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The Indian Shaker Church : colonialism, continuity, and resistance, 1882-1920 Wright, Eric N. 2013

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   The	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church:	
  Colonialism,	
  Continuity,	
  and	
  Resistance,	
  1882-­‐1920	
  	
  by	
  	
  Eric	
  N.	
  Wright	
  	
  B.A.,	
  Simon	
  Fraser	
  University,	
  2010	
  	
  A	
  THESIS	
  SUBMITTED	
  IN	
  PARTIAL	
  FULFILLMENT	
  OF	
  THE	
  REQUIREMENTS	
  FOR	
  THE	
  DEGREE	
  OF	
  	
  	
  MASTER	
  OF	
  ARTS	
  	
  	
  in	
  	
  	
  The	
  Faculty	
  of	
  Graduate	
  Studies	
  	
  	
  (History)	
  	
  	
  THE	
  UNIVERSITY	
  OF	
  BRITISH	
  COLUMBIA	
  (Vancouver)	
  	
  	
  	
  April	
  2013	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  ©	
  Eric	
  N.	
  Wright,	
  2013	
   	
   ii	
   ABSTRACT	
   The existing literature on the Indian Shaker Church emphasizes how features of colonial contact between Euro-American resettlers and Indigenous peoples in late-nineteenth- century southern Puget Sound, such as epidemic diseases, demographic changes and intense missionization, created a crisis of faith in Indigenous peoples’ belief systems.  In these explanations, the emergence of the Indian Shaker Church is conceived of as a moment where Indigenous people “turned” to Christianity after having lost faith in the validity and efficacy of their own spiritual beliefs, supposedly rendered meaningless by colonial incursion and rapid cultural change.  This paper argues instead that these same features of colonial contact in late-nineteenth-century southern Puget Sound, especially the presence of epidemic diseases, actually affirmed Indigenous peoples' spiritual beliefs.  It further argues that one product of this affirmation was the Indian Shaker Church.  The Shakers adopted Christian-in-origin practices, concepts and elements of material culture and turned them into spiritual resources in a fight against epidemic diseases, which they believed were a spiritual problem.  At the same time as these Christian-in-origin elements in the Shaker Church became spiritual resources in a fight against epidemic diseases, they also expressed longstanding Coast Salish spiritual beliefs.  The way in which the Indian Shakers expressed their longstanding spiritual beliefs through the very concepts of the colonizer was an effective means of resistance to a campaign of religious persecution by American missionaries, Indian agents and lawmakers, who sought to stamp out the Shakers altogether.  This paper draws attention to how the incorporation of Christian-in-origin elements into the spiritual practices of Indigenous people has consistently been made into a “conversion” moment by contemporary observers and historians of Indigenous Christianities, in which the “old” spiritual customs are replaced in favour of the new (in some degree).  The ways in which the Shakers selectively adopted Christian-in-origin elements into their practice and recontextualized them as spiritual resources and expressions of Coast Salish spiritual customs calls into question the historically-rooted assumption that the presence of Christian-in-origin elements in Indigenous peoples’ spiritual practices can be read simply as evidence of a “conversion moment,” in which Indigenous spiritual customs are replaced by Christian ones. 	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   iii	
   PREFACE	
  This	
   thesis	
   is	
   an	
   original	
   intellectual	
   product	
   of	
   the	
   author,	
   E.	
   Wright.	
   The	
   fieldwork	
  reported	
  in	
  Chapter	
  2	
  was	
  covered	
  by	
  UBC	
  Ethics	
  Certificate	
  number	
  H12-­‐03522.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
   	
   iv	
   TABLE	
  OF	
  CONTENTS	
  Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….ii	
  Preface………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….iii	
  Table	
  of	
  Contents…………………………………………………………………………………………………………...iv	
  List	
  of	
  Photographs…………………………………………………………………………………………………………v	
  Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………………………………..vi	
  Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...1	
  Indigenous	
  Christianities	
  and	
  the	
  Study	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church………………….....7	
  Chapter	
  1:	
  Indigenous	
  People	
  and	
  Colonialism	
  in	
  Southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  Medical-­‐Spiritual	
  Practitioners	
  and	
  Conceptions	
  of	
  Disease………………18	
  Epidemic	
  Diseases	
  and	
  Demographic	
  Change………………………………………………………21	
  Christian	
  Missionaries’	
  contribution	
  to	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Movement……………………………...27	
  Chapter	
  2:	
  Continuity	
  and	
  Resistance	
  The	
  Adoption	
  and	
  Re-­‐interpretation	
  of	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  Elements	
  in	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church……………………………………………………………………………………………………33	
  Colonial	
  Persecution	
  and	
  the	
  Double	
  Entendre	
  of	
  Shaker	
  Resistance……………………45	
  Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………57	
  Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………60	
  Afterword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….63	
  	
  	
  	
   	
   	
   v	
   LIST	
  OF	
  PHOTOGRAPHS	
  Figure	
  1:	
  The	
  Mission	
  Church	
  at	
  Skokomish…………………………………………………………………...27	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
   	
   vi	
   ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS	
   This thesis could never have been written without the love, support, understanding and kindness over the years of my immediate family, Jeff, Jenny, Ian and Shannon. Throughout my two years at UBC, they showed interest in what I was doing and supported me in many ways.  I thank them greatly for this.  Several faculty members in the History department at UBC were instrumental in helping me actualize this project from start to finish.  My thesis advisor Coll Thrush has been an incredible supporter of this project.  Coll not only provided me with the initial idea for this thesis, he also assisted me in locating archival sources, employed me as a research assistant, provided insightful feedback on many drafts and helped me complete the ethics approval process quickly and efficiently.  Paige Raibmon gave generously of her time, providing detailed feedback and criticism of my arguments and many secondary literature suggestions.  Michel Ducharme helped move me along in the early phases of this project by providing demanding (in the sense of difficult) critiques and suggestions. Seminars with Carla Nappi and Tamara Meyers were intellectually stimulating and supportive, which helped me through this thesis.  The way in which members of the Shaker Church have been willing to engage with me during this project has been a great help.  Eugene and Wendy Harry welcomed me into their church in North Vancouver.  Leon Strom, the present bishop of the Shaker Church provided me with suggestions and comments on several different versions of my draft. He also kindly made time to meet with me and discuss a few key aspects of the church, which were a great aid to the arguments presented in this paper.  During my research trip to Washington State, I was fortunate to work with talented archival staff.  Gary Lundell was relentless in finding every piece of material related to the Shakers at the University of Washington Special Collections in Seattle.  Joy Werlink and Ed Nolan at the Washington State Historical Society facilitated my access to the Records of the Indian Shaker Church in Tacoma.  At the Northwest Museum of Arts & Culture in Spokane, Rose Krause kindly extended her hours of operation to accommodate my combing through the large amount of material the museum had available on the Shakers.  Bill Huntington at Whitman College was a great help.  During my research trip I was also fortunate to be lodged and sometimes fed by my friends Mea (Emily) Geizhals and Charles Plummer as well as the Goethe family in Seattle.  A few other scholars, friends, and fellow graduate students assisted me in different ways with this project.  Donna Gerdts from SFU was a great help connecting me to members of the Shaker Church.  Christopher Currie (Ian Currie’s son) helped me flesh out a few of the details surrounding the creation of the field journal Interviews with Shakers, which seemed to have landed in the archive without a hint of context.  Bruce Granville Miller was essential in helping me locate the relevant ethnographic literature. Other specialists on Coast Salish communities, Pam Amoss, Jay Miller, and the late Dr. Robert H. Ruby, all offered their suggestions and assistance on myriad matters.  My 	
   vii	
   fellow graduate student Chelsea Horton provided insightful secondary literature suggestions while Stephen Bridenstine gave much appreciated feedback on a draft of this thesis.  I must also thank the staff and management of the Bean Around the World Coffee Shop at Cambie and Hastings Streets in Vancouver, who have throughout my two years at UBC provided a supportive environment for reading and writing as well as the necessary caffeine boosts.  This project was made possible by funding from the UBC History Department in the form of the Canadian Graduate History Travel Scholarship in support of my summer research.  I was also fortunate to receive a SSHRC Graduate Research Award, which aided greatly in completing this project.  A final thanks goes out to Tommy 桂笙 Ting (the Cat), who was a constant support through the ups and downs of this project.  Meow. 	
   1	
   Introduction	
  The	
   story	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   begins	
  with	
   experiences	
   of	
   John	
   and	
  Mary	
  Slocum,	
  two	
  middle-­‐aged	
  səhíʔwəbš	
  (pronounced	
  Sa-­‐hey-­‐wamish)	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  who	
  lived	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  in	
  the	
  late	
  nineteenth	
  century.1	
  	
  John	
  and	
  Mary	
  lived	
  on	
  the	
  shores	
  of	
  the	
  Big	
  Skookum	
  (known	
  today	
  as	
  Hammersley	
  Inlet)	
  near	
  the	
  upstart	
  American	
  town	
   of	
   Shelton,	
   Washington.	
   	
   	
   John	
   made	
   a	
   living	
   logging,	
   which	
   had	
   become	
   a	
   very	
  prominent	
   economic	
   activity	
   in	
   the	
   region	
   by	
   this	
   time.2	
  	
   By	
   the	
   1890s,	
   he	
   had	
   acquired	
  enough	
   capital	
   from	
   logging	
   to	
   hire	
   a	
   gang	
   of	
  men	
   to	
   build	
   a	
   logging	
   skid	
   road	
   on	
   land	
  claimed	
   by	
   David	
   Shelton,	
   one	
   of	
   Shelton’s	
   “founding	
   fathers.”3	
  	
   Like	
   many	
   Indigenous	
  people	
   living	
   in	
  Washington	
   State	
   in	
   the	
   late	
   nineteenth	
   century,	
   John	
   sought	
   to	
  make	
   a	
  living	
  within	
  the	
  new	
  capitalist	
  economic	
  system,	
  in	
  which	
  labour	
  and	
  nature	
  had	
  become	
  commodities	
   to	
  be	
   exploited,	
   bought	
   and	
   sold.	
   	
  His	
   efforts	
   at	
   earning	
   a	
   living	
  within	
   this	
  new	
  economic	
  system	
  appear	
  to	
  have	
  met	
  with	
  some	
  success.4	
  	
  However,	
  it	
  was	
  not	
  for	
  his	
  economic	
  success	
  that	
  John	
  would	
  achieve	
  notoriety.	
  One	
  late	
  fall	
  day	
  in	
  1882,	
  John	
  had	
  a	
  spiritual	
  experience	
  that	
  would	
  be	
  the	
  first	
  in	
  a	
  series	
  of	
  events	
  leading	
  to	
  the	
  founding	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church.5	
  	
  While	
  lying	
  ill	
  in	
  his	
  house	
  on	
  the	
  shores	
  of	
  Big	
  Skookum	
  John	
  left	
  his	
  body,	
  travelled	
  to	
  heaven	
  and	
  came	
  face	
  to	
  face	
  with	
  God.	
  	
  He	
  was	
  instructed	
  by	
  God	
  to	
  tell	
  the	
  Indian	
  people	
  to	
  stop	
  drinking	
  alcohol,	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  1	
  I	
   have	
   used	
   the	
   Lushootseed	
   word	
   səhíʔwəbš	
   to	
   refer	
   to	
   the	
   Sahewamish	
   Indigenous	
   community.	
   	
   See	
  2	
  Weekly	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  Courier,	
  May	
  26,	
  1882.	
  3	
  Mason	
  County	
  Journal,	
  June	
  3,	
  1887.	
  4	
  When	
  Shakers	
  speak	
  of	
   John	
  Slocum	
  they	
  almost	
   invariably	
  mention	
  that	
  he	
  was	
  well	
  off	
   financially.	
   	
  Mrs.	
  Sammie	
   Joseph,	
   a	
   Shaker	
   from	
  Vancouver	
   Island	
   told	
   a	
   researcher	
   that	
   “he	
  was	
  very	
  wealthy	
  –	
  had	
   lots	
   of	
  cattles,	
  stock	
  of	
  all	
  kinds.”	
  	
  Alfred	
  George,	
  another	
  Shaker	
  from	
  southern	
  Vancouver	
  Island	
  called	
  him	
  “well	
  to	
  do.”	
   	
   See	
   Mrs.	
   Sammie	
   Joseph	
   (Shaker),	
   interview	
   by	
   Ian	
   Currie,	
   1958,	
   Interviews	
  with	
   Shakers,	
   p.	
   58,	
   Ian	
  Currie	
   Collection,	
   University	
   of	
   Washington	
   Special	
   Collections,	
   Seattle,	
   Washington.	
   	
   Alfred	
   George,	
   Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  p.95.	
  5	
  What	
  follows	
  is	
  the	
  origin	
  story	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  as	
  members	
  of	
  the	
  church	
  tell	
  it.	
  	
  	
  The	
  Shakers	
  and	
  many	
  other	
  people	
  believe	
  this	
  story	
  to	
  be	
  true,	
  which	
  makes	
  it	
  true	
  in	
  the	
  world	
  independent	
  of	
  whether	
  one	
  believes	
  that	
  the	
  events	
  took	
  place	
  exactly	
  as	
  described	
  in	
  an	
  absolute	
  material	
  sense.	
  	
   	
   2	
   using	
  tobacco	
  and	
  gambling.	
  	
  In	
  addition,	
  he	
  was	
  to	
  tell	
  the	
  Indian	
  people	
  that	
  they	
  should	
  believe	
  in	
  him	
  if	
  they	
  wished	
  to	
  go	
  to	
  heaven.	
  	
  God	
  allowed	
  John	
  to	
  return	
  to	
  earth	
  on	
  the	
  condition	
   that	
   he	
   preach	
   his	
   instructions,	
   and	
   he	
   wisely	
   assented	
   to	
   this	
   bargain.	
  	
  Surprising	
  his	
  relatives,	
  who	
  had	
  already	
  sent	
   for	
  a	
  coffin	
   in	
  the	
  nearby	
  town	
  of	
  Olympia,	
  John	
  came	
  back	
  to	
  life	
  and	
  immediately	
  began	
  preaching	
  the	
  instructions	
  he	
  had	
  received	
  from	
  God.6	
  	
  A	
   few	
   followers	
  helped	
  him	
  erect	
  a	
  small	
  building	
  where	
  he	
  began	
  preaching	
  and	
  making	
  prophecies,	
  some	
  of	
  which	
  foretold	
  the	
  coming	
  end	
  of	
  the	
  world.	
  7	
  	
  Following	
  his	
  spiritual	
  experience,	
  John	
  Slocum	
  failed	
  to	
  practice	
  what	
  he	
  preached	
  and	
  quickly	
  “backslid”	
  (as	
  Shakers	
  say)	
  into	
  a	
  life	
  of	
  gambling,	
  drinking,	
  and	
  using	
  tobacco.	
  	
  Interest	
   in	
   his	
  message	
   on	
   the	
   part	
   of	
   followers	
  waned.	
   	
   Around	
   a	
   year	
   after	
   John’s	
   first	
  spiritual	
   experience	
  he	
   once	
   again	
   fell	
   ill.	
   	
  Old	
   Slocum	
   (John’s	
   father)	
   called	
   in	
   an	
   Indian	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  6	
  Prophetic	
  movements	
  and	
  visionary	
  experiences	
  like	
  those	
  of	
  John	
  Slocum	
  were	
  not	
  an	
  unusual	
  occurrence	
  in	
  the	
  Pacific	
  Northwest	
  in	
  the	
  nineteenth	
  century.	
  	
  In	
  the	
  1840s,	
  an	
  Indigenous	
  man	
  named	
  Skəlbɛ’xəl	
  gained	
  a	
  significant	
  following	
  in	
  the	
  Fraser	
  Valley,	
  a	
  few	
  hundred	
  miles	
  north	
  of	
  where	
  John	
  Slocum	
  would	
  have	
  his	
  first	
  vision	
  in	
  1882.	
   	
  Skəlbɛ’xəl	
  had	
  a	
  vision	
  in	
  which	
  three	
  men	
  made	
  him	
  kneel,	
  make	
  the	
  sign	
  of	
  the	
  cross	
  and	
  worship	
  God.	
  	
  He	
  preached	
  rules	
  of	
  moral	
  conduct	
  and	
  foretold	
  the	
  coming	
  of	
  whites	
  and	
  their	
  technology	
  (see	
  Wayne	
  Suttles,	
  “The	
  Plateau	
  Prophet	
  Dance	
  among	
  the	
  Coast	
  Salish,”	
  Southwest	
  Journal	
  of	
  Anthropology,	
  Vol.	
   13,	
   No.	
   4	
   (Winter,	
   1957),	
   362).	
   	
   Another	
   well-­‐known	
   Christian-­‐influenced	
   prophet	
   in	
   the	
   region	
   was	
  Smolhalla	
   of	
   the	
   Columbia	
   Plateau.	
   	
   In	
   the	
   1860s,	
   Smolhalla	
   prophesied	
   that	
   a	
   terrible	
   convulsion	
   would	
  destroy	
  the	
  earth	
   in	
  the	
  near	
   future.	
   	
  He	
  urged	
  his	
   followers	
  to	
   live	
  morally	
  correct	
   lives	
  to	
  prepare	
   for	
  the	
  calamity,	
  which	
  would	
  wipe	
  away	
  the	
  whites	
   from	
  their	
  country	
  (see	
  Leslie	
  Spier,	
  The	
  Prophet	
  Dance	
  of	
  the	
   Northwest	
  and	
  its	
  Derivatives:	
  The	
  Source	
  of	
  the	
  Ghost	
  Dance	
  (New	
  York:	
  AMS	
  Press,	
  1935),	
  40-­‐49.).	
  	
  	
  Visionary	
  experience	
   and	
   prophecy	
   that	
   resulted	
   from	
   colonial	
   contact	
   were	
   not	
   unique	
   to	
   North	
   America.	
   	
   The	
  Indigenous	
  prophets	
   and	
   visionaries	
  Birsa	
  Munda	
   (1875-­‐1900)	
   of	
   India	
   and	
  Te	
  Kooti	
   (1832-­‐1893)	
   of	
  New	
  Zealand	
   are	
   testament	
   to	
   the	
   ways	
   in	
   which	
   prophecy	
   and	
   visionary	
   experience	
   were	
   global	
   features	
   of	
  contact	
  between	
  Europeans	
  and	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  in	
  colonial	
  arenas	
  (see	
  Kumar	
  Suresh	
  Singh,	
  Birsa	
  Munda	
   and	
  His	
  Movement	
  1874-­‐1901:	
  A	
  Study	
  of	
  a	
  Millenarian	
  Movement	
  in	
  Chotanagpur	
   (Oxford:	
  Oxford	
  University	
  Press,	
  1983)	
  and	
  Judith	
  Binney,	
  Redemption	
  songs:	
  a	
  life	
  of	
  Te	
  Kooti	
  Arikirangi	
  Te	
  Turuki	
  (Auckland:	
  Auckland	
  University	
  Press,	
  1995)).	
  	
  7	
  The	
  content	
  of	
  John’s	
  prophecies	
  varies	
  from	
  account	
  to	
  account,	
  with	
  some	
  Shakers	
  making	
  no	
  mention	
  of	
  prophecies	
  at	
  all.	
  	
  Annie	
  James,	
  Mary	
  Slocum’s	
  sister	
  in	
  law	
  claimed,	
  “John	
  gave	
  many	
  prophecies.	
  	
  He	
  told	
  of	
  airplanes	
  and	
  autos	
  when	
  the	
  world	
  would	
  be	
  coming	
  to	
  an	
  end.	
  	
  He	
  said	
  some	
  day	
  there	
  would	
  be	
  worms	
  in	
  the	
  fruit	
  all	
  over	
  the	
  country.”	
  	
  See	
  Annie	
  James,	
  “A	
  Record	
  of	
  the	
  Early	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Faith	
  and	
  Work,”	
  n.d.;	
  Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   of	
  Washington	
   Records;	
   box	
   1;	
   file	
   9;	
  Washington	
   State	
   Historical	
   Society,	
   Tacoma,	
  Washington.	
  	
  Harris	
  Teo,	
  who	
  became	
  bishop	
  of	
  the	
  church	
  in	
  1974	
  verified	
  in	
  an	
  interview	
  with	
  Dr.	
  Robert	
  Ruby	
  that	
  Annie	
  James	
  was	
  Mary	
  Slocum’s	
  sister	
  in	
  law.	
  	
  See	
  Harris	
  Teo,	
  interview	
  by	
  Dr.	
  Robert	
  Ruby,	
  1990,	
  Dr	
  Robert	
  H.	
  Ruby	
  M.D.	
  Collection,	
  Northwest	
  Museum	
  of	
  Art	
  &	
  Culture	
  (Eastern	
  Washington	
  State	
  Historical	
  Society),	
  Spokane,	
  Washington.	
  	
   	
   3	
   doctor	
  to	
  work	
  over	
  him	
  in	
  a	
  desperate	
  attempt	
  to	
  save	
  his	
  life	
  yet	
  again.8	
  	
  This	
  was	
  in	
  spite	
  of	
  John	
  and	
  his	
  wife	
  Mary’s	
  wish	
  that	
  Indian	
  doctors	
  be	
  prohibited	
  from	
  trying	
  to	
  cure	
  him.	
  	
  Incensed	
   by	
   the	
   presence	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   doctor	
   who	
   she	
   believed	
   was	
   responsible	
   for	
  causing	
  John’s	
  sickness,	
  Mary	
  left	
  the	
  house	
  and	
  went	
  down	
  by	
  shores	
  of	
  the	
  Big	
  Skookum.	
  	
  Here,	
  she	
  began	
  to	
  tremble	
  and	
  came	
  running	
  back	
  to	
  the	
  house.	
  	
  She	
  immediately	
  ordered	
  the	
  people	
  in	
  the	
  room	
  (mostly	
  John’s	
  family)	
  to	
  light	
  candles	
  and	
  ring	
  bells.	
  	
  She	
  made	
  the	
  sign	
  of	
   the	
   cross	
   all	
  while	
   shaking	
  her	
  body	
  and	
  dancing.	
   	
   John	
   “began	
   to	
  bleed	
   from	
  his	
  nose	
   shooting	
   like	
   a	
   faucet	
   clear	
   across	
   the	
   room”	
   as	
  Mary	
   revived	
  him	
   to	
   a	
   state	
   of	
   full	
  health	
  with	
  her	
  trembling,	
  singing,	
  crossing,	
  dancing	
  and	
  ringing	
  of	
  bells.9	
  	
  For	
  the	
  second	
  time	
  in	
  a	
  few	
  years,	
  John	
  Slocum	
  had	
  narrowly	
  escaped	
  death.10	
  News	
  of	
  John	
  Slocum’s	
  second	
  recovery	
  spread	
  quickly	
  throughout	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound.11	
  	
   Many	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   in	
   the	
   region	
   began	
   practicing	
   a	
   form	
   of	
   religiosity	
  inspired	
  by	
  Mary	
  and	
   John’s	
  experiences	
   that	
  would	
  become	
   the	
   Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church.12	
  	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  8	
  In	
  ethnographic	
  literature	
  on	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  Indigenous	
  communities,	
  the	
  terms	
  “Indian	
  doctor”	
  and	
  “shaman”	
  refer	
  to	
  religious	
  and	
  medicinal	
  practitioners	
  called	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   in	
  Lushootseed,	
   the	
   language	
  of	
   John	
  Slocum.	
  	
  Dxʷdáʔəb	
  in	
  the	
  səhíʔwəbš	
  (Sahewamish)	
  Indigenous	
  community	
  were	
  paid	
  medical	
  practitioners	
  who	
  cured	
  disease	
   for	
   a	
   fee.	
   	
   The	
   central	
   role	
   of	
   the	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   in	
   the	
   emergence	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
  will	
   be	
  elaborated	
  on	
  in	
  this	
  essay.	
   	
  For	
  a	
  brief	
  outline	
  of	
  the	
  practice	
  of	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  in	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  communities,	
  see	
  June	
  Collins,	
  Valley	
  of	
  the	
  Spirits	
  (Seattle:	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Press,	
  1974),	
  144-­‐145.	
  9	
  Annie	
  James,	
  “A	
  Record	
  of	
  the	
  Early	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Faith	
  and	
  Work.”	
  	
  10	
  There	
  are	
  many	
  different	
  versions	
  of	
  the	
  John	
  and	
  Mary	
  Slocum	
  story.	
  	
  For	
  the	
  purpose	
  of	
  introducing	
  the	
  church,	
  I	
  have	
  tried	
  to	
  synthesize	
  the	
  common	
  points	
  of	
  the	
  story.	
  	
  For	
  other	
  versions	
  in	
  secondary	
  works	
  see	
  Robert	
   Ruby	
   &	
   John	
   Brown,	
   John	
   Slocum	
   and	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   (Oklahoma	
   City:	
   University	
   of	
  Oklahoma	
  Press,	
  1996),	
  pp.	
  7-­‐10	
  and	
  Homer	
  Barnett,	
  Indian	
  Shakers:	
  A	
  Messianic	
  Cult	
  of	
  the	
  Pacific	
  Northwest	
  (Carbondale	
  and	
  Edwardsville:	
  Southern	
  Illinois	
  University	
  Press,	
  1957),	
  pp.	
  11-­‐45.	
  	
  	
  11	
  Myron	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  Years	
  of	
  Missionary	
  Work	
  Amongst	
  the	
  Indians	
  at	
  Skokomish,	
  Washington	
  Territory:	
  1874-­‐ 1884	
   (Boston:	
   Congregational	
   Sunday-­‐School	
   and	
   Publishing	
   Society,	
   1886),	
   pp.	
   164-­‐165.	
   	
   Eells	
   was	
   a	
  Congregationalist	
  Christian	
  missionary	
  at	
   the	
  Skokomish	
   Indian	
  Reservation	
   in	
   the	
   late	
  nineteenth	
  century,	
  located	
  only	
  a	
  few	
  miles	
  from	
  where	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  first	
  emerged	
  on	
  Big	
  Skookum	
  (Hammersley	
  Inlet).	
  	
   Ten	
   Years	
   is	
   one	
   of	
   the	
   most	
   complete	
   accounts	
   of	
   the	
   early	
   development	
   of	
   the	
   Church	
   written	
   from	
   a	
  colonial	
  perspective.	
  12	
  Edwin	
  Chalcraft,	
  who	
  was	
  superintendent	
  of	
  the	
  Puyallup	
  Indian	
  School	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound,	
  claims	
  to	
  have	
   coined	
   the	
   term	
   “Shakers”	
   to	
   refer	
   to	
   those	
   who	
   were	
   inspired	
   by	
   Mary	
   and	
   John’s	
   experiences.	
  According	
   to	
   him,	
   around	
   1884	
   he	
   and	
   the	
   Congregationalist	
   missionary	
   Myron	
   Eells	
   at	
   Skokomish	
  consistently	
   began	
   using	
   the	
   term	
   to	
   describe	
   the	
   movement	
   in	
   their	
   correspondence	
   and	
   discussions.	
  	
   	
   4	
   Any	
   attempt	
   to	
   briefly	
   describe	
   the	
   characteristics	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   can	
   only	
  ever	
  be	
  partial.	
   	
  This	
  is	
  partly	
  due	
  to	
  its	
  diverse	
  and	
  dynamic	
  nature.	
   	
  It	
  is	
  also	
  due	
  to	
  the	
  ways	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  Shakers	
  adopted	
  Christian	
  concepts,	
  practices	
  and	
  elements	
  of	
  material	
  culture	
   into	
   their	
  practice	
  and	
  used	
   them	
   to	
  express	
   longstanding	
  Coast	
   Salish13	
  spiritual	
  beliefs.	
  	
  A	
  brief	
  description	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church,	
  which	
  must	
  include	
  its	
  Christian	
  elements	
  by	
  virtue	
  of	
  their	
  ubiquity	
  in	
  Shaker	
  practice,	
  risks	
  giving	
  the	
  perception	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers	
  simply	
   adopted	
   elements	
   of	
   Christianity,	
  without	
   reinterpreting	
   them	
   in	
   such	
   a	
  way	
   that	
  their	
   meanings	
   became	
   quite	
   different	
   in	
   church	
   practice.	
   	
   In	
   order	
   to	
   stress	
   how	
   the	
  Shakers’	
   adoption	
  of	
  Christian	
   elements	
  was	
   accompanied	
  by	
   a	
   re-­‐interpretation	
  of	
   their	
  meaning,	
  I	
  have	
  chosen	
  to	
  refer	
  to	
  the	
  Christian	
  elements	
  in	
  Shaker	
  practice	
  as	
  “Christian-­‐in-­‐origin”	
   in	
   this	
   paper.	
   	
   This	
   term	
   allows	
  me	
   to	
   discuss	
   the	
  ways	
   in	
  which	
   the	
   Shakers	
  borrowed	
   from	
   Christianity	
   without	
   the	
   risk	
   of	
   characterizing	
   this	
   borrowing	
   as	
   one	
   in	
  which	
  the	
  meanings	
  of	
  Christian	
  elements	
  remained	
  stable.	
  The	
   early	
   Shaker	
   movement	
   emerged	
   an	
   amalgamation	
   of	
   beliefs	
   and	
   practices	
  inspired	
  by	
  and	
  at	
  the	
  same	
  time	
  a	
  reflection	
  of	
  John	
  and	
  Mary’s	
  spiritual	
  experiences.	
  	
  Over	
  time,	
  John	
  and	
  Mary’s	
  experiences	
  would	
  come	
  to	
  constitute	
  the	
  established	
  origin	
  story	
  of	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  Thereafter,	
  the	
  “Shakers”	
  (as	
  it	
  were)	
  adopted	
  this	
  name.	
  	
  See	
  Edwin	
  Chalcraft,	
  “Diary,”	
  1884-­‐1919,	
  Dr.	
  Robert	
  H.	
  Ruby,	
  M.D.	
  Collection;	
  Northwest	
  Museum	
  of	
  Arts	
  &	
  Culture	
  (Eastern	
  Washington	
  State	
  Historical	
  Society),	
  Spokane	
  Washington.	
  	
  13	
  The	
  term	
  “Coast	
  Salish”	
  was	
  created	
  in	
  the	
  nineteenth	
  century	
  by	
  anthropologists	
  and	
  linguists	
  to	
  refer	
  to	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  who	
  lived	
  in	
  southwest	
  B.C.	
  and	
  northwest	
  Washington	
  State	
  who	
  shared	
  similar	
  linguistic	
  traits.	
   	
   Although	
   no	
   Indigenous	
   person	
   prior	
   to	
   the	
   arrival	
   of	
   Europeans	
   would	
   have	
   identified	
   as	
   “Coast	
  Salish”	
   it	
   is	
   still	
   meaningful	
   to	
   talk	
   about	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   culture	
   in	
   a	
   general	
   sense	
   since	
   the	
   people	
  anthropologists	
   and	
   linguists	
   defined	
   as	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   share	
   many	
   cultural	
   traits,	
   including	
   religious	
   and	
  spiritual	
   practices	
   and	
   beliefs.	
   The	
   səhíʔwəbš	
   (Sahewamish)	
   Indigenous	
   community	
   to	
  which	
   John	
   Slocum	
  and	
  Mary	
  Thompson	
  belonged	
  is	
  considered	
  part	
  of	
  the	
  southern	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  cultural	
  group.	
   	
  In	
  this	
  paper,	
  when	
   I	
   employ	
   the	
   term	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   I	
   am	
   referring	
   to	
   Indigenous	
   communities	
   resident	
   in	
   southern	
   B.C.	
  (including	
  parts	
  of	
  Vancouver	
  Island)	
  and	
  northwest	
  Washington	
  State	
  defined	
  precisely	
  in	
  The	
  Handbook	
  of	
   North	
  American	
  Indians…	
  as	
  “Southern	
  Coast	
  Salish”	
  and	
  “Central	
  Coast	
  Salish.”	
  	
  See	
  p.	
  ix	
  of	
  the	
  handbook	
  for	
  a	
  precise	
  geographical	
  outline	
  of	
  the	
  communities	
  I	
  refer	
  to	
  in	
  this	
  paper.	
  	
  For	
  a	
  discussion	
  of	
  the	
  creation	
  and	
  usage	
  of	
  the	
  term	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  see	
  Alexandra	
  Harmon,	
  “Coast	
  Salish	
  History,”	
  in	
  Be	
  of	
  Good	
  Mind:	
  Essays	
  on	
  the	
   Coast-­‐Salish	
  edited	
  by	
  Bruce	
  Granville	
  Miller	
  (Vancouver:	
  UBC	
  Press,	
  2007),	
  30-­‐54.	
   	
   5	
   the	
   church	
   amongst	
   Shakers.	
   	
   There	
   were	
   a	
   few	
   key	
   characteristics	
   of	
   the	
   faith.	
   	
   The	
  Shakers	
  adopted	
  a	
  strict	
  code	
  of	
  behaviour	
  that	
  stemmed	
  from	
  John	
  Slocum’s	
  first	
  contact	
  with	
   God.	
   	
   Practitioners	
   were	
   to	
   abstain	
   from	
   drinking	
   alcohol,	
   gambling,	
   swearing	
   and	
  smoking	
   or	
   chewing	
   tobacco.	
   	
   The	
   Shakers	
   expressed	
   a	
  mistrust	
   of	
   Indian	
   doctors,	
   who	
  were	
   established	
   medical	
   and	
   spiritual	
   practitioners	
   in	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities.	
   This	
  mistrust	
   originated	
   in	
   Mary’s	
   conviction	
   that	
   the	
   Indian	
   doctor	
   employed	
   to	
   heal	
   John	
  during	
  his	
  second	
  bout	
  of	
  illness	
  was	
  actually	
  working	
  to	
  kill	
  him.	
  	
  Shakers	
  also	
  professed	
  a	
  belief	
  in	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus,	
  and	
  held	
  gatherings	
  in	
  churches	
  they	
  constructed	
  in	
  off-­‐reservation	
  locations	
   around	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound.	
   	
   These	
   gatherings	
   would	
   often	
   take	
   place	
   on	
  Saturdays	
  or	
  Sundays.	
  	
  They	
  could	
  also	
  occur	
  whenever	
  a	
  member	
  of	
  the	
  community	
  was	
  in	
  need	
  of	
  curing,	
  a	
  practice	
  that	
  was	
  (and	
  still	
  is)	
  central	
  to	
  Shaker	
  church	
  services.	
  It	
   was	
   the	
   practice	
   of	
   curing	
   in	
   the	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   that	
   seemed	
   most	
   distinctly	
  “unchristian”	
   to	
   American	
   colonial	
   authorities	
   who	
   observed	
   the	
   early	
   church.	
   	
   In	
   this	
  paper,	
  I	
  refer	
  to	
  the	
  practice	
  of	
  curing	
  in	
  the	
  Shaker	
  church	
  as	
  the	
  “curing	
  practice.”14	
  	
  The	
  curing	
   practice	
  was	
   inspired	
   by	
  Mary’s	
   healing	
   of	
   John	
   in	
   the	
   origin	
   story	
   of	
   the	
   church.	
  	
  During	
  the	
  curing	
  practice,	
  which	
  takes	
  place	
  inside	
  the	
  church	
  building,	
  a	
  practitioner	
  or	
  group	
  of	
  practitioners	
  simultaneously	
  shake	
  their	
  bodies	
  over	
  people	
  in	
  need	
  of	
  curing	
  who	
  are	
   seated	
   in	
   chairs.	
   	
  Other	
  people	
   in	
   church	
   sing,	
   stamp	
   their	
   feet,	
   ring	
  bells	
   and	
   rotate	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  14	
  In	
  this	
  paper,	
  I	
  have	
  chosen	
  to	
  use	
  the	
  verb	
  “cure”	
  as	
  opposed	
  to	
  “heal”	
  to	
  describe	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  treatment	
  of	
   sick	
   people	
   in	
   the	
   curing	
   practice.	
   	
   Similarly,	
   I	
   have	
   chosen	
   to	
   discuss	
   sick	
   people	
   as	
   suffering	
   from	
  “diseases”	
   rather	
   than	
   “illnesses.”	
   	
   Medical	
   anthropologists	
   have	
   drawn	
   attention	
   to	
   the	
   ways	
   in	
   which	
  Indigenous	
  medical	
   systems	
  have	
   historically	
   been	
   treated	
   as	
   ethnomedical	
  systems.	
   	
   In	
   this	
   view,	
  medical	
  practitoners	
   are	
   understood	
   as	
   “healing	
   illnesses.”	
   	
   In	
   contrast,	
   western	
   medical	
   systems	
   have	
   been	
  understood	
  as	
  biomedical	
  systems	
   that	
   “cure	
  diseases.”	
   	
   I	
  have	
  chosen	
   to	
  adopt	
   the	
   terminology	
  of	
  western	
  medicine	
  (“curing”	
  and	
  “disease”)	
  when	
  referring	
  to	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  peoples’	
  medical	
  systems	
  in	
  order	
  to	
  work	
  against	
  the	
  historical	
  placement	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  forms	
  of	
  medical	
  knowledge	
  in	
  a	
  lower	
  position	
  than	
  western	
  medicine	
  through	
  their	
  treatment	
  as	
  ethnomedicines.	
  	
  For	
  further	
  reading	
  see	
  Mark	
  Ebert,	
  “Toward	
  a	
  Better	
  Understanding	
   of	
  Medical	
   Systems	
   and	
   Practices:	
   The	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   Sbəltədaq	
   Ceremony	
   and	
   Biomedicine,”	
  (master’s	
  thesis,	
  University	
  of	
  Alberta,	
  2001).	
  	
  	
  	
   	
   6	
   counter-­‐clockwise	
   around	
   the	
  people	
   seated	
   in	
   the	
   chairs	
   and	
   those	
   curing	
   them.	
   	
  Those	
  performing	
  the	
  curing	
  run	
  their	
  hands	
  or	
  brass	
  bells	
  over	
  the	
  sick	
  person.	
  	
  At	
  intervals,	
  they	
  might	
   clap	
   their	
   hands,	
   ring	
   bells	
   and	
  wave	
   candles	
   around	
   the	
   person	
   they	
   are	
   curing.	
  	
  Sometimes,	
   they	
   appear	
   to	
   be	
   removing	
   something	
   from	
   the	
   body	
   of	
   the	
   person	
   being	
  cured,	
  which	
  when	
  removed	
  is	
  cast	
  towards	
  the	
  church	
  altar,	
  consisting	
  of	
  a	
  simple	
  white	
  table	
  on	
  which	
  a	
  large	
  white	
  cross,	
  bells	
  and	
  lit	
  candles	
  rest.15	
  	
  An	
  early	
  colonial	
  witness	
  to	
  the	
  Shaker	
  curing	
  practice	
  at	
  the	
  Puyallup	
  Indian	
  Reservation,	
  field	
  matron	
  Linda	
  Quimby	
  vividly	
  and	
  ethnocentrically	
  described	
  it	
  as	
  “shaking,	
  weird	
  chanting,	
  impassioned	
  prayers,	
  ringing	
  of	
  bells,	
  and	
  circling	
  round	
  and	
  round	
  in	
  rhythmic	
  time.”16	
  In	
   the	
   span	
   of	
   roughly	
   40	
   years	
   from	
   1882,	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church,	
   as	
   I	
   have	
  briefly	
  described	
  it,	
  diffused	
  from	
  its	
  locus	
  on	
  the	
  Big	
  Skookum	
  throughout	
  a	
  large	
  portion	
  of	
  northwest	
  North	
  America,	
  stretching	
  south	
  to	
  northern	
  California	
  and	
  north	
  to	
  southern	
  British	
   Columbia.17	
  	
   The	
   church	
   stretched	
   eastward	
   to	
   the	
   Cascade	
   mountain	
   range,	
  although	
   a	
   few	
   Shaker	
   groups	
   appeared	
   east	
   of	
   the	
   Cascades	
   in	
  Washington	
   State.	
   	
   The	
  church	
   spread	
   through	
   existing	
   inter-­‐group	
   kinship	
   networks,	
   established	
   networks	
   of	
  inter-­‐group	
  trade	
  and	
  patterns	
  of	
  seasonal	
  labour	
  mobility	
  such	
  as	
  hop-­‐picking	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
   Sound,	
  which	
   brought	
   together	
   a	
   diverse	
   constellation	
   of	
   Indigenous	
   groups	
   from	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  15	
  This	
   description	
   stems	
   from	
   the	
   few	
  occasions	
  where	
   I	
   participated	
   in	
   a	
   Shaker	
   church	
   gathering.	
   	
   I	
   am	
  greatful	
  to	
  members	
  of	
  the	
  church	
  for	
  allowing	
  me	
  to	
  participate	
  in	
  their	
  gatherings.	
  	
  See	
  the	
  afterword	
  of	
  this	
  essay	
  for	
  further	
  details.	
  	
  For	
  a	
  similar	
  description	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  curing	
  practice	
  see	
  Ian	
  Currie,	
  Interviews	
  with	
   Shakers	
   (1958),	
   15-­‐20.	
   	
   Ian	
   Currie	
   Collection;	
   University	
   of	
   Washington	
   Special	
   Collections,	
   Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  	
  	
  16	
  Linda	
  Quimby,	
  Reports	
  of	
  the	
  Commissioner	
  of	
  Indian	
  Affairs,	
  Report	
  of	
  School	
  at	
  Puyallup,	
  Washington	
  and	
   Indians	
   thereunder,	
   1899;	
   Erna	
   Gunther	
   Collection;	
   box	
   7;	
   folder	
   4;	
   University	
   of	
   Washington	
   Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  17	
  Erna	
  Gunther	
  has	
  provided	
  a	
  comprehensive	
  account	
  of	
  the	
  spread	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  throughout	
  the	
   Pacific	
  Northwest.	
   	
   See	
   Erna	
  Gunther,	
   “The	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
  Religion,”	
   in	
   Indians	
  of	
   the	
  Urban	
  Northwest,	
  edited	
  by	
  Marian	
  W.	
  Smith	
  (New	
  York:	
  AMS	
  Press,	
  1969),	
  42-­‐48.	
  	
  Also	
  see	
  Barnett,	
  Indian	
  Shakers,	
  45-­‐85.	
   	
   7	
   throughout	
   the	
   Pacific	
  Northwest	
   to	
   participate	
   in	
   seasonal	
   piece-­‐work.18	
  	
   The	
   spread	
   of	
  the	
  movement	
  was	
  also	
  aided	
  directly	
  by	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  licensing	
  of	
  missionaries	
  whose	
  goal	
  it	
  was	
  to	
  spread	
  the	
  faith.19	
  	
  As	
  the	
  church	
  became	
  established	
  and	
  spread	
  throughout	
  the	
  Pacific	
   Northwest,	
   practitioners	
   faced	
   a	
   sustained	
   campaign	
   of	
   religious	
   persecution	
  undertaken	
   by	
   American	
   missionaries,	
   Indian	
   agents	
   and	
   lawmakers	
   who	
   sought	
   to	
  completely	
   stamp	
   out	
   the	
   nascent	
   religion	
   due	
   to	
   their	
   perception	
   that	
   it	
   masked	
   the	
  continuation	
  of	
  unacceptable	
  forms	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  spirituality.20	
   Indigenous	
  Christianities	
  and	
  the	
  Study	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  	
   Nineteenth-­‐century	
  Christian	
  missionaries’	
   systems	
  of	
   thought	
  about	
  religions	
  and	
  identity	
  have	
  shaped	
  the	
  ways	
  in	
  which	
  scholars	
  have	
  approached	
  and	
  studied	
  Indigenous	
  spiritual	
  traditions	
  that	
  have	
  incorporated	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  elements	
  into	
  their	
  practice	
  like	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church.	
   	
   These	
   are	
   commonly	
   referred	
   to	
   as	
   “Indigenous	
  Christianities”	
  in	
  scholarly	
  works.	
  	
  Nineteenth	
  century	
  Christian	
  missionaries	
  believed	
  that	
  human	
  spiritual	
  experience	
  could	
  be	
  neatly	
  defined	
  in	
  two	
  clearly	
  bounded	
  entities	
  called	
  “religions”	
   conceived	
  of	
  as	
   systems,	
  which	
  were	
   the	
   “harmful”	
  and	
   “untrue”	
  paganism	
  on	
  the	
   one	
   hand	
   and	
   the	
   “redeeming”	
   and	
   “true”	
   Christianity	
   on	
   the	
   other.	
   	
   They	
   assigned	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  18	
  Paige	
  Raibmon,	
  Authentic	
  Indians:	
  Episodes	
  of	
  Encounter	
  from	
  the	
  Late-­‐Nineteenth-­‐Century	
  Northwest	
  Coast	
  (Durham:	
  Duke	
  University	
  Press,	
  2005),	
  112.	
  19	
  Susan	
  Neylan,	
   “Shaking	
  up	
  Christianity:	
  The	
   Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
   in	
   the	
  Canada-­‐U.S.	
  Pacific	
  Northwest,”	
   The	
   Journal	
   of	
   Religion,	
   Vol.	
   91,	
   no.	
   2	
   (April,	
   2011),	
   199.	
   	
   For	
   a	
   direct	
   Shaker	
   account	
   of	
   the	
   activity	
   of	
  missionaries	
  on	
  southern	
  Vancouver	
  Island	
  see	
  Andrew	
  Michel,	
  interview	
  by	
  Ian	
  Currie,	
  1958,	
  Interviews	
  with	
   Shakers,	
  p.	
  162,	
  Ian	
  Currie	
  Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  20	
  Barnett	
  devotes	
  an	
  entire	
  chapter	
  of	
  his	
  work	
  to	
  the	
  persecution	
  the	
  early	
  Indian	
  Shakers	
  faced	
  at	
  the	
  hands	
  of	
  American	
  colonial	
  missionaries,	
   Indian	
  agents	
  and	
   lawmakers	
   in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound.	
   	
  See	
  Barnett,	
  pp.	
  86-­‐106.	
   	
   In	
  Canada,	
   an	
   amendment	
   to	
   the	
   Indian	
  Act	
   in	
  1885	
  banned	
   the	
  practice	
  of	
   potlatching	
   and	
  what	
  colonial	
  authorities	
  called	
  “Tamanawas”	
  dances.	
  	
  American	
  missionaries	
  and	
  Indian	
  agents	
  often	
  likened	
  the	
  Shakers	
  to	
  “Tamanawas”	
  dances,	
  so	
  it	
  is	
  possible	
  that	
  Canadian	
  authorities	
  saw	
  the	
  church	
  in	
  this	
  same	
  light.	
  	
  However,	
   it	
   is	
   unclear	
   from	
   the	
   historical	
   record	
   whether	
   Canadian	
   missionaries	
   and	
   Indian	
   agents	
  persecuted	
   the	
  Shaker	
  Church	
   to	
   the	
  same	
  extent	
  as	
   their	
  American	
  counterparts.	
   	
  This	
  would	
  be	
  a	
   fruitful	
  area	
  of	
  future	
  study.	
  	
  For	
  a	
  historical	
  treatment	
  on	
  the	
  Potlatch	
  Ban	
  in	
  Canada	
  see	
  Christopher	
  Bracken,	
  The	
   Potlatch	
  Papers:	
  A	
  Colonial	
  Case	
  History	
  (Chicago:	
  The	
  University	
  of	
  Chicago	
  Press,	
  1997).	
  	
   	
   8	
   specific	
   practices,	
   concepts	
   and	
   implements	
   of	
   worship	
   to	
   the	
   bounded	
   religions	
   of	
  “paganism”	
  or	
  “Christianity”	
  (for	
  example,	
  bells	
  and	
  prayer	
  were	
  Christian	
  whereas	
  rattles	
  and	
   wild	
   incantations	
   were	
   “pagan”)	
   and	
   believed	
   that	
   the	
   adoption	
   of	
   any	
   practice,	
  concept	
   or	
   religious	
   implement	
   of	
   one	
   religion	
   inevitably	
   led	
   to	
   a	
   diminution	
   of	
   other	
  religious	
   loyalties	
   in	
   an	
   individual	
   –	
   that	
   is,	
   that	
   “religions”	
   and	
   their	
   assigned	
  practices,	
  concepts	
  and	
  religious	
  implements	
  were	
  mutually	
  exclusive	
  of	
  each	
  other	
  in	
  an	
  individual	
  person.21	
  	
  Epistemologically	
  speaking,	
  nineteenth-­‐century	
  Christian	
  missionaries	
  observed	
  the	
  presence	
  or	
  non-­‐presence	
  of	
  fixed	
  “Christian”	
  or	
  “pagan”	
  markers	
  on	
  Indigenous	
  bodies	
  as	
   a	
   way	
   to	
   determine	
   the	
   inner	
   religious	
   identity	
   of	
   a	
   “native.”	
   	
   Missionaries	
   assigned	
  individuals	
   to	
   some	
   place	
   along	
   a	
   continuum	
   of	
   identity	
   between	
   “paganism”	
   and	
  “Christianity”	
   based	
   on	
   the	
   extent	
   to	
   which	
   they	
   exhibited	
   either	
   “Christian”	
   or	
   “pagan”	
  markers.	
   	
   Ideally,	
   missionaries	
   envisioned	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   as	
   progressing	
   along	
   this	
  continuum	
  until	
  they	
  reached	
  a	
  “pure”	
  state	
  of	
  Christianity,	
  thus	
  completing	
  the	
  process	
  of	
  transformation	
  from	
  pagans	
  to	
  Christians.	
  	
  Missionaries	
  linked	
  this	
  process	
  of	
  transforming	
  Indigenous	
   peoples	
   from	
   “pagans”	
   into	
   “Christians”	
   to	
   broader	
   transformations	
   in	
  subjective	
   identities.	
   	
   According	
   to	
   missionaries,	
   by	
   becoming	
   Christians	
   (at	
   the	
   cost	
   of	
  giving	
   up	
   their	
   “paganism”),	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   also	
   became	
   civilized	
   in	
   their	
   modes	
   of	
  living	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  citizens	
  of	
  the	
  nation-­‐state	
  (at	
  the	
  cost	
  of	
  their	
  “barbarity”	
  and	
  “Indianness”	
  respectively).22	
  	
  	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  21	
  Michael	
  McNally,	
  “The	
  Practice	
  of	
  Native	
  American	
  Christianity,”	
  Church	
  History	
  Vol.	
  69,	
  no.	
  4	
  (Dec.	
  2000),	
  p.	
  836-­‐837.	
  22	
  John	
  and	
  Jean	
  Comaroff,	
  Ethnography	
  and	
  the	
  Historical	
  Imagination	
  (Boulder:	
  Westview	
  Press,	
  1992),	
  236.	
  	
  See	
   also	
   Michael	
   McNally,	
   Ojibwe	
   Singers:	
   Hymns,	
   Grief	
   and	
   a	
   Native	
   Culture	
   in	
   Motion	
   (Oxford:	
   Oxford	
  University	
  Press,	
  2000),	
  11.	
   	
   9	
   	
  	
   Although	
  missionaries	
  who	
  sought	
  to	
  transform	
  “pagans”	
  into	
  “Christians”	
  idealized	
  a	
  visible	
  conversion	
  moment	
  where	
  the	
  native	
  would	
  suddenly	
  renounce	
  their	
  pagan	
  and	
  wrong	
   religion	
   and	
   adopt	
   in	
   full	
   the	
   traits	
   of	
   the	
   true	
   religion	
   of	
   Christianity,	
   they	
  nonetheless	
  had	
  to	
  contend	
  with	
  the	
  reality	
  that	
  often	
  people	
  adopted	
  only	
  select	
  features	
  of	
   Christianity	
   while	
   apparently	
   retaining	
   some	
   of	
   their	
   old	
   and	
   “harmful”	
   spiritual	
  practices.23	
  	
  Missionaries	
  viewed	
  these	
  individuals	
  whose	
  spiritual	
  practice	
  lay	
  somewhere	
  on	
  a	
  continuum	
  between	
  “pagan”	
  and	
  “Christian”	
  as	
  practicing	
  “mixed”	
  religions,	
  and	
  often	
  dismissed	
   them	
   as	
   disordered,	
   confused,	
   or	
   expressing	
   the	
   of	
   lowest	
   common	
   spiritual	
  denominator	
   in	
   an	
   effort	
   to	
   keep	
   people	
   moving	
   along	
   the	
   continuum	
   towards	
   “pure”	
  Christianity.24	
  	
  At	
  best,	
  missionaries	
  sometimes	
  made	
  an	
  uneasy	
  truce	
  with	
  these	
  “mixed”	
  religious	
   expressions	
   by	
   optimistically	
   thinking	
   of	
   them	
   as	
   positive	
   “steps”	
   on	
   the	
   road	
  towards	
  the	
  adoption	
  of	
  a	
  “true”	
  form	
  of	
  Christianity	
  (always	
  fearful	
  that	
  what	
  was	
  a	
  “step”	
  in	
  a	
  process	
  of	
  transformation	
  might	
  become	
  a	
  permanent	
  state	
  of	
  impure	
  religion).25	
  	
   The	
   persistence	
   of	
   the	
   nineteenth	
   century	
   missionary	
   belief	
   that	
   the	
   adoption	
   of	
  Christianity	
   by	
   Indigenous	
   peoples	
   is	
   inherently	
   synonymous	
   with	
   a	
   loss	
   of	
   subjective	
  indigeneity	
  has	
  led	
  to	
  a	
  lack	
  of	
  scholarship	
  on	
  Indigenous	
  Christianities	
  because	
  of	
  the	
  ways	
  in	
   which	
   this	
   system	
   of	
   thought	
   has	
   made	
   it	
   unthinkable	
   to	
   conceive	
   of	
   Indigenous	
  Christianities	
   as	
   authentically	
   Indigenous. 26 	
  Scholars	
   working	
   within	
   an	
   ideology	
   of	
  “salvaging”	
   authentic	
   Indigenous	
   cultures	
   in	
   the	
  nineteenth	
   and	
   twentieth	
   centuries	
  paid	
  scant	
  attention	
  to	
  native	
  Christians	
  because	
  they	
  believed	
  that	
  the	
  adoption	
  of	
  Christianity	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  23	
  Susan	
  Neylan,	
  The	
  Heavens	
  are	
  Changing:	
  Nineteenth-­‐Century	
  Protestant	
  Missions	
  and	
  Tsimshian	
  Christianity	
  (Montreal:	
  McGill-­‐Queen’s	
  University	
  Press,	
  2002),	
  21.	
  24	
  Charles	
  Stewart	
  and	
  Rosalind	
  Shaw,	
  “Introduction,”	
  in	
  Syncretism/Anti-­‐Syncretism:	
  The	
  Politics	
  of	
  Religious	
   Synthesis	
  edited	
  by	
  Charles	
  Steward	
  and	
  Rosalind	
  Shaw	
  (London:	
  Routledge,	
  1994),	
  4.	
  25	
  McNally,	
  Ojibwe	
  Singers,	
  10-­‐11.	
  26	
  Ibid.,	
  8.	
  	
  	
   	
   10	
   by	
   native	
   peoples	
   forfeited	
   their	
   claim	
   to	
   an	
   authentic	
   indigeneity,	
   thus	
   making	
   them	
  unworthy	
  of	
  academic	
  study.27	
  	
  When	
  Indigenous	
  Christianities	
  have	
  not	
  been	
  ignored	
  due	
  to	
   the	
  perception	
  amongst	
   scholars	
   that	
   they	
  are	
  not	
  authentically	
   Indigenous,	
   they	
  have	
  often	
   been	
   understood	
   simplistically	
   as	
   cases	
   of	
   “acculturation”,	
   a	
   term	
   invented	
   by	
  anthropologists	
   in	
   the	
   twentieth	
   century	
   as	
   a	
   way	
   to	
   give	
   scientific	
   credibility	
   to	
   what	
  Christian	
  missionaries,	
  Indian	
  agents	
  and	
  lawmakers	
  in	
  Canada	
  and	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  in	
  the	
  nineteenth	
  and	
  twentieth	
  centuries	
  called	
  “assimilation.”28	
  	
  Scholars	
  who	
  viewed	
  Christian	
  practices	
   amongst	
   native	
   people	
   as	
   indicative	
   of	
   processes	
   of	
   acculturation	
   simply	
   re-­‐produced	
  nineteenth	
  century	
  missionaries’	
  belief	
   that	
  any	
  adoption	
  of	
  Christian	
  elements	
  on	
  behalf	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  peoples	
  was	
  a	
  case	
  of	
  becoming	
  less	
  subjectively	
  “Indian.”29	
  	
  They	
  also	
   rendered	
   it	
   unthinkable	
   that	
   the	
   adoption	
   of	
   Christian	
   forms	
   of	
   spirituality	
   by	
  colonized	
   peoples	
   could	
   ever	
   constitute	
   an	
   act	
   of	
   resistance	
   to	
   colonial	
   domination.30	
  	
  Instead,	
  Christian	
   traits	
  observed	
   in	
   Indigenous	
  peoples’	
   spiritual	
  practice	
  were	
  only	
  and	
   always	
  indicators	
  of	
  subjective	
  changes	
  in	
  identity	
  towards	
  becoming	
  fully	
  Christian,	
  and	
  by	
  extension,	
  civilized	
  citizens	
  of	
  the	
  nation-­‐state.	
  	
   A	
   parallel	
   approach	
   to	
   studying	
   Indigenous	
   Christianities	
   has	
   been	
   to	
   understand	
  them	
  as	
  mixes	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  and	
  Christian	
  spiritual	
  traditions,	
  called	
  “syncretic”	
  religions	
  in	
  the	
  literature.31	
  	
  This	
  approach	
  has	
  sought	
  to	
  remove	
  the	
  idea	
  of	
  a	
  “mixed”	
  religion	
  from	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  27	
  Joel	
  W.	
  Martin,	
  “Introduction,”	
  in	
  Native	
  American	
  Christianity,	
  and	
  the	
  Reshaping	
  of	
  the	
  American	
  Religious	
   Landscape	
  edited	
  by	
  Joel	
  W.	
  Martin	
  &	
  Mark	
  A.	
  Nicholas	
  (Chapel	
  Hill:	
  The	
  University	
  of	
  North	
  Carolina	
  Press,	
  2010),	
  14.	
  	
  28	
  Anthropologists	
  who	
   studied	
   Indigenous	
   societies	
   in	
   the	
   twentieth	
   century	
   in	
   the	
  United	
   States	
   believed	
  they	
  could	
  scientifically	
  quantify	
  the	
  degree	
  to	
  which	
  Indigenous	
  peoples	
  had	
  become	
  acculturated	
  through	
  administering	
  Rorschach	
  Inkblot	
  tests.	
  	
  See	
  McNally,	
  Ojibwe	
  Singers,	
  7.	
  29	
  McNally,	
  “The	
  Practice	
  of	
  Native	
  American	
  Christianity,”	
  836-­‐837.	
  30	
  Martin,	
  “Introduction,”	
  15.	
  	
  	
  31	
  For	
   a	
   recent	
   example	
   of	
   the	
   syncretic	
   approach	
   to	
   studying	
   Indigenous	
   Christianities	
   see	
   Jim	
   Kiernan	
  “Variation	
  on	
  a	
  Christian	
   theme:	
   the	
  healing	
   synthesis	
   of	
   Zulu	
  Zionism,”	
   in	
  Syncretism/Anti-­‐Syncretism:	
  The	
   	
   11	
   its	
   original	
   position	
   in	
   missionary	
   ideology	
   as	
   a	
   temporary	
   stage	
   on	
   a	
   continuum	
   from	
  “paganism”	
  to	
  “Christianity”	
  while	
  at	
  the	
  same	
  elevating	
  the	
  status	
  of	
  “mixed”	
  religions	
  to	
  authentic	
   expressions	
   of	
   spirituality,	
   traditionally	
   granted	
   by	
   missionaries	
   to	
   only	
   their	
  version	
  of	
  Christianity,	
  which	
  they	
  deemed	
  pure	
  and	
  authentic	
  (as	
  opposed	
  to	
  mixed	
  and	
  thus	
   inauthentic).	
   	
   Thinking	
   about	
   Indigenous	
   Christianities	
   as	
   syncretic	
   movements	
   is	
  however	
  problematic	
  because	
  describing	
  a	
   religion	
  as	
   “mixed”	
   inherently	
   reifies	
   the	
   idea	
  that	
  there	
  actually	
  exist	
  “pure”	
  forms	
  of	
  religion	
  in	
  the	
  world,	
  which	
  risks	
  re-­‐instating	
  the	
  hierarchical	
   conception	
   of	
   religions	
   that	
   nineteenth	
   century	
  missionaries	
   used	
   to	
   justify	
  their	
  cultural	
  assault	
  on	
  Indigenous	
  forms	
  of	
  spirituality.32	
  	
  More	
  problematically,	
  scholars	
  who	
  describe	
   Indigenous	
  Christianities	
   as	
   syncretic	
   or	
  mixed	
   religions	
   tend	
   to	
  downplay	
  the	
  critical	
  role	
  of	
  colonial	
  power	
  differentials	
  and	
  the	
  suppression	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  customs	
  by	
  missionaries	
  or	
  other	
  colonial	
  authorities	
  in	
  engendering	
  “syncretic”	
  religions.	
  	
  Instead,	
  they	
   explain	
   the	
   emergence	
   of	
   syncretic	
   religions	
   as	
   simply	
   the	
   inevitable	
   result	
   of	
  “cultures”	
  and	
  “religions”	
  interacting	
  in	
  frontier	
  zones.	
  	
  In	
  these	
  explanations,	
  the	
  particular	
  shape	
  syncretic	
  religions	
  take	
  results	
  from	
  coincidental	
  congruencies	
  between	
  the	
  different	
  spiritual	
   systems	
   that	
   come	
   into	
   contact.	
   	
   Indigenous	
   Christianities	
   are	
   cast	
   as	
   resulting	
  from	
  a	
  bland,	
  apolitical	
  process	
  of	
  cultural	
  and	
  religious	
  borrowing.33	
  	
   In	
   the	
   post-­‐colonial	
   era,	
   scholars	
   of	
   Indigenous	
   Christianity	
   have	
   become	
   more	
  attentive	
   to	
  processes	
  of	
  domination	
  and	
  power	
  and	
  almost	
  universally	
   critical	
  of	
  official	
  state	
  policies	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  assimilation	
  in	
  settler	
  states	
  like	
  Canada	
  and	
  the	
  United	
  States.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
   Politics	
  of	
  Religious	
  Synthesis	
  edited	
  by	
  Charles	
  Stewart	
  and	
  Rosalind	
  Shaw	
  (London:	
  Routledge,	
  1994),	
  pp.	
  69-­‐84.	
  32	
  For	
  further	
  discussion	
  see	
  John	
  Hutnyk,	
  “Hybridity,”	
  Ethnic	
  and	
  Racial	
  Studies	
  Vol.	
  28,	
  No.	
  1	
  (Jan.	
  1995),	
  pp.	
  79-­‐102.	
  33	
  For	
   an	
   example	
   of	
   this	
   approach	
   see	
  Marion	
  W.	
   Smith,	
   “Shamanism	
   in	
   the	
   Shaker	
  Religion	
  of	
  Northwest	
  North	
  America,”	
  Man	
  ,	
  Vol.	
  54,	
  (Aug.,	
  1954),	
  119-­‐122.	
  	
   	
   12	
   Despite	
   this	
   new	
   critical	
   political	
   stance	
   and	
   attentiveness	
   to	
   power,	
   the	
   lingering	
  assumptions	
   of	
   missionaries	
   have	
   still	
   informed	
   scholars	
   of	
   Indigenous	
   Christianity	
  working	
   in	
   the	
   post-­‐colonial	
   tradition	
   by	
   leading	
   them	
   to	
   conclude	
   in	
   many	
   cases	
   that	
  Indigenous	
   Christianities	
   were	
   nonetheless	
   evidence	
   of	
   the	
   success	
   of	
   assimilation	
  policies.34	
  	
   Rather	
   than	
   describing	
   Indigenous	
   Christians	
   as	
   “acculturated”,	
   they	
   now	
  critically	
  viewed	
  them	
  as	
  evidence	
  of	
  the	
  “colonization	
  of	
  consciousness”	
  and	
  fixated	
  on	
  the	
  role	
   of	
   colonial	
   discourse	
   in	
   creating	
   “internalized	
   racism”	
   or	
   “cultural	
   inferiority”	
  complexes.35	
  	
   Ironically,	
   by	
   uncritically	
   employing	
   the	
   nineteenth	
   century	
   missionary	
  assumption	
  that	
  outward	
  signs	
  on	
  Indigenous	
  bodies	
  (in	
  the	
  case	
  of	
  these	
  scholars,	
  mostly	
  discursive	
  utterances	
  by	
  Indigenous	
  peoples)	
  could	
  be	
  read	
   in	
  their	
  original	
  fixed	
  sense	
  as	
  evidence	
   of	
   internal	
   transformations	
   in	
   identity,	
   these	
   scholars	
   sometimes	
   further	
  performed	
  an	
  act	
  of	
  assimilation	
  upon	
  Indigenous	
  Christians,	
  in	
  spite	
  of	
  their	
  critical	
  stance	
  towards	
  the	
  process	
  of	
  assimilation	
  against	
  which	
  they	
  positioned	
  themselves.	
  	
   Historians	
   and	
   anthropologists	
   who	
   have	
   studied	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   have	
  almost	
  universally	
  understood	
  it	
  as	
  either	
  a	
  case	
  of	
  Indian	
  acculturation	
  or	
  else	
  described	
  it	
  as	
   a	
   syncretic	
   religion.	
   	
   Acculturationist	
   approaches	
   have	
   re-­‐produced	
   the	
   notion	
   that	
  because	
  the	
  church	
  exhibits	
  many	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  practices,	
  it	
  represents	
  a	
  “step	
  away”	
  from	
   being	
   Indian,	
   thus	
   characterizing	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   as	
   something	
   less	
   than	
  authentically	
   Indigenous.	
   	
   At	
   the	
   same	
   time,	
   this	
   approach	
   has	
   foreclosed	
   the	
   possibility	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  34	
  See	
  for	
  example	
  Wolfgang	
  Kempf,	
  “Ritual,	
  power	
  and	
  colonial	
  domination:	
  male	
  initiation	
  among	
  the	
  Ngaing	
  of	
   Papua	
   New	
   Guinea,”	
   in	
   Syncretism/Anti-­‐Syncretism:	
   The	
   Politics	
   of	
   Religious	
   Synthesis	
   edited	
   by	
   Charles	
  Stewart	
  and	
  Rosalind	
  Shaw	
  (London:	
  Routledge,	
  1994),	
  108-­‐126.	
  35	
  The	
  “colonization	
  of	
  consciousness”	
  is	
  a	
  phrase	
  deployed	
  by	
  John	
  and	
  Jean	
  Comaroff’s	
  in	
  Ethnography	
  and	
   the	
   Historical	
   Imagination	
   to	
   describe	
   the	
   process	
   whereby	
   colonizers	
   impose	
   upon	
   the	
   colonized	
   a	
  “particular	
  way	
  of	
  seeing	
  and	
  being,	
  to	
  colonize	
  their	
  consciousness	
  with	
  the	
  signs	
  and	
  practices,	
  the	
  axioms	
  and	
  aesthetics	
  of	
  an	
  alien	
  culture.”	
  	
  Comaroff	
  &	
  Comaroff,	
  Ethnography	
  and	
  the	
  Historical	
  Imagination,	
  1992.	
   	
   13	
   that	
   the	
   church	
   is	
   an	
   act	
   of	
   cultural	
   resistance	
   to	
   colonial	
   domination.36	
  	
   Meanwhile,	
  syncretistic	
  studies	
  of	
  the	
  church,	
  although	
  detailing	
  in	
  insightful	
  ways	
  how	
  Christian	
  and	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  belief	
   systems	
  have	
   intermingled	
   in	
   the	
  Shaker	
  Church,	
  have	
  not	
   sufficiently	
  historicized	
  the	
  ways	
  in	
  which	
  colonial	
  contact	
  between	
  Americans	
  and	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  shaped	
   the	
   emergence	
   and	
   development	
   of	
   the	
   church.37	
  	
   When	
   the	
   effects	
   of	
   colonial	
  contact	
   have	
   not	
   been	
   ignored	
   in	
   these	
   explanations,	
   they	
   are	
   understood	
   as	
   creating	
   a	
  crisis	
   of	
   faith	
   amongst	
   Indigenous	
   peoples	
   in	
   the	
   efficacy	
   of	
   their	
   spiritual	
   institutions.	
  According	
  to	
  this	
  explanation,	
  intense	
  missionization	
  combined	
  with	
  the	
  demographic	
  and	
  epidemiological	
   ills	
   of	
   resettler38	
  colonialism	
   in	
   late	
   nineteenth	
   century	
   Puget	
   Sound	
   undermined	
   Indigenous	
   peoples’	
   faith	
   in	
   the	
   efficacy	
   of	
   their	
   own	
   spiritual	
   practices	
   and	
  beliefs.	
  	
  The	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  church	
  was	
  thus	
  a	
  moment	
  where	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  “turned”	
   towards	
   Christianity	
   in	
   some	
  measure	
   as	
   a	
   replacement	
   for	
   their	
   own	
   spiritual	
  traditions,	
  in	
  which	
  they	
  had	
  lost	
  faith.39	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  36	
  Ruby	
   &	
   Brown,	
   John	
   Slocum	
  and	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church,	
   41.	
   	
   The	
   authors	
   write,	
   “Over	
   the	
   years,	
   the	
  native	
   elements	
   of	
   Shakerism	
   diminished	
   as	
   the	
   Church	
   came	
   under	
   the	
   influence	
   of	
   an	
   increasingly	
  predominant	
  white	
  culture.”	
  	
  	
  37	
  Syncretistic	
   works	
   on	
   the	
   church	
   include	
   T.T.	
   Waterman,	
   Annual	
   report	
   to	
   the	
   Board	
   of	
   Regents	
   of	
   the	
   Smithsonian	
   Institution,”	
   (Washington:	
   Smithsonian	
   Institution,	
   1965);	
   Barnett,	
   1957;	
   June	
   Collins,	
   “The	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church:	
  A	
  Study	
  of	
  Continuity	
  and	
  Change	
  in	
  Religion,”	
  Southwestern	
  Journal	
  of	
  Anthropology,	
  Vol.	
  6,	
  No.	
  4	
  (Winter,	
  1950),	
  399;	
  Marian	
  Smith,	
   “Shamanism	
  in	
   the	
  Shaker	
  religion	
  of	
  Northwest	
  America,”	
   Man,	
  Vol.	
   54	
   (Aug.	
   1954),	
   119-­‐122;	
   Pamela	
   Amoss,	
   “Symbolic	
   Substitution	
   in	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church,”	
   Ethnohistory	
  Vol.	
  25,	
  No.	
  3	
  (Summer,	
  1978),	
  225-­‐249.	
  38	
  I	
  have	
  adopted	
  this	
  term	
  from	
  Cole	
  Harris’	
  The	
  Resettlement	
  of	
  British	
  Columbia:	
  Essays	
  on	
  Colonialism	
  and	
   Geographical	
   Change	
   (Vancouver:	
   UBC	
   Press,	
   1997).	
   	
   It	
   is	
   a	
  more	
   accurate	
   term	
   to	
   describe	
   the	
   arrival	
   of	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  in	
  North	
  America	
  since	
  the	
  continent	
  was	
  already	
  “settled”,	
  that	
  is,	
  inhabited	
  by	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  when	
  people	
  of	
  European	
  origin	
  arrived.	
  	
  The	
  term	
  “settler”	
  performs	
  an	
  erasure	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  from	
  the	
  continent	
  of	
  North	
  American	
  before	
  the	
  arrival	
  of	
  Europeans	
  thus	
  subtly	
  perpetuating	
  the	
  obvious	
  falsehood	
  that	
  there	
  were	
  no	
  people	
  in	
  North	
  America	
  before	
  the	
  arrival	
  of	
  Europeans.	
  	
  	
  39	
  Many	
   works	
   on	
   the	
   church	
   contain	
   some	
   variation	
   of	
   what	
   I	
   will	
   call	
   the	
   “cultural	
   crisis”	
   thesis	
   as	
   an	
  explanation	
  for	
  the	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shakers.	
  	
  For	
  the	
  most	
  dramatic	
  example,	
  see	
  Barnett,	
  Indian	
  Shakers,	
  3-­‐10.	
   	
   See	
   also	
   Amoss,	
   226;	
   Guilmet,	
   Boyd,	
   Whited	
   &	
   Thompson,	
   “The	
   Legacy	
   of	
   Introduced	
   Disease:	
   The	
  Southern	
  Coast	
  Salish”	
  American	
  Indian	
  Culture	
  and	
  Research	
  Journal	
  Vol.	
  15,	
  no.	
  4	
  (1991),	
  24;	
  Ruby	
  &	
  Brown,	
  23.	
   	
  A	
   few	
  works	
  on	
   the	
   Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  avoid	
  explaining	
   its	
   emergence	
  as	
   resulting	
   from	
  a	
   crisis	
   in	
  belief	
  about	
  Indigenous	
  forms	
  of	
  spirituality	
  and	
  a	
  corresponding	
  replacement	
  of	
  these	
  beliefs	
  with	
  Christian	
  ones.	
  	
  Alexandra	
  Harmon	
  briefly	
  posits	
  that	
  missionary	
  propaganda	
  may	
  have	
  impacted	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  rejection	
   	
   14	
   	
   My	
  approach	
  in	
  this	
  essay	
  is	
  to	
  take	
  colonial	
  contact	
  seriously	
  in	
  understanding	
  the	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church,	
  which	
  has	
  been	
  generally	
  downplayed	
  in	
  the	
  syncretistic	
  literature	
   on	
   the	
   church.	
   	
   However,	
   by	
   “bringing	
   power	
   back	
   in”,	
   I	
   seek	
   to	
   avoid	
  reproducing	
  what	
   I	
   see	
   as	
   the	
   too	
   simple	
   argument	
   in	
   the	
   literature	
   on	
   the	
   church	
   that	
  features	
  of	
   colonial	
   contact	
   like	
   epidemic	
  diseases,	
   demographic	
   changes	
   and	
  missionary	
  propaganda	
   about	
   Indigenous	
   spirituality,	
   undermined	
   Indigenous	
   peoples’	
   faith	
   in	
   their	
  own	
  spiritual	
  beliefs,	
  which	
  characterizes	
  the	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  as	
  a	
  moment	
  where	
   Indigenous	
   peoples	
   “turned”	
   to	
   Christianity	
   as	
   a	
   replacement	
   for	
   their	
   spiritual	
  beliefs	
  which	
  they	
  perceived	
  as	
  no	
  longer	
  effective	
  and	
  relevant.	
  	
  This	
  approach	
  would	
  risk	
  giving	
   too	
   much	
   agency	
   to	
   power,	
   construing	
   it	
   as	
   an	
   always	
   totalizing	
   and	
   destructive	
  force	
   on	
   Indigenous	
   cultures,	
   as	
   I	
   have	
   argued	
   some	
   postcolonial	
   works	
   on	
   Indigenous	
  Christianities	
  tend	
  to	
  do.	
  	
  This	
  argument,	
  as	
  it	
  has	
  been	
  stated	
  in	
  the	
  syncretistic	
  literature	
  on	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church,	
  is	
  an	
  unconscious	
  re-­‐production	
  of	
  nineteenth	
  century	
  missionaries’	
  hopes	
   that	
   Indigenous	
  people	
  would	
   indeed	
   lose	
   faith	
   in	
   their	
   spiritual	
   institutions	
  when	
  confronted	
   with	
   Anglo-­‐American	
   civilization	
   and	
   its	
   superior	
   Christian	
   religion	
   (not	
   to	
  mention	
  the	
  effects	
  of	
  colonialism).	
  	
  Instead,	
  in	
  this	
  paper	
  I	
  follow	
  the	
  ways	
  in	
  which	
  features	
  of	
  colonial	
  contact	
  in	
  late	
  nineteenth	
   century	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound,	
   whether	
   in	
   the	
   form	
   of	
   epidemic	
   diseases,	
  demographic	
   changes	
   or	
   missionary	
   propaganda,	
   were	
   given	
   meanings	
   by	
   Coast	
   Salish	
  people	
  that	
  directly	
  affirmed	
  the	
  validity	
  and	
  efficacy	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  spiritual	
  beliefs.	
  	
  One	
  of	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  of	
  Shamanism,	
  understood	
  not	
  as	
  a	
  disbelief	
  in	
  their	
  powers,	
  but	
  rather	
  a	
  belief	
  that	
  their	
  powers	
  had	
  become	
  pernicious.	
   	
   This	
   sets	
   her	
   explanation	
   apart	
   from	
   the	
   “cultural	
   crisis”	
   thesis,	
   which	
   assumes	
   that	
   colonial	
  impact	
   inherently	
  reduced	
  Indigenous	
  peoples’	
  belief	
   in	
   their	
   forms	
  of	
   spirituality.	
   	
   See	
  Alexandra	
  Harmon,	
   Indians	
  in	
  the	
  Making:	
  Ethnic	
  Relations	
  and	
  Indian	
  Identities	
  around	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  (Berkeley	
  and	
  Los	
  Angeles:	
  University	
   of	
   California	
   Press,	
   1998),	
   128.	
   	
   Susan	
   Neylan	
   also	
   emphasizes	
   that	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   adoption	
   of	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  elements	
  did	
  not	
  replace	
  pre-­‐existing	
  Indigenous	
  spiritual	
  beliefs.	
  	
  See	
  Neylan,	
  Shaking	
  up	
   Christianity,	
  188-­‐222.	
   	
   15	
   the	
  products	
  of	
   the	
  ways	
   in	
  which	
  colonial	
  contact	
  affirmed	
  Indigenous	
  peoples’	
  spiritual	
  beliefs	
  was	
   the	
   Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church.	
   	
  The	
  Shakers	
  adopted	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  concepts,	
  practices	
  and	
  elements	
  of	
  material	
   culture	
   into	
   their	
  practice	
  and	
   re-­‐interpreted	
   them	
   to	
  express	
   longstanding	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   spiritual	
   beliefs	
   that	
   were	
   at	
   the	
   same	
   time	
   spiritual	
  resources	
   that	
  worked	
   to	
  both	
  protect	
  people	
   from	
  epidemic	
  diseases	
   (conceived	
  of	
   as	
   a	
  spiritual	
  problem)	
  and	
  provide	
  curing	
  for	
  those	
  who	
  were	
  already	
  sick.	
  	
  At	
  the	
  same	
  time,	
  the	
   Shakers’	
   adoption	
   and	
   re-­‐interpretation	
   of	
   these	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   elements	
  was	
   an	
  effective	
   way	
   to	
   resist	
   religious	
   persecution	
   in	
   an	
   environment	
   where	
   all	
   forms	
   of	
  Indigenous	
  spirituality	
  and	
  medical	
  practice	
  were	
  outlawed	
  by	
  colonial	
  authorities.	
  	
  I	
  arrive	
  at	
  this	
  interpretation	
  through	
  contextualizing	
  written	
  sources	
  on	
  the	
  Shaker	
  church	
  such	
  as	
  missionary	
   writings,	
   Indian	
   agents’	
   reports,	
   court	
   transcripts,	
   demographic	
   data	
   and	
  ethnographic	
  field	
  notes	
  within	
  the	
  extant	
  ethnographic	
  data	
  on	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  communities.	
  	
  	
  The	
   way	
   in	
   which	
   the	
   Shakers	
   adopted	
   and	
   re-­‐interpreted	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  concepts,	
   practices	
   and	
   material	
   culture	
   into	
   their	
   practice	
   and	
   used	
   them	
   to	
   express	
  longstanding	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   spiritual	
   beliefs	
   refutes	
   the	
   notion	
   that	
   Indigenous	
   peoples’	
  adoption	
   of	
   Christian	
   elements	
   in	
   a	
   colonial	
   context	
   can	
   ever	
   simply	
   be	
   read	
   as	
   a	
   clear	
  instance	
   of	
   assimilation,	
   or	
   its	
   more	
   established	
   academic	
   cousin,	
   acculturation.	
   In	
  precisely	
   the	
   same	
   way,	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   experience	
   also	
   challenges	
   totalizing	
   theories	
   of	
  power	
   and	
   colonialism,	
   which	
   hold	
   that	
   Indigenous	
   peoples’	
   engagement	
   with	
   colonial	
  concepts	
  and	
  practices	
  is	
  a	
  “critical	
  moment	
  in	
  the	
  colonizing	
  process.”40	
  This	
  perspective	
  shares	
   the	
   same	
   underlying	
   assumption	
   of	
   the	
   older	
   assimilationist	
   and	
   acculturationist	
  perspectives:	
   that	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   concepts,	
   practices	
   and	
   material	
   implements	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  40	
  Comaroff	
  &	
  Comaroff,	
  Ethnography	
  and	
  the	
  Historical	
  Imagination,	
  246.	
   	
   16	
   observable	
   in	
   Indigenous	
   spiritual	
   practice	
   can	
   be	
   read	
   as	
   outward	
   expressions	
   of	
  transformations	
   to	
   inner	
   Christian	
   (in	
   the	
   sense	
   the	
   missionaries	
   thought	
   of	
   it)	
  subjectivities,	
   respectively	
   expressed	
   in	
   works	
   on	
   Indigenous	
   Christianities	
   as	
   states	
   of	
  “assimilation”,	
   “acculturation”	
   or	
   “colonized	
   consciousness.”	
   	
   All	
   of	
   these	
   approaches	
   to	
  studying	
  the	
  church	
  are	
  too	
  simple	
  because	
  they	
  do	
  not	
  take	
  into	
  account	
  how	
  radically	
  the	
  Shakers	
   re-­‐made	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   concepts,	
   practices	
   and	
   elements	
   of	
  material	
   culture	
  (even	
   those	
   expressly	
   created	
   by	
   colonizers	
   as	
   tools	
   of	
   religious	
   transformation)	
   into	
  spiritual	
  resources	
  that	
  addressed	
  pressing	
  communal	
  needs	
  which	
  were	
  at	
  the	
  same	
  time	
  expressions	
  of	
   long-­‐held	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  spiritual	
  beliefs.	
   	
  As	
  James	
  C.	
  Scott	
  writes,	
  dominant	
  discourse	
   is	
   “a	
  plastic	
   idiom	
  or	
  dialect	
   that	
   is	
  capable	
  of	
  carrying	
  an	
  enormous	
  variety	
  of	
  meanings,	
  including	
  those	
  that	
  are	
  subversive	
  of	
  their	
  use	
  as	
  intended	
  by	
  the	
  dominant.”41	
  	
  In	
  order	
  to	
  emphasize	
  how	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  adoption	
  of	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  concepts,	
  practices	
  and	
   elements	
   of	
  material	
   culture	
  was	
   not	
   a	
   case	
   of	
   becoming	
   less	
   “Indian”	
   in	
   any	
  way,	
   I	
  refer	
  to	
  the	
  Shakers	
  as	
  an	
  “Indigenous	
  spiritual	
  tradition	
  incorporating	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  elements”	
  rather	
  than	
  a	
  form	
  of	
  “Indigenous	
  Christianity.”	
   	
  This	
  latter	
  term	
  risks	
  implying	
  that	
  the	
  adoption	
  of	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  spiritual	
  elements	
  by	
  the	
  Shakers	
  was	
  accompanied	
  in	
  some	
  degree	
  by	
  a	
  loss	
  of	
  subjective	
  indigeneity.	
  	
  Finally,	
   the	
  Shakers’	
  engagement	
  with	
  the	
  religious	
  categories	
  and	
  practices	
  of	
   the	
  colonizer	
   did	
   not	
   automatically	
   imply	
   a	
   forfeiting	
   of	
   their	
   own	
   religious	
   categories	
   and	
  concepts.	
   	
   Rather,	
   the	
   Shakers	
   expressed	
   their	
   longstanding	
   spiritual	
   beliefs	
   through	
   the	
  very	
   concepts,	
   practices	
   and	
   discourses	
   of	
   the	
   colonizer	
   by	
   giving	
   them	
   whole	
   new	
  meanings	
  in	
  Shaker	
  practice.	
  	
  At	
  the	
  same	
  time	
  this	
  was	
  an	
  effective	
  mode	
  of	
  resistance	
  in	
  a	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  41	
  James	
  C.	
  Scott,	
  Domination	
  and	
  the	
  Arts	
  of	
  Resistance:	
  Hidden	
  Transcripts	
  (Yale:	
  Yale	
  University	
  Press,	
  1992),	
  102-­‐103.	
   	
   17	
   hostile	
   political	
   environment	
   that	
   outlawed	
   all	
   forms	
   of	
   Indigenous	
   spirituality.	
   	
   The	
  historian	
   Michael	
   D.	
   McNally	
   calls	
   this	
   the	
   process	
   of	
   both	
   “making	
   do	
   and	
   making	
  meaning.”	
   –	
   that	
   is	
   to	
   say,	
   resisting	
   cultural	
   assault	
   in	
   a	
   politically	
   repressive	
   context	
  through	
   expressing	
   one’s	
   deeply	
   held	
   spiritual	
   beliefs	
   in	
   the	
   discursive	
   forms	
   of	
   the	
  colonizer.42	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  42	
  McNally,	
  Ojibwe	
  Singers,	
  6.	
   	
   18	
   Chapter	
  1:	
  Indigenous	
  Peoples	
  and	
  Colonialism	
  in	
  Southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
   Coast	
  Salish	
  Medical-­‐Spiritual	
  Practitioners	
  and	
  Conceptions	
  of	
  Disease	
  	
  	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   peoples	
   living	
   in	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound	
  where	
   the	
   Shaker	
  movement	
  emerged	
  in	
  the	
  late	
  nineteenth	
  century	
  believed	
  that	
  an	
  essential	
  element	
  of	
  becoming	
  fully	
  human	
   and	
   achieving	
   any	
   measure	
   of	
   earthly	
   success	
   depended	
   upon	
   the	
   ability	
   of	
   an	
  individual	
   to	
   establish	
   and	
   maintain	
   a	
   relationship	
   with	
   a	
   spirit-­‐power.43	
  	
   These	
   sprit-­‐powers	
   were	
   animalistic	
   in	
   form,	
   or	
   sometimes	
   part	
   animal/part	
   human.	
   	
   Each	
   one	
  bestowed	
  particular	
  talents	
  and	
  skills	
  upon	
  an	
  individual	
  who	
  first	
  contacted	
  a	
  spirit-­‐power	
  in	
  the	
  early	
  part	
  of	
  their	
  life.	
  	
  Young	
  men	
  and	
  women	
  established	
  relationships	
  with	
  spirit-­‐powers	
   during	
   vision	
   quests,	
   venturing	
   away	
   from	
   established	
   village	
   sites	
   to	
   isolated	
  locations	
   where	
   it	
   was	
   common	
   knowledge	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   dwelled.	
   	
   Here,	
   they	
   would	
  undertake	
  rituals	
  of	
  bodily	
  purity	
  such	
  as	
  abstaining	
   from	
  sex,	
   fasting	
   from	
  food,	
  bathing	
  the	
  body	
  to	
  make	
  it	
  clean	
  and	
  purging	
  the	
  body	
  through	
  vomiting.	
  	
  This	
  was	
  all	
  in	
  the	
  aim	
  of	
  attracting	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   to	
   an	
   individual.	
   	
   After	
   lengthy	
   stays	
   in	
   isolated	
   locations	
  accompanied	
  by	
   these	
   rituals	
  of	
  bodily	
  purity,	
   individuals	
  were	
  contacted	
  by	
   their	
   spirit-­‐power	
   which	
   would	
   appear	
   to	
   them	
   in	
   a	
   vision	
   and	
   teach	
   them	
   a	
   song	
   and	
   a	
   dance.	
  	
  Although	
  many	
  people	
  acquired	
  their	
  spirit-­‐powers	
  during	
  vision	
  quests,	
  they	
  could	
  also	
  be	
  acquired	
  through	
  inheritance	
  from	
  relatives	
  when	
  they	
  died.	
  Sprit-­‐powers	
  could	
  belong	
  to	
  two	
  distinct	
  classes:	
  lay	
  spirits	
  and	
  shamanistic	
  spirits.44	
  	
  	
   The	
   majority	
   of	
   people	
   in	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities	
   acquired	
   lay	
   spirit-­‐powers,	
  which	
  bestowed	
  ordinary	
  talents	
  and	
  powers	
  to	
  individuals	
  such	
  as	
  skill	
  in	
  war,	
  gambling,	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  43	
  Jay	
  Miller,	
  Lushootseed	
  Culture	
  and	
  the	
  Shamanistic	
  Odyssey:	
  An	
  Anchored	
  Radiance	
  (Lincoln:	
  University	
  of	
  Nebraska	
   Press,	
   1999),	
   152.	
   	
   According	
   to	
   Miller,	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   in	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound	
   deemed	
   a	
  person	
  without	
  a	
  spirit-­‐power	
  as	
  “cork	
  floating	
  helplessly	
  in	
  the	
  water.”	
  44	
  Collins,	
  Valley	
  of	
  the	
  Spirits,	
  190.	
   	
   19	
   hunting	
  or	
  oratory.	
  	
  For	
  example,	
  Badger,	
  Pheasant,	
  Clam	
  or	
  Duck	
  bestowed	
  skill	
  in	
  hunting	
  and	
  fishing.45	
  	
  Lay	
  spirit	
  powers	
  were	
  thought	
  to	
  dwell	
  at	
  some	
  distance	
  from	
  their	
  human	
  counterparts	
   during	
   all	
   seasons	
   except	
   winter.	
   	
   Each	
   winter,	
   people	
   would	
   renew	
   their	
  compact	
  with	
  the	
  spirit-­‐powers	
  they	
  had	
  established	
  relationships	
  with	
  by	
  performing	
  the	
  song	
   and	
   dance	
   they	
   had	
   learned	
   from	
   their	
   power	
   on	
   their	
   vision	
   quest	
   at	
   the	
   annual	
  winter	
  dances.	
  	
  The	
  act	
  of	
  singing	
  and	
  dancing	
  was	
  the	
  literal	
  return	
  of	
  the	
  spirit-­‐power	
  to	
  the	
  body	
  of	
  the	
  person	
  with	
  whom	
  it	
  had	
  a	
  relationship.	
  	
  	
   A	
   minority	
   of	
   people	
   in	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities	
   established	
   relationships	
   with	
  shamanistic	
   spirit	
   powers	
   through	
   either	
   the	
   practice	
   of	
   vision	
   questing	
   or	
   inheritance	
  from	
  relatives.	
  	
  In	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  Lushootseed,	
  the	
  language	
  of	
  the	
  səhíʔwəbš	
  (Sahewamish)	
  Indigenous	
   community	
   to	
   which	
   John	
   and	
  Mary	
   Slocum	
   belonged,	
   these	
   individuals	
   and	
   their	
   powers	
   are	
   properly	
   referred	
   to	
   as	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   (pronounced	
   duh-­‐hw-­‐DAH-­‐uhb46).47	
  Nineteenth	
  century	
  missionaries	
  and	
   Indian	
  agents	
  called	
   those	
  who	
  possessed	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  “Indian	
  Doctors”	
  or	
   “Temanhous	
  men”	
   in	
   the	
   local	
   lingua	
  franca	
  Chinook	
   Jargon.48	
  	
   In	
   the	
  ethnographic	
   literature	
   on	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities,	
   these	
   individuals	
   are	
   frequently	
  referred	
  to	
  as	
  “shamans.”49	
  	
  Unlike	
  lay	
  spirit-­‐powers,	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  were	
  conceived	
  of	
  as	
  always	
  surrounding	
  an	
   individual	
   rather	
   than	
  dwelling	
  at	
   some	
  distance	
   throughout	
  most	
  of	
   the	
  year.	
  	
  Some	
  examples	
  include	
  Hawk,	
  Eagle	
  or	
  Mountain	
  Lion.	
  	
  The	
  most	
  powerful	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  45	
  Miller,	
  Lushootseed	
  Culture	
  and	
  the	
  Shamanic	
  Odyssey,	
  58.	
  46	
  Coll	
  Thrush,	
  e-­‐mail	
  message	
  to	
  author,	
  Dec.	
  17,	
  2012.	
  47	
  For	
   the	
  purposes	
  of	
   this	
  paper,	
   the	
   terms	
  dxʷdáʔeb,	
   Indian	
  doctor,	
  Temanhous	
  man,	
   or	
   the	
  Halkomelem	
  language	
  term	
  Shne’em	
  are	
  used	
  interchangeably,	
  although	
  when	
  it	
  has	
  been	
  necessary	
  to	
  employ	
  the	
  term	
  in	
  my	
   argument,	
   I	
   have	
   chosen	
   the	
   Lushootseed	
   term	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   because	
   this	
   was	
   the	
   language	
   of	
   the	
   first	
  Shakers,	
  whose	
   beliefs	
   about	
   the	
   powers	
   of	
   the	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
  would	
   be	
   instrumental	
   to	
   the	
   emergence	
   of	
   the	
  church.	
  	
  	
  48	
  See	
  Linda	
  W.	
  Quimby,	
  Report	
  of	
  Puyallup	
  Agency,	
  1899;	
  Erna	
  Gunther	
  Collection;	
  box	
  7,	
  folder	
  4;	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  	
  For	
  another	
  example	
  see	
  Eells,	
  Notebooks,	
  395.	
  49	
  For	
  a	
  few	
  examples	
  see	
  Collins,	
  Valley	
  of	
  the	
  Spirits,	
  190	
  and	
  Suttles,	
  Handbook,	
  497.	
   	
   20	
   were	
  huge	
   reptilian	
   creatures	
  with	
   antlers	
   that	
   dwelled	
  on	
   talus	
   slopes.50	
  	
   Establishing	
   a	
  relationship	
  to	
  these	
  powers	
  bestowed	
  upon	
  a	
  person	
  the	
  ability	
  to	
  cure	
  disease,	
  meaning	
  that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   (in	
   the	
   sense	
   of	
   the	
  powers	
   themself	
   and	
   those	
  who	
   acquired	
   them)	
  were	
  spiritual	
  and	
  medical	
  practitioners	
   in	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  communities.	
   	
  For	
  a	
   fee,	
   they	
  could	
  be	
  hired	
  by	
  people	
  to	
  cure	
  disease.51	
  	
   Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
   in	
   southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  conceived	
  of	
  disease	
  as	
  cases	
  of	
   soul	
  theft	
  or	
  wandering,	
  a	
  stolen	
  or	
  wandering	
  spirit-­‐power,	
  or	
   the	
  possession	
  of	
   the	
  body	
  by	
  alien	
  or	
  malevolent	
  spirits.	
   	
  Dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  gave	
  an	
   individual	
   the	
  ability	
   to	
   locate	
  and	
  restore	
   lost	
   or	
   stolen	
   souls	
   and	
   spirit-­‐powers,	
   and	
   remove	
   malevolent	
   spirits	
   from	
   the	
  body.	
   	
  This	
  was	
  accomplished	
  through	
  the	
  practices	
  of	
  singing,	
  dancing,	
   the	
  use	
  of	
  rattles	
  and	
   the	
   blowing	
   or	
   sucking	
   of	
  malevolent	
   spirits	
   from	
   the	
   body.52	
  	
   All	
   of	
   these	
   practices	
  employed	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  to	
  cure	
  the	
  sick	
  person.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  There	
  are	
  two	
  important	
  features	
  about	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  peoples’	
  belief	
  in	
  the	
  powers	
  of	
  the	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   that	
   are	
   central	
   to	
   understanding	
   the	
   emergence	
   of	
   the	
   Shaker	
   church.	
  	
  Firstly,	
   although	
   people	
   believed	
   that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
  were	
   incredibly	
   powerful	
   curing	
  agents,	
   they	
   also	
   believed	
   that	
   they	
   could	
   cause	
   disease.	
   	
   Dxʷdáʔəb	
   were	
   sometimes	
  accused	
  of	
  causing	
  disease	
  in	
  people	
  just	
  so	
  they	
  could	
  extract	
  a	
  fee	
  from	
  the	
  same	
  person	
  by	
   curing	
   them.53	
  	
   They	
   were	
   also	
   sometimes	
   thought	
   to	
   make	
   people	
   sick	
   out	
   of	
   some	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  50	
  Miller,	
  Lushootseed	
  Culture	
  and	
  the	
  Shamanic	
  Odyssey,	
  58-­‐59.	
  51	
  Dxʷdáʔəb	
   were	
   often	
   paid	
   in	
   money	
   for	
   their	
   curing	
   services	
   in	
   the	
   period	
   after	
   the	
   arrival	
   of	
   colonial	
  peoples	
  and	
  the	
   introduction	
  of	
  a	
   full	
  cash	
  economy	
  (Collins,	
  Valley	
  of	
  the	
  Spirits,	
  196).	
   	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  often	
   refer	
   to	
   blankets	
   as	
   another	
   acceptable	
   form	
   of	
   payment	
   for	
   dxʷdáʔəb.	
   	
   See	
   Francis	
   Bob	
   (Shaker),	
  interview	
   by	
   Ian	
   Currie,	
   1958,	
   Interviews	
   with	
   Shakers,	
   pp.	
   193-­‐194,	
   Ian	
   Currie	
   Collection,	
   University	
   of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  52	
  Miller,	
  Lushootseed	
  Culture	
  and	
  the	
  Shamanic	
  Odyssey,	
  34-­‐35.	
  53	
  Alfred	
   Jones	
  (Shaker),	
   interview	
  by	
   Ian	
  Currie,	
  1958,	
   Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  p.	
  99,	
   Ian	
  Currie	
  Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  	
   	
   21	
   minor	
   social	
   slight	
   or	
   utter	
   capriciousness.54	
  	
   Due	
   to	
   the	
   possibility	
   that	
   they	
   could	
   both	
  cure	
  and	
  kill,	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  held	
  an	
  ambivalent	
  attitude	
  towards	
  dxʷdáʔəb.	
  	
  As	
  Suttles	
  writes,	
  “Shaman’s	
  spirits	
  conferred	
  on	
  the	
  seeker	
  the	
  power	
  to	
  diagnose	
  and	
  cure	
  certain	
  illnesses	
  and	
  also	
  to	
  cause	
  illness	
  and	
  even	
  death.	
  	
  Because	
  a	
  Shaman	
  could	
  do	
  harm	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  good,	
  he	
  might	
  come	
  to	
  be	
  regarded	
  with	
  suspicion	
  and	
  even	
  killed.”55	
  	
  Secondly,	
  Coast	
  Salish	
   people	
   held	
   that	
   the	
   powers	
   of	
   the	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   themselves	
   could	
   become	
   unruly,	
  overpowering	
   (as	
   it	
   were)	
   their	
   supposed	
   possessor	
   and	
   working	
   by	
   themselves	
   in	
   the	
  world,	
  usually	
   in	
  a	
  harmful	
   fashion.56	
  	
  This	
  was	
  especially	
  the	
  case	
  for	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  who	
  had	
  inherited	
  their	
  powers	
  as	
  opposed	
  to	
  acquiring	
  them	
  on	
  vision	
  quests.	
  	
  An	
  Indigenous	
  man	
  from	
  northern	
   Puget	
   Sound	
   described	
   the	
   potential	
   unruly	
   nature	
   of	
   inherited	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
   by	
   likening	
   them	
   to	
   a	
   dog:	
   “If	
   you’ve	
   got	
   a	
   dog,	
   you’ve	
   got	
   to	
  watch	
   it.	
   	
   It’ll	
   bite.	
  	
  You’ve	
  got	
  to	
  watch,	
  or	
  it’ll	
  bite.	
  	
  If	
  you	
  let	
  it	
  go	
  it’ll	
  go	
  all	
  the	
  time.	
  	
  If	
  the	
  dog’s	
  willing	
  to	
  bite	
  a	
  person	
  one	
   time,	
  he’ll	
  bite	
   the	
  next.	
   	
  That’s	
   the	
  power.”57	
  	
   Inherited	
  spirit	
  powers	
   then,	
  had	
  to	
  be	
  watched	
  over	
  closely	
  by	
  their	
  possessor	
   lest	
   they	
  “bite”	
  one	
  person,	
  which	
  was	
  conceived	
  of	
  as	
  a	
  gateway	
  to	
  further	
  bighting	
  (i.e.	
  killing).	
   Epidemic	
  Diseases	
  and	
  Demographic	
  Change	
  	
  The	
   peoples	
   Indigenous	
   to	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound	
   believed	
   that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
  could	
  be	
  used	
   to	
  either	
   cure	
  or	
   cause	
  disease.	
   	
  They	
  also	
  believed	
   that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  could	
  become	
  unruly	
  independent	
  of	
  their	
  possessors,	
  especially	
  when	
  those	
  powers	
  were	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  54	
  Frank	
  Allen,	
   in	
  Twana	
  Narratives	
   edited	
   by	
  William	
  Elmendorf	
   (Seattle:	
   University	
   of	
  Washington	
   Press,	
  1993),	
  216.	
  	
  For	
  a	
  re-­‐statement	
  see	
  Collins,	
  Valley	
  of	
  the	
  Spirits,	
  193.	
  	
  	
  55	
  Suttles,	
  Handbook,	
  497.	
  56	
  Collins,	
  Valley	
  of	
  the	
  Spirits,	
  194.	
  57	
  Sally	
   Snyder,	
  Skagit	
  Society	
  and	
  its	
  Existential	
  Basis	
  (Ph.D.	
  dissertation,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington,	
   Seattle:	
  1964),	
  415.	
  	
  	
   	
   22	
   inherited	
  rather	
  than	
  established	
  during	
  vision	
  quests.58	
  	
  Into	
  this	
  context	
  of	
  belief	
  entered	
  waves	
  of	
  epidemic	
  diseases	
  resulting	
  from	
  direct	
  and	
  indirect	
  contact	
  with	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  beginning	
   in	
   the	
   eighteenth	
   century	
   and	
   continuing	
   throughout	
   the	
   nineteenth	
   century.	
  	
  People	
   in	
   the	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  area	
  weathered	
  six	
  smallpox	
  epidemics	
  between	
   the	
  years	
  1770-­‐1881.59	
  	
  Mortality	
  rates	
  during	
  these	
  epidemics	
  were	
  high,	
  somewhere	
  between	
  30-­‐74	
   percent,	
   which	
   had	
   a	
   devastating	
   impact	
   on	
   communities.60 	
  	
   When	
   American	
  resettlers	
   arrived	
   permanently	
   in	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound	
   beginning	
   in	
   1845,	
   they	
  introduced	
   whooping	
   cough,	
   dysentery,	
   typhoid,	
   typhus	
   and	
   measles	
   to	
   Indigenous	
  populations.61	
  	
  Towards	
  the	
  end	
  of	
  the	
  nineteenth	
  century,	
  venereal	
  diseases	
  and	
  syphilis	
  became	
  increasingly	
  common	
  in	
  Indigenous	
  communities.62	
  	
  	
  The	
  immediate	
  years	
  prior	
  to	
  the	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  movement	
  in	
  1882	
  were	
  particularly	
   disease-­‐ridden	
   in	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound.	
   	
   In	
   1877,	
   the	
   region	
   suffered	
   a	
  smallpox	
  epidemic.63	
  	
  Again,	
  in	
  Nov.	
  1881,	
  just	
  one	
  year	
  before	
  John	
  Slocum’s	
  first	
  religious	
  experience,	
   smallpox	
   struck	
   at	
   the	
   Skokomish	
   Indian	
  Reservation,	
   only	
   a	
   few	
  miles	
   from	
  where	
   the	
   Shakers	
   first	
   emerged	
   at	
   Big	
   Skookum.	
   	
   This	
   epidemic	
   was	
   followed	
   by	
  outbreaks	
  of	
  scarlet	
  fever	
  and	
  measles	
  in	
  the	
  winter	
  months.64	
  	
  Although	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  living	
   in	
   the	
   area	
   were	
   affected	
   by	
   these	
   outbreaks,	
   Indigenous	
   peoples	
   were	
   hit	
  particularly	
  hard.65	
  	
  Historical	
  epidemiologists	
  estimate	
  that	
  between	
  the	
  years	
  1856-­‐1885,	
  the	
   population	
   of	
   southern	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities,	
   out	
   of	
   which	
   the	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  58	
  Synder,	
  Skagit	
  Society,	
  415.	
  59	
  Guilmet,	
  Boyd,	
  Whited	
  &	
  Thompson,	
  “The	
  Legacy	
  of	
  Introduced	
  Disease,”	
  11,	
  20.	
  60	
  Ibid.,	
  7.	
  61	
  Ibid.,	
  15.	
  62	
  Ibid.,	
  17,19.	
  63	
  Ibid.,	
  	
  20.	
  64	
  Myron	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  Years,	
  120.	
  	
  	
  65	
  Barnett,	
  Indian	
  Shakers,	
  343.	
   	
   23	
   emerged,	
   declined	
   from	
   4872	
   to	
   less	
   than	
   2000.66	
  	
   The	
   late	
   nineteenth	
   century	
   was	
  undoubtedly	
   a	
   time	
   of	
   great	
   physical	
   and	
   social	
   pain	
   for	
   people	
   Indigenous	
   to	
   southern	
  Puget	
  Sound.	
  At	
  the	
  same	
  time	
  as	
  epidemic	
  diseases	
  ravaged	
  Indigenous	
  communities	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  in	
  the	
  late	
  nineteenth	
  century,	
  the	
  resettler	
  population	
  of	
  the	
  region	
  exploded,	
  largely	
   due	
   to	
   the	
   construction	
   of	
   railways	
   from	
   the	
   east.67	
  	
   Whereas	
   the	
   hazardous	
  overland	
   or	
   sea	
   journey	
   had	
   always	
   restricted	
   the	
   flow	
   of	
   resettlers	
   from	
   the	
   eastern	
  United	
  States,	
   they	
  now	
  arrived	
  en	
  masse	
   in	
   the	
   thousands.	
   	
   In	
  1860,	
   only	
   roughly	
  5000	
  Americans	
  lived	
  around	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  whereas	
  by	
  1880,	
  the	
  number	
  had	
  swelled	
  to	
  25,000.	
  	
  In	
  another	
  decade,	
  that	
  number	
  would	
  nearly	
  quadruple.68	
  	
  	
  The	
  increasing	
  presence	
  of	
  resettlers	
  put	
  stress	
  not	
  only	
  on	
  the	
  ability	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  to	
  draw	
  material	
  sustenance	
  from	
  the	
  land,	
  but	
  also	
  on	
  their	
  ability	
  to	
  draw	
  spiritual	
  sustenance	
   from	
   it.	
   	
   Established	
   sites	
   where	
   people	
   sought	
   out	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   were	
  sometimes	
   made	
   inaccessible	
   to	
   Indigenous	
   peoples	
   within	
   a	
   new	
   regime	
   of	
   clearly	
  demarcated	
   private	
   property	
   and	
   trespass	
   law.	
   	
   Sometimes,	
   resettlers	
   radically	
   altered	
  locations	
  through	
  farming	
  or	
  other	
  industrial	
  activities	
  to	
  the	
  extent	
  that	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  perceived	
   them	
   as	
   no	
   longer	
   places	
   where	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   dwelled.69	
  	
   When	
   vision	
   quest	
  sites	
   lost	
   their	
   ability	
   to	
   confer	
   spirit-­‐powers,	
   including	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers,	
   Indigenous	
  people	
   in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  compensated	
  by	
  acquiring	
  spirit-­‐powers	
  more	
  and	
  more	
  through	
   the	
   practice	
   of	
   inheritance	
   rather	
   than	
   through	
   vision	
   questing.70	
  	
   Unlike	
   vision	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  66	
  Guilmet,	
  Boyd,	
  Whited	
  &	
  Thompson,	
  “The	
  Legacy	
  of	
  Introduced	
  Disease,”	
  17.	
  67	
  Harmon,	
  Indians	
  in	
  the	
  Making,	
  103.	
  68	
  Ibid.,	
  104.	
  69	
  Coll	
  Thrush,	
  Native	
  Seattle:	
  Histories	
  from	
  the	
  Crossing-­‐Over	
  Place	
  (Seattle:	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Press,	
  2007),	
  100-­‐101.	
  70	
  Snyder,	
  Skagit	
  Society,	
  414.	
  	
  	
   	
   24	
   questing,	
  inheritance	
  did	
  not	
  require	
  a	
  particular	
  geographical	
  location	
  in	
  order	
  to	
  acquire	
  spirit-­‐powers.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  Given	
  that	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  already	
  knew	
  that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  could	
  cause	
  disease,	
  many	
  of	
  them	
  interpreted	
  the	
  unprecedented	
  scale	
  of	
  disease	
  epidemics	
   in	
   the	
   late	
  nineteenth	
   century,	
   as	
   evidence	
   that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  had	
  become	
  entirely	
   deadly.	
   	
   In	
   other	
   words,	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   peoples	
   of	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound	
   held	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  responsible	
  for	
  epidemic	
  diseases.	
  This	
  belief	
  was	
  augmented	
  by	
  the	
  increasing	
  inability	
   of	
   people	
   to	
   access	
   sites	
   where	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   dwelled	
   due	
   to	
   the	
   arrival	
   of	
  resettlers	
  in	
  greater	
  numbers,	
  which	
  meant	
  that	
  more	
  and	
  more	
  people	
  acquired	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  through	
   inheritance	
   from	
   relatives.71	
  	
   As	
   we	
   have	
   seen,	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   people	
   believed	
  inherited	
   spirit	
   powers	
   were	
   more	
   prone	
   to	
   becoming	
   unruly	
   and	
   harmful	
   than	
   those	
  acquired	
  through	
  the	
  practice	
  of	
  vision	
  questing.	
  	
  Thus,	
  the	
  increasing	
  tendency	
  to	
  acquire	
  spirit-­‐powers	
  through	
  inheritance	
  due	
  to	
  demographic	
  change	
  re-­‐enforced	
  the	
  perception	
  that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  had	
  become	
  unruly,	
  because	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  believed	
  inherited	
  powers	
  were	
  more	
  difficult	
  to	
  control.	
  	
  Just	
   one	
   year	
   prior	
   to	
   John	
   Slocum’s	
   second	
   resurrection,	
   Myron	
   Eells,	
   a	
  Congregationalist	
   Christian	
   missionary	
   at	
   Skokomish,	
   only	
   a	
   few	
   miles	
   from	
   the	
   Big	
  Skookum	
   where	
   John	
   and	
   Mary	
   would	
   have	
   their	
   spiritual	
   experiences,	
   unknowingly	
  captured	
   the	
   widespread	
   belief	
   amongst	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   that	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   were	
  responsible	
   for	
   epidemic	
  diseases.	
   	
   Eells	
   recorded	
   the	
   story	
  of	
  Ellen	
  Gray,	
   an	
   Indigenous	
  woman	
   who	
   had	
   suffered	
   from	
   a	
   lengthy	
   bout	
   of	
   delirium	
   and	
   fever,	
   to	
   which	
   she	
  eventually	
  succumbed.	
  	
  Her	
  family	
  and	
  friends	
  believed	
  she	
  was	
  made	
  sick	
  and	
  killed	
  by	
  an	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  71	
  Snyder,	
  Skagit	
  Society,	
  414.	
   	
   25	
   Indian	
  doctor.	
  72	
  	
  Recording	
  the	
  reaction	
  of	
   Indigenous	
  people	
  at	
  Skokomish	
  to	
  her	
  death,	
  Eells	
  wrote	
  “some	
  of	
  the	
  older	
  uneducated	
  Indians	
  with	
  the	
  most	
  advanced	
  ideas	
  have	
  said	
  lately	
   that	
   they	
  were	
  ready	
   to	
  give	
  up	
  all	
   Indian	
  doctors,	
  and	
  all	
  Tamahnous	
   for	
   the	
  sick:	
  still	
  they	
  would	
  not	
  acknowledge	
  but	
  that	
  there	
  was	
  some	
  spirit	
  in	
  the	
  affair	
  [the	
  death	
  of	
  Ellen	
  Gray],	
  but	
  they	
  said	
  it	
  was	
  a	
  bad	
  spirit,	
  of	
  which	
  devil	
  was	
  ruler,	
  and	
  they	
  wished	
  to	
  have	
  nothing	
  to	
  do	
  with	
  it.”73	
  	
  	
  Not	
  only	
  did	
  the	
  relations	
  of	
  Ellen	
  Gray	
  blame	
  the	
  Indian	
  doctor	
  for	
  killing	
  her,	
  they	
  also	
  expressed	
  a	
  willingness	
  to	
  “give	
  up”	
  and	
  have	
  “nothing	
  to	
  do	
  with”	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers.74	
  Eells	
   would	
   have	
  wanted	
   to	
   interpret	
   Ellen	
   Gray’s	
   relations’	
   desire	
   to	
   give	
   up	
   and	
   have	
  nothing	
  to	
  do	
  with	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  as	
  an	
  expression	
  that	
  they	
  were	
  ready	
  to	
  cast	
  away	
  their	
  old	
  customs	
   in	
   favour	
   of	
   the	
   true	
   religion	
   of	
   Christianity.	
   	
   In	
   reality,	
   her	
   relations	
   were	
  expressing	
  their	
  desire	
  to	
  escape	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers,	
  which	
  they	
  affirmed	
  as	
  of	
  a	
  “bad	
  spirit”,	
  thus	
   confirming	
   their	
   belief	
   that	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   had	
   become	
   too	
   powerful	
   in	
   a	
   bad	
   way.75	
  	
  Contrary	
   to	
   what	
   Eells	
   wanted,	
   Ellen	
   Gray’s	
   relations’	
   expressions	
   of	
   discontent	
   with	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  were	
  affirmations	
  in	
  their	
  own	
  belief	
  system,	
  an	
  expression	
  of	
  a	
  general	
  perception	
  at	
  the	
  time	
  that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  had	
  become	
  unruly	
  killers	
  responsible	
  for	
  the	
  presence	
  of	
  epidemic	
  diseases	
  in	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  communities.	
  A	
   similar	
   incident	
   at	
   Skokomish	
   around	
   the	
   same	
   time	
   as	
   the	
   death	
   of	
   Ellen	
  Gray	
  suggests	
  that	
  by	
  the	
  1880s,	
  many	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  had	
  come	
  to	
  believe	
   that	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   were	
   unruly,	
   dangerous	
   and	
   responsible	
   for	
   epidemic	
  diseases.	
   	
   Eells	
   recorded	
   an	
   instance	
  where	
   an	
   Indigenous	
  woman	
   at	
   Skokomish	
   begged	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  72	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  Years,	
  50.	
  73	
  Ibid.,	
  51.	
  74	
  Ibid.,	
  51.	
  75	
  Ibid.,	
  51.	
   	
   26	
   him	
   to	
   take	
   her	
   “tamahnous	
   rattles”	
   from	
  her.	
   	
   She	
   told	
   him	
   that	
   a	
   “bad	
   spirit”	
   dwelt	
   in	
  them	
   that	
  would	
  harm	
  her	
   friends	
   and	
   family.76	
  	
   This	
  woman,	
  who	
  was	
   a	
   practitioner	
   of	
  dxʷdáʔeb,	
  must	
  have	
  been	
  afraid	
  that	
  she	
  had	
  lost	
  control	
  of	
  her	
  powers,	
  fearing	
  that	
  they	
  would	
  soon	
  kill	
  her	
  and	
  her	
  relations	
  by	
  making	
  them	
  sick.	
   	
  She	
  saw	
  Eells	
  possibly	
  as	
  the	
  only	
   spiritual	
   figure	
   powerful	
   enough	
   to	
   control	
   the	
   unruly	
   powers.	
   	
   Of	
   course,	
   Eells	
  interpreted	
  the	
  woman’s	
  desire	
  to	
  give	
  him	
  her	
  rattles	
  as	
  an	
  instance	
  where	
  one	
  was	
  ready	
  to	
   give	
   up	
   their	
   beliefs	
   in	
   the	
   “old	
   religion”	
   and	
   convert	
   to	
   Christianity,	
   which	
   was	
  emphatically	
   not	
   the	
   case.	
   	
   In	
   reality,	
   this	
   woman’s	
   desire	
   to	
   rid	
   of	
   herself	
   of	
   the	
  instruments	
  of	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  was	
  an	
  affirmation	
  of	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  –	
  which	
  many	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  now	
  believed	
  had	
  become	
  deadly.	
  	
  Far	
   from	
   undermining	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   peoples’	
   medical	
   and	
   spiritual	
   institutions,	
  seemingly	
   uncontrollable	
   disease	
   epidemics	
   in	
   late	
   nineteenth	
   century	
   southern	
   Puget	
  Sound	
  were	
  understood	
  as	
  unruly	
  and	
  deadly	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  beyond	
  the	
  control	
  of	
  their	
  possessors.	
   	
   Disease	
   epidemics	
   and	
   an	
   increasing	
   resettler	
   population	
   (which	
  meant	
   the	
  increasing	
  destruction	
  and	
  inaccessibility	
  of	
  spirit-­‐power	
  sites),	
  two	
  ills	
  of	
  colonial	
  contact,	
  thus	
  resulted	
  in	
  an	
  affirmation	
  of	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  peoples’	
  spiritual	
  and	
  medical	
  beliefs	
  rather	
  than	
   undermining	
   them	
   in	
   any	
   way.	
   	
   This	
   affirmation	
   was	
   expressed	
   in	
   the	
   form	
   of	
   a	
  spiritual	
   problem,	
   which	
   was	
   that	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   had	
   become	
   entirely	
   deadly	
   and	
  responsible	
   for	
   epidemic	
   diseases.	
   	
   Some	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   people	
   in	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound	
  would	
   seek	
   a	
   solution	
   to	
   this	
   problem	
  within	
   their	
   own	
   spiritual	
   system.	
   	
   This	
   solution	
  would	
  be	
  the	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shakers,	
  in	
  which	
  people	
  would	
  acquire	
  new	
  forms	
  of	
  spirit-­‐ 	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  76	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  Years,	
  50-­‐51.	
   	
   27	
   powers	
  that	
  could	
  both	
  protect	
  people	
  from	
  the	
  malicious	
  powers	
  of	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  and	
  replace	
  their	
  former	
  role	
  of	
  curing	
  disease	
  in	
  communities.	
  	
  	
   Christian	
  Missionaries’	
  Contribution	
  to	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Movement	
   Figure	
   1:	
   An	
   undated	
   photograph	
   of	
   the	
   original	
   Mission	
   Church	
   at	
   Skokomish	
   Indian	
  Reservation,	
   where	
   the	
   reverend	
   Myron	
   Eells	
   held	
   services	
   for	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   in	
  Chinook	
   Jargon	
   (the	
   local	
   lingua	
   franca	
   of	
   the	
   Pacific	
   Northwest)	
   from	
   1874	
   to	
   1907.	
  	
  Edward	
   S.	
   Meany	
   Collection,	
   University	
   of	
   Washington	
   Special	
   Collections,	
   Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  Colonial	
  officials	
  who	
  came	
  into	
  contact	
  with	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  in	
  the	
  1870s	
  and	
  1880s	
  helped	
  create	
  the	
  belief	
  among	
  many	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  that	
  the	
  powers	
  of	
  the	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  were	
  responsible	
  for	
  disease	
  epidemics.	
  	
  They	
  also	
  introduced	
  Indigenous	
   people	
   to	
   the	
   spiritual	
   figures	
   of	
   God	
   and	
   Jesus,	
   which	
   would	
   eventually	
   be	
   	
   28	
   adopted	
  by	
   the	
   first	
  Shakers	
  as	
  spiritual	
  resources	
   in	
   their	
   fight	
  against	
  dxʷdáʔəb.	
   	
  A	
  key	
  part	
  of	
  the	
  increased	
  drive	
  to	
  assimilate	
  Indigenous	
  peoples	
  into	
  the	
  American	
  polity	
  in	
  the	
  1870s	
   and	
   1880s	
   was	
   the	
   outright	
   suppression	
   of	
   Indigenous	
   spiritual	
   and	
   medical	
  practices	
   by	
   missionaries,	
   Indian	
   agents	
   and	
   lawmakers.77	
  	
   Particularly	
   galling	
   to	
   them	
  were	
  the	
  practices	
  of	
  the	
  “Indian	
  doctor”,	
  (i.e.	
  the	
  dxʷdáʔeb)	
  which	
  many	
  of	
  them	
  referred	
  to	
   in	
   their	
   writings	
   as	
   the	
   ‘Tamanous	
   man.”78	
  	
   The	
   dxʷdáʔeb,	
   missionaries	
   and	
   Indian	
  agents	
   argued,	
   prevented	
   the	
   transformation	
   of	
   Indian	
  peoples	
   into	
   thrifty,	
   economically	
  industrious	
  and	
  hard-­‐working	
  Americans.79	
  	
  As	
  an	
  encumbrance	
  to	
  assimilating	
  the	
  Indians,	
  they	
  had	
  to	
  be	
  eradicated.80	
  	
  To	
  this	
  end,	
   in	
  1871	
  the	
  Superintendent	
  of	
  Indian	
  Affairs	
  for	
  Washington	
  Territory	
  banned	
  the	
  practice	
  of	
  “Indian	
  doctoring.”	
  81	
  	
   	
  In	
  1883,	
  this	
  ban	
  was	
  given	
   further	
   legal	
   weight	
   by	
   the	
   establishment	
   of	
   Courts	
   of	
   Indian	
   Offenses	
   on	
  reservations	
  by	
  the	
  U.S.	
  federal	
  Congress.	
  	
  Under	
  regulation	
  six	
  of	
  the	
  rules	
  promulgated	
  to	
  govern	
  these	
  courts,	
  “Indian	
  doctoring”	
  became	
  a	
  crime	
  punishable	
  by	
  jail	
  time.82	
  	
  	
  	
   When	
   the	
   Congregationalist	
   Christian	
   missionary	
   Myron	
   Eells	
   arrived	
   at	
   the	
  Skokomish	
  Indian	
  Reservation	
  in	
  1874,	
  geographically	
  the	
  closest	
  reservation	
  to	
  the	
  place	
  where	
  the	
  Shakers	
  first	
  emerged,	
  he	
  sought	
  to	
  complement	
  this	
  legal	
  campaign	
  of	
  religious	
  persecution	
   by	
   telling	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   that	
   the	
   practices	
   of	
   “Indian	
   doctors”	
   were	
  harmful	
   to	
   their	
   health	
   rather	
   than	
   helpful	
   to	
   it.	
   	
   Eells	
   believed	
   that	
   the	
   practices	
   of	
   the	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  77	
  	
   The	
   immediate	
   years	
   following	
   the	
   end	
   of	
   the	
  American	
   Civil	
  War	
  were	
  marked	
   by	
   a	
   renewed	
   drive	
   to	
  remove	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  to	
  reservations	
  where	
  they	
  would	
  be	
  instructed	
  in	
  how	
  to	
  become	
  good	
  Christians,	
  learn	
  how	
  to	
   farm	
  and	
  generally	
   transition	
   into	
  citizens	
  of	
   the	
  U.S.	
   in	
  every	
  respect.	
   	
  This	
  renewed	
  drive	
  to	
  assimilate	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   into	
   the	
   American	
   polity	
   is	
   referred	
   to	
   as	
   the	
   Grant	
   Peace	
   Policy,	
   after	
   the	
  president	
  who	
  instigated	
  this	
  policy	
  direction	
  in	
  the	
  1870s.	
  	
  See	
  Harmon,	
  Indians	
  in	
  the	
  Making,	
  107.	
  78	
  Linda	
  W.	
  Quimby,	
  Report	
  of	
  Puyallup	
  Agency,	
  1899,	
  Erna	
  Gunther	
  Collection;	
  Box	
  7;	
   folder	
  4;	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  79	
  Charles	
  Buchanan,	
  Annual	
  Report	
  of	
  Tulalip	
  Agency	
  1914:	
  Section	
  1	
  –	
  Law	
  and	
  Order,	
   p.	
   25;	
   Erna	
  Gunther	
  Collection;	
  Box	
  7	
  folder	
  4;	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  80	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  Years,	
  44.	
  81	
  Ruby	
  &	
  Brown,	
  27.	
  82	
  Ibid.,	
  	
  20.	
  	
   	
   29	
   doctors	
  could	
  “kill	
  all	
   the	
  good	
  effects	
  of	
  medicine”	
  by	
  which	
  he	
  meant	
  medical	
  treatment	
  by	
  white	
  physicians.83	
  	
  He	
  counselled	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  to	
  cease	
  visiting	
  them	
  and	
  instead	
  seek	
  medical	
   treatment	
   from	
  white	
   doctors.	
   	
   In	
   one	
   such	
   case,	
   an	
   Indigenous	
  man	
   Eells	
  knew	
  personally	
  named	
  Chehalis	
   Jack	
  became	
  sick	
  and	
  consulted	
  an	
   Indian	
  doctor.	
   	
  Eells	
  urged	
  Jack	
  to	
  give	
  up	
  his	
  visits	
  to	
  the	
  doctor,	
  since	
  to	
  him	
  and	
  a	
  few	
  other	
  whites	
  around	
  Skokomish	
   it	
  was	
   evident	
   that	
   he	
  was	
   being	
   “frightened	
   to	
   death”	
   by	
   his	
   practices.84	
  	
   At	
  other	
   times,	
   Eells	
   tried	
   to	
   convince	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   that	
   the	
   practices	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
  doctor	
   were	
   inefficacious	
   or	
   simply	
   foolish	
   although	
   there	
   is	
   no	
   evidence	
   that	
   any	
  Indigenous	
  person	
  ever	
  believed	
  these	
  claims.85	
  	
   At	
  the	
  same	
  time	
  as	
  Eells	
  sought	
  to	
  convince	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  at	
  Skokomish	
  that	
  Indian	
   doctors	
  were	
   harmful	
   to	
   their	
   health,	
   he	
   also	
   emphasized	
   the	
   powerful	
   nature	
   of	
  Jesus	
  and	
  God,	
  all	
  in	
  an	
  effort	
  to	
  convert	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  to	
  Christianity.	
  	
  One	
  of	
  the	
  ways	
  in	
  which	
  he	
  emphasized	
  God	
  and	
   Jesus’	
  power	
  was	
   though	
   the	
  practice	
  of	
  hymn	
  singing.	
  	
  Nineteenth	
  century	
  protestant	
  missionaries	
  believed	
  that	
  hymns	
  were	
  one	
  of	
  the	
  best	
  tools	
  to	
  stir	
  Indigenous	
  minds	
  into	
  accepting	
  Christianity	
  and	
  the	
  habits	
  of	
  civilized	
  and	
  morally	
  “upstanding”	
   lives.	
   	
  Drawing	
  on	
   contemporary	
  educational	
   theory,	
  which	
  held	
   that	
  hymn	
  singing	
   to	
   children	
   was	
   an	
   effective	
   tool	
   of	
   pedagogy,	
   missionaries	
   composed	
   hymns	
  intended	
   to	
   inculcate	
   Christian	
   beliefs	
   and	
   “civilized”	
   habits	
   amongst	
   Indigenous	
   people	
  (whom	
  many	
  believed	
  had	
  child-­‐like	
  mental	
  states).86	
  	
  Eells	
  composed	
  a	
  spate	
  of	
  hymns	
  in	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  83	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  Years,	
  118-­‐119.	
  84	
  Ibid.,	
  46.	
  85	
  Myron	
   recorded	
   Chehalis	
   Jack’s	
   response	
   to	
   his	
   claim	
   that	
   Indian	
   doctors	
   were	
   inefficacious.	
   	
   Jack	
  exclaimed,	
  “Tamhanous	
  is	
  true!	
  Tamhanous	
  is	
  true.	
  	
  You	
  have	
  told	
  us	
  it	
  is	
  not,	
  but	
  now	
  I	
  have	
  experienced	
  it,	
  and	
  it	
  keeps	
  me	
  sick.”	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  years,	
  46.	
  86	
  Mcnally,	
  Ojibwe	
  Singers,	
  38-­‐40.	
   	
   30	
   the	
   Chinook	
   Jargon,	
   one	
   of	
   which	
   entitled	
   “Christ’s	
   power”	
   stressed	
   Jesus’	
   powerful	
  attributes,	
  including	
  his	
  ability	
  to	
  conquer	
  “death.”87	
  	
  	
   Other	
   hymns	
   similar	
   to	
   this	
   one	
   extolled	
   the	
   omniscience	
   and	
   power	
   of	
   God,	
   and	
  emphasized	
  Jesus’	
  power	
  to	
  do	
  good	
  in	
  the	
  world.88	
  	
  	
   	
  Throughout	
  the	
  1870s	
  and	
  1880s,	
  many	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  living	
  at	
  the	
  Skokomish	
  reservation	
  and	
  its	
  environs	
  came	
  to	
  know	
  largely	
  through	
  the	
  efforts	
  of	
  Myron	
  Eells,	
  that	
  “Bostons”	
   (as	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   called	
   Americans	
   around	
   the	
   Sound	
   in	
   this	
   period)	
  believed	
   Indian	
  doctors	
  harmed	
   those	
  who	
  went	
   to	
   them	
   looking	
   for	
   cures	
   from	
  disease,	
  although	
  why	
  Bostons	
  believed	
  this	
  to	
  be	
  true	
  was	
  never	
  elaborated	
  upon.	
  	
  In	
  addition,	
  they	
  became	
   acquainted	
   with	
   the	
   figures	
   of	
   Jesus	
   and	
   God,	
   whom	
   the	
   Bostons	
   claimed	
   were	
  incredibly	
  powerful	
  and	
  “Good”	
  spiritual	
  beings.	
  	
  Some	
  people	
  came	
  into	
  contact	
  with	
  these	
  beliefs	
   through	
   their	
   attendance	
   of	
   Myron	
   Eells’	
   church	
   services	
   at	
   Skokomish.	
   	
   Others	
  would	
  have	
   first	
  encountered	
   them	
  when	
  Myron	
  Eells	
  visited	
   logging	
  camps	
  surrounding	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  87	
  Myron	
   Eells,	
   “Christ’s	
   Power,”	
   in	
   Hymns	
   in	
   the	
   Chinook	
   Jargon	
   Language:	
   Second	
   Edition	
   Revised	
   and	
   Enlarged	
  (Portland:	
  David	
  Steel,	
  successor	
  to	
  Himes	
  the	
  printer,	
  1889),	
  26-­‐27.	
  88	
  Ibid.,	
  4-­‐5,	
  30-­‐34.	
   1.	
  Always	
  Jesus	
  is	
  very	
  strong,	
   	
   So	
  His	
  paper	
  (the	
  Bible)	
  says,	
  -­‐-­‐	
   Truly	
  so,	
  -­‐-­‐	
   So	
  His	
  paper	
  says.	
   	
   2.	
  Jesus	
  conquered	
  the	
  water.	
   	
   3.	
  Jesus	
  conquered	
  the	
  wind.	
   	
   4.	
  	
  Jesus	
  conquered	
  the	
  wickedness.	
   	
   5.	
  Jesus	
  conquered	
  the	
  Devil.	
   	
   6.	
  Jesus	
  conquered	
  death.	
  	
   1.	
  Kwanesum	
  Jesus	
  hyas	
  skookum,	
  Kahkwa	
  yaka	
  papeh	
  wawa,	
  Delate	
  nawitka	
  Kahkwa	
  yaka	
  papeh	
  wawa,	
  	
  2.	
  Jesus	
  tolo	
  kopa	
  chuck,	
  	
  3.	
  Jesus	
  tolo	
  kopa	
  wind,	
  etc.	
  	
  4.	
  Jesus	
  tolo	
  kopa	
  mes:	
  chie,	
  etc.	
  	
  5.	
  Jesus	
  tolo	
  kopa	
  Lejaub	
  	
  6.	
  Jesus	
  tolo	
  kopa	
  mimoluse	
   	
   31	
   the	
  reservation	
   in	
  1875	
  (recall	
   that	
   John	
  Slocum	
  was	
  a	
   logger).89	
  	
  Still	
  others	
  would	
  have	
  heard	
   about	
   these	
   beliefs	
   through	
  word	
   of	
  mouth.	
   	
   A	
   few	
   early	
  members	
   of	
   the	
   soon	
   to	
  emerge	
   Shaker	
   movement	
   had	
   even	
   been	
   in	
   direct	
   contact	
   with	
   Eells	
   in	
   the	
   1870s	
   and	
  1880s.	
  	
  John	
  Slocum	
  resided	
  at	
  the	
  Skokomish	
  reservation	
  when	
  Eells	
  first	
  arrived	
  there	
  in	
  1874,	
   apparently	
   staying	
   for	
   three	
   years	
   after	
   his	
   arrival	
   before	
   decamping	
   to	
   the	
   Big	
  Skookum	
   to	
   take	
   up	
   logging.90	
  	
   Another	
   early	
   Shaker,	
   Billy	
   Clams	
   was	
   present	
   on	
   the	
  Skokomish	
   reservation	
   for	
   some	
   time.	
   	
   Both	
   Slocum	
   and	
   Clams	
   attended	
   Eells’	
   sermons,	
  where	
   they	
  were	
   exposed	
   to	
   his	
   belief	
   that	
   the	
   Indian	
   doctors	
  were	
   harmful	
   and	
  would	
  have	
   learned	
   about	
   the	
   powerful	
   nature	
   of	
   Jesus	
   and	
   God	
   through	
   the	
   practice	
   of	
   hymn	
  singing.91	
  	
  	
   When	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  around	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  came	
  into	
  contact	
  with	
  Eells’	
  and	
   other	
   missionaries’	
   claims	
   that	
   Indian	
   doctors	
   were	
   harming	
   people	
   rather	
   than	
  helping	
   them,	
   this	
   was	
   of	
   course	
   not	
   radically	
   out	
   of	
   step	
   with	
   their	
   beliefs	
   about	
   the	
  potential	
  harmful	
  nature	
  of	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers.	
  	
  Nor	
  did	
  it	
  contradict	
  the	
  already	
  established	
  belief	
   by	
   this	
   time	
   that	
   unprecedented	
   disease	
   epidemics	
   were	
   the	
   result	
   of	
   unruly	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   turned	
   deadly,	
   augmented	
   by	
   the	
   increasing	
   prevalence	
   of	
   inherited	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  (as	
  opposed	
  to	
  those	
  earned	
  on	
  a	
  vision	
  quest).	
  Vague	
  pronouncements	
  by	
   missionaries	
   and	
   Indian	
   agents	
   about	
   the	
   harmful	
   nature	
   of	
   Indian	
   doctors	
   as	
  practitioners	
  (vague	
  precisely	
  because	
  they	
  were	
  created	
  not	
  as	
  a	
  genuine	
  explanation	
  for	
  disease	
   but	
   rather	
   a	
   simple	
   piece	
   of	
   propaganda	
   in	
   the	
   effort	
   to	
   delegitimize	
   Indigenous	
  institutions	
  and	
  promote	
  conversion	
   to	
  Christianity)	
  only	
  served	
   to	
  confirm	
   longstanding	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  89	
  Eells,	
  Notebooks,	
  472.	
  90	
  Ibid.,	
  433.	
  91	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  Years,	
  165.	
   	
   32	
   Coast	
  Salish	
  beliefs	
  about	
  the	
  ability	
  of	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  to	
  become	
  unruly.	
  	
  Ironically,	
  the	
  missionary	
   and	
   Indian	
   agents’	
   strategy	
   to	
   delegitimize	
   and	
   undermine	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   by	
  portraying	
   them	
  as	
  harmful	
   to	
  peoples’	
   health	
  only	
   contributed	
   to	
   an	
   existing	
  belief	
   that	
  their	
   powers	
   had	
   indeed	
   become	
   harmful,	
   affirming	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   medical	
   and	
   spiritual	
  institutions	
  and	
  their	
  explanations	
  for	
  disease	
  rather	
  than	
  undermining	
  them	
  in	
  any	
  way.	
  	
  At	
   the	
   same	
   time,	
   many	
   people	
   around	
   Skokomish	
   who	
   came	
   into	
   contact	
   with	
   Eells,	
  including	
  some	
  of	
  the	
  first	
  Shakers,	
  came	
  to	
  understand	
  that	
  Jesus	
  and	
  God	
  were	
  powerful	
  and	
  unambiguously	
  “good”	
  spiritual	
  beings.	
  	
  	
  	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   33	
   Chapter	
  2:	
  Continuity	
  and	
  Resistance	
   	
   The	
   Adoption	
   and	
   Re-­‐interpretation	
   of	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   Elements	
   in	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
  Church	
   	
   The	
   first	
   Shakers	
   were	
   those	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   around	
   Skokomish	
   who	
   were	
  convinced	
   that	
   the	
   powers	
   of	
   the	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   had	
   turned	
   deadly	
   and	
  were	
   responsible	
   for	
  unprecedented	
   levels	
   of	
   disease	
   and	
   death	
   in	
   communities.	
   	
   They	
   were	
   also	
   acquainted	
  with	
  the	
  spiritual	
  figures	
  of	
  the	
  Bostons,	
  Jesus	
  and	
  God.	
  	
  The	
  first	
  Shakers	
  sought	
  to	
  escape	
  the	
  deadly	
  powers	
  of	
  the	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  by	
  adopting	
  the	
  powerful	
  figures	
  of	
  Jesus	
  and	
  God	
  into	
  their	
   practice	
   as	
   spiritual	
   resources.	
   	
   Beyond	
   the	
   purview	
   of	
   missionaries	
   and	
   Indian	
  agents,	
   they	
   transformed	
   Jesus	
   and	
  God	
   into	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   that	
   could	
  provide	
  protection	
  from	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   while	
   also	
   curing	
   diseases	
   inflicted	
   by	
   unruly	
   dxʷdáʔeb.	
   	
   The	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  movement	
  thus	
  constituted	
  a	
  spiritual	
  solution	
  to	
  the	
  untenable	
  situation	
   of	
   unruly	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers,	
   held	
   responsible	
   for	
   epidemic	
   diseases	
   ravaging	
  communities.	
  The	
   John	
   and	
   Mary	
   Slocum	
   story,	
   which	
   is	
   the	
   origin	
   story	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
  church,	
  expresses	
  in	
  literary	
  form	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  belief	
  that	
  the	
  powers	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  doctor	
  had	
  become	
  responsible	
  for	
  epidemic	
  diseases.	
   	
  In	
  every	
  variation	
  of	
  the	
  story,	
  the	
  Indian	
  doctor	
   is	
   blamed	
   for	
   making	
   John	
   sick	
   during	
   his	
   second	
   bout	
   of	
   illness.92	
  	
   One	
   early	
  version,	
   told	
   by	
   Mary	
   Slocum’s	
   sister	
   in	
   law	
   Annie	
   James	
   who	
   was	
   present	
   when	
   Mary	
  cured	
  John,	
  held	
  that	
  both	
  of	
  John’s	
  bouts	
  of	
  sickness	
  were	
  caused	
  by	
  the	
  malicious	
  powers	
  of	
   Indian	
  doctors.	
  93	
  	
   In	
  her	
   retelling	
  of	
   the	
   story,	
   James	
   cast	
   Slocum	
  as	
  a	
   “very	
  kind	
  man	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  92	
  There	
   are	
   numerous	
   different	
   versions	
   of	
   the	
   John	
   and	
   Mary	
   Slocum	
   story.	
   	
   Most	
   Shakers	
   have	
   some	
  familiarity	
   with	
   the	
   story.	
   	
   For	
   a	
   few	
   examples	
   see	
   Ian	
   Currie,	
   Interviews	
   with	
   Shakers,	
   (1958),	
   pp.	
  37,58,95,144.	
  93	
  Annie	
  James,	
  “A	
  Record	
  of	
  the	
  Early	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Faith	
  and	
  Work.”	
  	
   	
   34	
   who	
  made	
   his	
   living	
   by	
   logging	
  willing	
   to	
   help	
   the	
   poor,	
   used	
   no	
   angry	
  words,	
   loved	
   all	
  alike.”94	
  John’s	
  first	
  sickness	
  resulted	
  unambiguously	
  from	
  malicious	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers:	
  	
  He	
   took	
   sick	
   and	
   they	
   took	
   him	
   to	
   an	
   Indian	
   doctor,	
   and	
   they	
   were	
   still	
  doctoring	
  him	
  when	
  he	
  died.	
   	
  He	
  died	
  during	
   the	
  night	
  with	
  a	
  broken	
  neck	
  from	
  the	
  power	
  and	
  poison	
  used	
  by	
  the	
  Indian	
  doctor.95	
  	
  A	
  year	
  later,	
  when	
  John	
  once	
  again	
  fell	
  ill	
  on	
  the	
  shores	
  of	
  Big	
  Skookum,	
  he	
  begged	
  his	
  wife	
  just	
  before	
  losing	
  consciousness	
  not	
  to	
  let	
  anyone	
  take	
  him	
  to	
  the	
  Indian	
  doctor	
  out	
  of	
  fear	
  that	
  he	
  would	
  be	
  killed.96	
  	
  The	
  way	
  in	
  which	
  John	
  Slocum’s	
  near	
  fatal	
  illnesses	
  in	
  the	
  origin	
  story	
   of	
   the	
   church	
   are	
   unambiguously	
   a	
   result	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   doctor’s	
  malicious	
   powers	
  expresses	
   the	
   first	
   Shakers’	
   belief	
   that	
   epidemic	
   diseases	
  were	
   caused	
   by	
   the	
   powers	
   of	
  dxʷdáʔəb.	
  	
   In	
  insightful	
  testimonies	
  given	
  to	
  anthropologist	
  Ian	
  Currie	
  in	
  the	
  1950s,	
  a	
  group	
  of	
  first-­‐generation	
   Shakers	
   confirmed	
   their	
   belief	
   that	
   unruly	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   were	
  responsible	
   for	
   epidemic	
   disease	
   in	
   the	
   late	
   nineteenth	
   century.97	
  	
   These	
   Shakers	
   from	
  southern	
  Vancouver	
  Island	
  or	
  the	
  Vancouver	
  mainland	
  used	
  the	
  Halkomelem	
  term	
  Shne’em	
  to	
  refer	
  to	
  dxʷdáʔeb.	
  	
  	
  Elwood	
  Modest,	
  former	
  Shaker	
  minister	
  at	
  Cowichan	
  stated	
  that	
  “We	
  had	
  too	
  many	
  of	
  them	
  [Shne’em]	
  –	
  they	
  chewed	
  up	
  too	
  many	
  lives,	
  even	
  right	
  here	
  in	
  the	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  94	
  Annie	
  James,	
  “A	
  Record	
  of	
  the	
  Early	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Faith	
  and	
  Work.”	
  95	
  Ibid.	
  96	
  Ibid.	
  97	
  In	
  1958,	
   Ian	
  Currie,	
   a	
  graduate	
   student	
  working	
   for	
  UBC	
  professor	
  of	
  Anthropology	
  Wayne	
  Suttles	
   spent	
  two	
   months	
   conducting	
   extensive	
   interviews	
   with	
   members	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   at	
   Musqueam	
  (located	
   just	
   south	
   of	
   the	
   UBC	
   Vancouver	
   campus	
   on	
   the	
   north	
   arm	
   of	
   the	
   Fraser	
   River)	
   and	
   different	
  locations	
  at	
  southern	
  Vancouver	
  Island.	
  	
  The	
  journal	
  he	
  created	
  from	
  this	
  fieldwork	
  (which	
  has	
  already	
  been	
  cited	
   extensively	
   in	
   this	
   paper)	
   entitled	
   Interviews	
   with	
   Shakers	
   contains	
   extensive	
   interviews	
   about	
   the	
  origins	
   of	
   the	
   church	
   and	
   its	
   belief	
   system.	
   	
   Currie	
   recorded	
   interviewees’	
   responses	
   either	
   in	
   direct	
  quotations	
  or	
  in	
  paraphrased	
  form	
  using	
  a	
  notepad.	
  	
  These	
  notes	
  were	
  later	
  typewritten	
  and	
  collated	
  into	
  an	
  unpublished	
  manuscript.	
   	
   It	
   is	
   important	
   to	
   consider	
  how	
  colonial	
  power	
  dynamics	
   refracted	
   interviewees’	
  responses	
  in	
  the	
  journals.	
   	
   Interviewees	
  at	
  times	
  express	
  hesitancy	
  to	
  talk	
  to	
  Currie	
  due	
  to	
  bad	
  experiences	
  that	
   resulted	
   from	
   talking	
   to	
  whites	
   in	
   the	
  past.	
   	
  Nonetheless,	
   the	
  pattern	
   in	
   the	
  document	
   is	
  one	
   in	
  which	
  greater	
  trust	
  is	
  established	
  each	
  time	
  Currie	
  visits	
  the	
  Shakers	
  and	
  the	
  interviews	
  become	
  more	
  revealing.	
  It	
  is	
   thus	
   reasonable	
   to	
   say	
   that	
   the	
   interviews	
   contained	
   in	
   the	
   document	
   provide	
   a	
   fairly	
   accurate	
  characterization	
  of	
  the	
  origins	
  and	
  beliefs	
  of	
  the	
  church.	
  	
   	
   35	
   Cowichan	
  Valley.	
   	
  We	
  have	
  none	
  now.	
   	
  That	
   is	
  why	
   the	
   Shakers	
  were	
   formed,	
   to	
  protect	
  people	
  from	
  this.”98	
  	
  Modest	
  alludes	
  to	
  a	
  time	
  prior	
  to	
  the	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Church	
  when	
  Shne’em	
  powers	
  became	
  too	
  numerous	
  and	
  blames	
  them	
  for	
  taking	
  away	
  too	
  many	
  lives	
  in	
  this	
   period.	
   	
   Another	
   Shaker	
   informant,	
   Andrew	
   Michel	
   expressed	
   a	
   similar	
   sentiment:	
  “Shne’ems	
   used	
   to	
   be	
   against	
   everybody	
   –	
   though	
   they	
   have	
   the	
   power	
   of	
   healing,	
   they	
  could	
  hurt	
  too.”99	
  	
  Like	
  Modest,	
  Michel	
  alluded	
  to	
  a	
  time	
  before	
  the	
  Shakers	
  when	
  Shne’ems	
  were	
  “against	
  everybody”	
  and	
  implies	
  that	
  they	
  caused	
  great	
  suffering	
  in	
  this	
  period.100	
  	
  Yet	
  another	
  informant,	
  Alfred	
  Jones	
  spoke	
  about	
  the	
  time	
  at	
  which	
  the	
  Church	
  emerged	
  as	
  one	
  in	
  which	
  Shne’em	
  were	
  “a	
  great	
  menace	
  to	
  Shakers	
  –	
  they	
  [the	
  early	
  Shakers]	
  devoted	
  all	
  their	
  time	
  to	
  preventing	
  Shne’em	
  power	
  from	
  doing	
  them	
  harm.”101	
  	
  These	
  Shakers	
  spoke	
  of	
  a	
  period	
  before	
   the	
  church	
   in	
  which	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  (Shne’em)	
  powers	
  were	
  responsible	
   for	
  much	
  death	
  in	
  communities.	
  	
  Because	
  being	
  killed	
  by	
  a	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  in	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  society	
  is	
  literally	
  the	
  process	
  of	
  dying	
  from	
  a	
  disease,	
  these	
  informants’	
  allusions	
  to	
  a	
  time	
  before	
  the	
  Shakers	
  when	
   the	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  killed	
  many	
  people	
  expresses	
  a	
  period	
  of	
   epidemic	
  diseases.	
  	
  The	
  attempted	
  murder	
  of	
  John	
  Slocum	
  by	
  malicious	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  in	
  the	
  origin	
  story	
  of	
  the	
  church	
  expressed	
  this	
  belief	
  in	
  an	
  allegorical	
  fashion.	
  Because	
   the	
   first	
   Shakers	
   believed	
   that	
   the	
   powers	
   of	
   the	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   had	
   become	
  killers	
   in	
   the	
   form	
   of	
   epidemic	
   diseases,	
   they	
   sought	
   out	
   the	
   power	
   of	
   God	
   and	
   Jesus	
   to	
  protect	
   themselves	
   from	
   dxʷdáʔəb.	
   	
   This	
   was	
   accomplished	
   by	
   re-­‐interpreting	
   God	
   and	
  Jesus	
  as	
  spirit-­‐powers,	
  called	
  henceforth	
  the	
  “Shaker	
  power”	
  (which	
  is	
  how	
  Shakers	
  refer	
  to	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  98	
  Elwood	
   Modest,	
   interview	
   by	
   Ian	
   Currie,	
   1958,	
   Interviews	
   with	
   Shakers,	
   p.	
   120,	
   Ian	
   Currie	
   Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  99	
  Andrew	
   Michel	
   interview	
   by	
   Ian	
   Currie,	
   1958,	
   Interviews	
   with	
   Shakers,	
   p.	
   154,	
   Ian	
   Currie	
   Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  100	
  Ibid.	
  101	
  Alfred	
   Jones,	
   interview	
   by	
   Ian	
   Currie,	
   1958,	
   Interviews	
   with	
   Shakers,	
   p.	
   114,	
   Ian	
   Currie	
   Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
   	
   36	
   the	
  power).	
  	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus	
  are	
  used	
  interchangeably	
  in	
  the	
  church,	
  probably	
  a	
  reflection	
  of	
  the	
  missionaries’	
  preaching	
  of	
  the	
  unity	
  of	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus	
  as	
  part	
  of	
  the	
  Christian	
  doctrine	
  of	
  the	
  holy	
  trinity.102	
  	
  The	
  Shakers	
  believed	
  the	
  unruly	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  made	
  people	
  sick	
  by	
  either	
  possessing	
  their	
  bodies,	
  stealing	
  their	
  souls	
  or	
  stealing	
  their	
  spirit-­‐powers.	
  	
  As	
  it	
  will	
  be	
  recalled,	
  these	
  were	
  the	
  three	
  ways	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  conceived	
  of	
  disease.	
   	
   In	
  cases	
  where	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  attacked	
  bodies,	
   trying	
   to	
  make	
   them	
  sick,	
   the	
  Shakers	
  used	
   the	
  Shaker	
   power	
   to	
   capture	
   and	
   destroy	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   that	
   possessed	
   peoples’	
   bodies.	
  	
  The	
  Shaker	
  power	
  gave	
  practitioners	
   the	
  ability	
   to	
   see	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  both	
   inside	
  and	
  outside	
   of	
   peoples’	
   bodies.	
   	
   It	
   also	
   gave	
   them	
   the	
   ability	
   to	
   restore	
   lost	
   souls	
   or	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   that	
   had	
   been	
   stolen	
   by	
   dxʷdáʔəb.	
   	
   Each	
   Shaker	
   who	
   had	
   received	
   the	
   Shaker	
  power	
  was	
  believed	
  to	
  have	
  a	
  particular	
  “gift.”	
   	
  The	
  gifts	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power	
  were	
  giving	
  shake,	
   ringing	
  bells,	
  dancing,	
  singing,	
  carrying	
  a	
  candle,	
  preaching,	
   recovering	
  a	
  soul,	
  and	
  being	
  gifted	
  at	
  healing.	
  	
  In	
  the	
  curing	
  practice,	
  the	
  Shakers	
  worked	
  together	
  as	
  a	
  community	
  by	
   employing	
   each	
   of	
   their	
   particular	
   gifts	
   towards	
   the	
   common	
   goal	
   of	
   curing	
   a	
   sick	
  person.103	
  	
  Given	
  missionaries’	
   (like	
  Eells)	
  constant	
  messaging	
  about	
   the	
  powerful	
  nature	
  and	
   ultimate	
  Goodness	
   of	
   God	
   and	
   Jesus,	
   it	
   is	
   no	
   surprise	
   that	
   the	
   first	
   Shakers	
   came	
   to	
  reinterpret	
   God	
   and	
   Jesus	
   as	
   powerful	
   spiritual	
   resources	
   that	
   could	
   meet	
   the	
   pressing	
  need	
  of	
  combatting	
  disease	
  in	
  communities	
  in	
  the	
  form	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power	
  and	
  its	
  distinct	
  gifts	
   for	
  curing.	
   	
  Disease	
  conceived	
  of	
  as	
  a	
  spiritual	
  problem	
  required	
  a	
  spiritual	
  solution,	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  102	
  Encyclopedia	
  Britannica	
  Online,	
  s.v.	
  “Trinity,”	
  accessed	
  April	
  8,	
  2013,	
  http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/605512/Trinity.	
  	
  	
  103	
  This	
  section	
  has	
  been	
  informed	
  by	
  my	
  conversations	
  with	
  the	
  current	
  bishop	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church,	
  Leon	
   Strom.	
   	
   One	
   other	
   gift	
   of	
   the	
   Shaker	
   power	
   not	
   directly	
   related	
   to	
   the	
   curing	
   practice	
  was	
   prophecy,	
  which	
  most	
  likely	
  stemmed	
  from	
  John	
  Slocum’s	
  prophesying	
  in	
  the	
  early	
  days.	
  	
  Leon	
  Strom,	
  conversation	
  with	
  author,	
  April	
  4,	
  2013.	
   	
   37	
   which	
  was	
  fortuitously	
  presented	
  to	
  the	
  Shakers	
  by	
  colonial	
  people	
  who	
  claimed	
  to	
  know	
  of	
  incredibly	
  powerful	
  and	
  supremely	
  good	
  spiritual	
  figures.	
  	
  	
  The	
  new	
  Shaker	
  spirit	
  power	
  was	
  qualitatively	
  different	
  than	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  power	
  in	
  a	
  few	
  key	
  respects.	
   	
  Firstly,	
  it	
  could	
  only	
  be	
  used	
  for	
  curing	
  whereas	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  power	
  could	
  either	
  cure	
  or	
  kill.104	
  	
  Secondly,	
  it	
  was	
  employed	
  communally	
  to	
  cure	
  sick	
  people,	
  whereas	
  the	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   worked	
   alone.	
   	
   Shakers	
   believed	
   that	
   when	
   they	
   employed	
   their	
   power	
  communally	
   through	
   each	
  of	
   their	
   “gifts”,	
   it	
  was	
  much	
   stronger	
   than	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  power.105	
  	
  Thirdly,	
   the	
   Shakers	
   never	
   charged	
   a	
   fee	
   for	
   curing	
   whereas	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   always	
   charged	
  regardless	
   of	
   whether	
   the	
   cure	
   was	
   successful	
   or	
   not.106	
  	
   Finally,	
   unlike	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   the	
  Shakers	
  never	
  held	
  on	
  to	
  spirits	
  they	
  removed	
  from	
  sick	
  bodies.	
  	
  Rather,	
  as	
  one	
  Shaker	
  said,	
  they	
   “throw	
   what	
   they	
   get	
   from	
   the	
   sick	
   away,	
   they	
   use	
   only	
   God’s	
   power.”107	
  	
   The	
  particular	
  characteristics	
  the	
  Shakers	
  assigned	
  to	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power	
  reflected	
  the	
  pressing	
  needs	
  of	
   people	
   in	
   southern	
  Puget	
   Sound	
   in	
   the	
   late	
  nineteenth	
   century.	
   	
   In	
   a	
   context	
   of	
  raging	
  epidemic	
  diseases,	
  a	
  power	
  that	
  could	
  only	
  be	
  used	
  to	
  cure	
  rather	
  than	
  cure	
  or	
  inflict	
  disease	
  made	
  perfect	
   sense.	
   	
   From	
  a	
  purely	
  pragmatic	
  perspective,	
   it	
   also	
  made	
   sense	
   to	
  remove	
   any	
   fees	
   associated	
   with	
   curing	
   and	
   transform	
   the	
   practice	
   into	
   one	
   that	
   was	
  communally	
  based.	
  	
  In	
  a	
  context	
  of	
  epidemic	
  diseases,	
  the	
  fees	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  charged	
  must	
  have	
  become	
  burdensome.	
  	
  Replacing	
  these	
  individual	
  paid	
  practitioners	
  with	
  a	
  voluntary	
  form	
  of	
   labour	
  distributed	
   throughout	
   the	
  community	
  was	
  a	
   rational	
   response	
   to	
  an	
   increased	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  104	
  Henry	
  Smith,	
  interview	
  by	
  Ian	
  Currie,	
  1958,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  p.	
  35,	
  Ian	
  Currie	
  Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  105	
  Modest	
  	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  121.	
  106	
  Sam	
  Tom,	
  interview	
  by	
  Ian	
  Currie,	
  1958,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  p.	
  78,	
  Ian	
  Currie	
  Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  107	
  Modest,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  131.	
   	
   38	
   need	
  for	
  curing	
  due	
  to	
  epidemic	
  diseases.	
   	
  Although	
  individuals	
  now	
  gave	
  their	
  labour	
  for	
  free,	
  the	
  burden	
  for	
  curing	
  was	
  shared	
  throughout	
  the	
  community.	
  	
  	
  	
   The	
   first	
   person	
   to	
   acquire	
   the	
   Shaker	
   power	
  was	
  Mary	
   Slocum	
  when	
   she	
   healed	
  John	
   during	
   his	
   second	
   illness.	
   	
   In	
   Annie	
   James’	
   version	
   of	
   the	
   story,	
   John	
   was	
   forcibly	
  removed	
  from	
  Mary	
  and	
  taken	
  to	
  the	
  Indian	
  doctor	
  for	
  “curing.”	
  	
  Crying,	
  because	
  she	
  knew	
  that	
  the	
  powers	
  of	
  the	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  were	
  killing	
  John,	
  she	
  left	
  the	
  house	
  and	
  went	
  down	
  to	
  the	
  shores	
  of	
   the	
  Big	
  Skookum	
  (Hamersley	
  Inlet).	
   	
  Here,	
   in	
  a	
  secluded	
  spot	
  she	
  contacted	
  the	
  Shaker	
   power	
   in	
   a	
   way	
   that	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   people	
   acquired	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   during	
   vision	
  quests.	
  	
  	
  She	
  made	
  contact	
  with	
  Jesus	
  above.	
  	
  Her	
  body	
  began	
  to	
  shake	
  all	
  over	
  and	
  she	
  was	
  carried	
   back	
   to	
   John.	
   	
   She	
   told	
   all	
   present	
   that	
   “she	
   had	
   received	
   a	
   power	
   that	
   was	
   a	
  medicine	
  to	
  heal	
  all	
  the	
  sick	
  if	
  they	
  would	
  believe	
  all	
  in	
  all	
  to	
  Jesus.”108	
  	
  She	
  shook	
  over	
  John	
  and	
  healed	
  him	
  with	
   the	
  power	
  of	
   Jesus.	
   	
  Mary’s	
   curing	
  of	
   John,	
  which	
  would	
   inspire	
   the	
  Shaker	
  curing	
  practice,	
  was	
  the	
  moment	
  at	
  which	
  some	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  first	
  conceived	
  of	
   Jesus	
   as	
   a	
   spirit-­‐power	
   capable	
   of	
   curing	
   people	
   of	
   disease	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   destroying	
  malicious	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
   Jesus	
   and	
   God	
   were	
   not	
   the	
   only	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   religious	
   concepts	
   that	
   the	
  Shakers	
  adopted	
  and	
  re-­‐interpreted	
  into	
  their	
  practice	
  as	
  spiritual	
  resources.	
  	
  Missionaries	
  like	
  Eells	
  had	
  told	
  people	
  in	
  his	
  sermons	
  at	
  Skokomish	
  to	
  abstain	
  from	
  alcohol,	
  tobacco	
  and	
  gambling	
  in	
  order	
  to	
  become	
  civilized	
  and	
  morally	
  upstanding	
  Christian	
  Americans.	
  109	
  	
  The	
  Shakers	
  re-­‐interpreted	
  this	
  admonition	
  as	
  an	
  affirmation	
  of	
  their	
  existing	
  belief	
  that	
  bodily	
  purity	
  was	
   a	
   condition	
   of	
   contacting	
   sprit-­‐powers.	
   	
   They	
   linked	
   abstinence	
   from	
  alcohol,	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  108	
  Annie	
  James,	
  “A	
  Record	
  of	
  the	
  Early	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Faith	
  and	
  Work.”	
  109	
  Myron	
   Eells,	
   “Habit,	
   an	
   address,”	
   1869;	
  Myron	
   Eells	
   Collection;	
   box	
   3,	
   folder	
   30;	
  Whitman	
   College	
   and	
  Northwest	
  Archives,	
  Walla	
  Walla,	
  Washington.	
  	
  	
   	
   39	
   tobacco	
  and	
  gambling	
  to	
  the	
  ability	
  to	
  contact	
  and	
  receive	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power.	
   	
  As	
  was	
  the	
  case	
   with	
   the	
   missionaries’	
   messaging	
   about	
   the	
   harmful	
   nature	
   of	
   Indian	
   doctors,	
   a	
  message	
   meant	
   to	
   transform	
   the	
   Indians	
   into	
   “civilized”	
   Americans	
   backfired	
   into	
   an	
  affirmation	
  of	
  existing	
  cultural	
  practices.	
  	
  In	
  this	
  case,	
  the	
  Shakers	
  translated	
  exhortations	
  by	
  missionaries	
  to	
  live	
  like	
  upstanding	
  Christians	
  by	
  abstaining	
  from	
  drinking,	
  smoking	
  and	
  gambling	
  into	
  an	
  affirmation	
  of	
  the	
  importance	
  of	
  bodily	
  purity	
  to	
  acquiring	
  spirit-­‐power.	
  	
  Vernon	
   Dan	
   expressed	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   understanding	
   of	
   why	
   people	
   should	
   abstain	
   from	
  drinking,	
   smoking	
  and	
  gambling:	
   “God	
  does	
  not	
  want	
  us	
   to	
   smoke	
  or	
  drink	
  or	
  gamble	
  or	
  even	
   race,	
   and	
   if	
  we	
   abstain	
   from	
   them,	
  we’re	
   given	
   the	
   power	
   of	
   god	
   to	
   help	
   us	
   in	
   our	
  lives.”110	
  	
   The	
   Shakers’	
   belief	
   that	
   it	
  was	
   necessary	
   to	
   abstain	
   from	
  drinking,	
   smoking	
   or	
  gambling	
  had	
  everything	
  to	
  do	
  with	
  the	
  ability	
  to	
  acquire	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power	
  and	
  nothing	
  to	
  do	
  with	
  a	
  desire	
  to	
  convert	
  to	
  the	
  mores	
  of	
  “civilized”	
  American	
  life.	
  	
  A	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  missionary	
  message	
  was	
  perceived	
  as	
  a	
  spiritual	
  resource,	
  and	
  re-­‐interpreted	
  in	
  such	
  a	
  way	
  that	
  it	
  reinforced	
  extant	
  cultural	
  practices.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  When	
  Shakers	
  failed	
  to	
  abstain	
  from	
  alcohol,	
   tobacco	
  or	
  gambling,	
  thus	
  becoming	
  impure	
   and	
   incapable	
   of	
   getting	
   the	
   Shaker	
   power,	
   their	
   fellow	
   members	
   called	
   them	
  backsliders.111	
  	
  To	
  missionaries,	
  who	
  employed	
  this	
  term	
  in	
  their	
  work,	
  “backsliding”	
  was	
  the	
  process	
  whereby	
  an	
  Indigenous	
  person	
  reverted	
  to	
  their	
  old	
  pagan	
  and	
  untrue	
  religion,	
  thus	
   moving	
   in	
   reverse	
   (backwards)	
   on	
   the	
   progressive	
   continuum	
   from	
   paganism	
   to	
  Christianity	
   (again,	
   synonymous	
   with	
   the	
   continuums	
   of	
   barbarity/civilization	
   and	
  Indian/citizen).	
   	
   Backsliding	
   described	
   the	
   opposite	
   of	
   the	
   process	
   of	
   subjectively	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  110	
  Vernon	
  Dan,	
  interview	
  by	
  Ian	
  Currie,	
  1958,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  p.	
  36,	
  Ian	
  Currie	
  Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  111	
  Modest,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  132.	
   	
   40	
   transforming	
  Indians	
  into	
  Christians,	
  which	
  missionaries	
  sought	
  to	
  engender	
  in	
  Indigenous	
  peoples.	
  	
  As	
  such,	
  a	
  “backslider”	
  was	
  a	
  derogatory	
  epithet	
  used	
  by	
  missionaries	
  to	
  describe	
  a	
  native	
  person	
  incapable	
  of	
  progressing	
  towards	
  “true	
  Christianity.”	
  	
  	
  The	
   Shakers	
   removed	
   all	
   of	
   the	
   teleological	
   and	
   derogatory	
   connotations	
   of	
   this	
  missionary-­‐created	
  term	
  and	
  remade	
  it	
  into	
  a	
  simple	
  descriptive	
  term	
  for	
  a	
  member	
  of	
  the	
  church	
   who	
   had	
   drunk	
   alcohol,	
   thus	
   rendering	
   him/her	
   self	
   incapable	
   of	
   contacting	
   the	
  Shaker	
   power.	
  112	
  	
   Shakers	
   who	
   “backslid”	
   were	
   not	
   viewed	
   by	
   other	
   Shakers	
   as	
   more	
  “barbaric”	
  or	
  “pagan”:	
  nor	
  were	
  they	
  disparaged	
  or	
  stigmatized	
  for	
  their	
  behaviour.	
  	
  Rather,	
  they	
  had	
  simply	
  failed	
  to	
  abstain	
  from	
  alcohol,	
  and	
  had	
  thus	
  lost	
  the	
  ability	
  to	
  contact	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power.	
  	
  People	
  who	
  backslid	
  were	
  always	
  welcome	
  back	
  to	
  church.	
  	
  Upon	
  returning,	
  they	
  often	
  vomited	
  when	
  they	
  made	
  contact	
  with	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power,	
  since	
   it	
  repulsed	
  the	
  presence	
  of	
  cigarette	
  smoke	
  and	
  alcohol	
  in	
  peoples’	
  bodies.113	
  	
  	
  The	
  presence	
  of	
  this	
  originally	
  derogatory	
  epithet	
  in	
  Shaker	
  practice	
  could	
  easily	
  be	
  misread	
   as	
   a	
   case	
   of	
   the	
   internalization	
   of	
   missionaries’	
   negative	
   messaging	
   about	
  Indigenous	
  spirituality	
  in	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  –	
  a	
  term	
  which	
  Shakers	
  employed	
  to	
  other	
  and	
  distinguish	
  themselves	
  from	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  who	
  still	
  practiced	
  solely	
  Indigenous	
  forms	
  of	
  spirituality.	
  	
  This	
  othering,	
  one	
  might	
  argue,	
  could	
  have	
  been	
  in	
  the	
  aim	
  of	
  gaining	
  favour	
  with	
  colonial	
  missionaries	
  and	
  Indian	
  agents,	
  who	
  would	
  have	
  viewed	
  those	
  employing	
  the	
  term	
   “backsliding”	
   as	
   “good	
   Indians”	
   for	
   their	
   apparent	
   internalization	
   of	
   the	
   colonizers’	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  112	
  Beatrice	
   Black,	
   Interviewed	
   for	
   the	
  Washington	
  Women’s	
   Heritage	
   Project,	
   1991;	
   Beatrice	
   Pullen	
   Black	
  Papers;	
  acc.	
  #	
  3416-­‐001-­‐40;	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  	
  Speaking	
  of	
  a	
  friend’s	
   inability	
   to	
  abstain	
   from	
  alcohol,	
  Black	
   told	
   the	
   interviewer	
   that	
   “she	
  went	
  out	
  drinking,	
  you	
  know	
  and	
   backslid	
   and	
   then	
   they	
   talk	
   her	
   into	
   come	
   back.”	
   	
   From	
   this	
   interview,	
   it	
   is	
   apparent	
   that	
   for	
   Black,	
  backsliding	
  meant	
   nothing	
  more	
   than	
   a	
   failure	
   to	
   abstain	
   from	
   alcohol	
  whereas	
   for	
  missionaries	
   the	
   term	
  carried	
  broader	
  connotations	
  of	
  reverting	
  to	
  previous	
  modes	
  of	
  Indian	
  religion,	
  customs	
  and	
  identity.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  113	
  David	
  Charley,	
   interview	
  by	
   Ian	
  Currie,	
   1958,	
   Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
   p.	
   222-­‐224,	
   Ian	
  Currie	
  Collection,	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
   	
   41	
   values.	
   	
   However,	
   this	
   reading	
   would	
   assume	
   that	
   the	
   original	
   meaning	
   of	
   the	
   verb	
   “to	
  backslide”	
   as	
   the	
   missionaries	
   employed	
   it	
   remained	
   stable	
   in	
   the	
   church,	
   which	
   was	
  emphatically	
  not	
  the	
  case.	
  	
  Within	
  the	
  church,	
  a	
  term	
  created	
  by	
  missionaries	
  to	
  connote	
  an	
  implacable	
   state	
  of	
   savagery	
  became	
  a	
   simple	
  descriptive	
   term	
   for	
   someone	
  who	
  did	
  not	
  abstain	
  from	
  alcohol,	
  and	
  thus	
  could	
  not	
  acquire	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power.	
  	
  	
  If	
   abstaining	
   from	
   drinking,	
   smoking	
   or	
   gambling	
   were	
   ways	
   in	
   which	
   the	
   body	
  could	
  be	
  made	
  ready	
  to	
  acquire	
  the	
  spirit	
  power	
  of	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus,	
  it	
  was	
  through	
  “prayer”	
  that	
  individuals	
  could	
  both	
  acquire	
  the	
  Shaker	
  power	
  and	
  employ	
  it	
  in	
  curing	
  others.	
  	
  Once	
  again,	
   a	
   Christian-­‐in	
   origin	
   religious	
   concept	
   and	
   practice	
   was	
   re-­‐interpreted	
   to	
   mean	
  something	
  quite	
  different	
  in	
  the	
  context	
  of	
  Shaker	
  practice.	
  	
  Mrs.	
  Sammy	
  Joseph	
  described	
  how	
   fellow	
  Shakers	
   instructed	
  her	
   to	
  get	
   the	
  Shaker	
  power:	
   “They	
   told	
  me	
   that	
   if	
   I	
  were	
  going	
  to	
  stand	
  for	
  Christ,	
  then	
  I	
  must	
  stand	
  up	
  on	
  the	
  floor,	
  close	
  my	
  eyes,	
  hold	
  one	
  hand	
  aloft,	
  and	
  pray.”114	
  	
  However,	
  the	
  form	
  this	
  “praying”	
  took	
  was	
  not	
  what	
  missionaries	
  like	
  Eells	
   had	
   in	
   mind	
   when	
   they	
   told	
   people	
   around	
   Skokomish	
   to	
   pray	
   to	
   God.	
   	
   Sammy	
  Joseph’s	
   experience	
   is	
   a	
   case	
   in	
   point:	
   “I	
   stood	
   there	
   with	
   my	
   eyes	
   closed	
   and	
   my	
   arm	
  upraised	
  and	
  I	
  could	
  see	
  the	
  power	
  coming	
  down	
  on	
  me,	
  just	
  like	
  a	
  fog,	
  and	
  when	
  it	
  touched	
  my	
  fingers	
  it	
  felt	
  prickly,	
  like	
  a	
  shock	
  of	
  electricity.	
  	
  Then	
  I	
  began	
  to	
  feel	
  as	
  if	
  I	
  were	
  floating	
  and	
  began	
  to	
  jump	
  and	
  dance	
  around	
  the	
  room.	
  	
  I	
  got	
  a	
  song	
  and	
  sang	
  it	
  and	
  felt	
  wonderful	
  afterwards.”115	
  	
   Once	
   again,	
   a	
   practice	
   (prayer)	
   that	
   missionaries	
   had	
   urged	
   Indigenous	
  people	
  to	
  undertake	
  in	
  an	
  effort	
  at	
  conversion	
  had	
  been	
  adopted	
  into	
  Shaker	
  practice,	
  and	
  re-­‐interpreted	
  in	
  a	
  way	
  that	
  made	
  it	
  a	
  conduit	
  for	
  the	
  continuance	
  of	
  longstanding	
  spiritual	
  customs	
   and	
   a	
   spiritual	
   resource	
   in	
   a	
   fight	
   against	
   epidemic	
   diseases.	
   	
   “Prayer”	
   as	
   the	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  114	
  Joseph,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  59.	
  115	
  Ibid.,	
  42.	
   	
   42	
   Shakers	
   conceived	
   of	
   it	
   simply	
   came	
   to	
   express	
   the	
   practice	
   of	
   contacting	
  God	
   and	
   Jesus	
  reconceptualized	
  as	
  spirit-­‐powers,	
  in	
  the	
  same	
  way	
  people	
  contacted	
  spirit-­‐powers	
  during	
  vision	
   quests.	
   	
   Equally,	
   “prayer”	
   came	
   to	
   be	
   a	
   catch-­‐all	
   term	
   for	
   the	
   practices	
   of	
   curing	
  Shakers	
  employed	
  in	
  church.	
  	
  	
  In	
   addition	
   to	
   adopting	
   and	
   re-­‐interpreting	
   the	
   meanings	
   of	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  concepts	
  and	
  practices,	
  the	
  Shakers	
  also	
  introduced	
  Christian	
  elements	
  of	
  material	
  culture	
  such	
  as	
  crosses,	
  candles	
  and	
  bells	
  into	
  their	
  curing	
  ceremonies.	
  	
  The	
  Shakers	
  discarded	
  the	
  original	
  Christian	
  meanings	
  of	
  these	
  symbols	
  and	
  transformed	
  them	
  into	
  objects	
  of	
  power	
  capable	
  of	
  aiding	
  people	
   in	
  curing	
  the	
  sick	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  capable	
  of	
  destroying	
  any	
  malicious	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  removed	
  from	
  sick	
  bodies.	
  	
  Mrs.	
  Sammy	
  Joseph	
  believed	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers	
  could	
  “take	
  the	
  power	
  of	
  Jesus	
  from	
  the	
  candles,	
  and	
  from	
  the	
  bells	
  too	
  and	
  put	
  it	
  on	
  people.	
  	
  When	
  that’s	
  done,	
  you	
  can	
  feel	
  it.	
   	
  It’s	
  warm.”116	
  David	
  Charley	
  expressed	
  the	
  same	
  power	
  granting	
  beliefs	
   about	
   the	
   cross	
  when	
  praying	
   (“praying”	
   understood	
   in	
   Shaker	
   terms	
   as	
  trying	
   to	
   receive	
   the	
   Shaker	
   power):	
   “the	
  more	
   you	
   pray	
   in	
   front	
   of	
   the	
   cross,	
   the	
  more	
  power	
   you	
   get.”117	
  Captured	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   from	
   peoples’	
   bodies,	
   Shakers	
   believed,	
  could	
  be	
  destroyed	
  by	
  throwing	
  them	
  towards	
  the	
  cross	
  or	
  burning	
  them	
  over	
  the	
  flame	
  of	
  a	
  candle.118	
  The	
   first	
   Shakers’	
   adoption	
   and	
   re-­‐interpretation	
   of	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   concepts,	
  practices	
  and	
  elements	
  of	
  material	
  culture	
  such	
  as	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus,	
  prayer,	
  backsliding	
  and	
  bells	
  crosses	
  and	
  candles	
  was	
  not	
  at	
  the	
  expense	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  belief	
  systems,	
  concepts	
  or	
  practices.	
   	
  Rather,	
   these	
  adoptions	
  were	
  simply	
  ways	
   in	
  which	
   the	
  Shakers	
  acquired	
  new	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  116	
  Joseph,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  44.	
  117	
  Charley,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  209.	
  118	
  Dan,	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  23.	
   	
   43	
   spiritual	
  resources	
  and	
  transformed	
  their	
  meanings	
  to	
   fit	
   the	
  pressing	
  need	
  of	
  combating	
  malicious	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers.	
   	
   The	
   notion	
   that	
   observable	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   elements	
   in	
  Shaker	
  practice	
   can	
  be	
   read	
  as	
  evidence	
  of	
   a	
   conversion	
   to	
   true	
  Christianity,	
   or	
  at	
   least	
  a	
  step	
   in	
   a	
   process	
   of	
   conversion	
   in	
  which	
   a	
   new	
   set	
   of	
   spiritual	
   beliefs	
   is	
   adopted	
   at	
   the	
  expense	
  of	
  prior	
  beliefs	
  was	
  created	
  by	
  nineteenth	
  century	
  Christian	
  missionaries.	
   	
  It	
  was	
  in	
  missionaries’	
  interest	
  to	
  promote	
  the	
  idea	
  that	
  the	
  adoption	
  of	
  some	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  religious	
  practices	
  by	
  native	
  people	
  meant	
  an	
  abandonment	
  of	
  their	
  “old	
  ways”,	
  since	
  their	
  profession	
   depended	
   on	
   the	
   ability	
   to	
   demonstrate	
   the	
   successful	
   transformation	
   of	
  “natives”	
  into	
  “Christians”.	
  	
  Without	
  the	
  very	
  concept	
  of	
  conversion,	
  in	
  which	
  it	
  is	
  inherent	
  that	
  people	
  do	
  truly	
  give	
  up	
  their	
  old	
  beliefs	
  in	
  favour	
  of	
  the	
  new,	
  missionaries	
  would	
  not	
  be	
  able	
  to	
  garner	
  support	
  from	
  donors,	
  let	
  alone	
  find	
  meaning	
  and	
  fulfillment	
  in	
  their	
  work	
  of	
  saving	
  souls.	
  	
  Far	
  from	
  a	
  “conversion	
  moment”,	
  the	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shakers	
  was	
  simply	
  one	
  where	
   people	
  added	
   Jesus	
   and	
   God	
   to	
   their	
   existing	
   repertoire	
   of	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   and	
  adopted	
  other	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   concepts,	
   practices	
   and	
   elements	
   of	
  material	
   culture	
   to	
  aid	
  them	
  in	
  employing	
  those	
  new	
  powers.	
   	
  The	
  addition	
  of	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus	
  did	
  not	
  replace	
  any	
   other	
   pre-­‐existing	
   spirit-­‐powers,	
   even	
   though	
   it	
   sought	
   to	
   counter	
   the	
   malicious	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers.119	
  The	
  ways	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  Shakers	
  added	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus	
  into	
  their	
  existing	
  spirit-­‐power	
  repertoire	
  was	
  not	
  without	
  historical	
  precedent	
  in	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  communities.	
  	
  As	
  Jay	
  Miller	
  has	
   argued,	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   existed	
   in	
   infinite	
   variety	
   in	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities,	
   and	
  innovation	
  on	
  existing	
  forms	
  of	
  spirit	
  powers	
  or	
  the	
  introduction	
  of	
  entirely	
  new	
  ones	
  was	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  119	
  Shakers	
   frequently	
   express	
   that	
   being	
   a	
  member	
   of	
   the	
   church	
   did	
   not	
   prevent	
   one	
   from	
   attending	
   the	
  winter	
   dances,	
   where	
   people	
   renewed	
   their	
   relationship	
   with	
   spirit-­‐powers.	
   	
   This	
   indicates	
   that	
   the	
  emergence	
   of	
   God	
   and	
   Jesus	
   as	
   the	
   Shaker	
   power	
   did	
   not	
   replace	
   established	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   but	
   rather,	
  complemented	
  them.	
  	
  See	
  Interviews	
  with	
  Shakers,	
  26,	
  63.	
  	
   	
   44	
   not	
  unprecedented.120	
  	
  Emblematic	
  of	
  this	
  openness	
  was	
  the	
  experience	
  of	
  one	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  man	
  living	
  near	
  the	
  present	
  day	
  town	
  of	
  Abbotsford	
  in	
  the	
  nineteenth	
  century.	
   	
  This	
  man	
  acquired	
  a	
  train	
  locomotive	
  as	
  his	
  spirit	
  power.121	
  	
  Moreover,	
  although	
  most	
  spirit-­‐powers	
  in	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities	
   were	
   animalistic	
   in	
   form,	
   there	
   were	
   a	
   few	
   prior	
   to	
   the	
  emergence	
  of	
  the	
  Shakers	
  that	
  were	
  thought	
  of	
  as	
  entirely	
  human.122	
  	
  Thus,	
  the	
  emergence	
  of	
   wholly	
   human	
   in	
   form	
   spirit-­‐powers	
   in	
   the	
   form	
   of	
   God	
   and	
   Jesus	
   was	
   not	
   without	
  precedent	
  in	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  communities.	
  In	
   sum,	
  when	
   the	
   Shakers	
   adopted	
   Jesus	
   and	
  God	
   into	
   their	
   existing	
   repertoire	
   of	
  spirit-­‐powers,	
  “prayed”	
  to	
  “God”	
  and	
  “Jesus”	
  or	
  “backslid”,	
  and	
  employed	
  bells,	
  crosses	
  and	
  candles	
   in	
   their	
   services,	
   they	
  were	
  working	
  within	
   a	
   longstanding	
   tradition	
   of	
   spiritual	
  openness	
   in	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities,	
   in	
  which	
   the	
   spiritual	
   figures,	
   concepts,	
   practices	
  and	
  implements	
  of	
  others	
  were	
  frequently	
  incorporated	
  into	
  existing	
  spiritual	
  practices.123	
  	
  At	
  the	
  same	
  time	
  as	
  this	
  tradition	
  encouraged	
  the	
  adoption	
  of	
  new	
  spirit	
  powers,	
  concepts,	
  practices	
  and	
  implements,	
  it	
  also	
  left	
  room	
  to	
  reinterpret	
  and	
  remake	
  what	
  was	
  adopted	
  to	
  respond	
  to	
  local	
  needs.	
  	
  In	
  other	
  words,	
  there	
  was	
  a	
  degree	
  of	
  fluidity	
  in	
  meanings	
  in	
  Coast	
  Salish	
   communities’	
   spirituality	
   that	
   would	
   have	
   unnerved	
   nineteenth	
   century	
   colonial	
  missionaries,	
   who	
   abhorred	
   any	
   deviation	
   from	
   the	
   fixed	
   meanings	
   they	
   assigned	
   to	
  religious	
   practices,	
   concepts	
   and	
   objects.	
   	
   Thwarting	
   the	
   efforts	
   of	
   the	
   missionaries	
   to	
  convert	
  them,	
  the	
  Shakers	
  picked	
  and	
  chose	
  the	
  religious	
  concepts	
  that	
  they	
  found	
  useful	
  and	
   re-­‐worked	
   them	
   beyond	
   the	
   purview	
   of	
   colonial	
   authorities	
   into	
   spiritual	
   resources	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  120	
  Miller,	
   Lushootseed	
   Culture	
   and	
   the	
   Shamanic	
   Odyssey,	
  57;	
   Susan	
   Neylan	
   has	
   also	
   made	
   this	
   point.	
   	
   See	
  Neylan,	
  “Shaking	
  up	
  Christianity,”	
  221.	
  121	
  Miller,	
  Lushootseed	
  Culture	
  and	
  the	
  Shamanic	
  Odyssey,	
  65.	
  122	
  Collins,	
  Valley	
  of	
  the	
  Spirits,	
  146.	
  123	
  Neylan,	
  “Shaking	
  up	
  Christianity,”	
  221.	
   	
   45	
   that	
  responded	
  to	
  the	
  pressing	
  need	
  to	
  combat	
  malicious	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers.	
  	
  It	
  was	
  the	
  way	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  Shakers	
  retained	
  the	
  discursive	
  forms	
  of	
  these	
  practices	
  while	
  at	
  the	
  same	
  time	
  radically	
  altering	
  their	
  meanings	
  in	
  the	
  context	
  of	
  church	
  practice	
  that	
  would	
  allow	
  them	
  to	
  effectively	
   resist	
   religious	
  persecution,	
  while	
   at	
   the	
   same	
   time	
   creating	
   conduits	
   through	
  which	
  they	
  could	
  practice	
  their	
  longstanding	
  spiritual	
  beliefs.	
  	
  In	
  other	
  words,	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  openness	
   to	
   adopting	
   and	
   re-­‐interpreting	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   concepts	
   and	
   practices	
  provided	
   a	
   means	
   both	
   to	
   resist	
   religious	
   persecution	
   and	
   a	
   way	
   in	
   which	
   they	
   could	
  maintain	
  cultural	
  integrity	
  and	
  continuity	
  through	
  the	
  expression	
  of	
  longstanding	
  spiritual	
  beliefs	
  in	
  the	
  discursive	
  forms	
  of	
  the	
  colonizer.	
   Colonial	
  Persecution	
  and	
  the	
  Double	
  Entendre	
  of	
  Shaker	
  Resistance	
  Colonial	
   peoples	
   who	
   observed	
   the	
   emergence	
   of	
   the	
   Shakers	
   in	
   late	
   nineteenth	
  century	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  thought	
  about	
  the	
  church	
  in	
  a	
  binary	
  fashion.	
  	
  To	
  them,	
  the	
  Shakers	
   were	
   either	
   a	
   genuine	
   adoption	
   of	
   Christian	
   elements	
   by	
   Indigenous	
   peoples;	
   a	
  “step”	
   towards	
   becoming	
   authentically	
   Christian,	
   or	
   they	
   were	
   simply	
   perpetuating	
  “barbarous”	
   Indigenous	
   customs	
  under	
  a	
   thin	
  and	
   false	
  veil	
  of	
  Christianity.	
   	
  Those	
   in	
   the	
  former	
  camp	
  believed	
  the	
  church	
  should	
  have	
  the	
  right	
  to	
  exist	
  because	
  of	
  its	
  potential	
  to	
  transform	
   “uncivilized	
   Indians”	
   into	
   Christian	
   Americans	
   whereas	
   those	
   in	
   the	
   latter	
  believed	
   it	
   should	
   be	
   suppressed.	
   	
   The	
   majority	
   of	
   missionaries,	
   Indian	
   agents	
   and	
  lawmakers	
   who	
   came	
   into	
   contact	
   with	
   the	
   church	
   around	
   the	
   time	
   of	
   its	
   emergence	
  believed	
   the	
   nascent	
   religion	
   was	
   just	
   the	
   continuation	
   of	
   the	
   old	
   practice	
   of	
   Indian	
  doctoring	
  in	
  the	
  guise	
  of	
  Christianity.	
  	
  Edwin	
   Eells,	
   the	
   Indian	
   agent	
   at	
   Skokomish	
   during	
   the	
   1880s,	
   epitomized	
   this	
  colonial	
   opinion	
   of	
   the	
   early	
   Shakers.	
   	
   Observing	
   the	
   emergence	
   of	
   the	
  movement	
   from	
   	
   46	
   Skokomish	
  in	
  1882,	
  he	
  told	
  his	
  missionary	
  brother	
  Myron	
  that	
  the	
  Christian	
  elements	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  ceremony	
  (such	
  as	
  the	
  use	
  of	
  bells	
  and	
  crosses)	
  were	
  “merely	
  like	
  a	
  thin	
  spreading	
  of	
  butter	
  over	
  something	
  else.”124	
  This	
  something	
  else,	
  according	
  to	
  Eells,	
  was	
  the	
  practice	
  of	
   Indian	
  doctoring,	
  which	
   he	
   charged	
   and	
   convicted	
   the	
   entire	
   leadership	
   of	
   the	
   church	
  with	
   in	
   1883.125	
  	
   Charles	
   Buchanan,	
   Indian	
   agent	
   at	
   Tulalip	
   echoed	
   Eells’	
   opinion	
   of	
   the	
  church	
  in	
  explicit	
  terms.	
  	
  In	
  a	
  report	
  to	
  the	
  Bureau	
  of	
  Indian	
  Affairs	
  in	
  Washington	
  he	
  wrote	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers	
  were	
  “virtually	
  the	
  old,	
  native	
  tamanamus	
  [dxʷdáʔeb]	
  practices	
  which	
  are	
  forbidden	
   by	
   law	
   or	
   regulation	
   and	
   which	
   are	
   therefore	
   perforce	
   conducted	
   under	
   the	
  thinly-­‐veiled	
   guise	
   of	
   quasi	
   Christianity	
   or	
   quasi-­‐Christian	
   religious	
   ceremonial.”126	
  	
   He	
  vehemently	
   defamed	
   the	
   Shakers	
   in	
   his	
   annual	
   reports:	
   “on	
   the	
   surface	
   they	
   assume	
   an	
  appearance	
  of	
  crude	
  Christianity	
  in	
  order	
  to	
  cover	
  up	
  their	
  real	
  beliefs	
  and	
  practices,	
  which	
  latter	
   are	
   at	
   heart	
   unprogressive,	
   barbarous,	
   and	
   antagonistic.”127	
  	
   According	
   to	
   Eells,	
  Buchanan,	
   and	
   other	
   missionaries	
   and	
   Indian	
   agents	
   around	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound,	
   the	
  Shakers	
  were	
  consciously	
  employing	
  the	
  practices	
  and	
  symbols	
  of	
  Christianity	
  as	
  a	
  way	
  to	
  disguise	
   their	
   continuation	
   of	
   Indian	
   doctoring.	
   	
   To	
   them,	
   the	
   religion	
  was	
  merely	
   a	
   few	
  crosses	
  and	
  bells	
  adorning	
   the	
   “barbaric”	
  practice	
  of	
   Indian	
  doctoring.	
   	
  From	
  1882-­‐1920,	
  missionaries	
  and	
   Indian	
  agents	
   charged	
  many	
  Shakers	
   in	
   southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  with	
   the	
  continuation	
  of	
  Indian	
  doctoring	
  and	
  had	
  them	
  hauled	
  before	
  courts	
  of	
  Indian	
  offenses	
  on	
  reservations	
  where	
  they	
  were	
  sentenced	
  to	
  hard	
  labour	
  or	
  jail	
  time.128	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  124	
  Eells,	
  Ten	
  Years,	
  181.	
  125	
  Barnett,	
  Indian	
  Shakers,	
  93.	
  126	
  Charles	
   Buchanan,	
   Annual	
   Report	
   of	
   Tulalip	
   Agency	
   1914:	
   Section	
   1	
   –	
   Law	
   and	
   Order,	
   Erna	
   Gunther	
  Collection;	
  box	
  7;	
  folder	
  4;	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  	
  	
  127	
  Charles	
   Buchanan,	
   Annual	
   reports	
   of	
   the	
   department	
   of	
   Interior,	
   1906:	
   Reports	
   concerning	
   Indians	
   in	
   Washington;	
  Report	
  of	
  Superintendent	
   in	
  Charge	
  of	
  Tulalip	
  Agency,	
  Erna	
  Gunther	
  Collection;	
   box	
  7;	
   folder	
  4;	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  	
  	
  128	
  Barnett,	
  Indian	
  Shakers,	
  93.	
   	
   47	
   The	
   Shaker	
  movement	
   emerged	
   into	
   a	
   political	
   context	
  marked	
   by	
   a	
   stark	
   power	
  differential	
  between	
   Indigenous	
  people	
  and	
  colonial	
  Americans	
   in	
   southern	
  Puget	
  Sound.	
  	
  By	
  the	
  late	
  nineteenth	
  century,	
  Indian	
  agents	
  and	
  missionaries	
  enjoyed	
  increasing	
  control	
  over	
  Indigenous	
  peoples,	
  as	
  was	
  manifest	
  in	
  their	
  ability	
  to	
  arrest,	
  accuse	
  and	
  persecute	
  the	
  Shakers	
   for	
   their	
   belief	
   that	
   they	
  masked	
   the	
   continuation	
   of	
   Indian	
   doctoring.	
   	
   As	
   Tisa	
  Wegner	
  has	
  shown,	
  nineteenth	
  century	
  American	
  missionaries	
  and	
  Indian	
  agents	
  active	
  on	
  reserves	
   saw	
   little	
   contradiction	
   between	
   denying	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   religious	
   freedom	
  and	
  federal	
  constitutional	
  guarantees	
  of	
  religious	
  liberty.129	
  	
  In	
  fact,	
  they	
  wrongly	
  believed	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  could	
  never	
  experience	
  religious	
  liberty	
  if	
  they	
  remained	
  “oppressed”	
  by	
  the	
   weight	
   of	
   their	
   spiritual	
   customs.	
   	
   Colonial	
   Americans,	
   due	
   to	
   their	
   power	
   to	
   shape	
  Indigenous	
  lives	
  through	
  the	
  legal	
  system	
  backed	
  up	
  by	
  the	
  force	
  of	
  the	
  state,	
  set	
  the	
  terms	
  of	
   acceptable	
   religious	
   practice	
   in	
   late	
   nineteenth	
   century	
   southern	
   Puget	
   Sound.	
  	
  According	
   to	
   them,	
   the	
   only	
   legitimate	
   and	
   thus	
   legal	
   form	
   of	
   human	
   religiosity	
   was	
   an	
  “authentic	
   Christianity”	
   which	
   was	
   quite	
   simply	
   Christianity	
   as	
   practiced	
   by	
   colonial	
  peoples.	
  	
  If	
  the	
  Shakers	
  were	
  to	
  survive	
  as	
  a	
  movement,	
  it	
  would	
  be	
  necessary	
  to	
  convince	
  colonial	
   peoples	
   that	
   they	
   were	
   indeed	
   a	
   form	
   of	
   “authentic	
   Christianity”	
   or	
   at	
   least	
  authentic	
  enough	
  to	
  be	
  allowed	
  to	
  practice	
  their	
  religion	
  freely.	
  	
  As	
  I	
  have	
  already	
  outlined,	
  the	
  Shakers	
  had	
  entered	
  into	
  a	
  colonial	
  economy	
  of	
  debate	
  about	
  the	
  church	
  in	
  which	
  their	
  adoption	
  of	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  elements	
  could	
  only	
  ever	
  be	
  perceived	
  as	
  either	
  a	
  thin	
  and	
  false	
   veneer	
   of	
   Christianity	
   concealing	
   Indigenous	
   customs,	
   or	
   a	
   genuine	
   adoption	
   of	
  Christianity	
   as	
   a	
   step	
   towards	
   becoming	
   “authentically	
   Christian.”	
   	
   The	
   Shakers	
   right	
   to	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  129	
  Tisa	
  Wegner,	
   “Indian	
  Dances	
  and	
   the	
  Politics	
  of	
  Religious	
  Freedom,	
  1870-­‐1930,”	
   Journal	
  of	
  the	
  American	
   Academy	
  of	
  Religion,	
  Vol.	
  79,	
  no.	
  4.	
  (Dec.,	
  2011),	
  856.	
   	
   48	
   exist	
  would	
  turn	
  on	
  whether	
  they	
  could	
  convince	
  enough	
  colonial	
  people	
  that	
  they	
  were	
  an	
  “authentically	
  Christian”	
  church.	
  When	
   individual	
   members	
   of	
   the	
   Shaker	
   church	
   faced	
   colonial	
   audiences	
   that	
  accused	
  them	
  of	
  using	
  Christian	
  symbols	
  consciously	
  as	
  smokescreens	
  to	
  cover	
  “barbaric”	
  practices,	
  they	
  responded	
  to	
  these	
  charges	
  by	
  simply	
  telling	
  the	
  truth:	
  the	
  Shakers	
  believed	
  in	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus.	
   	
  They	
  prayed,	
  abstained	
  from	
  drinking	
  alcohol,	
  refrained	
  from	
  gambling	
  and	
  the	
  use	
  of	
  tobacco,	
  and	
  used	
  bells,	
  crosses	
  and	
  candles	
  in	
  church	
  services.	
  	
  For	
  Shakers,	
  each	
   of	
   these	
   beliefs,	
   practices	
   and	
   elements	
   of	
   material	
   culture	
   had	
   acquired	
   new	
  meanings	
  in	
  church	
  practice,	
  which	
  differed	
  greatly	
  from	
  their	
  originally	
  signified	
  meanings	
  in	
   Christian	
   missionary	
   and	
   Indian	
   agent	
   discourse.	
   	
   They	
   had	
   been	
   adopted	
   and	
   re-­‐interpreted	
  into	
  spiritual	
  resources	
  and	
  conduits	
  of	
  cultural	
  continuity	
  as	
  part	
  of	
  a	
  tradition	
  of	
   spiritual	
  openness	
  and	
   fluidity	
  in	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  communities.	
   	
  However,	
   colonial	
  peoples	
  interpreted	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  defense	
  of	
  themselves	
  from	
  charges	
  that	
  they	
  perpetuated	
  Indian	
  doctoring	
  as	
  a	
  claim	
  to	
  an	
  “authentic”	
  form	
  of	
  Christianity	
  as	
  the	
  colonizer	
  defined	
  it.	
   	
  For	
  colonial	
  peoples,	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  claim	
  that	
  they	
  believed	
  in	
  Jesus	
  and	
  God	
  was	
  understood	
  as	
  a	
   claim	
   to	
  a	
  belief	
   in	
   Jesus	
  and	
  God	
   in	
   the	
   same	
   form	
  as	
   the	
  missionaries	
  had	
   taught	
   the	
  Indians.	
   	
   Colonial	
   peoples	
  understood	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   profession	
  of	
   prayer	
   in	
   church	
   as	
   the	
  Shakers	
  claiming	
  to	
  have	
  internalized	
  the	
  proper	
  Christian	
  practice	
  of	
  prayer,	
  again,	
  as	
  the	
  colonizer	
   defined	
   it.	
   	
   And	
   colonial	
   peoples	
   interpreted	
   the	
   practice	
   of	
   abstinence	
   from	
  alcohol,	
   gambling	
   and	
   tobacco	
   amongst	
   church	
  members	
   as	
   the	
   Shakers	
  making	
   a	
   claim	
  that	
   they	
   were	
   a	
   force	
   for	
   transforming	
   Indians	
   into	
   American	
   citizens	
   through	
   the	
  inculcation	
  of	
  correct	
  moral	
  habits.	
  	
   	
   49	
   Regardless	
   of	
   whether	
   colonial	
   peoples	
   were	
   convinced	
   of	
   these	
   claims,	
   they	
  nonetheless	
  could	
  not	
  conceive	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  response	
  to	
  accusations	
  that	
  their	
  religion	
  was	
   a	
   thin	
   and	
   false	
   veil	
   was	
   anything	
   else	
   than	
   a	
   claim	
   that	
   they	
   were	
   “authentic	
  Christians”	
   as	
   the	
   colonizers	
   defined	
   it.	
   	
   In	
   this	
   way,	
   the	
   Shakers	
   resisted	
   colonial	
  persecution	
   in	
  a	
  series	
  of	
  double	
  entendres:	
   they	
  publicly	
  expressed	
  their	
  genuine	
  beliefs	
  which	
   they	
   had	
   arrived	
   at	
   through	
   the	
   tradition	
   of	
   spiritual	
   openness,	
   adoption	
   and	
   re-­‐interpretation,	
   which	
   were	
   at	
   once	
   interpreted	
   by	
   colonial	
   peoples	
   who	
   persecuted	
   the	
  Shakers	
   as	
   claims	
   to	
   an	
   “authentic”	
   Christianity	
   as	
   they	
   defined	
   it.	
   	
   The	
   way	
   in	
   which	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  understood	
  the	
  Shakers	
  as	
  laying	
  a	
  claim	
  to	
  being	
  “authentically	
  Christian”	
  as	
  they	
  defined	
  it	
  was	
  never	
  a	
  part	
  of	
  Shaker	
  belief	
  or	
  practice,	
  although	
  church	
  members	
  would	
   have	
   defined	
   themselves	
   as	
   authentic	
   Christians	
   in	
   their	
   own	
  way.	
   	
   However,	
   the	
  perception	
   on	
   behalf	
   of	
   key	
   members	
   of	
   colonial	
   society	
   that	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  elements	
  meant	
  that	
  they	
  were	
  a	
  sufficiently	
  “authentic”	
  Christian	
  church	
  as	
  opposed	
  to	
   a	
   false	
   veil	
   obscuring	
   the	
   continuance	
   of	
   Indigenous	
   spirituality	
   was	
   instrumental	
   to	
  securing	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  right	
  to	
  exist	
  legally.	
  	
  	
  Court	
   transcripts	
   of	
   Shakers	
  put	
   on	
   trail	
   for	
   the	
   supposed	
   continuation	
  of	
   “Indian	
  doctoring”	
   in	
   a	
   Christian	
   guise	
   from	
   the	
   early	
   twentieth	
   century	
   show	
   how	
   individual	
  Shakers	
   defended	
   themselves	
   by	
   claiming	
   emphatically	
   that	
   they	
   did	
   not	
   practice	
   Indian	
  doctoring.	
   	
   In	
   the	
   same	
   breath,	
   these	
   Shakers	
   stressed	
   their	
   belief	
   in	
   “God”	
   and	
  characterized	
   the	
   curing	
   practices	
   in	
   the	
   church	
   as	
   instances	
   of	
   “prayer.”	
   	
   A	
   courtroom	
  setting	
  renders	
  power	
  relations	
  highly	
  visible	
  since	
  the	
  presence	
  of	
  a	
  judge	
  with	
  the	
  ability	
  to	
   impose	
   bodily	
   harm	
   for	
   the	
   “wrong”	
   types	
   of	
   answers	
   is	
   easily	
   imagined.	
   	
   In	
   1902,	
  Johnny	
   Steve	
   (a	
   Shaker)	
   and	
   a	
   few	
   of	
   his	
   friends	
   and	
   family	
  members	
  were	
   accused	
   by	
   	
   50	
   Indian	
  agent	
  Charles	
  Buchanan	
  of	
  “dancing	
  the	
  same	
  as	
  the	
  old	
  Indian	
  Custom	
  tamanwace”	
  and	
  brought	
  before	
  the	
  Indian	
  Court	
  of	
  Offenses	
  at	
  Tulalip.130	
  	
  One	
  witness	
  claimed	
  that	
  the	
  defendants’	
  use	
  of	
  bells	
   in	
   the	
  Shaker	
   ceremonies	
  was	
  a	
  mere	
   replacement	
   for	
   the	
   sticks	
  used	
  in	
  the	
  old	
  practice	
  of	
  Indian	
  doctoring.131	
  	
  Yet	
  another	
  witness	
  claimed	
  that	
  Steve	
  and	
  his	
   co-­‐religionists	
   never	
  made	
   the	
   sign	
  of	
   the	
   cross	
   in	
   their	
   ceremonies,	
  which	
   the	
   court	
  would	
   have	
   been	
   wont	
   to	
   interpret	
   as	
   evidence	
   that	
   these	
   Shakers	
   were	
   not	
   “authentic	
  Christians.” 132 	
  	
   In	
   short,	
   these	
   Shakers	
   were	
   accused	
   of	
   the	
   continuation	
   of	
   Indian	
  doctoring,	
  made	
  all	
  the	
  more	
  egregious	
  by	
  the	
  fact	
  that	
  they	
  had	
  attempted	
  to	
  use	
  Christian	
  practices	
  to	
  cover	
  it	
  up.	
  	
  In	
  response,	
  Steve	
  and	
  his	
  co-­‐defendants	
  denied	
  that	
  they	
  practiced	
  the	
  rites	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  doctor.	
  	
  Steve	
  stated	
  emphatically,	
  “	
  I	
  follow	
  the	
  Shaker	
  religion,	
  I	
  kneel	
  and	
  pray	
  for	
  any	
   person	
   sick	
   whenever	
   I	
   am	
   asked	
   I	
   do	
   not	
   tamanwace.”133	
  	
   His	
   co-­‐defendants	
   also	
  expressed	
  a	
  belief	
  in	
  “God”,	
  rejected	
  the	
  notion	
  that	
  their	
  practices	
  were	
  those	
  of	
  the	
  Indian	
  doctor,	
  and	
  explained	
  the	
  Shaker	
  curing	
  practice	
  as	
  an	
  instance	
  of	
  strong	
  “prayer”	
  to	
  “God”,	
  which	
  at	
  times	
  induced	
  bodily	
  trembling.134	
  Unconvinced	
  by	
  their	
  defense,	
  the	
  court	
  ruled	
  that	
   Steve	
   and	
   his	
   co-­‐defendants	
  were	
   guilty	
   of	
   the	
   continuance	
   of	
   Indian	
   doctoring	
   and	
  sentenced	
   them	
  to	
   ten	
  days	
  of	
  hard	
   labour	
  or	
  a	
   ten-­‐dollar	
   fine.135	
  	
  Even	
   in	
  cases	
   like	
   this	
  when	
  colonial	
  authorities	
  were	
  not	
  convinced	
  in	
  the	
  genuineness	
  of	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  adoption	
  of	
  Christian	
  elements,	
  they	
  never	
  conceived	
  of	
  the	
  possibility	
  that	
  the	
  meanings	
  of	
  “God”	
  or	
  “prayer”	
   had	
   radically	
   altered	
   in	
   Shaker	
   practice.	
   	
   They	
   could	
   only	
   ever	
   conceive	
   of	
   the	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  130	
  Transcript	
  of	
  Johnny	
  Steves	
  et.	
  al	
  vs.	
  United	
  States	
  Court	
  of	
  Indian	
  Offenses	
  at	
  Tulalip	
  (1902),	
  Erna	
  Gunther	
  Collection;	
  box	
  7;	
  folder	
  1;	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  	
  131	
  Ibid.	
  132	
  ibid.	
  133	
  Ibid.	
  134	
  Ibid.	
  135	
  Ibid.	
   	
   51	
   Shakers	
  in	
  terms	
  of	
  a	
  binary	
  –	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  practices	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  expressed	
  to	
  a	
  colonial	
  audience	
  were	
  construed	
  by	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  as	
  evidence	
  that	
  the	
  movement	
  was	
  either	
   a	
   genuine	
   step	
   towards	
   “authentic	
   Christianity”	
   and	
   by	
   extension	
   civilization	
   or	
  evidence	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers	
  were	
  an	
  insidious	
  ruse	
  meant	
  to	
  perpetuate	
  the	
  continuance	
  of	
  Indian	
  doctoring.	
   	
  The	
   trial	
  of	
   Johnny	
  Steve	
   left	
   room	
   for	
  only	
  one	
  of	
   these	
   two	
  opinions	
  about	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church.	
  	
  Of	
  course,	
  the	
  church	
  was	
  neither.	
  Like	
  Johnny	
  Steve	
  and	
  his	
  co-­‐defendants	
  at	
  Tulalip,	
  the	
  early	
  church	
  leadership	
  also	
  denied	
  charges	
  that	
  the	
  Shaker	
  curing	
  practice	
  was	
  a	
  continuation	
  of	
  Indian	
  doctoring	
  and	
  explained	
   the	
   curing	
   practice	
   as	
   an	
   instance	
   of	
   “prayer.”	
   	
   With	
   the	
   help	
   of	
   James	
  Wickersham,	
  a	
  Tacoma	
  attorney	
  who	
  had	
  his	
  own	
  motivations	
  for	
  aiding	
  the	
  Shakers,	
  the	
  leadership	
   provided	
   written	
   testimony	
   about	
   the	
   nature	
   of	
   their	
   religion	
   in	
   an	
   aim	
   to	
  secure	
  the	
  right	
  to	
  worship	
  free	
  of	
  interference	
  from	
  missionaries	
  and	
  Indian	
  agents.136	
  	
  In	
  a	
  transcript	
  of	
  testimony	
  from	
  the	
  early	
  church	
  leaders	
  co-­‐created	
  by	
  James	
  Wickersham	
  in	
  1893,	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Sam	
  a	
  close	
  associated	
  of	
   John	
  Slocum	
  and	
  the	
   first	
  bishop	
  of	
   the	
  Church,	
  drew	
  a	
  clear	
  distinction	
  between	
  the	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  and	
  the	
  Shakers:	
  “There	
  is	
  lots	
  of	
  difference	
  between	
   this	
   power	
   and	
   old	
   Indian	
   doctoring.	
   	
   This	
   is	
   not	
   old	
   power.”137	
  John	
   Slocum	
  characterized	
  the	
  curing	
  practice	
  as	
  follows:	
  “When	
  people	
  are	
  sick,	
  we	
  pray	
  to	
  god	
  to	
  cure	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  136	
  Judge	
   James	
  Wickersham	
   aided	
   the	
   Shakers	
   obtain	
   the	
   right	
   to	
   practice	
   their	
   religion	
   freely.	
   	
   Because	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  who	
  had	
  received	
  reservation	
  lands	
  in	
  allotment	
  under	
  the	
  Dawes	
  Act	
  of	
  1887	
  were	
  legally	
  citizens	
   of	
   the	
   United	
   States,	
   Wickersham	
   argued	
   that	
   they	
   had	
   a	
   right	
   to	
   practice	
   their	
   religion	
   without	
  hindrance.	
   	
   His	
   other	
   interest	
   in	
   proving	
   that	
   Indians	
   were	
   legally	
   citizens	
   of	
   the	
   United	
   States	
   was	
   less	
  altruistic.	
  	
  Legally	
  defined	
  as	
  citizens,	
  Indigenous	
  people	
  could	
  sell	
  their	
  lands	
  that	
  had	
  been	
  allotted	
  to	
  them	
  by	
  the	
  government.	
  	
  Wickersham	
  was	
  heavily	
  invested	
  in	
  a	
  process	
  of	
  Indian	
  land	
  divesture	
  and	
  speculation.	
  	
  For	
  more	
   information	
  see	
  George	
  Pierre	
  Castille,	
   “The	
  Indian	
  Connection:	
   Judge	
  James	
  Wickersham	
  and	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shakers,”	
  The	
  Pacific	
  Northwest	
  Quarterly,	
  Vol.	
  18,	
  No.	
  4	
  (Oct.,	
  1990),	
  122-­‐129.	
  137	
  John	
  Slocum,	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Louie	
  and	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Sam,	
  “The	
  words	
  of	
  John	
  Slocum,	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Louie	
  and	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Sam	
   Submitted	
   in	
   a	
   Report	
   by	
   the	
   Attorney	
   Hired	
   by	
   the	
   Shaker	
   People,	
   James	
   Wickersham,	
   Dated	
   June	
  25,1893	
   at	
   Tacoma,	
   Washington,”1893;	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   of	
   Washington	
   Records;	
   box	
   5;	
   folder	
   10;	
  Washington	
  State	
  Historical	
  Society,	
  Tacoma,	
  Washington.	
  	
  	
   	
   52	
   us.	
   	
  We	
   pray	
   that	
   he	
   take	
   the	
   evil	
   away	
   and	
   leave	
   the	
   good.”138	
  	
   In	
   this	
   testimony,	
   John	
  Slocum	
   and	
  Mud	
   Bay	
   Sam	
   told	
   people	
   that	
   the	
   Shakers	
   “prayed”	
   and	
   believed	
   in	
   “God”.	
  	
  Moreover,	
  they	
  did	
  not	
  use	
  “old	
  power.”	
  	
  These	
  claims	
  were	
  entirely	
  true,	
  but	
  in	
  a	
  way	
  that	
  those	
  who	
  persecuted	
  the	
  church	
  could	
  not	
  and	
  never	
  would	
  understand.	
  	
  	
  When	
   Mud	
   Bay	
   Sam	
   and	
   John	
   Slocum	
   claimed	
   that	
   the	
   Shakers	
   did	
   not	
   use	
   “old	
  power”	
   colonial	
   peoples	
   interpreted	
   this	
   statement	
   as	
   a	
   claim	
   that	
   the	
   Shakers	
   had	
  abandoned	
  their	
  belief	
  in	
  Indian	
  doctoring	
  in	
  favour	
  of	
  a	
  belief	
  in	
  God	
  as	
  missionaries	
  had	
  described	
  him.	
   	
   	
  When	
  John	
  Slocum	
  and	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Sam	
  claimed	
  Shakers	
  “prayed”,	
  colonial	
  peoples	
   took	
   this	
   as	
   a	
   claim	
   to	
   having	
   internalized	
   Christian	
   practice.	
   	
   In	
   short,	
   colonial	
  peoples	
  misconstrued	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Sam	
  and	
  John	
  Slocum’s	
  words	
  as	
  an	
  attempt	
  to	
  claim	
  that	
  the	
   Shakers	
  were	
   a	
   form	
  of	
   “authentic	
  Christianity”	
   as	
   the	
   colonizer	
  defined	
   it.	
   	
  Actually,	
  John	
   Slocum	
  and	
  Mud	
  Bay	
   Sam	
  were	
   expressing	
   that	
   the	
   Shakers	
   had	
   rejected	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  powers	
  not	
  because	
  they	
  did	
  not	
  believe	
  in	
  them	
  anymore,	
  but	
  because	
  they	
  continued	
  to	
  believe	
   in	
   them	
   as	
   much	
   or	
   more	
   than	
   ever	
   and	
   held	
   them	
   responsible	
   for	
   epidemic	
  diseases.	
  	
  They	
  believed	
  in	
  “God”	
  as	
  a	
  spirit-­‐power	
  that	
  could	
  protect	
  them	
  from	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  and	
  combat	
  epidemic	
  diseases,	
  and	
  it	
  was	
  through	
  the	
  practice	
  of	
  “prayer”	
  that	
  individuals	
  could	
  both	
  contact	
  God	
  as	
  a	
  spirit-­‐power	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  perform	
  curing	
  in	
  the	
  curing	
  practice.	
  	
  The	
  Shakers	
  thus	
  directly	
  affirmed	
  Indigenous	
  modes	
  of	
  spirituality	
  to	
  a	
  colonial	
  audience	
  in	
  a	
  context	
  where	
  this	
  very	
  affirmation	
  would	
  seem	
  to	
  be	
  misplaced.	
  	
  This	
  affirmation	
  was	
  however	
  not	
  misplaced	
  in	
  a	
  context	
  where	
  colonial	
  peoples,	
  who	
  determined	
  whether	
  the	
  Shakers	
  had	
  the	
  right	
  to	
  exist,	
  could	
  only	
  ever	
  understand	
  the	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  elements	
  present	
   in	
   the	
   Shaker	
   Church,	
  which	
  now	
  expressed	
   Indigenous	
  spiritual	
   customs,	
   as	
   the	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  138	
  John	
  Slocum,	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Louie	
  and	
  Mud	
  Bay	
  Sam,	
  “The	
  words	
  of	
  John	
  Slocum,”	
  1893.	
   	
   53	
   Shakers	
  attempt	
  to	
  claim	
  that	
  they	
  were	
  an	
  “authentic	
  Christianity.”	
  	
  Thus,	
  for	
  the	
  Shakers,	
  affirming	
   their	
   continuance	
  of	
   Indigenous	
   spiritual	
   beliefs	
   directly	
   to	
   a	
   colonial	
   audience	
  ironically	
  became	
  a	
  strategy	
  of	
  resistance	
  to	
  a	
  persecutory	
  campaign	
  intended	
  to	
  wipe	
  out	
  the	
   very	
   beliefs	
   they	
  were	
   directly	
   affirming.	
   	
   The	
   Shakers	
   both	
   expressed	
   their	
   integral	
  spiritual	
  selves	
  to	
  authorities	
  who	
  persecuted	
  them	
  while	
  at	
  the	
  same	
  time	
  meeting	
  those	
  authorities’	
  expectations	
  that	
  they	
  be	
  an	
  “authentic”	
  form	
  of	
  Christianity.	
  	
  In	
  1910,	
  the	
  Shaker	
  church	
  leadership	
  codified	
  its	
  practices	
  and	
  doctrines	
  in	
  the	
  by-­‐laws	
  and	
  articles	
  of	
  incorporation	
  of	
  the	
  church,	
  which	
  were	
  written	
  in	
  an	
  effort	
  to	
  secure	
  legal	
   standing	
   as	
   a	
   religious	
   group	
   in	
  Washington	
   State.	
   	
   Like	
   the	
   testimonies	
   of	
   Johnny	
  Steve	
   and	
   his	
   co-­‐defendants,	
   Mud	
   Bay	
   Sam,	
   Mud	
   Bay	
   Louis	
   and	
   John	
   Slocum,	
   these	
  documents	
   expressed	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   faith	
   in	
   “Jesus”	
   and	
   “God”,	
   stressed	
   that	
   the	
   curing	
  ceremony	
  was	
  an	
  instance	
  of	
  “prayer”,	
  and	
  banned	
  alcohol	
  and	
  gambling	
  amongst	
  church	
  members.139	
  	
   The	
  Shakers’	
   claim	
   to	
   abstinence	
   from	
  alcohol	
   among	
  all	
   their	
   other	
   claims	
  was	
  that	
  which	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  were	
  most	
  willing	
  to	
  believe	
  was	
  a	
  genuine	
  commitment	
  to	
  becoming	
  “authentically	
  Christian”	
  and	
  civilized	
  Americans.	
  	
  Sarah	
  Ober,	
   a	
   Christian	
  missionary	
  who	
   lived	
   at	
  Neah	
  Bay	
  with	
   the	
  Makah	
   in	
   the	
  early	
   twentieth	
   century	
   was	
   one	
   of	
   the	
   strongest	
   colonial	
   voices	
   calling	
   for	
   the	
   legal	
  protection	
  of	
  the	
  Shakers	
  to	
  practice	
  their	
  religion	
  without	
  restriction	
  due	
  to	
  their	
  ability	
  to	
  promote	
   temperance	
   (abstinence	
   from	
   alcohol).	
   	
   In	
   a	
   1910	
   article	
   published	
   in	
   The	
   Overland	
  Monthly	
  (a	
  missionary	
   journal	
  created	
   to	
  solicit	
  donations),	
   she	
  appealed	
   to	
  her	
  readers’	
  sense	
  of	
  humanity	
  claiming	
  that	
  the	
  effect	
  of	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  was	
  that	
  “drunken,	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  139	
  “Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church:	
   Articles	
   of	
   Incorporation,”	
   1910;	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   of	
  Washington	
   Records;	
  box	
   1;	
   folder	
   14;	
   Washington	
   State	
   Historical	
   Society,	
   Tacoma,	
   Washington	
   and	
   “Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church:	
  Articles	
  of	
  Incorporation,”	
  1910;	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  of	
  Washington	
  Records;	
  box	
  1;	
  folder	
  16;	
  Washington	
  State	
  Historical	
  Society,	
  Tacoma,	
  Washington.	
   	
   54	
   degraded,	
   diseased	
   and	
   immoral	
   Indians	
   are	
   utterly	
   changed,	
   regenerated,	
   and	
   in	
   some	
  tribes	
  saved	
  from	
  extinction.”140	
  	
   In	
  her	
  view,	
   the	
  Shakers’	
  ability	
   to	
  promote	
  temperance	
  was	
  the	
  only	
  way	
  Washington’s	
  Indians	
  could	
  attain	
  civilization	
  and	
  thus	
  avoid	
  extinction.	
  	
  Enlightened	
  colonial	
  peoples,	
  in	
  her	
  view,	
  “should	
  assist	
  these	
  helpless	
  wards	
  of	
  our	
  nation	
  to	
  become	
  citizens	
  (my	
  emphasis)	
  that	
  are	
  an	
  honour,	
  not	
  a	
  detriment”	
  through	
  supporting	
  the	
  work	
  of	
   the	
   Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church.141	
  	
  Patronizing,	
  racist	
  and	
  constituting	
  a	
  sovereign	
  claim	
  over	
   Indian	
   bodies	
   themselves	
   (through	
   claiming	
   Indigenous	
   people	
   as	
   part	
   of	
   the	
  American	
   nation),	
   her	
   words	
   nonetheless	
   show	
   that	
   she	
   had	
   interpreted	
   the	
   Shakers’	
  practice	
  of	
  abstaining	
  from	
  alcohol	
  (which	
  Shakers	
  believed	
  was	
  a	
  practice	
  key	
  to	
  acquiring	
  the	
  spirit-­‐power	
  of	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus,	
  and	
  thus	
  an	
  affirmation	
  of	
  Indigenous	
  spirituality)	
  as	
  in	
  fact	
   a	
   desire	
   to	
   cast	
   off	
   their	
   old	
   spiritual	
  ways	
   and	
   transform	
   themselves	
   into	
   Christian	
  American	
  citizens.	
  	
  	
  Sarah	
   Ober	
  was	
   tireless	
   throughout	
   her	
   career	
   in	
   defending	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   right	
   to	
  worship.	
  	
  Yet	
  she	
  never	
  did	
  so	
  on	
  the	
  grounds	
  of	
  religious	
  freedom	
  but	
  rather	
  based	
  on	
  her	
  belief	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers	
  were	
  a	
  civilizing	
  and	
  americanizing	
  force.	
  	
  “Wherever	
  Shakerism	
  has	
  gone”,	
  she	
  wrote	
  in	
  a	
  letter	
  to	
  an	
  unidentified	
  recipient,	
  “drunkenness,	
  gambling	
  and	
  other	
  kindred	
   vices	
   disappeared	
   and	
   their	
   places	
   are	
   taken	
   by	
   Christian	
   virtues	
   and	
   better	
  citizenship.”142	
  	
  For	
  Ober,	
  the	
  Shakers’	
  belief	
  in	
  the	
  necessity	
  to	
  abstain	
  from	
  alcohol	
  could	
  only	
   ever	
   be	
   evidence	
   that	
   they	
   were	
   trying	
   to	
   transform	
   themselves	
   from	
   degraded	
  Indians	
  into	
  Christian	
  American	
  citizens.	
  	
  To	
  crush	
  the	
  movement	
  politically	
  was	
  to	
  her	
  to	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  140	
  Sarah	
  Ober,	
  “A	
  New	
  Religion	
  Amongst	
  the	
  West	
  Coast	
  Indians,”	
  The	
  Overland	
  Monthly,	
  (December,	
  1910),	
  584.	
   	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   of	
  Washington	
   Records;	
   box	
   1;	
   folder	
   8;	
   Washington	
   State	
   Historical	
   Society,	
  Tacoma,	
  Washington.	
  	
  	
  141	
  Ibid.,	
  594.	
  142	
  Sarah	
  Ober	
  to	
  unknown	
  recipient,	
  n.d.	
  Erna	
  Gunther	
  Collection;	
  box	
  7;	
  folder	
  1;	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Special	
  Collections,	
  Seattle,	
  Washington.	
  	
  	
   	
   55	
   destroy	
   an	
   effective	
   homegrown	
   agent	
   of	
   assimilation.	
   	
   Of	
   course,	
   the	
   Shakers	
   abstained	
  from	
  alcohol	
  for	
  reasons	
  entirely	
  of	
  their	
  own	
  which	
  had	
  nothing	
  to	
  do	
  with	
  “transforming”	
  themselves	
  into	
  Americans	
  and	
  everything	
  to	
  do	
  with	
  acquiring	
  the	
  power	
  of	
  God	
  and	
  Jesus	
  conceived	
  of	
  as	
  spirit-­‐powers.	
  	
  Nonetheless,	
  Ober’s	
  support	
  was	
  critical	
  to	
  establishing	
  the	
  perception	
   that	
   the	
   Shakers	
   were	
   a	
   legitimate	
   and	
   thus	
   legally	
   permissible	
   form	
   of	
  Christianity.	
   	
   Her	
   advocacy	
   on	
   behalf	
   of	
   the	
   Shakers	
   led	
   to	
   a	
  much	
   broader	
   nation-­‐wide	
  publicity	
   campaign	
   that	
   highlighted	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   ability	
   to	
  promote	
   temperance	
   amongst	
  the	
   Indians.	
   	
   A	
   1910	
   nation-­‐wide	
   newspaper	
   report	
   entitled	
   ‘Indian	
   Workers	
   for	
  Temperance:	
  The	
  New	
  Faith	
  That	
  Came	
  From	
  the	
  Vision	
  of	
  Old	
  John	
  Slocum’	
  stressed	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers	
  were	
  “working	
  quietly	
  but	
  steadily…doing	
  more	
  to	
  stamp	
  out	
  intemperance	
  in	
  the	
  northwest	
  than	
  any	
  other	
  factor.”143	
  By	
   1910,	
   the	
   Shakers	
   had	
   legally	
   incorporated	
   as	
   a	
   church	
   in	
   Washington	
   State.	
  Incorporation	
   gave	
   the	
   movement	
   the	
   status	
   of	
   a	
   legitimate	
   Christian	
   church,	
   which	
  brought	
   a	
  measure	
   of	
   legal	
   protection	
   to	
   practitioners,	
   although	
  de	
   facto	
  persecution	
   on	
  behalf	
   of	
   missionaries	
   and	
   Indian	
   agents	
   who	
   continued	
   to	
   believe	
   that	
   the	
   church	
  disguised	
   the	
  perpetuation	
  of	
   Indian	
  doctoring	
  would	
  persist	
  well	
   into	
   the	
  1920s.144	
  	
  The	
  way	
  in	
  which	
  a	
  few	
  key	
  members	
  of	
  colonial	
  society,	
  including	
  the	
  missionary	
  Sarah	
  Ober	
  and	
   the	
   lawyer	
   James	
  Wickersham,	
   had	
   understood	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   defense	
   in	
   response	
   to	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  143	
  Dekoven	
  Brown,	
  “Indian	
  Workers	
  for	
  Temperance:	
  The	
  New	
  Faith	
  That	
  Came	
  From	
  the	
  Vision	
  of	
  Old	
  John	
  Slocum,”	
  The	
  Kentucky	
  Citizen,	
  December	
  8,	
  1910.	
  	
  144	
  Judge	
  James	
  Wickersham	
  was	
  still	
  writing	
  letters	
  to	
  federal	
  Bureau	
  of	
  Indian	
  Affairs	
  officials	
  in	
  the	
  1920s	
  complaining	
   of	
   Indian	
   agents	
   and	
   missionaries	
   who	
   restricted	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   religious	
   practice.	
   	
   See	
   James	
  Wickersham	
  to	
  Honorable	
  Cate	
  Sells,	
  Commissioner	
  of	
   Indian	
  Affairs,	
   Jan.	
  28,	
  1920,	
  Melville	
   Jacobs	
  Papers;	
  box	
   112;	
   folder	
   16;	
   University	
   of	
  Washington	
   Special	
   Collections,	
   Seattle,	
  Washington.	
   	
   	
   In	
   the	
   1950s,	
   the	
  National	
  Council	
  of	
  Churches	
  visited	
  the	
  White	
  Swan	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  in	
  Washington	
  State.	
  	
  The	
  purpose	
  of	
  the	
  visit	
  was	
  to	
  determine	
  whether	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  was	
  an	
  authentic	
  Christian	
  church.	
  	
  Representatives	
  of	
  the	
  council	
  were	
  astonished	
  at	
  Shakers’	
  ability	
  to	
  recite	
  biblical	
  passages	
  without	
  ever	
  having	
  read	
  them.	
  	
  This	
  incident	
  shows	
  how	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  still	
  applied	
  tests	
  of	
  authenticity	
  to	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  well	
  into	
  the	
  20th	
   century	
   when	
   the	
   Shakers	
   had	
   secured	
   the	
   right	
   to	
   worship	
   free	
   of	
   interference.	
   	
   Leon	
   Strom,	
  conversation	
  with	
  author,	
  April	
  4,	
  2013.	
   	
   56	
   charges	
   that	
   they	
   were	
   perpetuating	
   Indigenous	
   customs	
   to	
   mean	
   that	
   they	
   were	
  “authentically	
   Christian”	
   was	
   essential	
   in	
   securing	
   legal	
   status	
   at	
   this	
   time,	
   since	
   only	
  authentic	
   forms	
   of	
   Christianity	
   as	
   the	
   colonizer	
   defined	
   them	
   were	
   entitled	
   to	
   legal	
  protections	
   of	
   religious	
   freedom.145	
  	
   However,	
   as	
   has	
   been	
   shown,	
   the	
   Shakers	
   never	
  claimed	
  to	
  be	
  “authentic	
  Christians”,	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  only	
  interpreted	
  their	
  claims	
  in	
  this	
  fashion.	
   	
  Instead,	
  in	
  persecutory	
  courtroom	
  settings	
  or	
  in	
  written	
  testimonies	
  the	
  Shakers	
  simply	
  told	
  the	
  truth	
  about	
  their	
  religion,	
  which	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  interpreted	
  as	
  a	
  claim	
  to	
  “authentic	
   Christianity.”	
   	
   Ironically	
   enough,	
   this	
   turned	
   out	
   to	
   be	
   the	
   best	
   strategy	
   of	
  resistance,	
  allowing	
  for	
  the	
  privilege	
  to	
  represent	
  one’s	
  true	
  belief	
  (or	
  self	
  if	
  you	
  like)	
  in	
  a	
  persecutory	
  public	
   setting	
  while	
  at	
   the	
  same	
   time	
  resisting	
  an	
  attempt	
   to	
  quash	
   the	
  very	
  beliefs	
  one	
  was	
  professing,	
  all	
  because	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  misinterpreted	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  practices,	
  concepts	
  and	
  material	
  culture	
  in	
  the	
  Shaker	
  movement	
  as	
  a	
  claim	
  to	
  an	
  “authentic	
  Christianity.”	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  145	
  For	
  a	
  comprehensive	
  account	
  of	
  how	
  the	
  Shakers	
  incorporated	
  see	
  Barnett,	
  Indian	
  Shakers,	
  109-­‐113.	
  	
  	
   	
   57	
   Conclusion	
  The	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
  Church	
  was	
   a	
   spiritual	
   innovation	
   in	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   communities	
  that	
   responded	
   to	
   the	
   perception	
   that	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   were	
   responsible	
   for	
   waves	
   of	
  epidemic	
  diseases	
  occurring	
  in	
  the	
  1880s	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound.	
  	
  This	
  perception,	
  which	
  was	
   an	
   already	
   established	
   possibility	
   within	
   Coast	
   Salish	
   beliefs	
   about	
   the	
   powers	
   of	
  dxʷdáʔəb,	
   was	
   re-­‐enforced	
   by	
   missionary	
   rhetoric	
   that	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   as	
   practitioners	
   were	
  harmful	
  to	
  peoples’	
  health,	
  which	
  was	
  intended	
  to	
  undermine	
  Indigenous	
  peoples’	
  belief	
  in	
  “Indian	
  doctors”	
  (dxʷdáʔəb)	
  rather	
  than	
  affirm	
  it.	
  	
  The	
  loss	
  of	
  former	
  spirit-­‐power	
  granting	
  sites	
   to	
   resettlers	
   also	
   contributed	
   to	
   the	
   perception	
   that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
   powers	
   had	
   become	
  unruly,	
   because	
   they	
   were	
   increasingly	
   inherited	
   from	
   generation	
   to	
   generation.	
   	
   Coast	
  Salish	
  people	
  believed	
  that	
  inherited	
  spirit	
  powers	
  had	
  greater	
  potential	
  to	
  become	
  unruly	
  and	
  harmful	
   independent	
  of	
   their	
  possessors.	
   	
  Given	
   the	
  spiritual	
  problem	
  that	
  dxʷdáʔəb	
  were	
   responsible	
   for	
   epidemic	
   diseases	
   and	
   a	
   tradition	
   of	
   spiritual	
   borrowing	
   in	
   Coast	
  Salish	
   communities,	
   the	
   Shakers	
   adopted	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   religious	
   concepts,	
   practices	
  and	
   elements	
   of	
   material	
   culture	
   into	
   their	
   practice	
   and	
   re-­‐made	
   them	
   into	
   spiritual	
  resources	
   that	
   could	
   aid	
   in	
   combating	
   the	
   malicious	
   powers	
   of	
   dxʷdáʔəb	
   which	
   were	
  epidemic	
   diseases.	
   	
   At	
   the	
   same	
   time,	
   these	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   concepts	
   were	
   re-­‐interpreted	
  to	
  express	
   longstanding	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  spiritual	
  beliefs.	
   	
  Critically,	
   the	
   linguistic	
  forms	
   of	
   these	
   Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   elements	
   in	
   the	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   remained	
   entirely	
   the	
  same,	
  even	
  as	
  their	
  meanings	
  were	
  radically	
  altered	
  in	
  church	
  practice.	
  	
  	
  	
  The	
  Shaker	
  movement	
  emerged	
   into	
  a	
  context	
  of	
  political	
   suppression	
  against	
  all	
  forms	
   of	
   Indigenous	
   spirituality	
   by	
   colonial	
   missionaries,	
   Indian	
   agents	
   and	
   lawmakers,	
  who	
  persecuted	
  them	
  for	
  supposedly	
  continuing	
  Indian	
  doctoring	
  in	
  a	
  Christian	
  guise.	
   	
   In	
   	
   58	
   this	
   suppressive	
   political	
   context,	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   adoption	
   and	
   reinterpretation	
   of	
   some	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
   practices,	
   concepts	
   and	
   elements	
   of	
   material	
   culture	
   as	
   spiritual	
   and	
  medical	
   resources	
  within	
   a	
   longstanding	
   tradition	
  of	
   spiritual	
   openness,	
  was	
   an	
   effective	
  strategy	
   of	
   resistance	
   to	
   a	
   campaign	
   of	
   suppression,	
   intended	
   to	
   eliminate	
   the	
   Shaker	
  movement.	
  	
  Because	
  nineteenth	
  century	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  in	
  southern	
  Puget	
  Sound	
  believed	
  that	
  outward	
  signs	
  of	
  Christianity	
  (which	
  they	
  assigned	
  fixed	
  meanings)	
  could	
  only	
  ever	
  be	
  indicative	
   of	
   a	
   claim	
   to	
   an	
   authentic	
   embrace	
   of	
   Christianity	
   as	
   they	
  understood	
   it	
   or	
   an	
  inauthentic	
   adoption	
   of	
   Christian	
   elements	
   to	
   cover	
   up	
   the	
   perpetuation	
   of	
   Indigenous	
  spirituality,	
   the	
   possibility	
   arose	
   that	
   members	
   of	
   colonial	
   society	
   would	
   rule	
   that	
   the	
  Shakers’	
   adoption	
   of	
   Christian	
   elements	
   in	
   their	
   practice	
   was	
   indeed	
   a	
   genuine	
   case	
   of	
  “authentic”	
  Christianity.	
  	
  Shakers	
  who	
  faced	
  persecutory	
  courtroom	
  settings	
  or	
  less	
  formal	
  colonial	
  audiences	
  ironically	
  told	
  the	
  truth	
  directly	
  to	
  their	
  persecutors	
  about	
  their	
  practice	
  (thus	
  affirming	
  Indigenous	
  modes	
  of	
  spirituality),	
  which	
  colonial	
  audiences	
  interpreted	
  as	
  a	
  claim	
  to	
  “authentic”	
  Christianity.	
   	
  Certain	
  missionaries	
  and	
  a	
  few	
  members	
  of	
  the	
  colonial	
  state	
   were	
   particularly	
   convinced	
   that	
   the	
   Shakers’	
   claim	
   to	
   promoting	
   abstinence	
   from	
  alcohol	
   ensured	
   that	
   they	
   were	
   “Christian	
   enough”	
   to	
   be	
   granted	
   the	
   status	
   of	
   an	
  “authentic”	
  Christian	
  religion.	
   	
  The	
   fact	
   that	
   the	
  meanings	
  of	
  Christian-­‐in-­‐origin	
  concepts,	
  practices	
  and	
  material	
  culture	
  had	
  been	
  radically	
  altered	
  within	
  Shaker	
  practice	
  to	
  express	
  longstanding	
  Coast	
   Salish	
   spiritual	
   beliefs	
  went	
   unnoticed	
   to	
   colonial	
   people	
   at	
   the	
   time,	
  which	
  made	
  the	
  very	
  concepts	
  and	
  implements	
  of	
  the	
  colonizer	
  effective	
  tools	
  of	
  resistance	
  in	
  the	
  context	
  of	
  a	
  campaign	
  intended	
  to	
  wipe	
  out	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  entirely.	
   	
   59	
   As	
  James	
  C.	
  Scott	
  has	
  argued,	
  “For	
  anything	
  less	
  than	
  completely	
  revolutionary	
  ends,	
  the	
   terrain	
  of	
  dominant	
  discourse	
   is	
   the	
  only	
  plausible	
   arena	
  of	
   struggle.”146	
  	
  Walking	
  on	
  the	
   terrain	
   of	
   dominant	
   discourse,	
   for	
   many	
   persecuted	
   groups,	
   means	
   to	
   adopt	
   the	
  concepts	
  and	
  idioms	
  of	
  the	
  persecutor	
  in	
  a	
  strategic	
  effort	
  at	
  engaging	
  them	
  on	
  their	
  own	
  terms	
  in	
  an	
  effort	
  to	
  gain	
  a	
  set	
  of	
  rights	
  and	
  privileges	
  that	
  should	
  be	
  granted	
  to	
  them	
  as	
  a	
  matter	
   of	
   course.	
   	
   Often	
   times,	
   this	
   strategic	
   adoption	
   of	
   the	
   idioms	
   and	
   concepts	
   of	
   the	
  colonizer	
  leads	
  to	
  a	
  broader	
  transformation	
  in	
  the	
  powerless	
  themselves:	
  in	
  effect,	
  an	
  initial	
  strategic	
  engagement	
  leads	
  the	
  powerless	
  to	
  become	
  like	
  their	
  persecutors.	
  	
  The	
  mask	
  has	
  a	
  tendency	
  to	
  become	
  the	
  face.147	
  	
  The	
  way	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  Shakers	
  engaged	
  colonial	
  categories	
  and	
   discourses,	
   while	
   at	
   the	
   same	
   time	
  maintaining	
   the	
   ability	
   to	
   express	
   their	
   integral	
  spiritual	
   selves	
   through	
   these	
   very	
   categories	
   (unbeknownst	
   to	
   colonizers)	
   shows	
   how	
  walking	
  on	
  the	
  terrain	
  of	
  dominant	
  discourse	
  (as	
  Scott	
  puts	
   it)	
  does	
  not	
  always	
   involve	
  a	
  trade-­‐off	
   between	
  maintaining	
   longstanding	
  modes	
   of	
   cultural	
   expression	
   and	
   re-­‐making	
  oneself	
  in	
  the	
  image	
  of	
  the	
  powerful.	
  	
  Indeed,	
  the	
  way	
  in	
  which	
  the	
  Shakers	
  assigned	
  wholly	
  new	
  meanings	
  to	
  colonial	
  categories	
  and	
  discourses	
  which	
  they	
  adopted	
  and	
  re-­‐made	
  hints	
  at	
  the	
  ways	
  in	
  which	
  power	
  misreads	
  its	
  own	
  resistance	
  as	
  becoming	
  like	
  it,	
  by	
  interpreting	
  the	
  presence	
  of	
   its	
  concepts	
  and	
  discourses	
  amongst	
   the	
  powerless	
  as	
  expressive	
  of	
   their	
  original	
  meanings.	
  	
  	
   	
   	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  146	
  Scott,	
  Domination	
  and	
  the	
  Arts	
  of	
  Resistance,	
  103.	
  147	
  Franz	
  Fanon,	
  Black	
  Skin,	
  White	
  Masks	
  (New	
  York:	
  Grove	
  Press,	
  2008).	
   	
   60	
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  Erna	
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  Edward	
  S.	
  Meany	
  Papers;	
  Beatrice	
  Pullen	
  Black	
  Papers;	
  Ian	
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  Jacobs	
  Papers,	
  Seattle,	
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  Washington	
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  Tacoma,	
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  Northwest	
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  &	
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  (Eastern	
  Washington	
  State	
  Historical	
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  Dr.	
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  Ruby	
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  Spokane,	
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  Whitman	
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  Pamela.	
  “Symbolic	
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  in	
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  Ethnohistory	
  25,	
  no.	
  3	
  (July	
  1,	
  1978):	
  225–249.	
  	
  Barnett,	
   Homer	
   Garner.	
   Indian	
   Shakers :	
   a	
   Messianic	
   Cult	
   of	
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   Pacific	
   Northwest.	
  Carbondale	
  and	
  Edwardsville:	
  Southern	
  Illinois	
  University	
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  Binney,	
   Judith.	
   Redemption	
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   A	
   Life	
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   Te	
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   Arikirangi	
   Te	
   Turuki.	
   Auckland:	
  Auckland	
  University	
  Press,	
  1995.	
  	
  Bracken,	
   Christopher.	
  The	
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  a	
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   Chicago:	
   University	
   of	
  Chicago	
  Press,	
  1997.	
  	
  Castile,	
   George	
   Pierre.	
   “The	
   Indian	
   Connection:	
   Judge	
   James	
  Wickersham	
   and	
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  The	
  Pacific	
  Northwest	
  Quarterly	
  81,	
  no.	
  4	
  (October	
  1,	
  1990):	
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  Collins,	
   June	
  M.	
  The	
  Valley	
  of	
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  Spirits:	
  The	
  Upper	
  Skagit	
  Indians	
  of	
  Western	
  Washington.	
  Seattle:	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Press,	
  1980.	
  	
  ———.	
   “The	
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   Church:	
   a	
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   of	
   Continuity	
   and	
   Change	
   in	
   Religion.”	
   Southwestern	
  Journal	
  of	
  Anthropology	
  6	
  (1950):	
  399.	
  	
  Comaroff,	
   John	
  L.,	
  and	
  Jean	
  Comaroff.	
  Ethnography	
  and	
  the	
  Historical	
  Imagination.	
  Studies	
  in	
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  Ethnographic	
  Imagination.	
  Boulder:	
  Westview	
  Press,	
  1992.	
  	
  Ebert,	
  Mark.	
  “Towards	
  a	
  Better	
  Understanding	
  of	
  Medical	
  Systems	
  and	
  Practices:	
  The	
  Coast	
  Salish	
  [sbeltedaq]	
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  and	
  Biomedicine.”	
  University	
  of	
  Alberta,	
  2001.	
  	
   	
   61	
   Eells,	
  Myron.	
  Hymns	
  in	
  the	
  Chinook	
  Jargon	
  Language.	
  Portland:	
  David	
  Steel,	
  1889.	
  	
  ———.	
   Ten	
   Years	
   of	
   Missionary	
   Work	
   Among	
   the	
   Indians	
   at	
   Skokomish,	
   Washington	
   Territory:	
   1874-­‐1884.	
   Boston:	
   Congregational	
   Sunday-­‐School	
   and	
   Publishing	
   Society,	
  1886.	
  	
  ———.	
  The	
  Indians	
  of	
  Puget	
  Sound:	
  The	
  Notebooks	
  of	
  Myron	
  Eells.	
  Edited	
  by	
  George	
  Pierre	
  Castile.	
  Seattle:	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Press,	
  1985.	
  	
  Elmendorf,	
  William	
  W.	
  Twana	
  Narratives.	
  Seattle:	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Press,	
  1993.	
  	
  Fanon,	
  Frantz.	
  Black	
  Skin,	
  White	
  Masks.	
  New	
  York:	
  Grove	
  Press,	
  2008.	
  	
  Guilmet,	
   George	
   M.	
   “The	
   Legacy	
   of	
   Introduced	
   Disease:	
   The	
   Southern	
   Coast	
   Salish.”	
   American	
  Indian	
  Culture	
  and	
  Research	
  Journal	
  15,	
  no.	
  4	
  (1991):	
  24-­‐32.	
  	
  Harmon,	
   Alexandra.	
   Indians	
   in	
   the	
  Making.	
   Vol.	
   3.	
   American	
   Crossroads.	
   Berkeley	
   &	
   Los	
  Angeles:	
  University	
  of	
  California	
  Press,	
  1998.	
  	
  Harris,	
  R.	
  Cole.	
  The	
  Resettlement	
  of	
  British	
  Columbia.	
  Vancouver:	
  UBC	
  Press,	
  1997.	
  	
  Hutnyk,	
  John.	
  “Hybridity.”	
  Ethnic	
  and	
  Racial	
  Studies	
  28,	
  no.	
  1	
  (January	
  31,	
  2005):	
  79-­‐102.	
  	
  McNally,	
  Michael.	
  Ojibwe	
  Singers.	
  Oxford:	
  Oxford	
  University	
  Press,	
  2000.	
  	
  ———.	
   “The	
   Practice	
   of	
   Native	
   American	
   Christianity.”	
   Church	
   History:	
   Studies	
   in	
   Christianity	
  and	
  Culture	
  69,	
  no.	
  4	
  (December	
  1,	
  2000):	
  834–859.	
  	
  	
  Miller,	
  Bruce	
  Granville.	
  Be	
  of	
  Good	
  Mind:	
  Essays	
  on	
  the	
  Coast	
  Salish.	
  Vancouver:	
  UBC	
  Press,	
  2011.	
  	
  Miller,	
   Jay.	
  Lushootseed	
  Culture	
  and	
  the	
  Shamanic	
  Odyssey :	
  an	
  Anchored	
  Radiance.	
  Lincoln:	
  University	
  of	
  Nebraska	
  Press,	
  1999.	
  	
  Neylan,	
   Susan.	
   The	
   Heavens	
   Are	
   Changing.	
   Vol.	
   31.	
   McGill-­‐Queen’s	
   Native	
   and	
   Northern	
  Series.	
  Montreal:	
  McGill-­‐Queen’s	
  University	
  Press,	
  2003.	
  	
  ———.	
  “Shaking	
  Up	
  Christianity:	
  The	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  in	
  the	
  Canada-­‐U.S.	
  Pacific	
  Northwest.”	
  The	
  Journal	
  of	
  Religion	
  91,	
  no.	
  2	
  (April	
  1,	
  2011):	
  188–222.	
  	
  	
  Raibmon,	
  Paige.	
  Authentic	
  Indians:	
  Episodes	
  of	
  Encounter	
  from	
  the	
  Late-­‐Nineteenth-­‐Century	
   Northwest	
  Coast.	
  Durham:	
  Duke	
  University	
  Press,	
  2005.	
  	
  Ruby,	
   Robert	
  H.	
   John	
  Slocum	
  and	
   the	
   Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church.	
   Oklahoma	
   City:	
   University	
   of	
  Oklahoma	
  Press,	
  1996.	
  	
   	
   62	
   Scott,	
  James	
  C.	
  Domination	
  and	
  the	
  Arts	
  of	
  Resistance.	
  Yale:	
  Yale	
  University	
  Press,	
  1990.	
  	
  Singh,	
  Kumar	
  Suresh.	
  Birsa	
  Munda	
  and	
  His	
  Movement,	
  1872-­‐1901:	
  a	
  Study	
  of	
  a	
  Millenarian	
   Movement	
  in	
  Chotanagpur.	
  Oxford:	
  Oxford	
  University	
  Press,	
  1983.	
  	
  Smith,	
  M.	
  W.	
   “Shamanism	
   in	
   the	
  Shaker	
  Religion	
  of	
  Northwest	
  America.”	
  Man	
   54	
   (1954):	
  119-­‐122.	
  	
  ———.	
  Indians	
  of	
  the	
  Urban	
  Northwest.	
  New	
  York:	
  AMS	
  Press,	
  1969.	
  	
  Snyder,	
  Sally.	
  “Skagit	
  Society	
  and	
  Its	
  Existential	
  Basis.”	
  University	
  of	
  Washington,	
  1964.	
  	
  Spier,	
  Leslie.	
  The	
  Prophet	
  Dance	
  of	
  the	
  Northwest	
  and	
  Its	
  Derivatives:	
  The	
  Source	
  of	
  the	
  Ghost	
   Dance.	
  Vol.	
  No.	
  1.	
  General	
  Series	
  in	
  Anthropology.	
  New	
  York:	
  AM,	
  1935.	
  	
  Stewart,	
  Charles,	
  and	
  Rosalind	
  Shaw.	
  Syncretism/anti-­‐syncretism.	
  European	
  Association	
  of	
  Social	
  Anthropologists	
  (Series).	
  London:	
  Routledge,	
  1994.	
  	
  Sturtevant,	
   William	
   C.,	
   and	
   Wayne	
   P.	
   Suttles,	
   eds.	
   Handbook	
   of	
   North	
   American	
   Indians:	
   Northwest	
  Coast.	
  Washington:	
  Smithsonian	
  Institution,	
  1990.	
  	
  Suttles,	
  Wayne	
  P.	
  The	
  Plateau	
  Prophet	
  Dance	
  Among	
  the	
  Coast	
  Salish.	
  Vol.	
  13.	
  4,	
  1957.	
  	
  Thrush,	
  Coll-­‐Peter.	
  Native	
  Seattle :	
  Histories	
  from	
  the	
  Crossing-­‐over	
  Place.	
  Seattle:	
  University	
  of	
  Washington	
  Press,	
  2007.	
  	
  Wenger,	
  Tisa.	
  “Indian	
  Dances	
  and	
  the	
  Politics	
  of	
  Religious	
  Freedom,	
  1870-­‐1930.”	
  Journal	
  of	
   the	
  American	
  Academy	
  of	
  Religion	
  79,	
  no.	
  4	
  (December	
  1,	
  2011):	
  850–878.	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  	
   	
   63	
   Afterword:	
  My	
  Involvement	
  with	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  Community	
  While	
  researching	
  and	
  writing	
  this	
  thesis,	
  I	
  was	
  fortunate	
  to	
  establish	
  a	
  relationship	
  with	
  a	
  few	
  members	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church	
   in	
  North	
  Vancouver	
   and	
  Washington	
   State.	
   	
   I	
  first	
   got	
   in	
   touch	
   with	
   practicing	
   Shakers	
   through	
   Donna	
   Gerdts,	
   a	
   linguist	
   working	
   on	
  Halkomelem	
  at	
  Simon	
  Fraser	
  University.	
   	
  She	
  introduced	
  me	
  to	
  Eugene	
  and	
  Wendy	
  Harry	
  from	
   the	
   Shaker	
  Church	
   in	
  North	
  Vancouver.	
   	
  Donna	
   showed	
  a	
   lot	
   of	
   enthusiasm	
   for	
  my	
  earlier	
  research	
  on	
  Chinook	
  Jargon	
  and	
  my	
  work	
  on	
  the	
  Indian	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  when	
  I	
  first	
  met	
  her	
  in	
  the	
  spring	
  of	
  2012.	
  	
  She	
  was	
  a	
  great	
  aid	
  in	
  connecting	
  me	
  to	
  the	
  community	
  of	
  Shakers	
   in	
   North	
   Vancouver.	
   	
   She	
   also	
   kindly	
   facilitated	
  my	
   visit	
   to	
   Duncan,	
   B.C.	
   in	
   the	
  summer	
  of	
  2012,	
  where	
  she	
  was	
  conducting	
  fieldwork	
  for	
  her	
  own	
  research.	
  	
  She	
  took	
  time	
  out	
   of	
   her	
   own	
   busy	
   schedule	
   to	
   show	
  myself	
   and	
   her	
   graduate	
   student	
   Kevin	
   Batscher	
  important	
   sites	
   around	
   Duncan,	
   including	
   the	
   Butter	
   Church	
   at	
   Cowichan	
   Bay	
   and	
   the	
  Shaker	
  cemetery	
  just	
  west	
  of	
  town.	
  	
  I	
  first	
  attended	
  a	
  Shaker	
  Church	
  service	
  in	
  the	
  summer	
  of	
  2012	
  in	
  North	
  Vancouver.	
  	
  At	
  the	
  time,	
  the	
  experience	
  was	
  quite	
  incredible	
  because	
  I	
  had	
  never	
  witnessed	
  or	
  participated	
  in	
  a	
   spiritual	
   gathering	
   of	
   any	
   sort	
   prior	
   to	
   this.	
   	
   The	
   service	
   went	
   from	
   around	
   7pm	
   to	
  midnight.	
   	
   At	
   the	
   end	
   of	
   the	
   service,	
   the	
   Shakers	
   kindly	
   invited	
   me	
   to	
   share	
   a	
   few	
  sandwiches	
  and	
  refreshments	
  with	
  the	
  group.	
  	
  At	
  this	
  point,	
  I	
  met	
  Eugene	
  Harry,	
  the	
  head	
  elder	
  of	
  the	
  church	
  and	
  his	
  wife	
  Wendy	
  for	
  the	
  first	
  time.	
  	
  They	
  expressed	
  their	
  happiness	
  at	
  having	
  newcomers	
  to	
  the	
  church	
  and	
  were	
  eager	
  to	
  collaborate	
  in	
  any	
  research	
  I	
  would	
  be	
  doing.	
   	
  After	
  finishing	
  the	
  snack	
  around	
  1am,	
  Allen	
  (who	
  had	
  opened	
  the	
  service)	
  very	
  generously	
  drove	
  me	
  home	
  across	
   the	
  Lion’s	
  Gate	
   to	
  Vancouver.	
   	
   That	
  night,	
   I	
   had	
   some	
  very	
  insightful	
  and	
  vivid	
  dreams.	
  	
  	
  	
  Over	
  the	
  next	
  year,	
   I	
  returned	
  to	
  the	
  Shaker	
  Church	
   in	
  North	
  Vancouver	
  on	
  two	
  different	
  occasions,	
   where	
   I	
   got	
   to	
   know	
   a	
   few	
   other	
   people	
   and	
   once	
   again	
   participated	
   in	
   their	
  services.	
   	
   Although	
   the	
   Shakers	
   always	
   made	
   it	
   clear	
   through	
   their	
   body	
   language	
   and	
  words	
   that	
   they	
  welcomed	
   newcomers	
   into	
   the	
   church,	
   I	
   always	
   checked	
   explicitly	
  with	
  Eugene	
  if	
  it	
  was	
  alright	
  for	
  me	
  to	
  come	
  before	
  attending.	
  	
  The	
  ways	
  in	
  which	
  Shakers	
  have	
  been	
  persecuted	
  by	
  colonial	
  peoples	
  for	
  their	
  beliefs	
  (which	
  I	
  have	
  discussed	
  in	
  this	
  paper)	
  made	
  me	
  very	
  cautious	
   in	
  my	
  relationship	
  with	
  church	
  members.	
   	
   I	
  wanted	
  to	
  make	
  sure	
  that	
  my	
   presence	
   at	
   church	
   did	
   not	
   interfere	
  with	
   their	
   practice	
   or	
   cause	
   any	
   unneeded	
  stress.	
   	
  There	
  were	
  quite	
  a	
   few	
  elderly	
  people	
  who	
  attended	
  church.	
   	
  Many	
  of	
   them	
  have	
  probably	
  experienced	
  persecution	
   first	
  hand,	
  or	
  heard	
   the	
  history	
  of	
  persecution	
  directly	
  from	
  their	
  relatives	
  or	
  relations.	
  	
  I	
   first	
   got	
   in	
   contact	
   with	
   the	
   Bishop	
   of	
   the	
   Indian	
   Shaker	
   Church,	
   Leon	
   Strom	
   through	
  Wendy	
  Harry	
  of	
  North	
  Vancouver.	
  	
  This	
  was	
  in	
  the	
  winter	
  of	
  2013.	
  	
  Leon	
  was	
  a	
  great	
  help	
   	
   64	
   reviewing	
   several	
   drafts	
   of	
   this	
   thesis	
   and	
   providing	
   essential	
   input	
   about	
   the	
   nature	
   of	
  Shaker	
  power.	
  	
  I	
  met	
  with	
  him	
  and	
  his	
  wife	
  Harriot	
  in	
  April	
  2013.	
  	
  At	
  our	
  meeting,	
  Leon	
  told	
  me	
  that	
  the	
  Shakers	
  had	
  just	
  completed	
  a	
  commemoration	
  at	
  Church	
  Point	
  on	
  Hammersly	
  Inlet	
   where	
   Mary	
   Slocum	
   first	
   received	
   the	
   Shaker	
   Power.	
   	
   Prior	
   to	
   our	
   meeting,	
   I	
   had	
  posted	
  him	
  a	
  copy	
  of	
  Annie	
   James’	
   retelling	
  of	
   the	
   John	
  and	
  Mary	
  Slocum	
  stories.	
   	
  At	
   the	
  commemoration,	
  he	
  and	
  other	
  Shakers	
  had	
  read	
  aloud	
  Annie	
  James’	
  recounting	
  of	
  the	
  John	
  and	
  Mary	
  Slocum	
  story.	
   	
  Leon	
  told	
  me	
  that	
  this	
  version	
  of	
  the	
  story	
  was	
  very	
  authentic	
  to	
  Shaker	
  belief.	
  	
  I	
  was	
  incredibly	
  pleased	
  and	
  greatful	
  that	
  Leon	
  and	
  Harriot	
  took	
  the	
  time	
  to	
  meet	
  me	
  and	
  discuss	
  my	
  project.	
  	
  Without	
  their	
  input	
  and	
  blessing,	
  I	
  fear	
  the	
  project	
  could	
  never	
  have	
  been	
  completed.	
  	
  Coming	
   from	
   a	
   predominately	
   non-­‐religious	
   background,	
   it	
   has	
   been	
   intellectually	
  challenging	
   to	
   write	
   about	
   a	
   spiritual	
   topic.	
   	
   I	
   frequently	
   gravitate	
   towards	
   analyses	
   of	
  power,	
   politics,	
   material	
   interest	
   and	
   ideology.	
   	
   Writing	
   about	
   a	
   spiritual	
   subject	
   was	
  certainly	
  a	
  step	
   in	
  another	
  direction,	
  although	
  my	
  discussion	
  of	
  how	
  colonial	
  propaganda	
  impacted	
   the	
   development	
   of	
   the	
   church	
   perhaps	
   reflects	
   these	
   proclivities.	
   	
   I	
   doubt,	
  however,	
  that	
  I	
  am	
  the	
  only	
  one	
  who	
  finds	
  it	
  challenging	
  to	
  write	
  about	
  spiritual	
  subjects.	
  	
  As	
   Lushootseed	
   elders	
   say,	
   “religion	
   and	
   spirits	
   can	
   never	
   be	
   fully	
   understood	
   because	
  every	
  time	
  you	
  try	
  to	
  come	
  close	
  to	
  them,	
  they	
  wiggle	
  away	
  from	
  your	
  mind	
  like	
  a	
  snake.”	
  Many	
   times	
   during	
   the	
  writing	
   of	
   this	
   thesis,	
   I	
   felt	
   as	
   though	
   that	
   snake	
   had	
   slipped	
  my	
  grasp.	
   	
  All	
  that	
  can	
  be	
  said	
  is	
  a	
  heartfelt	
  thank	
  you	
  to	
  all	
  those	
  Shakers	
  who	
  through	
  their	
  generosity	
   and	
   receptiveness	
   allowed	
   me	
   to	
   join	
   in	
   their	
   services	
   and	
   engage	
   them	
   in	
  discussions.	
  	
  Thanks	
  to	
  them,	
  I	
  have	
  been	
  fortunate	
  to	
  learn	
  a	
  few	
  things	
  about	
  their	
  church	
  and	
  community.	
   	
  	
  	
  	
  	
  

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