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Becoming public : Jews in Baden and Hannover and their role in the German press, 1815-1848 Meola, David Andrew 2012-10-17

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     BECOMING PUBLIC: JEWS IN BADEN AND HANNOVER AND THEIR ROLE IN THE GERMAN PRESS, 1815-1848    by  DAVID ANDREW MEOLA   B.Sc., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2000 M.A., University of British Columbia, 2007      A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF     DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY   in   THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES  (History)   THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  (Vancouver)    October 2012   © David Andrew Meola, 2012  ii Abstract  This dissertation proposes the necessity of using local German newspapers as a valuable source for evaluating German Jewish publicness during the Restoration (1815-30) and Vormärz (1830- 48) eras.  It focuses on both the quotidian and extraordinary uses of the local press to achieve Jewish objectives.  The dissertation proposes a re-evaluation of Jürgen Habermas’ Öffentlichkeitstheorie (publicness theory) by seeking to further spatialize the public sphere through the lens of local newspapers in the German states during the Restoration and Vormärz.  Integrating spatial theory with theoretical perspectives about the public sphere, this project argues that newspapers became both places and spaces of German Jewish publicness.  They were places that became familiar through extensive use, and spaces that became locations of freedom for German Jews and thus helped to destabilize the status quo—including prior definitions of Jewishness and Judaism.  These local and public places and spaces became as important for the process of Jewish emancipation as the internal German Jewish press.  By concentrating their efforts on the local level, Jews in Baden and Hannover, when allowed to participate in local newspapers, played an important part in creating the narrative about their own lives, helped facilitate their own emancipation, and showed they were actually equal to other Germans despite their political inequality.  This project also identifies numerous reasons for German Jewish uses of local newspapers, including personal, religious, economic, state-political, and national-political.  Within these contributions by German Jews to the press in Baden and Hannover, a fair amount of conflict among German Jews was also observed.  These conflicts can be divided into three distinct types: secular conflict, inter-confessional conflict (the public fight over emancipation), and inner-Jewish conflict (religious reform).  Yet, it was through this conflict that German Jews were able to make claims not only to play a role in the local public spheres, but also to be included in society as citizens and as “Germans.”  iii Table of Contents  Abstract ........................................................................................................................... ii Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................... iii List of Figures ........................................................................................................................... v List of Abbreviations .................................................................................................................... vii Acknowledgements...................................................................................................................... viii Dedication .......................................................................................................................... ix CHAPTER 1 Introduction....................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Jewish Participation in Local Debates about Jewish Lives ................................................ 1 1.2 Transitioning to the Modern Era in the German States ...................................................... 9 1.3 Badenese-Jewish Lives during the Restoration and Vormärz .......................................... 19 1.4 Hannoverian-Jewish Lives during the Restoration and Vormärz ..................................... 21 1.5 Writing about German Jewish lives and Jewish Reforms ................................................ 25 CHAPTER 2 Thinking Spatially about the Public Sphere.................................................... 36 2.1 German Jews and the Habermasian Public Sphere in the Early Nineteenth Century....... 36 2.2 Spatializing the Public Sphere .......................................................................................... 47 2.3 Newspapers as Places and Spaces of Publicness .............................................................. 56 CHAPTER 3 Local Newspapers, German Jews, and the Places and Spaces of Publicness . 75 3.1   The Evolution of the Newspaper into the Modern Era ..................................................... 77 3.2  The Early Nineteenth-century German Newspaper in Hannover and Baden ................... 87 3.3  The Places and Spaces of German Jewish Publicness before the Nineteenth Century .. 110 3.4  The Evolution of the German Jewish Press as a Place and Space of Publicness............ 118 3.5  Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 128 CHAPTER 4 German Jewish Participation in the Public Sphere ....................................... 131 4.1 German Jewish Publicness during the Early Nineteenth Century .................................. 132 4.2  A Quantitative Analysis of Jewish Appearances in Local Newspapers ......................... 149 4.3 Qualitative Meanings of Jewish Public Expression in Local Newspapers ..................... 157 4.3.a Donations in Local Newspapers and their Multiple Meanings............................... 160 4.3.b The Multifaceted Nature of Personal Appearances in the Local Press................... 168 4.4 State-Political and Religious Appearances in the Press: An Introduction...................... 178 4.5  Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 183  iv CHAPTER 5 Inter-confessional Conflict in Local Newspapers in Baden and Hannover – The Emancipation Debates ..................................................................................................... 187 5.1  Hannoverian Jewish Publicness and Emancipation (1824-1837)................................... 192 5.2  The 1845 Petition for Jewish Emancipation and the Northern Badenese Press ............. 211 5.3 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 226 CHAPTER 6 “The Most Intense Conflict Changes Natures” Inner-Jewish Conflict and Religious Reform in Hannover and Baden ............................................................................. 230 6.1  Religious Reform and Publicness in the German States................................................. 232 6.2 Hannoverian Jewish Publicness and Jewish Educational Reform (1824-1837)............. 238 6.3 Jewish Religious Reform and the Rabbinical Conferences of the 1840s ....................... 248 6.4  The Local Debate about Jewish Reform in Northern Baden .......................................... 257 6.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 272 CHAPTER 7 Public Antagonism in Constance and the Confluence of Societal Conflicts 277 7.1 Jewish Participation in the Constance Press in the early 1840s...................................... 279 7.2  Non-Traditional Jewish Writings in the Constance Press............................................... 283 7.3 Inner-Jewish Discussions in the Constance Press........................................................... 288 7.4  Jewish Intercessions in the Debate about Jewish Inclusion............................................ 297 7.5  Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 304 CHAPTER 8 Conclusion: Spatial Appreciation of German Jewish Appearances in the Local Newspaper ....................................................................................................................... 310 8.1 Conclusions ............................................................................................................... 310 8.2 Moving Forward ............................................................................................................. 322 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 326 APPENDIX A Jewish Population of the Grand Duchy of Baden in 1825............................ 349 APPENDIX B Jewish and General Population of the Kingdom of Hannover during the 1840s (sorted by largest population of Jews) .................................................................................... 356 APPENDIX C Tauschwitz’s Divisions of Newspapers in Baden during the 1848-49 Revolutions ....................................................................................................................... 366 APPENDIX D Badenese and Hannoverian Rabbinical Ordinances ..................................... 367  v List of Figures  Chapter 1: Figure 1.1 – Map of the German States……………………………………………………. 14 Figure 1.2 – Jewish Communities in the Kingdom of Hannover………………………...... 15  Figure 1.3 – Jewish Communities in the Grand Duchy of Baden…………………………. 16  Figure 1.4 – Jewish Population in the German States……………………………………... 17 Figure 1.5 – Ten Largest Jewish Communities in Baden in 1825………………………….. 18  Chapter 2: Figure 2.1 – Hannoversche Zeitung Front Page and Hannover News Section from   18 September 1832………………………………………………………….. 59  Figure 2.2 – Quarto Format Newspaper, Ostfriesische Zeitung…………………………… 61 Figure 2.3 – Advertisements Page in Mannheimer Abendzeitung from 25 August 1846….. 64 Figure 2.4 – Standard Advertisement in the Karlsruher Zeitung from April 2, 1817……... 65 Figure 2.5 – Advertisement in the Karlsruher Zeitung from December 1, 1839………….. 66 Figure 2.6 – Advertisement in the Karlsruher Zeitung from April 1, 1843……………….. 68 Figure 2.7 – Example of Leitartikel in the Mannheimer Abendzeitung from 16 February 1843……………….......................................................................................... 71  Chapter 3: Figure 3.1 – “Republican” and “Constitutional” Papers used in this project……………… 106  Chapter 4: Figure 4.1 – German Jewish Publicness in Local Newspapers in Baden (B) and Hannover (H),   1815-48……………………………………………………………………… 136 Figure 4.2 – Cohen Advertisement from Hannoversche Zeitung………………………….. 139 Figure 4.3 – Total Appearances by and about German Jews in the Hannoversche Zeitung and Heidelberger Journal……..…………………………………………………. 150 Figure 4.4 – Appearances by German Jews in the Hannoversche Zeitung and Heidelberger Journal…………............................................................................................. 152 Figure 4.5 – Economic Appearances by German Jews in the Mannheim Press,   1845-47………………………………………………………………………. 157 Figure 4.6 – Example of Advertisement for Le Conservateur Anonymous Society for   Mutual Life Insurance……………………………………………………….. 159 Figure 4.7 – Advertisement for Equitable. Royal French Life Insurance Society…………. 160 Figure 4.8 – Incoming and Outgoing Monetary Flows to and from Hannover in 1847 as reflected in Jewish advertisements in the Hannoversche Zeitung………........ 161 Figure 4.9 – Donation Lists from the “Harmonie” Society in the Oberdeutsche Zeitung in response to the fire in Hamburg……………………………………………… 164 Figure 4.10 – Motto from a Donation to Jewish Teacher Leopold Stein…………………... 166 Figure 4.11 – Kirchenbuchsauszüge from the Mannheimer Abendzeitung………………… 169 Figure 4.12 – Kirchenbuchsauszüge from the Bruchsaler Wochenblatt…………………… 170 Figure 4.13 – Marriage Announcements in the Hannoversche Zeitung……………………. 176 Figure 4.14 – Engagement Announcements in the Ostfriesische Zeitung………………….. 177   vi Chapter 7: Figure 7.1 – Map of the Seekreis (Lake District) with Jewish Communities……………… 281 Figure 7.2 – Petition from “Der Jüdenschaft”, Konstanzer Zeitung, 21 August 1846,   Nr. 100 (B), p. 751…………………………………………………………... 286-7  vii List of Abbreviations  Allg Ztg – Allgemeine Zeitung AZdJ – Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums GLAK – Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe HStAH – Hauptstaatsarchiv Hannover Hann Ztg – Hannoversche Zeitung Heid Jour – Heidelberger Journal LBIYB – Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook Ostfr Ztg – Ostfriesische Zeitung  viii Acknowledgements  There are numerous people and institutions to whom I would like to express my gratitude.  Foremost, to my wife, Veronica, I could not have accomplished this without your unending support.  For taking care of Anthony for four months while I was researching in Germany and pregnant with Alexander, I owe you more than your fair share of free weekends. For your ability to pickup and move and facilitate our time in Wiesbaden and Mainz, I can only say that I am very lucky to have you.  I look forward to our future adventures, wherever they lead us.  To both of my children, Anthony and Alexander, you have given me many reasons to finish, and you have provided me with endless moments of fun and adventure—I cannot wait to show you both the world!  And to my mom, my sisters, and all of my in-laws, I would like to you all for your support.  It is finally coming to an end.  To my doctoral supervisor, Chris Friedrichs, I want to thank you for all your support throughout the doctoral program.  Your endless encouragement, criticism, and help have provided me with an example to follow as I take the next step in my academic career.  To Michel Ducharme, I cannot but be effusive with my praise—it is you who I must thank for being a sympathetic ear during my first year.  To Paul Krause, I want to thank you for putting in the countless hours in helping me become an historian and also in helping me realize the potential which you and others recognized.  To Catherine Falk in the Dean’s Office at the UBC Faculty of Medicine, I want to thank you for your support.  I was lucky enough to have you as a sounding board and I appreciate everything you have done, including keeping me filled with laughs and chocolate.  I would now like to thank all of the institutions which have provided their support—financial and otherwise.  First to the UBC History Department, a giant thanks for all of the monetary support and opportunities for teaching on campus.  I could not have accomplished everything so quickly without the department’s help.  To Dr. Kurt Hübner at the UBC Institute for European Studies and Prof. Dr. Walter Schmitz at the MitteleuropaZentrums für Staats-, Wirtschafts- und Kulturwissenschaften an der TU Dresden, I would like to thank you both for their support.  I would also like to thank everyone at the Leibniz-Institut für Europäische Geschichte Mainz for all of their support and comeraderie during my seven-month fellowship.  Your collegiality and professionalism made a giant impression upon my family and me, and we hope to keep those ties with all of you as my career moves forward.  Last, but not least, I would give a special thanks to my “family” in Germany who have been supportive of all of my endeavors and have been nothing short of marvelous.  To Christine and Wilfried, you have been and always will be my family.  Your home has been my ersatz home since 1996; you are both very dear to me.  To Gunnar and Holger, you are wonderful friends who I consider to be the brothers I never had.  I cannot wait to have more adventures with you both, wherever, whenever.  And to Regina and Jürgen, you both bring joy to our lives and every visit with you re-invigorates me.  I cannot wait to see all of you again.  ix Dedication  To my mispacha, with love, and to those who are unable to see this work, but to whom I owe everything—my father, who I miss everyday, and to my grandparents, whose family histories inspired me to research my German Jewish roots.  I know you are all here with me on this journey.    1 CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1.1 Jewish Participation in Local Debates about Jewish Lives And I support my argument upon the unalienable right, which every person has; … I am relying on the lesson which the past for more than four hundred years has written with a deep pen into the history of the city of Constance: that the religious intolerance, the narrow-mindedness of shopkeepers, the prejudice of the crowd and the inactivity of the population, [and] the fear of any radical reform have degraded her [the city of Constance] from a large, powerful, populous and wealthy member of the German Empire to an insignificant, powerless, deserted and poor provincial town…1    - Josef Fickler, Seeblätter, 13 August 1846, Nr. 97, p. 410       At the crossroads of central Europe, near the headwaters of two of the most important rivers on the European continent—the Rhine and the Danube—a battle for the future of a once flourishing city was being waged in the 1840s by liberal forces against the conservative forces associated with German “home towns.”2  For Josef Fickler, editor of the Seeblätter and head of the Bürgerausschuß (civic council), success would mean not just that his beloved Constance would return to a prominent position within the German states and within Christendom, but that his hometown could be at the forefront of one of the most important and contentious political issues of the nineteenth century in the German states—Jewish emancipation.  Fickler, a well-known “radical” liberal—someone who believed in republicanism, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and the klassenlose Gesellschaft (classless society)3— had brought to the civic council a request from a Jewish businessman that Jews be allowed back into Constance.4  This request was necessary since Jews had been barred from the city for almost                                                  1 Original: “Denn ich stüze mich auf das ewig unveräußerliche Recht, welches jeder Mensch anzusprechen hat;…ich stüze mich auf die Lehre, welche die Vergangenheit seit mehr als vierhundert Jahren mit so tiefem Griffel in die Geschichte der Stadt Konstanz geschrieben: daß nämlich die religiöse Unduldsamkeit, die engherzigen Krämerseelen, das Vorurteil der Menge und the Unthätigkeit der Einwohnerschaft, die Scheu vor jeder durchgreifenden Reform, sie von einem großen, mächtigen, starkbevölkerten und reichen Glied des deutschen Reiches zu einer unbedeutenden, machtlosen, menschenleeren und armen Provinzialstadt herabgewürdigt haben…” (emphasis in original). 2 Mack Walker, German Home Towns: Community, State, and General Estate 1648-1871, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971, passim. 3 Dieter Langewiesche, “Liberalism and the Middle Classes in Europe”, Jürgen Kocka and Allan Mitchell, eds., Bourgeois Society in Nineteenth Century Europe, Oxford: Berg, 1993, 54. 4 Fickler, Seeblätter, op cit.  The debate in Constance can be referred to either the term Aufnahme (acceptance) or the term Zulassung (permission).  Even though the terms are different, they are both seen in the debates and literature and will be used interchangeably in the dissertation.  2 400 years—dating back to the re-unification of the pontificate.5  Constance, formerly under Austrian domination but incorporated into the Grand Duchy of Baden in 1806, was one of the 89 percent of towns in Baden where Jews were not allowed to live, and this request sought to redress that situation;6 perhaps Constance could even serve as a model to other important Badenese cities which excluded Jews, like Offenburg and Freiburg.  Fickler, through his actions and words, can be identified as a clear supporter of Jewish Aufnahme (acceptance), which would help facilitate his aim of making Constance a major city again by allowing the forces of progress to modernize the city economically.7  The timing of this request was not as such surprising, as there was a movement by radical liberals throughout Baden for Jewish equality—resulting in the passage of Jewish emancipation in the Second Chamber of Badenese Landtag (Diet) in August 1846.8  However, when it came to allowing Jews into the city, Fickler had to be a pragmatist in his role in the civic council.  As there was little public support for full inclusion when the measure was passed in July 1847, it included a number of limitations and qualifications on Jewish acceptance into the city.9  Throughout the 1840s Fickler’s mouthpiece, the Seeblätter, served as an important vehicle in his own crusade against both the conservatives and the traditional Badenese liberals— both of whom opposed Jewish inclusion in the city and acceptance as full citizens of Baden.  The Seeblätter was not only unabashedly “radical” and supportive of Jewish rights, but was an open                                                  5 Helmut Maurer, Konstanz im Mittelalter, Band II: Vom Konzil bis zum Beginn des 16.Jahrhunderts, Konstanz: Stadler, 1989, passim. Constance was the site of the Council of Constance (1414-18) where the papacy was re- unified into a one pope from its Roman, Avignon, and Pisan branches. 6 Reinhard Rürup, Emanzipation und Antisemitismus, Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch, 1987, 74.  Jews were not allowed to live in 1382 out of the 1555 towns/cities in the Grand Duchy. 7 Gert Zang, Konstanz in der Großherzoglichen Zeit. Restauration, Revolution, Liberale Ära 1806 bis 1870, Konstanz: Stadler, 1989, 156. As Zang notes, there was a joke going around at the time of these debates about how the extension of the train to Constance would bring with it all of the rich Jews from the cities along the Rhine. 8 Rürup, 80-4. 9 Zang, 153-7.  One such qualification was that Jews were only to be admitted if they possessed enough capital, thus they would not be a burden on the city’s financial resources or provide a significant hurdle for Jews to be engaged economically in selling goods or engaging in trades.  This was done with the intention to protect local artisans and merchants from competition, to “keep like in old times…the existing local economic cosmos” (Original: “wie zu alten Zeiten…den bestehenden lokalen Wirtschaftskosmos erhalten.”).  3 forum for pro-Jewish sentiments, even allowing a rabbi from a nearby town to write an article in response to statements by a non-Jewish critic in a competing paper, the moderate-liberal Konstanzer Zeitung.  Nor was this rabbi, Leopold Schott from Randegg, the only Jew to grace the pages of the Seeblätter in the debate about Jewish inclusion which started in the summer of 1846, even before the news of the Second Chamber’s decision was reported.   Many Jews from the region would use the Constance public sphere and its two main newspapers as locations where they could have a say about their lives, their political situation as unequal members of society, and most importantly, their religion.  Their participation in public disputes took place despite an absence of Jewish presence in the city itself, with almost the entire Jewish population of the region (greater than 1100 persons) living in four towns between 20 and 40 kilometers away.10  These regional Jews took part in this discussion as active participants writing as individuals, as members of a communal council, or as members of a political association.  But German Jews were not only subjects of written discourse, they were also objects of writing—from both Christian anti-Jewish and philo-Jewish perspectives, as well as from other Jews, who were split between those advocating reformist, traditional and modern orthodox religious positions.  This study looks at German Jews who were made public as well as those who chose to make their lives public.  The local public sphere—such as the Constance public sphere and its newspapers—was a location where German Jews and their allies could engage in argument to show the general populace several things: that they were like the other Germans, that they deserved being called neighbors, and that they wanted to be respected for who they were: German Jews.  But this study looks at more than just the Jewish arguments with Christians about                                                  10 Franz Hundsnurscher and Gerhard Taddey, Die jüdischen Gemeinden in Baden: Denkmale, Geschichte, Schicksale, Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1968.  4 political equality; it also looks at Jews fighting amongst themselves about Jewish religious reform.  This project will examine what German Jews did in the local press in general and demonstrate how Jews were an element that was present on a daily basis in multifarious ways that may have reinforced preconceptions about them yet also challenged and destabilized the archaic and antiquated forms of anti-Jewish prejudice.    The dramatic presence of Jews in the local Constance press writing on their own behalf, and sometimes on opposing sides of an issue, leads us to question why this kind of debate happened at this specific time in the local press.  Would such debates also occur in areas which had much larger Jewish populations, as well as in cities which were more central to a state’s political, social, and economic life?  We should not be surprised that a topic like this would be a popular theme of public discussion, as it was part of a general discourse about Jewish emancipation which was one of the most heatedly debated topics throughout the German states.11  Furthermore, emancipation was of central importance to German Jews.  As Reinhard Rürup writes, emancipation meant for the Jews “the entry into a new age: the end of the Jewish Middle Ages, the beginning of the modern [era].”12    The issue of political emancipation—the granting of full rights to Jewish residents and citizens—was an easy entry point for Jews into discussions about their relationship to the German states and German society.  Many Jews, like the well-known lawyer, Gabriel Riesser, had already been active in the public sphere writing in defense of Jewish rights.  However, we must also examine the religious dimensions of the political discussions, as German Jewish rights were intrinsically tied to Judaism and the issue of inner-Jewish reform.  As seen in Constance,                                                  11 Edward Timms, “The Pernicious Rift: Metternich and the Debate about Jewish Emancipation at the Congress of Vienna”, Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook [LBIYB], XLVI (2001), 17; Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, “Rechtslage und Emanzipation”, Michael A. Meyer and Michael Brenner, eds., Deutsch-jüdische Geschichte in der Neuzeit. Band II: Emanzipation und Akkulturation, 1780-1871, Munich: C.H. Beck, 1996, 39.  Both of these sources confirm that there were about 2500 pieces written by both Jews and non-Jews about emancipation. 12 Reinhard Rürup, “Der Liberalismus und die Emanzipation der Juden”, Angelika Schaser and Stefanie Schüler- Springorum, eds., Liberalismus und Emanzipation: In- und Exklusionsprozesse im Kaiserreich und in der Weimarer Republik, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2010, 28.  Original: “…den Eintritt in ein neues Zeitalter: das Ende des jüdischen Mittleaters, den Beginn der Moderne.”  5 the religious dimensions of emancipation were certainly present in public debates, but these discussions were indicative of a more spectacular dimension of German Jewish engagement within the local newspapers.  Jews attacked other Jews, with members of each religious faction trying to represent themselves as the true representatives of a modern Jewish sensibility—in either reformist or orthodox directions.  This leads us to question how Jews used the press to engage with other Jews about their relationship to modernity and German society.    These questions also lead to more inquiries about Jewish participation in the debates taking place in local newspapers, and whether Jews also used the papers for more quotidian uses.  In the first place, we are drawn to question the ways in which German Jews more generally used local newspapers.  Did German Jews only use the local press when they had important things to say about their lives within the context of a political or religious debate, or was there a more general way in which German Jews used the local newspaper on a daily basis?  Did German Jews discriminate between newspapers?  Did they publish in all available local papers?  And if they did or did not use all local papers, what types of contributions did they publish?  Ultimately, these questions lead us to think about the ways in which local newspapers were locations for German Jews to make their concerns public.  Scholars have already shown the importance of newspapers for the growth and education of the general public in Germany,13 yet they have not dealt with how these developments affected Jewish lives and Jewish responses.  It makes sense that local Jews would also have read local newspapers, would have been affected by what was written, and would have had their own opinions about the contents.  Yet few if any studies incorporate local newspapers into analyses of German Jewry in anything more than a                                                  13 Ian F. McNeely, The Emancipation of Writing: German Civil Society in the Making, 1790s-1820s, Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 2003, 221, 231; Johannes Weber, “Gründerzeitungen: Die Anfänge der periodischen Nachrichtenpresse im Norden des Reiches,” Peter Albrecht and Holger Böning, eds., Historische Presse und ihre Leser: Studien zu Zeitungen, Zeitschriften, Intelligenzblättern und Kalendern in Nordwestdeutschland [hereafter, Presse und ihre Leser],  Bremen: edition lumière, 2005, 78; Astrid Blome, “Regionale Strukturen und die Entstehung der deutschen Regionalpresse im 18. Jahrhundert”, Presse und ihre Leser, 40.  6 cursory way.  Furthermore, most studies of German Jews and the press only look at the German Jewish press as a “medium for emancipation.”14  Scholars have recently begun to see local non- Jewish newspapers as sources which are worthy of incorporation into research on German Jewry.  One scholar, Michael Nagel, calls upon future studies of German Jewry to look outside the “Jewish” press for inspiration and direction.  As Nagel writes: Whoever wants to study Jewry in the 19th and 20th centuries, cannot just deal with those papers which categorize themselves as Jewish. The real intellectual and political history of German Jewry must be gathered much more from the press of that era, from which one can take out and analyze the Jewish part—a task that still awaits objective observation.15 Similarly, Jonathan Hess calls for scholars to research “Jewish print media” and German Jewish encounters with modern publicness.  As he writes: Jews in the nineteenth-century German-speaking world did not just create an alternative German-language public sphere geared toward Jewish interests and deeply invested in Jewish continuity.  They invested modern print culture with the power to promote Jewish identity.  This process transformed Judaism in turn into a form of both selfhood and collective bargaining that was forged not just in the synagogue, the home, the school or the expanding networks