UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Language socialization and ideological change in EFL textbooks in China : grammar, rhetoric, and genres Zhou, Ting Ting 2013

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
24-ubc_2013_spring_zhou_tingting.pdf [ 1.2MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 24-1.0073716.json
JSON-LD: 24-1.0073716-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 24-1.0073716-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 24-1.0073716-rdf.json
Turtle: 24-1.0073716-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 24-1.0073716-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 24-1.0073716-source.json
Full Text
24-1.0073716-fulltext.txt
Citation
24-1.0073716.ris

Full Text

LANGUAGE SOCIALIZATION AND IDEOLOGICAL CHANGE IN EFL TEXTBOOKS IN CHINA: GRAMMAR, RHETORIC, AND GENRES by Ting Ting Zhou  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in The Faculty of Graduate Studies (Teaching English as a Second Language)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) April 2013  ©Ting Ting Zhou, 2013  Abstract Although previous research has revealed that explicit and implicit ideologies are embedded in language textbooks, few have looked at how these ideologies change over time in English language textbooks, particularly in the context of China—a country that has undergone remarkable sociopolitical transitions. This study examines three series of EFL textbooks published in China in 1978, 1995 and 2003 to uncover (1) how the incorporation or transmission of ideologies in the textbooks changed and how have those same changes reflected changes in China’s political, social and cultural contexts during the past three decades; and (2) what and how the image of China, the world, English learners, and the (grammatical and other) functions of English represented at different points in time in official English textbooks used in secondary schools also changed. Based on perspectives from language socialization and critical discourse analysis of changes specifically in the use of grammar, rhetoric and genre in the textbooks, the findings show a tendency of the textbooks to move from collectivist ideologies serving mainly the interests of the country in the 1970s to individualist ideologies that concern the interests of the learners in the 2000s. The image of China transitioned from being “strong” to “friendly” to “international” while its relationship with the world changed from that of China and (or versus) the world to China in the world. In addition, the learners for whom textbooks were designed were being socialized into the identity of Chinese citizens (socialist patriots) in the 1970s but global citizens in the 2000s. The functions of English, in turn, shifted during this time from facilitating communication for scientific, business and travelling purposes, to enhancing crosscultural understanding in the 21st century. The study concludes with a discussion of the implications of research on textbooks for English language education more broadly.  ii  Table of Contents Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... ii List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ vi List of Figures.............................................................................................................................. vii List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................. viii Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... ix Dedication ..................................................................................................................................... xi Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Ideological Nature of Textbooks ........................................................................................ 1 1.2 The Dominant Ideologies in China .................................................................................... 2 1.3 China’s Domestic and Foreign Policies and English Language Education ....................... 3 1.4 Research Questions ............................................................................................................ 9 1.5 Significance of the Study ................................................................................................. 10 1.6 My Position as a Researcher ............................................................................................ 10 1.7 Organization of the Thesis ............................................................................................... 12 Chapter 2: Literature Review .................................................................................................... 14 2.1 Literature Review of Language Textbook Research in Second Language Acquisition .. 14 2.2 Language Socialization Theory ........................................................................................ 21 2.3 Critical Discourse Analysis and Textbook Research ....................................................... 23 Chapter 3: Introduction to the Textbooks ................................................................................ 26 3.1 Why These Three Series of Textbooks? .......................................................................... 26 3.2 Why 1978? ....................................................................................................................... 28 3.3 Why 1995? ....................................................................................................................... 29  iii  3.4 Why 2003? ....................................................................................................................... 33 3.5 Text Construction, Text Use, and Language Socialization .............................................. 34 Chapter 4: Methodology and Data Analysis ............................................................................ 41 4.1 Methodology .................................................................................................................... 41 4.2 The Use of Superlatives ................................................................................................... 43 4.2.1 1978 Series ................................................................................................................ 43 4.2.2 1995 Series ................................................................................................................ 48 4.2.3 2003 Series ................................................................................................................ 52 4.3 The Use of Modal Auxiliary—Must ................................................................................ 54 4.3.1 1978 Series ................................................................................................................ 55 4.3.2 1995 Series ................................................................................................................ 59 4.3.3 2003 Series ................................................................................................................ 61 4.4 The Use of Contrast ......................................................................................................... 63 4.4.1 1978 Series ................................................................................................................ 64 4.4.2 1995 Series ................................................................................................................ 67 4.4.3 2003 Series ................................................................................................................ 72 4.5 The Use of Genre and Structure ...................................................................................... 76 4.5.1 1978 Series ................................................................................................................ 77 4.5.2 1995 Series ................................................................................................................ 83 4.5.3 2003 Series ................................................................................................................ 87 Chapter 5: Conclusions and Implications ................................................................................ 91 5.1 Conclusions ...................................................................................................................... 91 5.2 Implications ...................................................................................................................... 99  iv  5.3 Limitations of the Study ................................................................................................. 102 5.4 Suggestions for Future Research .................................................................................... 103 References .................................................................................................................................. 106 Appendix .................................................................................................................................... 114  v  List of Tables Table 3.1 Description of Three English Language Textbook Series ................................ 27 Table 4.1 Specific Questions Disucssed about the Rhetorical, Text and Grammatical Strategies .......................................................................................................................... 42 Table 4.2 Contrast Between the Old Days and the New Days ......................................... 65 Table 4.3 Contrast and Comparison in the 2003 Series (Book 5) .................................... 73  vi  List of Figures Figure 4.1 Categorization of the 1978 Superlatives...................................................................... 44 Figure 4.2 Categorization of the 1995 Superlatives...................................................................... 48 Figure 4.3 Categorization of the 2003 Superlatives...................................................................... 53 Figure 4.4 Distribution of the Use of must in the 1978 Series...................................................... 55 Figure 4.5 Distribution of the Use of must in the 1995 Series...................................................... 60 Figure 4.6 The Use of must in the 1978, 1995, 2003 Series ......................................................... 62  vii  List of Abbreviations CTMRI-Curriculum and Teaching Materials Research Institute CCP-Chinese Communist Party ESL-English as Second Language EFL-English as a Foreign Language SLA-Second Language Acquisition LS-Language Socialization NECPSST-National Evaluation Committee of Primary and Secondary School Textbooks PECPSST-Provincial Evaluation Committee of Primary and Secondary School Textbooks PEP-People’s Education Press  viii  Acknowledgements  This thesis research is part of larger SSHRC study by Duff and Li—Language socialization across sociopolitical contexts: Changing ideologies and practices surrounding English as an international language in Hungary and China. I would like to extend my deep gratitude to Dr. Patricia (Patsy) Duff, my supervisor, for her enormous support during my academic pursuit. Without her encouragement, I would have been defeated by the difficulties I encountered in my study and more importantly, in life. She has become not only my mentor but my family in Vancouver. If I could only name one thing that I gained from this bumpy journey of pursuing my academic ambition, it is the privilege to get to know her, her care for students, her strong work ethic and passion for research. Thank you, Patsy, for everything. My sincere gratitude also goes to Dr. Duan Duan Li for her invaluable feedback on my thesis and the insightful questions she raised during my defense that helped me improve my understanding about the textbook publishing industry. Dr. Li is one of the most strong and perseverant women I have met in North America. Her life story inspires me to further pursue my dream. In addition, I owe a special debt to Dr. Ling Shi from whom I had my very first class at UBC, my very first thanksgiving in North America and now, with her insightful feedback on my thesis, I am about to graduate from this lovely university. It is a beautiful cycle. The useful advice she gave me during our conversations will benefit me for a life time. I would also like to thank Anna Dong, a dear friend of mine, for her kind assistance in finding and bringing the copy of the 1978 series of textbooks all the way from China for this study.  ix  Lastly and most importantly, I’m deeply thankful to my parents. There are no words in the world that could possibly describe their love and care for me. They give me everything. And I love them with all my heart.  x  Dedication  To my dear parents 献给我最爱的爸爸妈妈  xi  1  Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1  Ideological Nature of Textbooks School textbooks are written and designed by individuals or committees with particular  pedagogical purposes and generally with longstanding commitments to transmitting knowledge in a content area. However, what is included and what is excluded in textbooks represents more than the intention of any individual group in our contemporary society. It is the result of negotiations of complicated power relations amongst groups of different ethnicity, class, gender, and sociopolitical affiliations. It is affected by the market, the publishing industry, policies and resources of distinctive regions, “consumers” (parents and students), and often by ministries of education or their equivalent. The examination of the ways in which the textbooks are constructed, represented and organized can serve as a lens to understand the relationship amongst the stakeholders involved in textbook writing and production as well as the beliefs, values and ideologies that they hold. After all, whatever is contained in a textbook is always based on someone’s discretion, some committees’ decisions and some government bodies’ ideas. Raymond William (1976) called it the “selective tradition,” a term others have also used (Apple & Christian-Smith, 1991; Luke, 1988). As William writes: There is a process which I call the selective tradition: that which, within the terms of the effective dominant culture, is always passed off as ‘the tradition’, ‘the significant past’. But always the selectivity is the point: the way in which from a whole possible area of past and present, certain meanings and practices are chosen for emphasis, while certain other meanings and practices are neglected and excluded (p. 205).  2 The adoption of the content and pedagogies in English textbooks in China is based on careful selection of often conflicting and opposing ideological currents that have been undergoing constant transition before and after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. English language education as a whole has been largely affected by similar currents. Furthermore, the ideological nature of the English language itself, which bears the resonance of imperialism and embodies values and cultural elements of many Western capitalist countries, adds another facet to the ideological meaning of textbook research (Adamson & Morris, 1997). 1.2  The Dominant Ideologies in China Scholars in applied linguistics and other fields have given the term ideology a variety of  definitions and interpretations throughout history (e.g., Blommaert, 2005; Eagleton, 1991; Kress & Hodge, 1979; Luke, 1988; Marx, 1932). Clarification of the meaning of ideology in this thesis is therefore important. Ideologies discussed here are understood as a systematically organized and prescribed body of ideas, beliefs and values, organized from an identifiably interest-based perspective (Luke, 1988). This notion does not suggest, however, that these ideologies serve only the interest of the ruling group or that they are necessarily impositions of ideas from above. As Eagleton (1991) noted, any successful ruling ideology would have to “engage significantly with genuine wants, needs and desires” of the general public and “recognize an ‘other’ to itself” and incorporate “the otherness as a potentially disruptive force within its own forms” (p. 45). In the case of modern China, the dominant ideologies have been the ideologies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which have been evolving and changing as other relatively “global” ideologies (e.g., internationalization/globalization, consumerism) continue to influence and be influenced by the more Chinese nationalist ideologies (You, 2005; Tsang, 2000; Chan, Chan & Kwan, 2011). As some China observers and experts pointed out, China remains a one-party State  3 regardless of its enormous sociopolitical transformations in the post-1978 period. The making and implementation of decisions in the country remains a top-down process. Nevertheless, we need to bear in mind that the ideologies in the CCP itself are not entirely consistent or homogeneous and there have been considerable philosophical, social, political, and economic changes over time affecting these ideologies as well. There are different factions (e.g., radicals and moderates, conservatives and reformers) within the Party and they share distinctive and often conflicting views and beliefs (Tsang, 2000). The dominant ideologies in China discussed in the current study refer to the ideologies characterized by a relatively coherent system adopted by the factions in power and the ideologies are mainly promoted and underlined through state media (e.g., CCTV, newspapers, textbooks, radio) within and outside the country. Over the past three decades, the CCP has undergone salient transitions in response to the changing expectations and desires of the general public. These transitions have involved not only great success and drastic policy changes but also controversies and human tragedies. As the government grapples with them, it learns to make compromises between the interests of the Party and the interests of the public to struggle for consistency and compatibility and yet to retain power and control over national concerns. Therefore, as the country continues to be integrated into the world arena and particularly the global economy, the main ideologies of the Party are gravitating towards more and more open and pragmatic ones (Chan, Chan & Kwan, 2011). 1.3  China’s Domestic and Foreign Policies and English Language Education Scholarship on English language education in China usually starts with historical  accounts of social and political changes in the history of China and how the changes impacted the development of English language education with respect to language policies, curriculum and textbooks (Adamson & Morris, 1997; Feng, 2009; Fu, 1986; Hu, 2005; Lam, 2002; Li et al.,  4 1988; Ross, 1993; Tsang, 2000). As Feng (2009) pointed out, the rationale is that education, including foreign language education, is intrinsically associated with domestic and foreign policies. Change in the country’s political context will inevitably influence its educational policies. In 1949, the CCP came into power and founded the People's Republic of China. However, the new country was to some extent self-isolating but perhaps more significantly isolated by most of the countries in the world owing to its socialist ideologies. Under the guideline of “leaning towards one side” (yibiandao), China soon aligned itself with the Soviet Union, the world’s biggest socialist country before its disintegration in 1991 (Chan, Chan & Kwan, 2011; Wang & Lam, 2009). The status of Russian language education, thus, rose immediately receiving significant recognition in China; whereas English, a language believed to bear the connotation of "capitalism" and British colonization, was not accorded importance despite its increasing popularity around the world (Feng, 2009). Nevertheless, the tension between China and the Soviet Union grew from the late 1950s, which ultimately led to the transition of China’s foreign relations from “leaning towards one side” to “self-reliance” during late 1960s and the early 1970s (Chan, Chan & Kwan, 2011). Russian language education was downplayed and eventually terminated in many parts of China. Meanwhile, China was experiencing successive political upheavals within its borders from the 1950s to the 1970s. During the late 1950s and the mid-1960s, China’s desperate attempt to enhance its economy resulted in the Great Leap Forward which gave rise to a disastrous famine around the country (Chan, Chan & Kwan, 2011). While the Chinese people were still struggling for survival, another unexpected catastrophe arrived. In 1966, Mao Zedong, the paramount leader of China, set in train the "Cultural Revolution" that led to a decade-long  5 “political turmoil and economic isolation for China” (Adamson & Morris, 1997, p. 17). Millions of people suffered a wide range of abuses because of their “politically incorrectness” and their association with anything Western (e.g., listening to Western radio, reading English books). English, "the language of the enemy," was soon eradicated from school curriculum (Feng, 2009, p. 86). Soon after that, the National College Entrance Examination was halted. The biggest stateowned publishing house--the People's Education Press (PEP)--responsible for the production of textbooks for millions of students was closed. Though there were some schools where rather limited English classes were offered in the 1970s, it was not until the death of Mao in 1976 that foreign language education was able to reclaim its earlier status (but replacing Russian with English for the most part) and the national educational system and PEP were revived in 1977. In 1978, the CCP redirected the focus of the country to economic growth and launched the influential Open Door Policy, thereby exerting a significant impact on the change of ideologies of the Party and the Chinese people as it continued to engage the country with the world. As China opened its door to the outside world, the role of English education changed. In 1978, the national syllabus for primary and secondary schools stated that "English is a very important tool: for international class struggle" (People's Education Press, 1978, as cited and translated in Adamson & Morris, 1997, p. 17). By 1982, foreign languages had become an important tool "for learning cultural and scientific knowledge," "acquiring information" and "developing international communication" (People's Education Press, 1982, as cited and translated in Adamson & Morris, 1997, p. 19). The significance of English in the educational system altered as China’s former political ally--the Soviet Union--was disintegrated in 1991. It allowed a more relaxed ideological environment for China to assume a more “international  6 orientation” again (Lam, 2002, p. 246) and to incorporate Western pedagogy and values of communication into English education (Adamson & Morris, 1997). In 1997, Hong Kong, a former British colony, became a special administrative region in China. Two years later, the sovereignty of Macao was transferred from the Portuguese Republic to People’s Republic of China. By the end of 2001, China had successfully entered the World Trade Organization (WTO) and won the bid for the 2008 Olympics. Chan, Chan and Kwan (2011) noted that China’s pursuit for “great-power status” added fuel to China’s engagement with the world and made it largely “comply with the norms and rules of global institutions” (p. 3). Such intense economic and cultural involvement in the global arena led the Chinese government to realize that it was imperative for its people to have the linguistic resources needed for further international interactions. Unsurprisingly, an increasing amount of fiscal expenditure was invested in education. It rose from 7.62 billion RMB to 187.795 billion RMB between 1978 and 1995 and the expense doubled to 384.908 billion by the end of 2001 (Zhou, 2002). Meanwhile, the government took an immediate measure to create more support for English education. Two important policies with respect to English education were issued in 2001. One was that English language education should generally start from Grade 3. From the beginning of the autumn of 2001, the elementary schools in the cities and counties all around China were expected to start setting up English courses and by the autumn of 2002 and primary schools in towns and villages would follow (Ministry of Education, 2001a). It was the first time that the government had decided to provide English education in primary school on a nationwide scale. The other policy was that majors considered crucial to meet the needs of the country after its entry into the WTO, such as those in high-tech fields (e.g., biotechnology, information technology) and those in finance and law, should aim to have 5% to 10% of the tertiary courses  7 conducted in English or another foreign language within three years after the issuing of the documents (Ministry of Education, 2001b). Though the results of the policies turned out to be less satisfactory than expected owing to the uneven economic development in the country and a lack of trained and proficient English teachers for lower grade levels, the policies themselves were effective in raising the awareness of the public and institutions of higher education about the importance of English language education. Prioritizing education, including English language education, promoting education equity and expanding the free compulsory education system to rural areas are listed in the Guideline for One of the Few Most Important Issues for the Communist Party of China to Build the Socialist Harmonious Society (zhonggong zhongyang guanyu goujian shehui zhuyi hexie shehui ruogan zhongda wenti de jueding) in 2006. It is worth noting that a new policy, the National Long-Term Education Reform and Development Plan (2010-2020) (guojia zhongchangqi jiaoyu gaige he fazhan guihua gangyao), was issued recently to increase investment in schools and English bilingual programs in less developed areas (Feng, 2009). 1.4  The Statement of the Problem and Purpose of the Research In many parts of the world, textbooks are the de facto curriculum for key subject areas,  such as English. As Herman (2007) noted, it is assumed, by and large, that textbooks offer a “foolproof means of ensuring that students are successfully taught” (p. 93) and that textbooks reflect, to a great extent, the curriculum of the country or the province. It is assumed that if textbooks are faithfully followed, the curriculum is being learned. Therefore, textbooks become the most frequently tapped resources by Chinese students.1  1  Nevertheless, we do realize the dilemma that the Chinese students and the teachers are facing--that is, the curriculum and assessment do not always correspond, leading to negative washback. When this happens, people tend to gravitate towards the preparation for the assessment. For example, a curriculum may place great emphasis on communication but if the National College Entrance Examination (NCEE) or the High School Entrance  8 Meanwhile, given the scarcity of educational funds in some places of China, English textbooks are one of the few or, sometimes, only resources students could access to gain understanding about the language and the world that uses it (Feng, 2009; Hu, 2004; Tsang, 2000). According to the Xinhua News Agency, only around 15% of rural residents in China managed to surf the Internet once by the second half of 2009 (Xinhua News Agency, 2010). Therefore, English textbooks play an essential role in not only providing students and teachers access to English, but shaping the perception of the students about China, the world and their identity as English learners as well as Chinese citizens. However, consistent with the earlier discussion of “selectiveness” of material included in textbooks and, indeed, which textbooks will be selected for adoption in open competitions, textbooks for primary and secondary school students cannot proceed to production without the approval of the National Evaluation Committee of Primary and Secondary School Textbooks (NECPSST), a panel within the State Education Commission (Adamson, 2001). Therefore, it can be inferred that the ideologies reflected in textbooks will have to be consistent with those of the Chinese central government to ensure final approval. Then, what are those ideologies and how might they have changed over the past three decades? For what reasons? This thesis addresses such questions. Most of the research pertaining to language textbook analysis internationally generally falls into three categories: (1) Exploring sexism reflected in language textbooks (Evans & Davies, 2000; Lee & Collins, 2008); (2) examining racial/ethnic stereotypes in ESL/EFL textbooks (Herman, 2007; Taylor-Mendes, 2009; Yamada, 2011); and (3) investigating identities Examination (HSEE) focuses too much on grammar (as indeed is the case), people will teach to the test regardless of the textbooks. Having said that, textbooks continue to play a crucial role because they provide essential guidance for the preparation for these high-stakes tests as well. It is generally understood that the official tests (e.g., NCEE or HSEE) will not exceed the scale of what is covered in the textbooks. Therefore, if students want to excel in these tests, they have to refer back to the textbooks themselves. In addition, it is important to recognize that disjunction between policy and its implementation always exists; yet it does not reduce the importance and usefulness of the policy itself.  9 of countries, communities, users and learners portrayed in language textbooks (Chiu, 2011; Jiang, 2010; Lee, 2010; Shardakova & Pavlenko, 2004; Yen, 2000). Only a few pioneer studies (e.g., Duff, 2011; Heinrich, 2005; Lee, 2010; Leeman & Martinez, 2007) have approached language textbooks explicitly in terms of ideologies. Fewer have looked at language textbooks in the context of China (Liu, 2005; Xiong & Qian, 2012; You, 2005). Apart from that, there is a gap in the literature where English textbooks published at different stages in the history were compared. Of interest here is how China, the world, and English learners have been represented at different points in time in parallel with China’s changing policies and stance vis-à-vis the English-speaking world. With China’s increasing integration into the international market, how the Chinese government has positioned itself (and generations of young students) in relation to the world and how this has changed since the Open Door Policy is a subject worth exploring as it reflects educational and ideological processes not only in China but in other contexts as well. 1.5  Research Questions The following questions are addressed in my research: 1. How has the incorporation of political and other ideologies in the textbooks changed  over the past three decades and three different versions of the textbooks (1978, 1995, 2003) and how have those same changes reflected changes in China’s political, social and cultural contexts during the same period? 2. More specifically, what and how is the image of China, the world, and English learners, and the (grammatical and other) functions of English represented at different points in time in official English textbooks used in secondary schools?  10 1.6  Significance of the Study This study will examine the relationships among ideologies, globalization and English  language textbooks and how students are socialized into the ideologies contained in textbooks by and through the language using the theory of language socialization (see, e.g., Duranti, Ochs & Schieffelin, 2012). The textbooks examined represent the three essential phases of transformation of ideologies and values of the CCP in response to both internal reforms and external processes of globalization. The messages conveyed to the young generation of English language learners in China about the world, their place in it, and the role of English are significant in understanding the impact of English education worldwide (Block & Cameron, 2002) and to the construction and status of present-day China. It is also hoped, furthermore, that the methodology employed to analyze the English textbooks and the findings can later be applied to an examination of textbooks in other languages, such as in English teaching materials in Canada. 1.7  My Position as a Researcher My motivation for undertaking the study is related to my personal experience as an  English language learner and teacher in China. I started learning English in middle school in 1998 and the first set of English textbooks I was ever exposed to was, in fact, the 1995 series examined in the study. I remember reading aloud the vocabulary list at the end of the textbooks every morning with the whole class. I secretly wondered from time to time if I would ever use the foreign language that I was studying. In retrospect, it was the learning in those early days that planted a little seed in my heart that later grew into a bigger dream, a dream that led me to embark on this adventure on the North America continent. Before I came to study as a master’s degree student, I was teaching in a language training institution as an English language teacher.  11 The students we taught came from a wide range of areas and used textbooks from different publishers. Therefore, it was one of our responsibilities as the instructors there to study the various versions of textbooks in order to meet the needs of different groups of students and to predict the possible difficulties they might encounter. The textbooks published by PEP were among the most important series that we had to cover since they are widely used by students all over the country. In fact, one set of the textbooks we studied was an early version of the 2003 series that is under examination in this study. When I first read these textbooks, I was amazed by how much the textbooks had changed since I studied English in middle school. The vocabulary was more difficult, the readings were longer and the images were more appealing. However, I was most struck by the overall impression they created, a “Westernized” China. I’m aware how the word “Western” or “Westernize” could essentialize or generalize very different cultures subsumed under that label. Nevertheless, this is how I genuinely felt at that time. The characters in the textbooks all have English names; they talk about Hollywood movies stars and parties; they eat burgers and salads in cafeterias (not Chinese “canteens”); they learn how to make banana milkshake (not dumplings). None of these phenomena were familiar to me when I was reading aloud the vocabulary list in the 1995 textbooks. I remember the most “Western” thing that was ever introduced in my textbooks was a food item called “fish and chips.” (According to the textbooks, fish and chips are the most popular food in England whereas the most popular food in the USA is fried chicken.) During my three years of teaching, I gained valuable feedback from the students I taught and the parents I talked to about the advantages and disadvantages of various textbooks including the early version of the 2003 series examined. The reason that we also used the 1978 series was that it was the first series of textbooks published soon after the “Cultural Revolution” and, therefore, it carries with it a substantial amount of weight. My  12 supervisor (Dr. Patricia Duff) and I were thrilled to get hold of this set of textbooks through the kind assistance of Anna Dong, a doctoral student in our program with considerable experience working in the textbook publishing industry in China. As far as we know, there is only one copy of the original 1978 series stored in the National Library in Beijing. The one examined in our study was a photocopy of the original version. I am aware that my personal experience may interfere with my position as a researcher and may render my study “subjective” or “biased”. I concede that it is indeed unavoidable for me to refer back to my experience during data analysis and it may potentially influence the objectivity of my description and analysis. Nevertheless, my experiences in using the two series of textbooks as an insider (learner, teacher) and an outsider (analyst) also bring with me a better understanding about textbooks in general and the influence they may have on their users. As I look back at the textbooks, I found myself more aware of and sensitive to the ideas, beliefs, values and ideologies embedded in the textbooks. I see this gradually acquired sensitivity as a strength for my current study; indeed, my own English language socialization and identity as an English learner/user and contemporary Chinese woman were mediated by interactions with English teachers, classmates, and texts connected with these same textbooks. 1.8  Organization of the Thesis Chapter 2 provides a literature review of the English language textbook research. It pays  particular attention to the research done in the Chinese context, especially research approached from the perspective of ideologies. The review also demonstrates the need for further investigation of this topic as it identifies the gap in existing literature on English language textbook research in China. Meanwhile, it will introduce the general framework I have used to guide the thesis: discourse and language socialization.  13 Chapter 3 provides an introduction to the three series of textbooks, explaining the historical background of each series and their general layout and the main pedagogies employed. It also briefly discusses the relationship among the various agencies involved in textbook making in China and how it has changed over the past three decades. Chapter 4 presents the methodology as well as the specific guide questions employed to examine the data. In addition, it presents an analysis of the data through comparing and contrasting the three series of textbooks. Chapter 5 is the concluding chapter, which summarizes the findings of this research and discusses the contributions of this study. This chapter also presents pedagogical implications and suggestions for future English language textbooks research in terms of ideologies.  14 Chapter 2: Literature Review 2.1  Literature Review of Language Textbook Research in Second Language Acquisition From the 1970s to the 1990s, the focus of language textbook research for European  languages was largely on issues of gender and racial stereotypes reflected in language textbooks (e.g., Gupta & Yin, 1990; Poulou, 1997; Hartman & Judd, 1978). More recent studies have approached textbook research more from the perspectives of identity, ideology, and global citizenship. Perhaps because the earlier work involved textbooks in post-industrialized capitalist countries primarily where the researchers have also resided, some of the geo-political ideologies were not seen as salient for researchers. In the following section, I first review existing language textbook research around the world that was investigated from the perspectives of identity and ideology and then studies examined in China specifically. My contention is that there has been a gap in the current textbook research that explores the role of English language textbooks in facilitating ideological transmission in China over the past three decades. Since textbooks are a primary tool for the socialization of students into particular identities, stances, communities, and language practices worldwide, it is essential that these materials be examined closely for their underlying messages. As Norton (e.g. Norton & Toohey, 2011) argues, the social identities of language learners are multiple and fluid in nature and can impact learners' imagined communities—that is, the worlds they desire to become part of--and their opportunity to use the language under differing circumstances. Shardakova and Pavlenko (2004) looked at how the identities of language learners and users are reflected in two popular beginner Russian textbooks and the two kinds of identity options implied in these textbooks: imagined learners and imagined interlocutors. Given Russia's dramatic political and ideological transformation over the past decades, the researchers  15 attempted to detect if the textbooks have made adaptions accordingly. The findings of the study revealed that the main imaginary learners of Russian featured in the textbooks are white, heterosexual and middle-class American men who are often college-educated students. They share a strong interest in learning Russian and are highly welcomed and admired in Russia. The interlocutors are equally educated, middle-class males (e.g., college students, government officials, professionals) and women who often enjoy romantic relationships with the protagonists as supportive characters. Similarly, Heinrich (2012) investigated the image of the language users portrayed in a Japanese as a Foreign Language textbook and observed that Japanese characters in Japanese foreign language textbooks were represented uniformly as "selfless, reliable, compassionate, modest, considerate toward and anxious about weaker associates, cautious, confidential and friendly" (p. 224), manifesting social norms that Japanese language learners are expected to aspire to and are thus being socialized into. Herman (2007) noted that the learners in the Spanish language textbooks in America are designed only for a subset of actual students: white middle-class or upper-class in the United States. It is evident that the identity of learners and users in textbooks is a significant issue worth exploring as it can shape learners’ understanding of what is expected from them in the culture of the target language (as well as in their local classrooms) and what choices are available for self-representation in the language. This notion of identity and indexicality, in terms of how language forms index particular stances, identities, and other kinds of social and affective information, is also a key component in language socialization research (e.g., Duff, 2010; Duranti et al., 2012). In addition to looking at the identity of the language learners and users, several studies explored how the language is represented and the “ownership” of the language indicated in the language textbooks. For example, Matsuda (2002) examined the representation of English users and uses in Japanese  16 English as a Foreign Language textbooks. The findings show that textbooks are more inclined to focus on the “Inner Circle” countries where English is the first or dominant language (e.g., America, Britain, New Zealand), both in intranational and international use. And those from the Inner Circle are regarded the predominant users of English. Dialogues that take place outside of Japan usually happen in Inner Circle countries and there is little coverage of English use and users from Expanding (e.g., China, South Korea, Denmark) and Outer Circle countries (e.g., India, the Philippines, Singapore, South Africa). The author advocated that such a limited view of the language fails to prepare students sufficiently to use English with people from all over the world. The issue of "standard" language and the "ownership" of the language does not arise only from the realm of English education but that of the other languages as well. Herman (2007) noted the pedagogical challenges posed by the misleading concept of "standard Spanish" require teachers to bring "critical language education into the language classroom and into textbooks" (p. 119). Another way to investigate how ideologies are embedded in textbooks is to explore what culture and whose culture is presented in language textbooks and the underlying reasons. The previously noted study by Herman (2007) looked into the cultural stereotypes in four Spanish language textbooks currently used by high school students in the United States. Based on the analysis scheme of Ramirez and Hall’s (1990) study, the researcher analyzed the textbooks from mainly two perspectives: reference to Spanish-speaking country/nationality/region (e.g., America, Spain, Mexico, South America) and communication topics/themes which encompasses 13 subcategories, such as health and welfare, meal taking/food/drink, family life and school life. The findings were that though the textbooks featured a wide range of Spanish-speaking countries to prove the popularity of the language in the world, there was little depth in the introduction of  17 these countries. The Spanish-speaking world constructed by the textbooks was full of fun, with exotic dance, music and food. Herman noted that the underlying message conveyed through the textbooks is that there is no difference between America, where the learners are, and the Spanish-speaking community. The social and economic status of the average family in the Spanish-speaking countries is unknown; differences in educational systems barely exist; the target language learners for the textbooks remain a small, elite Anglo population regardless of the changing demographics of the students in America over the past decades. Also related to language textbook studies, but in the context of French language textbooks, Chapelle (2009) aimed to find out whether beginning learners of French at U.S. universities are taught about Francophone Canada, and to what degree. The research results unveiled the hidden curriculum behind the textbooks, that is, the learning of French is predominantly associated with the learning of France but not other French-speaking countries. The study reported that Canada was only mentioned in 14.4% of the units analyzed in the textbooks and 17% of the units analyzed in the workbook. The researcher asserted that the inadequate introduction of Canada, where French is one of its official national languages and which borders on the United States, reflects a deeper conception of who owns French. Indeed, the issue of who should be presented as the typical users of the language and what should be introduced as the norms or standard varieties of the language is worth further investigation. She suggested that more Canada-related content should be introduced to give readers a broader picture of the French-speaking community and a larger chance for French learners in America to immerse themselves in a French-speaking environment. With respect to the examination of political ideologies reflected in language textbooks, few studies have been conducted to date. Lee (2010) looked at how non-North Koreans in North Korean language arts textbooks were presented and how national identity was formed through  18 the examination of six North Korean textbooks for second-year primary school students published from 1954 to 2000. The textbooks were examined through lexico-grammatical analysis and the analysis of the textual and visual images included in the textbooks. The study revealed that the North Korean identity is represented and shaped through the depiction of the non-North Koreans and that the 91.4% of the non-North Koreans presented in the textbooks were considered as enemies (e.g., Japan, America, South Korea) and only 8.5% were seen as “friendly” (e.g., China, USSR). The study showed that students were expected to be grateful to Kim I1-seong and his family, alert to their enemies and proud of their political and social system. The particular relevance of the study to the present study is that it examined textbooks published at different points in time in the North Korean history, therefore, provides a more thorough and comprehensive view of the transitions of ideologies in North Korea. In much the same vein, Camase (2009) discussed the overt and covert ideologies embedded in an English as a Foreign Language textbook for 9th or 10th grade students published between 1983 and 1988 in (then) communist Romania. As in Lee’s North Korean analysis, Camase investigated the role of nonRomanian people in the textbooks and investigated the relationship between Romanian and nonRomanian people and the implications of such relationships. The study is historically framed within the last years of communism in Romania, a critical period of time in the history of Romania when the country was about to undergo a significant ideological transition from communism to democracy and capitalism. Camase discovered that amid the concerns and worries in this particular time in Romania, the English textbook constructed a different reality from the one that the Romanian people were experiencing. This imagined or carefully constructed “reality” depicted a rich and strong Romania where people led a happy and abundant life. While Romanian people were portrayed positively often as smart, hardworking, friendly,  19 polite, honest and wise, non-Romanians (e.g., Americans, Scotsmen, and Italians) were often represented in a rather negative light, usually as less intelligent and less polite. The author argued that the representation of the situation in Romania and non-Romanians was made purposefully to legitimize and transmit the ideology of the Communist Party, thus, sustain the reign of the regime. Having discussed the recent textbook research in relation to ideology in other countries, I now turn to the few studies concerning ideological discourse in China. You (2005) investigated two editions of a university English writing textbook for English majors published in 1984 and 1994 in China. The author found that the 1984 edition was loaded with socialist sentiments, moral and ethical values as well as explicit ideological teaching. Meanwhile, the layout of the textbooks reflects traces of current-traditional rhetoric which was a popular pedagogy for composition instruction in the west and was considered to be ideologically conservative (Welch, 1987). The author noted that the incorporation of Western pedagogies can be explained by China’s growing integration into the world since its economic reform and Open Door Policy since the late 1970s. The examination of the 1994 textbook showed that there was a sharp decrease in communist or socialist teaching in the mid-1990s. In addition, many of the writing topics used in this edition reflected the current social issues at that time, which is an interesting feature unfound in the previous edition. Furthermore, the textbook focused more on the practicality of English use reflecting a more “business-oriented culture.” For example, there was a section entitled “Practical Writing” that required students to write resumes, letters, notices, greetings, condolences, and so on. In a similar manner, Xiong and Qian (2012) investigated ideologies associated with the English language in China. This study was conducted through the examination of one unit entitled “language” in a popular EFL high school textbook (Advance  20 with English). The unit centered around the perception of language ideologies and covered topics closely linked to the history, change and pragmatics of English (e.g., the history of English, formality and informality of English, countries and language). The researchers found that there was only a selective representation of the history of English (e.g., the historical accounts of English having been spread to areas outside of the British Isles as a result of the British colonization was largely missing) and shallow linguistic explanations (e.g., English dialects defined only as regional variation within Britain). Xiong and Qian argued that these characteristics were connected to the Anglo-centric ideologies which presented English in a sociolinguistically “neutral” way. With respect to materials for younger learners, Liu (2005) examined Chinese language arts textbooks currently used amongst Chinese elementary school students and discussed how cultural knowledge and ideologies are constructed and reflected in these textbooks. The author identified three main discourses presented and constructed in the textbooks: patriotism (e.g., the desired love for the country, the great culture and people, the natural beauties of the country), cultural values and beliefs (e.g., concentration and diligence, collective spirit, respect for authority) and modernist views of science and technology (e.g., rationality and scientific thinking, modern science and technology) through critical discourse analysis. He concluded that the discourses of cultural knowledge and ideology embedded in the textbooks serve the interests of the Chinese government and its cultural elites, but not the interest of the children learning English by reading these texts. Since China opened its door to the rest of the world amid great uncertainty and concerns in 1978, the ideologies of the Chinese government have undergone dramatic changes owing to the profound influence of globalization over the past three decades. Though the above studies have touched upon the issue of ideological transitions reflected in language textbooks in the  21 context of China, there remain gaps in the existing literature particularly in the following aspects. First of all, little attention has been paid to the ways in which ideologies are embedded in language textbooks in China. Apart from the explicit ideological messages expressed directly through texts and illustrations, there are messages often conveyed through more subtle means, such as text structure and grammar instruction. For example, sentences used to teach the use of superlatives can involve political ideologies (e.g., China is the greatest socialist country.) Nevertheless, there is a paucity of research in this realm. Secondly, no research has been found that compares English language textbooks used in China at different points in time except for the You (2005) study which looked at two writing textbooks published in the 1980s and the 1990s. A longer timeframe can illuminate transitions in ideologies and the ways in which they were woven into the textbooks. 2.2  Language Socialization Theory As Duff (2010) noted, language socialization examines how linguistic, pragmatic and  other cultural knowledge is constructed and internalized through social experience and how individuals are socialized into certain identities, worldviews and ideologies through their learning of the language. Language socialization can take place in natural informal settings where people learn to act in a certain way and acquire an understanding about the world through participation in daily activities and mundane social interactions; it can also occur within institutional settings such as classrooms, where students are taught how to interact with other people and learn what is expected of them both in school and in society (Cook, 1999; Duff, 2010; Duff, 2012). Traditionally, language socialization research has examined face to face interaction among young learners in their own (primary) languages and cultures. Additional research has examined young immigrant learners’ processes of being socialized and integrated  22 into their new languages and cultures in Canada and the U.S., for example, by means of their discursive engagements with (English-speaking) teachers and peers (Duff, 2012). However, with respect to second language acquisition (e.g., in immigrant or English-dominant contexts) versus foreign language (FL) acquisition (in contexts where English is not the dominant language or language of wider communication), the educational setting presumably constitutes the main site for English language socialization worldwide. Learners in English FL contexts, such as China, usually have limited opportunities to use the language or to be immersed in the culture of that language outside of school (although that is changing somewhat with Internet and other mass media). However, socialization in FL contexts has received relatively little attention to date, whether in classrooms, community or home contexts, or through other media, such as pop culture, textbooks, or virtual networks. Textbooks have naturally been students’ main source of knowledge about the world that speaks the language as well as the language itself and how it should be learned and used. Second language (L2) socialization is usually achieved through the mediation between “those who are more knowledgeable about and proficient in the language and familiar with the culture (‘experts’ or ‘old-timers’) and those with less proficiency (relative ‘novices’ or ‘newcomers’)” (Duff, 2012, p. 4). It is worth pointing out that this mediation is not limited to the mere acquisition of the linguistic aspects of language but also the values, ideologies and identities related to the target language and its users (Duff, 2012; Duff & Talmy, 2011). In the case of English learning in China, such meditational processes usually take place between students and their English teachers. Students are socialized into the English language both linguistically and culturally through the assistance of their teachers. However, one problem deriving from the situation in China and probably many places around the world is that teachers  23 do not necessarily have sufficient linguistic and cultural proficiency in the target language. As Duff (2012) pointed out, “the level of proficiency of “experts” in either the learners’ L1 or L2 may vary considerably, particularly…when the socializers (instructors) themselves have had limited opportunities to become highly proficient in it or to maintain whatever linguistic and cultural proficiency they once may have attained” (p. 4). It is difficult for English teachers in China, particularly those in the hinterland provinces and remote areas, to access resources that would enhance their proficiency in the language and its culture other than textbooks. Therefore, teachers tend to rely heavily on textbooks (You, 2005). This is another reason that renders English language textbooks an important site for language socialization. As the teachers prepare and teach lessons based on the textbooks and students also use them on a day-to-day basis, they are easily socialized into these knowledge(s), traditions, ideologies, values and identities embedded in the textbooks that are constructed and often distorted to serve the interests of those in power or those creating the curriculum and instructional materials nationally or internationally. 2.3  Critical Discourse Analysis and Textbook Research Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) deals with dominance, which is defined by van Dijk  (1993) as “the exercise of social power by elites, institutions or groups, that results in social inequality” (p. 250). There are two main types of approaches that look at relations of dominance, one is “top-down,” focusing on the ways in which social elites maintain their power and the unequal social structure; the other is a “bottom-up” approach that examines how the less powerful group of people in the hierarchy resist, comply with, or accept the power relations. In the field of textbook research, there are studies that look at how textbooks assist social reproduction by transmitting dominant ideologies that serve the interest of those in power; there  24 are also studies that explore how the users (mainly students) appropriate, resist or reject those beliefs, values and ideologies. In the current study, I adopt the “top-down” strategy of CDA to explore how dominance is constructed and maintained or reproduced through English language textbooks. As van Dijk argued, to connect discourse with the reproduction of dominance, we need to look at the theoretical “interface”; in other words, how dominance is accepted, naturalized and reproduced by people at a cognitive level; how ideas, beliefs, values and ideologies that actually serve the interest of the ruling class are transferred to the minds of the rest of the society. One of the ways is through privileged access to resources that are not necessarily material. In fact, a critical and especially valuable resource is the access to speech and texts, such as news reports, textbooks, advertisements, magazines, and TV shows. These ordinary and mundane media can often be a highly effective yet subtle means to impact and shape the minds of the public and, thus, achieve the social reproduction of dominance. And it is believed that the more access one has to these resources, the more social power one has. Textbook making is one of these privileged and powerful opportunities that only certain group of people would be entrusted with and these people are often the cultural and educational elites on the top of the social hierarchy who already enjoy a great deal of social control (van Dijk, 1993). The practice of CDA has focused on the discourse of text and talk, and more specifically who and how people enact, express and legitimize dominance through text and talk and what the results and influences are on the minds of the recipients. There are many forms of discourse control exercised through text and talk. While some are overt (e.g., Whites who discriminate against Blacks; men who dominate women), some are much more covert (e.g., the use of intonation, lexical choices, and turn taking). These are much more subtle reflections of the social control that may be seen as acceptable or inviolate of social rules or law (van Dijk, 1993). These  25 subtle use of discourse control are reflected in language textbooks as well: the use of lexical style to describe one country versus another, one culture and another culture; the use of a certain English accent (British Accent; American Accent; or the English accent of other countries) adopted in the textbook tapes, and so on. It is precisely the subtlety and implicitness of the discourse control in textbooks that makes it an important field to study and CDA constitutes one of the useful and essential approaches to the analysis of textbook research. Furthermore, examining textbooks and their anticipated use, and the dialogs and interactions that appear within them, from the perspective of language socialization represents a contribution both to the textual analysis and “hidden curriculum” of English language education and to language socialization research.  26 Chapter 3: Introduction to the Textbooks In the following section, I first explain the reasons for which I chose the three series of textbooks. Then I provide a historical background of each series. I aim to demonstrate that the three sets of textbooks were constructed during a particular period of time in the history of China. Therefore, they bring with them unique characteristics and reflect ideologies of these stages through which China rose to become one of the largest countries in terms of both population and economy in the world today. In addition, I seek to uncover the main pedagogies of the textbooks seemingly intended by the textbook writers for teachers to use and explore their connections with the context in which they were produced. Furthermore, I briefly discuss the interrelationship of the various agencies involved in the production of textbooks in China and how it has changed over the past three decades. 3.1  Why These Three Series of Textbooks? My justification for examining textbooks from PEP is that they are generally  acknowledged to be the most widely used and recognized series in China. Additionally, they tend to be more sensitive and timely in reflecting the ideologies of the government as PEP is under the direct leadership of Ministry of Education. Apart from that, PEP receives a government subsidy for its textbooks and, thus, they are more affordable than language textbooks from other publishers and it owns a nationwide distribution channel that enables the smooth dissemination of its textbooks to even the remote areas in the country (Liu 2005). Therefore, most Chinese schools are more inclined to opt for the PEP textbooks despite the fact that they are now given a variety of options. Furthermore, I focus on the junior secondary school textbooks because I share Adamson and Morris’s (1997) view that junior secondary school are usually “more sensitive to political shifts than other levels” (p. 4). That is because the majority of the Chinese students were  27 in the past first exposed to English at that level and that is when their understanding about English and the culture of English-speaking countries conveyed with the language was first established. The reason that I decided on textbooks published in 1978, 1995 and 2003 is that these three particular points in time represent three critical transitional stages in China’s modern history. I introduce the contexts in which the textbooks were published in the following section. The table below (Table 3.1) provides the background as well as some important facts about these three series of textbooks. Table 3.1 Description of Three English Language Textbook Series Time  Title  Level  Publisher  1978  English  Junior middle  PEP  Important Facts 1. This series served as the cornerstone of late-20th century English education in China as it was published right after the announcement of China's Open Door Policy in 1978. 2. This series was also the only English language textbook series used in China at that time.  1995  2003  Junior English for China  Go For It!  Junior middle  PEP and Longman Chief editors: Daoyi Liu C.Jacques  Junior middle  PEP and Thomson Chief editor of Thomson: David Nunan, and the PEP editing team led by Liu Daoyi  1  1. This series was the most widely used English textbook series in the history of English language education in China. 2. This series covers over 80% of the areas and schools in China (Adamson, 1997). It is also the first set of textbooks after the implementation of “One Curriculum, Multiple Textbooks” policy. 1. This series is the latest English language textbook series for middle school students published by PEP. 2. According to the statistics from Thomson Publishing1, more than 10 million Junior One students in 29 provinces were using this series at that time.  http://ir.thomsonreuters.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=76540&p=irol-newsArticle&ID=715243&highlight  28  3.2  Why 1978? Initially launched by Mao Zedong to eliminate opponents of the CCP and those from  undesirable (e.g., privileged) and suspect social, political, economic, and educational backgrounds in 1966, the “Cultural Revolution” turned out to be a national disaster that eventually shattered the very social fabric of the country. When it ended in 1976, the political structure of the country was paralyzed. The economy was on the verge of a breakdown. China's cultural relics, historical documents and artifacts were largely ruined as they were thought to be at the root of “old ways of thinking”. The revolution also wreaked much havoc on education. Schools were stopped and students were sent to the countryside to “learn about farming” or gathered around to conduct “class struggle”. Meanwhile, intellectuals were publicly humiliated and tortured and thousands were driven to death. It ultimately resulted in an acute shortage of school teachers, particularly foreign language teachers, when the educational system resumed nationwide in the late 1970s. On the other hand, the rest of the world was going through dramatic economic growth after the Second World War. The technologies originally employed in the war were transformed to civilian use and were applied to the field of atomic energy technology, information technology, biotechnology, space technology and so on. Countries like the United States, Japan, and Germany, benefitted enormously from this wave of technological development. Furthermore, the economy of China’s neighboring countries, such as Singapore, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, skyrocketed. The successful stories of these formerly poor Asian countries constitutes another reason that drove China to open up and to engage with the world from the 1980s. The rapid development of the rest of the world and the desperate situation within the country contributed to the call of the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in 1978. It was during this meeting that an important decision was  29 made that would later change the fate of China over the next 30 years. Deng Xiaoping officially announced the beginning of the Open Door Policy and the termination of the use of the central political dictum “Using class struggle as the guideline.” (Chan, Chan & Kwan, 2011) Since then, a new chapter began in the history of China. However, no one was sure what was going to happen next and many wondered whether the chaos had indeed ended. It was against this critical backdrop that the first series of textbooks examined was published in 1978. This series, entitled “English,” consists of six textbooks (Book 1-Book 6) and each has 12 to 19 lessons. Published by PEP, it was the first series of English textbooks constructed after the announcement of the Open Door Policy. With respect to the components of each lesson, there are primarily four parts: pattern drills, reading texts, spelling and pronunciation, and grammar and translation. The content is arranged around grammatical points and there are no evident cultural themes or topics. 3.3  Why 1995? As the Soviet Union disintegrated in 1991, the United States rose to become the most  powerful country in the world. However, the Sino-American relationship almost hit rock bottom in the early 1990s. The United States government suspended all high-level exchanges between the two countries in 1989 after the Beijing Tiananmen Incident, accusing the Chinese government of violating human rights. In 1992, the conflicts between the two countries intensified as their attitudes toward the issues of Taiwan and Hong Kong further differed. In light of this, the successor of the Deng Xiaoping regime, Jiang Zeming, reversed the focus of foreign relation policies to China’s neighboring countries and announced the “good-neighbor” diplomacy. The policy aimed to stabilize and actively promote a friendly relationship between China and its neighbors. From 1990 to 1992, China managed to build official diplomatic  30 relations with Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Israel, South Korea and other 19 countries. At the same time, a growing interdependence of different economies around the globe started to emerge. This trend is often referred to as economic globalization and one of its major embodiments is the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO). It is an entity that manages global rules of trade between nations to ensure a smooth and free flow of trade. It consists of dozens of countries around the world; however, China’s application for membership was disapproved at that time. The decision cost China dearly as it severely undermined the competitiveness of the country’s export industry, the main force behind China’s economic boom in the 1990s. It also demonstrated the disadvantaged international environment China was facing and the relatively low status of the country in the global community. In addition, 15 years after the announcement of the Open Door Policy, the change within China was extraordinary. Special economic zones were set up along the coastal areas in China in 1979 and they had grown to become the frontier for China’s interaction with the rest of the world in the following decades. The country’s cheap manpower and abundant natural resources gave China a strong competitive advantage in the global market. In the late 1990s, China was beginning to be referred to as the “world’s manufacturer” in the international media. Meanwhile, the Chinese general public became increasingly open and welcoming to new ideas. More people began to throw away their “iron rice bowls,” permanent and supposedly the most stable jobs in state-owned companies, and ventured into the highly competitive yet exciting world of business in the coastal areas. The growing recognition and competitiveness of the country and the changed mentality of the public led to a more flexible and utilitarian approach of the Chinese government in dealing with domestic issues (Hu, 2005; Chan, Chan & Kwan, 2011). It is evidenced by the strong stance the Jiang and Deng administration took in adopting the “market  31 economy” system in the 1990s. The Chinese economy used to follow strictly a heavily government-centered “planned economy.” The supply and demand of the country was entirely based on plans. The primary disadvantage of such a market order is that it completely cast out competition and discouraged the productivity and creativity of the workforce. As China gradually opened up, the concept of “market economy,” where investments and distribution of goods are determined primarily through markets, gained more prominence. However, the idea aroused controversies within the Party and the society. Some feared that China was turning into a capitalist country. The fear was intensified as the Soviet Union broke up in 1991 and Eastern Europe underwent drastic political transformations in the 1990s. Confronted by these external and internal pressures, Deng, who remained extremely powerful and influential over the country, made a series of important speeches in 1992, commonly referred to as the “Southern Visit Talk.” He urged the country to stop arguing meaninglessly about whether China was changing to a capitalist country; instead, to concentrate on improving productivity and the lives of the Chinese people. Against this particular backdrop came the introduction of the new term—the “Socialist Market Economy”—signifying the official transition from the old “planned economy” to the new “market-dominant economy” in 1992. The decision proved to be successful and soon contributed to another round of strong economic growth in China, reaching two-digit annual GDP growth in the mid-1990s. More jobs were created; more factories were opened; better education was provided. In the meantime, issues, such as environmental pollution, disparity between the rich and the poor and the great divergence in economic growth and development between the coastal and inner-land regions also started to surface. During this period of time, the second series of textbooks examined was written.  32 That set of textbooks is entitled Junior English for China. It comprises five textbooks (Students’ Book 1A, Book 1B, Book 2A, Book 2B, Book 3). Each textbook has approximately 12 to 14 lessons except for Book 3 (24 lessons), which covers the content of the whole academic year. Unlike the previous series, the current one was constructed around the lives of several major characters, both Chinese and non-Chinese. The lessons centered around the friendships of these young people and how the Chinese students helped the English speaking friends adapt to their lives in China and their studies in the Chinese school. The textbooks were compiled and published based on the 1993 English Language Curriculum for Full-time Junior Middle School (quanrizhi chuji zhongxue yingyu jiaoxue dagang), the most widely implemented syllabus prior to the 2003 one (Lam & Wang, 2009). According to the syllabus, the students are expected to be able to use English to “interact with other countries,” “promote the development of the national and world economy, science and culture,” “to meet the needs of our Open Door Policy” and “to accelerate socialist modernization” (People's Education Press, 1993, as cited and translated in Adamson, 1997, p. 21). The Junior English for China textbooks were published first in 1993 and used in some selected (experimental) areas. They were later adopted by most of the secondary schools in China in 1996 except for Shanghai. According to Adamson (1997) who interviewed Liu, the chief editor of Junior English for China, the coverage reached approximately 80 percent of schools all over China. In fact, it was such a widely adopted and well received version that there has been an emergence of online songs, videos and forums about the main characters (e.g., Han Meimei, Li Lei, Jim) of the Junior English for China in recent years by those who had used these textbooks before.  33 3.4  Why 2003? Since 1995, China has continued to enjoy remarkable economic development and  growing international recognition. In 1997, Hong Kong was handed back to China, and given the status of a special administrative region enjoying the right to its own governing body. Two years later, China resumed its sovereignty over Macao with the same “one country, two systems” agreement. This reveals, on one hand, that the Chinese central government remained adamant about maintaining its sovereignty as the country grew into one of the largest economy in the world; on the other hand, it showed that the CCP had become more flexible and skillful in dealing with foreign relations (Chan, Chan & Kwan). The country’s international recognition further extended as Beijing won the bid for the 2008 Olympic Games in July 2001. It illustrates, to a certain extent, the efforts and willingness of the CCP to enhance transparency and to subject itself to more media exposure and supervision from the rest of the world. By the end of 2001, China had also officially joined the World Trade Organization (WTO). The accession to the WTO meant that the country would participate in resolving trade disputes, decreasing the possibility of other members of the organizations unilaterally putting restrictions on Chinese exports. However, the entry into the WTO also meant that the country needed to change many of its laws, institutions, policies and practices that did not conform to the expectations of the international trade rules (Morrison, 2001). From the hand-overs of HK and Macao, to the bidding for the Olympic Games, to its accession to the WTO, China rose to become a major force in the 21st century. As China has grown increasingly integrated into the world, the lives of the Chinese people have experienced considerable improvements as well. Growing attention has been paid to education, particularly with respect to equity in receiving schooling. Imbalanced economic development was alleviated, to a certain degree, as the Chinese government initiated “the West  34 Development” scheme to facilitate the advance of the western part of China in 1999. The CCP announced that the country had generally reached “the basis of a well-off level” and further proposed the idea of building a “moderately prosperous society in an all-around way” in the following 10 years by 2002 in the 16th National Congress of CCP. It was in this context that the third series of textbooks was published. The series to be examined from this time, named Go For It!, was written based on the latest English language curriculum--the 2003 English language Curriculum Guidelines for Junior Middle School (putong chuzhong yingyu kecheng biaozhun). It is also the most widely implemented syllabus nowadays in China (Lam & Wang, 2009). According to the news report from the Thomson Corporation website1, this series of textbooks (including both high school version and junior middle school version) sold 50 million copies between September 2003 and May 2005 and is used as part of curriculum reforms in 29 provinces mainly in the middle schools. The series includes five textbooks (7th grade A, 7th grade B, 8th grade A, 8th grade B, 9th grade AB) with 12 to 15 units each. The organization of the textbooks is largely based on topics (e.g., How do you study for a test? Where would you like to visit?) and the functions of language use (e.g., describe people’s look; talk about past events; order food). There is an increase in the introduction of cultural elements in this series which aims to strengthen the awareness of cultural diversity and cross-cultural communication amongst the students. 3.5  Text Construction, Text Use, and Language Socialization According to Apple (1979) and Giroux (1982), there are mainly three approaches to the  critique of historical curricula in the field of textbook and curriculum research: 1) An examination of the ideological discourse of the content and form of the curricular texts; 2) an 1  http://ir.thomsonreuters.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=76540&p=irol-newsArticle&ID=715243&highlight  35 investigation of the principles that governed and the economic forces that affected the construction of the texts; and 3) an analysis of the organization of daily classroom relationships reflected through the curricular guides and adjunct materials. Luke (1988) categorized the three aspects, respectively, as “text content,” “text construction,” and “text use.” (p. 38) I concede that each of these areas deserves a detailed analysis; yet, given the limited space of my thesis, I will focus on the analysis of text content. Normally, language socialization would be associated with text use and classroom interaction but since there are implicit messages from textbook writers that are expected to be mediated by teachers but can be conveyed directly to students as well, this is an important starting point. Nevertheless, some background information regarding the other two aspects will contribute to a better understanding of the changes of the ideologies reflected in the content of the textbooks. I therefore briefly introduce the change in the relationship between the Chinese government and the publishing industry over the past three decades (text construction) as well as the pedagogies employed in the textbooks (text use). My purpose is to show that the transitions of ideological discourse did not only occur with respect to the content of the textbooks, they were also present in the realm of text construction and text use. In fact, the textbooks we have today represent the results of negotiation and interplay amongst the CCP, educational policy, the market and the textbook users. The various agencies and personnel involved in the design and production of the national curriculum, particularly syllabus and textbooks, include mainly the Ministry of Education and linguists and specialists in language education and classroom teachers (Adamson, 1997). In the 1970s, all primary and secondary schools would use the same textbooks, a practice commonly referred to as “collectively compiled textbooks” (tongbian jiaocai) (Liu, 2008). PEP was primarily responsible for the writing, disseminating and distribution of the textbooks. With its  36 affiliation to the Ministry of Education, it is legitimate to presume that what the students read in the textbooks was what the government had in mind. Therefore, the country played a hegemonic or authoritarian role in the production of textbooks in 1978. By 1995, the highly centralized and state-controlled mechanism had started to change. The production of Junior English for China serves as evidence. It was the result of a collaboration between PEP, Longman International Publishing Company and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). The decision to involve foreign agencies in the writing of the textbooks showed the increasingly relaxed mentality of the Chinese government as to what should and should not be taught to the young generation. In 2001, the Ministry of Education released the Guide of the Reform of the Basic Education Courses (jichu jiaoyu kecheng gaige gangyao (trial)) and the Temporary Regulation for the Primary and Secondary School Textbook Writing and Evaluation (zhongxiaoxue jiaocai bianxie shending guanli zhanxing banfa). The two policies officially permitted other agencies including private (both domestic and foreign) publishing houses to produce textbooks and adjunct materials, commonly referred to as “one curriculum, multiple textbooks” (yigang duoben) policy. Prior to the policies, most big local publishing houses remained peripheral participants in the textbook making industry. The decision to open up the competition underscored the increasingly important role of the publishing industry in the process of textbook production. The policies illuminate a considerable change in the degree of power the central government desires in the realm of textbook making. However, the market does not have complete autonomy over textbook compilation. According to the policies, the government remains the final decision maker during the process. The National Evaluation Committee of Primary and Secondary School Textbooks (NECPSST) (quanguo zhongxiaoxue jiaocai shengding weiyuanhui) established by the central government will remain to be in charge of the  37 evaluation of the textbooks for the nationwide audience; whereas those textbooks to be used within the province would be required to gain approval from the Provincial Evaluation Committee of Primary and Secondary School Textbooks (PECPSST) (shengji zhongxiaoxue jiaocai shengding weiyuanhui). It is worth pointing out that the term “evaluation” stands for not only an approval of mass production but also the beginning of the process. Thus, it is important to recognize both the increasingly relaxed mentality within the government concerning textbook production as well as the power the government continues to retain. When the third series of textbooks examined (Go For It) was published in 2003, it was produced through the cooperation between Thomson Learning and PEP. The writing of the 2003 textbooks resembles that of the 1995 ones in the sense that it involves a variety of agencies as well, including Thomson Learning, PEP, and NECPSST. However, there are two major differences. One is that the market, more specifically the schools, teachers and students, by then played a much more important role in determining the type of ideologies and the way ideologies should be included in the textbooks. With the opening up of the textbook publishing industry, textbook production became a highly competitive business. It required the publishers to take into consideration the opinions of its consumers (e.g., students and their parents, and classroom teachers) and what is being taught and learned in other countries. If the ideologies, values and beliefs were not largely shared by their consumers, the textbooks would be less likely to sell. Thus, it further indicates that it would be much more difficult than before to force just any type of ideologies into the textbooks if they were not readily accepted by the contemporary Chinese society. The other difference is that the 2003 series was adapted from the original version of Go For It! in the United States. Therefore, it would be a rather different challenge for the textbook editors to cope with as the questions they mainly would have to ask now were: This is how  38 students are being socialized in the U.S. and other English-speaking countries. These are the implicit/explicit values. Are these transferable to China? Do we want to promote these ideologies, kinds of knowledge, and dispositions in China? Which part do we want or not want to be learned? The negotiation process would involve more discussion about the values, beliefs and ideologies held in these two particular societies. I have attempted to argue that the making of textbooks can be a site of negotiation amongst different stakeholders. First, the process of writing requires constant negotiation amongst the textbook writers from different backgrounds (e.g., CCP, Longman, Thomson): what should and what should not be included, and how it should be included. Second, the fact that the ultimate product had to go through the (NECPSST/PECPSST), committees responsible to the Ministry of Education, added another layer to the process. Third, the voice of the textbook users and the publishing industry has become louder during this time. Thus, the ideologies embedded and the ways in which the ideologies were incorporated in this series of textbooks were the final outcome of a process of consultation and compromise between and amongst these agencies. With respect to the development of pedagogies, the main pedagogical approach of the first series is a combination of audio-lingual pattern drills and grammar-translation (Adamson, 1997; Liu, 2008). Almost all lessons start with one to two pages of long sentence drills and end with five to ten translation questions. Such a composition reflects traces of initial attempts to combine Western pedagogy (Audio-Lingual Method, ALM) with more traditional teachercentered Chinese methodology (grammar-translation) indicating China’s gradual openness towards Western ideas, beliefs and ideologies (Adamson, 1997). The use of this particular pedagogy also manifests the urgent need of the country to train English language speakers as ALM was deemed an effective means to cultivate particularly listening and speaking competence  39 in a foreign language at that time. With respect to ideological transmission, the ALM approach presumably accelerates the absorption and internalization of potential ideologies embedded in the textbooks as students would often be asked to repeat the same sentence structures and dialogues over and over again until they could get into the habit of saying them even without thinking (Richards & Rodgers, 2001). The repetition, drilling and the ultimate goal of habit forming enhance the process of socializing students into certain beliefs and ideas and render ideological transmission more achievable. The 1995 curriculum adopted a more “utilitarian” and “progressive” approach (Hu, 2005, p. 10) and stressed the improvement of students’ ability to use English. English was increasingly being seen as an integral part to quality education. Therefore, the pedagogy employed in the second series examined focused predominantly on Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) which recognizes interaction both as the approach to and the aim of learning a foreign/second language (Richards & Rodgers, 2001). The emphasis on interaction means that there would be more room for individual expression and creativity. It would require students to come up with their own sentences and dialogues. In other words, the second series is more open-ended whereas the earlier series was very closed in terms of possible and allowable correct responses. Therefore, it is more difficult for a set of prescribed ideologies to transmit through CLT than through ALM. The adoption of CLT partially contributes to a transition that leans towards personalized ideologies by encouraging students to voice their opinions and to exchange their views. Unlike the traditional teacher-centered pedagogy, the third series adopts a more learnercentered approach. It incorporates Task-Based Language Learning (TBLL) into teaching which scaffolds students to do authentic language-building tasks step by step so that they could build confidence in speaking English and using more advanced language structures (Richards &  40 Rodgers, 2001). The task-based scenarios are often closely related to students’ personal lives (e.g., looking for a volunteer job, preparing for a vacation, cooking a meal) and are often conducted through teamwork, providing more opportunities for communication and cooperation. It also allows for more room for the construction and presentation of personalized ideologies. In order to justify my choice for these particular sets of textbooks, I have illustrated in this chapter the unique social, cultural and political context in which each series of textbooks was produced and how such particular context contributed to varying ideologies embedded in the textbooks. In addition, I have discussed how the construction of the three series of textbooks and the pedagogical approach adopted by each series transitioned over the past three decades and how it signified an increasingly relaxed and open mentality of the Chinese government in the recent years; yet, the transition also revealed the power that the government remained to hold as it continued to integrate into the international market.  41 Chapter 4: Methodology and Data Analysis 4.1  Methodology As China grows into the world’s second largest economy, as pointed out in the previous  chapters, the ideologies of the CCP have undergone considerable transitions and they have been manifested in the way the textbooks were constructed over the past 30 years. However, as significant as the changes were, the strategies employed to convey these ideologies maintained a certain consistency amongst the textbooks. In the following section, I turn to four of them: two of them grammatical structures at the word or phrase level (the use of superlatives, modal auxiliaries), one at the rhetorical level (contrast), and the last at the generic structural level (genre). I use these different levels of analysis and types of structural elements to explain how the grammatical, rhetorical, and generic structure can facilitate the transmission of ideologies. To choose the structures for in-depth analysis, I surveyed all the books in the three series for salient examples of ideological content. The reason that I focus on superlatives and modal auxiliaries is that they are concrete grammatical points present in almost all English language textbooks and potentially across most genres, yet the public generally consider their teaching as ideologically neutral. However, I intend to prove that it is not necessarily so and that the teaching of grammar rules can be used and is often used to convey particular ideologies serving the interests of the dominant class or regime. My justification for looking at the use of contrast (a rhetorical structure) and genre (a generic structure) is that they are commonly known text structures widely adopted in all fields. Therefore, the findings of these two approaches would bear wider potential implications which can contribute to the research of other language textbooks and textbooks in general. The specific questions I investigated regarding the three categories or levels of structures are presented in the following table:  42 Table 4.1 Specific Questions Discussed about the Grammatical, Rhetorical, and Generic Structures Grammatical, Rhetorical, and Generic Structures I. GRAMMATICAL The use of superlatives (-est)  Specific Questions Discussed  • • •  The use of modal auxiliary-must  • •  • •  RHETORICAL The use of contrast  • • •  GENERIC (GENRES) The use of genre (letters, language drills)  • •  What examples were used when introducing the use of -est morphemes (e.g., highest, longest, strongest…)? What messages were they trying to convey? Did they change over time and why? What examples were used when introducing the use of must? Which meaning of must was emphasized? (e.g., as a command—You must work hard; as a speculation—It must be Tim’s hat; as a necessity—Having insurance is a must.) What messages were they trying to convey? Did they change over time and why? What was compared and contrasted? (e.g., past and future; East and West; Chinese and non-Chinese) What messages were they trying to convey? Did the use of comparison change over time and why? What was the purpose of the genres “letter” and " language drills” in the different series? Did it change over time and why?  To answer these questions, I explore the examples of the salient structures used in the unit of the textbooks examined and include excerpts in my study to support my contention. I concede that the exercises, images and audio tapes accompanying these textbooks are equally valuable resources for the examination of ideological discourse; yet, given the size of my thesis, I will focus specifically on the content of the lessons and may return to rest of the data in future studies. To conduct the analysis, I manually created a corpus of all instances of a particular form (e.g., grammatical structure must) or function (e.g., modality) from the textbooks, and then analyzed those structures both qualitatively and quantitatively within and across the series for typical uses (functions) and changes over time in those uses. I then interpreted the data in light of  43 macro-sociopolitical and educational shifts taking place within China and internationally. For contrast, I looked for as many implicit contrasts as possible within and across the three series and then identified a small, representative set to include for more in-depth presentation later in this chapter. For genre, I identified all the letters within and across each textbook series and then selected from among them those that seemed most relevant to an analysis of ideologies. For language drills, I tried to choose sections where the primary focus was affirmative versus negative responses to yes-no questions to make easy comparisons across series (e.g., Do you like apples? Yes, I do. No, I don’t). For the grammatical analysis of modals and superlatives, I created a mini-corpus of every example, which is included in the Appendix. I do not reproduce each example of contrast or genres (letters, drills) there primarily because of concerns about copyright. 4.2  The Use of Superlatives Superlatives in general tend to bear more ideological connotation than other grammatical  points. The reason is that when we state, for example, “something or someone is the best/worst/most important/least interesting,” it comes inevitably with criteria for evaluation. It could be rather objective (e.g., The Pacific Ocean is the biggest ocean in the world) or less so (e.g., My dog is the cutest dog in the world). The relatively more subjective use of superlatives provides us with a lens to understand the prevalent ideologies in a particular sociological context. 4.2.1  1978 Series  In this series, there are 46 times when superlatives were used and the details can be found in Table 1 in the Appendix. The following graph details the areas in which they were applied. As we can see, around 50% of the superlatives were adopted to indicate either a certain  44 characteristic of a person (e.g., age—oldest, height—tallest) or the feature of general science1 (e.g. sun—biggest, plane—fastest). Another 20 percent of the superlatives fall into the following categories: school, animal, weather, fun and food. The use of these superlatives tends to be more neutral in terms of communicating politicized ideologies (see Table 1 and Table 2 in Appendix). food	
   fun	
  	
  	
  2%	
   	
   4%	
  	
   weather	
   4%	
    	
   0%	
   other	
   9%	
    people	
   27%	
    animal	
  	
   6%	
   school	
   6%	
   China	
   17%	
    general	
  science	
   25%	
    Figure 4.1 Categorization of the 1978 Superlatives However, there are six places predominantly in the “China” category, where superlatives were evident in overtly conveying political messages, such as patriotism or a sense of superiority over the other political systems. I first turn to one of the readings in Textbook 2 (1979) to further illustrate how superlatives were incorporated into texts, in this case a reading about China’s geography, in part to socialize readers into particular nationalist or patriotic ideologies and pride in their homeland and its magnificent geographical or cultural features.  A Geography Lesson  I categorized plane, train, rubber as “general science” rather than objects, facts or transportations is that they were compared for their particular quality, such as speed, softness, hardness. See Table 5 in Appendix. 1  45 The English class is over. The students are having a rest. But the geography teacher is already here. She’s putting some pictures up on the blackboard. Some students are helping her. Others are looking at the pictures and talking about them. The students are having their geography class now. The teacher is asking them questions. One student is standing. He’s answering the teacher’s questions. Many students are putting up their hands. The teacher points to one of the pictures and asks: “Can you tell me what this is?” “It’s the Great Wall,” says one of the girls. “It’s the longest wall in the world.” The teacher points to another picture and says: “Tell me what this is.” “It’s Mount Qomolangma,” says one of the boys. “It’s the highest mountain in the world.” The answers are good and the teacher is pleased. She points to a picture of the Changjiang River and asks “Is the Changjiang the longest river in the world?” “Yes,” says a tall boy. “No,” says the teacher, “the Changjiang is the longest river in Asia, but it isn’t the longest in the world.” (Book 2, p. 84, emphasis added) As we can see, there is a repeated pattern of the use of superlatives (longest, 4 times; highest, 1 time) describing the mountains, rivers and cultural features of China. As true as these statements are, the incorporation of these facts appears to be strategic and purposeful. I will elaborate on my argument from two perspectives: How are these -est morphemes introduced and constructed in the passage? Why these particular -est morphemes? To answer the first question, we need to review the interactions between the students and the teacher. When the teacher asked the students what the picture was, a student answered “It’s the Great Wall.” Although that was already a complete answer, the girl did not stop there. She continued, without being asked, with: “It’s the longest wall in the world.” A similar pattern of interaction occurred between another student and the teacher, subsequent to which the author wrote “the answers are good and the teacher is pleased.” The way the texts were constructed is conducive to an interpretation that its purpose may be to educate the learners about the greatness of the country so as to generate a sense of pride in the students. Thus, grammar here serves not just linguistic but also ideological purposes. In addition, through this series of exchanges and the inclusion of the teacher’s “affective stance”(Duff, 2010, p. 432) (good, pleased) regarding certain kinds of geographic understanding, students were being socialized into how to give  46 satisfactory answers in classroom settings and implicit “rules” of class participation. In this case, one of the rules was about raising hands and standing up to give answers; but in terms of content another “rule” was that when asked about the geographic features of China (e.g., mountains, rivers), students were expected not only be able to identify the names but also to understand their role in relation to their counterparts in the world (rather than their role in relation to the life of the Chinese people, e.g., how the river serves as an integral part of the lives of the people in the area for transportation or water supply). Such a perspective and a way of articulating one’s answer was likely to be applied by students in other school contexts and would eventually be internalized as a way of thinking. With respect to the second question, of why these particular superlatives were selected, these examples were not randomly chosen by the textbook writers. They were not a mere statement of facts meant to teach the grammatical use of superlatives. The author(s) could have used the examples of other countries otherwise. The selection of these particular facts should be perceived in the context of the complex situation in China in the late 1970s. As mentioned earlier in the previous chapter, China was largely isolated by the rest of the world and was also dealing with the aftermath of the dreadful “Cultural Revolution” when this set of textbooks was written. It is likely that as a way to build solidarity within the country, the Chinese government sought to build a strong image in relation to the world by repeatedly reminding the students of the vast landscape of the country. The title of the reading (A Geography Lesson) gave the textbook writers a passport to freely talk about the geographic features of China and have the students read and memorize the texts. Thus, the textbook manages to socialize students into a worldview that people should take pride in being Chinese and, by extension, perhaps reinforce the reign of the CCP, as the public would feel more satisfied with their lives and the rule of the regime. Apart  47 from the superlatives shown in the readings, there are another two places where the use of superlatives was used to send a similar message, and this time a more explicitly political one. In the example that follows, the superlative was used to describe and boast about the size of the territory and the abundant natural resources of their “great socialist country” and to praise Chinese citizens who are described as “brave and hard working.” China is a great socialist country. It is in Asia. It is one of the biggest countries in the world. It has many high mountains, long rivers and big lakes. The Chinese people are a brave and hard working people. (Book 2, pp. 113-114, emphasis added) The other case where superlatives were found to bear politicized ideologies is in a story about an American news reporter, Mr. Hornsnagle, encountering democracy on an imaginary island, Yap Yap. The texts argued that though America claimed to give the public complete freedom of speech through newspapers, magazines and radio stations, the system was inherently flawed because like the Yap Yap island, only rich Americans owned the media. Through the demonstration of the obvious absurdity of the democratic system on the Yap Yap island, the article successfully underscores the hypocrisy underneath America’s so-called democracy. Here, the superlative was used to demonstrate Mr. Hornsnagle’s initial impression of the democracy on Yap Yap island: “That,” said Mr. Hornsnagle, “is the most complete democracy that I have ever heard of.” (Book 6, p. 106) Through the analysis of the two cases, I have tried to reveal that the functions of superlatives in this series of textbooks are not limited to the introduction of a grammatical point but also to build a highly positive image of the country (China), which enjoys enormous natural resources, a huge landscape and a superior political system. Furthermore, students were socialized into a way of thinking and codified “rules” to comply with through the particular formation of the texts.  48 4.2.2  1995 Series  There are 50 instances in the 1995 series where superlatives were used (see Table 3 in the Appendix). As we may notice from the chart that follows (see Figure 4.2), a discussion of food and weather in the textbook increased by 19% and 10% respectively whereas a discussion of general science dropped from 25% to 0%. This observation may reflect the improved standard of living in the 1990s, where people had more options of food, places to live and better understanding of the different areas in China. In the late 1970s, the focus of attention was on the reconstruction of the nation and industrialization. Therefore, general science topics such as planes, trains, steel, rubber were likely to be closer to people’s hearts. It is also worth noticing that the content specifically about China involving superlative forms declined from 14% to 4%. As we discussed before, superlatives concerning China tend to bear more political connotations than those in other sections, such as people (e.g., age, height) and food. The decrease signifies the reduced amount of explicit ideological teaching in the PEP textbooks. other	
   China	
   2%	
   4%	
   fashion	
   2%	
    tech	
  around	
   the	
  world	
   6%	
   food	
   21%	
    fun	
   8%	
   school	
   12%	
    public	
  facilities	
   6%	
    people	
   25%	
   weather	
   14%	
    Figure 4.2 Categorization of the 1995 Superlatives  49 Apart from the overall decrease in the proportion of political ideologies, the superlatives involved in the present series were not entirely free from ideological transmission; but perhaps were less explicit. The following reading serves as an example: The English Language Which language is spoken by the largest number of people in the world? Of course, the answer is Chinese. But which language is the most widely spoken in the world? The answer is English. English is spoken as a first language by most people in the USA, Great Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. But it is also used very widely as a foreign language in many other countries in the world. The next time you see a watch, look at the back. You may see the English words “made in China”. Look at something else, for example, a radio. Again, you may find the English words “Made in China”, or “made in Japan”, or “even “made in Germany”. Why? English is the first language in none of these countries. So why are the English words “made in…” written on these things? It is because in the modern world, English is very widely used for business between different countries. So when a German buys something from a Japanese, or an Indian sells something to a Frenchman, they may all use English. Most business letters around the world are written in English. Half the world’s telephone calls are made in English. Three quarters of the world’s books and newspapers are written in English. If you travel in India, or France, or Germany, or almost any other country in the world, you will still be able to use English. It is used by travellers and business people all over the world. That is why we are learning English in China. It is one of the world’s most important languages because it is so widely used. If you learn even a little English, you will find it useful after you leave school. (Book 5, p. 62 , emphasis added) As we can see, three of the superlatives (most widely, most people, most important) were used to communicate the popularity and importance of the English language while one (largest) referred to the wide usage of the Chinese language. However, why mention Chinese, considering the title of the passage “The English Language”? What messages do the superlatives convey? Let’s first take a look at the following excerpts from the reading texts where the Chinese language was brought into the picture: Which language is spoken by the largest number of people in the world? Of course, the answer is Chinese. But which language is the most widely spoken in the world? The answer is English.  50 It is intriguing to look at how the role of Chinese is constructed and presented in relation to English. While stating that English is the most widely spoken language in the world, the author acknowledges the critical status of the Chinese language. Such an acknowledgement comes with an apparent feeling of pride as the author wrote “Of course, the answer is Chinese.” The use of “Of course” signals that this is a well-known fact and that anyone should have no difficulty in coming up with an immediate answer. It successfully established a distinguished image of the Chinese language among other languages and socialized students into the impression that Chinese has a special place in the minds of the people. The presence of the two superlatives at the beginning of the passage can be interpreted as an attempt to ensure that Chinese is not regarded as any less important than English though the article seems to accord English superior social and economic prestige. In addition, it is essential to recognize that while the superlative “largest” relates only to the Chinese language, it is also indicating, perhaps more significantly, that the reason for it is because China has the largest population, and thus, a strong country in the world. Through the linguistic markers (superlatives), the textbook writers were able to form a contrast that does not suggest one is better than the other, but rather that the two languages are unique in their own ways and deserve equal recognition; however, maybe not the same degree of affection. After all, when answering the question about the English language (which language is the most widely spoken in the world?), the same structure (The answer is x) was used but “Of course” was missing. It seems to suggest the notion that Chinese is ours and English is theirs. However, the reading following the above texts serves as an extension to this notion, signaling that (though Chinese is ours and English is theirs), English can also be ours as it belongs to the world, as it states:  51 English is spoken as a first language by most people in the USA, Great Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. But it is also used very widely as a foreign language in many other countries in the world. The texts socialized the readers into not only English proficiency itself (acquisition of English through reading and discussion), but also the perception that English is not merely a language of Britain, North America, Australia, etc., rather it is “owned” by the whole world and used by people from different countries (including China). By doing so, it takes the ownership of English away from the UK and the United States and returns the language to the world thereby legitimizing China’s ownership of the language. In addition, the use of the superlative most people assisted the learners’ socialization into knowledge of the existence of diverse languages and language users even in English dominant countries (e.g., USA, Britain). In addition to emphasizing the vital role of the English language in the world, the reading shed light on the functionality of the language in relation to individuals’ lives, as it continues: If you travel in India, or France, or Germany, or almost any other country in the world, you will still be able to use English. It is used by travellers and business people all over the world. That is why we are learning English in China. The statements socialized students into a belief about the specific purpose of learning English, that is, to facilitate overseas travelling and business. The positioning of the role of English corresponds to the context in which the reading was written. As introduced earlier, the import and export industry constituted the main drive behind China’s economic boom in the 1990s. Travelling and studying abroad became increasingly accessible and affordable to Chinese citizens. Therefore, the attitudes of Chinese leaders (particularly those in favor of the adoption of the “market economy” system) toward English education were largely positive. English was largely considered as a prerequisite for international communication, scientific development and good job opportunities (though for those who were more conservative and concerned about  52 maintaining Chinese culture, they tended to see English as a carrier of the ideologies of the West, and particularly the imperialist countries) (Adamson & Morris, 1997). The above reading can be interpreted as a reflection of such mentality in China in the 1990s. 4.2.3  2003 Series  In the 2003 textbooks, there were 73 places where superlatives were used. Superlatives used to write about “China” were not found in the current series signifying, to a certain extent, a declining tendency to transport any politicized ideologies through classroom textbooks. The majority of the superlatives fall into the following categories: people, fun, fashion and food (see Table 5 and Table 6 in Appendix). Among them, fun, food and fashion constitute 55% of the total use. It is intriguing to observe that content related to “fun,” which as noted earlier includes entertainment and travelling, grew from 8% to 31% and fashion from 2% to 13%. It corresponds with the findings of Herman’s (2007) study in which she reported that the high school Spanish language textbooks in the United States constructed a Spanish-speaking world characterized by three Fs: fun, food and fiestas, taking advantage of and perpetuating the old and prevalent stereotypes of Spanish speakers as “fun-loving and lazy” (p. 137). In this study, the rise of these three realms may be seen in light of China’s strong economic growth along with which came the increasingly dynamic entertainment and restaurant industry, the enhanced travel opportunities and the bustling fashion market. In addition, texts concerning “people” had altered considerably from the previous two series of textbooks. The superlatives were largely associated with one’s age, height and athletic ability (e.g., tallest, oldest, runs fastest) in the previous two series (see Table 2 and Table 4 in Appendix). However, there was no mention of these aspects in this series of textbooks; rather, attention was paid mainly to one’s personality (64.5%, e.g., funniest, most boring ) and friendship (25.8%, e.g., best friend). There seems to be a shift in the characteristics  53 of the superlatives from the more objective end to the more subjective end of the spectrum reflecting an increasingly individualistic perspective. animal	
   5%	
    tech	
  around	
  the	
   world	
   3%	
   fun	
   31%	
    people	
   34%	
    food	
   11%	
    fashion	
   13%	
    school	
   3%	
    Figure 4.3 Categorization of the 2003 Superlatives Having said that, the evaluative characteristic of superlatives determines that it will inevitably convey a certain type of ideology, value and belief of the contemporary society. The following texts illuminated such a set of ideas related to the use of English language in China in the early 2000s: When I was a young girl, all I ever wanted to do was travel, and I decided that the best way to do this was to become a flight attendant. I’ve been a flight attendant for two years now. It’s a really interesting job because I travel all over the world. I discovered that the most important requirement was to speak English well, so I studied English at the Hilltop Language School for five years before I became a flight attendant. It was because I could speak English that I got the job. Thank you, Hilltop Language School! (Book 4, p. 72, emphasis added) Here, the superlative “most important” illuminated the perspective that the government and textbook writers sought to socialize the teenaged learners into about the role of English in job hunting in China. The idea was further reinforced by the remark “It was because I could  54 speak English that I got the job.” Immediately, English proficiency was highlighted as the fundamental reason for which the girl was able to secure the position. The example illustrated the belief about the functions and significance of English shared by the contemporary Chinese society and the critical role it might play in helping people achieve their dream. In addition, such an ideology regarding the use of English also shares some commonality with that of the 1995 series in the sense that they both see English as an international language used around the globe. The girl’s mastery of English gave her a job but more importantly a possibility and an opportunity to communicate with people from all over the world. Thus, it corresponds with the message of the 1995 series which stated that the purpose of learning English was to facilitate overseas travelling and business. Furthermore, the texts serve as an exemplar of the shifted orientation of the ideologies embedded in the 2003 textbooks. Readers were socialized into an array of ideologies, values and beliefs that were more concerned with the personal development of individuals rather than the collective goal of the country (e.g., becoming builders of socialism). 4.3  The Use of Modal Auxiliary—Must As discussed earlier, the usage of modal auxiliaries is regularly included in grammar  rules presented in almost all EFL textbooks and is also an important form of language socialization (usually between teachers and students or parents and children). Nevertheless, not many people are aware of their role in ideological transmission through language socialization. By telling people what to do and not to do in order to be appropriate members and speakers of the target language, community and culture (e.g., you must/mustn’t do it), the modal auxiliaries serve as a quintessential means of socializing the learners into a series of beliefs and values. In my study, I discuss the functions of one of the auxiliaries—must—in language socialization as an example to uncover such a process.  55 4.3.1  1978 Series  There were 45 uses of must in the first series, among which only three were employed to convey speculation (e.g., The house must be very dirty; He must feel very bad) (see Table 7 in Appendix). The rest acted mainly as commands for moral obligations from the students. The chart underneath delineates the percentage of the different use of must.  safety/health	
   19%	
    expectations/moral	
   obligations	
    home/school/social	
   rules	
   	
   46%	
   necessity/facts	
   28%	
    speculations	
   7%	
    	
   	
    Figure 4.4 Distribution of the Use of must in the 1978 Series As we can see from the chart, 46% of the must use demanded specifically compliance with rules of the family, the school as well as the society, such as “Must I be home before eight o’clock? Yes, you must” (Book 3, Page 28). “Must I bring it back for that? Yes, you must. And you mustn’t lend it to others”(Book 3, Page 29). In addition, 19% concerned the requirements for personal safety and health. For instance, “You must stay at home all day” (Book 4, p. 53). “You can get up if you like, but you mustn’t go out” (Book 4, p. 53). Apart from that, 28% of the must articulated purely the necessity of doing certain things instead of expectations for students. For example, “I must give it a good cleaning” (Book 3, p. 77). “When must the money for the tickets  56 be handed in? It must be handed in sometime before Friday” (Book 6, p. 35). “They (whales) must stay in the water or they will die” (Book 5, p. 103). In addition to dealing with which meaning of the word is included and excluded, I will explore how must was woven into the readings to socialize students into certain ideologies and what type of ideologies were presented. It is not surprising to find that most of the politicized ideologies emerged from the classification of “home/school/social rules” because they tend to be more salient in revealing the standard that individuals and the society holds as opposed to the other classifications. I will use an excerpt from this section to elaborate on the ways in which ideologies were embedded into the texts and how the language learners are socialized into these ideologies: An Old Scientist Speaks I was born in 1912. A poor boy like me couldn’t go to school. When I was your age, I already had to work. The work was hard and the food was bad. After work I taught myself to read and write. But things are different now. Most children can go to school. You have fine schools and very good teachers. Boys and girls, when you grow up, you’re going to help build up our country. What must you do now if you want to do that job well? You must work hard at your lessons. You must learn to write good Chinese. Maths and physics are very important. If you do well in them, you can learn other sciences well. You must be good at a foreign language. A good scientist must learn from the scientists of other countries. You’re all growing fast. Have plenty of exercise every day, children, and make yourselves strong. I needn’t tell you that good health is a must for builders of socialism. Above everything else, study Marxism. It’s an important guide to the study of science. (Book 3, p. 44, emphasis added) I examine the use of must from three perspectives: 1) Who was the must being used to address? 2) Who used the must? 3) That meaning did the must carry? With respect to the first question, we can infer from the way the speaker referred to his addressees (boys and girls, you, children) that the audience of the speech is the English textbook users in the Chinese secondary  57 school. With respect to the identity of the speaker, it can be understood from three aspects: seniority, profession and family background. These three traits effectively put the speaker in a powerful and highly respected position. In the Chinese culture, the seniors are often acknowledged as the wisest people in the society and in their family (according to Confucian traditions, although clearly not during the Cultural Revolution when children were encouraged to denounce their politically incorrect teachers and other elders), therefore, their suggestions are supposed to be faithfully followed by those younger than them. In addition to seniority, being a scientist was a highly recognized profession in China particularly between the late 1970s and early 1990s as China struggled to become a stronger power by pushing its scientific achievements in the military sector and manufacturing industry. Regarding family background, it is a unique characteristic intrinsically linked to China’s contemporary history in which the CCP relied heavily on the support of the poor. The idea that “the poorer your family is, the better you are and the more recognition you will enjoy” was taken to extremes during the “Cultural Revolution.” Though family background was less emphasized after the turmoil, it is legitimate to suspect that the speaker would not have shared his upbringing in a textbook such as this if he were raised in a rich family. It would be considered a “shameful” family background in many cases. Another explanation could be that the insertion of the “hard life” of the speaker was an attempt to construct an evident contrast between the life before and after the CCP came into power in order to make the students be more grateful for their “good lives.” By doing so, the speaker establishes more ground to demand compliance, conformity and obedience from the audience and to justify his use of the stronger tone such as, must and I needn’t tell you. The examination of the identity of the speaker and the addressees gives us a clue about who was recognized as a qualified and legitimate person to adopt this modal auxiliary, and thereby,  58 manifest some of the values and ideologies upheld in China in the late 1970s. At the same time, the grammatical construction further socialized students into an idea (if they had not known yet) about seniority and profession (e.g., who should be respected; what job should be admired), which further sustains the social reproduction of these ideologies. In the following section, I will respond to the third question, of what meaning the must carries, by analyzing the functions of the auxiliary in the following part extracted from the earlier text. Boys and girls, when you grow up, you’re going to help build up our country. What must you do now if you want to do that job well? You must work hard at your lessons. You must learn to write good Chinese. Maths and physics are very important. If you do well in them, you can learn other sciences well. (Book 3, p. 44, emphasis added) As we can see from this extract, must represents the essential elements to success in that job: being hardworking and being able to excel in some of the main school subjects. However, what job was the speaker referring to? The job to build up our country. The sentence structure of the response suggests that the idea of working for the country was an assumption that seems to be shared by everyone (You’re going to build up our country). Fairclough (2003) noted that “assumed meanings are of particular ideological significance—one can argue that relations of power are best served by meanings which are widely taken as given” (p. 58). The assumption, as one of the many in this reading, provides a base upon which the musts are built. They socialized students into a view that this was naturally their responsibility as students. The socialization was further strengthened through the following question—“What must you do now if you want to do that job well?” It was assumed that any Chinese reader would happily accept the mission to serve the country and the only question left is how to do it better. It would have offered more room for alternatives if the statement were framed as “if you want to do that job?” or “if you might want to do that job?” The foundation was foregrounded. The use of must in the question (what must you  59 do if you want to do that job well?) also suggested that the nature of advice given in the speech was not one of the many ways to achieve the result (e.g., what can you do?). It was the only way. If you did not have exceptional academic performance, you would have no chance of serving the country well. The following statement—"I needn’t tell you that good health is a must for builders of socialism”—further specifies the role the students will play as they grow up and what would be required of them physically. It is not yet clear if these ideologies have indeed been accepted by the Chinese public; or rather, ideologies that have been deliberately woven into the texts to socialize students into such a belief. In any case, they do coincide with the messages from the introduction to the 1978 English syllabus: “To uphold the principles of classless internationalism and to carry out Chairman Mao’s revolutionary diplomacy effectively, we need to nurture a large number of ‘red and expert’ people proficient in a foreign language and in different disciplines. That is why have to strengthen both primary and secondary teaching” (Adamson & Morris, 1997, p. 17, emphasis in original). Through both the textbook reading as well as the syllabus, the use of the linguistic markers (e.g., must) reveals the unyielding role the government had in shaping the minds of the students and the skillful tactics adopted to socialize students into (1) a series of moral obligations and responsibilities as a student and a Chinese citizen, (2) the identity of builders of socialism, (3) an understanding about the function of English and other academic subjects, and (4) their future career opportunity as individuals. 4.3.2  1995 Series  There were 56 uses of must in the 1995 textbooks and only 2% was speculative which was consistent with the findings in the previous set of textbooks (see Figure 4.5 and Table 8 in Appendix). A critical difference, however, lies in the fact that nearly half of the modal auxiliary verb use in this series expressed necessity rather than demands for moral obligations. For  60 example, “The ground must not be too hard”. “The hole must not be too deep”. “The tree must be straight.” (Book 5, p. 69). The rise in the use of must to present more factual statements instead of expectations for compliance and conformity implies an inclination to gravitate towards more non-politicized ideologies in the EFL textbooks. speculations	
   2%	
    necesssity/	
  facts	
   47%	
    home/school/ social	
  rules	
   32%	
    safety/health	
   19%	
    expectations/ moral	
  obligations	
    Figure 4.5 Distribution of the Use of must in the 1995 Series Another difference comes from the noticeable decrease in the introduction of “home/school/social rules”, dropping from 46% to 32% and even amongst the existing rules, they are associated less with conformity to morality and more with individual’s expectations and socially accepted customs. For instance, “You must help me do the cooking this afternoon” (Book 4, p. 77); “You must look after your clothes” (Book 4, p. 54); “You must always wait in a queue;” and “You must never ‘jump the queue’” (Book 4, p. 90). Nevertheless, traces of moral demands can still be detected in the 1995 series. For example, in one case, one of the characters named Ann asked another character Meimei if she would like to have dinner at her place and the following is part of their conversation:  61 Ann: We have our evening meal at about a quarter past six. Why don’t you come a little earlier? About a quarter to. Ok? Meimei: I have quite a lot of homework to do. I must finish that first. But I think I can be free at six. May I come then? Ann: Sure. Work must come first! (Book 3, p. 21, emphasis added) The conversation between the two school girls socialized readers into an expectation for “good” students. The use of must revealed Meimei’s firm determination to complete the assignments and her strong awareness of the “duty” she had as a student. Ann’s response reinforced the idea that one should always bear in mind what is expected of him/her as a student. Here, the use of must was effective in strengthening the tone of the statement. The way the auxiliary was framed, nevertheless, demonstrated a decline of emphasis on explicit moral demands. Instead of addressing all students, as shown in the previous series (e.g., “What must you do now if you want to do that job well? You must learn to write good Chinese”), the must was only used in Meimei’s individual case. The fact that no must, as a command for moral conformity, was employed to address the entire student population in this series indicates a tendency to reduce overt ideological preaching. Meanwhile, a growing use of must was identified in scenarios related to personal safety and health, such as seeing a doctor or crossing a road. For example, “You must be more careful! That car nearly hit you”(Book 4, p. 89). “You mustn’t play on the road. It’s dangerous” (Book 4, p. 89). “No, you mustn’t eat anything until you see the doctor” (Book 4, p. 92). Moving from “what the students must do for the country” to “what the students must do for themselves”, the transition demonstrates a more personal concern for the wellbeing of the students from the textbook writers and the government. 4.3.3  2003 Series  In the current set of textbooks, the total use of must has dropped dramatically from 56 times to 16 times. More surprisingly, only one meaning of the auxiliary was employed  62 throughout this series—that is—to indicate logical probability or presumptive certainty. In other words, all of the must were adopted to enunciate speculations rather than commands (e.g., “It must belong to Carla” (Book 5, p. 34). “It must be Linda’s backpack” (Book 5, p. 35). The following chart details the change in the use of must across the three sets of textbooks. 120%	
   100%	
   80%	
   home/school/social	
  rules	
   safety/health	
    60%	
    necessity	
   speculations	
    40%	
   20%	
   0%	
   1978	
    1995	
    2003	
    Figure 4.6 The Use of must in 1978, 1995, 2003 Series The diminishing use of must and the particular meaning the textbook writers chose to incorporate indicates a shifted emphasis from moral obligations (e.g., what you must do; what you must not do) to the practical usage of English in daily life. However, one could not help but wonder: how do the textbooks then teach students to articulate necessity or give commands? The answer is found in Unit 12 of Book 2 in which learners were taught to convey these meanings through the following sentence structures in the 2003 series: (1) Don’t do .... (2) You have to…/You don’t have to… (3) Can I/you/they do …? Yes, you/I/they can. No, you/I/they can’t (see Table 9 and Table 10 in Appendix). There could be two possible explanations for such a change. One could be that must when referring to obligations is used more often in British  63 English than in American English. According to the book Practical English Usage by Michael Swan (Oxford University Press, 1995), have to is used as the regular expression in American English. However, British English often uses must when talking about the feelings and wishes of the speaker or the hearer (e.g., I must stop drinking. I want to.) whereas it uses have to to express obligations that come from “outside” (e.g., I have to stop drinking. My doctor says so.). Since this series was adapted from the “Go For It!” series originally used in the U.S., it is only reasonable that have to was taught instead of must. Having said that, the fact that it was kept the same way and was not adapted back to the British usage (though the previous two series used British English) also indicates, to a certain extent, a change in the perception of “ownership” of English or which variety was more popular around the world (including in China)—and perhaps, also, which destination students were more likely to align their studies of English with for further education or other pursuits. And was it because of linguistic reasons or economic ones or sociocultural ones (e.g., Hollywood movies, sports, future university study in the U.S.)? The other explanation could be that compared to the expressions in the current series, structures involving must, such as “You mustn’t …” and “You must…”, seemed stronger in tone to give orders, and thereby, more dictatorial in disciplining others’ behaviors and even their thinking. Therefore, the change can be interpreted as an extension to the change in the previous series of textbooks to continue to reduce the amount of explicit preaching of moral ideologies in the textbooks. 4.4  The Use of Contrast Another major approach the textbooks employed to convey the ideology of the dominant  group is through the use of contrast—not just at the level of grammar but in terms of the rhetorical organization and content of the text. The questions related to contrast are: Who/what is  64 being compared and contrasted? Is the contrast/comparison overt or covert? What are the messages being conveyed? 4.4.1  1978 Series  In this series, three major themes of contrast were identified: 1) black people vs. white people, 2) the socialist system vs. democratic system, and 3) China in the past vs. China at the present. In “A Black Girl Speaks Her Mind” (Book 4, p. 124) and “Negroes in America” (Book 6, Page 15), these two readings shed light on the utterly opposite treatments that white and black people allegedly received in public places in America and how discrimination against black people remained an on-going issue even in 1978. By underscoring the rampant racism in the United States, the reading implied, in contrast, the equity and solidarity Chinese people enjoyed. Another reading, entitled “Golden Trumpets”, which has been discussed previously, brought into focus the distinctions between the socialist system and the democratic system. The story sought to demonstrate that the democratic system the American government promoted around the world was no different from the obviously problematic political system the Yap Yap Island adopted. The real purpose of the contrast was to manifest the merits of the socialist system that the Chinese government embraced. To further elucidate how contrast was formed both at the lexical and structural level as an effective method to disseminate ideologies and to socialize readers into a certain way of thinking, I use the follow reading as a concrete example. Our Town Our town is not big. There are about one hundred and sixty thousand people in it. It is on a new railway line. The streets are wide and straight, and there are many new houses and shops along them. There are trees everywhere. There is a big, modern hospital and some fine schools. Just outside the town there are about ten factories, and thousands of people work in them. But what were things like in the town in the old days? There were only about fifty thousand people in the town. Life was good for the few rich families. But the rest of the people were poor. They lived a miserable life. They  65 lived in small, dark houses in dirty, narrow streets. Many had no work and their children often went hungry. In those days there were no factories in the town. There was no hospital, either. There was only one school, and it was for the children of the rich. My parents often tell me: “Life was very hard for the working people then. We have a much better life now, but we must make it better still.” (Book 3, pp. 55-57) From the lexical level, the positive adjectives (e.g., wide, straight, modern) were used to describe the status quo while the negative adjectives (e.g., small, narrow, dirty) were used to represent the past. Numbers (e.g., 160,000 people vs. 50,000 people, ten factories vs. no factories) were compared to show the remarkable change (development, growth) that the Party had made over the years. The table below delineates the contrasts from the lexical perspective. Table 4.2 Contrast Between the Old Days and the New Days Old Days  New Days  Population  fifty thousand  one hundred and sixty thousand  Streets  dirty, narrow  wide, straight  Houses  small, dark  new  Hospitals  none  big, modern  Schools  one (for the children of the rich)  some, fine  Factories  none  ten  Work  many had no work  thousands of workers  Life  miserable  much better  From the structural perspective, the passage started with a detailed depiction of the facilities and the environment of the town. As the title (“Our Town”) suggested, one would assume that the author would move on to talk about the life of the people in the town and perhaps, the warm and friendly atmosphere of the neighborhood, which seemed only natural given such a positive portrayal of the town in the previous paragraph. However, the focus of the  66 passage suddenly altered from the present to the “old days” through the use of a rhetorical question (But what were things like in the town in the old days?) In the next paragraph, the depiction of what life was like in the past followed precisely the same order of the previous paragraph, which successfully built up a staggering contrast. The same objects were repeated twice but with distinctively opposite adjectives. Such a way of constructing differences inevitably deepens the impression of the readers about the extent of change that had been made since the old days. The reasons behind the contrasts can be examined from the “hierarchy of purposes” (Fairclough, 2003, p. 71), which looks at the different levels of purposes of certain texts. On the surface, it appears that the passage attends to the extraordinary transformation of a town in China; however, a deeper purpose could be to comfort the public who had been enduring the consequences of years of class struggles by reminding them that life was even more difficult in the old days. By doing so, the texts could make readers more sympathetic to their current conditions and regime. The framing of the “old days” and the “new days” contributes to a particular “focalization” which constructs “covert antagonist-protagonist relations” (p. 85). Though the reading didn’t mention explicitly who the antagonists and protagonists were, it became obvious when the concept of “working people” (Life was hard for the working people.) and “rich families” (Life was good for the few rich families. It was for the children of the rich) were woven into the texts. The antagonists were the landlords and the protagonists were those who saved the public from suffering—the Chinese Communist Party. Put in a simple way, the bigger the contrast is, the more grateful the students were supposed to feel to the government in power. The young readers were socialized into a certain interpretation of the past and the present that may help to alleviate the pain the public (including the readers) felt after decades of austerity  67 and difficulty and to bring out gratitude from them towards the Party. Therefore, the young learners were inducted into a group of specific dispositions (e.g., gratitude) and values (responsibility) with and through the acquisition of the English language (Duff, 2010; Duff, 2012). The last paragraph of the reading further exemplifies socialization of this type, as it writes: “My parents often tell me: ‘Life was very hard for the working people then. We have a much better life now, but we must make it better still’”. So far, we have seen that both explicit (the direct citation above) and also implicit (contrast) approaches were adopted to socialize students into the idea of being thankful for what they have and being morally obliged to make life better. The use of the auxiliary must and the adverb often illustrates the firm belief of the parents (the “old timers”) about what is required of the learners (the newcomers) in the community (e.g., the Chinese society, the school, the family). Through the analysis of this passage, I have illuminated how contrasts were made to serve the purposes of the government in extolling the benefits of the social, political, and moral dispositions of the Chinese government, either in relation to earlier political eras in China or those found in other countries (both past and at the time the textbook was produced) in the U.S. and how novices became socialized into a certain version of the past and the status quo and their responsibilities as a Chinese citizen. 4.4.2  1995 Series  Two main contrasts were posed in the 1995 textbooks: 1) American government vs. Chinese government, and 2) rich vs. poor. In order to demonstrate how sociopolitical ideologies were conveyed through the above contrasts in this series, and thus how students were being socialized into particular worldviews, I first turn to one of the readings about environmental issues, in the “Great Green Wall”.  68 The Great Green Wall Look at the diagram on the right. It shows what has happened to the forests of the USA in the last 350 years. In 1620, about half the USA was covered by forests. In 1850, about a third was covered by forests. Today, the forests have almost gone. A lot of good land has gone with them, leaving only sand. Today, too many trees are still being cut down in the USA. China does not want to copy the USA’s example. So China has built a new Great Wall across the northern part of the country. This time, it is a “Great Green Wall” of trees, millions of trees. The Great Green Wall is 7, 000 kilometers long, and between 400 and 1,700 kilometers wide. The Great Green Wall will stop the wind from blowing the earth away. It will stop the sand from moving towards the rich farmland in the south. It has already saved a lot of land. But more “Great Green Walls” are still needed, and not only in China. They must be built all over the world. Wang Feng is a worker at Yulin in Shanxi. He works on the Great Green Wall with many other people. We visited him at his workplace among the young trees and asked him about his work. “Many thousands of trees must be planted every year,” he said. “The more, the better. This year alone, we’ve already planted ten thousand trees. You see all those small trees over there on that hill? That was sand five years ago. Now it’s a young forest! In a few years’ time, those mountains will be covered with trees, too!” He pointed to the high mountains far away. Was it difficult to work on the Great Green Wall? “Yes. It’s hard work, but it’s very important. The only problem is you can’t eat trees! So we grow our own food, too. But we’re growing a lot more now, thanks to the Green Wall.” (Book 5, p. 70) As shown in the passage, a striking contrast was formed to reflect the wisdom of the Chinese government and the shortsightedness of the American government. The passage starts with an imperative sentence (Look at…) that directs the readers’ attention to a diagram shown in the textbook with a map above it, marked “THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA”. The diagram illustrates the sharp decline of the number of trees from the early 1600s to the mid1800s continuing into the foreseeable future in the USA. Reference to the rapid and reckless destruction of forests over the years points to an imprudent government that exchanged longterm growth for short-term benefits. The statement “Today, too many trees are still being cut down in the USA” further indicates that the American government remained oblivious to the error of its ways in spite of such a grave reality. Thus, the negative image of the USA was further  69 reinforced. Following the depiction of the diagram came the transitional sentence “China does not want to copy the USA’s example”, which immediately positioned China at the opposite of the USA. It contributes to an understanding that unlike the profit-driven and imperceptive American government, the Chinese government is wise and long-sighted. The Great Green Wall was described in detail to show the efforts that had been put into the project and the telling outcome yielded. Meanwhile, the statements “But more “Great Green Walls” are still needed, and not only in China. They must be built all over the world ” seem to indicate further that China is a pioneer and leader in environmental protection (which may be viewed paradoxically given China’s current environmental challenges). The modal must used in the above sentence further reveals the strong stance the Chinese government took as far as this issue is concerned. The Great Green Wall was presented as a successful pilot project to demonstrate that China had set a good example for the rest of the world to follow and therefore that China was a world leader and that China’s actions and attitudes had a profound impact on the world. In addition, the voice of a worker involved in the project was later brought into the passage by direct citation in the final third of the passage. The effect of incorporating the worker’s words about the process of building the Green Wall is that it effectively substantiated the originally abstract image of the project and pulled it closer to the reader. The interviewer’s questions, in contrast, are not provided in direct quotations. The addition of the worker’s description also reflects an attempt to increase the authenticity of the report through an eye-witness account. As Fairclough (2003) pointed out, the incorporation of another voice always involves choices of framing, which “brings in questions about the ordering of voices in relation to each other in a text” (p. 53). As we can see from the passage, the voice of the American side was silent. There was mere indirect reporting of its apparent actions and they were all presented with  70 statistics, which were often regarded as the most reliable source of evidence. In other words, the way America was constructed seemed to be based entirely on “facts”; yet, the “facts” were rather one-sided. For example, there was no mention of whether any measures were taken to tackle the loss of forests in the U.S. Perhaps new trees were being planted? And there was a lack of sources provided for these facts. Did they come from a report conducted by an independent agency? Or did they come from the Chinese government? Such a representation easily casts America in a negative light, creating an impression that whoever had written the report had abundant proof to support his/her argument about America’s poor environmental record. After the Chinese economy and social life had begun to improve, conflicting issues with the American government rose (particularly after 1989, with the Tiananmen Square event and crackdown and the unwelcome attention that attracted, particularly from the United States). The juxtaposition between the situations in the United States and China can therefore be seen as a reflection of the deteriorating Sino-American relationship and a means for the Chinese government to promote its own administration. The second major realm of contrast is in the differentiation between the rich and poor and there were three places of such a contrast in this series. In one place, two pictures were displayed: a rich man sitting alone looking upset; a poor man happily enjoying a meal with his friends. The texts under the pictures reflected their emotions: “I don’t have many friends, and I don’t enjoy myself very much; I’m poor, but I always enjoy myself!” (Book 4, p. 102) The other two contrasts were shown as follows: Not everybody in the USA is rich. Here is a story about some poor people in the USA. Read the story, and find out: “Who was the American boy and what was wrong with him?” (Book 4, pp. 102-103, emphasis added) LI LEI: Where do you live in the USA?  71 BILL: Let me show you on the map. We live in a place called Gum Tree. Can you see Gum Tree? It’s only a small village. LI LEI: Gum Tree? Is it here-near the town of Ashland? BILL: Yes. Ashland is a small town about eight kilometers from the city of Richmond. What about you? Where do you live? LI LEI: I live in a tall building in the city of Beijing. (Book 3, p. 38, emphasis added) The constant reference to the existence of poverty in America and the spotlight on the issue of rich/poor may be seen as a response to the conflicts between China and America in the 1990s and the emerging opposition within the country derived from large-scale lay-off within state-owned companies in the 1990s. The above examples were likely to socialize learners into: 1) an understanding that difficult financial circumstances should not undermine one’s feeling of happiness; 2) a worldview that poverty exists in America too—the biggest (super) power in the world—and Chinese people have a better life than American people. Such socialization may soften the tension between the Chinese government and its public that rose from the increasing stratification in the Chinese society and thus, serves to sustain the reign and perceived legitimacy of the Party. Having said that, by including the examples above, I do not suggest that everything related to America included in this series was negative. In fact, one interesting characteristic found consistently in this series is that America as a country tended to be portrayed negatively whereas the American people and the relationships between Chinese and American people were often depicted in a positive light, particularly when the Americans were in China. For example, dialogues where American(s) were asked about their experience in studying or living in China, the answers were unanimously positive (e.g., “How do you like China? We like it very much. It’s great. What do you like about China? The people-and the food.” Book 2, p. 98). In addition, textbook characters from America were always welcomed and treated nicely by their Chinese  72 friends (e.g., “American-English-Chinese! There’s no difference,” says Wei Hua. “We’re all friends.” Book 2, p. 92). Moreover, it should be pointed out that other countries, such as Australia, Britain, Canada and Japan were included in this series as well and they were all presented either in a positive or neutral light (see Table 11 in Appendix). The contradictory representation of the American government and its people was unique in this series and it proves to a certain degree, that textbooks can be used to convey the ideologies of the ruling class. Apart from the two dominant types of contrast, there were other types of contrasts. For example, in one reading entitled “Different Countries, Different Weather” (Book 4, p. 67), the weather of Australia, England, America and China was compared to demonstrate the relationship between weather type and national geography. In another reading, the world population between the 1900s, 1970s and 1990s was juxtaposed to illustrate the fast growth of the population around the world. The example illuminated China’s concern about its population growth in the 1990s and may also be regarded as a means to justify its “One Child Only” policy initiated in the 1980s (which created enormous controversies within the country). Through the introduction and examination of the different types of contrast, I intend to elucidate how the strategy was used continuously to convey sociopolitical ideologies that serve the interests of the ruling class and to socialize students into expected social norms and ways of thinking through EFL textbooks in the mid-1990s. 4.4.3  2003 Series  In the 2003 series, the use of contrast was found not to disseminate certain political ideologies but rather to display cultural, social and individual differences. I list the various contrasts and comparisons presented in one of the textbook series as an example to show its high frequency of being adopted in the 2003 series (see Table 4.3).  73 Table 4.3 Contrast and Comparison in 2003 Series Book 5 No.  Title  Contrast and Comparison  Unit  1  How do you study for a test?  Different ways to study for a test  Unit 1  2  Teenagers should be allowed  Different opinions on the issue  Unit 3  to choose their own clothes 3  What would you do?  Different responses to imaginary situations  Unit 4  4  I like music that I can dance  Different preferences for music  Unit 6  Different places for travelling  Unit 7  to 5  Where would you like to visit?  6  I will clean up the city parks  Different volunteering options  Unit 8  7  When was it invented?  Different inventions of distinctive functions  Unit 9  8  By the time I got outside, the  Different experiences of having a bad day  Unit 10  Could you please lend me  Different pragmatics to ask for information in  Unit 11  your pen?  different countries  You’re supposed to shake  Different social customs in different countries  Unit 12  Receiving money makes me  Different perceptions about gifts in different  Unit 13  uncomfortable  culture  We’re trying to save the  Different ways to protect the animals and the  manatees  environment  bus had already gone 9 10  hands 11  12  Unit 15  The way the title of the units was designed indicated their clear intention to invite different perspectives and to engage students in discussions. Contrasts and comparisons were often incorporated into the units as they are an effective way to spark conversations. From the viewpoint of pedagogy, such a composition corresponds with the method of Task-based Language Learning (TBLL) adopted in this series to encourage students’ participation in using  74 English in real life situations. From the social and political viewpoint, such a change can be understood in relation to the context China was in after its accession into the WTO and its successful bid for the 2008 Olympics games. These two critical events meant that (1) the country would expect a large number of people with various cultural backgrounds to arrive soon; (2) the Chinese business industry would face great opportunities as well as serious challenges regarding the rules of the international market; and (3) China would need a huge number of people who not only were able to speak English but were also well-versed in (cross-)cultural issues. Therefore, it was critical for the Chinese government to take immediate measures to equip its citizens with more knowledge about distinctive cultures, a more open-minded attitude towards the rest of the world and an ability to communicate in English. Now I turn to one of the readings to demonstrate how contrast can socialize students into understandings about cultural diversity. In this example, the topic is about perceptions of time and punctuality from the perspectives of people from Columbia and Switzerland: From Teresa Lopez, Cali, Colombia: Where I’m from, we’re pretty relaxed about time. If you tell a friend you’re going to their house for dinner, it’s okay if you arrive a bit late. Spending time with family and friends is very important to us. We often just drop by our friends’ homes. We don’t usually have to make plans to meet our friends. Often we just walk around the town center, seeing as many of our friends as we can! From Marc LeBlanc, Lausanne, Switzerland: In Switzerland, it’s very important to be on time. We’re the land of watches, after all! If someone invites you to meet them at 4: 00, you have to be there at 4: 00. If you’re even fifteen minutes late, your friend may get angry. Also, we never visit a friend’s house without calling first. We usually make plans to see friends. We usually plan to do something interesting, or go somewhere together. (Book 5, p. 96) As we can see, the two students shared their opinions on the concept of time in their own cultures. Contrasts were formed with respect to the following questions: whether it is tolerable to be late for a dinner at a friend’s house; whether it is culturally acceptable to drop by a friend’s house without calling in advance; and whether it is appropriate to see a friend without making  75 plans first. The juxtaposition revealed the unique attitudes toward time in different cultures. The following questions are some of the exercises accompanying the above reading texts. 1. Mind Your Manners 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.  In the United States, you’re not supposed to eat with your hands. T/F In Peru, you are not supposed to talk at the table. T/F In China, you’re not supposed to pick up your bowl to eat. T/F In Korea, the youngest person is supposed to start eating first. T/F In Brazil, you should wipe your mouth with your napkin every time you take a drink. T/F  2a. Tomorrow Steve is going to Japan to be an exchange student. His Japanese friend Satoshi is telling him about the table manners in Japan. Listen and number the pictures in the order Satoshi talks about them. 2b. Imagine that you are Steve from 2b. Write an e-mail message to a friend about the table manners in Japan. 3. Write an e-mail message telling someone from another country about the table manners in your country. How can you help visitors to China? Make a list of things people are supposed to do in these different situations. Eating meals with other people. Making appointments Giving compliments. Offering tea. Introducing other people. Speaking to older people. Making a toast at dinner. (Book 5, pp. 95-96) In the first exercise, students were assessed on their comprehension about cultural distinctions in the United States, Peru, China, Korea and Brazil, comprising places all around the world, which can be seen as a manifestation of China’s extensive engagement with the rest of the world in real life. The cultural knowledge mentioned in the exercises may be limited, but the intended message went beyond that. It served as a signal to reveal China’s willingness to embrace cultural diversity all over the world. In exercise 2a and 2b, Japanese table manners were presented and students were asked to write an email message to a friend to introduce them. Compared to the previous two sets of textbooks, the specific incorporation of the Japanese culture was already a step further. Yet, the exercises reflected that students were expected not only to be aware of the Japanese table manners but to be able to share them with others. Such an  76 emphasis on a good understanding of Japanese culture illuminated the growing open attitudes of the Chinese government toward Japan and the Japanese culture. The three series of textbooks thus illustrated the transition of the mentality of the Chinese government in dealing with SinoJapanese relations over the past three decades, from being relatively hostile in 1978 (e.g., we don’t speak Japanese. Book 2, p. 102) to being more neutral in 1995 (e.g., Japanese car. Book 1, p. 19. “Made in Japan”. Book 5, p. 62) to being friendly in 2003 (e.g., introduction of the Japanese culture). And the learners of the different series of textbooks were socialized into a perspective of and an attitude towards Japan or the Japanese language and culture unique in its own time. Apart from foreign cultures, Chinese culture was also brought into the picture. Unlike the previous series where China was introduced in a superior way in contrast with other countries, here the Chinese culture was included as one of the many cultures in the world. There was no spotlight on this particular culture. In addition, the statement “how can you help visitors to China?” revealed the aim was for students to use English to communicate Chinese culture to foreign visitors. It also elucidated the urgent needs of the Chinese society to be able to facilitate inter-cultural communication brought about by entry into WTO and the upcoming Olympic Games. In summary, I have demonstrated so far that the use of contrast has varied mainly in two realms: (1) an increasing use as a way to inspire conversations and to solicit different inputs; (2) a change in the aim of contrast: to socialize students into an understanding of cultural and individual differences. 4.5  The Use of Genre and Structure Fairclough (2003) uses generic structure to refer to the “overall structure or organization  of a text, which depends upon the main genre upon which the text draws” (p. 216). In the  77 following section, I uncover how ideologies are reinforced and thus how teenaged Chinese learners of English have been socialized through the use of genre and generic structure. I focus here on the genre of a personal letter and language drills, since the two genre types occurred regularly in all three series. 4.5.1  1978 Series  4.5.1.1 Letter There were two letters in the 1978 series of textbooks, both of which overtly and covertly presented an exceptionally positive portrayal of China. I analyze one of the letters to further display how the genre—letter—enhanced the process of language socialization and the transmission of sociopolitical ideologies. The text, shown below, is a letter from an American girl, Alice Brown, to her Chinese friends. Notice that the title of the passage is also completely generic: A Letter.  A Letter Dear friends, I’m an American schoolgirl. My name is Alice Brown. I’m twelve. My father and mother are school teachers. They’re friends of New China. They often tell their students about your country. Please write and tell me about your country and your school. Your friend, Alice Brown. (Book 1, p. 65)  As we all know, letter writing between friends is often seen as a warm and genuine interaction, although perhaps less common in paper and pen version now than it was in the 20th century. It is likely that the adoption of this specific genre here was to imply that there was such a sense of closeness and sincerity between the people of the two countries and to socialize  78 students into an idea that American people were genuinely interested in making friends with Chinese people. As Fairclough (2003) noted, the choice of genre tends to be “purpose-driven” and “strategic” (p. 71). The explicit purpose of this supposed personal letter was for Alice to make friends with the Chinese students. Nevertheless, if one looks closer, we might find that there were inconsistencies in the form and content of the letter that suggested perhaps a different aim. First, the title of the addressee “Dear friends” is overly vague for a letter in real life, apart from a chain letter or a mass-distribution letter. Second, the way the letter was written was illogical. Alice claimed that her parents often told their American students about China and then she went on to write “Please write and tell me about your country and your school”. If Alice’s parents already knew about China, why did not she seek information from her parents? Why did she take all the trouble of writing a letter to unfamiliar people in China? It is obvious that one of the purposes of the texts was, in fact, for students to use as an exercise to practice introducing the country in English. The other purpose was that the textbook writers used this imaginary American girl and her family as an example to showcase the strong interest of the American public in establishing friendship with the “New China”. I argue that Alice and her family were portrayed in such a “regular” way—a teenager from a middle class family background (not rich family) whose parents were school teachers—so that her attitudes and the attitudes of her family toward the Chinese people could be recognized as more representative of the rest of the American people—and also the type (and class) of people that the Chinese government was interested in fostering mutual communication and even exchanges with. One possible explanation for writing this letter could be that China yearned for America’s friendship but was not willing to be seen in a disadvantaged position. Therefore, they filled the texts with friendly sentiments, yet, made sure that China was positioned in a relatively superior  79 light by having American people write to them deliberately to seek friendship and by showing that the American teachers talked about China in front of their students “often” (“They often tell students about your country”). If we associated the texts with the context in which they were produced, the speculations may very well be true. In the 1970s, the Sino-American relationship was finally improving. In 1972, the American president Richard Nixon visited the People’s Republic of China, marking the end of 25 years of separation between the two countries. Nixon’s visit is acknowledged as an important step to the official normalization of the Sino-American relationship. However, America had not yet officially recognized the status of the People’s Republic of China by 1978. The texts can be interpreted as a reflection of the mentality of the Chinese government: China was eager to establish friendship with the United States but did not want to be perceived in a disadvantaged place. It is intriguing to observe the multi-layered purposes embedded in a letter and how the genre served as a catalyst to socializing students into realizing these purposes. The other letter in the 1978 textbook, entitled “An Australian Boy in Beijing” (Book 4, p. 95), was purportedly sent by an Australian teenager (Jack) to his friend back in Australia. In the letter, he wrote about the snow in Beijing, the stamps he collected in China, his mother’s experience of speaking Chinese and the progress he made in learning the Chinese language. These scenes conjured up a vivid image of an interesting country that differed from the impression the rest of the world often had about China at that time (e.g., backwards, controlling). The fact that it was a personal letter between two good friends made the letter seem more reliable and closer to the reader. Therefore, the genre was effective in strengthening the credibility of the letter itself. It is more likely for the young Chinese readers to be socialized into the belief that this was how the foreigners in China felt or would feel if they came to visit and that Chinese was  80 such a fascinating and important language that people around the world all desired to study it. It resonated with the previous letter in the sense that they both sought to draw a friendly image of the country. At the same time, they ensured that China was perceived in a powerful light (e.g., people all wanted to learn Chinese). I have attempted to illuminate that letters, as a specific genre, played an important role in socializing students into certain ideologies by shortening the distance between the reader and the texts and at the same time, strengthening the reliability of the texts. Therefore, students would be more inclined to believe what was said in letters. However, the purposes of letters were multilayered and the audience needed to look beyond its superficial meaning and probe into the “real purpose” underneath. 4.5.1.2 Language Drills The second type of genre type to be examined is language drills designed to practice intonation and sentence structure, as shown in the following example. The primary reason that I chose to explore language drills was that they have certain characteristics that can readily aid the process of language socialization and the transfer of sociopolitical ideologies. Language drills usually require students to read aloud the example sentences and repeat them multiple times to polish intonation and pronunciation. Such practices are also assumed to accelerate students’ internalization of the knowledge entailed in the drills (particularly according to audio-lingualism, as noted in an earlier chapter). The following text comes from one of the language drills in the 1978 series. A I speak Chi  nese. I don’t speak Japa  nese. You speak Chinese. You don’t speak  Japanese. We speak Chinese. We don’t speak Japanese.  81 B1 A: Do I speak Chi B:  nese?  Yes, you  do.  A: Do I speak Japa B:  No, you  nese?  don’t. B2  A: Do you speak Chinese? B: Yes, I do. A: Do you speak Japanese? B: No, I don’t. B3 A: Do we speak Chinese? B: Yes, we do. A: Do we speak Japanese? B: No, we don’t. (Book 2, p. 102) The two sentences “I speak Chi  nese. I don’t speak Japa  nese” are employed to  exemplify the use of affirmative, negative, interrogative sentences and intonation. To understand how ideologies were socialized through this genre, it would be helpful first to investigate what the word “Japanese” represented and how the statement was practiced. Does “Japanese” in the statement symbolize merely the Japanese language? And does the practice of these sentences only entail linguistic purposes? If so, it would certainly appear more reasonable to have “We [or I] don’t speak Japanese” along with other languages, such as: “We don’t speak German. We don’t speak French. We don’t speak Korean…,” so that students could be equipped with not only the sentence structure but also the vocabulary to identify different languages. Yet, that vocabulary is clearly not included in this lesson. In fact, students were made to repeat the same  82 sentence content “I/You/We don’t speak Japanese” six times within this short drills. It seems that Japanese is not only seen only or mainly as a language but also a representation of the nation itself. Regarding the way the grammar is practiced, we can see that the same sentence structure “Somebody does not speak Japanese” is repeated three times with three distinctive pronouns “I,” “You,” and “We”. It forges a progressive relationship that gradually manages to represent all Chinese people. I don’t speak JapaneseàI, as an individual, don’t speak Japanese. You don’t speak JapaneseàYou, as an individual, don’t speak Japanese. We don’t speak JapaneseàWe, as a class and country, don’t speak Japanese. Moreover, the interrogative sentences “Do I/You/We speak Japanese?” were practiced three times with the same pronouns “I/You/We”. A negative reply “No, I/You/We do/do not” was given every time. It consistently highlighted the same message that we, as Chinese people, don’t speak Japanese. Apart from sentence structure and intonation, another important grammatical point emphasized in the present drills is the use of pronouns and also the conjugation of the auxiliary do form (do/does). However, they, an important and frequently used pronoun, was never included. One couldn’t help but wonder: Could it be that if “they” were used, then the potential conversation would be “Do they speak Japanese?” followed by “Yes, they do,” and it might weaken the main message being conveyed in the drills. Could it also be that the way these entire drills were constructed was meant to arouse a sense of patriotism in the students and not just knowledge of pronouns and (auxiliary) verb agreement? Let’s consider the historical political context. Between the 1930s and 1940s, Japan invaded China and inflicted deep pain on the Chinese people. Even after three decades, the  83 disturbing memories caused by this Sino-Japanese war remained difficult to remove. On the other hand, with the Open Door Policy and Japan’s rise in the 1970s, China was eager to start a new chapter with its old rival to create more opportunities for economic development. Such a complicated mentality towards Sino-Japan relations contributed to equally complex attitudes toward the representation of Japan-related knowledge in the textbooks. There were places like the current texts that seemed to indicate rather explicitly a feeling of resentment. There were also two places that acknowledged the presence of things related to Japan in China in a more neutral and objective way (e.g., There’s a bookshop in our street. It sells books in Chinese, English and Japanese. Book 2, p. 122; Can she __ both English and Japanese? say/talk/speak. Book 6, p. 120). With language drills, people tend to focus on the linguistic values of language drills and overlook the other functions of this genre. I use the above case merely as an example (there were many other language drills) to illustrate that, in fact, the innate characteristics of language drills (e.g., repetition) determine that such a genre type would be effective in socializing students into certain ideologies(political and non-political). 4.5.2  1995 Series  4.5.2.1 Letter In the 1995 series, there were some noticeable changes in the way the letter genre was written. An increasing two-way communication between Chinese writers and those from abroad, and more visibility of the presence of Chinese students were found in the letters of the 1995 textbooks. Out of the four letters presented in this series, two were sent from Chinese students and two were from foreign students and the content of the letters suggested that there was a mutual interest from both sides to build a friendship (not necessarily explicit expression). In the  84 following section, I look at one of the letters to elaborate on the changes and how they reflect changes in China’s political, economic and social context. P.O. BOX 7892 Nanjing 210005 Jiangsu Province China 21st May 200_ Dear Linda, I saw your name in a newspaper. You asked for penfriends in China. I’m fifteen years old, and I live in the city of Nanjing. I am in my third year at Number 1 Middle School. You can see from my photograph that I have a big smile and long black hair. My father is a factory worker. My mother is a cook. She works in a hospital. I am very interested in stamps, watching films, listening to music and reading. I enjoy dancing and helping my uncle on the farm, too. I am also very interested in your country. Please write soon. Yours, Liu Zhong (Book 3, p. 93) As we can see from the letter, it was written by a Chinese girl, Liu Zhong, to another girl, an English speaker named Linda who lives in another (unnamed) country. The Chinese student, Liu Zhong, gave a detailed introduction about herself including her school, her looks, her parents and hobbies. Such an emphasis on the personal level builds a major contrast with the previous letter. The only personal information regarding the sender of the previous letter was that she was an American school girl (Alice) whose parents were school teachers and that she was interested in China. Furthermore, Alice spent most of her time talking about her family’s attitudes about China. The differences in emphasis illuminate the aim of the current letter: to teach students how to write a self-introduction letter to a foreigner to build a friendship at an individual level. It would be easily achievable for the present letter to convey a more politicallyoriented ideology. For instance, instead of talking about Liu Zhong’s life, the letter could focus on introducing how wonderful it was for Liu Zhong to grow up in China and that her parents were workers. The fact that the letter was not constructed in such a way so that political  85 ideologies could be more visible shows, to a certain extent, a change in mentality on the part of the textbook writers, the Party, and the nation. However, this is not to suggest that such a genre was entirely innocent from being used to convey political ideologies in this series. It is intriguing to observe that Australian students were often used as the imaginary pen pals in this series. In fact, Australia was one of the most extensively mentioned countries in the 1995 series (see Table 11 in Appendix). That might be explained by the fact that China’s relations with Australia were experiencing a “honeymoon” period in the mid-1990s and that the two countries had built a substantial amount of business partnership by then (Evans & Grant, 1995). It could be assumed that one of the target countries the textbook writers envisioned for Chinese English learners to use English in was Australia. Therefore, knowing how to write an English letter to an Australian friend would be practical and useful in the future. However, generally speaking, though the genre remained the same, there were fewer traces of overt political ideologies in the letters of the 1995 series than there were in the 1978 series. 4.5.2.2 Language Drills In the previous section, I looked at how language drills were used as a means to socialize not just language practice and knowledge but also political ideologies. As we can see, the examples cited in the 1978 textbooks were employed to practice the use of affirmative, negative and interrogative questions and short answers (“Do you…? Yes, I do/No, I don’t”). In the current series again, I examine the same type of language drills and the findings are as follows: 1. Ask and answer  Do you/they speak Chinese/English/French/Japanese? Yes, I/we/they do.  86 No, I/we/they don’t. (Book 2, p. 100) 2. Stress and intonation  Do you Ꞌlike Chineseʹ food? ꞋYes, Iˋ do. Do they Ꞌspeak Japaʹ nese?  ꞋNo, theyˋ don’t.  Are you from Aʹ merica?  ꞋNo, we Ꞌcome fromˋ England.  Are they yourʹ friends?  ꞋYes, theyˋ are. (Book 2, p. 100)  It should be noted that there were other example sentences included in this series for the introduction of the same grammar points. The reason that I chose these particular exercises was because Japanese was mentioned in these sentences which provided me with an opportunity to make comparison between the 1978 series and current one. As we can see, the two places where Japanese was referred to did not seem to involve ideological connotations. The fact that Japanese was listed along with Chinese, English and French demonstrated that it was only treated as one of several possible languages. It was not made particularly special; nor was it included in contrast with the Chinese language (for example, if only Chinese and Japanese were listed). In addition, the answers were choice-based, showing no preference for any language in particular. If one looks closely at the sentence “Do they ’speak Japaʹnese? No, they don’t”, one would find that the textbook writers probably made a special effort to ensure that there would be no potential political implications. After all, if the pronouns had been changed to “we” or “you” (Do we speak Japanese? No, we don’t; Do you speak Japanese? No, I don’t.), it could contribute to debates about the presence of ideologies. The above examples suggest that there have been changes in the way Japan and the Japanese language were perceived in the mid-1990s. In fact, the Sino-Japanese relationship had by then witnessed huge development in the fields of economics, politics and cultural exchange since the release of the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Peace  87 and Friendship in August, 1978 (Lee, 1979). By 1995, the leaders of the two countries had exchanged frequent visits. Official, semi-official and non-governmental consultation mechanism had improved significantly (He, 2007). Therefore, it was not surprising that Japanese language was portrayed more neutrally in the example. As a matter of fact, there were three places where Japan or Japanese language was mentioned; yet, no negative statements or representation of the country were found (see Table 11 in Appendix). The change in the nature of the messages conveyed through the language drills in the 1995 series serves as an indicator of the change in the sociopolitical milieu in China since the late 1970s. 4.5.3  2003 Series  4.5.3.1 Letter The examination of the five 2003 textbooks revealed that the personal letter remained an important and consistently used genre in this series. The aim of those letters was to build a close relationship between friends, particularly between pen-pals. The typical type of pen-pals often involved an English-speaking student and a Chinese student. In the following section, I analyze two letters from the third series and discuss their features and implications.  Dear Wang Yao, Hi! I’m Jim. Nice to meet you. It’s very exciting to have a Chinese friend! In America, school starts at eight thirty, so I usually get up around seven o’clock. What time does school start in China? I have breakfast at seven thirty, but before that I take a shower. My favorite subject is history, because I think it’s interesting and I really like my teacher, Mr Hall. What’s your favorite subject? My last class is at four o’clock, and after school I like to play basketball. Can you play basketball? I can also play the guitar, but I can’t play it very well. What are your hobbies? Today I want to go to a movie. Do you like movies? My favorite movies are action movies and thrillers. I don’t like documentaries because I think they’re boring. Please write and tell me about your life in China. Best wishes, Jim (Book 1, p. 80)  88  Dear Student, My name is Bob. I live in Toronto, Canada, and I want a pen pal in China. I think China is a very interesting country. I’m 14 years old and my birthday is in November. I can speak English and a little French. I have a brother, Paul, and a sister, Sarah. They have pen pals in the United Kingdom and Australia. I like going to the movies with my friends and playing sports. My favorite subject in school is P.E. It’s fun. But I don’t like math. It’s too difficult! Can you write to me soon? Bob (Book 2, p. 5)  The detailed description about the lives of the students was salient in this series. In the first letter, Jim described how he usually started his school day, what his favorite subject was, what he usually did after school, what his hobbies were, and so on. At the same time, he asked his friend Wang Yao a lot of questions, which signified that he was indeed interested in the life of the Chinese friend. Similarly, the Canadian student Bob shared much about himself too, including his age and birthday, the languages he spoke and the nationality of their pen-pals and etc. As discussed before, the emphasis on the sharing of daily lives of the two students suggests that the intention of the letters was to establish a friendship between individual students rather than presenting the letters as political propaganda. Such a continuous emphasis had to be seen in light of the specific context in China in the 2000s. The Chinese government had become increasingly pragmatic in dealing with domestic and international affairs. It paid great attention to improving the real (functional) English ability of its young generation. There was a strong and urgent demand for proficient English-users in the country to embrace potential opportunities and challenges brought about by an increasingly international China. Writing a personal letter to a  89 foreign friend would be one of the mini-steps it took to achieve that goal. What’s more, China was referred to in the second letter as an “interesting” country by Bob in Canada. In fact, his brother and sister had pen-pals in English-speaking countries and he could have done the same but chose China instead. The adjective interesting did not convey any politicized ideologies that a different adjective might have (e.g., China is Asia’s largest country) rather it seems to convey an idea of the country being exotic and unknown. The particular choice of the adjective reflects, to a certain degree, the relatively low-key profile the Chinese government intended to keep in presenting itself in front of the world to perhaps create a peaceful environment for the country to thrive. 4.5.3.2 Language Drills In this series, I again examine the sentences used for practicing the same structures as those in the previous textbook series. The specific unit dedicated to the introduction of the grammar (e.g., use of affirmative, negative and interrogative questions and short answers) is Unit 5 in Book 1. The texts shown below are the example sentences in the unit. Do you have a ping-pong ball? Do you have a ping-pong bat? Do you have a TV? Do they have a computer? Does he have a tennis racket? Does she have a soccer ball? Does he have a ping-pong ball? Do you like hamburgers? Do you have a … Do you like salad? Do they like French fries? Does he like pears? I like oranges. They like salad. She likes banana.  Yes, I do. No, I don’t. Yes, I do. No, I don’t. Yes, they do. No, they don’t. Yes, he does. No, he doesn’t. Yes, she does. No, she doesn’t. Yes, he does. No, he doesn’t. Yes, I do. Yes, I do. Yes, I do. No, I don’t. Yes, they do. No, they don’t. Yes, he does. No, he doesn’t. I don’t like bananas. They don’t like broccoli. She doesn’t like ice cream. (Book 1, pp. 25-32)  90  All of the objects cited in the drills were linked either to sports equipment or to food, which tend to be neutral in terms of politicized ideologies. However, if one looks closer, one might find there is a special characteristic of these examples. They are from both the cultures of the West and the East and are blended together in the exercise. Hamburgers, salad, French fries and tennis originated from the West; whereas the ping-pong ball or ping-pong bat were from China. Similar to what we found earlier, Chinese culture was treated as one of the many cultures and there was no special attention paid to its introduction in the current series. The increase in the coverage of the “other” cultures and the decline in the promotion of “our” culture reflects an increasingly globalized China with foreign food and sports being more familiar and even popular in China and a growing openness and tolerance in the mentality of the Chinese government and textbook writers, who by then also had input from editors in English-speaking countries. Such an approach provides students with an array of rich cultures to appreciate and to learn from. By doing so, it helps students move from (simply) being Chinese citizens to being more global citizens and helps them become more adaptive in this increasingly diverse and internationalized country and world. In addition, content concerning Japan or the Japanese language was not found in the language drills of the 2003 textbooks and, therefore, it is difficult to predict how it might have been incorporated in this series otherwise. Having said that, we do realize that the Japanese culture was introduced in a positive way in the 2003 series (see section 4.4.3) and that the Japanese language was presented in parallel with other languages as a neutral term in the 1995 series (see section 4.5.2). Therefore, it is legitimate to presume that if knowledge related to Japan had been presented in the language drills in this series, it would have been introduced in a rather neutral or even positive way.  91 Chapter 5: Conclusions and Implications 5.1  Conclusions The following research questions, informed by the theory of language socialization and  researched using CDA, provided direction for my thesis: 1.  How has the incorporation of political and other ideologies in the textbooks changed over  the past three decades and three different versions of the textbooks (1978, 1995, 2003) and how have those same changes reflected changes in China’s political, social and cultural contexts during the same period? 2.  More specifically, what and how is the image of China, the world, and English learners,  and the (grammatical and other) functions of English represented at different points in time in official English textbooks used in secondary schools? Using data from a corpus of language compiled from the textbooks, I approached the questions primarily by investigating the use of commonly adopted grammatical, rhetorical, and generic structure in ESL/EFL textbooks, namely the use of superlatives, the modal auxiliary must, contrast and genre. I examined (1) what and how ideologies were woven into texts through the above means; and (2) how and why the ideologies and the ways in which they were incorporated changed over time. Generally speaking, the structural elements evolved from being used to communicate collectivist (what we need to do as a country) ideologies in the late 1970s to more individualist ideologies (what you need to do as an individual) in the early 2000s. In the following section, I focus on the second research question and discuss how the readers of the textbooks were socialized into a particular perspective of China, the world, the identities of the learners and the functions of English that help to maintain dominance and social reproduction. In the 1978 series, we recognize an intention of the Chinese government to  92 socialize students into a perspective that saw itself as a strong power in the world and a changed state from its past. For example, superlatives were employed to describe the vast landscape and exceptional view of China to make the students proud and patriotic and, thus, to imply its superiority in other realms, such as politics and science. The personal letter, a genre that often indicates the closeness between the writer and the recipient, was adopted to showcase the eagerness of the world to build friendship with Chinese nationals and with China. Furthermore, contrast was formed to reveal the extent of change that had taken place in China since 1949. For instance, a grave and poignant life before the Communist Party came into power was compared with the comfortable and happy life people enjoyed afterward. Apart from that, personal recount as another strategy was deployed to paint the picture of the past in order to reinforce the idea of transformation of the state (e.g., a senior scientist shared his life in the past where he was deprived of education opportunities and had to work for the rich at a young age).Through such forms of socialization, learners were expected to become more grateful for what they had and more content with the reign of the regime. Meanwhile, the depiction of the rest of the world was minimal and often negative. The only two other countries found in our data were America and Japan and the representation of these two countries was unanimously negative, due to 1) the discrimination against black people in the United States, 2) the hypocrisy behind the democratic system in the United States, and 3) apparent resentment against the Japanese language. The rest of the world was also referred to in several other places but only as a general concept (e.g., highest mountain in the world; a good scientist must learn from the scientists of other countries). The above evidence is conducive to an interpretation that the purpose of bringing up other countries was largely to manifest the merits of China and its Party. In other words, the aim of the textbooks was to conjure up a “second reality” or an “imagined reality” (Brunnbauer, 2008;  93 Hodge & Kress, 1993; Sauer, 1989) where people led a rich and happy life in an exceptionally powerful China while the rest of the world suffered injustice, inequality and deception. Through such a construction of the opposing image of the world and China, the learners were being socialized into a series of dispositions, such as gratitude and patriotism (toward China) and pity and disdain (toward the “capitalist” world), that serve to sustain the dominance of the CCP. Meanwhile, learners were socialized into an array of identities that position them in relation to their existing and “imagined” communities (e.g., school, workplace, Chinese society and the English-speaking world; cf. Kanno & Norton, 2003; Norton & Toohey, 2011), such as, a patriotic Chinese citizen and an adamant non-Japanese speaker, a hardworking student with thorough understanding about the geographic features of the country, a builder of socialism with a keen desire to serve China, a potential scientist with proficient foreign language skills, and a lucky student who enjoyed a much better life than those in the past. The identities were largely conveyed and shaped through assumed meanings (e.g., you’re going to build up our country), authoritative tones (e.g., must), and continuous repetition and memorization (e.g., We speak Chinese; We (don’t) speak Japanese) which gave students little room to appropriate alternative identities and positions with respect to the target community (Norton & Toohey, 2011). The learners, therefore, were highly likely to assume these expected identities which served to maintain social reproduction in school and the larger social world. In addition, the functions of English were constrained to serving a utilitarian purpose (e.g., to facilitate the communication amongst scientists from various countries in order to enhance China’s competitiveness in the science world). Such a positioning of the English language tended to limit the opportunities for learners to acquire cross-cultural understanding and enhance their skills of speaking, writing, listening and reading in a comprehensive way.  94 In the 1995 series, the idea of a strong and changed China was downplayed as the country proceeded to its 17th year of opening up to the world. The socialization of such ideologies became more subtle and implicit. For instance, superlatives were identified to emphasize the significance of the Chinese language regarding its number of speakers in the world to indirectly point to the idea of China being a powerful country; yet, none was discovered to explicitly promote the image of the country as they did in the previous series (e.g., the longest wall; the highest mountain). At the same time, the image of a rising and friendly China became more salient. Such a construction can be interpreted partially as a reflection of China’s growing economy in the 1990s and its softened foreign policies in dealing with international issues (e.g., “good-neighbor” diplomacy). It can also be seen as a strategy to socialize the young generation into a certain version of understanding about the country and its place in the world that assist the social reproduction of dominance (e.g., the learners would hold a friendly attitude to the foreign visitors who often come to travel or to seek investment opportunities in China in the 1990s). Traces of a rising China, which stressed the changing face of its economy in the global community (Duff et al., 2013), were consistently identified in this series of textbooks. For instance, contrast was posed to shed light on the fast growing pace of China and the high living standard of the Chinese citizens (e.g., contrast between a tall building in Beijing and a small village in the U.S.). The term “made in China” and its burgeoning export and import industry in the international market was introduced to justify the importance of learning English in the mid1990s. Lessons introducing the economic achievement in China, such as the advanced machines in factories or the variety of choices in shops, were found in many places throughout this series of textbooks (e.g., entitled “The shop near our school” Book 2, p. 115, “Uncle Wang’s Factory” Book 5, p. 34). The friendly demeanor was overtly created by, for example, 1) the inclusion of  95 foreign families as the reoccurring characters in the textbooks and constant circumstances of Chinese students graciously offering help to foreigners (e.g., giving directions, finding lost items for them, helping foreign friends with their Chinese), 2) the introduction of letters written between Chinese students and their foreign pen-pals about their personal life to build genuine friendship, and 3) the construction of statements made by Chinese students that were filled with warm sentiments(e.g., “American-English-Chinese! There’s no difference”, says Wei Hua. “We’re all friends.”). By doing so, the learners were socialized into an identity that saw themselves as the host of the country responsible for welcoming and accommodating foreign visitors and into a series of helpful and cordial behaviors that would make the stay of the foreigners more pleasant, and thus, would further create a foreigner-friendly environment in real life. Such a representation of the country underlines the increasingly connected relationship between China and the world. Put it in a simple way, the picture changed from China and/versus the world in 1978 to China in the world in 1995. The change of the perspective also impacted the way the world was constructed in this series. More countries were covered (e.g., Australia, Britain, Germany, India) and a variety of topics were discussed (e.g., the weather of different countries; the geographic feature of Australia; the population issue in the world; the most popular food in Britain and America).Unlike the previous series, the representation of the world (except for America) was much more positive in the 1995 textbooks. For example, Australian students and Chinese students were portrayed as close pen-pals. Germany and India were introduced as two of the many international players in the business of trade in an increasingly globalized world (e.g., “made in Germany”, “made in India”). The originally negative portrayal of the Japanese language was replaced by neutral representation (e.g., Do you/they speak Chinese/ English/ French/ Japanese?). In the meantime, American people and their life in China as well as the  96 American culture (e.g., fried chicken was introduced as the most popular food in America) were portrayed in a positive way. Nevertheless, the American government and the American society were framed rather negatively to perhaps reflect the wisdom of the CCP and its ability to build the country in a sustainable way. For instance, the American administration was criticized for its short-sightedness and irresponsibility in dealing with environmental issues. The underprivileged life of the poor American people was particularly emphasized to highlight the disparity between the rich and poor in the American society (e.g., Not everybody in the USA is rich. Here is a story about some poor people in the USA). The bright side of America, such as, its advancement in science and technology, was not discussed. The particular choice of these presentations of America and the other countries socialized learners into a view that identifies the world largely as a harmonious and friendly place which China is a part of; yet, increasing social stratification and greed and ignorance of those in power remains a serious issue in the world, particularly in America, one of the most developed countries in the world. Such a perspective provided the young generation with more comfort in living in China, a developing country, and enabled them to grapple with the growing tension between the lower class (e.g., workers, farmers) and the upper class (e.g., government officials) caused by power differences in the social hierarchy in the mid-1990s (the workers and farmers used to be highly recognized in the Chinese society and they constituted the major support for CCP). By easing such intensity, the Chinese government was more likely to establish a firmer foundation for the maintenance of its power to rule the country. During this period, the functions of English transformed from being used to assist scientific exchange to aid overseas travelling and business around the world. Such a transition further reflected a rising China and a growingly interconnected world.  97 By 2003, China had furthered its integration into the global community, particularly in the economic and cultural realm (e.g., accession into the WTO in 2001; Beijing’s successful bid for the 2008 Olympic Games in 2001). Such a relationship was reflected in the 2003 series where the country was positioned as an integral part of the world; however, not a superior part. For instance, the Chinese culture is recognized as one of many diverse cultures around the world with no indication of superiority over others (e.g., Chinese table manners were introduced along with those in America, Brazil, Peru and Korea; likewise, the ways to ask for information in China, America, Britain and other countries were presented in the same reading to show the varying pragmatics in various cultures). Nevertheless, the presence of China-related knowledge was rather limited compared to the large amount of coverage on the rest of the world. A larger number of countries were presented in this series and the face of the world changed dramatically from only few English-speaking countries (e.g., Australia, Canada, Britain) to many more (traditionally) non-English speaking countries (e.g., Brazil, Peru, Korea, Russia). Such a change signifies an adjusted interpretation of the ownership of English and perhaps an intention to socialize learners into a general understanding about the existence of world Englishes. In addition, the world was largely presented through the cultural (rather than political) perspective with an open and appreciative attitude towards cultural diversity (e.g., different understanding about time in Sweden and Columbia), framing the world in an overwhelmingly celebrative light. Yet, much of the world culture incorporated in this series was, in fact, the American culture largely supported and driven by its strong economic power. For instance, the fast food items, such as, hamburgers and French fries, Hollywood movies as well as the NBA sports stars in the textbooks were the symbols of the classical American popular culture. Such an incorporation further sustains the American cultural hegemony in the global community as more young  98 learners grow up to align themselves with American culture. With respect to the identity of the learners, the focus on the portrayal of the world was likely to socialize learners into identities of global citizens responsible for making the world (rather than China alone) a better place. At the same time, the receptive approach to cultural differences as well as the welcoming attitudes to invite varying ideas and opinions of individuals (e.g., different ways to study for a test; different responses to imaginary situations; different volunteering options) provided learners with more opportunities to negotiate other positions in relation to their present and imagined communities and identities (e.g., students are encouraged to take on the identity of the person they want to be in the future, such as a flight attendant, a world traveller). Therefore, learners were not socialized into a series of fixed behaviors that would shape them into certain ways of thinking and acting; rather they were socialized into a variety of worldviews that allow them to choose from and to take on multiple identities at the same time (e.g., a Chinese and English speaker, a Japanese food lover, a Chinese poet, a global citizen) and to position themselves with respect to their individual context. Regarding the functions of English, the instrumental approach seemed to have shifted to a more humanitarian approach in the sense that English was meant largely to facilitate crosscultural communication and to enhance one’s understanding about the diverse cultures associated with the English language. Furthermore, we also see a transition in the emphasis and function of English language textbooks from being used explicitly as a source for both language teaching and Chinese citizenship education in 1978 (e.g., politics and sociology in China) to being used implicitly for Chinese citizenship education but more explicitly as a resource for foreign language instruction and global citizenship and interculturalism in 2003.  99 5.2  Implications As China has transitioned from a centrally-planned economy to a market-oriented  economy since the Open Door Policy, there has been an increasing amount of “Westernized” ideologies being incorporated into English language textbooks. The bright side of the incorporation is that it renders the textbooks more appealing to the young generation and is updated in terms of current events and other references. The challenge, however, lies in the possibility that the inclusion of these “Western” concepts, often with inadequate explanation, may exclude students from being actively engaged in English language learning as they may find themselves unable to relate to the concepts. In particular, it may disadvantage and marginalize students from rural areas or the less developed cities in China as the students lack the resources and cultural capital or schemata needed to understand or complete certain language tasks. One of the examples is a unit entitled “How do you make a banana milk shake?” (Book 2A, p. 41) in which students are taught to make a milkshake with a blender. In the same unit, the textbook also talked about how to make a sandwich with butter, relish, turkey slices and some other ingredients. It is not difficult to imagine that few students and teachers in the inland regions of China (e.g., Anhui, Sichuan, Yunnan and Gansu) have ever used or even seen those ingredients or equipment; nor do they have much access to resources (e.g., internet, libraries, videos, teachers with requisite knowledge) which could facilitate their comprehension. Their only hope is the textbook; but not just any textbook, the relatively affordable PEP textbooks that are under examination. Though it is not unjustifiable to include the introduction of these items, it is nevertheless insensitive and almost arrogant to assume that it would be applicable to all textbook users regardless of their social and economic status.  100 According to the Research Report of the Development of the Internet Network in the Countryside of China, only 18.5% of the rural areas has access to the Internet as opposed to 50.0% in the urban areas by the end of 2010 (CINIC, 2010). Another appalling fact is that there remain 376 million people who have not gained access to electricity by the end of 2012 (CNS, 2013). Many scholars have pointed to the widening gap in the provision of English language education in different regions (Hu, 2005; Nunan, 2003). Such a socialization may cause backlash from the students and they may exert their agency to resist being socialized into the identity of a language learner who are expected not only to acquire the linguistic knowledge but also the culture and pragmatics related to it (Duff, 2010). One of the simple and small steps for future revision to this series could be to replace the cartoon illustration with actual pictures of these less commonly known items to assist understanding. After all, it is much easier to relate to a bottle of real relish than a painted bottle with a cartoon tag “relish” on top. To include more real life pictures and multimedia supplementary materials (e.g., slides, video clips) in the textbooks may help reduce the burden of the teachers and students in figuring out what these foreign items are. It is, therefore, critical to include more classroom teachers particularly those from diverse teaching contexts into the making and editing of the textbooks. These teachers who are at the forefront of English language education will bring actual experiences and perspectives about what works and what doesn’t work in their classrooms. It is indeed difficult to accommodate the needs and wants of all students and teachers; yet, it is necessary to be aware of potential problems that might be caused by unequal opportunities to access resources. It is important to ensure that those we are already disadvantaged in terms of material resources will not be further deprived of an opportunity to actively participate in English learning owing to the inconsideration of the textbooks.  101 Another implication is that as the textbook making industry becomes increasingly competitive as a result of the “one curriculum, multiple textbooks” policy, the textbook users seem to benefit the most from the competition. Students, teachers and schools are given more room to choose their own textbooks and adjunct materials and thus, the textbook making industry is paying more attention to the needs of the users. Nevertheless, given the presence of the NECPSST/PECPSST, textbooks will continue to be affected by the ideologies of the government. The difference is that unlike the previous series of textbooks, the current and prospective textbooks are likely to take on a more subtle and covert approach to ideological transmission that are likely to serve the interest of the Party and at the same time, appeal to the consumers (learners). For instance, as discussed before, there was little coverage of China in the 2003 series; however, in one of the units, the textbooks inserted a photo of the Beijing delegates celebrating for the winning of the 2008 Olympic Games with the short texts underneath “Beijing was made host for the 2008 Olympics” (p. 24, Book 2B). The use of picture was likely to attract the interest of the learners and the brief description did not seem to convey any explicit ideological messages. Nevertheless, this brief representation was likely to subtly socialize students into an understanding of the country that saw itself as highly recognized in the global community and arouse a sense of pride in the students. The example further indicated that textbook users (both students and teachers) should continue to be alert about the ideologies embedded in the textbooks and to take a more critical attitude when using the textbooks. Furthermore, it is critical to recognize the significance of the pedagogy in empowering language learners. As Norton and Toohey (2011) noted, “Pedagogical practices have the potential to be transformative in offering language learners more powerful positions than those they may occupy either inside or outside the classroom” (p. 417). Camase (2009) suggested that  102 teachers could discuss the readings with the students not only from the perspective of literacy or linguistic values but also from historical and political perspectives. Teachers can also present old textbooks to the students for comparison study so that the students can see for themselves what has changed and how it has changed to further raise awareness of the ideological nature of textbooks. Along the same lines, Liu (2007) has recommended that students should be given more opportunities to read various kinds of texts that bear different ideologies. By doing so, students would grow more sensitive and vigilant about the ideological implications in the texts that they encounter on a day to day basis. Finally, Liu advocated that textbooks should reflect the status quo to keep students informed of the latest development and events in the world as well as promote a sense of appreciation and respect for cultural differences and diversity. MenardWarwick (2007) “pointed out that teachers should be alert to how students position themselves in classroom discourse and approach language instruction from a critical perspective to enable learners to name, and perhaps struggle against, some of the disempowering tendencies of the linguistic practices of their new cultures” (Norton & Toohey, 2011, p. 418). 5.3  Limitations of the Study One of the limitations of the study to be addressed is the credibility of the data analysis as  I was the only coder and analyst in the study (though it did undergo review by a committee and direct supervision by an advisor). The examples concerning ideological transmission chosen in this thesis are based on my own judgment primarily and, thus, might be interpreted by other researchers in a different way. However, I provide readers with a detailed list of all the examples incorporated in the textbooks at the end of the thesis to enable them to draw their own conclusions. Ideally, more coders who grew up in various cultural, educational and political contexts might be helpful in examining different understandings about political and other  103 ideologies that different readers might have and might find in the texts. Another limitation of the study is that I only focused on three levels of structural elements commonly introduced and used in foreign language textbooks (grammatical, rhetorical, and generic). A more extensive examination of other language points would be useful in forming a better understanding of the ways in which ideologies are transmitted (meta)linguistically and discursively: for example, the use of tense, passive voice, subordinate clauses, possessive -s, and so forth, and other sorts of recurring rhetorical constructions and genres that might be most associated with these grammatical structures. The scrutiny of such grammar rules which are often regarded as ideologically neutral may help us paint a clearer picture of the role of grammar and rhetorical and textual structures in relation to ideologies in second/foreign language textbooks. 5.4  Suggestions for Future Research One of the possible steps to take following the study is to examine some of the more non-  traditional materials accompanying textbooks, such as video clips, online websites, tapes and teaching slides, which are usually provided by publishers to support autonomous learning and classroom teaching. Through the examination of these resources one might gain insights into aspects that the textbook writers, the national textbook evaluation committee and the publishers deem particularly important. In addition, by listening to the supplementary video clips and tapes, researcher might understand better how the notion of World Englishes is interpreted in the Chinese context. For instance, what type of English (British English, American English or English spoken in other countries, including China) is used in the tapes of the three series of textbooks? What are the circumstances under which a particular variety of English is used? And what does that mean?  104 Another possible follow-up study could be to look more specifically at the transition of the identities of the English learners in China over the past three decades. What kinds of communities of English users, real or imagined, were depicted in the textbooks in the 1970s, 1990s and 2000s (Norton Peirce, 1995; Norton, 2000)? How were the Chinese English users constructed and presented in relation to the non-Chinese English users? It would also be intriguing to explore learners’ experiences in using these three series of textbooks and the ways in which these textbooks were actually used in classrooms not just as tools of socialization but with the agency of teachers and peers foregrounded. It would, furthermore, be intriguing to compare the original Go For It! series used in the United States with the Chinese version to examine what was adapted and what was kept and the reasons underlying those decisions. What role did the government, the textbook publishing industry and the textbook users play in this process? Such an examination will provide us with a lens to identify the different ideologies in the two contemporary societies and the interplay amongst major stakeholders during textbook production. During the study, I looked at the textbooks published at three different points in time in the history of China to explore the ways in which ideologies were incorporated into texts and how they varied over the past 30 years. The study cannot predict the future development of ideological transmission in textbooks; yet, it is my hope that the study can provide future research with a better understanding of the general characteristics of the ways in which ideologies were constructed and presented in language textbooks at different stage in China and that other textbook series, for younger and older English language learners as well as for middle school Chinese students, and foreign language textbooks used in other countries historically and  105 at present might examine similar processes and mediating means of linguistic and ideological socialization.  106 References Adamson, B. (2001) English with Chinese characteristics: China's new curriculum. Asian Pacific Journal of Education, 21(2), 19-33. Adamson, B., & Morris, P. (1997). The English curriculum in the People's Republic of China. Comparative Education Review, 41(1), 3-26. Apple, M. W. (1990). Ideology and curriculum. New York: Routledge. Apple, M. W., & Christian-Smith, L. K. (1991). The politics of the textbook. New York: Routledge. Blommaert, J. (2005). Discourse. New York: Cambridge University Press.  Brunnbauer, U. (2008). Making Bulgarians socialist: The fatherland front in Communist Bulgaria, 1944-1989. East European Politics & Societies, 22(1), 44-79. Camase, G. (2009). The ideological construction of a second reality: A critical analysis of a Romanian EFL textbook. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of Toronto. Chapelle, C. A. (2009). A hidden curriculum in language textbooks: Are beginning learners of French at U.S. universities taught about Canada? The Modern Language Journal, 93(2), 139-152. Chiu, L. Y. L. (2011). The construction of the "ideal Chinese child": A critical analysis of textbooks for Chinese heritage language learners. Unpublished MA Thesis. University of British Columbia. CNNIC (China Internet Network Information Center). (2011). The 2010 Research Report of the Development of the Internet Network in the Countryside of China. Retrieved from http://www.cnnic.net.cn/research/bgxz/ncbg/201109/P020110906360062661430.pdf [In Chinese.]  107 Chan, L-H., Chan, G., & Kwan, F.. (2011). China at 60: Global-local interactions. Hackensack, N.J: World Scientific. Cook, H. M. (1999). Language socialization in Japanese elementary schools: Attentive listening and reaction turns. Journal of Pragmatics, 31(11), 1443-1465. CTMRI [Curriculum and Teaching Materials Research Institute]. (2001). Ershi shiji zhongguo zhongxiaoxue kecheng biaozhun jiaoxue dagang huibian: waiguoyu juan yingyu. [A compilation of primary and secondary English syllabuses in the 20th century.] Beijing: People’s Education Press. [In Chinese.] Dijk, V. T. A. (1993). Principles of critical discourse analysis. Discourse & Society, 4(2), 249283. Duranti, A., Ochs, E., & Schieffelin, B. (Eds.). (2012) Handbook of language socialization. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. Duff, P., Anderson, T. , Ilnyckyj, R., Lester, E., Wang, R., & Yates, E. (Forthcoming). Learning Chinese as an additional Language (CAL): Negotiating identities, communities, and trajectories. Duff, P. (2012). Second language socialization. In A. Duranti, E. Ochs & Schieffelin, B. (Eds.), Handbook of language socialization (pp. 564-586). New York: Wiley-Blackwell. Duff, P., & Talmy, S. (2011). Language socialization approaches to second language acquisition: Social, cultural, and linguistic development in additional languages. In D. Atkinson (Ed.), Alternative approaches to SLA. (pp. 95-116) London: Routledge. Duff, P. (2010). Language socialization. In N.H. Hornberger & S. McKay (Eds.), Sociolinguistics and language education. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Evans, L., & Davies, K. (2000). No sissy boys here: A content analysis of the school reading  108 textbooks. Sex Roles, 42(3/4), 255-270. Evans, G. J., & Grant, B. (1995). Australia's foreign relations: In the world of the 1990s. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press. Eagleton, T. (1991). Ideology: An introduction. New York: Verso. Fairclough, N. (2003). Analyzing discourse: Textual analysis for social research. London: Routledge. Feng, A. (2009). English in China convergence and divergence in policy and practice. AILA Review, 22(1), 85-85. Fu, K. (1986) History of foreign language teaching in China. Shanghai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press. [In Chinese.] Fu, C. Y. (2009). Some thoughts on the classroom teaching of the “Go For It” series. The Research of the Development of the Chinese Education, 1. Retrieved from http://www.qikan.com.cn/Article/jyfz/jyfz200901/jyfz20090122.html Giroux, H. (1984). Ideology, culture and the process of schooling. Temple University Press. Gupta, A. F. and Yin A. L. S. (1990). Gender representation in English Language textbooks used in the Singapore primary schools. Language and Education, 4(1), 29-50. Hartman, E. L. and Judd, E. L(1978). Sexism and TESOL materials. TESOL Quarterly, 12(4), 383-393. Heinrich, P. (2005). Language ideology in JFL textbooks. International Journal of the Sociology of Language. 175/176, pp. 213-232. Herman, D. (2007). It's a small world after all: from stereotypes to invented worlds in secondary school Spanish textbooks. Critical Inquiry in Language Studies, 4(2-3), 117-150.  109 He, Y. (2007). Remembering and forgetting the war: Elite myth making, mass reaction, and Sino-Japanese relations, 1950–2006. History and Memory, 19(2), 43-74. Hu, G. W. (2005). English language education in China: Policies, progress, and problems. Language Policy, 4(1), 5-24. Hu, G. W. (2002). Recent important developments in secondary English language teaching in the People’s Republic of China. Language, Culture and Curriculum, 15(1), 30-49. Jiang, H. (2010). A socio-historical analysis of Chinese heritage language education in British Columbia (Unpublished master’s thesis). The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC. Kanno, Y., & Norton, B. (2003). Imagined communities and educational possibilities: Introduction. Journal of Language, Identity, and Education, 2(4), 241-249. Kim, E. Y. (2007). A study of culture teaching in English classes in Korea and rural elementary schools in the Republic of Korea. Masters Abstracts International, 45(3), 1172-1172. Kress, G. R., & Hodge, B. (1979). Language as ideology. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Kubota, R. (2011). Questioning linguistic instrumentalism: English, neoliberalism, and language tests in Japan. Linguistics and Education, 22(3), 248-260. Lam, A. (2002). English in education in China: Policy changes and learners’ experiences. World Englishes, 21(2), 245-256. Lee, D. (2010). Portrayals of non-North Koreans in North Korean textbooks and the formation of national identity. Asian Studies Review, 34(3), 349-369. Lee, J. F. K. & Collins, P. (2008). Gender voices in Hong Kong English textbooks: Some past and current practices. Sex Roles, 59(1), 127-137.  110 Lee, C. (1979). The making of the Sino-Japanese peace and friendship treaty. Pacific Affairs, 52(3), 420-445. Leeman, J. & Martinez, G. (2007). From identity to commodity: Ideologies of Spanish in heritage language textbooks. Critical Inquiry in Language Studies, 4(1), 35-65. Lisovskaya, E., & Karpov, V. (1999). New ideologies in post-Communist Russian textbooks. Comparative Education Review, 43(4), 522-543. Li, L.Y., Zhang, R.S. and L. Liu. (1988). A history of English language teaching in China. Shanghai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press. [In Chinese.] Liu, Y. B. (2005). Discourse, cultural knowledge and ideology: a critical analysis of Chinese language textbooks. Pedagogy, Culture and Society, 13(2), 233-264. Luke, A. (1988). Literacy, textbooks, and ideology: Postwar literacy instruction and the mythology of Dick and Jane. New York: Falmer Press. Matsuda, A. (2002). Representation of users and uses of English in beginning Japanese EFL textbooks. JALT Journal, 24(2), 182-201. Ministry of Education, (2010). National Long-Term Education Reform and Development Plan (2010-2020) (guojia zhongchangqi jiaoyu gaige he fazhan guihua gangyao). Beijing: Ministry of Education. [In Chinese] Ministry of Education, (2001a). Guiding Ideas to Promote English Curriculum in Primary Schools by the Ministry of Education (jiaoyubu guanyu jiji tuijin xiaoxue kaishe yingyu kechengde zhidao yijian) (Document No.2). Beijing: Ministry of Education. [In Chinese.] Ministry of Education (2001b). Guiding Ideas to Improve the Quality of Undergraduate Teaching (guanyu jiaoqiang gaodeng xuexiao benke jiaoxue gongzuo tigao jiaoxue zhiliangde ruogan yijian) (Document No. 4). Beijing: Ministry of Education. [In Chinese]  111 Norton, B. & Toohey, K. (2011). Identity, language learning, and social change. Language Teaching, 44(4), 412-446. Norton, B. (2000). Identity and language learning: Gender, ethnicity and educational change. Harlow, UK: Pearson Education/Longman. Norton Peirce, B. (1995). Social identity, investment, and language learning. TESOL Quarterly, 29(1), 9–31. Nozaki, Y., Openshaw, R., & Luke, A. (Eds.), Struggles over difference: Curriculum, texts, and pedagogy in the Asia-Pacific. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Nunan, D. (2003). The impact of English as a global language on educational policies and practices in the Asia-Pacific region. TESOL Quarterly, 37(4), 589–613. Poulou, S. (1997). Sexism in the discourse roles of textbook dialogues. Language Learning Journal, 15(3), 68-73. Ramirez, A. G., & Hall, J. K. (1990). Language and culture in secondary level Spanish textbooks. The Modern Language Journal, 74, 48–65. Richards, J. C., & Rodgers, T. S. (2001). Approaches and methods in language teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ross, H. A. (1993) China learns English: Language teaching and social change in the People’s Republic. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Sauer, C. (1989). Structures of consensus-making and intervention: the concept of Nazi language policy in occupied Holland (Deutsche Zeitung in den Niederlanden 1940 -1945) In R. Wodak (Ed.), Language, power and ideology: studies in political discourse (pp. 3-39). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.  112 Shardakova, M. & Pavlenko, A. (2004). Identity options in Russian textbooks. Journal of Language, Identity, and Education, 3(1), 25-46. Swan, M. (1995). Practical English usage. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Taylor-Mendes, C. (2009). Construction of racial stereotypes in English as a foreign language (EFL) textbooks: Images as discourse. In R. Kubota & A. Lin (Eds.), Race, culture, and identities in second language education. New York: Routledge. Tsang, M. C. (2000). Education and national development in China since 1949: Oscillating policies and enduring dilemmas. China Review, 579-618. Van Dijk, T. A. (1993). Principles of critical discourse analysis. Discourse & Society, 4(2), 249283. Wang, W. F & Lam, A. S. L. (2009) The English language curriculum for senior secondary school in China: Its evolution from 1949. RELC Journal, 40(1), 65-82. Welch, K. E. (1987). Ideology and freshman textbook production: The place of theory in writing pedagogy. College Composition and Communication, 38(3), 269-82. Williams. R. (1976). Base and superstructure in Marxist cultural theory. In Dale Roger, Madeleine Macdonald and Geoffrey Esland (Eds), Schooling and Capitalism: A Sociological Reader (pp. 202-210). London: Taylor & Francis. Xiong, T., & Qian, Y. (2012). Ideologies of English in a Chinese high school EFL textbook: A critical discourse analysis. Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 32(1), 75-92. Yamada, M. (2011). Awareness of racial and ethnic diversity in Japanese junior high schools' English language textbooks. Critical Inquiry in Language Studies, 8(3), 289-312. You, X. Y. (2005). Ideology, textbooks, and the rhetoric of production in China. College Composition and Communication, 56 (4), 632-653.  113 Zhou, M.S (2002). The blue book of the Chinese people (zhongguo baixing lanpishu). Beijing: PLA Literature and Art Publishing House. Retrieved from http://www.people.com.cn/GB/shizheng/252/8652/index.html  114 Appendix Table 1 The Use of Superlatives in the 1978 Series 1  Which is the fastest, a plane, a train or a boat? A plane is the fastest.  Book 2, Page 79  2  Which is the slowest? A boat is the slowest.  Book 2, Page 79  3  Which is the biggest, the sun, the moon or the earth? The sun is the  Book 2, Page 80  biggest. 4  Which is the smallest? The moon is the smallest.  Book 2, Page 80  5  Which is the hardest, steel, wood or rubber? Steel is the hardest.  Book 2, Page 80  6  Which is the softest? Rubber is the softest.  Book 2, Page 80  7  Who is the tallest, the man, the woman or the boy? The man is the  Book 2, Page 81  tallest. 8  Who is the shortest? The boy is the shortest.  Book 2, Page 81  9  Who is the oldest, the peasant, the worker or the soldier? The peasant  Book 2, Page 81  is the oldest. 10  Who is the youngest? The soldier is the youngest.  Book 2, Page 82  11  Who is carrying the heaviest one (box)? The man is.  Book 2, Page 82  12  Who is eating the biggest one (tomato)? The little girl is.  Book 2, Page 82  13  Who is riding the fastest horse? The soldier is.  Book 2, Page 83  14  Who is cutting the down the tallest tree? The young man is.  Book 2, Page 83  15  “It’s the Great Wall,” says one of the girls. “It’s the longest wall in the  Book 2, Page 84  world.” 16  “It’s Mount Qomolangma,” says one of the boys. “It’s the highest  Book 2, Page 84  115 mountain in the world.” 17  She points to a picture of the Changjiang River and asks “Is the  Book 2, Page 84  Changjiang the longest river in the world?” 18  “No,” says the teacher, “ the Changjiang is the longest river in Asia,  Book 2, Page 84  but it isn’t the longest in the world.” 19  Who runs fastest in your class? Li Pin does.  Book 2, Page 105  20  Who swims fastest in your class? Wu Tong does.  Book 2, Page 105  21  Who sings best in your class? Wei Fang does.  Book 2, Page 105  22  Who dances best in your class? Chen Min does.  Book 2, Page 105  23  Spring is the best season of the year.  Book 2, Page 106  24  Summer is the warmest season.  Book 2, Page 106  25  It (China) is one of the biggest countries in the world.  Book 2, Page 113  26  This one is the most beautiful of the three (parks).  Book 3, Page 74  27  This one is the most important of the four (articles).  Book 3, Page 74  28  That isn’t the biggest of our factories, but it’s one of the most  Book 3, Page 75  important. 29  He isn’t the oldest of the boys, but he’s one of the most diligent.  Book 3, Page 75  30  Which subject do you find the most difficult? English. I’m spending a  Book 3, Page 76  lot more time on it than before. 31  Mustapha’s best friend was a white boy, Tom Cook.  Book 3, Page104  32  “You’re the laziest girl in the whole school.”  Book 4, Page 54  33  There are over 80 pyramids in Egypt. Bu the Great Pyramid is the  Book 5, Page 39  biggest of all.  116 34  The whale is the largest animal in the world. It is one of the most  Book 5, Page 101  interesting animals in the sea. 35  Then nine hundred of the strongest men in the country lifted him on to  Book 6, Page 78  the cart with ropes. 36  When they got there, the king ordered his officers to take Gulliver to  Book 6, Page 78  the biggest temple in the country. 37  “That,” said Mr. Hornsnagle, “is the most complete democracy that I  Book 6, Page 109  have ever heard of.”  Table 2 The Categorization of the Superlatives in the 1978 Series People  General Science  School Animal Weather Fun Food China  Height Age Friendship Strength Athletic aspect Sun Moon Steel Rubber Plane Boat English Student Whale Horse Spring Summer Dance Sing Tomato Geographic territory Factory Great wall  Tallest, tallest, shortest, shortest Oldest, oldest, oldest, youngest, youngest Best Strongest Fastest, fastest Biggest, biggest Smallest, smallest Hardest, hardest Softest, softest Fastest, fastest Slowest, slowest Most difficult Most diligent, laziest Largest, most interesting Fastest Best Warmest Best Best Biggest Biggest Biggest, most important Longest  117  Other  Rivers & Mountains Box Great pyramid Temple Democratic system  Highest, longest, longest, longest Heaviest Biggest Biggest Most complete  Table 3 The Use of Superlatives in the 1995 Series 1  Li Lei’s box is heavy. Han Meimei’s box is heavier than Li Lei’s. Jim’s  Book 3, Page 10  box is the heaviest of all. 2  She’s old. He’s older. He’s the oldest of all.  Book 3, Page 10  3  He’s young. She’s younger. You’re the youngest in the class.  Book 3, Page 10  4  I’m hungry. She’s hungry. He’s the hungriest of all.  Book 3, Page 10  5  Spring is the best season of the year.  Book 4, Page 63  6  It is the hottest season.  Book 4, Page 63  7  The coldest season of the year is winter.  Book 4, Page 63  8  But Wu Dong ran fastest of all.  Book 5, Page 5  9  Who jumped highest?  Book 5, Page 5  10  Who jumped farthest of all?  Book 5, Page 5  11  Who is the most popular subject in your class?  Book 5, Page 25  12  Who is the youngest person in your class?  Book 5, Page 25  13  Who is the best in Chinese in your class?  Book 5, Page 25  14  Which of these do you think is the most useful invention?  Book 5, Page 41  15  The second most useful invention?  Book 5, Page 41  118 16  The third most useful invention?  Book 5, Page 41  17  This(moon cake) is the nicest of all!  Book 3, Page 10  18  This(pen) is the cheapest of all.  Book 3, Page 14  19  These(oranges) are the cheapest.  Book 3, Page 14  20  The third(cake) one is the best of all, but it’s too dear!  Book 3, Page 14  21  Meimei has the most (apples) of all.  Book 3, Page 18  22  The third one(truck) is carrying the fewest of all  Book 3, Page 18  23  Who has the most apples, Li Lei, Jim or Lily?  Book 3, Page 18  24  Who has the fewest (apples)?  Book 3, Page 18  25  Which truck has the most baskets, the first, the second or the third?  Book 3, Page 18  Which one has the fewest? 26  Is there a police-station near here? The nearest is about 4 kilometers  Book 3, Page 34  away. 27  Where is the nearest post office, please?  Book 3, Page 36  28  A city is the biggest of all.  Book 3, Page 38  29  I think May is the best month.  Book 3, Page 45  30  “I picked the most apples”, said Li Lei.  Book 4, Page 59  31  “I know who picked the fewest,” said Jim.  Book 4, Page 59  32  The hottest month is July.  Book 4, Page 67  33  The best time to come to China is in spring or autumn.  Book 4, Page 67  34  She sat nearest to the doctor’s door.  Book 4, Page 91  35  Let’s go to the farthest one instead.  Book 4, Page 97  36  Shall we go to the nearest island or the farthest one?  Book 4, Page 97  119 37  Who is the most popular TV/film star at the moment?  Book 5, Page 25  38  Who is the best football player at the moment?  Book 5, Page 25  39  Which language is spoken by the largest number of people in the world?  Book 5, Page 62  40  But which language is the most widely spoken in the world?  Book 5, Page 62  41  It is one of the world’s most important languages because it is so widely  Book 5, Page 62  used. 42  Summer is the best time for the planting trees.  Book 5, Page 69  43  The population problem may be the greatest one of the world today.  Book 5, Page 78  44  “That was nearly the cheapest jacket in town!” he said.  Book 5, Page 83  45  Here are some flowers for you, with our best wishes.  Book 5, Page 1  46  But Wu Dong ran fastest of all.  Book 5, Page 5  47  Zhang jun did best of all.  Book 5, Page 5  48  Liu Mei jumped farthest of all. Who jumped farthest of all?  Book 5, Page 5  49  Miss Zhao is one of the most popular teachers in the school.  Book 5, Page 10  50  Who jumped highest?  Book 5, Page 5  Table 4 The Categorization of the Superlatives in the 1995 Series  Food  People  Apple  Most, most, most, most, fewest, fewest, fewest,  Cake  Best  Orange  Cheapest  Mooncake  Nicest  Age  Oldest, youngest, youngest  120 Feeling  Most hungry  Athletic  Fastest, fastest, highest, farthest, best, farthest, highest, best  aspect Season  Best, coldest, hottest, coldest, best,  Month  Best, hottest  Public  Police station  Nearest  facilities  Post office  Nearest  Hospital  Nearest  Subject  Most popular, best  Pen  Cheapest  Teacher  Most popular  English  Most widely, most important  TV  Most popular  Travelling  Best, nearest, farthest  Fashion  Clothing  Cheapest  China  Population  Largest number, greatest  Technology  Invention  First most useful, second most useful, third most useful  Wish  Best  Weather  School  Fun  around the world Other  Table 5 The Use of Superlatives in the 2003 Series  121  1  All the movie theaters are good, but the Screen City is the best in our  Book 3, Page 73  town. 2  However, Town Cinema is the cheapest, and it has the friendliest  Book 3, Page 73  service. 3  The most popular clothing store is Jason’s.  Book 3, Page 73  4  It has the biggest screens and the most comfortable seats.  Book 3, Page 73  5  It has the best quality clothing.  Book 3, Page 73  6  It’s also the cheapest.  Book 3, Page 73  7  Funky Fashions is the worst.  Book 3, Page 73  8  It plays the most interesting music.  Book 3, Page 73  9  How do you learn best?  Book 5, Page 4  10  This week we asked students at New Star High School about the best  Book 5, Page 4  ways to learn more English. 11  Lilian Li, for example, said the best way to learn new words was by  Book 5, Page 4  reading English magazines. 12  Liu Chang said that joining the English club at school was the best way Book 5, Page 4 to improve her English.  13  I think the camel is the most unusual animal. It hardly ever needs to  Book 3, Page 80  drink water. 14  Rats are the ugliest.  Book 3, Page 80  15  I don’t like them at all. And I like cows, because they’re the most  Book 3, Page 80  delicious!  122 16  Seriously, though, I think hens are one of the most useful animals.  Book 3, Page 80  17  It has the biggest screens.  Book 3, Page 71  18  It’s the most popular  Book 3, Page 71  19  It’s the closest to home.  Book 3, Page 71  20  It’s the cheapest.  Book 3, Page 71  21  It has the friendliest service.  Book 3, Page 71  22  It has the most comfortable seats.  Book 3, Page 71  23  What’s the best movie theater? Showtime Cinema.  Book 3, Page 71  24  It’s the cheapest.  Book 3, Page 71  25  But I think Gold Theater has the most comfortable seats.  Book 3, Page 71  26  Which is the best clothing store?  Book 3, Page 72  27  Which is the best radio station?  Book 3, Page 72  28  Jeans Corner and Trendy Teens are good stores/are bad stores/are the  Book 3, Page 72  best stores. 29  Funky Fashions has worse clothes than Jason’s/has the worst clothes in  Book 3, Page 72  town 30  What’s the best clothing store in town? I think Jason’s is the best.  Book 3, Page 72  31  Town Cinema is the cheapest.  Book 3, Page 72  32  It has the friendliest service.  Book 3, Page 72  33  Jason’s has the best quality clothing.  Book 3, Page 72  34  Movie Palace has the most comfortable seats.  Book 3, Page 72  35  Oldies 102.1 FM is pretty bad. It has the worst music.  Book 3, Page 72  36  I think Teen World has the best service  Book 3, Page 73  123 37  I think Bargain House had the worst quality.  Book 3, Page 73  38  Danny’s is the closest. Let’s go there.  Book 3, Page 73  39  No, it’s the most expensive.  Book 3, Page 73  40  Opposite words/phrases: most creative, dullest; quietest, loudest; best,  Book 3, Page 74  worst; funniest, most boring. 41  My sister Isabel is the funniest person I know.  Book 3, Page 74  42  Who was the best performer? Eliza was the best performer.  Book 3, Page 74  43  Eliza Clark won the prize for the best performer.  Book 3, Page 75  44  Hu Yue was the quietest performer.  Book 3, Page 75  45  The prize for the funniest act went to Steve Tian and his dog, Fido.  Book 3, Page 75  46  What/who do you think is the funniest actor?  Book 3, Page 75  47  What/who do you think is the most creative music video?  Book 3, Page 75  48  What/who do you think is the loudest musical group?  Book 3, Page 75  49  What/who do you think is the most boring TV show?  Book 3, Page 75  50  What/who do you think is the worst movie?  Book 3, Page 75  51  What/who do you think is the best book?  Book 3, Page 75  52  Weather: warmest/coldest, price: cheapest/most expensive, distance:  Book 3, Page 76  nearest/farthest 53  French Deli is the most expensive/most popular/ has the best service  Book 3, Page 78  54  My best friend is more popular than me.  Book 4, Page 14  55  I don't want to have a fight with my cousin, because she’s my best  Book 4, Page 15  friend. 56  She got really mad at me and said she didn’t want to be my best friend  Book 4, Page 31  124 anymore. 57  Who’s your best friend? My best friend is Xiao Li, but last week we  Book 4, Page 31  had a big fight and now she isn’t talking to me. 58  When I was a young girl, all I ever wanted to do was travel, and I  Book 4, Page 31  decided that the best way to do this was to become a flight attendant. 59  I discovered that the most important requirement was to speak English  Book 4, Page 31  well. 60  What do you like best about studying English?  Book 4, Page 31  61  Social situations don’t bother you in the slightest.  Book 4, Page 31  62  Amy Kim is one of the best-known Chinese photographers in the  Book 5, Page 48  world today, and some of her most famous photos are on display in this exhibition. 63  Paris is the capital of France and is one of the liveliest cities in Europe.  Book 5, Page 54  64  For example, it has some fantastic sights, including the Eiffel Tower  Book 5, Page 54  and Notre Dame Cathedral, one of the most famous churches it the world. 65  What do you think is the most helpful invention?  Book 5, Page 70  66  I think the most helpful invention is the light bulb.  Book 5, Page 70  67  Mr Tan makes the best noodles in town.  Book 5, Page 91  68  Was I supposed to begin with the largest ones or the smallest? (table  Book 5, Page 99  etiquettes) 69  The most common one is the happy face.  Book 5, Page 100  70  When prices are listed, you can go to the store with the lowest price.  Book 5, Page 107  125 71  I walked to school with my best friend, Gu.  Book 5, Page 107  72  Going to their ancestors’ village is often the most exciting part of the  Book 5, Page 116  trip. 73  You have probably never heard of Amy Winterbourne, but she is a  Book 5, Page 122  most unusual woman.  Table 6 The Categorization of the Superlatives in the 2003 Series Fun  Theatre  best, cheapest, cheapest, friendliest, friendliest, biggest,  /cinema  biggest, most comfortable, most comfortable, closest, most popular, cheapest, friendliest, most comfortable, best, cheapest, most comfortable  Radio station  Best, worst  travelling  Warmest, coldest, cheapest, most expensive, nearest, farthest, liveliest, most famous, most exciting  Fashion  Clothing  Worst, most popular, best quality, cheapest, best, best, best, lowest, worst, most interesting, best, best  School  English  Best, best, best  Food  Quality; service  Best, most expensive, most popular, best, best, worst, closest,  Price/location  most expensive, largest, smallest  Character  Dullest, most creative, loudest, quietest, worst, best, most  People  boring, funniest, best, best, best, funniest, funniest, most creative, loudest, most boring, worst, best, most unusual, best-  126 known  Animal  Job  Best  Fame  Most famous  Friendship  Best, best, best, best, best, most important, best, best  Attitudes  slightest  Animals  Ugliest, most unusual, most delicious, most useful  Technology Email  Most common  around the  Most helpful, most helpful  invention  world  Table 7 The Use of Must in the 1978 Series 1  Must I be home before eight o’clock? Yes, you must. (No, you  Book 3, Page 28  needn’t.) 2  Must he clean the room before class? Yes, he must. (No, he needn’t.)  Book 3, Page 28  3  Well, I must be off now. See you later.  Book 3, Page 29  4  Must I bring it back for that? Yes, you must. And you mustn’t lend it  Book 3, Page 30  to others. (in a library) 5  I must be home before six.  Book 3, Page 33  6  What must you do if you can’t finish them in time?  Book 3, Page 36  7  He mustn’t run into the boys.  Book 3, Page 38  8  The boys are saying: “we must take the worker to the hospital and we  Book 3, Page 38  127 must take the machine part to the factory, too.” 9  They mustn’t let Comrade Zhao fall again.  Book 3, Page 39  10  What must you do now if you want to do that job well?  Book 3, Page 43  11  You must work hard at your lessons.  Book 3, Page 44  12  You must learn to write good Chinese.  Book 3, Page 44  13  You must be good at a foreign language.  Book 3, Page 44  14  A good scientist must learn from the scientists of other countries.  Book 3, Page 44  15  I needn’t tell you that good health is a must for builders of socialism.  Book 3, Page 44  16  You must work hard at maths and physics, mustn’t you? Why?  Book 3, Page 51  17  Why must you be good at a foreign language?  Book 3, Page 51  18  What must you do if you want to be in good health?  Book 3, Page 51  19  What must you study above everything else? Why?  Book 3, Page 51  20  The important thing is, you must be more careful with your  Book 3, Page 76  pronunciation. 21  The house must be very dirty.  Book 3, Page 77  22  I must give it a good cleaning.  Book 3, Page 77  23  “What’s more, I must see your pass, too.”  Book 3, Page 132  24  “He’s right. Everybody must obey the rules!”  Book 3, Page 132  25  Must we pull up the weeds today? Yes, you must.  Book 4, Page 52  26  Must we cut the rice today? Yes, you must.  Book 4, Page 52  27  Must we get in the cucumbers today? Yes, you must.  Book 4, Page 52  28  Must we water the tomato fields, too? No, you needn’t. You may do it  Book 4, Page 53  tomorrow.  128 29  Joan, must I stay in bed all day? No, you needn’t.  Book 4, Page 53  30  You can get up if you like, but you mustn’t go out.  Book 4, Page 53  31  You must stay at home all day.  Book 4, Page 53  32  It’s a very interesting film. You mustn’t miss it.  Book 4, Page 71  33  He must feel very bad.  Book 4, Page 72  34  Something must be wrong with this country.  Book 4, Page 124  35  The fisherman said: “Since I must die, I must.” (The Fisherman and  Book 5, Page 77  the Genie) 36  They (whales) must stay in the water or they will die.  Book 5, Page 103  37  You must come up one by one and touch the bottom of the pot with  Book 5, Page 134  your right hand. 38  Something must be done to end the strike.  Book 6, Page 28  39  When must the composition be handed in? It must be handed in by the  Book 6, Page 35  time class is over. 40  When must the name list be handed in? It must be handed in this  Book 6, Page 35  afternoon. 41  When must the drawing be handed in? It must be handed in five days  Book 6, Page 35  before the exhibition. 42  When must the money for the tickets be handed in? It must be handed  Book 6, Page 35  in sometime before Friday. 43  The king replied that before he set him free he must be sure that Gulliver would do no hard to his people.  Book 6, Page 89  129  Table 8 The Use of Must in the 1995 Series 1  Work must come first!  Book 3, Page 21  2  I must ask my parents first.  Book3, Page 21  3  Many thousands of trees must be planted every year.  Book5, Page 70  4  They must be built all over the world.  Book5, Page 70  5  If you are ill, you must see the doctor.  Book4, Page 89  6  The ground must be just right-neither too wet nor too dry.  Book4, Page 69  7  You must be more careful! That car nearly hit you.  Book4, Page 89  8  Well, you mustn’t play on the road. It’s 
dangerous.  Book4, Page 89  9  You must get up and 
get 
ready for school.  Book4, Page 92  10  No, you mustn’t eat anything until you see the doctor.  Book4, Page 92  11  We must work hard at school  Book4, Page 110  12  You mustn’t play near the road.  Book4, Page 110  13  You must help me do the cooking this afternoon.  Book4, Page 77  14  We must stay here and find our lunch.  Book4, Page 99  15  I must finish that first  Book4, Page 21  16  You must look after your clothes.  Book4, Page 54  17  We must both thank Lucy  Book4, Page 23  18  It must be from Jim.  Book4, Page 56  19  You must always wait in a queue. You must never “jump the queue”.  Book4, Page 90  20  I have quite a lot of homework to do. I must finish that first.  Book 3, Page 21  130 21  I think we must buy some meat for supper.  Book 3, Page 53  22  We must get some more tomorrow.  Book 3, Page 53  23  When the lights are red, the traffic must stop.  Book 4, Page 89  24  When the lights are green, the traffic can go. Then you must wait.  Book 4, Page 89  25  If the policeman says “stop”, you must stop.  Book 4, Page 89  26  If there is a lot of traffic, you must wait.  Book 4, Page 89  27  If the traffic is moving, you must wait.  Book 4, Page 89  28  You must wait for your turn.  Book 4, Page 91  29  We must keep it cool.  Book 4, Page 98  30  “We must stay here and find our lunch,” said Jim.  Book 4, Page 99  31  “I must take her to hospital. But my baby,…I can’t leave her by  Book 4, Page 106  herself.” 32  You must always return your library book on time!  Book 5, Page 22  33  “I’m afraid that if you’ve lost it, you must pay for it,” said Miss  Book 5, Page 22  Yang. 34  “We must both thank Lucy!”  Book 5, Page 23  35  “Oh, that must be Ling Feng now!” said Jim.  Book 5, Page 46  36  It must be from Jim.  Book 5, Page 56  37  The ground must be just right-neither too wet nor too dry.  Book 5, Page 69  38  The hole must be very big  Book 5, Page 69  39  The ground must not be too hard  Book 5, Page 69  40  The hole must not be too deep.  Book 5, Page 69  131 41  The tree must be straight.  Book 5, Page 69  42  The hole must be half a meter deep.  Book 5, Page 71  43  Trees must be planted in spring.  Book 5, Page 71  44  A large hole must be dug  Book 5, Page 71  45  The tree must be watered well.  Book 5, Page 71  46  Many more trees must be planted.  Book 5, Page 71  47  Young trees must be looked after.  Book 5, Page 71  48  Rice must be harvested at the right time.  Book 5, Page 71  49  The tree must be put in the hole now.  Book 5, Page 72  50  Now the tree must be tied to the stick  Book 5, Page 76  51  The playground must be kept clean  Book 5, Page 76  52  The flowers must be watered often.  Book 5, Page 76  53  Old people must be spoken to politely.  Book 5, Page 76  54  Your teacher must be listened to carefully.  Book 5, Page 76  55  There must be something wrong with the TV.  Book 5, Page 75  56  His shoes were so dirty that he must brush them.  Book 5, Page 83  Table 9 The Use of Must in the 2003 Series 1  It must belong to Carla  Book 5, Page 34  2  Whose note book this? It must be Ming’s. It has her name on it.  Book 5, Page 35  3  They see a strange creature. The man says it must be____. The woman  Book 5, Page 37  says it must be____  132 4  My friends and I think it must be teenagers having fun.  Book 5, Page 38  5  There must be something visiting the homes in our neighborhood, but  Book 5, Page 38  what is it? 6  The person must go to our school.  Book 5, Page 35  7  It must be Linda’s backpack.  Book 5, Page 35  8  The French book must be Li Ying’s. She’s the only one who’s studying  Book 5, Page 35  French. 9  The photo must be Lu’s. Those are his parents.  Book 5, Page 35  10  It must be Carla’s. She loves volleyball.  Book 5, Page 34  11  It must be Mary’s Hemingway is her favorite author.  Book 5, Page 34  12  I must be dreaming.  Book 5, Page 37  13  They must be making a movie.  Book 5, Page 37  14  It must be an alien.  Book 5, Page 35  15  Whose notebook is this? It must be Ming’s. It has her name on it.  Book 5, Page 37  16  That must be Sandy Island!  Book 5, Page 39  Table 10 The Use of have to, Don’t do…/Do…, Can’t do… in the 2003 Series  1 2  Have to Do you have to wear a uniform at school?  4  What else do you have to do? We have to clean the classroom. John, you have to wear sports shoes for gym class. At school, we have to clean the ____  5  Mary, you don’t have to wear a _____  3  If changed to Must Must I wear a uniform?  Book 2, Page 72 What else must you do? You must Book 2, clean the classroom. Page 72 John, you must wear sports for Book 2, gym class. Page 73 At school, we must clean the ____ Book 2, Page 73 Mary, you mustn’t wear a ____ Book 2,  133  6 7 8  Do we have to wear a uniform? Yes, we do. I have to get up at six o’clock every morning. I have to be in bed by ten o’clock.  9  On weekends, I have to clean my room and wash my clothes. 10 Then, I have to help my mom make dinner. 11 Later I have to go to the Children’s Palace to learn the piano. 12 Maria, do you have to go to bed by 10:00? Yes, I do. Don’t do…/Do… 1  Don’t arrive late for class.  2  Don’t run in the hallways.  3  Don’t eat in the classrooms.  4 5  Don’t listen to music in the classrooms or the hallways. Don’t fight  6  Don’t watch TV after school  7  Don’t go out on school nights  8  Do your homework after school  9  Practice your guitar every day.  10 Don't talk loudly at home.  1 2 3  Must we wear a uniform? Yes, we must. I must get up at six o’clock every morning. I must be in bed by ten o’clock. On weekends, I must clean my room and wash my clothes. Then, I must help my mom make dinner. Later I must go to the Children’s Palace to learn the piano. Maria, must you go to bed by 10:00? Yes, I must.  Page 73 Book 2, Page 73 Book 2, Page 75 Book 2, Page 75 Book 2, Page 75 Book 2, Page 75 Book 2, Page 75 Book 2, Page 75  If changed to You mustn’t do…/You must… You mustn’t arrive late for class.  Book 2, Page 71 You mustn’t run in the hallways. Book 2, Page 71 You mustn’t eat in the Book 2, classrooms. Page 71 You mustn’t listen to music in the Book 2, classrooms or the hallways. Page 71 You mustn’t fight. Book 2, Page 71 You mustn’t watch TV after Book 2, school. Page 74 You mustn’t go out on school Book 2, nights. Page 74 You must do your homework after Book 2, school. Page 74 You must practice your guitar Book 2, every day. Page 74 You mustn’t talk loudly at home. Book 2, Page 76  Can’t do… We can’t arrive late for class  If changed to Mustn’t do… We mustn’t arrive late for class  We can’t listen to music in the classrooms or hallways. We can’t eat in the classrooms  We mustn’t listen to music in the classrooms or hallways We mustn’t eat in the classrooms.  Book 2, Page 71 Book 2, Page 72 Book 2,  134  4  We can’t fight  We mustn’t fight.  5  We can’t listen to music in the hallways, but we can listen to it outside.  6  I can’t meet my friends after school because I have to do my homework.  7  I can’t watch TV on school nights.  We mustn’t listen to music in the hallways, but we can listen to it outside. I mustn’t meet my friends after school because I must do my homework. I mustn’t watch TV on school nights.  Page 72 Book 2, Page 72 Book 2, Page 72 Book 2, Page 75 Book 2, Page 75  Table 11 Representation of the Other Countries in the 1995 Series Australia  1  You’re from Australia, aren’t you? Yes, I am. How did you guess? The  Book 3, Page 62  way you speak! Which part of Australia do you come from? Plum treeThat’s a small village not far from Sydney. 2  It’s very different from Australia at this time of year. Really? What’s the  Book 3, Page 62  weather like in Australia now? It’s very hot. It’s summer in Australia now! 3  Look at this letter from Wang Wei to her pen friend in Australia.  Book 3, Page 63  4  The Australian seasons are the opposite: summer is from December to  Book 3, Page 67  February, and winter is in June, July and August. So when it’s spring in China, it is autumn in Australia. 5  Australians come from Australia. They speak English, too.  Book 2, Page 99  6  English is spoken as a first language by most people in the USA, Great  Book 5, Page 62  135 Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. 7  Have you got a pen friend? No, I haven’t. Why? Have you? Yes, I have.  Book 5, Page 62  He’s in Sydney, Australia. How often do you write? About once a month. 8  Read this letter from Wei Hua’s pen friend (from Sydney Australia. The  Book 5, Page 94  letter is about the trip Wei Hua’s Australian friend took to Ayers Rock) 9  Though there are about seventeen million people in Australia, there are  Book 5, Page 95  more than a hundred and seventy million sheep. 10  Though Ayer Rock is difficult to reach, it is very famous.  Book 5, Page 95  11  Though Australia is very large, the population is quite small.  Book 5, Page 95  12  Though Australia is very rich, much of the land is sand.  Book 5, Page 95  13  Though it is a very young country, Australia is very rich.  Book 5, Page 95  14  Though much of its (Australia) land is sand, it grows a lot of fruit.  Book 5, Page 95  15  There are many “Chinese take-aways” in England and in the USA- and  Book 4, Page 78  in Australia, too. 16  Are they from Australia? No, they’re from America.  Book 2, Page 97  America  1  English is spoken as a first language by most people in the USA, Great  Book 5, Page 62  Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. 2  “The Great Green Wall”-the reading included in Chapter 4  Book 5, Page 70  3  The seasons of the year in England and the USA are nearly the same.  Book 4, Page 67  But unlike much of China and the USA, the weather in England never  136 gets too hot, or too cold. 4  There are many “Chinese take-aways” in England and in the USA- and  Book 4, Page 78  in Australia, too...What is the most popular food in the USA? I think it is fried chicken. 5  Your friend comes from England/Canada/the USA. He/she goes home  Book 3, Page 6  every year with his/her parents. 6  We play American football in the USA. In our game, we also have  Book 3, Page 27  eleven players in a team, but our ball is like this. Oh, is that a ball? Aren’t all balls round? Not in the USA. 7  What do you live in the USA? Let me show you on the map. We live in  Book 3, Page 38  a place called Gum Three. Can you see Gum Tree? It’s only a small village. 8  Excuse me, are you American? No, I’m English. My name’s Ling Feng.  Book 2, Page 77  I’m Jim-Jim Green. This is my friend, Bill-Bill Smith. He’s American. 9  In the class there are two American girls. They are twins. Their names  Book 2, Page 92  are Lily an Lucy. All the other girls are Chinese. “American-EnglishChinese! There’s no difference,” says Wei Hua. “We are all friends.” 10  Not everybody in the USA is rich. Here is a story about some poor  Book 4, Page  people in the USA. “An American Boy” (It’s a story about an American  103  boy who had eye problems and finally got cured) 11  Are they from Australia? No, they’re from America.  Book 2, Page 97  12  Americans come from America. They speak English.  Book 2, Page 98  13  Here is a postcard from Lily to her friend in the USA. The postcard is  Book 2, Page 99  137 about an American girl (Lily)’s experience of living in China. Britain  1  Please give us a talk. Not difficult! A talk? What subject should I talk  Book 5, Page 2  about? Choose any subject. Something about England, for example. About England? What a good idea! 2  Most English people have three names: a first name, a middle name and  Book 5, Page 2  the family name. 3  You see, we’ve been in China for over two years now, so we are  Book 5, Page 38  travelling back to England soon for a holiday. Really? Where will you stay in England-the Capital? Yes, London. 4  Where is Jim Green? He’s gone to England with his family. He won’t be  Book 5, Page 49  back until February. 5  Ling Feng has just received this letter from Jim (from England about  Book 5, Page 50  their trip to England) 6  Oh, you’ve got a letter!...It’s from England, isn’t it? Yes. It must be  Book 5, Page 56  from Jim. Yes! It’s a Christmas card! 7  English is spoken as a first language by most people in the USA, Great  Book 5, Page 62  Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. 8  On Christmas Eve-the night before Christmas Day-children all over  Book 5, Page 54  Britain put a stocking at the end of their beds before they go to sleep. 9  The seasons of the year in England and the USA are nearly the same. But unlike much of China and the USA, the weather in England never  Book 4, Page 67  138 gets too hot, or too cold. IN England, too, spring is longer. Spring in England can last from late March to May. 10  In England, the most popular food is fish and chips… There are many  Book 4, Page 78  “Chinese take-aways” in England and in the USA- and in Australia, too. 11  Today we’re going to have real English food. Really? What is it? It’s my Book 4, Page 79 favorite. Fish and chips.  12  In England they call this line a queue. You must always wait in a queue.  Book 4, Page 90  13  Your friend comes from England/Canada/the USA. He/she goes home  Book 3, Page 6  every year with his/her parents. 14  I was born in England- in a small town near London.  Book 3, Page 49  15  Excuse me, are you American? No, I’m English.  Book 2, Page 77  16  “American-English-Chinese! There’s no difference,” says Wei Hua.  Book 2, Page 92  “We are all friends.” 17  Where’s he from? He’s from England. What about her? Oh, she’s from  Book 2, Page 97  England, too. 18  Englishmen come from England. What do they speak?  Book 2, Page 98  Japan  1  Is that an English car? No, it isn’t. It’s a Japanese car. That’s an English  Book 1, Page 19  car! 2  Again, you may find the English words “Made in China”, or “made in  Book 5, Page 62  Japan”, or “even “made in Germany”. 3  Do you/they speak Chinese/English/French/Japanese? Yes, I /we/they  Book 2, Page 98  139 do. No, I/we/they don’t. Other countries  1  Was Wei Hua learning Russian last night?  Book 5, Page 17  2  Again, you may find the English words “Made in China”, or “made in  Book 5, Page 62  Japan”, or “even “made in Germany”. 3  So when a German buys something from a Japanese, or an Indian sells  Book 5, Page 62  something to a Frenchman, they may all use English. 4  If you travel in India, or France, or Germany, or almost any other  Book 5, Page 62  country in the world, you will still be able to use English. 5  What’s the population of Germany? Do you think it will grow?  Book 5, Page 77  6  What’s the population of France? About fifty-seven million.  Book 5, Page 77  7  Your friend comes from England/Canada/the USA. He/she goes home  Book 3, Page 6  every year with his/her parents. 8  John is a Canadian. He lives in a tall building in the city of Toronto.  Book 3, Page 39  9  Then my family moved to France. Why did you move there? Because  Book 3, Page 49  my father could work in Paris. 10  Canadians come from Canada. They speak English and French.  Book 2, Page 98  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.24.1-0073716/manifest

Comment

Related Items