................... 5 1.2.2 Regenerative design and social-ecological systems ................................ 5 1.3 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY ......................................................................................... 7 1.4 SCOPE ..................................................................................................................... 7 1.5 METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................................... 8 1.6 THESIS STRUCTURE ................................................................................................. 11 1.7 IMPORTANCE OF THE THESIS ............................................................................... 11  2 REGENERATIVE DESIGN AND SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS ................... 13 2.1 DEFINING REGENERATIVE DESIGN ...................................................................... 13 2.1.1 Green design thinking .................................................................................. 14 2.1.2 ?Regenerative?, ?green?, and ?sustainable? ............................................... 14 2.2 REGENERATIVE DESIGN PRINCIPLES ................................................................... 17 2.2.1 Co-evolution between human and natural systems ............................... 18 2.2.2 Joint action and collaboration ................................................................... 19 2.2.3 Interrelationships and cross-scale interactions .......................................... 21 2.2.4 Spatial and temporal scales ....................................................................... 24 2.2.5 Systems thinking ............................................................................................ 26 2.2.6 ?Culture? and regenerative design ............................................................ 28 	 ? vi 2.3 THE NOTION OF SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS IN REGENERATIVE DESIGN LANGUAGE ................................................................................................................. 29 2.3.1 Definitions within the concept of the built environment .......................... 29 2.3.2 Definitions within ecological studies ........................................................... 30 2.3.3 Properties of social-ecological systems ..................................................... 31 2.3.4 Co-evolution between human and natural systems ............................... 35 2.3.5 Joint action and collaboration ................................................................... 38 2.3.6 Subgroups and systems thinking ................................................................. 39 2.3.7 Multi-leveled authority ................................................................................. 42 2.3.8 Interrelationships and cross-scale interactions .......................................... 43 2.3.9 Temporal and spatial scales ....................................................................... 46 2.4 CONCLUDING THOUGHTS .................................................................................. 49  3 SANA?A?S SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM ? PREMODERNIZATION ............. 51 3.1 THE SOCIAL SYSTEM ............................................................................................. 51 3.1.1 The different social classes .......................................................................... 51 3.1.2 Gender roles .................................................................................................. 54 3.1.3 The definition of ?waqf? ................................................................................ 54 3.1.4 The relationship between the waqf foundation and the gardens ......... 54 3.2 WATER SUPPLY ...................................................................................................... 55 3.2.1 The ?sabeel? ................................................................................................... 55 3.2.2 The wells ......................................................................................................... 57 3.2.3 The irrigation system ..................................................................................... 60 3.2.4 Water access ? time wise ............................................................................ 61 3.2.5 The sewage system ...................................................................................... 62 3.3 FOOD SUPPLY ....................................................................................................... 64 3.3.1 Interior and exterior gardens ....................................................................... 64 3.3.2 Food marketing ............................................................................................ 66  4 SANA?A?S SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM ? POSTMODERNIZATION ........... 68 4.1 WATER SUPPLY ...................................................................................................... 68 4.1.1 Hydrometeorological environment of Sana?a .......................................... 69 4.1.2 Current water supply methods for Sana?a ................................................ 70 	 ? vii 4.1.3 Water supply methods for the gardeners .................................................. 74 4.1.4 Future water sources for Sana?a ................................................................. 77 4.1.5 The irrigation system ..................................................................................... 80 4.1.6 Water access ? time wise ............................................................................ 80 4.1.7 Other factors negatively affecting Sana?a?s water table ....................... 81 4.2 FOOD SUPPLY ....................................................................................................... 82 4.2.1 What is planted today ................................................................................. 82 4.2.2 Other sources of food .................................................................................. 84 4.3 THE SOCIAL SYSTEM ............................................................................................. 85 4.3.1 Gender roles .................................................................................................. 86 4.3.2 Social groups and issues .............................................................................. 86  5 THE SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS .............................................................. 90 5.1 THE BASIC FRAMEWORK ...................................................................................... 90 5.1.1 Explanation of the basic framework?s mechanism  ................................. 90 5.2 THE SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM OF THE PAST .............................................. 93 5.2.1 The social-ecological system of the quarter ............................................. 93 5.2.2 The social-ecological system of the house ............................................... 98 5.3 THE SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM OF THE PRESENT ...................................... 101 5.3.1 The social-ecological system of the quarter ........................................... 101 5.3.2 The social-ecological system of the house ............................................. 108 5.4 CONCLUDING THOUGHTS ................................................................................ 112  6 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................... 115 6.1 CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................... 115 6.1.1 Social-ecological systems in a different culture ..................................... 115 6.1.2 Social-ecological systems in the built environment ............................... 116 6.2 LESSONS LEARNED ............................................................................................. 117 6.3 LIMITATIONS AND FURTHER RESEARCH ............................................................. 118 6.4 RESEARCH APPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................. 120 6.5 FINDINGS AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE ................................................................ 122 REFERENCES ...................................................................................................... 124 	 ?	 ? viii LIST OF TABLES Table 4.1 Domestic water use in Sana?a (1995) .................................................. 72 Table 4.2 Alternative water sources in Sana?a .................................................... 77                   	 ? ix LIST OF FIGURES  Figure 1.1 The housing quarter ................................................................................. 1 Figure 1.2 Sana'a's projected population increase according to UN-HABITAT .. 4 Figure 2.1 Living systems model of community development ........................... 16 Figure 3.1 One of old Sana?a?s domed sabeels .................................................. 56 Figure 3.2 One of old Sana?a?s al-manza?a wells ................................................ 59 Figure 3.3 One of old Sana?a?s run down al-masna wells, the absent well ramp descended to the left ................................................................................................... 60 Figure 3.4 Water access for the gardeners in the pasts ...................................... 62 Figure 3.5 Old Sana?a?s exterior food supply ........................................................ 65 Figure 3.6 Food supply from other locations ......................................................... 67 Figure 4.1 An urban garden turned into desert ................................................... 76 Figure 4.2 Old Sana?a?s exterior food supply ........................................................ 85 Figure 4.3 An urban garden filled with garbage ................................................. 87 Figure 4.4 A house built illegally in an urban garden filled with garbage ........ 89 Figure 5.1 Social group representations ................................................................ 91 Figure 5.2 Event representations ............................................................................ 91 Figure 5.3 Stress representation .............................................................................. 91 Figure 5.4 Flows representations ............................................................................. 92 Figure 5.5 Positive force/negative stress representations ................................... 92 Figure 5.6 Basic explanatory framework ............................................................... 93 Figure 5.7 Old Sana?a?s social-ecological system ? pre-modernization ........... 96 Figure 5.8 Old Sana?a?s social-ecological system ? spatial boundaries ? pre-modernization ................................................................................................................ 97 Figure 5.9 Old Sana?a?s house?s social-ecological system ? water & waste flows (left), spatial boundaries (right) ? pre-modernization  ................................... 100 Figure 5.10 Old Sana?a?s social-ecological system ? post-modernization ........ 104 Figure 5.11 Old Sana?a?s social-ecological system?s spatial boundaries ? post-modernization .............................................................................................................. 107 	 ? x Figure 5.12 Old Sana?a?s house?s social-ecological system ? water and waste flows ? post-modernization ......................................................................................... 110 Figure 5.13 Old Sana?a?s house?s social-ecological system ? spatial boundaries ? post-modernization .................................................................................................. 111                 	 ? xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank God for His endless blessings and guidance, and for always being there for me during times of hardship. Without my faith in Him, I would have never been able to complete this thesis. I offer my gratitude to my thesis advisor Dr. Raymond Cole for motivating me to work on this research. For his invaluable support, guidance, assistance, and criticism that enriched my work and taught me to question more deeply and think more critically.  I would also like to gratefully acknowledge my thesis committee, Dr. Ronald Lewcock and Dr. Maged Senbel, for their valuable time, constructive criticism, abundant help and insightful feedbacks that contributed greatly to my thesis.  I am deeply grateful for my uncle Ali Al-Sallal, aunt Khayriyya Khamees, cousin Abdullah Al-Sallal, his wife Nawal Ayssa, Dr. Abdullah Ayssa, and engineer Yaseen Ghaleb; they were all immensely helpful and took the time and effort to ensure that I have all the resources that I need to complete this research. Finally, I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to all my friends and family for their love and endless support, in particular, my parents, who never stopped having faith in me, are always there to provide me with tremendous help and advice, and who continuously inspire me.       	 ? xii DEDICATION   To my loving parents and brother	 ? 1 1 INTRODUCTION The old walled city of Sana?a, the capital of Yemen, has been inhabited for over 2,500 years and contains 103 mosques, 14 bathhouses and over 6,000 tower houses, all built before the 11th century (?Old City of Sana?a,? n.d.). The urban division of the city was eminently beneficial and functional, following a hierarchical system that divided spaces into public and private zones through the city roads. The spaces exhibit many different privacy stages; starting with the most public and ending with the most private. Three main components that draw the urban features of the old city of Sana'a are; the city roads, the social square, and the urban garden (Al-Sallal, 2004). Housing quarters define public or private urban spaces of social squares and urban gardens (Figure 1) in which people with the same tribal roots or from the same social class lived together harmoniously in the past. The housing quarter is divided into several clusters of houses, and along with it comes a mosque sometimes or a mosque and a public bath (Al-Sallal, 2004). 	 ?	 ?	 ?	 ?Figure 1.1: The housing quarter (source: Al-Sallal, 2004)	 ?The basic concept of housing clusters grouped with mosques and public baths forms the primary basis for the strengthening of social relations between the people and completely supports healthy community living. Within the quarter, people build a robust sense of community that lasts for several generations, and 	 ? 2 strong relations based on trust and cooperation. If anyone is in need of help, other members of the community provide it straight away as an act of tribute; if help is not provided, it is considered as a shameful gesture. The quarter promotes strong sociability, for it is in this area where people share all sorts of events and feasts such as weddings, funerals, and Eid (religious feast) celebrations. A social square is usually connected to a mosque and is used by the public for social and religious occasions. The urban garden, which is no longer functioning, was a semi-private space used for gardening and social activities. The gardens constituted one fifth of the city's area, offering pleasant views to nearly ever house (Al-Sallal, 2004). For centuries, the urban garden was a complete, reliable source of medicine and food for the inhabitants of the quarter in which it lied and their livestock. It supplied them with fruits, vegetables, herbs, medicinal plants, and necessary building construction materials (Lenher, 1996; Mackintosh-Smith, 2006). Furthermore, food was always plentiful and available for the needy.  Water management in the city was highly efficient. Each garden had a sophisticated irrigation system, and besides water carriers, channels running above and below the ground aided with the transport of water. The water was attained via wells which were dispersed within the city. Each garden was associated with a mosque, and ablution wastewater resulting from this mosque was used to irrigate the garden.  The number of storeys in the tower houses ranges from 5 to 9. The ground and first floors were used for animal stalls and food stores (Lewcock, 1986). Each house possessed its own well, which was dug down to the water table level, and which connected directly to its kitchen. Moreover, each house had either its own urban garden or a portion of it (Mackintosh-Smith, 2006).  Public baths were charitable foundations that helped maintain the mosques. Dried excrements of the inhabitants of neighboring houses were collected and 	 ? 3 used as fuel for the hypocausts of the bathhouses of each quarter. Ash was then added to the livestock?s dung as fertilizer for the urban gardens (Lewcock, 1986).  1.1 MODERNIZATION The traditional way of life in Sana'a was intact up until during the late 1970s, when the city experienced a major turning point in its history. After the revolution in 1962 and the establishment of Yemen as a republic, evolution started spilling in rapidly. The traditional city which was once contained between mud walls protected and in an unchanged state that lasted hundreds of years started spreading out further and further in a radial manner as internal migration, repatriation, business expansion and tourism increased (Al-Hadrami, 2005). Its area went from being 3.7 square kilometers in 1962 to more than 40 square kilometers in the late 1970s. According to a study named State of World Population by the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (2007), the rate of population and urban population increase in Yemen is known to be the highest among the Middle East and North Africa region. Inside Yemen alone, Sana'a has the highest population growth rate (Figure 1.2). In a time span of less than thirty years, it went from being 162,000 dwellers in 1977, to being 1.7 million dwellers in 2004. Consequently, due to the swift upsurge in population size, tremendous pressure has been placed upon urban services and infrastructure (Cities Alliance, 2009).    	 ? 4 The main goal of the 1962 revolution was to pull Yemen out of underdevelopment and grant it proper urban services and infrastructure, to get rid of grave societal problems such as illiteracy and poverty, and assist it in advancing to the high level of progress other countries had made. Many ambitious and endeavoring plans were put to place, nevertheless, modernization in the city which was rapid and unbridled, posed some serious threats to the old city, along with grave urban problems and poor hybrid architecture. The city's growth eventually got out of control as with new money came more modern technology (Al-Sallal, 2004). The contemporary lifestyle subsequently led to the introduction of neoteric household facilities such as washing machines, dish washers, showers, and toilets, (Marechaux, 1987 as cited in Al-Sallal, 2004) which resulted in considerably higher consumption of water and energy that the city wasn't accustomed to. This caused a large number of springs to dry out and a substantial reduction in the water table to take place (Al-Sallal, 2004). Consequently, countless urban gardens began to disappear and transform to barren desert lands.    	 ? 	 ? 	 ?Figure 1.2: Sana'a's projected population increase according to UN-HABITAT (source: Al-Sallal, 2004) 	 ? 5 1.2 DEFINING THE PROBLEM  1.2.1 Negative effects of modernization Prior to when modernization engulfed the city, Sana?a consisted of a network of intact, healthy and vibrant social-ecological systems that nested in its gardens, all serving the same functions for the quarter in which they lied. Nonetheless, a series of issues and threats started forming due to the multitude of changes that modernization brought forth to the city.  Following modernization, the condition and stability of the social-ecological system of the urban garden were threatened, beginning to deteriorate and degenerate while constantly struggling to adjust to the modern lifestyle alterations that befell it. The roles that social groups and ecological elements had assumed for centuries began to transform, with some taking up more significance than others. Also, due to the expansion of Sana?a?s spatial bounds beyond its old walls and the birth of new Sana?a, novice social groups and ecological elements started forming and entering the social-ecological system, simultaneously creating new roles and responsibilities. The gardeners, who played a major role in keeping the cycle that existed in the urban garden functioning efficiently, started becoming a minority within the social-ecological system of the quarter today. As a result, the key vital role the garden appropriated in the quarter and thus the traditional social-ecological system were intensely affected. 1.2.2 Regenerative design and social-ecological systems Regenerative design is an emerging development which adopts a holistic approach that merges natural and built systems together as one entity, strengthening the relationships between them, humans, and the place where they collectively reside. One vital aspect of regenerative design is the concept of social-ecological systems described by Griffith et al., (2010, p. 9) as ?a term to capture the idea 	 ? 6 that a particular place (or landscape) is a complex, dynamic and self adjusting system that involves interactions and linkages at a range of scales between the social world and the ecological world wherein that place is situated?. In the realm of regenerative design studies, special emphasis has been placed on social-ecological systems and how they are significant, interlinked, founding constituents of regenerative design. This can be seen especially in the special issue of Building Research & Information, titled ?Regenerative Design and Development? (Volume 40, Issue 1, 2012); the papers emphasize on social-ecological systems as one of the key components of regenerative design. For instance, Cole et al mention that regenerative design is a work of collaboration between community members and specialists in the areas of both social and ecological science (Cole et al, 2012). Du Plessis (2012, p.17) states that it ?can produce a world of abundance ? where people can live in mutually supportive symbiosis with ? their whole ecological system.? She also indicates that it is ?the global social?ecological system through a set of localised ecological design and engineering practices rooted in context and its social ? ecological narratives.? (du Plessis, 2012, p.15). Nevertheless, while the specific notion of social-ecological systems in relation to the built environment has been studied by relatively a few number of scholars (Moffat and Kohler, 2008; du Plessis, 2009), there still remains a large gap within the regenerative design literature regarding this matter (Cole et al., 2013), and thus, there is a need to investigate and explore it further on a more profound level. Furthermore, while the idea of culture and how it contributes to defining a place and its liveliness has been touched upon many times in regenerative design literature, it has not been analyzed and explored thoroughly enough to comprehend what kind of role it assumes in the regenerative design movement, and to what extent it should be involved in a project. A few examples of some scholars who refer to the notion of culture within their work are Plaut et al. (2012), Svec et al. (2012), and Mang and Reed (2012).  	 ? 7 1.3 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY While many of the core ideas are universal, the notion of regenerative design and associated literature remain largely North American and there is little reference to how regenerative design would be manifest in a different cultural context. An overarching ambition of this thesis is to examine some of the notions of regenerative design and social-ecological systems in Yemen and within a built environment. In particular, the aim of this thesis is to critically examine the changing nature and transformation of the role of the urban garden in old Sana'a as a result of the modern movement after the 1962 revolution. To learn what kind of consequences, changes and alterations modernization has formed over the relationships and roles of different social groups and ecological elements within the garden and its quarter over the years. This will be accomplished by looking at it through the lens of social-ecological systems. By doing so, the thesis hopes to shed light on how to improve and restore the state of the urban quarter associated with a garden in order to make it livable again.  1.4 SCOPE So as to narrow down the scope of the research to a plausible scale, one of the smallest building blocks of old Sana?a was chosen to be the focal point of the study - the urban quarter associated with a garden. Furthermore, because the urban gardens were major reliable sources of food for the housing quarters, and since water and food are considered to be the main input and output of the garden, the flows of these two ecological elements were elected for examination. Moreover, because old Sana?a started experiencing abrupt changes to its traditional way of life due to modernism during the late 1970s, the changing nature of the urban garden and its quarter was scrutinized and comprehended over two selected time frames that best represent the periods of ?traditional 	 ? 8 past? and ?altered present? ? pre-modernization (just before the revolution) and post-modernization (prior to the revolution up until the present-day).  1.5 METHODOLOGY  1. Gathering information from Sana?a a) Due to the lack of available published information, a considerable amount of the key material for this thesis was obtained during a planned visit to Sana?a. Many site visits to old Sana?a were performed; this included documenting some important areas and meeting with key officials to gain specific information and insights. 2. Understanding the chronological nature of the urban garden and its quarter a) The two most representative time frames to look at were chosen; pre-modernization and post-modernization. b) Across these time frames, ecological and social facts pertaining to water and food flows within the quarter were examined, such as:  i. Ecological: water supply, usage and access, food sources and production, sewage waste treatment. ii. Social: the social groups who are in control, who are affected and who are involved in the ecological processes mentioned above. c) Significant forces and developments within these time frames that threatened or positively influenced the stability of the urban garden?s social-ecological system were identified. 3. Critically investigating the urban cluster as a social-ecological system 	 ? 9 a) The social and ecological findings of the pre-modernization period were studied carefully and put together to form the social-ecological system that operated during that time frame.  b) Based on the previous step, the basic framework by which the social-ecological system of the urban garden functions during the two time frames was created. c) The changes that happened due to modernization were sought out and scrutinized, and then put together to map out the social-ecological system that is operating in the post-modernization period. Examples of these changes are which elements of the social-ecological system started declining first, which were affected most, and which are still intact. d) The role of the houses within the quarters flanking the urban gardens was studied at a more detailed level in order to understand the houses? influence on and connection to the garden more evidently. This was done as well across the two time frames with respect to water and waste flows, and the social groups that are associated with them. The resulting relationships were mapped into a framework representing the social-ecological system. 4. Comprehending the lessons learned and offering strategic direction a) After charting relationships between social groups and water and food flows, comparative analysis between the divergent social-ecological systems was made. Several significant and insightful findings were discovered: i. The waqf foundation played a central role in maintaining water sources and garden land rights, the limited as well as recycled use of water aided in keeping water supply abundant, the 	 ? 10 functioning of the quarter as an independent building block within old Sana?a helped contribute to the overall welfare of the social-ecological system of the quarter. ii. With modernization, all of the abovementioned aspects of the quarters flanking with urban gardens transformed and changed. The waqf foundation became highly neglectful, leading to critically limited water supply and loss of rights for the garden and gardeners. Water use amplified as a result of modernization and water recycling is no longer executed. These consequences conjointly led to the ultimate deterioration of the social-ecological system. b) The lessons learned from the relationships that exist in the social-ecological system during both time periods are as follows: i. Relationships of the past helped provide an apparent view on what exactly failed in the social-ecological system of the urban quarters related to the gardens and why. They helped form an idea of which ones are essential in keeping the system functioning well, and which ones should be disregarded.  ii. Relationships of the present provided a clear understanding on the extent to which the urban quarters related to the gardens have become reliant on exterior sources of water and food in new Sana?a and beyond; and thus how this affected the overall performance of the social-ecological system.     	 ? 11 1.6 THESIS STRUCTURE The thesis consists of six subsequent chapters: Chapter 2 provides a more expansive description of the role social-ecological systems appropriate within regenerative design and the ways it informs the subsequent analysis of Sana?a. Chapters 3 and 4 examine the water and food systems that exist in a typical Sana?a urban quarter that is related to the garden in the pre-modernization and post modernization periods.  Chapter 5 introduces the underlying framework on which the water and food systems operated in the past and present. Subsequently, it expounds the frameworks that were built based upon these systems in the two time periods. It then performs a side-by-side analysis and comparison between the frameworks that were created in both time periods, and discusses the changing state of the urban quarter related to the garden from the past to the present.  Chapter 6 closes off the thesis by stating what lessons were learned, possible research applications and further research ideas, while identifying challenges faced during the research process, key conclusions and remarks.  1.7 IMPORTANCE OF THE THESIS While many of old Sana?a?s original inhabitants have moved out of the old city, there still remains a considerable number of families who prefer living there and accommodating the conventional way of life with the changes that modernism brought forth to the old city. Furthermore, there has been an upward trend of young couples moving back to live there. While old Sana?a is constantly struggling to retain and preserve the features and attributes that have long defined it for centuries, whilst at the same time endeavoring to adjust and coexist with modernization, it nevertheless remains a bustling, spirited and 	 ? 12 vivacious city. It still maintains its own identity which diverges and differentiates from that of new Sana?a; entering old Sana?a is like visiting and experiencing an entirely distinctive city. Therefore, by exploring and comprehending the dynamic relationships that existed in the social-ecological system in the past and how they transformed today, the thesis provides an enhanced understanding of how all inhabitants of the old city can resume living the traditional way of life while coexisting with modernization, thereby bestowing upon them the option of continuing to live there harmoniously. Moreover, in the realm of regenerative design studies, there is a fundamental need to move further away from the current conceptual debate and the idea of advocating it for the mere reason that it's valuable and has beneficial outcomes to human and nature health and well-being, to focus more on significant issues such as defining boundaries and providing empirical evidence and examples that this indeed is a design direction worthy of following and adopting. For example, how social-ecological systems would react and function in a new culture and within the built environment needs to be elaborated on and augmented. Hence, by examining an urban quarter and its associated garden in old Sana'a through the lens of social-ecological systems, it is hoped that this thesis will offer a commencement to more detailed and focused studies of regenerative design that would help designers start defining boundaries and scales.        	 ? 13 2 REGENERATIVE DESIGN AND SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS 2.1 DEFINING REGENERATIVE DESIGN Current green building and design practice addresses environmental concerns by following design strategies and technologies that improve the environmental performance of a building and merely reduce its negative impact on the planet. One critical issue with this practice that is recognized by many scholars is its mechanistic worldview and inability to view the human and natural systems as a complex, partnered, co-evolutionary system that would expand social and natural capitals rather than diminishing them (Du Plessis, 2012; Cole, 2012). Furthermore, current green building assessment tools such as Leadership in Environmental and Energy Design (LEED) fail to provide enough guidance on how to nurture the relationship between such systems; they are far from adopting the living systems thinking which occupies a significant position within regenerative design studies (Cole, 2012). These tools are purely checklist based and emphasize that buildings and projects are dissimilar independent constituents of the larger contextual system within which they settle by advocating comparative evaluation between them. Regenerative design, an emerging development that looks at the planet?s deterioration from an angle distinctive to green building, adopts a holistic approach that unites the natural and human systems together as one entity, strengthening the relationships between them and the context in which they all reside. Hence, while green design and building help provide strategies that are beneficial and significant for reducing environmental degradation, there is a need to go beyond this stage and embrace a regenerative approach that starts producing a positive impact, embodying the context in which it sits and the various natural and living systems that surround it.   	 ? 14 2.1.1 Green design thinking Josette Plaut et al. (2012) argue that current green building methods suffer from ?inside-out? thinking which posits the question of ?Where can we go from here?? These methods put forward sustainability notions and solutions with an attempt to mend prevailing conditions, many of which are deeply flawed. Moreover, the current paradigms in the building industry unassertively follow the method of adopting given solutions without giving way for cardinal shifts in thinking.  According to them, the ?outside-in? thinking approach, which posits instead the question of ?Where do we want to go and how can we get there??, is a better way to approach and envision the built environment by first questioning the prominent attributes of the sustainability movement. They confer that the transition between these two questions opens the door to a new perspective that embraces new challenges, opportunities and desired outcomes for the built environment. Furthermore, Capra (1996) necessitates the transition of values and thinking from self-assertive, contending that it is rational, analytical, reductionist and linear, to integrative, which is intuitive, synthetic, holistic and non-linear. He states that these two ways of thinking are essential features of living systems and that neither of them is intrinsically good or bad, on the contrary, a vigorous equilibrium between them is what leads to good and healthy outcomes. Stressing on one method and neglecting the other is what leads to the negative consequences. 2.1.2 ?Regenerative?, ?green?, and ?sustainable? Before proceeding to understand regenerative design as a new movement, there is a need to perceive the disparities between it and what is currently prevalent in the environmental design and construction industry, which are green and sustainable design. In addition to the differences, it is important to realize how they can benefit and influence one another and eventually assist in promoting the regenerative design movement. 	 ? 15 Sustainability is the ability of the natural environment to support and sustain life through providing an incessant supply of water, materials and resources without causing environmental degradation. It is a state where conditions are fit to allow human and natural systems to coexist harmoniously while ensuring social, economic and other requirements are available today and in the future (United States Environmental Protection Agency, n.d.). According to regenerative design studies, sustainability is described as a neutral intermediary state between green design and regenerative design. Once this state is reached, there is a potential for regeneration and its progression (McDonough & Braungart, 2002; Pedersen Zari & Jenkin, as cited in Cole, 2012). For instance, Reed (2007) explains that green design attempts to continually improve design until it reaches an ideal state where it can do no harm to the environment, and that sustainability is simply putting an emphasis on green design so that it may reach a condition where it can be able to sustain the planet?s resources and species. According to him, both green and sustainable design fall under the issue-based approaches, which are what are currently practiced today. These kinds of approaches adopt highly technical procedures in creating building structures, operations, and site activities that reduce the negative impacts caused to the environment. These procedures lack a holistic view which embraces the benefits natural systems can provide. This is where living system approaches then come in providing regenerative design.  Mang and Reed (2012, p. 27) explain how there are four levels of work associated with every living system that are ?essential to the system?s continuing vitality, viability and capacity for evolution.? They can be categorized into two lower levels that improve the functioning proficiency of the existing system while preserving the efficacy of its resources. The upper two levels improve and regenerate by exploring the system?s unique role in progressing the whole, thus infusing potential life and creativity. The significance here lies in that while the pair of levels is dissimilar, both are fundamentally required for the creation of vigorous living systems and thus a basis for the successful progression of regenerative design.  	 ? 16 Larrick (1997, as cited in Cole, 2012) created a living systems model of community development which is considered one of the earliest illustrative representations of the basic classifications of regenerative and degenerative processes and actions, and how they affect human and natural systems. He stresses that an ecological society must strive to ensure that the critical order of the world is always balanced. His model is divided into four quadrants (Figure 2.1), with the horizontal line representing the ?Axis of Sustainability?. The model explains that the human and ecological dominions, represented by the vertical halves, must be brought together into harmonious coexistence. The upper and lower halves symbolize the actions and consequences of regeneration and degeneration. Degenerative actions lead to the consequences of exhausting and polluting at rates exceeding the productive and assimilative capability, this in turn leads to the swift boost in entropy. On the other hand, regenerative actions lead to the complex and integrated relationships and coexistence between human and natural systems; this in turn creates effective resistance to entropy. Figure 2.1: Figure 2.1 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was an illustration of the living systems model of community development by Steve Larrick. Original source: Larrick, S. (1997) A living systems model for assessing & promoting the sustainability of communities. In paper presented at the 1997 Annual Conference of the Community Development Society. Athens, GA, US. Furthermore, Larrick?s model begins to clarify and distinguish the difference between green, sustainable and regenerative approaches to design. The upper half represents a sustainable condition which is attainable on the primary requirement of continual evolution through regeneration. Ecological and social regeneration are identified as distinctive attributes that must continually coevolve in order to reach the sustainable condition. The lower half expounds an unsustainable situation that is triggered by the negative human activity, which then leads to the corruption of natural systems. Larrick believes that human wealth is largely dependent on the critical order of the natural world, and thus 	 ? 17 both simultaneously degenerate. Subsequently, green design becomes the chief necessity for diminishing this corruption. As a result, it can be said that both current green design practices and regenerative design and development approaches can be utilized concurrently to construct buildings and communities that would support and build a future state of sustainability. The notion that green design must be referenced as a starting, neutral point from which regenerative practice can flourish can thus be disregarded (Cole, 2012).  2.2 REGENERATIVE DESIGN PRINCIPLES The regenerative sustainability paradigm acts as an important gateway for the resolution of sustainability problems today. It repairs the human-nature relationship by recognizing it as a co-evolutionary and co-creative companionship. ?It aims to restore and regenerate the global social?ecological system through a set of localized ecological design and engineering practices rooted in the context and its social?ecological narratives.? (du Plessis, 2012, p.15) It aims at enhancing the adaptive capacity in order to survive the ?global change? disturbances, and instead, improve conditions for the survival and flourishing of humans and natural systems by building the world?s regenerative capacity. As climate change proceeds, so will the transformation of global systems and thus the creation of new system rules, new stories of place and new potential (du Plessis, 2012). The following points present the basis on which regenerative development is founded (du Plessis, 2012): ? Humans along with their artifacts and cultural ideas and thoughts are considered to possess an essential position within ecosystems. 	 ? 18 ?  They should contribute to the operation and evolution of ecosystems and biogeological cycles by way of positive actions and lifestyles. By this, nature would be able to experience self-healing processes.  ? They should be willing to divert their endeavors toward aspirations of their surroundings. ? Development and design should be regarded as a continual participatory and reflective process. The following subsections explain some of regenerative design?s most significant principles. 2.2.1 Co-evolution between human and natural systems As stated by Cairns (2007, p. 104), ?Sustainability hypothesizes a harmonious, mutualistic relationship between humankind and the ecological life support system that is sustainable, i.e. capable of lasting indefinitely.? He adds that the relationship between humankind and natural systems will never be mutualistic unless humankind transforms its lifestyle into a more harmonious one. Furthermore, he mentions that for humans to attain sustainability, there is a need to safeguard both natural systems and evolutionary processes. All kinds of species need the ecological life support system in order to survive. This vital connection is significant for the achievement of sustainability, however, it hasn?t been receiving the proper attention that it requires. Because this connection ties between two dynamic systems, the path to sustainability can only be achieved through partnered and shared co-evolution. In order to succeed in reaching the ultimate goal of sustainability, humankind must design practices that are compatible with the design of nature. While doing so, the wholeness and health of ecosystems should be sustained so as to prevent these dynamic systems from falling into disequilibrium (Cairns, 2007). The relationship between social systems and natural systems is deteriorating further with time, as the human society continues to dismantle and impair the integrity, health, and component species of natural systems. Natural systems play 	 ? 19 a significant role in signifying natural capital and thus providing ecosystem services (Daily & Ellison, 2002). Consequently, as ecosystems break down and disintegrate, biological evolution is altered and the human society is becoming increasingly impacted in a negative manner (Cairns, 2007). Moreover, as stated by Mang and Reed (2012), co-evolution is what ensures that the project and the members who reside within it are able to maintain a regenerative capacity throughout time. This is done by planting a catalytic co-evolutionary, and beneficial relationship between human and natural systems. Harmony is then established by ?progressive harmonization? of active and vibrant systems, which can be recurrently planned and achieved.  2.2.2 Joint action and collaboration In the special issue of Building Research & Information, titled ?Regenerative Design and Development? (2012, volume 40, number 1), a number of frameworks created by different institutions that offer guiding principles on how to design with a new mindset based on regeneration are introduced. All the frameworks advocate the unity of different knowledge systems in order to better understand the environment of the project and to ensure that human and natural systems as well as the community are all taken into consideration.  The concept of the REGEN tool, developed by the United States Green Building Council (USGBC) and a core team, is proposed to be web-based, data-rich and values-based so as to provide a path for dialogue and assist professional practitioners as well as new ones when working with regenerative design and development. Examples of these individuals include architects and community planners, community leaders, and community members. It supports an integrative design process which brings together disciplines of various kinds by encouraging them all to work closely together in teams, creating inventive and pertinent solutions (Svec et al., 2012). The LENSES framework (The Living Environments in Natural, Social, and Economic Systems), which was created by Colorado State University?s Institute for the Built 	 ? 20 Environment, contains a component called the Foundation Lens. It provides guidance when deciding which teams should be involved in the project and which ones are missing and underrepresented. The aim of this is to include people from all sorts of backgrounds, such as farmers, children, and scientists, and not just rely on the conventional circle of professionals whom are directly involved with the project. By doing so, new insights and perspectives are gained, relationships are built, and completeness is augmented. It is composed of eight guiding principles: Stewardship, Respecting limits, Interdependence, Justice, Intergenerational view, Partnership, Health, and Spirit. Perkins+Will are working on a framework that operates by the principles of regenerative design and development and that would help guide design teams and create meaningful dialogue with individuals from all backgrounds. The dialogue?s purpose is to start identifying positive synergies, and use strategies and cover performance issues that go beyond the limits of green design. The framework simplifies discussion and develops thinking and actions amongst a diverse group of participants and disciplines. It also gives way for opportunities, synergies and assets pertaining to a place to be discovered. It opts for an interdisciplinary design process where an expansive range of issues is discussed and professionals in the sustainable practice field as well as various other fields, for example, ecologists, botanists, and hydrologists, are involved in contributing to design solutions. The framework?s goal is to dismiss the green design influence on these solutions and instead opt for restorative and regenerative values (Cole et al., 2012). Two of its main objectives include: ? To change the typical kind of dialogue to one that includes design team members, clients and users. By this, the project is not only focused within the building and site boundaries, but starts to include the community as well. ? To promote and support an interdisciplinary process where design professionals such as urban planners, landscape architects and engineers, come together with specialists in other fields not related to buildings such as ecologists, botanists, and hydrologists. 	 ? 21 2.2.3 Interrelationships and cross-scale interactions A critical fact that must be noticed is that as human systems grow and evolve, so does their effect, whether directly or indirectly, on natural systems. Humans constitute imperative portions of ecosystems that intermingle greatly with other portions of ecosystems. This in turn brings forth changes to human wellbeing (Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005). Moreover, as the human eco-footprint grows, the finite resources this planet has to offer diminish; this consequently severely affects the organisms in a negative manner. Humans adopt habitat and bio-productivity causing it to be permanently unattainable for other species. Hence, as the human enterprise increasingly expands, so does the exhaustion of nature (Rees, 2008). Mang and Reed (2012) provide a framework which depicts the structure underlying the exploration of a regenerative methodology established by early regenerative practitioners. It differentiates the key elements and attempts to understand how they relate and operate together as an assimilated system.  The first tier explicates the regenerative methodology, and explains and examines six core, organizing concepts. These are: regeneration, development + design, place, pattern literacy, story of place, and potential.  The ?place? concept Mang and Reed (2012, p. 28) explain that place is ?the unique, multilayered network of living systems within a geographic region that results from the complex interactions, through time, of the natural ecology (climate, mineral and other deposits, soil, vegetation, water and wildlife, etc.) and culture (distinctive customs, expressions of values, economic activities, forms of association, ideas for education, traditions, etc.).? According to what the regenerative paradigm advocates, the capacity of natural, cultural and economic systems that dwell within a certain place to grow and expand their health and continual liveliness can and should be affected by 	 ? 22 development. Sanford (2011) refers to this stage as the quintessential top line versus the triple bottom line. This is due to the powerful dynamic that lies in the vigorous, co-creative relationship between humans and the places where they abide. According to many scholars of place, it is through the strong relationship with place that humans can begin to comprehend and experience the harmonious association with their living world, they begin to assume responsibility and take up meaningful roles and identities (Mang & Reed, 2012). Because of the regenerative paradigm, place has once again assumed its significant role and position in design and development. It acts as a coalescing agent, bringing together human and natural participants within a project, and providing a clearer apprehension of the shared meanings and thus how this project can really radiate its true essence. Place is regarded as a significant, organizing core concept in that it provides the fundamental comprehension of how a living place works. It thus acts as a touchstone for how a project should operate as a living system embraced by the place where it resides. This increases the communion in relationships through establishing connectedness (Mang & Reed, 2012). Pattern Literacy - understanding and generating patterns The issue with current trends of green building design and development, and the assessment tools associated with them, is that they follow a conformist approach which regards a complex system as a complicated one, eventually ascending the dependence on quantitative evaluations of the constituent parts to meet new sustainability touchstones. This results in excessive amounts of data that become overwhelmingly insurmountable to maintain, as well as an inability to comprehend the living qualities of a site and its place.  In order to achieve and uphold a regenerative process, there must be a profound correlation with a living place that results from fostering a mutuality of relationship within it. Using patterns to understand relationships has been utilized throughout human history in order to interlace with the world perceptively. 	 ? 23 Understanding the patterns of relationships clarifies how systems self-organize, how they are maintained, and how they generate new outcomes. When patterns and place exist as intricate, energetic relationships ? measuring, assessing and enumerating them in the way structures or isolated flows then becomes difficult. A pattern is also able to uncover the directionality and robustness of flows such as wind, water and foot traffic, and what kind of mediums they transport through. Therefore pattern literacy is essential and beneficial in interpreting a landscape while delivering a well designed built environment contributing to and synchronizing with its flows (Mang and Reed, 2012). The ?story of place? concept Stories of place are essential in helping individuals and groups understand and share intricate wholes, picturing together a different image of their future. Throughout human history and for eras, they have preserved cultures? rectitude and connectedness to place through pieces of art such as songs, classic poems, myths, etc. (Mang & Reed, 2012). The Story of Place acts as a context for numerous benefits. First of all, it shows that history has proven that the deep connection to place leads to the eventual deep affinity and care for it, and that without this profound unification, the civilization?s will to tend to and maintain the necessary changes would not be born. Secondly, knowledge of how living systems operating in a certain place can be revealed through its story, as well as how humans can benefit society by coordinating themselves with that operating system. Thirdly and finally, Story of Place establishes a framework that continuously educates and guides humans to coevolution with their environment. The original inherent beauty of a place is thus able to emerge and firmly conjoin itself to society due to the profound influence of storytelling (Mang & Reed, 2012). The REGEN tool allows entry to a user at more than one scale: the large system-level scale, the components scale, and the strategy-level scale, which is 	 ? 24 represented by a complex web of interconnections. The tool was initially intended to promote systems thinking and provide a means for discovering interrelationships between actions and their impacts. Therefore, by being able to enter it at more than one scale, the user will be able to see all sorts of interconnections and relationships at the strategy, component, and system levels. By using an interconnected web, users will be forced to view the project as a whole instead of personally favoring some strategies, components or systems over others (Svec et al., 2012). The framework?s nested systems are as follows: ? The most expansive level organizes the components of life into four quadrants: robust and resilient natural systems, high-performing constructed systems, prosperous economic systems and whole social systems ? At the next level, 40 components of life are shown. Some examples are: water, food, flora, fauna, social justice, energy systems, and transportation systems.  2.2.4 Spatial and temporal scales Mang and Reed (2012) mention that defining the extents of the place of a project is not always instantaneously manifested and quote Kelly (p. 32) saying, ?Wherever you live, your tiny spot is deeply intertwined within a larger place, embedded fractal-like into a whole system called a watershed, which is itself integrated with other watersheds into a tightly interdependent biome. At the ultimate level, your home is a cell in an organism called a planet. All these levels interconnect.? They also state that designing for harmony with place enhances the role of people within a landscape by intertwining what is built with the living fabric of the land and local society. Pattern harmony creates a beneficial give-and-take relationship between living and built systems; buildings and infrastructure contribute to the wellbeing of land and ecosystems, and in return, the special 	 ? 25 qualities and characteristics of the land subsidize the wellbeing of the built environment and its residents. The significance in taking the place concept into contemplation lies in the sense that place not only provides a vacant piece of land to be used for construction, it provides a series of notable events, such as historical, cultural and religious ones, that helped shaped it into what it is today. The context is always tied to and is a part of the larger context, also to a smaller one resting within it. Place is a group of systems nested within each other and functioning together synchronously. Consequently, merely looking at the building and its performance as the sole significant unit within a certain context is not enough. As Cole (2012) suggests, comprehending the social, ecological and economic profits that building performance, use, design and construction can add to the state and wellbeing of its place is just as important. Furthermore, Littman (2009) explains that architecture can be defined as a work of art that shapes a place by incorporating both site and building. So as to clearly see patterns and the kind of relationships that exist between them, LENSES proposes that historic and extant flows should be mapped out and exhibited in a visual manner. This leads to the place being better understood and perceived. Furthermore, demonstrating both historic and present-day flows is a fundamental and essential step in introducing the project with the ecosystems that it will be replacing. Plaut et al. (2012) recommend that flows be mapped in layers so that opportunities for merging different pieces of information and exploring new patterns and relationships are created. The LENSES framework contains a component termed the Flow Lens which helps carefully overlook all flows happening within a place over time as new people and flows arrive. Regenesis (n.d., para. 4) explain that the true and special identity of place is created through the interlinking of geological, natural, and human history and culture of a place. The story of a place ?helps us to understand this nature 	 ? 26 through understanding the development of a place both throughout time and in relation to the human and natural landscape in which it is embedded.? Svec et al. (2012) provide an example of the systems-based aspect of regenerative design stating that it supports methods that look at entire watersheds (instead of merely on-site water balance) in their current states while taking into consideration how history was able to shape them into what they are. Moreover, they add that when gathering different types of information, such as those pertaining to regional ecology, geology, chemistry, and different life forms, historical pasts of lands are taken into consideration, revealing how significant the role history plays when designing a regenerative project. Another example of this importance is when Noisette Company was attempting to heal the economic, environmental, and social fabric of the Noisette community in the City of North Charleston. It requested that each member of the community apprehend the history and heritage and jointly envision a future that they can all contribute to and design together (Hoxie et al., 2012). By going back to history, a more evident understanding of the community?s susceptibilities and how they were jointly able to overcome them with time was available to Noisette Company?s working team. 2.2.5 Systems thinking Contrary to what green design follows and adopts, regenerative design is focused on systems thinking, which is based on comprehending individual constituents within a whole (Meadows, 2008). Adopting the method of systems thinking is based on the idea that systems are better understood when examined in terms of relationships with one another and with other systems instead of learning about them in isolation (Cole, 2012). As stated by Gasparatos et al. (2009), so as to fully define and understand how a complex adaptive system is, the interrelations between its components must be understood rather than just the parts, because these interrelations have a profound effect on the overall system behavior. 	 ? 27 Regenesis developed and advanced their regenerative methodology based on three dissimilar approaches that supplement one another: Living Systems Thinking, permaculture, and developmental change processes. Living Systems Thinking, which was originally developed by Charles Krone, assists with transposing to an ecological worldview by looking at the world as a group of systems rather than building blocks. Applying systems thinking to the evolution of social and natural living systems is enhanced by consciously using systemic frameworks and developmental processes. Adopting this way of thinking requires that the work in progress be seen as a system of energies or life processes instead of just things or a system of things. This is done by first investigating what lies at the core of the system around which the system organizes or orders itself. It studies the larger web of reciprocal relationships within which the core is rooted while acknowledging the fact that all systems are composed of smaller systems and are part of greater ones. According to Regenesis, these aspects are necessary for revealing the potential inherent that a living system is striving to show. By continuously endeavoring to become more whole and ?alive?, that becomes the fuel for regeneration (Mang & Reed, 2012). Mang and Reed?s (2012) ?story of place? method involves first understanding the constant and distinguishing core patterns from which the core manages the convoluted groups of relationships that yield its activities, growth and evolution. Its framework is based on these core patterns. The story starts appearing by assessing site and place as whole living systems (cultural, economic, geographic, climatic and ecological) so that project and community stakeholders can easily comprehend their place as a whole, rather than a group of overwhelming diverse parts. The assessment searches for patterns that span natural, social and economic sectors, both historically and presently. The Story of Place framework is based on a pattern understanding of how the geological, natural, human history and culture features have collaborated together throughout generations to generate the unique identity of a certain place today. The final framework inherits two dimensions ? the first displays the core-organizing patterns of a working place which reflect its special identity, and the second displays the 	 ? 28 ?vocation? of a place, the exclusive role a place plays in subsidizing the larger system of which it constitutes a part of. By translating a project into a series of rich patterns understanding its place, and when a concept that gives importance to the role and potential a place can have instructs its design and construction stages, issues that were previously disintegrated are treated as part of a whole system in the all-encompassing setting of that project (Mang & Reed, 2012). 2.2.6 ?Culture? and regenerative design Culture takes up a noteworthy position within regenerative design as it is considered by many scholars to help reveal the true identity and vibrancy of a place as well as influence its health. Regenesis (n.d., para. 4) mention that ?In every place the geological, natural, and human history and culture interweave to create a unique nature of place.? Svec et al. (2012, p. 84) define one of regenerative design?s elements as being ?The use of different processes, that are based on a collaborative dialogue of discovery, reveal the cultural, economic, constructed and ecological stories of a place in a way that has not been told before.? McDonough and Braungart (2002) state that biological and cultural systems pertaining to a certain place must influence solutions, especially when attempting to support the health of these systems.  Furthermore, according to Laszlo (2008), switching to regenerative design and development is a transformation influenced by social and cultural aspects and which acknowledges interconnectedness with nature. Plaut et al. (2012, p. 113) explain how a regenerative model ?must be based on the relationships between natural and cultural systems and a deep understanding of regional characteristics? and that ?communities need to move toward foundations and practices that create and support life ? foundations that align human activities with natural processes, foster strong, resilient economies, create communities 	 ? 29 that appreciate ecological processes, innovate and promote clean technologies, and embrace cultural diversity.? (p. 113) Perkins+Will created a regenerative framework that contains a segment defining human needs within a place as those that boost cultural vivacity by allowing for qualities and strategies that instigate a stronger relationship with nature and sense of place. They also state how vital it is that building design utilizes resource flows for the ultimate benefit of natural, social, cultural capital (Cole et al., 2012).  2.3 THE NOTION OF SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS IN REGENERATIVE DESIGN LANGUAGE As clearly evident from Sections 2.1 and 2.2, the terms ?human? or ?social? and ?natural? or ?ecological? systems, and the importance of having a strong, co-evolutionary partnered relationship between them, is emphasized as a basic underlying constituent for a successful regenerative building project.  Since the mechanism of the urban quarter of old Sana?a and its associated garden is largely based on the multi-leveled management and use of the natural resources of water and food, the following subsections explain the notion of social-ecological systems with regards to these aspects. Before proceeding with this explanation, the term ?social-ecological systems? is defined within the concepts of the built environment and ecological studies. 2.3.1 Definitions within the concept of the built environment Mang (as cited in Cole et al., 2012) from Regenesis group defines regenerative development as being the capability to design, create, operate, and evolve regenerative social-ecological systems in their place. She mentions that regenerative development is what ensures the continual, positive evolution of regenerative design, which works on creating self-renewing designed and natural systems. She states that it is essential for people to not only design, 	 ? 30 create, operate, and evolve, but to constantly contribute to the progression of regenerative social-ecological systems. As du Plessis states (cited in Cole et al., 2013), social-ecological systems include biophysical, social and human mental phenomena, and relationships between elements at more than one hierarchy and within nested systems. As a result, the concept of co-evolution between socio-cultural and ecological systems becomes more evident on the relational and spatial levels (Cole et al., 2013). 2.3.2 Definitions within ecological studies Glaser et al. (2012, p. 49) define a social-ecological system as consisting of ?a bio-geo-physical unit and its associated social actors and institutions. Social-ecological systems are complex and adaptive and delimited by spatial or functional boundaries surrounding particular ecosystems and their problem context.? Jahn et al. (n.d.) interpret social-ecological systems as solid players in the real world of spatial-temporal phenomena. That they can provide gateways to information regarding real world phenomena, and there are three possible distinguishing types of elements for social-ecological systems: natural, social and hybrid entities crudely matching the natural sciences, social sciences and the research domain concerning human ecology. Hence when defining a social-ecological system, the nature of the topological structure and pattern of the interactions between the system?s elements is significant. Networks, feedback loops or causal chains are conceptual attributes than can express the nature of these relations and dynamics. Therefore, the structures and interactions that result from the system are what give it its definition (Jahn et al., n.d.). Walker et al. (2006) state that social-ecological systems shouldn?t be separated into two different components, such as, human systems embedded in ecosystems or vice versa. Rather, they should be viewed as one joined system. Furthermore, he mentions that even though the system contains human and 	 ? 31 natural elements that can be easily distinguished, they cannot be disintegrated and analyzed in isolation. 2.3.3 Properties of social-ecological systems Resilience, adaptability, and transformability: As Folke et al. (2010) mention, adaptability and transformability are key ingredients for resilience thinking. Walker et al (2004, p. 3) define adaptability as ?the capacity of actors in a system to influence resilience?. Transformability on the other hand, is the capacity to create an essentially new system when ecological, economic, or social/political conditions make a social-ecological system indefensible. Resilience is the capability of a system to reorganize while being subjected to change due to disturbance so as to retain the same essential function, structure, identity, and feedbacks (Walker et al., 2004). Changes in transformation are often triggered by changes in perception and meaning, social network arrangements, and patterns of interactions between actors; such as leadership, political and power relations, as well as organizational and institutional arrangements (Folke et al., 2009; Smith & Stirling, 2010; Huitema & Meijerink, as cited in Folke et al., 2010). This is particularly evident in the social-ecological system of Sana?a?s urban garden, where due to changes in the nature of leadership and political powers of the authoritative groups, the traditional system transformed into a new, vulnerable one. According to du Plessis (2012), resilience thinking assists social-ecological systems by aiming at learning how to respond, adapt to and evolve with alterations and surprise. Simultaneously, it focuses on defending local and global social-ecological systems against changes that would push them nearer to regions that would put their life-supporting and life-enhancing capacity at risk. Resilience and its related concepts of robustness and vulnerability are features of the interactive and dynamic relationship of a society and its environment. They are concerned with the structural characteristics of the systems concerned and whether adaptation is required or not (Young et al., 2006). Robustness refers to the 	 ? 32 capability of the structural and other properties of a system that enable it to defend itself against disturbances without affecting structure or dynamics (Anderies et al., 2004). As defined by Holling (1973), resilience attempts to utilize or benefit from perturbations and changes that befall a system without modifying its structure.  When social-ecological systems are faced with surprise and crisis, the opportunities for social self-organization, reorganization, renewal, and novelty can all be created through resilience (Gunderson & Holling, 2002). Some examples of crises include: resource failures, inelastic paradigms of resource management, and new legislation or governmental policies that do not take into account local contexts (Berkes et al., 2003). Social-ecological systems that exhibit qualities of low social memory and capital as a result may break down due to their susceptibility to such crises (Folke et al., 2005). Consequently, social-ecological systems should prepare for such perturbations by enhancing their adaptive capacities and transforming them into opportunities for remaining in desirable states. In the case of the urban garden, these crises translate into: inadequate water supply and failure of the waqf foundation and Capital Secretariat to properly manage water and food resources, and their disregard for garden and gardener rights according to the Sharia Islamic Law. As a result, social capital of the social-ecological system constantly dropped, forcing the system into an undesirable state.  Vulnerability, on the other hand, is when neither resilience nor robustness can help a system survive without structural changes. As a result, the system either adjusts structurally or eventually becomes extinct. The interrelated concepts of resilience, robustness and vulnerability are all temporary situations of a system?s interaction with its surroundings (Young et al., 2006). Due to the absence of resilience thinking and robustness in the urban garden?s social-ecological system during Sana?a?s modernization stage, which contained various kinds of perturbations and threats, the system was forced to go through a vulnerability phase that led to it eventually adjusting structurally and transforming into a new, highly distinctive one. 	 ? 33 According to Young et al. (2006), resilience, vulnerability and adaptability can be used at all spatial and temporal levels of societal, environmental, and socio-ecological structures. They can be used in terms of whole systems or their individual components and actors. When faced with perturbations, social-ecological systems that have high levels of adaptability are able to reorganize the entire system into a more appropriate one that is able to respond to these changes. Dietz et al. (2003) expanded the concept of adaptive management of ecosystems, which deals with ecosystem complexity, to adaptive governance, which cooperates with wider social contexts that are concerned with ecosystem-based management. Governance here refers to the development and implementation of ordered rules and collective action, or institutions of social coordination that attempt to resolve issues that governments and citizens of certain districts are faced with (Stoker, 1998; Lee, 2003). In old Sana?a?s case, because of the failure of the Ministry of Awqaf and the Captiral Secretariat to implement these two significant aspects of adaptive governance over the inhabitants of the quarter, and the urban garden and all its related aspects, such as water supply and land use. When faced with perturbations resulting from modernization, the social-ecological system failed to respond and defend its system due to the absence of the essential quality of adaptability. Social-ecological systems as complex adaptive systems: Research has been able to prove that social-ecological systems behave as complex adaptive systems with dynamic reciprocal feedbacks (Gunderson & Holling, 2002; Waltner-Toews & Kay, 2005; Berkes et al., 2003). Their sustainable management is driven by various temporal, spatial and social scales, nested hierarchies, inevitable uncertainty, multidimensional interactions, and emergent properties (Berkes et al., 2003; Gunderson & Holling, 2002; Mayumi & Giampietro, 2006). According to Hartvigsen et al. (1998, p. 428) ?The incorporation of variability and adaptation in complex adaptive systems allows for a greater 	 ? 34 understanding of how patterns and processes emerge and interact across levels of biological organization, and across spatial and temporal scales?.  Complex adaptive systems consist of nested hierarchies, diversity of cross-scale interactions, and feedback loops between distinctive hierarchical levels. All this explains how highly complex the system is and how non-linear its behavior is; these factors cannot be calculated by predictive equilibrium models (Van den Bergh & Gowdy, 2003). It can therefore be said that the social-ecological system of the urban quarter and its connected garden acts as a complex adaptive system due to the presence of nested hierarchies of social groups and the various cross-scale interactions and feedback loops between them, which were key in keeping the water and food flows running smoothly in the quarter.  In complex adaptive systems theory, sustainable management plays a role in creating a co-evolutionary dialogue, which is needed to instigate a continuous learning process driven by mutual and shared interactions between intertwined subsystems and agents (Rammel et al., 2007). Because of the significant role the waqf foundation played in managing all affairs related to the garden and its water supply, the inhabitants of the quarter shared with the garden an intertwined relationship based on mutual co-evolution and shared interactions, which enabled the city to thrive, flourish and progress independently. Furthermore, the city was able to act as a growing hub for food and merchandise trading and sales. Rammel et al. (2007) mention that adaptive change and social-ecological resilience are enhanced with the development of new relations and properties. This seems questionable however since in the case of old Sana?a?s urban garden, new relations and properties that were created with the progression of modernization between its quarter and new Sana?a only broke down the social-ecological system of the garden and deteriorated its condition further with time. It would seem, therefore, that depending on the situation and the nature of ties could adaptive change and resilience be improved. Therefore, a better approach would be to examine the nature of these ties and how they are impacting the social-ecological system. Another essential factor that should be taken into consideration is to accurately 	 ? 35 understand how the authoritative groups are overlooking and managing these ties. As quoted by Parzen et al. (1996, p. 27), what could be sustainable today, may not necessarily be so ten years from now. In order for a system to stay ?alive?, it must sustain its adaptive capacity and its capacity to generate new and unforeseeable things.  2.3.4 Co-evolution between human and natural systems Co-evolution is defined as two different species that interchangeably affect each other?s evolution. Raven and Johnson (1996) describe it as ?the simultaneous development of adaptations in two or more populations, species or other categories that interact so closely that each is a strong selective force on the other.? Cairns (2007) states that a harmonious, mutualistic relationship between human systems and ecological life support systems that are sustainable is what forms the basis for sustainability. As with regenerative design and development, following its concept requires the need to fundamentally comprehend the co-evolutionary relationship between social and ecological systems, since the built environment hypothetically can affect it in various ways (Cole et al., 2013). The urban quarter and its associated garden provides a good example of the co-evolutionary relationship that existed between human and natural systems in the past, and how they were affected by the built environment of the quarter. The garden provided food for the quarter and in return received its fertilization from the inhabitants and their livestock. Because of the urban garden, the city was able to prosper vivaciously while providing a significant commercial hub that served other areas in Yemen. Moreover, with the help of underground channels and house design, a water and waste system was created to benefit the urban garden. A co-evolutionary system receives its definition from the entire group of interacting elements/subsystems within it (Jeffrey & McIntosh, cited in Rammel et al., 2007). The dynamic of co-evolutionary processes are observed in different 	 ? 36 temporal, spatial and social scales, nested hierarchies, inevitable uncertainties, multidimensional interactions and emergent properties (Janssen et al., 2000; Gowdy, 1994; Stokes, 1992). By examining the social-ecological system of the urban garden across two time periods, several dynamic relationships that operated in the past, and expanded and transformed spatially and socially over time as a result of modernization were discovered. Also, how the relations that contributed to the wellbeing of the quarter in the past ended up affecting it today were learnt. Examples of these relationships are the strong nature of interactions that existed: between nested social groups of authority, quarter inhabitants and gardeners; between these nested social groups, and water and food flows. Du Plessis (2012) asserts that there is a need to shift to a developmental model that brings together human development efforts with nature?s artistic efforts, relying on how nature operates and not on how humans would like to. She adds that society and nature perform as two operating interactive systems where humans assume roles of production, transformation, and evolution of the ecosystem of which they are a part of. The urban quarter and its connected garden portrayed an excellent example of this before modernization brought forth numerous issues that threatened its stability. By producing their own food and making use of all wastewater generated from the house and the mosque, the quarter lived ecologically and sustainably, benefiting the garden and being benefited by it in return. All these circumstances led to the continual evolution of life within the quarter and city. Rammel et al. (2007) state that utilizing a co-evolutionary approach to comprehend today?s problems with natural resource governance systems will be beneficial even though it is concerned with studying past events. To understand these issues, examining factors such as emergences, path-dependencies, and co-evolutionary developments raises chances for sustainable futures and enhances social-ecological resilience through improved adaptive management. Looking at natural resource management through the lens of co-evolution helps view it as systems arranged in hierarchical levels of co-evolving 	 ? 37 social, technological and environmental processes or elements. They are represented as social-ecological systems taking a vital part in human-environment interactions where both parties are constantly modifying one another through mutual feedback. This results in the formation of a vibrant process due to qualitative change, error making, ignorance, learning, and adaptation (Norgaard, 1994; Berkes et al., 2003; Allen, cited in Rammel et al., 2007). According to Rammel et al. (2007), natural resource management is faced with opportunities observed as ?natural elements? of co-evolutionary processes. It is perceived as a regulation system that adjoins two subsystems at diverse scales: human societies and biophysical systems. The entire system is termed a ?human-nature-system?, and is viewed as a co-evolving system that possesses the attributes of social-ecological systems (Berkes et al., 2003). Human-nature-systems are known to be inevitably highly complex due to the dynamic, cross-scale and inter-reliant interactions that occur between subsystems of natural resource management. When planning for sustainable development, this must be concurrently put into consideration (Rammel et al., 2007). Some scholars believe that when examining ecological science and ecosystem management in terms of resilience, it should be done so separately for the purpose of conceptual clarity (Brand & Jax, 2007). However, Folke et al. (2010) argue that due to precisely excluding social systems from the analysis and failing to acknowledge that they are firmly linked with ecological systems, several severe issues related to natural resource use and management occur frequently. The feedback loops that take place between these interlinked social-ecological systems are what define is overall dynamics. Examples of these issues that occur from the Ministry of Awqaf in the case of the urban quarters and their accompanying gardens include: misuse of wastewater by preventing it from benefiting the gardens and the absence of supervision over garden land use rights.  	 ? 38 2.3.5 Joint action and collaboration Bodin et al. (2009) assert that as the number of social ties in a social network grows, so do the likelihoods of joint actions taking place, as well as other sorts of collaboration that would prevent aggressive resource conflicts. Instead, these types of partnerships would help foster the development of common resource policies. Upsurges in the network density would create more opportunities for collective action. According to some scholars, factors that would lead to profitable collective action are a high number of opportunities for communication, and increased levels of reciprocity and shared trust (Pretty & Ward, 2001; Axelrod, 1997, Putnam, 1993; Janssen & Ostrom, 2006). A factor that positively affects natural resource governance is the good relationship between density and joint action. It has been proven qualitatively that the accommodation of numerous stakeholders and the support of progression of interactions between them can lead to high chances of alliances and joint action (Hahn et al., 2006; Bebbington & Perreault, 1999; Olsson et al., 2004; Gunderson, 1999). Every person living in the urban garden quarter had a role in keeping the social-ecological system functioning appropriately; the inhabitants of the house who contributed with wastewater and waste, the gardeners who conducted wastewater to irrigate the garden, and the street servers who transferred dried human excrements to the public baths to be used as fuel. Besides the people of the quarter, there were the members of the aristocratic groups who were in charge of handling all waqf affairs related to the urban garden. Because of the intact relationship between the authoritative waqf foundation and the gardeners, the remaining relationships between the various players in the social-ecological system were strong as well, enabling rich joint action that promoted the health of the overall system. The role of complex adaptive systems in sharing knowledge amongst participants with different backgrounds is significant in the learning and knowledge generation process (Waltner-Toews & Kay, 2005; Kates et al., 2001). Different knowledge systems are essential and helpful when attempting to work 	 ? 39 with complex adaptive systems and uncertainty (Ludwig et al., 2001). A useful demonstration of this is communities who over long periods of time have shared and maintained good knowledge of ecosystem dynamics and management practices. They rely on these ecosystems for life amongst other benefits (Berkes et al., 2000).  When experiencing rapid change and reorganization, social roles that actor groups play are significant and critically needed for ensuring the formation of conditions necessary for adaptive governance of ecosystem dynamics. The association of distinctive actor groups in networks while simultaneously giving way for new interactions are all essential for battling uncertainty and change. Furthermore, they act as vital ingredients for the processes of learning and developing integrated adaptive responses to change (Stubbs & Lemon, 2001). Folke et al. (2005, p. 455) hypothesize that ?the combination of social roles of agent/actor and team/actor groups as part of social memory as well as their diversity, overlapping functions, and redundancy provide resilience for reorganization, allow for novelty, and thereby enhance adaptive capacity in the face of disturbance and crisis.? Nevertheless, there are still chances of negative outcomes of this combination, such as the creation of barriers, collision, and the destruction of social capital and memory. Some negative outcomes include: new views that may be hindered by credible authorities who end up neglecting problems, or by the attempt to deal with other issues that occur concurrently (Scheffer et al., 2003). When comprehending this in the context of the urban quarter and its associated garden, there seems to be an absence of linkages between the waqf foundation and other authoritative groups in new Sana?a, such as the Capital Secretariat, that are necessary for combating issues that threaten the stability of the urban garden?s social-ecological system. Instead, all authorities neglect or ignore these issues. 2.3.6 Subgroups and systems thinking In network terminology, a subgroup is known to have an essentially higher number of ties between its group actors than between members and non-	 ? 40 members. One factor that can lead to the formation of subgroups is the geographical boundaries that differentiate between groups of actors (Ramirez-Sanchez, 2007), such as those that distinguish the urban quarters of old Sana?a from one another.  Bonding ties promote trust, reciprocity and consequently cohesion between communities. These in turn lead to two significant prerequisites for natural resource governance: consensus and conflict resolution between members (Ostrom, cited in Bodin et al., 2009). Bridging ties, on the other hand, provide connection to other subgroups and two benefits that are essential for efficient resource governance: access to diverse external resources, and the instigation of collective action between actors (Granovetter, 1973; Newman & Dale, 2007; Lin, 2001). In old Sana?a?s case, the relations between the different stakeholders in the urban garden can be understood as bonding ties, and the relations between stakeholders in the urban garden and stakeholders in other quarters as well as new Sana?a can be termed bridging ties. According to Bodin et al. (2009) one advantage of bridging ties is that connections between previously unconnected groups are formed and this leads to better collective actions between various kinds of actors, such as farmers and government officials. As Bodin et al. (2009) mention, this is vital in natural resource governance since it affects several distinctive sectors of the society. The scenario is different, however, in the case of the urban quarter and its accompanying garden. Due to the abrupt pace of modernization, and the trivial manner with which the resulting implications for the garden were handled, the adaptive co-management process of the waqf foundation was poor, as well as the collective actions between different players in both contexts, indicating that the bridging ties formed were weak. When administering a shared natural resource, the presence of subgroups within a social network can at times result in some challenges for joint action due to issues such as ?us-and-them? attitudes amid actors (Bodin et al., 2009). If a social network is moderately cohesive as a result of containing many evidently 	 ? 41 distinguishable subgroups, the density of relational ties between the groups can be perceived as low, which could in turn lead to inefficient collaborative processes between subgroups (Granovetter, 1973). On the other hand, this restriction can be eliminated if connecting actors between subgroups have the inclination, capacity, and incentives to manage subgroup activities in order to achieve a shared goal (Bodin et al., 2009). One of the changes that took place post-modernization and which considerably impacted the urban quarter and its linked garden in a negative manner is the absence of apposite monitoring of the waqf foundation over the garden and its water supply. Because of this, bridging ties between the quarter and other fellow ones throughout the city started becoming less cohesive and vulnerable, even though members never lost the will for efficiently collaborating and working jointly for the general welfare of the quarters and thus city. As a result, this formed a chain reaction of broken down social-ecological systems throughout the city, eventually affecting its overall liveliness and functionality. The existence of subgroups within a social network helps a great deal in the development of tacit knowledge of complex systems by allowing for increased information exchange between specialized actors and others (Crona & Bodin, 2006; Hamel, 1991). As a result, having several subgroups may lead to two factors that can positively influence natural resource governance: enrich the transfer of knowledge by allowing for high degrees of interaction between actors, and enrich the diversity of knowledge by allowing for the development of different kinds of knowledge in various subgroups (Bodin et al., 2009). The disappearance of the strong relationship that once existed between the waqf foundation and the urban garden, and which led to the quarter becoming alienated, caused a blockage of knowledge transfer to form due to the limited number of interactions between both groups, contributing significantly to the dysfunctionality of the quarter?s social-ecological system and preventing any kind of knowledge enrichment from benefiting it. Hence, as Bodin et al. (2009) state, various subgroups should interact, and social networks involved in governance processes should maintain an all-embracing 	 ? 42 structural cohesion. In the past, the waqf foundation strictly monitored all garden-related waqf affairs and sustained water sources in the city. This resulted in structurally cohesive and vibrant social-ecological systems at the garden and city scales. 2.3.7 Multi-leveled authority and significant governance aspects Folke et al. (2005) mention that when adaptively governing complex social-ecological systems, it is important to include flexible institutions and multilevel governance systems. Management power and responsibility are shared among groups, communities, government agencies, and nongovernmental organizations, with several possible institutional and organizational linkages between them that are often polycentric, thus creating cross-level interactions. Because participants of various professions and duties are involved through different hierarchical levels in the adaptive co-management process, the opportunities for creating and conveying knowledge, ideas and information; increasing social capital; and strengthening legal, political, and financial support for ecosystem management, are all raised (Woolcock, n.d.; Folke et al., 2005). While applying this theory to the small scale of the urban quarter and its garden might seem inapplicable, it still offers a beneficial understanding of what is occurring there today in the post-modernization stage. Even though the Capital Secretariat should be monitoring the city and thus also the quarter, there are weak linkages and cross interactions between it and the Ministry of Awqaf, which consequently leads to the degradation of the social-ecological system of the urban garden. Forming social ties between social groups and other more powerful actors is beneficial in natural resource governance. A study by King (cited in Bodin et al., 2009) proved that these types of ties helped a local group of fishermen to be included in all decision-making processes. This form of linking different hierarchical levels of authority can contribute to social capital, and is significant in transferring leverage resources, ideas and information beyond the community level (Woolcock, n.d.). 	 ? 43 A study carried out by Lebel et al. (2006) investigated how certain attributes of governance enhance the capacity to manage resilience in regional social-ecological systems. The propositions that were studied are as follows (p. 19): ?participation builds trust, and deliberation leads to the shared understanding needed to mobilize and self-organize; polycentric and multilayered institutions improve the fit between knowledge, action, and socio-ecological contexts in ways that allow societies to respond more adaptively at appropriate levels; and accountable authorities that also pursue just distributions of benefits and involuntary risks enhance the adaptive capacity of vulnerable groups and society as a whole.? With regards to debating and decision-making, it was found that diverse participation, open communication, and deliberation are essential in building trust and shared understanding among stakeholders whom are needed for resource mobilization, and other people. These qualities are also essential for supporting self-organization. Polycentric and multilayered institutions provide flexibility in supervising, using, and overlooking natural resource systems, and thus learning and decision-making opportunities are created in places and scales more appropriately suiting social and ecological contexts than with monolithic governance systems. Accountable authorities that attempt to help the most vulnerable groups by serving social justice help the society by augmenting its capacity to manage resilience. All these outcomes are measures that are necessary for the building of resilience for the urban garden?s social-ecological system in the face of modernization disturbances in order to assist it in reorganizing itself and flourishing once more as it did in the past. 2.3.8 Interrelationships and cross-scale interactions Many scholars state how important it is to examine social-ecological systems as one entity, rather than separating social systems from ecological ones. Folke et al. (2005) mention that being concerned with only the social systems that deal with resource management and isolating the understanding of the dynamics of resources and ecosystems, society will not be capable of achieving sustainability. The same issue goes for examining ecological systems without a clear understanding of the social side. When designing urban ecosystems, 	 ? 44 nature is considered as a mentor, model, and measure, aside from being a partner (Benyus, 2002). Newman and Jennings (2008) propose using the idea of ecosystem metaphors when designing buildings and cities to better comprehend the city form. Furthermore, it would help in evidently understanding the dynamics of urban social-ecological systems and thus creating design and development strategies for them (du Plessis, 2012). Costanza et al. (2007) mention that if an immense social failure occurs in a particular region, its effects can resonate across the entire global system and consequently threaten its future social or ecological stability. Global social changes widens, intensifies, speeds up and grows the impact of worldwide connectedness (Held et al., 1999). What distinguishes the current era from previous ones is the upsurge in material, economic, and social interactions, which results in major systemic implications, the reshaping of relationships between markets and governance, and the restructuring of geopolitical dependency and interdependency. As for environmental changes, biophysical changes today have become global in scale, with the number of anthropogenic ones increasing with time (Young et al., 2006).  The connectedness of global social-ecological systems is increasing socially, economically and naturally. Socially and economically such that interdependencies are created from flows of trade, information, people, telecommunications etc. Naturally due to the amplification and reinforcement of global linkages among biotic and abiotic processes on land, in the oceans, and in the atmosphere. Moreover, the nature of the interlinking between human and natural systems is increasingly becoming more complex and pervasive (Young et al., 2006).  Different components within social-ecological systems have different structure and capabilities than other components, for instance, components dealing with water resources could be different from those dealing with food production (Young et al., 2006). As connectedness rises, so does the dissemination of components such as information, population, viruses, and diseases. As Young et 	 ? 45 al. (2006) mention, the types of components that are connected and whether they are self-regulatory or self-amplifying, is more significant than the number of connections present. If the connections between components are strong, then a failure in one component can have a stronger impact on another than when the components are not firmly connected (Ostrom, 1997; Simon, as cited in Young et al., 2006). A helpful example of this scenario is the issue of water supply and its effect on local food production from the urban garden. Due to reasons such as the excessive decline in the water table and the mishandling of water supply by authorities, local food production decreased substantially and so did the state of the quarter?s social-ecological system. At times, the issue of incongruities in scale can arise within social-ecological systems. As defined by Cumming et al. (2006, p. 3), ?scale mismatches occur when the scale of environmental variation and the scale of the social organization responsible for management are aligned in such a way that one or more functions of the social-ecological system are disrupted, inefficiencies occur, and/or important components of the system are lost.? These mismatches between social and ecological systems may take place at spatial, temporal, or functional levels. Spatial mismatches occur when spatial scales of management do not properly align with spatial scales of ecosystem processes. Temporal mismatches take place when temporal scales of management do not properly align with temporal scales of ecosystem processes. Functional mismatches take place when functional scales of management do not properly align with functional scales of ecosystem processes. Functional scale refers to processes such as production, consumption, or a management manipulation. The performance of social-ecological systems as a result of scale-associated matters is evident through this proper alignment (Cumming et al., 2006). The temporal mismatch can be seen in the gradual disappearance of supervision of the waqf foundation over urban gardens and water sources as old Sana?a transitioned to a modernized era, becoming increasingly destabilized with time. This also led to functional mismatches where due to the lack of monitoring over garden and gardener rights, food production has become exceptionally limited. Spatial 	 ? 46 mismatches are due to the Capital Secretariat failing to extend its management of city affairs to include those of the urban quarters of old Sana?a and their associated gardens by monitoring the waqf foundation?s duties to appropriately manage all waqf affairs. Reasons for mismatches in scale are due to alterations in the relationships between spatial, temporal, or functional scales at which the environment alters, human social organization occurs, as well as the demand for resources by people and other organisms. When social organization and environmental variation are well matched, environmental variation can be appropriately managed, demand and production can be balanced, and the whole system is capable of operating efficiently (Wolf & Allen, 1995). Nevertheless, when a mismatch occurs between the scales of social organization and environmental variation, problems may develop in the managing social systems or the managed ecological systems. Consequently, the system fails to operate or operates inefficiently, experiences a disruption of function, and/or may start breaking down as a result of significant components being lost (Rammel et al., 2007). Due to the  functional, spatial and temporal scale mismatches between the waqf foundation and matters pertaining to the urban garden, these are the types of issues that befell the garden?s social-ecological system, ultimately leading to its failure. 2.3.9 Temporal and spatial scales Weisz (2011) interprets the physical interplays between socio-cultural and ecological systems as social or industrial metabolism, which is the social aspect of interchanging materials and energy between societies and their surroundings. He accentuates that the process of social metabolism is socially systematized and greatly mutable over time and space. Furthermore, Fischer-Kowalski and Haberle (as cited in Cole et al., 2013) also decipher this social metabolism as the sustained manner in which societies monitor their material input and output to nature, and how it can modify over time.  	 ? 47 One essential and vital aspect of social-ecological systems, and thus is what defines them, is how they can be profoundly affected by the changes or transitions that occur in human history. Social-ecological systems have experienced many transitions between periods termed ?socio-metabolic? regimes, which is when society-nature interchanges undergo dynamic equilibria. These interactions are portrayed as archetypal patterns of material and energy flows. As a result of these regimes, alterations and development processes as well as certain environmental impacts take place across temporal and spatial scales (Krausmann et al., 2008). Fischer-Kowalski (as cited in Cole et al., 2013) notes that there were numerous transition periods which converted social-ecological systems from pre-agrarian, to agrarian, to industrial, and finally to what is existent today. According to him, society, its metabolism and the natural systems involved with it all get affected and adjusted when an energy regime is modified. Contrary to the past when pre-agrarian and agrarian societies had an insignificant and harmless effect on nature, the industrial regime views nature merely from the economic perspective of supply/demand and production/consumption. Due to this transformation of regimes, the relationship between human and natural systems has been essentially affected and changed.  Major elemental alterations have befallen a large group of ecosystems, while economic growth, structural change and a particular global monotony in social forms and institutions have taken place (Krausmann et al., 2008).  Global environmental and social changes interact with each other and can intensify or diminish one another through feedback mechanisms. For instance, when the impacts of climate change on the entire global scale are amplified or speeded, due to the process of feedback mechanisms, the resilience and adaptability of social-ecological systems are threatened as well as the capacity for society to cope with such changes due to increasing vulnerability (Young et al., 2006). In the case of the urban quarter and its garden, with the growing decline in the water table and water sources for the garden, the vulnerability of 	 ? 48 the entire quarter?s social-ecological system intensifies with time, making it more challenging to amend damages that are constantly growing. Global interconnectedness grows and amplifies with the acceleration of global interactions and processes. Due to the advancement of communication systems and worldwide transport, the dissemination of ideas, information, goods, capital, etc. are speeding up (Held et al., 2006). High speeds can in some cases negatively affect monitoring and decision-making, causing them to lag and be inundated, consequently diminishing the resilience and adaptive capacity of a social-ecological system. Because modernization in Sana?a was rapid and uncontrolled, there were numerous failures in decision-making processes due to the inability of calculating all consequences carefully. The outcome of this is that the resilience and robustness of the social-ecological system of the urban gardens in relation to their quarters constantly weakened and contracted with time. Moffatt and Kohler (2008) advise that for sharing a united theory of the built environment, the building must be viewed as a complex social-ecological system. They created a conceptual social-ecological system model that demonstrates several spatial and temporal scales for human and natural systems. From the spatial perspective and for the ?natural? aspect, they compare between material relationships that accumulate when transferred at specific scales and from local scales to larger ones. As for the ?cultural? aspect, they differentiate between inventive design solutions shared by local players and decision makers at the local scale with other services or performance requirements at a larger scale. They propose that adjoining localization with synergization, which defines the spatial interactions moving from large scales down to the building scale, can result in a built environment that?s effective and miscellaneous, operating as a whole system which is far more capable than the aggregate of its parts. This theory suitably explains the situation of the urban quarters and their accompanying gardens in the past, when material relationships and social dialogues occurred at the local scale of the quarter. The spatial interactions that took place between the garden and the inhabitants of 	 ? 49 the quarter were that of mutual welfare and support, with water and food flows migrating between the garden and house scales. The harmonious and co-evolutionary relationships that took place between different players and components all resulted in the creation of an effective, healthy, and well-functioning independent quarter. However, with the emergence of new Sana?a and the expansion of spatial framing and interactions, synergization and localization were lost, ultimately disintegrating the whole system and negatively affecting its overall functioning.   2.4 CONCLUDING THOUGHTS Current green building and design practice fails to view human and natural systems in a project as a complex, partnered, co-evolutionary system, and instead operates with a mechanistic worldview that differentiates between buildings rather than viewing them as essential components of their larger contextual system.  Regenerative design and development, on the other hand, take a different holistic approach that revitalizes and restores the environment, and recognizes human and natural systems as one entity necessary for the wellbeing of the larger interconnected global civilization. There is a growing need to shift reductionist inside-out thinking mindsets from the green building movement and start adopting the regenerative design approach so as to contribute positively to the environment instead of merely slowing down its degradation. Place, story of place, community dialogue, living systems thinking, the interrelationships between human and natural elements, the idea of nested interconnected systems, resource flows and patterns, spatial and temporal phenomena, a vibrant quality of life, and different disciplines working together are all significant and central attributes that essentially define regenerative design and development. 	 ? 50 The idea of the partnered co-evolutionary relationship between human and natural systems possesses an essential place within regenerative design literature; it has been referred to numerous times as being one of the design movement?s necessary and underlying principles. As demonstrated throughout the chapter, many of regenerative design?s principles synchronize and match with those of social-ecological systems, such as, co-evolution between human and natural systems, interrelationships and cross-scale interactions, spatial and temporal phenomena, systems and subgroup thinking, and joint action and collaboration. These collective aspects greatly influence and define regenerative design and social-ecological systems and thus help inform and provide a basis for the critical investigation of the urban garden in relation to its quarter, since many of them relate to the functioning of the quarter?s social-ecological system prior to modernization. As such, the frameworks that were created to examine the quarter pre- and post modernization were founded on these ideas. The notion of social-ecological systems within the built environment is crucial for transforming a building project into a regenerative one since a multitude of regenerative design?s principles are embedded within them. Nevertheless, there exists a lack of literature pertaining to this subject. Moreover, the notion of culture within the regenerative design language has been touched upon lightly and regenerative projects so far have been carried out precisely within the North American region. Exploring this idea in other regions to comprehend how regenerative design can operate and thrive there, how it would differ, and in what ways, including the idea of social-ecological systems within the built environment, are all essential and vital areas needed to be expanded and enhanced in the regenerative design movement.     	 ? 51 3 SANA?A?S SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM - PREMODERNIZATION The social-ecological system of the urban garden in relation to its quarter was very intact and well organized. The interrelationships between the social and ecological systems were harmonious and mutually supportive. All players had significant and vital roles that contributed to the successful functioning of the system as a whole. The waqf foundation was responsible for ensuring water supply was enough and available while also protecting the rights of the gardeners and gardens according to the Sharia Islamic law. The urban garden promoted food circulation in the city by providing food for the people of its quarter, the less fortunate, and the central market. In return, the garden received its nutrients from fertilizer that was formed from human and animal waste. Human waste not only benefited the garden, but was also used as fuel for the public bath?s hot rooms.   3.1 THE SOCIAL SYSTEM 3.1.1 The different social classes The social structure that existed in Yemen had a strong relationship with the ecological aspects and needs of old Sana?a.  Prior to the engulfment of Sana?a by modernization, the social structure that existed at the time played a dynamic role in maintaining and preserving the ecological aspects of the urban cluster. Mainly, the aristocratic groups were strict and determined in keeping the waqf donations, and thus water supply functioning. They cherished and regarded them as invaluable resources relevant for the propitious development and survival of the city, accordingly handling and managing them responsibly. 	 ? 52 The classes that existed in old Sana?a can be categorized into six differential groups: 1. Sayyids: Members of this class are related to the Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him) and held aristocratic positions. They were highly involved in administration, legal affairs and the continual seeking of knowledge. They owned affluent lands and many of them were in the trade business (Lewcock, 1986).  2. Qadis: The term ?qadi? means magistrate or judge. These people were educated, and the society held great esteem for them due to their wisdom and undertakings. Nonetheless, their qualification for the profession was based on their bloodline; only certain families were deemed suitable. These families are said to have been aristocratic ones since the period of pre-Islamic Yemen. The most popular professions found within this class were officials, judges and scholars (Lewcock, 1986).  3. Manasib: The occupations of these citizens were considered honorable and they included the best kinds of handicrafts such as silversmiths, goldsmiths, coppersmiths, blacksmiths, tinsmiths, blade polishers, dagger haft makers, joiners, turners, stonemasons, bricklayers, porters, and inscription painters. Manasib members who were capable of bearing arms were obliged to do so if ever their town was barraged (Lewcock, 1986).  4. Bani ?l-khums: If there were ever any quarrels between manasib members, the bani ?l-khums would act as peacekeepers. Amongst the professions in this class were shoemakers, dagger-sheath cover makers, belt makers, saddlers, tanners, brick makers, barbers, bath attendants, cuppers, caf? proprietors, butchers, and mosque gardeners such as those of old Sana?a (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983).   	 ? 53 5. Muzayyin: These members lived in isolation in their own quarters. They could not marry into manasib as it was considered socially inferior. Occupations in this group included shoemakers, tanners, barbers, butchers, weavers, potters, and cuppers (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983), (Lewcock, 1986).  6. Akhdam: This was the most socially inferior group of all. They did not enjoy any privileges, for they could not switch occupations, own any houses or lands, nor carry arms. They were mainly hired as street cleaners (Lewcock, 1986). All professions were divided into the honorable ones and the disreputable ones (Lewcock, 1986); the Sayyids, Qadis and manasib were all considered amongst the honorable citizens. This social division created consequences and limitations for the inhabitants of old Sana?a and their occupations. The Sayyids and Qadis held highly regarded and payable jobs, which were mainly in the Administrative Council. The Administrative Council inspected certain affairs of the province, and amongst them were the waqf affairs of the gardens (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). Because the Bani ?l-khums members were regarded as dishonorable citizens, they were given low paying jobs to fit their social level classification, such as gardening. Therefore the inhabitants of old Sana?a were assigned to their occupations based on their bloodlines. This left them with no freedom of choice with respect to profession type. Furthermore for members of the lower classes, this posed the restriction of being incapable of elevating their social status and thus living conditions. Although this brought forth other disadvantages such as the unjust labeling of people as honorable and dishonorable based on their lineages, the harsh treatment of the members of the lower social classes and the obligation of being fastened to these professions all their lives; the presence of these fixed social divisions led to stable social levels and thus balanced numbers of professions, which contributed positively to the stability and wellbeing of the urban garden.   	 ? 54 3.1.2 Gender roles Due to the conservative Islamic society of Sana?a, women didn?t partake in tasks that crossed the boundaries of the house. Female gardeners were in charge of housework and were involved with cultivating the garden. All outdoor activities were carried out by men. 3.1.3 The definition of ?waqf? The waqf is a religious imprescriptible voluntary endowment which offers an amount of money or property, such as a building or plot of land, for religious or charitable purposes under the Islamic code of law, the Sharia (Mackintosh-Smith, 2006). All properties donated in the name of waqf must serve the general welfare of the public (Lenher, 1996). The specific purpose for this donation can be understood as a usufruct (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). In principal, the properties cannot be sold, transferred, nor mortgaged; only in rare cases can such actions occur. Nearly two thirds of old Sana?a is waqf of one kind or another. This includes public baths, caravanserai, and several shops. Another reason, besides the religious one, for donating properties to the waqf was that it helped protect them and ensure they weren?t seized from the donors? families. Also, it is against the law for any kind of construction to take place on unbuilt lands inside of old Sana?a. Administration of the waqf today falls under the Ministry of Awqaf and it is its responsibility to prevent any illegal construction, as well as control renovation and development in archeological sites so as to retain their historical and cultural values (Monassar, as cited in (Lenher, 1996). 3.1.4 The relationship between the waqf foundation and the gardens Most of the gardens in old Sana?a belong to the waqf foundation, which has always been responsible for supplying them with water. The relationship between the waqf and the gardeners was originally that of mutual support. The foundation rented these gardens for cheap prices as a form of social activity to 	 ? 55 the peasants, who were considered to be amongst the poorest members of the city?s social caste (Lenher, 1996). The city wells were considered part of the waqf that operated for the public welfare; according to the Sharia Islamic Law, water must be divided amongst people equally and monopolization is prohibited. In return, the gardeners had to sustain water sources and serve the mosques by supplying them with water from these wells (Lenher, 1996). All members of the gardener?s family, including women and children, assisted with tending to the garden. Subsequent generations of one family inherited the piece of land and cultivated it i.e. they inherited the right to make use of the land. The advantage of this is that over time, there is a guarantee that the land would be looked after by the same family (Lenher, 1996).  3.2 WATER SUPPLY In principal, there existed three main water sources for the city of Sana?a: ghayls, wells, and sabeels. All were charitable foundations contributed by pious citizens of the old city, and maintained by the Ministry of Awqaf (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). The fields and gardens of Sana?a were provided with water from the ghayls and wells under the responsibility of this foundation (Mackintosh-Smith, 2006). In the past and until today, it has always been the responsibility of the waqf to maintain these water sources (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). The two water supply methods that were directly concerned with the city were the wells and sabeels. 3.2.1 The ?sabeel? Sabeels are small-sized, simple-looking domed structures with drinking basins inside that once provided drinking water to passersby (Figure 3.1). They have doors that were built to keep out dust and which were locked during nighttime. 	 ? 56 Frequently on the exterior, large basins are located adjacent to them on the ground; these acted as water sources birds and small animals. Some of the sabeels are merely small basins positioned in wall openings. The sabeels are no longer operating (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983; Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005).  Figure 3.1: One of old Sana?a?s domed sabeels The location of the sabeel was based upon three factors (Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005): 1. Intensity of pedestrian movement 2. Distance to water sources 3. Mode of water transportation The idea of the sabeel was considered a very significant functional feature of Islamic cities. In old Sana?a alone, there are over sixty; twenty-one of them being in the market area, indicating a higher density than throughout the city as a whole since the market was, and still is, always bustling (Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005). Narrow alleyways between shops are rarely wider than three meters, and at times, open into clearings or public squares in which the public drinking basins may be located (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983).  	 ? 57 At times, a well would be situated next to a sabeel. The remaining ones would be placed within walking distance from the city wells, and would receive their continual water supply from water carriers particularly hired for this purpose (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983).  Most of the sabeels that were located in housing quarters were placed there to serve houses that didn?t possess wells. Because of its significant role and relationship with the mosque, the city wells, public squares, and main roads, it was based in nearly all of old Sana?a?s housing quarters, neighboring or adjoined with mosques. The sabeel contained water for passersby, a wash-place, and an area specialized for performing ritual ablutions. All these areas were plastered (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). 3.2.2 The wells There existed two types of wells in old Sana?a. Household wells called al-manza?a (singular), and public wells called al-masna (singular); the city had approximately 45 of these (Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005). Al-manza?a well (Figure 3.2):  The al-manza?a well acted as each house?s independent internal source of domestic water. At times, it would be located in a courtyard in order to serve two adjoining houses. Water was extracted manually by way of a bucket tied with rope to a small wooden pulley (Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005). Before proceeding with the explanation of how this well type functioned, there is a need to first understand the vertical spatial zoning of the house.  The number of storeys in old Sana?a?s tower houses ranges from 5-9. With each floor of the house came a different zonal function, forming a conversion from public to private space as one moved upwards. The ground and first floors were used for animal stalls and food stores. The second floor served as a public sitting room, the diwan, and was used for business and receiving of guests by the men of the house. Subsequent to these floors began the private zone of the house 	 ? 58 which included the kitchen; with the third and fourth floors giving priority to the women and children. The kitchen was usually located on the second highest floor, so that it may provide service upwards and downwards.  At the kitchen level was an outside terrace with high-screened walls, providing a space for laundry and drying. The utmost floor housed the mafraj, a big embellished room which provided splendid views, and where social gatherings (usually between men) were shared (Davey, 2002; Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). Situated next to the kitchen door was a raised platform that was used for washing (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). The water drained through the wall onto a vertical drain located on the exterior wall of the house and to the ground where a public system in the street enabled the water to seep through to the water table, hence raising the water table and benefiting the garden indirectly. Inside the house, a square shaft would be built above the circular stone well, with wooden pulleys at the top level of each floor that is connected to the well. This connection was mainly based on the locality of living, service, and public circulation areas. For instance in an average-sized house, these would typically be the ground floor for livestock, the living floors for the living rooms, and on the kitchen floor for the kitchen. In large houses, the well would extend either to the kitchen while passing through the entrance hall below, or to floors that posses public circulation areas, such as main lobbies that serve the diwan and the upper living rooms, in addition to the entrance hall (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). 	 ? 59  Figure 3.2: One of old Sana?a?s al-manza?a wells Al-Masna well (Figure 3.3): Water from this well was extracted with the help of animals such as camels and donkeys. Placed in central locations that were easily accessible by mosques, public baths, souk and houses; it acted as a central source of water supply for the old city. It served the souk and houses via the sabeel; houses that didn?t possess the al-manza?a well relied on the sabeels (Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005). Two ropes were tied to the animal which traveled up and down an extremely long slope (10-15%) that extended for up to thirty-five meters (Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005; (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983). On either side of the slope were two stone walls which helped in the extracting process by steering the animal in a steady direction. They also provided protection and prevented any sort of external distractions from reaching the animals (Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005).  Attached to the well at the top of the slope was a small basin where water was poured into manually. Via a small channel, the water travelled from the small basin to a larger circular one with a depth of 60-100cm and set on the exterior side of the well, on the ground. This ample basin had a hole through which water 	 ? 60 was conducted to mosques, public baths, the market, and housing quarters via channels (Markaz al Taher lil Istisharat al Handaseyya, 2005). Water reached the garden through a hole that was set in the wall (Lenher, 1996). It subsequently entered the garden through irrigation channels (Subsection 3.2.3). Instead of water being carried by the gardeners, this intricate and effective system helped provide an additional method of water supply to the gardens that saved both effort and time, ensuring that water was available and ready to transfer throughout the day.   Figure 3.3: One of old Sana?a?s run down al-masna wells, the absent well ramp descended to the left 3.2.3 The irrigation system The method by which the water reached the garden was very simple and straightforward. The gardeners used to extract water from the al-masna well, carry it to the garden?s mosque, and empty it into the ablution basins. Water was then transported to the garden via one of two ways. It either flowed through underground water channels, or was carried once more by the gardeners (Serjeant & Lewcock, 1983; (Lenher, 1996). 	 ? 61 The garden?s ground was sloped in order to help with the irrigation process. If there were a well inside, it would be located at the garden?s highest point (Manzoni, 1877-78). This proved to be efficient since the gradient facilitated the movement of water across the garden, and allowed for effective time management; enabling the water to reach the crops at reasonable paces that weren?t too fast or slow. The garden?s surface was also divided by channels. Water was poured into a main channel, travelled to secondary ones that protruded from it perpendicularly in the form of stems, and reached the land divisions by way of outlets. If only certain sections of the garden were to be irrigated, then the intersections of the main channel with the sub-channels would be closed with materials such as mud, stones, and silt. The design of the channels depended on the shape and area of the garden (Lenher, 1996). Having this channel-based design system for the irrigation process aided in providing gardeners with options when deciding which areas needed to be irrigated and which didn?t. Furthermore, it helped effectively control the amount of water that each section could receive, thereby ensuring that crops received the right quantities of water intake. 3.2.4 Water access - time wise In the past, water was extracted all day, from sunrise to sunset (Manzoni, 1877-78). The screeching of the pulleys along with the voices of men singing during the extraction process were amongst the city?s ordinary day-to-day sounds (Mackintosh-Smith, 2006). The complete garden area was irrigated once every four days, and the waqf rental contracts provided the gardeners with the right to obtain water sixteen times in one month (Manzoni, 1877-78) (Figure 3.4).  Having a standard irrigation schedule demonstrates how the water supply was a sufficient and reliable source for the gardeners, enabling them to water their crops on a certain timely basis. Furthermore, having the privilege of obtaining water up to sixteen times in one month meant that gardeners were rewarded with double the water supply that they were using. This signifies how well the 	 ? 62 Administrative Council carried out the responsibility of managing all affairs related to the garden according to waqf regulations.  Figure 3.4: Water access for the gardeners in the past 3.2.5 The sewage system The bathrooms of the house were known to be very clean and free from odors because of the sewage system that separated solid from liquid waste. Each stage was carefully designed in a way that was hygienic, easy to clean, and time saving: Solid waste: The lavatory consisted of a 70 cm square stone surface, with a square hole in the center that opened up to a vertical shaft. This shaft dropped down to a square container that was made of stone and designed to collect solid waste. It was located on the ground floor (Lewcock, 1986). Liquid waste: In the stone platform, there was a sloping section which led urine to a channel in the stone floor. The channel transported the urine to an opening in the outside wall. The liquid waste then ran down an elegant decorative vertical waterproof draining surface made of gypsum plaster and specially designed for this process. Through an underground drainage sump, the liquid travelled to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 Extra water when needed 6 pm Water was extracted from sunrise to sunset am pm 8 am 10 am 12 pm 2 pm 4 pm 6 am 	 ? 63 either an underground 'French' drain (a trench dug underground and filled with rocks and pebbles) where it was discharged into the soil, or to a cesspit (Lewcock, 1986). Removal of odors: By separating the urine from the solid waste and preventing it from going down the vertical shaft and the receptacle down below, the solid waste was able to dry very quickly and become odorless. Swilling the surface over which the urine had run down also helped with odor removal. For this reason, a pot of water was kept on a stone cylinder next to the lavatory, and was utilized after every bathroom use (Lewcock, 1986).   Larger houses had bathrooms with lavatories on more than one floor, all laying one over the other and sharing a vertical waste shaft. It was built out of stone, and from the interior of the house it was plastered so that it may appear to blend in with the walling. Similar to the case of the singular bathroom, there was a vertical draining surface on the exterior of the house and passing over all the bathrooms, on which urine flowed. For most houses, this occurred on the cold (north) side of the building. Presumably, this was done to help quickly get rid of odors and keep the atmosphere clear of them. The walls were made of smooth gypsum plaster to facilitate their cleaning process (Lewcock, 1986). By superimposing all bathrooms, this helped speed the procedure of solid waste collection, as well as save space by having one shaft in common. The public bath: The dried nightsoil was later shoveled by akhdam and used to fuel the fires of the hypocausts in the public baths, then later as fertilizer for the urban garden in the form of ash (Lewcock, 1986). This phase of the sewage system particularly shows how strongly linked the house, public bath, and garden were. Each stage directly benefited the following one and nothing was wasted at any point of the process. The sewage system of the house was carefully designed to be connected to the garden in a simple yet efficient manner. The house?s residents contributed to 	 ? 64 fertilizing the garden merely by swilling the urine surface over after every bathroom visit. Besides saving time, this signifies how little effort was required of the inhabitants. Having houses with such soaring heights, it?s difficult to imagine how human waste can be simply and directly connected to the urban garden in a short period of time. Nonetheless, this sewage system proved to satisfy all these requirements and operate effectively. Furthermore, such a design demonstrates how water was well dealt with and used minimally throughout the whole process while being able to prevent odors from emerging. This demonstrates how although there was an abundance of water, with the absence of technology, the inhabitants of the old city had a greater sense of water value.  3.3 FOOD SUPPLY 3.3.1 Interior and exterior gardens  Everything that was essential for everyday life, including grains and fodder, was produced in old Sana?a?s interior urban gardens. All types of fruits, vegetables, trees, and flowers were planted. Examples of the types of fruits that were grown were apples, pears, quinces, apricots, plums, sour lemons, figs, pomegranates, bananas, oranges, prickly figs, almonds, and coconuts. The vegetables included lettuce, lentils, cauliflower, Romanesco broccoli, broccoflower, cabbages, cucumbers, fennels, tomatoes, beans, peas, radishes, eggplants, corchorus, and spinach. A few examples of herbs planted were basil, thyme, parsley, rosemary, chamomile, marjoram, Ruta Chalepensis, poppy seeds, and alfalfa. Some kinds of trees and flowers that existed were cypress trees, willow trees, tamarisk trees, cardoons, artichokes, Reseda Odorata, roses, jasmines, and violas (Lenher, 1996). Fruits ripened by the months of May and June, and vegetables were planted in spring and autumn; bearing their fruits twice a year (Manzoni, 1877-78). Besides having a plentiful source of water supply to yield a large and diverse group of fruits and vegetables throughout the year, garden areas were large enough to 	 ? 65 accommodate all, granting gardeners with the flexibility to cultivate the land in terms of time (seasons) and garden area. Food production was very rich and completely supported the old city. Besides its interior gardens, an extra supply of food and other needed products came from an exterior area encircling the city?s walls at a diameter of 10 km. Many families owned gardens in this region (Figure 3.5). The produce of the old city?s interior gardens was primarily intended for consumption by the gardeners and their families (Lenher, 1996). Surplus food was taken to the market to be sold (Manzoni, 1877-78). Furthermore, there was always enough to be donated as charity. All these circumstances indicate how well managed the city was in its food production and how well prepared in terms of supplying food for each of its inhabitants.   Figure 3.5: Old Sana?a?s exterior food supply    Past Gardens outside walls supplied old city Vegetable Market Souk GARDENER CUSTOMER Interior gardens 	 ? 66 3.3.2 Food marketing  Farmers from across Yemen embarked on journeys to Sana?a, which was regarded as an exclusive commercial city, to sell and trade their goods, and buy what they needed from the city?s markets. These markets acted a significant hub for food exchange and selling. Food supplies and products were fetched from the city?s interior urban gardens and exterior ones. Dried fruits such as raisins and legumes were sold in the central market, whereas, fresh vegetables and grains were sold in retail and bulk next to the city gates; these sites served as the vegetable markets (Lenher, 1996). The spatial zoning that was executed by allocating products to different areas based on their types helped in keeping the marketing system competent, straightforward and organized; allowing for marketing activities to run smoothly.  Two of the most vital products that were sold were coffee and raisins. In addition to those were goods that came from the coastline region, such as bananas, dates and sesame seeds. Trade exchange not only involved food supplies, but also merchandise from all over the country (Figure 3.6).  As an example, the city of Zabid was specialized in the production and dyeing of textiles, which were then traded in Sana?a (Lenher, 1996). All this indicates how food supply and exchange were very high, signifying how rich the food circulation in the city was. Because of this, the old city was able to support itself in terms of goods and foodstuff and provide for other regions as well. Although the scale of the interior urban garden and the amount of food it produced were small compared to the other interior and exterior gardens combined, it still played a dynamic role in providing for the inhabitants of the quarter as well as the city. Because of the surplus food that was taken to the markets and those that were donated as charity, it was able to contribute to the larger food system of the city as well as the country.  	 ? 67  Figure 3.6: Food supply from other locations          Past Gardens outside walls supplied old city Vegetable Market Souk Al-Rawda Shaub Mountainous area Other cities such as Ibb GARDENER CUSTOMER NEARBY REGIONS FAR CITIES Interior gardens Wadi Dhuhr 	 ? 68 4 SANA?A?S SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM ? POSTMODERNIZATION With the arrival of modernization to the city of Sana?a, many aspects of the social-ecological system of the urban garden and its quarter were altered and transformed, and the garden has been suffering several grave consequences. Water supply today has become a critical issue for the gardeners due to weak supervision from the Ministry of Awqaf and Capital Secretariat, and the general water scarcity in the country. Furthermore, new ties with new Sana?a have greatly affected water and food supply coming from the garden. As a result, the role of the garden in sustaining its quarter has almost completely vanished. In order to clearly understand the kind of implications that were formed on the quarter, the water and food systems are explained before the social system.  4.1 WATER SUPPLY Sana'a today is suffering from a severe water crisis that could drain out the city?s water sources in approximately ten years. The city has always relied on its groundwater as its main water supply source, however, more water is being consumed than produced and the water table has drastically decreased over the past decades. According to Gattoni (n.d.), a photojournalist who focuses on global issues related to water, war, ecological and natural disasters, drought, and desertification, it is estimated that by 2015 Sana?a?s wells will dry up due to issues such as illegal drilling, extensive water amounts used to irrigate the qat leaf, and the struggle in imposing conservation rules.  The main source of Sana?a?s groundwater comes from the Cretaceous Sandstone aquifer. A vast span of the region in the central plain is overlaid by unconsolidated alluvium which provides a shallow aquifer and thus acts as the leading pathway for recharge to the deeper aquifers. Over the past few decades, 80-90% of pumped water was diverted for agricultural purposes within 	 ? 69 Sana?a. This heavy and uninhibited over-pumping and exploitation of groundwater started in the mid 1970s primarily to supply for irrigation and municipal supplies, and is evident not only in Sana?a, but in Yemen as a whole. The average volume of water pumped from 1973 to 2003 was equivalent to 82 x 106 m3/y, while the average recharge during the same period was is 66 x 106 m3/y. Even if groundwater use for irrigation were instantaneously stopped, the aquifers of the Sana?a plain wouldn?t be able to generate water production necessary for the fulfillment of the basic needs of Sana?a?s residents (Kruseman, as cited in Lerner, 2000). Moreover, a feasibility evaluation produced by Alderwish and Al-Eryani (as cited in Lerner, 2000) examined seven potential supplementary water sources for Sana?a. The key conclusions from the study suggested that: 1. The main dependable water supply methods would be via desalination and mining processes.  2. Three factors essential for water sustainability are: pricing, conservation policies, and comprehensive management.  3. Enforcement while simultaneously ensuring that rural resident rights as users of water are met must be maintained ? thus leading to a sustained economy. 4.1.1 Hydrometeorological environment of Sana?a Sana?a has a semi-arid climate with a mean annual rainfall of 235 mm. Some years receive 500-600 mm, while others can get 150 mm (?Sana?a,? n.d.). Wadi As Syla is a ravine (English for ?wadi?) and a tributary of Wadi Alkharid, which drains the Sana?a plain. It crosses the center of the city (passing through old Sana?a) from the south to the north running for 22 km. The number of outflows it generates is generally very small, and it overflows into Wadi Alkharid only during heavy rainfall events (Lerner, 2000).  	 ? 70 Stormwater The number of storm water drainage facilities in Sana?a is restricted and their functionality is usually weak (Lerner, 2000). This is due to reasons such as: inability to handle large amounts of water, poor design of slopes, and failure to separate harmful contaminants from the water. As a result, streets and wadis are flooded with urban storm water during the rainy season (Lerner, 2000). Due to the absence of an effective storm water drainage system, pools of water would form in old Sana?a and accumulate for weeks after the rain, causing substantial damage to the buildings. This poor storm water system leads to the penetration of water into the ground levels of buildings, causing alteration to the foundation walls. Furthermore because of the rain, some dirt roads get muddy causing considerable inconvenience for pedestrians, especially the elderly (Al-Hadrami, 2005). The floods also lead to the asphalt roads being impaired, increasing the need for maintenance and shortening their useful life. As floodwater flows into and within the city, it not only carries suspended solids from the surrounding mountains, but also oil and domestic wastewater due to overflowing cesspools. A significant resulting environmental consequence is the contamination of the superficial groundwater aquifer located along Wadi As Syla, which acts as one of the chief sources of urban recharge with a yearly average of 1.4 x 106 m3/y (Alderwish, 1996). The consequence this has placed on health is the upsurge of diseases such as malaria and schistosomiasis due to cumulative water bodies, increasing urbanization, irrigation expansion, and the mobility of residents and immigrants (Lerner, 2000). 4.1.2 Current water supply methods for Sana?a The water supply system that exists in the city today is much more complex than in the past. For Sana?a as a whole, there are two main methods by which water is delivered to its inhabitants: the public water network and the private water supply.  	 ? 71 1. Public water network Urban water and sanitation services were primarily provided by the National Water and Sanitation Authority (NWSA) through a public water network that was built over two phases. The first phase, which was completed in the 1970s, involved drilling 13 wells in a western well field and a distribution network that would supply the central region of the city. The second phase was completed in 1982 and involved drilling 25 other wells in the western and eastern well fields as well as expanding the distribution network to support 400,000 inhabitants. A third phase was planned to provide the entire city with water, however due to financial hindrances, the project was forced to be discontinued (Al-Hamdi, 2000).   By the end of 1994, the project?s coverage reached 45-50% of the population, with 59,100 house connections providing water supply to more than 413,000 inhabitants (NWSA, cited in Al-Hamdi, 2000). Nevertheless, according to Al-Hamdi (2000), the public network fails to adequately deliver water to the city due to systematic low pressure in the system, limited water availability, and the local topography. In order to pump high-pressured water into the distribution system and meet peak demand of the city, the project installed huge storage tanks at elevated sites. However due to water demand overcoming its supply, some of these balancing reservoirs are vacant most of the time (Al-Hamdi, 2000; Lerner, 2000). As a result, most houses installed ground storage tanks (1-3 m3) to fill the unreliable supply gaps by collecting and storing water. Because of the low pressure in the public water network, many inhabitants also starting fitting small pumps to draw water upwards from ground tanks to smaller roof tanks in order to generate enough pressure for the house taps (Al-Hamdi, 2000). Table 4.1 provides some information relating to the domestic coverage and per capita consumption rate of the public water network.   	 ? 72 Table 4.1: Domestic water use in Sana?a (1995) (Source: Al-Hamdi, 2000)  Supply type Value Total water production (NWSA records) 50,685-52,055 m3/day Unaccounted-for-water (estimated 35%) 17,740-18,220 m3/day Water consumption 32,945-33,835 m3/day Non-domestic use (estimated 5%) 1650-1690 m3/day Domestic consumption 31,295-32,145 m3/day Reported house connections 59,100 Total population 972,011 inhabitants Population density per household 7 inhabitants/household Served population 413,700 inhabitants Per capita water consumption 75-78 liters/day Service coverage 43% Service coverage (incl. 2-7% unpaid, or illegal connections) 45-50%  As seen from this table, the per capita water consumption indicates fairly moderate water usage. High levels of unaccounted-for-water take up approximately one third of the total water production. As Al-Hamdi (2000) suggests, these high percentages are most likely the outcomes of: water looting; illegal connections and unpaid service; and physical leakage from defective joints, fittings, and bursts of PVC pipes that were initially installed in the first phase of the public water supply project. Water looting appears to play a major role in increased unaccounted-for-water levels. As stated by Al-Hamdi (2000), it was estimated in 1992 that by implementing stricter monitoring over water looting, unaccounted-for-water could go down from 40% to 20%, allowing for 3.9 Mm3/a of extra water production. This could spread the service to provide for 130,000 additional customers, or enhance the service that original users were receiving. 	 ? 73 Due to issues such as badly kept infrastructure, weak technical capacity, and very high unaccounted-for-water (UFW) rates, the financial capability and service quality of the NWSA continued to degrade. As a result, in the 1990s, the Yemeni Government decided to make amendments by decentralizing urban water and sanitation services at the governorate level. Several local corporations for each Yemeni governorate were formed, each operating and being managed independently of the NWSA. In February 2000, the first local corporation was created in Sana?a - Sana?a Water & Sanitation Local Corporation (SWSLC) - to provide the city with water by way of the public water network. The whole process was made possible with the help of numerous international donors such as the Deutsche Gesellschaft f?r Internationale Zusammenarbeit (German Society for International Cooperation or GIZ), the World Bank, and the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (EKN) (?Reform of the urban water supply,? n.d.).  2. Private water supply Due to the public water network being incapable of responding to the needs of the entire city, a private water supply sector was formed. This sector has developed to be a significant economic enterprise, supplying domestic water all across the city to those who are not supported by the SWSLC (Al-Hamdi, 2000). Groundwater is extracted from private wells within the city and distributed through several small local distribution networks and a broad fleet of water tankers (Lerner, 2000; Al-Hamdi, 2000). As stated by Kruseman (cited in Lerner, 2000), it is estimated that around 40-50% of Sana?a?s domestic water use comes from the private sector. Water is generally available once a week, and is sold to average- and high-income residents whom are able to afford it. The water is primarily assigned via water tankers; with approximately 2800 truckloads sold daily, and private distribution networks of which 20,000 to 30,000 families are connected to (Lerner, 2000). 	 ? 74 Drinking water: The first private service for delivering clean drinking water in Sana?a was initiated in the 1990s (Al-Hamdi, 2000). It consists of small filtration facilities that utilize groundwater and distribute it to supermarkets in 5 and 10 liter containers, or plastic water bottles. There also exist private services that distribute these containers directly to houses. The raw water is obtained from either private wells or private tankers.  There have been growing health concerns, however, regarding the quality of the water sold in containers. While the stations are equipped with various water treatment systems and are licensed by the Department of Environmental Health (DEH) in the Ministry of Construction, Housing and Urban Planning (MCHUP), Al-Hamdi (2000) states that the DEH does not regularly supervise nor attempt to improve water quality. This encourages filtration stations to resort to circumventing or overcharging the treatment mechanism in an effort to heighten profits. Lerner (2000) adds a list of several flaws with the water treatment systems: the absence or improper method of chlorination, most components of the purification systems are flawed, the ground and pipes that fill containers are not clean, and no expert technicians are present to monitor the efficiency of the stations and the quality of the water produced. As a result, in order to avoid contact with the health hazards of reusing and refilling containers, some customers opt for cleaning their own acquired containers at home then sending them to filtration stations to be refilled (Al-Hamdi, 2000). Another alternative safe method that inhabitants are becoming increasingly reliant on is the purchase of water bottles. 4.1.3 Water supply methods for the gardeners The Ministry of Awqaf established three central wells that were meant to serve all of old Sana?a?s mosques.  The water supply they provide them with, however, is very limited compared to the needs that increased over the years due to the increase of population. Most of the ablution wastewater generated from them is 	 ? 75 discharged to the sewerage; some is directed to the gardens yet without having a method to control its amount, or the supply time and duration (Lenher, 1996). Because of this issue, the gardeners of old Sana?a have started looking for alternative sources of irrigation water such as: reusing old al-masna wells, creating new personal ones, and obtaining water from the public water network. Along with each method, however, are other dilemmas that create difficult circumstances for the gardeners, eventually forcing them to limit or halt their planting, and stop caring for the garden. When they are no longer able to grow the land, they start seeking other jobs to ensure a stable source of income.  The methods and their associated dilemmas are as follows: 1. Old al-masna wells Some gardeners dig deeper into old al-masna wells located inside gardens and install them with electric water pumps. The extracted water is either diverted to the garden directly for irrigation, or is passed through the mosque to serve it first. Due to the general issue of scarce water supply, these wells sometimes also irrigate other gardens and supply water to nearby mosques and bathhouses (Lenher, 1996).  This water supply method has proven problematic since (Lenher, 1996):  ? Even though gardeners created their own water supply, they need to constantly pay high prices for digging, and the buying and maintenance of the water pumps. ? The gardeners started considering these wells, which are originally purposed to serve the public, as their own.   2. New wells by the gardeners Some gardeners have resorted to creating new personalized wells that are randomly scattered within the old city. Similar to the case of digging into old al-	 ? 76 masna wells, this water supply method brings forth the disadvantages of high costs of digging and well maintenance (Lenher, 1996). One dilemma in common with drilling into old wells or digging new ones is that the task is sometimes executed with limited expertise and primitive digging methods, leading to inadequate depths or improper excavation and thus ineffective wells (Lenher, 1996). This frustrating experience eventually results in significant amounts of effort and money being wasted. 3. The public water network Some gardeners rely on the public water network as a water source for irrigation. The only issue associated with this method is that the price of attaining the water is beyond what most gardeners can afford (Mutahhar, 2011).  Figure 4.1 demonstrates an urban garden transformed into desert as a result of the aforementioned problems.  Figure 4.1: An urban garden turned into desert  	 ? 77 4.1.4 Future water sources for Sana?a Due to Sana?a?s water crisis, a project named Sources for Sana?a Water Supply (SAWAS) was created in the mid 1980s by the Yemeni and Dutch governments so as to explore other viable options in the face of the rapidly declining groundwater resources. The project identified seven possible alternatives (Table 4.2), which include the development of the Cretaceous Sand aquifer to the desalination of water from the Red Sea and transporting it to the city (Al-Hamdi, 2000).  Table 4.2: Alternative water sources in Sana?a (Source: Kruseman, 1997, cited in Al-Hamdi, 2000)  Alternative Resource type Sabaeen Park well field Development of Tawilah aquifer south of Sana?a Sana?a South well field Development of volcanic aquifer south of Sana?a Well field east of Shibam Development of Tawilah aquifer east of Sana?a Kharid dam Development of surface water from the Kharid spring, north of Sana?a Wadi Surdud Reservoir Development of surface water from Wadi Surdud, west of Sana?a Marib Dam Reservoir Development of surface water from The Marib lake, east of Sana?a Red Sea desalination Desalination of seawater and piped transport  Since the first three choices still involve mining of non-renewable groundwater sources, and the following two have questionable connection to groundwater aquifers, surface water from the Marib (a city to the east of Sana?a) reservoir and desalinized water from the Red Sea appear to be the only autonomous, viable, long term alternatives (Kruseman, as cited in Al-Hamdi, 2000). 	 ? 78 Having these two substitute options, however, fails to make matters better since large-scale social, political, financial, and technical hindrances are highly likely to appear. According to Al-Hamdi (2000), great resistance will be faced from current water users, most of whom are farmers. While governmental, religious, and customary views and principles of water sources ownership and use make such reallocation plans possible, the local social and power structure, as well as low resource development levels in the Marib region act as obstructions.  Another major issue that makes these alternative plans difficult to achieve is the prohibitive cost associated with the treatment and transfer of water between districts. As Al-Hamdi states, financial compensations to the suppliers and large investments will lead to the government and consumers paying excessively high costs. This would consequently result in consumers losing the willingness and ability to keep up with such payments. Moreover, pumping and transporting water over long distances, and advanced water treatment require high levels of technical skills that are difficult to attain in Yemen due to its limited local industrial capacity and scarce skilled human resources (Al-Hamdi, 2000). When it comes to water resources management, demand management appears to play a significant role when attempting to save water. Al-Hamdi (2000) indicates that since domestic water use in Sana?a is low, demand management would be very effective when applied to irrigated agriculture, which utilizes a great deal of groundwater. This can result in substantial water savings that can be reallocated for domestic use, and thus replace the need to rely on expensive water transfer propositions. However, when carrying out the SAWAS project, the Yemeni government failed to consider demand management as a feasible option for cutting back on groundwater extraction (Al-Hamdi, 2000). Wastewater reuse In 1997, the sewerage coverage of Sana?a covered 20-25% of the city?s population. This system utilized the stabilization pond technology. The remaining 	 ? 79 75-80% of the total raw sewage from the city was discharged to the underground through cesspits. Farmers used collected wastewater from the sewerage system to irrigate fodder and cereal crops along the effluent channel. While the direct irrigation of fodder and cereal crops has proven financially beneficial, the method didn?t help reduce stresses on groundwater extraction. Furthermore, the reuse of wastewater for agricultural purposes wasn?t suitable enough due to the low quality of treated water (Al-Hamdi, 2000). In 2000, the SWSLC constructed a new wastewater treatment plant. This helped in providing better options for wastewater reuse, provided that the system coverage would be expanded and treatment quality would be improved. The plant was later upgraded in 2003-2005 because of some issues such as unacceptable odor emissions, inappropriate management of generated sludge, and shortcomings in the plant?s operation (CONSULAQUA Hamburg, n.d.).  SWSLC commissioned CONSULAQUA Hamburg to carry out a feasibility study on the wastewater treatment plant?s upgrade, effluent reuse, sludge treatment, and odor control. Regarding effluent reuse, several applicable methods were investigated, such as: groundwater recharge, irrigation of agricultural and public areas, use in industrial production, use as greywater in other water networks, applying further treatment for the production of potable water. None of these methods, nevertheless, have been carried out due to cost constraints. Regarding the stabilized sludge, the feasibility study recommended its use as fertilizer for agricultural practices (CONSULAQUA Hamburg, n.d.). No available literature talks about the progress in the abovementioned wastewater reuse methods that were deemed applicable by the feasibility study, however, another study carried out by Al Hamdi (2000) assessed six alternative reuse options based on his approximation of quantity and quality of the wastewater treated by the new plant, which was still in its construction phase. The six scenarios were as follows:  1. Direct irrigation of fodder and cereal crops 	 ? 80 2. Direct irrigation of existing groundwater irrigated cash crop fields 3. Groundwater recharge and recovery for irrigation of existing groundwater irrigated cash crop fields 4. Groundwater recharge and recovery for potable use 5. Municipal irrigation of public areas and green belts 6. Non-potable domestic use The study concluded that the reuse of treated wastewater for groundwater recharge and recovery in order to replace groundwater irrigation of cash crops was the best and most suitable option. 4.1.5 The irrigation system While water supply methods for the gardeners of old Sana?a have been altered and transformed over time, the traditional irrigation system remains unchanged and still in use. Besides this system are modern drainage ones that are associated with the new wells that were created by the gardeners. These are distributed across garden floors, and in some cases, extend across streets depending on where the wells are located (Lenher, 1996). Presumably, less time is taken to irrigate the garden with the modern drainage system. However, the advantages that come with the traditional system, such as controlling the amount of water needed and which areas need to be irrigated are missing. 4.1.6 Water access - time wise In the past, gardeners had a direct, reliable access of water that lasted all day. They were able to irrigate the complete garden areas every four days, and were provided with the privilege of obtaining water up to sixteen times in one month. Due to the intermittent and random water supply that comes from mosques today, the gardeners are capable of watering only sections of their gardens. Therefore, the total amount of time it takes for gardeners to fully irrigate the cultivable land they possess is much longer compared to the past. 	 ? 81 This time issue is also associated with water that comes directly from wells and the public water network. Although relying on the public network and installing electric pumps to wells can fix the water availability dilemma, these solutions remain effective for only short periods of time. On the long run, they eventually turn into financial overloads for the gardeners.  4.1.7 Other factors negatively affecting Sana?a?s water table  Many factors have contributed to the significant reduction in Sana?a?s water table: ? The abrupt population increase ? The introduction of the appliances of a new modern lifestyle, such as washing machines and dishwashers ? The introduction of the qat plant into the Yemeni society Chewing on the leaves of this mild narcotic plant has become a very popular and significant social habit in Yemen as a whole. The practice dates back to a thousand years (World Food Programme [WFP], 2012). Roughly, between 70% and 80% of Yemeni adults chew the leaf, with nearly 15 million person-hours per day spent on chewing it. This usually takes place in the afternoons when work hours are over (WFP, 2012).  The presence of qat in Sana?a is particularly ecologically problematic for the urban garden. Irrigating qat takes up approximately 40% of Sana?a?s water sources (Gattoni, n.d.; WFP, 2012). The plant is the main cause of essential food crops and agricultural exports being replaced. The time duration it takes for the qat plant to grow to its full height of up to 10 feet is around eight years. It is estimated that its production in Yemen amplifies annually by 15%, requiring up to 500 liters of water to make up the daily qat fix for one person. Qat generates high returns that measure up to four times that of fruit, and that is why it has become farmers? crop of preference. Furthermore, the land area used to cultivate it has increased more than twelvefold between 1970 and 2000 (WFP, 2012). The percentage of the total cultivated area in Sana?a is 22.9% with 15% of this area 	 ? 82 being allocated for qat production (F?rch et al., 2009). This indicates that more than half of the capital?s cultivated area is used to grow this plant. This critically affects the urban quarter and its associated garden since a considerable portion of the city?s water supply goes to irrigating the qat, leaving insufficient water supply for the garden?s plants. As time passes, so does the upsurge in the qat plant?s significance while it slowly replaces the urban garden?s dynamic role in providing fruits and vegetables for the quarter.   4.2 FOOD SUPPLY 4.2.1 What is planted today The variety of food types planted in the urban garden in the past was considerably more diverse. Additionally, the number of flowering plants and trees was very much higher. The vast majority of all of these has disappeared today mainly as a result of the substantial drop in the water supply which started in the 1970s. While modernization has affected the way the social-ecological system of the urban garden in relation to its quarter operates and performs, the traditional diet remains intact. The only difference is that the majority of ingredients used to make meals is no longer produced within the urban garden, and is instead imported from other regions throughout Yemen, as well as other countries (Subsection 4.2.3). Presumably if any vegetables are still planted today, then in terms of amounts they would most probably be in the order of leeks, onions, radishes, and lettuce; since in the 1990s they were the primary products of the gardens. Following those were crops that were planted in very few gardens: tomatoes, potatoes, legumes, red peppers, and carrots. Moreover, figs, prickly figs, and palm trees used to constitute the main group of trees growing back then (Lenher, 1996). Seemingly, these crops and trees are not planted anymore. The gardens today produce only a few types of herbs and spices. The most popular type that was planted in the 1990s, but in small quantities, was the Ruta Chalepensis. This is a 	 ? 83 very significant herb in Yemeni culture which has uses such as decorating houses and brides? headdresses, and treating malaria. Parsley, aromatics, and mint leaves were also planted in small measures. Therefore all these herbs and spices are most likely no longer available (Lenher, 1996). In order to use the garden spaces that are available to them in the best possible manner, gardeners have stopped irrigating fruitless trees. Instead, they dedicate their time and effort only to profitable plantings that can be planted and reaped throughout the year, and that take short periods of time to ripen. Also, given that most gardening spaces left today are small due to the low water supply and the transformation of garden lands into deserts, gardeners focus their attention on crops that can be easily replaced. The best vegetable choice for all these conditions is the leek, which became the most dominant and primary food type planted in the 1990s. Leeks and onions are important, basic ingredients in daily traditional Yemeni food. As a result, assuming that they are still planted today, they provide the gardeners with a good source of daily income and hence a fixed and stable revenue throughout the year. Although potatoes and tomatoes are also widely used in Yemeni dishes, cultivable garden areas are not large enough to accommodate them. Hence, food imports coming to old Sana?a make up for these kinds of crop shortages (Lenher, 1996). Minor factors affecting the plant types grown today: Some gardeners plant a certain type of crop by custom, such as the leek, and prefer to abstain from growing any other types. Some other gardeners are discouraged by the fact that selected crop types, such as potatoes, take long to harvest. They resort to planting leeks since they reap quickly and are widely consumed in the old city. A few other gardeners stopped planting certain vegetable and fruit types, such as potatoes, tomatoes, lettuce, peaches, and apricots, because of their susceptibility to diseases (Lenher, 1996).    	 ? 84 4.2.2 Other sources of food In the past, the food marketing system was stable and involved the selling and trading of fruits and vegetables mainly grown in old Sana?a?s exterior gardens, with some also coming from its interior ones (surplus food that was no longer needed by the gardeners? families). Because of this, they had a stable source of income as well as social level. With the disappearance of the exterior gardens and water access, the gardeners started selling their own crops to ensure a source of income. Barter and charity services are no longer practiced as often as the past. Various fresh crops from distant locations, within Yemen and outside, are sold in the old city, almost completely replacing its gardens products (Figure 4.2). The distant locations in Yemen have much more favorable conditions for farming; good water supply and vast areas of fertile land are available. For instance, crops such as onions, tomatoes, potatoes, green pepper, and carrots arrive in big quantities from the city of Ibb and are sold at Bab Al-Sabah (Al-Sabah Gate). Peasants coming from other regions in Yemen camp in their vehicles for days until they?ve sold all their goods (Lenher, 1996).  	 ? 85  Figure 4.2: Old Sana?a?s exterior food supply  4.3 THE SOCIAL SYSTEM The social structure that existed in the past is no longer functioning. Instead, people are classified into social classes based on their incomes, contrary to the past when the causal factor was the bloodline. As such with modernization, professions in Sana?a have transformed and increased, and people are now free to pursue their own careers. However, due to the weak educational backgrounds of the gardeners, many of them have remained with the professions of gardening, incapable of switching to other occupations and heightening their social statuses. Therefore, gardeners are now considered part of the low-income class.   Present Souk Al-Rawda Other cities such as Ibb GARDENER CUSTOMER NEARBY REGIONS FAR CITIES INTERNATIONAL CITIES International locations Interior gardens Vegetable Market 	 ? 86 4.3.1 Gender roles As an outcome of society opening up due to modernization, women today have started assuming job positions. These women are mostly in charge of housework, unless they hire maids for the task. The majority of women however are still confined to housework only. Male and female gardeners still share gardening activities, with the women also doing housework.  4.3.2 Social groups and issues Due to the poor water supply in the city, and the desertification of the gardens, a complex network of issues arose. New inhabitants and pollution: Former inhabitants of old Sana?a who moved to new, more comfortable residential developments in new Sana?a rent the houses they left mainly to people with low income, tradesmen who migrated from the countryside in order to pursue careers in the old city, or emigrants returning from overseas (Lenher, 1996). The tradesmen either buy the full house, rent it, or only rent the ground and first floors. The tower house is of significant convenience to them especially since they use these lower floors as shop spaces and they gain the advantage of living and working in the same building. However, this collective group of novices coming to live in the old city brings forth many shortcomings for the houses and gardens. For instance, the new residents hold no ties, values or appreciation to their new surroundings, and look at the old city merely as a place where they can work and afford a living (Lenher, 1996). They consider the houses and gardens not their own and thus deem it unnecessary to repair the houses, nor conserve them and the gardens. Moreover, the transformation of gardens into barren land has encouraged the new residents to promote pollution and corrosion by using them as disposal sites for non-biodegradable waste (Figure 4.3); the same goes for some wells (Lenher, 1996).  Another issue associated with this matter is that the Capital Secretariat has very weak supervision over what is occurring and doesn?t enforce strict conservation 	 ? 87 rules. Principally, it is their responsibility to clean up trashed areas and prevent pollution from disseminating (Lenher, 1996).    Figure 4.3: An urban garden filled with garbage Marketing: As mentioned earlier in Chapter 3, garden crops were intended for consumption by the gardeners? families with the surplus being sold in the market, however with time and the difficult circumstances of low water supply, gardeners started selling their produce to ensure a good source of income. As a result, the marketing policy has been constantly changing to fit the new conditions (Lenher, 1996).  Income, other professions, and social status:  Several reasons eventually led to the gardeners? incomes not being sufficient, and so they started seeking other occupations (mostly governmental ones). The reasons are listed below (Lenher, 1996): ? Continual changes in the marketing policy. ? They are consistently competing with farmers not from Sana?a, who have superior farming conditions to them and thus have considerably higher chances of selling their products. 	 ? 88 ? The level of production from old Sana?a?s gardens as well as the variety of crops produced have both extensively decreased. This gives way to a substantial upsurge in food imports and thus a higher level of competition with other farmers, granting them with higher chances of selling their products and earning more revenue. ? Gardeners want to improve their social status. The detriment of this however lies in the fact that when some of these gardeners? social and financial conditions elevate, they start abandoning the gardens and disregarding them. Furthermore, gardeners who search for other professions are sometimes unable to qualify for better income ones due to their poor educational background. Consequently, they are left with no other option but to settle for low-income jobs that could further lower their social status. Change in garden?s function: Instead of pursuing other professions, an alternative way by which gardeners make up for their low incomes is by renting the gardens for other purposes e.g. for a construction company that needs an empty space to store its materials (Lenher, 1996). This has become a very easy task for them due to the neglectfulness of the Ministry of Awqaf, which doesn?t enact the necessary prosecutions to prevent such actions from taking place. Illegal use of land: One other matter occurring on garden lands and which raises concern is the illegal construction of houses and other contemporary buildings such as schools, institutional buildings, public facilities, and tourist and commercial developments (Figure 4.4). Many green spaces have perished because of this, and thus the historic urban fabric and pattern have become utterly damaged in some areas (Cities Alliance, 2009). According to waqf regulations, this should not be permitted. The only type of construction allowed is repairment and conservation. Also, according to GOPHCY, only spaces that have been abandoned for long periods of time can be utilized for construction. Gardeners have every right to be part of the decision making process when it comes to all matters concerning the gardens, nevertheless, the Ministry of Awqaf disregards their voice and just acts on their behalf (Lenher, 1996). 	 ? 89    Figure 4.4: A house built illegally in an urban garden filled with garbage Legacy matters: One last issue associated with the garden is the limited garden land areas passed down during inheritance. A great deal of inherited land areas have diminished further and further over time due to the increase in the number of family members. As a result, some families start searching for supplementary garden areas to rent in order to ensure a good source of income (Lenher, 1996). Consequently, gardeners no longer possess enough land space to grow crops and make revenue out of.        	 ? 90 5 THE SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS The social-ecological systems that were modeled based on the water and food flows involved with the urban gardens in the pre-modernization and post modernization periods, as well as the social groups associated with them, provide a clear illustration of the interconnections and relations between the different key stages that take place and the kind of consequences they have on each other. This chapter clearly portrays and expounds them by first explaining the basis on which the critical assessment was carried out, then unwrapping the scenarios for each of the time periods.  5.1 THE BASIC FRAMEWORK  5.1.1 Explanation of the basic framework?s mechanism The framework is divided into two parts; the water management system and the food production and distribution system, with the garden located at the center. This arrangement is based on the natural process that takes place in the garden; water ? the input, feeds it in order to produce food ? the output. The garden was also placed at the center since it played a vital role in uniting social and ecological systems of the quarter and enabling them to function in an intact and co-evolutionary manner. All water and waste flows were directed toward it in order to produce food that supported the quarter.  The components The framework consists of three types of components; the ?social group? (Figure 5.1) which is represented by the rounded rectangle, the ?event? (Figure 5.2) which is represented by the circle, and the ?stress? (Figure 5.3) which is represented by the basic rectangle. If the social group or the event are displayed as dotted, then this implies that within the social-ecological system, the 	 ? 91 social group in question has a weak role and the event in question has disappeared.    Figure 5.1: Social group representations   Figure 5.2: Event representations  Figure 5.3: Stress representation The flows Furthermore, the framework consists of two types of arrows that are symbolic of water and food flows (Figure 5.4). Water flows are denoted by the color blue and food flows by green. If a flow has disappeared within the social-ecological system, then it is represented as a dotted arrow.  SOCIAL GROUP SOCIAL GROUP ? weak role EVENT EVENT DISAPPEARANCE STRESS/FORCE 	 ? 92  Figure 5.4: Flows representations The forces Forces are also represented as arrows, but of a different style (Figure 5.5). Moreover, they can be either positive, in which case they are denoted by the color green and called ?positive forces?, or negative, in which case they are denoted by the color red and called ?stresses?.  Figure 5.5: Positive force/negative stress representations The basic explanatory framework The framework (Figure 5.6) is read starting from the far left of the water section, and moving right toward the end of the food section. It includes two layers; the first contains the key stages while the subsequent one contains the social groups.  The thicknesses of the ?flow? arrows vary throughout and signify an estimation of the amount of water or food flowing from one event to the next. Hence as the thickness increases or decreases, so does the amount of water or food. Moreover, this results in the same concept being utilized for the size of the ecological event; as the size increases or decreases, so does the amount of water or food being transported.  The water and food systems operate with the system of social groups that are involved in each key stage. The social groups are characterized as territories of WATER FLOW FOOD FLOW WATER/FOOD FLOW DISAPPEARANCE POSITIVE FORCE NEGATIVE STRESS 	 ? 93 responsibility or action embracing the flows and subsequent ecological consequences.   Figure 5.6: Basic explanatory framework   5.2 THE SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM OF THE PAST  5.2.1 The social-ecological system of the quarter The social-ecological system for Sana?a?s urban quarter and its associated garden during the pre-modernization period is displayed in Figure 5.7.  THE WATER FLOWS The Key Stages As illustrated, water first passed through three distinct places before reaching the urban garden: the mosque, the sabeel, and the house. The water flow to and from the mosque possesses the same thickness since this water was intended only for ablution. The water flow entering the sabeel is greater than the flow leaving it and entering the house since this water was placed there to serve Explanatory text Event title Explanatory text Event title Explanatory text Explanatory text Explanatory text Event title Event title Explanatory text Explanatory text Explanatory text Event title Event title Explanatory text Event title Explanatory text Explanatory text Event title INTERIOR GARDEN WATER FOOD Explanatory text 	 ? 94 passersby and occupants of houses that didn?t possess their own wells. The water flow leaving the house is smaller in quantity since it symbolizes greywater generated from the house that was subsequently directed to the ground through the house?s vertical drain on the exterior wall. This indirectly benefited the garden by raising the water table. The gardeners were all involved with transporting water from the al-masna well to the sabeel and mosque, while the quarter inhabitants obtained their own water from the al-manza?a well. The waqf foundation had a solid responsibility of overlooking all these flows and thus ensuring that all parties were rewarded their fair share of water and that water sources were looked after and sustained. THE FOOD FLOWS The Key Stages Due to the abundant supply of food that the urban garden provisioned for its quarter, the food flow was sufficient for the gardeners? families. Surplus food is sent to the market, explaining the lower food flow. The market also received an ample supply of food from two other sources: the exterior gardens of old Sana?a, and other villages. As a result, the food flow from the market to all inhabitants of old Sana?a was high and plentiful.  The stresses  A number of stresses influenced and contributed to the social-ecological system positively. First, the marketing policy was stable; this allowed for balanced marketing activities between the gardeners of old Sana?a and other villages. Accordingly, gardeners owned a stable and sufficient income, hence a stable social level, satisfaction with their conditions, and finally proper tending and care for the garden. By this, the urban garden always played a significant role in providing a constant and sufficient supply of food for old Sana?a?s inhabitants. Moreover, the urban garden was positively influenced by three sources:  	 ? 95 1. Human and livestock waste, land regulations, and legacy matters. First of all, its source of fertilizer was generated within the quarter from its inhabitants? and livestock?s biodegradable waste, the only type of waste that existed.  2. The waqf foundation strictly monitored the land use of the garden, ensuring that it only be used for gardening activities, and that the gardeners? voice was at all times heard and given proper attention (Lenher, 1996). This led to the garden continuously serving as a reliable source of food for the quarter.  3. Since the population was growing at a stable rate, and the average family size was consistent, there was always enough room for the land to be divided amongst family members during inheritance. The population numbers can be found on the framework. Spatial framing Figure 5.8 provides an illustration of the spatial bounds within the social-ecological system so as to deliver a context and clearer understanding of where the key stages took place and the social groups interacted. All water flows were contained within the quarter, whereas the food flows crossed three spatial bounds: from the quarter, the exterior gardens of old Sana?a, and the villages and cities, to the market in old Sana?a.	 ? 96  Figure 5.7: Old Sana?a?s social-ecological system ? pre-modernization  Wide variety of fruits and vegetables 1. Gardeners carried wastewater to garden Access to well from ground and some upper floors ? for inhabitants and livestock Mosque House wells Water for passersby, animals, and houses that didn?t have wells Groundwater was extracted and carried from wells 2. Wastewater travels through underground channels to garden Fruits and vegetables from exterior gardens Fruits and vegetables from other villages Exterior gardens  of O.S. Villages Wastewater sent to garden Legacy Matters Income Social Status Food sold and traded in market at city gates ? stable policy Food for inhabitants of O.S. Water emptied into basin inside Water emptied into ablution pools Garden & Regulations City wells Stable and sufficient income for gardeners Stable social level Garden & Care Cared for garden Market O.S. Dried fruit and surplus food Produce Land enough for division for inheritance Wastewater distributed via open channels Garden & Waste Stable marketing policy Marketing policy INTERIOR GARDEN Gardeners from O.S. Quarter inhabitants Gardeners not from O.S. Old Sana?a inhabitants Food from interior garden Water Waqf (Administrative Council) Food from O.S. exterior gardens Food from other villages Food for O.S. BANI ?L-KHUMS RESIDENTS ECOLOGICAL ELEMENTS  SAYYIDS & QADIS In case of house well absence ? sabeel supplies house with water Sabeel Population ~ 50,000 (estimate) Human and livestock excreta sent to garden (biodegradable waste) Land protected ? used only for gardening 	 ? 97  Figure 5.8: Old Sana?a?s social-ecological system ? spatial boundaries ? pre-modernization  Wide variety of fruits and vegetables Mosque House wells Groundwater was extracted and carried from wells Fruits and vegetables from other villages Exterior gardens  of O.S. Villages Legacy Matters Income Social Status Water emptied into basin inside Water emptied into ablution pools Garden & Regulations Wells Stable and sufficient income for gardeners Stable social level Garden & Care Cared for garden Market O.S. Dried fruit and surplus food Produce Land protected ? used only for gardening Land enough for division for inheritance Garden & Waste Stable marketing policy Marketing policy INTERIOR GARDEN Quarter O.S. exterior gardens Other villages Old Sana?a Wastewater distributed via open channels Human and livestock excreta sent to garden (biodegradable waste) In case of house well absence ? sabeel supplies house with water 1. Gardeners carried wastewater to garden Water for passersby, animals, and houses that didn?t have wells 2. Wastewater travels through underground channels to garden Food sold and traded in market at city gates ? stable policy Food for inhabitants of O.S. Fruits and vegetables from exterior gardens Wastewater sent to garden Access to well from ground and some upper floors ? for inhabitants and livestock Sabeel Population ~ 50,000 (estimate) 	 ? 98 5.2.2 The social-ecological system of the house The ?house? component was selected and studied at a more detailed level in the water section so as to understand the kind of activities that took place there, the types of output that were generated, and how they all reached the urban garden (Figure 5.9). This was done in order to get a richer understanding of the house?s connection and contribution to the urban garden through the water and sewage systems. Examining the house more closely also offers a better perception of how gender roles assisted the water and waste systems, and how all these factors could have transformed as a result of modernization. THE WATER AND WASTE SECTION The ecological events In a typical house, the water flowed from the al-manza?a well to benefit three primary uses: drinking water, kitchen water for cooking and cleaning, and bathroom water for cleaning. From the kitchen, the same amount of water that entered flowed on to the garden as greywater used for irrigation. This also applied for greywater generated in the bathroom. Blackwater flow, on the other hand, took a different route to the urban garden. The solid waste was collected and taken to the public baths for heating, while liquid waste was transported, through the tower house's architectural design, to either an underground 'French' drain where it was discharged into the soil, or to a cesspit. Ash formed from the heating process in the public bath was added to the livestock?s dung, signifying an abundant amount of fertilizer produced within the quarter and used for its garden. The social groups involved in the ?house? component are its residents and the akhdam, who are responsible for keeping the blackwater (solid waste) flows running from the house to the public bath, and finally to the garden. The gender roles start emerging in the kitchen and the dry excrements compartment. The women of the house were in charge of cooking, preparing meals, and serving guests, while the men were based in the rest of the city for all outdoor activities. 	 ? 99 The akhdam who cleaned out the excrement compartment were men, since this was one of the city?s cleaning jobs. As for the gardeners, both men and women carried out gardening activities. As in the case of the entire water section of the social-ecological system, the waqf foundation is responsible for overlooking and maintaining all flows and activities within the house?s water section.  SPATIAL FRAMING All water flows crossed over the house?s border and travelled to the garden. Blackwater flows (solid waste) were first directed to the public bath, which could be within the same quarter or a neighboring one, before being conducted to the garden (Figure 5.9).  	 ? 100  Figure 5.9: Old Sana?a?s house?s social-ecological system ? water & waste flows (left), spatial boundaries (right)  ? pre-modernization  Greywater Greywater Access to well from ground and some upper floors Drinking water for inhabitants & livestock House wells Water for cooking and cleaning Water for toilet, cleaning and showering Kitchen Bathroom Drinking water THE SPATIAL FRAMING Greywater and human/animal excreta sent to garden INTERIOR GARDEN Urine sent to underground French drain or cesspit Solid waste drops through shaft to container Nightsoil container Public Bath Ash added to animal dung ? fertilizer for garden Waste collected and used as fuel tor public bath hypocausts Greywater Greywater Access to well from ground and some upper floors Drinking water for inhabitants & livestock House wells Water for cooking and cleaning Water for toilet, cleaning and showering Kitchen Bathroom Drinking water House inhabitants Water Waqf (Administrative Council) RESIDENTS ECOLOGICAL ELEMENTS  SAYYIDS & QADIS Akhdam THE SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM Greywater and human/animal excreta sent to garden INTERIOR GARDEN Urine sent to underground French drain or cesspit Solid waste drops through shaft to container Nightsoil container Waste collected and used as fuel tor public bath hypocausts Public Bath Ash added to animal dung ? fertilizer for garden Another quarter House Quarter Waste 	 ? 101 5.3 THE SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL SYSTEM OF THE PRESENT 5.3.1 The social-ecological system of the quarter After connecting between the social groups and ecological events that led to the complex network of issues associated with old Sana?a?s urban garden today, and the consequences the different events have on each other, a social-ecological system expounding all this was modeled (Figure 5.10). THE WATER FLOWS The Key Stages As demonstrated in the framework, the traditional water paths have shifted and their end-use has transformed a great deal ? the urban garden no longer receives adequate amounts of water to keep it alive.  Public water network ? The water flow arriving from the public water network to the house is very high, and eventually reaches the sewerage. Furthermore, there exists a water path that is received by a small group of gardeners and which proceeds to the urban garden yet with a lower flow due to the high cost of obtaining it. Old al-masna wells ? Another water path starts from old al-masna wells that are positioned inside gardens and takes one of either two courses: it stops at the mosque then travels to the garden, or it extends to the garden directly. The water supply at the beginning is plenty, nevertheless, with time it becomes difficult to maintain this method due to the high costs gardeners are required to pay for installing electric pumps and maintaining them with time. As a result, the water flow arriving at the garden is very weak and thus can?t support it. The sabeel no longer assumes a role within the social-ecological system of the quarter. Ministry of Awqaf wells ? The water flow received by the mosque from the new central wells that were dug by the waqf foundation is not very high due to the 	 ? 102 ministry not upholding its duty of providing enough water. Furthermore, the wastewater that is produced from the mosque is sent to the sewerage. Consequently, gardeners have critically limited water to irrigate the garden. New wells by gardeners ? Similar to the case of the old al-masna wells, the water flow running to the garden is very low since these wells are capable of providing only meager amounts of water to none. The Ministry of Awqaf has very weak supervision over what?s occurring in the case of all old and new wells, and sabeels ? it doesn?t ensure the delivery of proper and ample water supply to the gardeners of the quarter.   Stresses Many stresses started appearing in the social-ecological system of the present, as opposed to the past when there were only positive forces. In the water section, the stresses are: heavy water consumption in Sana?a due to new technology, excessive plantation of the qat leaf over which the Capital Secretariat has lacked sufficient monitoring, and the sudden upsurge in the city?s population. THE FOOD FLOWS The Key Stages Garden produce and food imports ? An outcome of the garden receiving very little water to none is that land areas have transformed into barren desert and the food yielded is very small in quantity and variety, thus generating a very low and weak flow of food from the garden to the market. Consequently, food imports have taken up considerable significance, creating a high flow of food to the market, and mainly supporting the whole old city.  A critical stage that went missing is the disappearance of all exterior gardens that once supported the old city.  	 ? 103 Stresses The majority of stresses that have appeared in the post modernization social-ecological system are located in the food section.  Marketing and income ? Due to the garden supplying meager produce, this leads to a substantial increase in the number of food imports arriving to old Sana?a as well as constant changes in the marketing policy, thus a high level of competition between local and foreign farmers, with the local ones eventually being unable to keep up due to their weak produce. This in turn induces a great decrease in local farmers? incomes.  Garden?s function ? As a result, some gardeners start renting the garden land for other purposes (the Ministry of Awqaf shouldn?t be permitting this) or searching for other careers. Another stress that leads to this is that they yearn to improve their social status. The occupation search eventually leads to two negative end results: their social status lowers even further, or they stop tending to the garden. Illegal use of land ? Three stresses that have damagingly impacted the garden are first of all, illegal building in the gardens; the Ministry of Awqaf is abstaining from monitoring these actions and giving gardeners their right to object against them. Second of all, due to family sizes becoming larger, inadequate spaces of land make its division amongst members difficult during inheritance. Third of all, new inhabitants of the old city fail to offer the house and garden the proper care they need, thus leading to an immense increase in non-biodegradable waste that fills up the garden lands. The Capital Secretariat doesn?t fulfill its obligation of preventing this from happening and keeping the gardens clean and free of harmful waste. 	 ?	 ? 104  Figure 5.10: Old Sana?a?s social-ecological system ? post-modernization  Gardeners Gardeners pay for pumps and their maintenance New wells by waqf New wells by gardeners Wastewater discharged to sewerage instead of garden Drastic decrease in water table  ! 6-8 m annually ! scarce water  - Average pumped amount over last 30 years: 82 x 106 m3/y (2003)  - Average recharge for same period: 66 x 106 m3/y (2003)  - Cultivated area: 22.9% of total area Qat production: 15% of cultivated area  *Well depths source: Water and Environment Center, 2004 3 wells supply water to mosques Depths 100-400 m Small no. of gardeners use this water due to high cost Water extracted from wells and supplied to city  ~43% of population 13 500 000 m3/y (1998) Population Water Usage New Crop Public Water Network - City Garden & Waste - Pollution Garden & Inhabitants High level of competition with farmers not from O.S. O.S. Food for inhabitants of O.S. (mostly imported) Food imports increased (other villages, cities) Imports Produce Swift population growth over short time 55,000 in 70s !!2,000,000 today Non-biodegradable waste is thrown (also into wells) Legacy and increase in # of children ? land not enough to be divided Legacy Issues Sewerage House wells no longer used 31 295?32 145 m3/d House Dug in new places, supply limited water/none Depths 100- 400 m  Want to improve social status O.S. inhabitants move out ? newcomers don?t look after garden All exterior gardens removed Exterior gardens  of O.S. Small planted areas/desert Markets INTERIOR GARDEN Level of production greatly decreased ? no variety Gardeners pay for pumps and their maintenance Low income for gardeners Gardeners search for other jobs (government) Professions Social Status Very low income jobs? social status decreases further Stop caring for garden Marketing policy changes Marketing LOW INCOME SOCIETY MEMBERS Gardeners from O.S. Quarter inhabitants Gardeners not from O.S. Old Sana?a inhabitants Capital Secretariat RESIDENTS ECOLOGICAL ELEMENTS  New Sana?a inhabitants HIGH INCOME SOCIETY MEMBERS Sana?a Local Corporation For Water Supply & Sanitation Waqf (Administrative Council) Food from interior garden Water Food from other villages Food for O.S. Social Status Garden & Care Income Mosque Limited water supply - gardeners pay for water Mosque Sabil Water emptied into basin inside Old Wells (inside garden) Water supplied to mosque ? assume carried Dug into further, electric water pumps installed, considered private *Depths 100-400 m Water usage greatly increased - consumption: 32,945-33,835 m3/day Excessive qat plantation ? very significant to inhabitants ? 40% of water supply Illegal building in gardens ? gardeners have no say Garden & Regulations Rent garden for other purposes Use/Function 	 ? 105 SPATIAL FRAMING The Water Flows As demonstrated in Figure 5.11, the water flows of the social-ecological system crossed over two new regions besides the quarter: old Sana?a and new Sana?a. Flows in the past were contained within the quarter, however, due to the quarter no longer being able to support itself water-wise, the gardeners have resorted to digging new wells throughout the city. The Ministry of Awqaf introduced the three new central wells with the purpose of serving mosques throughout the old city and that are not associated with the quarter. Furthermore, the public water network provides the old city with water from well fields located in new Sana?a. All wastewater produced is sent to the sewerage which is connected to the new city. Another significant aspect of the spatial framing for the water flows is that the key stage of the public water network, which takes up a role of great importance, is located in new Sana?a. This shows that the quarter has become mainly dependent on new Sana?a for its water supply. Moreover, all stresses that negatively impact the water section are originally located in new Sana?a, indicating how detrimentally new Sana?a is affecting the role of the quarter in being able to rely on its own water sources. The Food Flows As for the food flows, food imports arriving from other villages and cities have taken up a drastically powerful role within old Sana?a and provide the main food support for its market, instead of the produce that normally originated from the urban garden. This also indicates how heavily reliant the quarter, and thus the old city, have become on exterior food sources, as opposed to the past when they were independent. All stresses are located within the quarter and affecting the gardeners? social group, except for the marketing policy, which influences business between local and foreign gardeners in Sana?a?s central market. 	 ? 106 Exterior gardens, which were once counted as part of old Sana?a, have now vanished and transformed into an area for buildings and streets in new Sana?a. 	 ? 107  Figure 5.11: Old Sana?a?s social-ecological system?s spatial boundaries ? post-modernization  Gardeners New wells by waqf Old Wells (inside garden) Mosque Mosque Population Water Usage New Crop Public Water Network - City Garden & Waste - Pollution Garden & Inhabitants Marketing O.S. Use/Function Professions Social Status Income Social Status Garden & Care Imports Produce Legacy Issues Garden & Regulations Sewerage Sabil House Exterior gardens  of O.S. Markets INTERIOR GARDEN Quarter New Sana?a Other villages, cities Old Sana?a Drastic decrease in water table  ! 6-8 m annually ! scarce water  - Average pumped amount over last 30 years: 82 x 106 m3/y (2003)  - Average recharge for same period: 66 x 106 m3/y (2003)  - Cultivated area: 22.9% of total area Qat production: 15% of cultivated area  *Well depths source: Water and Environment Center, 2004 New wells by gardeners Wastewater discharged to sewerage instead of garden 3 wells supply water to mosques Depths 100-400 m Water extracted from wells and supplied to city  ~43% of population 13 500 000 m3/y (1998) Swift population growth over short time 55,000 in 70s !!2,000,000 today House wells no longer used 31 295?32 145 m3/d Dug in new places, supply limited water/none Depths 100- 400 m  Limited water supply - gardeners pay for water Water emptied into basin inside Water supplied to mosque ? assume carried Dug into further, electric water pumps installed, considered private Depths 100-400 m Water usage greatly increased - consumption: 32,945-33,835 m3/day Excessive qat plantation ? very significant to inhabitants ? 40% of water supply Small no. of gardeners use this water due to high cost Gardeners pay for pumps and their maintenance Gardeners pay for pumps and their maintenance High level of competition with farmers not from O.S. Food for inhabitants of O.S. (mostly imported) Food imports increased (other villages, cities) Non-biodegradable waste is thrown (also into wells) Legacy and increase in # of children ? land not enough to be divided Want to improve social status O.S. inhabitants move out ? newcomers don?t look after garden All exterior gardens removed Level of production greatly decreased ? no variety Low income for gardeners Gardeners search for other jobs (government) Very low income jobs? social status decreases further Stop caring for garden Marketing policy changes Illegal building in gardens ? gardeners have no say Rent garden for other purposes Small planted areas/desert 	 ?	 ? 108 5.3.2 The social-ecological system of the house THE WATER AND WASTE FLOWS The Key Stages As demonstrated in Figure 5.12, water today flows exceedingly from the public water network?s well fields instead of the al-manza?a well to serve the kitchen and bathroom. The equivalent amount of water flows out of these services and heads to the sewerage instead of the garden. This also applies for the human waste discharged from the bathroom, indicating the weakened supervision from the Ministry of Awqaf. The gender roles can only be seen in the kitchen and garden areas. The women of the house are still in charge of cooking, preparing meals, and serving guests, while the men are based in the rest of the city for all other jobs. Male and female gardeners are still involved in gardening tasks. Due to modernization and the installation of piped water, the traditional sewage system has disappeared and as a result, dried human excreta are sent to the modern sewerage system. This signifies the dereliction of responsibility from the Ministry of Awqaf, which no longer ensures that human waste benefits the public bath and thenceforth garden. The public bath today uses diesel and car tires as fuel for its hot rooms. Drinking water flows fairly high from the filtration stations to the supermarkets that could be located in old or new Sana?a, and subsequently to the house. Or it could flow directly from the stations to the house. Nevertheless, the role of some private businesses is substandard and deficient for failing to provide clean and safe water (in the 5 and 10 L containers) for its customers.  SPATIAL FRAMING All water flows arrive from new Sana?a, pass through the house, before returning back to new Sana?a through the sewerage (Figure 5.13). Furthermore, all waste flows traverse the house in the quarter, and directly enter the sewerage which is connected to new Sana?a. Drinking water is first extracted and treated in new Sana?a, then sold at the supermarket which could be either in new or old Sana?a, before it reaches the house. The house?s social-ecological system for the 	 ?	 ? 109 present illustrates more clearly the extent to which the house and thus quarter have become dependent on new Sana?a for their water supply. Moreover, it depicts how dominant new Sana?a has become over the quarter and how the urban garden has developed to become insignificant within the quarter; it no longer has any relationship with the house or the public bath. 	 ? 110  Figure 5.12: Old Sana?a?s house?s social-ecological system ? water and waste flows ? post-modernization  Water for cooking and cleaning Kitchen Water for toilets, sinks, cleaning and showers Bathroom Sewerage Greywater and human excreta sent to sewerage House inhabitants RESIDENTS HIGH INCOME SOCIETY MEMBERS Sana?a Local Corporation For Water Supply & Sanitation Waqf (Administrative Council) Private businesses Water extracted from wells and supplied to city  ~43% of population 13 500 000 m3/y (1998) Public Water Network - City House wells no longer used ? public network water House wells INTERIOR GARDEN Nightsoil container no longer used - sewerage Nightsoil container Public Bath Waste no longer collected and used as fuel tor public bath hypocausts ? diesel and car tires used instead No household waste reaches garden Water extracted from wells and supplied to filtration stations (to fill 5 and 10 L containers) Filtration Stations Plastic water bottles and water in 5 and 10 L containers are sold Supermarkets ECOLOGICAL ELEMENTS  Water Waste Filtration Stations Water extracted from wells and supplied to filtration stations (to fill plastic water bottles) Water bought from supermarkets Drinking water 	 ? 111  Figure 5.13: Old Sana?a?s house?s social-ecological system ? spatial boundaries ? post-modernization  Kitchen Bathroom Public Water Network - City House wells INTERIOR GARDEN Nightsoil container Public Bath Another quarter House Quarter New Sana?a Old Sana?a Sewerage Filtration Stations Supermarkets Drinking water Filtration Stations Water for cooking and cleaning Water for toilets, sinks, cleaning and showers Greywater and human excreta sent to sewerage Water extracted from wells and supplied to city  ~43% of population 13 500 000 m3/y (1998) House wells no longer used ? public network water Nightsoil container no longer used - sewerage Waste no longer collected and used as fuel tor public bath hypocausts ? diesel and car tires used instead No household waste reaches garden Water extracted from wells and supplied to filtration stations (to fill 5 and 10 L containers) Plastic water bottles and water in 5 and 10 L containers are sold Water extracted from wells and supplied to filtration stations (to fill plastic water bottles) Water bought from supermarkets 	 ?	 ? 112 5.4 CONCLUDING THOUGHTS As illustrated in the social-ecological system of old Sana?a?s urban gardens during the pre-modernization stage, water flows were contained within the quarters and were sufficient to irrigate the gardens. The extraction and use of water was done responsibly as there was a greater sense of saving water and limiting its use based solely on day-to-day needs. Any excess water, as in the case of wastewater, was used for the welfare of the garden. Furthermore, rainwater was channeled into the gardens, and so runoff from the streets was eliminated. This helped in preventing the build-up of water adjacent to the houses, and thus their damage (Lenher, 1996).  The urban garden assumed a very significant and vital role within the life of the quarters. It acted as a visual center for activity and family recreation and thus was central in keeping the social-ecological system functioning in a smooth and stable manner. It promoted wellbeing and healthy interaction between water and food systems, and the people of the quarter, enabling both human and natural systems to benefit one another and co-evolve. Moreover, the overall welfare that the gardens delivered to the quarters? communities was not entirely contained within them. The gardens helped support life within the old city as a whole; they were proficient in producing adequate food for the gardeners? families while at the same time, provisioning the needy and the central market of the old city, where all food was exchanged. In return, the gardens received their source of nutrients from the waste of the inhabitants and livestock of the quarters. The abrupt and hurried uncontrolled changes that Sana?a experienced as it was attempting to progress and modernize have destructively affected the social-ecological system of the urban gardens in relation to their quarters to a great degree. As seen in the post modernization time stage, numerous changes and transformations took place. With the birth of the new city and the creation of ties between it and old Sana?a, it appears that as modernization progresses, so does the deterioration of the essential social-ecological role that the urban garden once held in the past. 	 ?	 ? 113 Up until the 1970s, the aristocratic groups highly regarded and respected the waqf foundation, considering it a precious resource crucial for the good operation and development of the city. They were very assiduous and diligent in handling all waqf affairs, continually acknowledging the important role it had in keeping the city alive and flourishing. The absence of the strict supervision and monitoring of the authoritative social groups plays an immense role in the deterioration of the urban garden?s social-ecological system. There is no monitoring whatsoever over the distribution of water to the inhabitants, and thus unjust and pricey portions of water are being delivered to the gardeners. The same goes for the plantation of the qat leaf; deficient supervision from the Capital Secretariat over the amount of water used to irrigate this plant, which takes up nearly half of the capital?s water supply, leads to inadequate qunatities of water left to irrigate the urban garden, which could instead yield crops of much richer nutritional value. Furthermore, all wastewater generated in the quarter is discarded instead of reusing it for the garden?s welfare, as in the past. Gardeners never lost their will to care for the garden, however, due to the poor water services they are offered, they have no option but to disregard and abandon the garden to look for other means of making a living. The absence of proper undertakings and actions from the aristocratic groups also resulted in the garden lands being constantly mishandled and utilized for other purposes, which creates more difficulty for gardeners attempting to make use of the land and cultivating it, even if they are able to obtain water from reliable sources. As a group, they are constantly marginalized and treated as insignificant, when in the past, the strong relationship between them and the Administrative Council is what led to a vivacious, healthy and properly operating independent urban garden, and in return, city. In conclusion, the urban garden was once the key independent living building block of the whole city?s social-ecological system, completely relying on itself in terms of attaining and managing its own water use, to producing food for the gardeners? families while simultaneously supporting the rest of the city?s occupants through the market. It collaborated with other quarters, the exterior gardens of the old city, and 	 ?	 ? 114 other villages within Yemen to make this system capable of creating and sustaining an autonomously healthy, vivacious, and intact community. With the introduction of modern water appliances and the sudden escalation in the population, people have lost their sense of valuing water, saving it and reusing it. This has worsened due to exceedingly poor supervision from the authoritative bodies. The old city has become profoundly reliant on the new city for its water, which heavily exploits its groundwater sources, and on the rest of Yemen as well as other countries for its food supply. The central, vital, and focal role the urban garden once held now converted to a marginal, peripheral and minor one. The focus instead diverted to resources exterior to old and new Sana?a, and as a consequence of the poor introduction and handling of modernization and progression in Sana?a, this led to the gradual destruction and degeneration of the garden?s social-ecological system.              	 ?	 ? 115 6 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 6.1 CONCLUSIONS  Revisiting the aim of this thesis, exploring the role of social-ecological systems within the built environment and choosing to do so in a culture highly distinctive to North America?s presented some very valuable insights. Furthermore, focusing on a narrowed down area of regenerative design, which is the notion of social-ecological systems, helped create a thorough and informative view on what is occurring in the urban quarters of old Sana?a and their accompanying gardens, the specific roles that players in the human and natural systems play, and how they altogether interconnected and influential on one another. 6.1.1 Social-ecological systems in a different culture While regenerative design offers a set of values and concepts that are globally shared, some are specifically inherent to a certain place and can immensely affect the overall design approach. Examining the notion of social-ecological systems within another culture revealed some significant and noteworthy aspects of the urban garden in relation to its quarter. The vital roles that these aspects played in old Sana?a signifies how critical it is to take the notion of culture into consideration when designing with a regenerative approach, since by doing so, certain social and ecological attributes unique to a certain place and its community are revealed: a) Religion: Choosing to investigate social-ecological systems in Sana?a?s culture uncovered a whole city that operated on the basis of a significant form of religious charitable donation. Revisiting Chapters 3 and 4, the waqf foundation played a vital and central role in keeping the urban garden?s social-ecological system vigorous and running. It was because of this foundation that there were many water sources available within the city and in a proper sustained condition all the time. It was also due to this foundation that gardeners had protected land (that was donated) to cultivate and to 	 ?	 ? 116 rely on for food while simultaneously supporting the old city?s central market. As the role of the waqf foundation began to weaken further with time, so did the condition and role of the garden within its quarter and thus city, until it reached a state of utter destruction and deterioration.  b) Quarter design: Certain noteworthy performance features of some of the quarter?s components in the past were revealed:  i. How the waste transfer system between the house, public bath and garden was designed. ii. How the water supply system in the city, houses and gardens were designed. iii. How different jobs within the social-ecological system were assigned to different genders and different social classes. iv. How the urban garden played an important role in supporting the central market of the city, which acted as a significant hub in Yemen for food selling and exchange. 6.1.2 Social-ecological systems in the built environment The urban quarter of old Sana?a and its connected garden was a good selection for exploring the notion of social-ecological systems within the built environment since it consists of a garden that provided food to inhabitants, a group of buildings surrounding it that provided it with nourishment, a mosque that supplied it with water, and at times, a public bath which was heated by the inhabitants? excreta and subsequently offered its resulting ash as fertilizer for the garden. Several social and ecological elements exist within this multifaceted system, and that are essential for its successful operation. Inspecting the urban quarter and its linked garden over the pre-modernization and post-modernization periods allowed for a beneficial and evident temporal and spatial understanding of the different interrelationships between the ecological elements, the garden, and the social groups. It revealed that one malfunction in a certain part of the system can immensely threaten its overall stability and function, 	 ?	 ? 117 for instance, the rapid drop in the water table and thus the shortage in water supply for the garden. The same goes for a failure in one of the social or ecological roles, such as the case of the waqf foundation. The urban garden?s social-ecological system also exposed how the authoritative groups possess a large role with regards to its health. Besides the waqf foundation, new groups that assume control of certain aspects within the system started emerging with modernization, such as the Capital Secretariat and local corporations for water supply. The failure of these groups to properly overlook water supply and garden rights led to substantial negative impacts on the gardens. As can be seen from the frameworks, when certain breakdowns in the system occur, they eventually lead to a chain of negative reactions. For instance, when the marketing policy changes due to the uniformity in garden produce, gardeners experience high levels of competition with other farmers, which then results in low incomes and ultimately at the end of the chain, no care for the garden. Furthermore, the frameworks revealed how much spatial boundaries can profoundly affect and influence the way in which a social-ecological system operates. With the appearance of new Sana?a, a supplementary source of water appeared for the garden quarter almost completely replacing its original supply from the wells, which is the public water network. The spatial boundaries also disclosed how food coming from outside Sana?a has wholly superseded the garden?s produce. In brief, the frameworks display that with time, the quarter and thus old Sana?a have become increasingly reliant on services located in exterior regions and that are capable of overtaking and deteriorating the garden?s original function.  6.2 LESSONS LEARNED  The notion of culture within regenerative design literature has not been explored thoroughly enough. When examining the social-ecological system of a housing cluster in old Sana?a, it was discovered that the role it plays there is very major and 	 ?	 ? 118 influential. It was effective and vital for understanding the social-ecological system of the urban garden in relation to its quarter.  By examining the social-ecological system within the built environment and at the small scale of the urban quarter and its associated garden, a great deal was learned regarding the interrelationships and interconnectedness between the different human and natural players within the system, across both time and space. Doing so over two time frames has revealed invaluable insights on how roles have interchanged and took up more or less significance. It evidently exposed which sections of the social-ecological system started breaking down first, and where the issues at any point are coming from; all due to viewing the urban quarter and its garden as one interconnected system.  In the case of Sana?a, the absence of proper supervision from the authoritative bodies is what caused the social-ecological system to collapse. In the past, the relationship between the waqf foundation and the gardeners was much more robust and close-knitted, which in turn led to an adequate supply of water and food. Once this relationship began to disappear, so has the garden, its central role within the quarter, and the roles of the houses, mosque and public bath. The same applies for the vital roles that the gardeners and inhabitants played. Moreover, inspecting the social-ecological system of the urban garden across both time frames uncovered the fact that it acted as a building block of old Sana?a as a whole, working together with other similar quarters and giving the old city its identity of a healthy, vivacious one. Furthermore, that it is a small complex system nested within larger ones, altogether being interlinked.  6.3 LIMITATIONS AND FURTHER RESEARCH  One of the restrictions faced during the course of this research was the lack of published information regarding old Sana?a and the way of life in both the past and present. 	 ?	 ? 119 Furthermore, due to time constraints and the lack of material available on the subject, certain pieces of information that were regarded as important for the thesis appeared after the trip to Sana?a. For instance, the precise amounts of water and food flows in the frameworks, which were estimated instead. For future research, including these into the diagrams for both time frames will provide an improved evident feel of how much water is being pumped into and transported within the quarter, how much arrives from within the old city, as well as the amount of food being brought in from external sources and how much is produced from the urban garden. Additionally, including a more detailed comparison of food types that existed in the past and today, as well as precise dates of when certain elements started transforming or disappearing, obtaining the exact number of operating gardens and wells and comparing them with their states in the past, can all provide a more clear and insightful understanding of the changing nature of the social-ecological system over time and space.  Moreover, due to time limitations as well, the thesis was able to focus only on the social-ecological system of the urban garden in relation to its quarter. When researching further on this matter, the spatial bounds can expand to include other quarters within old Sana?a and how they all interrelate and interact with one another as one social-ecological system on the old city level across distinctive time stages as well. One other suggestion could be to inspect the social-ecological system of a housing cluster in one of new Sana?a?s housing developments ? so as to address the problems associated with new housing, compare it with that of old Sana?a?s and infer how they can positively influence one another. The same can be applied for an entire housing development; comparing its social-ecological system with that pertaining to the old city and deducing how they can positively impact one another.     	 ?	 ? 120 6.4 RESEARCH APPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS This thesis, first of all, provides a new perspective along with valuable insights regarding the notion of culture and its role within the regenerative design movement. Thus within the school of regenerative design, there is a need to delve further into this matter and comprehend how deeply the culture of a place is rooted within it, and consequently, the extent to which it can affect a regenerative building project. The thesis also stimulates the need to focus more on the concept of social-ecological systems within the built environment. Examining the social-ecological system of the housing quarter in old Sana?a has helped a great deal in understanding how the system and thus quarter and city were healthy, it helped identify significant factors and players that contributed to the mechanism of the system.  In the case of Sana?a, understanding the changes that befell the social-ecological system as a result of modernization, as well as its original state, can help identify crucial strategies to restore what was lost by referring to the kind of interrelationships and connections that existed in the system in the past and applying them in a way that would fit with present-day technology. This will not only assist in restoring the environmental damage, but also help the inhabitants of the old city to continue living the traditional life they?ve always been accustomed to, and which would be congruent with the modern era. Furthermore, it will aid in inviting other inhabitants as well by creating a harmonious, vibrant, revitalized city that is operating based on the principles and relationships of the past. As advocated by regenerative design, solutions should be created by individuals from all types of disciplines, such as gardeners, mosque and public bath attendants and quarter inhabitants, not just architects and urban planners. Since the sense of community in the past and until today is powerful and robust, there is a potential for high success in community dialogue and intervention, and the creation of solutions together that would benefit all. 	 ?	 ? 121 As such, the following recommendations for improving the state of old Sana?a?s urban quarters and their linked gardens and facilitating the traditional way of life for its original inhabitants and newcomers to the city are proposed: a) Reinforcement of authority: The role of the waqf foundation needs to be reinstigated and reinforced, for it is because of this foundation that the urban garden and the city wells were created. Furthermore, the Capital Secretariat and other governmental bodies need to overlook the urban garden quarters of the old city by properly monitoring the Ministry of Awqaf and ensuring that it is carrying out its responsibilities according to the Sharia Islamic Law. By this, the original relationship that existed between the waqf foundation and the gardeners can be restored.  b) Revive water and food flows with modern technology: There is a need to start installing houses and mosques with technology that would help save water, although this may be somewhat hard due to the financial conditions of the city.  Water recycling should be used again to benefit the garden; a modern water system must be carefully designed while sustaining the old city. All city wells should be repaired and functioning appropriately. Water from these wells could also be used to provide drinking water for the houses, since all house wells are no longer operating. With regards to the sewage system, compost toilets can be installed in the houses, and the solid waste collected can be used again to heat hot rooms in public baths and to fertilize the garden. There is a need first, however, to test whether such a solution would be successful in a society like Sana?a?s, since in the past, the task of removing and transferring solid waste was considered dishonorable. Another solution is the use of the ?living machine? engineered waste treatment system in the garden, which mimics the biological processes that wetlands follow for cleansing water (Kwok, 2007). After the water is recycled, it can be reintroduced into the urban garden for irrigation or into the houses for toilet flushing. c)  Enclose water and food flows within the garden: As seen from Chapter 4, the formation of ties with new Sana?a have strengthened due to modernization 	 ?	 ? 122 and the weak supervision from authorities, which consequently profoundly impacted the role of the urban garden within its quarter. By keeping water and waste flows enclosed within the quarter, the garden can flourish and start producing food again that would benefit the quarter and the market, thereby eliminating the high inflow of food imports, and helping the quarter and city become independent. A portion of the revenues made from selling food can go to the maintenance of water sources and urban gardens. d) Raise awareness in the community: Because of the changes that occurred within the social structure of Sana?a, gardeners can involve all classes of the society, depending on who wants to rent the land and cultivate it. The creation of volunteering programs could also aid gardening activities. This will not only expand the social dimension of tending to the garden, but also raise awareness regarding the central role it plays within the quarter and city. Moreover, it will restore the kind of relationships that existed in the quarter?s community.  6.5 FINDINGS AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE The initial goal of the thesis was to critically examine the changing nature of the urban quarter of old Sana?a and its associated garden as a result of modernization that commenced in the early 1970s through the lens of social-ecological systems. Furthermore, it aimed at enhancing the living conditions of the quarter and returning it to a state that possesses its traditional inherent characteristics. By doing so with the support of regenerative design and social-ecological systems principles, an intricate and informative portrayal of the interrelationships and interactions between water, food and social systems was revealed; this aided in evidently comprehending the basis on which the social-ecological system of the quarter functioned spatially and temporally; during both pre-modernization and post-modernization periods. As a result, according to the positive relationships and interactions of the past, and the negative implications that different key stages of the social-ecological system and the social groups involved with them had on one 	 ?	 ? 123 another, recommendations and potential solutions for rejuvenating and regenerating the urban quarter and its accompanying garden were successfully proposed. The main findings are summarized below: ? Because of the strong relationship that existed between the waqf foundation and the gardeners, water supply was abundant, the gardeners? incomes and social statuses were stable, and the garden received proper care and nourishment.  ? However, modernization and rapid uncontrolled progression impaired this relationship and weakened it, leading to inadequate water supply and thus a mediocre quality of garden produce which resulted in low incomes, unstable social statuses, and the absence of proper treatment and nourishment for the garden.  ? As new Sana?a grows, the relationship between the urban quarter and its associated garden becomes stronger and its reliance on water and food sources exterior to the old city becomes higher, consequently replacing the original function of the garden. 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