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Holding spaces : geographies of Filipino-Canadian students' educational experiences Farrales, May 2011

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HOLDING SPACES: GEOGRAPHIES OF FILIPINO-CANADIAN STUDENTS' EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES by May Farrales B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1997 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Geography) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  September 2011 © May Farrales, 2011  Abstract This thesis is concerned with the educational aspirations and outcomes of Filipino-Canadian youth. Rendered by scholars as an anomaly to established patterns of academic achievement, integration, and social mobility among immigrants in Canada, children of first generation Filipino immigrants are neither meeting nor exceeding the levels of education attained by their parents. While a framing concerned with outcomes is useful for signaling issues around the integration of immigrants in Canada, there remains a need to interrogate how and where Filipino students are produced as different.  This thesis seeks to explore ways of approaching the question of how to make sense of the less-than-expected educational achievements and outcomes of Filipino-Canadian youth. Based on interviews and focus groups with 46 Filipino high school students from two different Vancouver public high schools, I attend to the ways in which Filipino youth negotiate both time and space in their transnational and educational experiences. The thesis deals with the particular geographies in Filipino-Canadian students' experiences migrating to, and/or growing up in Canada, and their lives as high school students. In particular, I focus on spaces in the students' transnational and high school lives that can highlight conditions that help to shape their educational aspirations and trajectories.  ii  Preface This research was conducted under the approval of the University of British Columbia's Behavioural Research Ethics Board, Certificate H10-01436.  iii  Table of Contents Abstract.................................................................................................................................... ii   Preface..................................................................................................................................... iii   Table of Contents ................................................................................................................... iv   List of Tables .......................................................................................................................... vi   List Abbreviations................................................................................................................. vii   Dedication ............................................................................................................................... ix   Chapter 1: Introduction ......................................................................................................... 1   1.1   Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 7   1.2   Chapter summaries ................................................................................................................. 14    Chapter 2: Holding Spaces: Geographies of Filipino-Canadian Youth's Educational Experiences ............................................................................................................................ 17   2.1   The anomaly of Filipino youth in Canada .............................................................................. 19   2.2   Meeting expectations: education and reproduction ................................................................ 23   2.3   Recovering geographies: following Filipino students who fall away ..................................... 27   2.4   Geographies of Filipino-Canadian students' educational experiences .................................... 30   2.5   Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 43    Chapter 3: Becoming English as Second Language Learners .......................................... 44   3.1   ABC'S of ESL ......................................................................................................................... 47   3.2   Unsettling neutrality in second language teaching and learning ............................................ 49   3.3   Spaces of ESL ......................................................................................................................... 52   3.4   Designating ESL students into being ...................................................................................... 55   3.5   Performances in the spaces of ESL......................................................................................... 59   3.6   Performing for Miss Smith ..................................................................................................... 63   3.7   Pragmatic consequences ......................................................................................................... 68   3.8   Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 71    Chapter 4: De-centering Expectations ................................................................................ 73   4.1   Expectation ............................................................................................................................. 75   4.2   Modeling expectations ............................................................................................................ 78   iv  4.3   Inheriting expectations............................................................................................................ 80   4.4   Expectations across migration histories of Filipino-Canadian youth ..................................... 87   4.4.1   Extended-selves: the shared expectations of Canadian-born and newly arrived youth ... 87   4.4.2   Strained encounters: the question of space and time in the differences between Canadian-born and recently arrived youth................................................................................... 91   4.5   Conclusion: de-centering expectations, shifting responsibility ............................................ 101    Chapter 5: Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 103   References ............................................................................................................................ 111   Appendices ........................................................................................................................... 120   Appendix A Survey Questionnaire for Filipino Post-Secondary Students .................................... 120   Appendix B Profile of Project Participants .................................................................................... 121   Appendix C Focus Group Questions for Filipino High School Students....................................... 125    v  List of Tables Table 1.1 Profile of Project Participants Attending High School ......................................... 10  vi  List Abbreviations ESL:  English as a Second Language  FDM:  Foreign Domestic Movement Program  DPRC:  District Placement and Resource Centre  LCP:  Live-in Caregiver Program  VSB:  Vancouver School Board  vii  Acknowledgements  I should first thank those at the schools at which this research was conducted. I would like to thank the principals whose willingness to allow me to carry out this project in their schools is a testament to their commitment to supporting not only Filipino students, but to all students who aspire to reach their full potential. Conducting the research would also not be possible without the patient assistance and incredible cooperation of the Vancouver School Board's Filipino Multicultural Settlement Worker. I am indebted to you for your consistent and timely help, and inspired by your passionate commitment to the youth and families you serve. The assistance of the aforementioned was key in carrying out the research. The thesis remains nonetheless my responsibility. I also need to give a special thank you to Maureen, whose expertise as my research assistant proved to be invaluable, and whose dedication to Filipino youth vital in helping to keep the project on task. While there were many moments during the project and writing of this thesis that I felt derailed, there were equally as many people who helped provide support and much needed direction. I thank Dr. Gillian Creese who always gave sound and challenging advice throughout the course of the project and drafts of this thesis. I also thank Dr. Habiba Zaman, Dr. Beverly Pitman, Dr. Jim Glassman and Dr. Derek Gregory for helping me through various stages of my graduate school experience. I must also thank my fellow graduate students (my cohort and beyond, including my officemates, both official and unofficial in room 117), staff and faculty at the Geography Department in the University of British Columbia. I wish to especially thank my supervisor Dr. Geraldine Pratt. I cannot imagine completing this thesis and handling graduate school without her guidance, calming influence, and intellectual tenacity that seemed to never let me off the hook. A special thank you to my family: Mom, Dad, Lynn, Ethel, Sheila, John, Sean, Reva, Amihan, Anika, Ava and Arys who were all so thoughtful throughout this whole endeavor. I especially thank Leah and Sol, the two reasons I remained committed to this project, and the two reasons I remain committed to the possibilities of what can be said and done. You are both an inspiration. Finally, I wish to thank the youth who shared their stories, struggles, knowledge and strength with me. You have taught me what it means to fight and persevere.  viii  Dedication For Jomar, Deeward, Charle and their families, and for Filipino-Canadian youth who continue to aspire and inspire.  ix  Chapter 1: Introduction At the end of one of the first focus groups for this research, I asked Teresa and Nina, two 13year old Filipino students, what would become a regular question at the close of each interview: do you have any questions for me? Expecting to field questions about the research project, I was surprised by Teresa's question. She asked what the University of British Columbia (UBC) was like. Somewhat thrown off by her initial question, I told her that I am doing my Masters' degree in Geography at UBC. She followed up with more questions about the university, what it looked like, where it was, where my department was located in reference to other buildings on campus. After answering her series of inquiries, I then asked her why she was so curious, wondering if she was interested in going to university herself. She simply replied: "wala lang (nothing really)", and that she has just never been to the campus. At subsequent focus groups and interviews with Filipino students at the two public high schools involved in the project, students continued to ask me: "maganda bang UBC? (is UBC nice?)." Sometimes the question would be accompanied by questions about the tuition fee, how to apply, why I chose the school, and even questions about my family and if my parents pressured me to go to UBC. During one of these exchanges, after handing three teenage girls my clipboard on which the project's focus group questions were attached, at their request, one of the girls asked me what were the differences between the universities in the province. Amanda, in Grade 11, supplemented my reply, saying that UBC is a university, to which she also added: "[...] I can't afford it. College is cheaper [...]. College is enough for me I think." The repetition of this question and Amanda's statement allowed me to think more carefully about the aspirations of Filipino youth. Listening to the same question and its accompanying inquiries about university and post-secondary education points to more than  1  curiosity about the unfamiliar, but to the youths' aspirations, anxieties and hopes for their future. But why research on Filipino youth? This was a reoccurring query over the course of this research. Usually it would come to people's minds when I introduced the project's central research question: how can we make sense of the less-than-expected educational outcomes of Filipino-Canadian youth? Since this question usually came from people who were not Filipino immigrants themselves, I would sometimes half-jokingly think to myself, and even sometimes reply, why not Filipino youth? The question of why Filipino youth is a reasonable query, since other groups of racialised youth of colour show similar, if not more dismal, educational outcomes. Pratt (2012 forthcoming) found a 76 percent high school graduation rate for Tagalog-speaking females and a 64 percent male rate for males between 1995 and 2004 in Vancouver high schools, whereas Vietnamese-speaking youth showed only a graduation rate of 74 percent for females and 60 percent for males between the same years. 1 Certainly, one answer to why consider only Filipino youth could be that youth from the Philippines, or of parents of first generation immigrants, have now become a significant segment of Vancouver public high school students, particularly in lower to modest-income neighborhoods in the city. Statistics Canada (2010) reported that there were approximately 62,000 Filipinos living in Vancouver in 2001, and these numbers are now estimated at around 88,000. Another way of responding to this query would be to underscore the anxiety circulating around Filipino boys and young men, and the need to better understand the integration experiences of this group of immigrant youth to better support their settlement in 1 These figures do not account for students who may have moved out of the province of British Columbia during the course of their high school schooling. The figures only account for students who enrolled in a British Columbia school in Grade 8 in 1995.  2  Canada. While these are defendable responses, it is not the primary intention of this thesis to offer lessons that can be drawn from the experience of Filipino-Canadian students and applied to "best practice" models for supporting the integration of similar youth of colour more generally. Instead, I intend to stay close to the particularities of the Filipino students' educational experiences to reflect on how they might be falling short of expected educational outcomes and away from expected immigrant narratives of upward social mobility (see Abada and Lin 2011; Abada et al 2009). In the last three years, the Philippines has become one of Canada’s largest source countries for immigrants and temporary workers (Jimenez 2008). It is projected that by 2031, there will be over 220,000 Filipinos in British Columbia -- more than double the numbers in a 30 year span (Statistics Canada 2010). Youth, migrating to Canada or born in Canada to Filipino immigrants, are part of this general migration and settlement pattern and are integral to the community’s future. According to the 2001 Canadian census data, children under 15years of age made up 24 percent of the Filipino community in Canada, and youth between 15 and 24 years of age represented 15 percent of the community (Statistics Canada 2010). Popular social anxieties have grown alongside this increase in the number of Filipino youth. These are captured in particular moments when violence has claimed the lives of young Filipino males in public spaces (Pratt 2009; Catungal forthcoming). From the beating death of Mao Jomar Lanot in 2003 on the grounds of a public high school, Deeward Ponte in 2005 in the middle of a public park, and the stabbing of Charle Dalde in 2008 in the alleyway of a Vancouver suburb, public fears resonate in a discourse about ‘troubled boys’, ‘gang violence’ and ‘immigrant problems’.  3  The educational achievements of Filipino-Canadian youth have also become a growing subject of concern. They are described by Vancouver high school counselors and administrators as a group of students "very quietly drifting off" (as quoted in Pratt et al 2008), and by scholars as immigrant youth who are falling below their parents' levels of educational achievement (Abada et al 2009; Abada and Lin 2011). Research uncovering the links between youths' educational performances and their separation from, and reunification with their mothers, who migrate to Canada under the Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP) as domestic workers, offer ways of accounting for family and economic issues that shape the youths' educational experiences (Pratt et al 2008; Pratt 2010). As part of this research project, a survey of post-secondary Filipino students revealed possible impacts of the LCP on academic achievement. When asked if either of their parents migrated to Canada under the LCP, out of the 45 Filipino students attending post-secondary education institutions in British Columbia who completed the survey, none of the respondents indicated that one of their parents migrated under the LCP. 2 Research is also currently being conducted by Philip Kelly and colleagues in four Canadian cities among 1.5 and second generation Filipino youth in Canada. 3 Their project aims to understand the disconnect between parental and secondgeneration educational achievements, and reasons behind employment statistics that show children of first generation Filipino immigrants performing work similar to their parents at the lower end of the labour market. Ways of knowing Filipino-Canadian youth are very much wrapped up in concerns for their academic performances, educational outcomes, and labour market prospects. These concerns form the focal point of this thesis which seeks approaches 2  A purposive sampling strategy was used to conduct surveys with post-secondary Filipino students. Surveys were distributed on-line and in person through the activities and contact list of a post-secondary Filipino students' association. Snowball sampling techniques for the on-line survey were also used to solicit respondents from other post-secondary institutions. 3 This research is being conducted by Philip Kelly. Information on the project can be found at:  4  to help wrestle with the question of how can we make sense of the less-than-expected academic outcomes of Filipino-Canadian youths. To approach this question, I pay particular attention to Filipino-Canadian youths' narratives of growing up (in the Philippines and Canada), migrating to Vancouver, and integrating into their new homes and schools. My rationale for turning to the youths' experiences lies in being attentive to what the descriptions of their lives may offer to the conundrum of Filipino youths' academic achievements. While I am primarily concerned with their accounts of their lives, I consider their narratives in relation to academic literature on immigrant assimilation in North America, education, pedagogy, children's geographies and transnationalism. Over the last two decades, there has been growing scholarship on children of first generation immigrants in the United States and Canada. This scholarship has been generated mainly in the United States, as scholars, most situated in the discipline of sociology, became interested in understanding the assimilation experiences of post-1965 immigrants to the United States who migrate from "non-traditional" or non-European countries. The introduction of Portes and Zhou's (1993) segmented assimilation model gave way to further thinking about the situation and role of children of first generation immigrants to North America in their families’ integration experiences. The role of schools and education in the assimilation process of immigrant children and youth also became a focal point in this growing body of literature. Bringing integration literature in a conversation with scholarship on the workings of schools in particular, and education in general as sites of cultural and social reproduction in neoliberal times, offers another possible dimension from which to reflect on the educational achievements of Filipino-Canadian students. This thesis seeks to think through the experiences of children of first generation Filipino immigrants in Canada in light  5  of these scholarly contributions. Attentive to calls in children's geographies to centre the child and young person in thinking about space, I pay specific attention to how and where the educational experiences of Filipino-Canadian youth unfold, such as the transnational spaces and the spaces of education. Therefore, in broadly dealing with the question of how can one make sense of the lessthan-expected academic achievements of Filipino youth in Canada, I engage specifically with three particular, but interrelated, sites from which the educational outcomes of Filipino students can be approached. First, I attend to sites stretched and shaped by the transnational spaces that Filipino-Canadian students negotiate that are wrapped up in their experiences as children of first generation Filipino immigrants. These include the transnational spaces of the family, education, home, labour and migration between the Philippines and Canada. Second, I consider the spaces of English as a Second Language (ESL) as a site within which particular experiences and performances of Filipino students take shape. Finally, I deliberate on the public high school as a site where Filipino youth negotiate expectations and encounters that can allow for more careful consideration of factors at work in the academic outcomes of Filipino-Canadian youths. Overall, I intend to show how the geographies of FilipinoCanadian youths' particular educational experiences can help to understand their poor academic outcomes by allowing us to see: i) the holding spaces in which the academic aspirations of Filipino students are suspended and deferred; and ii) the possibility of reframing the onus of responsibility for the less-than-expected academic achievements of Filipino students away from the individual and family to the structural conditions of migration and educational institutions.  6  While I endeavor to center the youth in thinking of their geographies, it is sometimes difficult to neatly separate their lives from that of their families, particularly their mothers. The role of time likewise cannot be neatly separated from the students' negotiations across and in spaces. The need to postpone their educational progress, structured into migration and education policy, and the tempo with which the students attempt to complete their high school education play significant roles in the academic trajectories of immigrant Filipino youths. For some of the youths, the interplay of time and space is particularly acute. They are the students who are both held up in certain spaces of education and are running out of time to complete their high school education before legally reaching the age of an adult. It appears that for this group of students, completing a high school education becomes an even harder task. I therefore argue that attending to the youths' negotiations across and in various spaces can allow for a fuller appreciation of the factors that condition their educational aspirations and outcomes.  1.1  Methodology  This research is based on 19 focus group discussions and 4 interviews conducted with 52 Filipino-Canadian youth. Surveys were also collected from 45 Filipino students attending post-secondary institutions in Vancouver (Appendix A). Among the 52 youth who took part in focus groups and interviews, 4 are enrolled in post-secondary education (ages 21-27), one working youth completed a university education, one working youth completed a high school education but did not pursue post-secondary education in Canada (23-years old), and 46 students are attending Vancouver public high schools (13-19 years old).  7  It should be noted that this study focuses in particular on the high school experiences of Filipino students in the City of Vancouver. I build on previous work done on the integration experiences of Filipino-Canadian youth that centered its analysis on the family (Pratt et al 2008) by turning to another site of analysis, the public high school. From the survey data collected for this research, among 45 Filipino post-secondary students surveyed, none of the respondents indicated that they graduated from a Vancouver public high school. Also, Pratt's (2012 forthcoming) recent analysis of the academic performances of FilipinoCanadian youth shows that Filipino youth attending high school in Vancouver's suburbs are achieving slightly higher grade point averages than their counterparts in Vancouver schools. This project focuses almost exclusively on Filipino students in Vancouver public high schools and thus does not pursue this city/suburban difference, undoubtedly an important focus for future research. I will argue that geography plays a significant role in the academic performances and outcomes of Filipino students, but my focus is on transnational migration and micro-geographies of the school rather than the scales in-between. While interviews were conducted with four Filipino post-secondary students and two working youth, and 45 surveys were collected from Filipino students attending post-secondary school, this thesis deals mainly with the focus groups and interviews of 46 Filipino high school students. The data and information gathered outside this group of 46 high school students has helped to contour and provide a more textured context for examining the issues of Filipino-Canadian students attending high school. The 46 students involved in the project are from Grades 8 to 12 (ages 13-19), from two different public high schools in Vancouver (see Table 1.1, Appendix B). The schools were chosen for this project because: i) both schools have a significant number of Filipino students,  8  one with the third largest Filipino student population in Vancouver public high schools, the other with the fifth largest; 4 and ii) administrators at both schools agreed to support and assist in the process of conducting interviews and focus groups at their respective schools. The majority of the high school students involved in the project recently immigrated to Canada, within the current year to the last eight years (38 out of the 46 participants). The majority of high school participants' parents (either mother or father) migrated to Canada before the participants migrated themselves or were born in Canada. In this case, the youths' mothers or fathers typically migrated through either of the two temporary foreign workers programs: the Live-in Caregiver Program or Foreign Domestic Movement program 5 (32 out of 46 participants). The majority of high school participants were born in the Philippines (38 out of 46 participants). The greater number of high school participants born in the Philippines can be attributed to the methods employed to recruit project participants. Students who selfidentified as Filipinos responded to recruitment calls to participate in the project at the two public high schools. One teenage girl later explained to me that she did not sign up to be a part of the project as she was under the impression that Tagalog-speakers were the project's intended target group. Thirty-two teenage boys and 14 girls participated in the focus groups and interviews. The discrepancy between the number of boys and girls who participated in the project may be related to the ways in which students were enlisted for the project. After the initial call for students to participate, more girls than boys had signed up to be interviewed. 4 These statistics are according to the Vancouver School Board's Filipino Multicultural Liaison Worker. The two high schools at which this research was conducted were targeted because their administrators have facilitated special programs for Filipino students on their campuses. The Vancouver public high school with the largest number of Filipino students did not respond to requests to conduct the project at the school. 5 The Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP) is a temporary foreign worker program of Citizenship and Immigration Canada. Live-in caregivers provide care for the children, elderly or persons with disabilities of Canadian families. They are required to both live and work in private homes under a temporary work permit before they are eligible to apply for permanent resident status. The Foreign Domestic Movement (FDM) preceded the LCP and was replaced by the LCP in 1992. The introduction of the FDM in 1982 saw the Philippines emerge as the predominant source country for temporary domestic workers to Canada (Macklin 1992).  9  Follow-up recruitment efforts concentrated on seeking more boys to participate to try to even out the numbers, which may account for the larger number of boys who participated in the project in the end. Also, when I made recruitment efforts through conversations with students in school hallways, girls did not tend to sign up to be interviewed in these more visible public places in the school. Table 1.1: Profile of Project Participants Attending High School 6  1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19  Name 7  Grade  Gender  Country of Birth  Immigration Path to Canada 8  Year of Parent's Migration to Canada  Marvin Lester Nina Teresa Louie Emil Oliver Rafael Lester Edwin Harvey Karl Kathie Danielle Faye Christian Carlo Nierel Bea  9 9 8 8 9 9 10 12 11 10 10 10 12 10 10 11 11 12 12  M M F F M M M M M M M M F F F M M M F  Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines  Independent LCP Independent LCP LCP LCP LCP LCP Independent LCP LCP Independent Unknown Unknown LCP LCP LCP Independent Independent  2010 Unknown 2004 Unknown 2006 2002 Unknown Unknown 2010 2004 2003 2010 2001 2004 2004 Unknown 2002 2008 2009  Year of Youth's Arrival in Canada 2010 2006 2004 2010 2009 2007 2009 2008 2010 2009 2009 2010 2010 2009 2008 2005 2010 2008 2009  Entry Grade in Canada 9 5 2 7 8 6 9 10 11 9 9 10 12 9 8 6 11 10 11  6  For a more detailed profile of project participants see Appendix B. These are pseudonyms and not the actual names of the research participants. 8 This data indicates which Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) program the youths' families migrated to the country under. LCP refers to the Live-in Caregiver Program, CIC's labour and immigration program that facilitates and manages the entry of temporary workers who perform live-in domestic work. In the case of the Filipino community, it is typically the women who migrate through this program. Under the LCP, workers cannot migrate with their immediate dependent family members. Instead, they can apply to sponsor their family dependents only after completing the requirements of the program and receiving permanent resident status. FDM refers to the Foreign Domestic Movement program of the 1980's, the temporary foreign worker program antecedent of the LCP. "Independent" indicates that the youths migrated with their families and that one of their parents did not migrate to Canada under the LCP or FDM. 7  10  Name 7  Grade  Gender  Country of Birth  Immigration Path to Canada 8  Year of Parent's Migration to Canada  20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29  Julian Jess Arsenio Junior Nicole Pia Laya Martin Dante Dianne  12 10 11 11 12 11 12 8 10 10  M M M M F F F M M F  Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Canada  LCP LCP LCP LCP LCP Independent LCP LCP LCP FDM  2003 2001 Unknown Unknown Unknown 2005 2005 2001 2005 1989  30  Teresa  10  F  Canada  FDM  1985  31 32 33 34 35 36  Donald Rico Harold Brian Hari Noah  11 11 11 11 12 12  M M M M M M  Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines  LCP Unknown LCP LCP Independent LCP  2003 2007 Unknown 2003 2008 2003  37 38 39 40 41  Christopher Alexandra Amanda Chelsea Carl  12 12 11 12 10  M F F F M  Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines Canada  LCP LCP Independent LCP LCP  2004 2005 2005 2002 1993  42  Ryan  10  M  Canada  Unknown  1992  43  Enrico  12  M  Canada  LCP  Unknown  44  El John  9  M  Canada  LCP  Unknown  45  Theo  9  M  Canada  Unknown  Unknown  46  Ken  10  M  Canada  LCP  1992  Year of Youth's Arrival in Canada 2006 2008 2009 2008 2009 2005 2009 2008 2009 Not applicable Not applicable 2008 2010 2008 2008 2008 2008  Entry Grade in Canada  2009 2009 2009 2006 Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable  11 11 9 9 K  8 8 11 10 11 6 11 7 9 K K 9 10 8 8 11 11  K K K K K  Geographers who study children have drawn attention to problematic power relations involved in conducting research with children and youth. They point to the tendency of researchers to  11  see children and youth as "adults-in-waiting" who are without the proper tools to speak meaningfully about their own lives (Barker and Weller 2003; Hopkins and Bell 2008). At the other extreme, Pratt (2010) cautions against a liberal tendency to construct youth as "sovereign subjects" with full agency over and hence culpability for their lives. Mindful of these methodological concerns and power relations, I made an effort to use questions for the focus groups and interviews that might allow the students to talk about particular moments in their migration and integration experiences and their daily lives, both in the Philippines and Canada (see Appendix C). Focus groups and interviews were semi-structured with the intention of allowing students to discuss issues or experiences on which they wanted to dwell. Questions about particular moments revolved around learning about their impending migration to Canada, their last days of school in the Philippines, and the students' first days of school in Vancouver. Questions about their daily lives focused on their daily routines at school, what they did, with whom, and where they spent time during lunch periods, in classes and outside of school. Participants for the focus groups and interviews at the high schools were enlisted through the assistance of the Vancouver School Board's Filipino Multicultural Worker and school administration. I introduced the project and enlisted participants at a lunch-time assembly called for Filipino students at one of the schools. At the other school, I enlisted participants through snowball sampling techniques by talking with Filipino students in school hallways during lunch-time and after school. Focus groups and interviews were conducted in both English and Tagalog and were held on-site at the two public high schools, either after school or during the lunch-time break. There were obvious limitations with conducting focus groups during the students' 40-minute lunch break. In these particular groups a rapport with  12  the students was difficult to foster as issues and experiences introduced in the discussion could not be further elaborated on, and guide questions had to be abbreviated because of the finite time constraint. The focus groups and interviews were held in quiet rooms on the school campus, audio-recorded, transcribed and translated into English. Each 30 to 60 minute focus group involved two to three students from roughly the same grade levels, ages, and gender. Twenty-three students participated in the project at each school. The focus groups and interviews were carried out from November 2010 to January 2011. Five additional in-depth interviews with students who were involved in the focus groups were held in January and February 2011. In addition to the focus groups and interviews at the schools, I conducted ethnographic observations at lunch-time meetings of a Filipino club at one of the schools, and attended an after-school mentorship program for Filipino students at the other school on several occasions. After the initial round of data collection, I returned to the two schools in March and April 2011 to video record short interviews with the students who participated in the project. For the video, the students were asked to give advice to Filipino youth who are preparing to migrate to Canada or who have just recently-arrived in Vancouver. The opportunity to return to the schools for this purpose allowed me to collect more personal stories from the students through different means as the students both added to their personal narratives or animated their experiences differently. In the process of this research, the tension was never fully resolved between acknowledging the youth's capacity to speak, and recognising that verbal communication is not always an empowering or the most effective means of expression. I endeavored to straddle this tension by using different ways of capturing what is bracketed in verbal communication (such as uncomfortable silences). I kept field notes, allowed for discussion  13  when the audio recorder was turned off, spent time with the students in the school hallways, gyms, and cafeterias, and used the video interviews and focus groups as opportunities for the youth to interact with one another. In the end, while an uncomplicated balance was never achieved, the youth's participation in the project revealed experiences, struggles and issues in their lives as students and immigrant children that may help us understand what factors condition their educational outcomes.  1.2  Chapter summaries  The thesis is comprised of three chapters. In Chapter 2, I engage with an approach that considers the educational attainment of children of first generation Filipino immigrants to Canada as an anomaly to an expected narrative of immigrant assimilation in North America. Guided by Portes and Zhou's (1993) model of segmented assimilation, academics in Canada are keying into an unevenness between the level of education achieved by first generation immigrants and their children, and drawing attention to the fact that Filipino youths are not meeting or exceeding their parents', particularly their fathers', levels of educational attainment. I consider the claims of such a model that renders Filipino youths an anomaly by engaging first with academic literature that theorises education as a site of cultural and social reproduction, and second, with the educational and transnational experiences of FilipinoCanadian students. I build on work done in children's geography and studies of transnationalism to further develop an outlook that holds the geographies of young people at the centre. I argue that such an approach, one attentive to how the students interweave and rupture space in their own personal migration stories, and how they sometimes find their educational advancement delayed or held up in spaces of education and transnational  14  migration, can offer ways of accounting for the educational attainment of Filipino-Canadian youth. In Chapter 3, I pay particular attention to the second language learning experiences of Filipino students in Vancouver. In this chapter, I reflect on academic literature on pedagogy, power and second language learning. Holding the students' experiences alongside this literature, I ask how does English as a Second Language (ESL), as a policy, pedagogy and bureaucracy, affect the students' educational outcomes? I describe how Filipino youth are brought into being as second language students by the technologies of ESL bureaucracy, and how a pragmatic logic in ESL pedagogy and practice organises the trajectories of the students' tracks towards high school completion. More generally, I focus on the performativity of ESL in the spaces of its bureaucracy. Here I suggest the possibility of thinking beyond techniques of classroom management to better cope with the challenges of ESL students in British Columbia, by bringing into question what ESL does through its acts of designation and assessment. In Chapter 4, I consider how various expectations play into the students' navigation through the education system and school. I explain the interlocking ways that expectations are knitted into migration through the models that predict the integration outcomes of children of first generation immigrants, and how their opportunity to study in Canada is framed by their families' as an inheritance. I emphasise the ways in which time and space work through how the students negotiate what is anticipated from them and what they anticipate from each other. With regards to the latter set of expectations, I focus on encounters between recently arrived Filipino youths and Filipino students born and raised in Canada. I reflect on these encounters at school as a means to think through the different ways Filipino-Canadian youth deal with 15  future prospects. Overall, in this chapter I try to understand the students' experiences through what is expected of them. I attempt to recover a politics that does not render the youth individually responsible for their less-than-expected outcomes but rather interrogates the conditions of these expectations.  16  Chapter 2: Holding Spaces: Geographies of Filipino-Canadian Youth's Educational Experiences  "Not my Filipino students..." recalled the principal of her days as a teacher in the late 1990's in Vancouver. She is now a principal at a Vancouver public high school with the fifth largest Filipino student population in the city. In the late 1990's, she was a public high school teacher, teaching students in an enriched and accelerated program. As we sat in our first meeting together to discuss my interest in speaking to students about their educational aspirations, she was compelled to recall a particular moment a decade ago when she had attended a public forum. The forum was held in the midst of public debates, media attention, and general anxiety over the case of a Filipino student whose throat had been slashed in a public park close to the school he attended. After the incident, and for fear of their safety, community groups documented at least 25 Filipino students who had chosen to no longer attend school. 9 While she could not recall the details of the forum, she remembers the criticism of one member of the Filipino community who argued that the school system did not prioritize the education of Filipino students, but instead prepared these students to work "McJobs". It was in response to this criticism that she thought to herself "not my Filipino students, I'm preparing them for university". While the principal shared this exchange with me as a learning moment that has informed her practice as an administrator of two different high schools (both with significant populations of Filipino students), I turn to this interaction to reflect on the tensions that  9  In  the  1999  academic  school  year,  the  Philippine  Women  Centre  of  B.C.  and  the  Filipino-­‐Canadian  Youth  Alliance  organised  Filipino-­‐ Canadians  Against  Racism,  a  community  organisation  intended  to  support  the  parents  of  the  Filipino  students  at  the  school  and  to   raise  public  awareness  of  the  impacts  of  systemic  racism.  These  community  organisations  documented  the  number  of  Filipino   students  who  were  not  attending  school  during  this  time.        17  revolve around the issues of education and the integration of Filipino immigrant youth. The points of view shared at the public forum offer two seemingly polar opinions. On the one hand, one view sees the role of education as an instrument for upward social mobility; on the other, education is understood as a tool of racialised class reproduction. While the two views appear diametrically opposed about the role of education as it is currently practiced, they share a common anxiety about the educational outcomes for Filipino youth. A number of academics share these concerns. Abada et al (2009), for example, consider the anomalous educational achievements of Filipino youth relative to almost all other immigrant youths in Canada, wherein their outcomes fall away from mainstream patterns of ethnic educational attainment. They maintain that for most immigrant groups, there is clear intergenerational upward mobility between children of first generation immigrants and their parents (especially among Asians). However they note that, along with Black immigrant youth, Filipino youth migrating to Canada do not act as fulcrums propelling the upward social mobility of their families and community across generations. When comparing parental education and children's university attainment, Abada et al found that, unlike most groups, where children attain a higher level of education than their first generation immigrant parents, Filipino youth are less likely to attain a university degree when compared to their fathers. In this chapter, I attempt to better understand the anomaly of Filipino immigrant youths' poor educational attainment by thinking through the contradiction apparent in the account shared earlier. More specifically, I endeavor to unravel the contradiction between viewing education as a route to success and seeing it as an institution that solidifies disadvantage. To do this, I deliberate on the literature on immigrant assimilation in North America, with an eye to the ways in which the children of immigrants are approached. I then  18  turn to writings on the role of education to reflect on how educational institutions are theorised as sites of cultural and social reproduction. My interest in engaging with these two sets of literature lies in being attentive to the spaces or geographies that can come into view through the educational experiences of Filipino youths in Canada. Ultimately, I argue that in the geographies of Filipino-Canadian students' experiences of transnational migration and education in Canada, there are tentative footholds from which one could explain the anomaly of Filipino youths' lower than expected levels of educational attainment. Hoping to look beyond the time and spaces of arrival and into the production of difference, I point to certain spaces that may offer added insight into the academic achievements of Filipino-Canadian students. In particular, I consider how they negotiate spaces involved in transnational labour and family migration, their lives as students, and spaces where their educational trajectories are influenced in ways that can account for their less-than expected educational outcomes.  2.1  The anomaly of Filipino youth in Canada  Portes et al (2001) see children of first generation immigrants as a key to mapping out the uneven integration experiences of immigrant communities. In their work in the United States, they argue that the upward or downward social mobility of post-World War II immigrant communities rotates around their children (1.5 or 2nd generation immigrants). In other words, the assimilation experiences of children of recent immigrants offer a window into how and where immigrant communities integrate along the socioeconomic ladder. The educational attainment of children of immigrants thus becomes one extremely important benchmark signaling the success or failure of upward social mobility across immigrant generations. In this literature, upward social mobility is conflated with successful assimilation or integration (Abada et al 2009, Portes et al 2005, Espiritu 2002, Portes et al 2001). To put it crudely, the 19  failure of children of immigrants to attain high levels of education signals downward social mobility and less-than-successful integration, while high educational attainment suggests upward mobility and successful integration. I am here particularly interested in two interrelated ideas that come to view within Portes' work. First, work on children of immigrants brings to light the responsibility or role that children of first generation immigrants carry and play in the trajectory of immigrant communities. Second, they highlight the idea that educational attainment is a decisive marker of mobility. Abada et al (2009) extend Portes’ assimilation theory to the Canadian context focusing their interest on the educational attainment of children of Canadian immigrants as a marker of mobility. The level of parental academic achievement is used as a node to predict the educational outcomes of immigrant children, wherein children of immigrants are expected to meet and exceed their parents' educational attainment. Analyzing the 2002 Ethnic Diversity Survey, they argue that upward mobility is likely achieved across generations, depending on the immigrant community's family background, human and social capital. For Abada et al (ibid), Filipino intergenerational mobility poses a paradox. They note that while parents of Filipino children and youth are among the most educated of all immigrant parents, their children do not attain the same high educational levels as their parents (Figure 2.1). Trying to make sense of this paradox, they work with Portes' idea of modes of incorporation. According to Portes and Zhou's (1993) segmented assimilation model, modes of incorporation refers to the context into which immigrants are received, such as the legal status of immigrants, the state assistance they receive, and the levels of discrimination they may experience as factors that structure immigrants' process of adaptation. 20  Abada et al (ibid) argue that the devaluing of first generation Filipino immigrants' education achieved outside of Canada may account for the anomaly of immigrant children's educational outcomes. As they point out, Kelly (2006) has previously shown the high concentration of first generation Filipino immigrants who labour in low-paying service sector occupations such as clerical work, health care, hospitality, manufacturing and retail. In his research on Filipinos in Toronto, Kelly (ibid) found a disconnect between the high levels of education Filipinos bring with them to Canada and the occupations they perform after their migration. The devaluing of the foreign education and credentials of first generation immigrants in Canada and associated downward occupational mobility upon migration is not unique to the Filipino community. Over the last 30 years, there has been a well-documented trend of the occupational segregation of new Canadian immigrants at the lower rungs of Canada's labour market (Li 2000). This trend is related to changes in Canada's immigration system, labour market, and a major shift in immigrant source countries, which has seen the immigration of racialised immigrants migrating from non-traditional (i.e. non-Western European) countries. Scholars have shown how the systematic and everyday devaluing of immigrants' prior educational achievements and credentials intersects with Canada's racialised and gendered labour market resulting in the general deskilling of immigrant labour (Creese and Weibe 2009; Mojab 1999). According to Kelly (ibid), while 60 percent of Filipino male and 28.3 percent of female principal applicants claiming landed immigrant status held university degrees upon arrival, only 30 percent of male applicants and 11.3 percent of female applicants were destined for appropriate jobs. Bringing together Kelly's work and Portes' thoughts on the decisive role of modes of incorporation, Abada et al (2009) begin to account for the educational anomaly of Filipino  21  youth. While the parents of Filipino children are more likely to be highly educated with credentials and training from the Philippines, the context into which they are received devalues their educational credentials, thereby dampening the potential transfer of educational aspirations to the generation growing up in a Canadian context. Abada et al (ibid) work with Portes' ideas around segmented assimilation to approach the anomaly of Filipino youth's educational achievements, and argue for the need to go further than human capital factors and to begin to look for social and cultural factors that may explain differences in educational attainment in a Canadian context. 10 The research by Portes and Abada allow us to consider the nature of the incongruity between Filipino first generation immigrant parents and their children's educational achievements. Their work also provides a vantage point from which one can view the seeming deviation of Filipino youth from the dominant and expected narrative of immigrant assimilation. Ambiguous in these dominant narratives of immigrant assimilation are the experiences of Canadian immigrant youth in general, and children of first generation Filipinos immigrants in particular. Researchers tend to speculate about youths’ experiences without consulting youths about them. Considering Filipino-Canadian youths' particular experiences with immigration and education can provide grounds for unpacking the claims at stake in rendering their educational achievements as an anomaly. In her book, "Things Fall Away: Philippine Historical Experience and the Makings of Globalization", Tadiar (2009) theorises the Philippines' experience with neoliberal globalisation and modernity through those whose subjectivities both fall away and are co-constituted by dominant narratives of global  10 To see how Abada works with Portes' segmented assimilation theory to emphasize the effects of gender and culture, see Abada, Teresa and Erick Yeboah Tenkorang. 2009. “Gender Differences in Educational Attainment among the Children of Canadian Immigrants,” International Sociology, July 2009, Vol. 24(4), 580-608.  22  capitalism. Turning to three separate figures: the Filipino female domestic worker, the urban poor slum dweller, and the revolutionary, Tadiar is interested in following the ways in which the subjectivities of these figures fade away from hegemonic accounts of capitalism and modernity, but do not fall out of capitalist modes of production. In viewing this tension between modes of experience and the modes of capitalist production, subaltern subjectivities - such as diverse forms of intimacy and social belonging -- fall away from hegemonic accounts of political and economic processes and subjectivities at the same time as capitalist processes colonise and redeploy these very subjectivities. Filipino youth who neither meet nor exceed their parents' educational achievements, as well as societal expectations about trajectories towards immigrant integration, in a sense fall away. They fade away as anomalies to the narrative that expects a trajectory of upward mobility for immigrant families and communities with whom the Filipino community in Canada shares certain characteristics. Attending to how they fade away from expected narratives may allow for a recovery of certain subjectivities of Filipino-Canadian students that are not easily captured by a framing concerned primarily with their educational outcomes as they relate to predicting successful integration.  2.2  Meeting expectations: education and reproduction  Dillabough (2003), in thinking about how gender has been approached in education, worries about scholarly concern over outcomes particularly because of what is lost in a focus on results in educational performance. She outlines different factors that have advanced a scholarly preoccupation with outcomes. While post-modern feminist critiques have rightly pointed out the overly deterministic tendencies of those studying the reproduction of gender in education, Dillabough maintains that there has been a reactive tendency to shy away from 23  meta-theories interested in theorising the multiple ways that youth experience changing educational systems both at a macro- and micro-level. Adding to this tendency, there has been an inclination to bracket theoretical work on the state in favour of approaching gender as a universal difference across educational systems. This twinned tendency, she argues, has folded nicely into a neoliberal concern with the global competitiveness of students, privileging research agendas concerned with measuring the academic achievements of girls and young women. As a cumulative result, Dillabough contends that what has fallen out of view in the retreat from theorising reproduction are the multiple ways young people engage with rapidly changing education systems as class expressions of their diverse social locations in the state (p.378). Warning against a preoccupation with measuring female school performance and results, she argues that: "We have arrived at this state of affairs largely because we have returned to a concern with the gendered outcomes of a system, rather than holding on to a project that sought to determine how diverse educational systems function in a changing global, market-oriented, and unequal social order" (Dillabough 2003: 378). It is useful to think of Dillabough's concerns in relation to the anomaly of Filipino students' academic achievements. Her thoughts encourage us to think more broadly about the role of education when thinking about the integration and assimilation of Filipino students, beyond the instrumentality of simple outcomes of easily quantified or measured educational success. Certainly Portes et al (2005, 1996) do appreciate the significant role of schools in the integration process as a mode of incorporation, referring to the school environment as a reception point. However, Dillabough's project broadens the analysis by turning attention away from individual school environments to bring into question education as an institution. In this, her views are much closer to the Filipino community groups who questioned the role  24  of Vancouver schools in preparing Filipino youths for ‘Mcjobs’. In her own project, Dillabough turns to Bourdieu's concept of reproduction to think through the ways education as an institution works to maintain a certain social order key to national projects. For Bourdieu, “all pedagogic action is objectively symbolic violence insofar as it is an imposition of a cultural arbitrary by an arbitrary power” (1990a: 5). Symbolic violence as a mode of domination is key to Bourdieu's logic of social power. In one move, a group imposes its cultural power and everyday norms over another group; while in another move, it conceals the act of meting out power through misrecognition or presenting itself as objective. For Bourdieu, the education system through its pedagogic actions performs both these routines. He argues that all pedagogic action legitimates a dominant group by reproducing the dominant group's arbitrary norms, that is, the group's cultural framings, while presenting these framings as unproblematic or natural. Following Bourdieu's reasoning, in the mode of capitalist production the education system reproduces the cultural logic of the dominant class wherein students who embody bourgeois cultural characteristics are rewarded, while those who do not perform poorly. In other words, the education system is meant to maintain class and cultural power relations as it produces a certain habitus, a sensibility or disposition, that is produced over time and is a result of multiple and repeated acts of pedagogy. According to Bourdieu, the habitus reflects the objective interests of the dominant class or ‘cultural arbitrary’. The habitus produced by pedagogic actions delivered by the education system helps to ensure the transfer of cultural capital (i.e. knowledge and skills) marked by unequal relations across generations. In a similar vein, Willis' (1977) ethnography of working class youths in Britain is very much concerned with the concept of culture, more specifically culture as "materially symbolic 25  patterns and associated practices of human meaning making in context" (Willis 2004: 169). Like Bourdieu, Willis sees the reproduction, transfer, and legitimisation of class identities across generations. For Willis (2004, 1977), culture is inherently an inevitable part of social relations and processes. In his ethnography of working class "lads" in a British town, he answers his main question of why working class children get working class jobs by turning to the dialectic and productive tension between culture and social relations. Bringing into question the liberal notion that the "lads" lack individual ability and willingness to strive beyond their working class family backgrounds because of their rebellious behavior, Willis (1977) explains that in their anti-authority acts in schools, the boys embody their working class culture, a culture that values manual labour over mental labour. In this logic, the youths' acts of resistance to authority prepare and streamline them into such labour. Bourdieu (1990a) approaches the question of education and labour in a similar manner. Like Willis, who sees the patterns and practices of the youths at school folding into the factories, Bourdieu also holds the role of the education system and labour tightly together. More specifically, Bourdieu contends that the role of educational institutions cannot be reduced to a simple issue of labour demand and supply arguing that this formulation is too mechanical. Instead of reducing the educational institutions’ role to satisfying economic development and national interests, he argues that the educational institution is part of the combined action of the school and class values in contending that economic demands are not independent of power relations. Therefore, it could be argued that for Bourdieu and perhaps Willis, there is no position of resistance outside of dominant power relations, rather, acts of agency and resistance are recuperated by the dominant power relations that such acts seek to  26  disrupt. Instead of existing outside, power relations play out within, reifying and reinforcing structures of power within and in interplay with the reproductive role of education. Willis' (2004, 1977) work around the culture of working class youth can be linked alongside Dillabough's (2003) concern about what is lost when academic outcomes become a preoccupation, and Bourdieu's (1990a) ideas of symbolic violence ingrained in pedagogic action; together they allow for more expansive and careful thinking about the educational anomaly of Filipino students in Canada. Their work casts the anomaly in a different light when brought into a conversation with the literature on the assimilation and integration of children of first generation immigrants. Focusing on the role of education in general, and schools in particular, shifts attention away from educational attainment as a marker and tool of mobility to a broader set of questions of what factors are at work within educational systems that shape the integration of immigrant children.  2.3  Recovering geographies: following Filipino students who fall away  Tadiar sees the transformative possibilities of those experiential modes that fall away from hegemonic or normative narratives, explaining that: "these devalued, supplemental experiential practices nevertheless importantly create and transform the very material, social structures in which...[they] seek to intervene" (2009: 8). To follow these fragments that fall away, Tadiar turns to Philippine literature as expressible forms of those modes that expose the limits of narratives of global capitalism. Although drawing on very different materials than the fiction and poetry analysed by Tadiar, I am arguing that the educational experiences of Filipino students in Canada may also carry the potential to render alternative ways of seeing and approaching the question of immigrant integration and educational outcomes. Turning to  27  the students' experiences can bring these alternatives into view. Dillabough's (2003) concern about a preoccupation with outcomes that lose sight of how youth engage with diverse educational systems functioning in a changing global and unequal social order echoes similar refrains among children's geographers who maintain the need to recognise the agency of young people. Holloway and Valentine (2003) explain that the social construct of children as adults-in-waiting predominates today’s normative assumption of the child, rendering the child as a passive object waiting to be socialised. I am not suggesting that Portes' model of segmented assimilation intentionally brackets the agency of children of first generation immigrants, nor am I arguing that the model of assimilation leaves no occasion for critical thought about how immigrant children negotiate the modes of incorporation, human and social capital that Portes argues structures their integration trajectory. As Abada et al's (2009) work shows, Portes' ideas around segmented assimilation could offer ways of accounting for the less-than-expected educational outcomes of Filipino-Canadian students by its attentiveness to the migration context of Filipino children and their families. Instead, I argue that turning to Filipino-Canadian students' experiences with education as a starting point could possibly offer alternative ways of approaching and framing Filipino immigrant youths' academic outcomes. Or as Dillabough (ibid) suggests, centering youths' dynamic engagement with educational systems from their class and social positions can foster: "the development of a framework in which [gender] differences in education would be constructed not as essential, [nor] as purely successful...but as markers of economic, cultural, and social privilege that are far more complex than liberal accounts or the mass media are able to suggest" (2003: 378). Thus, it is useful to think through the students' narratives. In the remainder of this chapter, I stay close to one teenage girl's story of transnational migration and high school life  28  in Vancouver. I reflect on her story as a means of moving through the varied experiences of Filipino high school students in Vancouver who have migrated to Canada mostly as teenagers in roughly the last five years. While I stick to the young woman's accounts of waiting to migrate to Canada, enrolling in a Vancouver public high school, and her experiences as a racialised new immigrant student, at times, I bring in accounts of other recently arrived Filipino students. As Valentine (1999) suggests, appreciating the geographies of young people allows for an approach that considers the social construction of children not only historically-specific, but also spatially-specific. I argue that turning to the spaces of FilipinoCanadian students' educational experiences may allow us to see the processes through which Filipino students are produced as different and their experiences fall away from expected immigrant narratives. In their approach to the geographies of youth, Jeffrey and Dyson (2008) work to uncover the multiple ways in which young people actively negotiate global social and economic changes. One strand of their argument suggests that global economic restructuring, new health risks, militarization and educational changes have in many ways detached the notion of youth from the biological quality of being young. Jeffrey and Dyson suggest that economic shifts and other such changes have postponed or delayed young people's turn to forms of adulthood. It is the specificity of Filipino-Canadian students' geographies that I endeavor to capture. Interlacing the teenage girl's story with those of other youths dovetails into common narratives of transnational migration and the postponement of their academic aspirations across and in spaces. In their narratives, I highlight their particular geographies and how the youth negotiate different spaces over time to attempt to bring to light alternative ways of understanding their educational experiences and outcomes.  29  2.4  Geographies of Filipino-Canadian students' educational experiences  Laya was born in the Philippines and she migrated to Canada in 2009 with her older sister and younger brother. When she arrived in Vancouver, she rejoined her mother who migrated to the city in 2005 to work as a live-in caregiver. For Laya, her mother's move to Canada was not the first time that her mother left her to work abroad. She recalls that her mother first went to work overseas when she was 1 years old, leaving her and her siblings under the care of her aunt and grandmother in the Philippines. Laya was 18 years old when she came to Vancouver. She is now 19 years old, in Grade 12 and attends high school in one of Vancouver's Eastside schools with the third largest Filipino student population. 11 The following are excerpts of translated transcripts from a focus group and interview conducted with Laya. The excerpts move from Laya's life in the Philippines, her migration to Canada and her life at school in Vancouver. Because Laya's mother migrated to Canada under the Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP), her mother was under contract to live and work in her employer's home as a live-in domestic worker for 24 months. Under the LCP, after meeting the requirements of the program, the women can then sponsor their immediate dependents for permanent residency in Canada (Pratt et al 2008). Here, Laya recalls growing up with her aunt and grandmother in the Philippines: May: What is it like growing up in the Philippines? Laya: Happy...I don't know because...whenever my mom returns home, I'm more close to my aunt and also my grandmother because I grew up with them and ya. May: How did they raise you?  11 This statistic is according to the Vancouver School Board's Filipino Multicultural Liasion Worker  30  Laya: It's like they replaced our parents, they took responsibility of us every morning, breakfast, and then what we needed, like clothes. .... May: What did your aunt and grandmother think about you going abroad? Laya: They were sad about it. They miss us, because you know, my aunt has no family, we are only her family, so when we left, they were so sad, it's only the two of them, my aunt and grandmother at the house, they got so used to having us with them. Laya was 15 years old, already in her third year of high school in the Philippines when she learned that her mother was in the process of applying to sponsor Laya and her siblings to join her in Vancouver. Here she shares how she managed the idea of her looming migration: May: What grade were you in when you left [the Philippines]? Laya: I was in my third year at college. 12 May: What was that time like for you, between the time that you found out you were leaving and the time that you actually left? Laya: [...] It took a while because I did first year college, before first year college, we did a medical exam and then we expected in 6 months our visa would arrive, but it didn't arrive. At that time [...] because there are 2 semesters in one year, and then I only did one in college [...] my mom stopped me because we expected that we would leave (Philippines), then it (Visa) didn't arrive [...]. I was going into second year college, but we were taken out. So I was so bored at home, not doing anything. I took only something like a trade, 3 months only, and then I took culinary arts. That's it only, at least I graduated. May: What did it feel like when you had to stop college then? Laya: I was super sad, I wanted to continue because for me, it may take a long time and then my brain will be dull, you will forget what you learned before, like it leaves your thoughts, it's not fresh in the brain.  12  Teenagers in the Philippines typically graduate at the age of 16, after completing four years of high school. In Vancouver, students typically graduate at the age of 18, after completing five years of high school. Laya was 16 years old when she graduated from high school in the Philippines and entered post-secondary education. Post-secondary education in the Philippines varies in length, depending on the students' chosen program, but is on average four years.  31  May: Did you try to stay sharp? Laya: I can't say, because I didn't know what to do. Just waiting. May: What were you waiting for? Laya: Visa. In Laya's retelling of her life in the Philippines, growing up with her grandmother and aunt and preparing to migrate to Canada, her story draws attention to certain absences and moments of suspension in her life. When asked to describe growing up in the Philippines, she speaks of growing up with her grandmother and aunt in the absence of her mother. When asked about learning of her impending migration to Canada, she speaks of a moment of postponement, a time when she was taken out of school and asked to suspend her education to wait for her visa to travel. Students shared similar accounts of delay and postponing their education as they waited to migrate. Bea, now a Grade 12 student in Vancouver who migrated to Canada the previous year, explains what she saw as a futility in pursuing her education as she waited in the Philippines: "I was supposed to be in college, but then I didn’t continue with it because I knew we were going to migrate here so what’s the point of me studying?" Christopher, now a Grade 12 student in Vancouver, wanted to enroll in a course at the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) while he waited for the documents his mother, who had migrated to Canada years previously under the LCP, had processed to have him and his father and siblings sponsored to Canada: In the Philippines, I was thinking [...] even before I graduated (from high school), yes, it was before my graduation, I told my dad that I [wanted] to take an entrance exam for a course at [...] PUP. And then my dad agreed, because he said that when our visa (to Canada) arrived, it would still probably take us a year, so he allowed me to take the exam. The worst thing happened the next day, boom! [My visa arrived]. I told myself fine, I don't want to take this course anyway, but then like, it was mechanical engineering that I was hoping to take in the Philippines. 32  When Laya and Christopher's schooling in college were suspended to accommodate preparations for their pending move to Canada, their words suggest, not necessarily an aspiration for adulthood, but an aspiration to progress, to continue their schooling. Laya worried about the future implications of delaying her education and losing the knowledge she previously achieved.  The unique migration experiences of Filipino children to Canada, which requires that they wait in the Philippines before their mothers can sponsor them to rejoin them in Canada, brings into view a process of deskilling set into motion even prior to the children's migration. According to Citizenship and Immigration Canada data, in 2006, 48.5 percent of the 6895 permanent residents who immigrated to Canada have a family member who came to the country through the LCP, signaling the significant role the LCP plays in the recent immigration of Filipino youths (Pratt et al 2008). The waiting and deferral of educational aspirations that are stitched into the transnational experience of Filipino families are linked to migration and immigration policies. This loss of knowledge and educational attainment is not unique to Laya and the children of first generation Filipino immigrants in Canada. Pratt et al (2008), for instance, demonstrate that this loss could be seen as a shared experience between Filipino immigrants to Canada and their children. Pratt (2004) shows how local tactics within, and exercised through the LCP and its implementation work in tandem to create the overall strategy of devaluing the educational attainment of Filipino women who migrate to Canada under this program. Entering Canada as a live-in domestic effectively narrows the immediate and future occupational opportunities of women, and when the women complete the requirements of the  33  program, they continue to work in marginal occupations (Kelly 2006; Pratt 2004). Although Pratt et al (2008) argue that the experience of Filipino youth sponsored by and reunited with their migrant mothers in Canada cannot be collapsed into their parents' migration experience, they show how parents' migration to Canada as cheap labourers bleeds into the experience of youth. Capturing this idea in the concept of deskilling across generations, they argue that the deskilling of Filipino women who migrate through the LCP reaches into the lives of Filipino youth who contend with the economic insecurity associated with the forms of labour their parents perform in Canadian society. In this sense the lives of children and youth cannot be neatly separated from the transnational experience of their families. Considering Laya's accounts of the moments before her migration helps to bring into view the transnational spaces that children of first generation Filipino immigrants negotiate. While Portes' model of segmented assimilation speaks to the multiple ways (via social capital, human capital, and modes of incorporation) the integration of immigrant youth depends on their families' situation, the experience of Filipino youth moves away from factors at play only upon arrival and demands careful thinking before and beyond the time and spaces of arrival. Their unique transnational experience, so often structured by the regulations associated with a temporary labour migration program, brings into view a process of deskilling set into motion even prior to the children's migration. More specifically, their narratives about their lives make apparent that the process of deskilling stretches across spaces, seeping into the lives of children of first generation Filipino immigrants even before they leave the Philippines to migrate and be reunited with their mothers.  34  Following Laya's experience moving to Vancouver brings other spaces into view, knitting together her life in Vancouver and in the Philippines. In the following portions of her transcripts, Laya shares her own experience of migration: Laya: [...] I was interested in seeing what I heard about Canada, it's nice I heard. May: How do you feel about it now? Laya: It's just ok here but it wasn't really equal to what I expected, it's like I don't like it now, I want to go back to the Philippines, that's how I feel [...]. I still want to go back. [...] I expected when I arrived here that I'd have lots of friends right away, but those that grew up here who are also Filipino, but they're different, it's like it's hard to go with those that grew up here. ...[Others speak within the focus group.] May: That was the hardest part of the transition. How about for you Laya? Laya: Me, well I was overwhelmed, I was overwhelmed with how welcoming, how my co-Filipinos welcomed me, but, with other colours, other people, I was super "OP", it's hard to get along with them. May: Super OP? Nicole: Out of place [laughter]. Laya's spatial references are particularly interesting and informative in bringing certain geographies into view. Her longing to return back home and her feeling of being "out of place", even as she feels welcomed by some of her fellow Filipino students and snubbed by others, interweaves and simultaneously ruptures space. Espiritu (2002), in her research on second-generation Filipino-Americans, provides insight into the unique positionality and multiple identities of this group of youth. As a sector of the Filipino community, her study of youth reveals the "in-betweeness" of their identities, uncovering their sense of alienation from a Filipino identity tenuously glued to a symbolic affinity to their parents' homeland, and their experiences of pressures of assimilation and racism in the United States. From this position, 35  Espiritu shows the different ways that second-generation Filipino-American youth negotiate their identities at the intersections of race, ethnicity and class. Recently-arrived students in Vancouver also frame the Philippines as affinities, both material and affective. Consider Rico's response when asked how his first day at a Vancouver school was: "Bad. I missed my grandpa there (in the Philippines)". Consider as well Bea's reaction to the different class position she finds herself in Canada in relation to the Philippines: "They told us that there are no maids here. [...] I miss our katulongs (housemaids). It's so hard. You have to know how to do things at home because you’re a girl". Bea brings attention to the class dislocation she underwent with her migration to Canada, but also how this class disruption intersects with gendered expectations in migration and the new roles Bea assumes in the family and household. Other teenage girls shared similar stories about their newfound roles as caregivers to their younger siblings while their parents were at work did not allow them time to socialise with friends and classmates at the end of the school day. These girls often reflected on caring for their younger siblings as an added role that was not expected from them when they were students in the Philippines. In Pratt's (2004) consideration of the activism of FilipinoCanadian youth, she demonstrates how Canadian-born youth actively seek connections to the Philippines. In response to experiences of alienation and racism in Canada, which posit them as "not-quite Canadian" and "not-quite Filipino", she shows how these Filipino-Canadian youth realise their identity by recovering their parents' stories of their lives in the Philippines and their experience of migration to Canada. Laya's wish to go back to the Philippines as a response to her life in Canada not meeting her expectations parallels Espiritu and Pratt's rendering of the youths' acts of weaving together two spaces as a response to feeling out of place. Moreover, the rupturing of space in  36  Laya's sentiment of being out of place moves in two ways. First, she expresses a fissure between her expectations of and her reality in Canada; secondly, she articulates this fracture with reference to the students at her school. Hari and Noah, both Grade 12 recent immigrants also speak of a disconnect with their migration to Canada: May: What did you think of Canada before you came? Hari: [I thought there were] no Filipinos around. I was so scared, how could I express myself? Noah: Ya. Hari: Without people from my country living here, how could I express myself? Who was I going to ask these questions [to]? [...] 13 Noah: Like what would I do here, who would I talk to? I don’t know. And it’s boring because there’s no leaves and stuff and it’s so cold. Like at 4:00 pm, 5:00 pm, how come it’s dark? I don’t know.[...] Hari: For me, it’s totally different, because what I watched in the movies I was like “oh, there’s bullying happening there (Canada)”, I was like what if I get bullied, I got no people because there’s no people from my country around…like that. May: Why did you think there’s bullying? Hari: Because before I was watching movies right, then foreign people are bullying and stuff. Noah: Yeah like big guys and stuff. Hari: I was like so scared, I was like "so how do I do this?" But then when I came here there’s a lot of Filipino people around and they helped, you make friends with others, it was really good. But the difference is here it’s so quiet, not like in the Philippines. [...] Like here, [it's as if you've been] dropped into a closet because it’s so sad, and when the dark comes, there’s no people around and it’s so quiet. The manner in which Laya, Noah and Hari experience an uneven geography is pinned to  13  Indicates parts of the interview or focus group transcripts that have not been included for the purposes of clarity and brevity.  37  "other" students, including fellow Filipino students who Laya describes as having grown up here. Laya finds a sense of balance on this uneven geography by telling of her feelings of being welcomed by her "co-Filipinos". While not explicit in her explanations, one can assume that her term "co-Filipinos" does not refer to those students who grew up in Canada, but expresses an affinity to those who are more-recently arrived in Canada like herself. Pratt (2010) approaches this difference between Filipino youth born in Canada and those who have recently migrated, not in an effort to explain the fissures within the sector of Filipino youth, but with an intent to uncover the spaces of ordinariness in the youth's narratives. While Pratt deliberates on the eventful and purposeful narratives of Filipino youth whose parents migrated to Canada before they were born or when they were very young, she considers how differently newly-arrived youth, most of whom are children of domestic workers, narrate their life experiences: without clear purpose and in fragments. For Pratt (ibid), being attentive to these fragments offers insights into the everyday and mundane, and hints at the subjectivities of newly-arrived Filipino youth. Working with Berlant's concept of spaces of ordinariness, she considers how these fragments may offer clues to factors that affect their school performances. With Pratt's attention to fragments in mind, turning to Laya's account of re-entering school hints at aspects underlying the educational anomaly of Filipino students. Here Laya recounts her introduction to the education system in Vancouver: Laya: Two weeks after we arrived, we went to the VSB (Vancouver School Board), then they assessed us, they said that I'm Grade 12 here still. I was 18. May: How did you find that [the assessment process]? Laya: I really had a hard time with Math because I can't remember those [...], of course because, I took Math back in first year college, one semester, it was more like business math, mainly financing. And then the exam had many triangles, [things I learned] in high school and it was a long time ago, it's so 38  hard to refresh, and then, I don't know, my aunt here said to prepare for the exam but I didn't know what to prepare for the exam, what I should study. That's why I was surprised when I saw the Math test, I really had a hard time. May: So the time you left the school board, how long before you actually started school? Laya: Well, I tested on December 15th and they told me to just call, but to call after the holidays because the school would be closed [...]. By January 7, my mom told me to call the school board to check. When I called, they connected me with the Vice Principal, I explained that I submitted my papers, I've been assessed, then they looked for my papers. They said I could start the next day, I was so surprised! I said "seriously! tomorrow?" [...]. In Laya's recollection of her introduction to school in Vancouver, the space that was previously stretched in the moment her education was suspended in the Philippines snaps back upon her initiation into the Vancouver school system. After over a year of waiting to migrate to Canada, she returns to school. However the deskilling, that stretched beyond her mother's experience into her own while she was still in the Philippines, continues to follow her when she is tested to determine her placement in a Vancouver school. The sudden resumption of Filipino-Canadian students' education does not pick up where the students left off in the moment of their suspension in the Philippines. Out of the 46 high school students who participated in this study, the majority (31 out of 46) entered Canada in their high school years, and 16 of these 31 students entered a Vancouver high school as Grade 10 students or above. The resumption of education for this group of 16 students who migrated to Vancouver as Grade 10 students or higher proved to be far from smooth since this group of students typically had already graduated from high school in the Philippines, only to return to high school with their migration to Vancouver. Junior, who had just graduated from high school in the Philippines before migrating to Canada, was designated as a Grade 10 student when he migrated to Vancouver two years previously. Here, he shares an account of how he wished he  39  had graduated from college in the Philippines before moving to Canada to avoid returning to high school: Yah, I became a student again, actually a high school student again [...]. It's like when you come here, whatever you accomplished in the Philippines, you have to double your work here [...]. You have to show that you're not weak, because students here will see you as weak. I thought that when I came here, whatever grade you finished in the Philippines, that's what you would start here. But it isn't like that actually. It's sad. But you have to accept it. Chelsea and Alexandra speak more directly to the possible future implications of the discontinuity in their own and their family's education: May: You were in college in the Philippines, and you started Grade 11 here, how was that for you? Alexandra: I was 16. I was really annoyed, but I guess it's alright. Chelsea: My sister is even worse. She was in 3rd year college of nursing and she has to go through the first year again nursing, and now she’s still on the waitlist [...] So what she did was apply for a private school and finished her [education] as a pharmacy tech. She’s waiting. She has to go through the first year again. Alexandra: It's annoying. Because you have to go back and repeat high school. [But] it's ok, because at least high school is fun. For some youth, the challenges of returning back to high school is less bearable: Julian: I think some people, they already finished high school in the Philippines. They don’t want to go back to high school anymore, like they already know what they’re teaching in high school, so like my friend said “I don’t want to do this again.” Instead of a seamless resumption, the students must negotiate with further deferrals as they contend with people and policies in their new schools. Here, the reproduction of social relations informed by Bourdieu (1990a) becomes useful alongside Portes' thoughts on assimilation of immigrant children. As the school system creates the places of deferral around which students suspend their educational aspirations, social differences (i.e., between Filipinos  40  born in Canada and more recently-arrived youth; or Filipino and other students) are highlighted and reproduced. In Portes' (2005) work, he notes that the bifurcation of labour markets wrapped up in the de-industrialisation of economies of the Global North, sets a particular condition for assimilation of new immigrants into the U.S. labour market as lowskilled labourers in the service sector economy. For Portes (ibid), this absorption of first generation immigrants into lower-end jobs creates disadvantages and additional pressure for their children to succeed socially and economically. As Filipino youths' social and economic positions are wrapped up in the first generation immigrants' socio-economic status, experiences that defer their educational advancement partially sediment these positions, reflecting a process that echoes with Bourdieu's notion of reproduction in education and culture. Laya learned after her assessment at the VSB that she had been designated as an English as a Second Language (ESL) student. 14 In the following excerpts, she describes her experience with ESL: May: Did she [her mother] know what ESL was about? Laya: No, I asked her, but she said she really didn't know anything about school, she just heard that any students who are newly arrived should go to the VSB. May: What was ESL like for you that first year? Laya: Well, what we were studying was so easy, super basic English, inside I felt I could handle this. I don't know why it's so hard to get away from ESL. May: So, did you talk with anyone to say "this is too easy for me"?  14  Each  individual  school  in  Vancouver  is  mandated  by  the  provincial  government  to  set  its  own  ESL  program  for  students  designated   as  ESL  by  their  respective  school  boards.  For  more  information  on  the  Ministry  of  Education's  ESL  Policy  and  Guidelines:    41  Laya: Well, I said something once. Well, because they tested us to see if we could move to a higher level, but she [head of the school's ESL program] said not yet [laughs]. But, I guess practice is good to have, so that when you go to regular English class you won't have a hard time. As an ESL student, Laya did not receive academic credits for the ESL courses she was required to take. As a result, she will not meet the 80 credits required to graduate from her high school in time for in her final Grade 12 year of school. Here, Laya describes how she is dealing with this added rupture in her education: May: When did you find out that you weren't getting credits? Laya: Before, before, only a few weeks that I arrived here, I found out what ESL was, that it's different from regular class. And my teacher, my teacher explained to us that our English is for support, to prepare us to be regular. May: What did you think when you realized? Laya: It's like too bad, like a waste, I kept saying to myself that hopefully I could pass this, because, of course, now I'm delayed by one English class, so I have to take summer school or I'll go to adult school to complete my English 12. Postponement continues to linger in Laya's narratives as she recalls her introduction to Vancouver's school system and her experience as an ESL student. Laya repeatedly refers to a sense of being stalled, even as she has the opportunity to proceed with her education that was previously suspended in the Philippines. Consider for example Laya's references to being "in Grade 12 here still", to the difficulty of "getting away" from ESL, and the idea that being an ESL student is meant to help prepare her and her classmates "to be regular". All three sentiments suggest sticky points or holding places that postpone Laya's education in a very real way as she will not graduate in what should be her final year of high school in Vancouver, her Grade 12 year. Out of the 46 students who participated in this research, more than half received ESL-designations upon their enrollment in a Vancouver school (28 out of 46). For  42  students, like Laya, who resume their high school education in Vancouver in Grade 10, 11 or 12 as ESL-students, there are additional barriers to attaining their high school diploma, since the ESL courses they are required to take do not count towards their high school graduation.  2.5  Conclusion  Turning again to the principal's learning moment from over a decade ago and Laya's more recent experiences as a child of a first generation Filipino immigrant in a Vancouver high school, anxieties continue to linger over the present state of Filipino students in Canadian schools. These anxieties are concerned with future moments, as the present educational outcomes of Filipino youths forecast an uncertainty over their future labour market prospects and the integration of the Filipino community as a whole. Considering the ways through which immigrant assimilation and integration are theorised in North America helps to bring the anomaly of Filipino youths' educational attainment into view. When the anomaly is thought about alongside ideas of reproduction and education, questions around the role of education and schools unfold and concerns expand beyond the simple concern about educational attainment as a marker of immigrant mobility. As youths’ educational outcomes fall away from expected immigrant narratives, being attentive to the geographies at work in the migration and educational experiences of the children of first generation Filipino immigrants carries with it the potential to allow for alternative ways of seeing and approaching the anxieties that persist over the academic achievements of Filipinos students in Canada.  43  Chapter 3: Becoming English as Second Language Learners "For me, ya, it's [English as a Second Language class] ok, it helps me refresh what I learned in the Philippines, but then like, it's like, how should I say this? You get annoyed sometimes. Because you're repeating what you already know. And like, no matter how many times you've done it, you have to do it again, so sometimes you get lazy too. To tell you the truth, sometimes you just get too lazy to go to class." - Christopher, Interview, 6 December 2010  Christopher is in what should be his high school graduation year, Grade 12, in Vancouver. In 2009, Christopher was 16 years old and preparing to enter college in the Philippines when he migrated to Canada with his two siblings and father. While they no longer live with his mother, she sponsored Christopher, his brother, sister and father after migrating to Vancouver in 2004 as a live-in caregiver. Christopher was designated as an English as a Second Language (ESL) student when he enrolled in a Vancouver public high school a month into the beginning of the 2009 school year. When he entered school in Grade 11, the non-credited ESL courses he was required to take did not count towards the 80 credits necessary for high school completion. When I interviewed Christopher, he spoke openly about the fact that he will not be graduating in his Grade 12 year, saying: "I'll just go to adult school. At least there won't be any stress." Christopher's thoughts on his experience as an ESL student are punctuated by expressions of resignation and deferment when he speaks of laziness and the anticipation of adult school. 15 Knitted into his resignation are also hints of his agency in how he is dealing with the deferral of his high school graduation. Prepared to accept that he will 15  If a student in a Vancouver public high school does not meet requirements to graduate before he or she turns 19 years old, the student has the option of completing a high school diploma at one the school district's Adult Education Centres, which provides students various options to complete their diploma. See for more details.  44  not graduate in what should be his final year of high school, Christopher continues to attend classes that he explained offers him the opportunity to learn new material and ideas while he waits his time out to transfer to adult school. His experience with ESL offers a touchstone for discussing the educational experiences of Filipino youth in Canada. According to Pratt (2012 forthcoming; 2008), based on the province's Ministry of Education data, Vancouver high school aged children who speak Tagalog at home tend to have grade point averages at the lower end of the spectrum. Tracking students who enrolled in Grade 8 in 1995 and graduated from Vancouver high schools in 2004, Pratt (2012 forthcoming) found that the average grade point average of girls who speak Tagalog at home to be 2.87 and boys to be 2.60, compared to 3.21 for girls and 3.00 for boys who speak English at home. Students who speak Tagalog at home are also relatively less likely to graduate from high school, with only 76 percent of girls and 64 percent of boys graduating from Vancouver schools between 1995 and 2004 (ibid). 16 According to Gunderson (2007), 40 per cent of British Columbian ESL high school students drop out before they graduate. 17 He gathered data from 25,000 immigrant students entering English-only Vancouver public secondary schools, both from data collected by the Oakridge Reception and Orientation Center 18, a reception point for immigrant families and children tasked to determine a student's literacy and grade level, and from random follow-up interviews with incoming students assessed to be in need of English language support.  9  The analysis of Pratt's (2012 forthcoming) most recent findings on the graduation rates and grade point averages of students attending Vancouver schools who speak Tagalog at home tracks only students who enrolled in Grade 8 in 1995 through to 2004 and who graduated within a 6 year time period from initial enrollment. They compared students by groups according to language spoken at home: Tagalog, Punjabi, Vietnamese, English (excluding Aboriginal students) and Chinese. 17 According to Gunderson (2007), Watt & Roessingh (2001) claim that drop out rates among immigrant students in Canada are as high as 73 percent. Gunderson's (ibid) own study found the rate to be around 60 percent, while a follow-up study by Pirbhai-Illich (2005) concluded the drop out rate of immigrant students to be 40 percent, a number Gunderson accepts as appropriate. 18 The Oakridge Reception and Orientation Center, established in 1989, is now known as the District Reception and Placement Center (DRPC). More information on the DRPC can be found at:    45  Describing the purpose of his study to uncover the lived lives of ESL secondary students, Gunderson draws attention to the disparity between the pedagogy of teaching and the process of acquiring ESL to reflect on the poor academic performances of immigrant high school students in Canada. Literacy scholars maintain that a nexus of language and power undergirds the formal teaching and acquisition of a second language. In this chapter, I ask how the experiences of Filipino high school students with ESL impact their educational attainment. To approach this question, I stay close to the narratives of Filipino students from two public high schools in Vancouver. In their narratives, I pay particular attention to the performances they engage in, the stickiness they encounter, and the trajectories that their experiences with ESL help to shape. To reflect on these performances and points of friction, I turn to theories concerned with language, power and pedagogy in North America to approach ESL as a paradigm fraught with problematic power relations. I specifically work with scholarly critiques of ESL that are critical of how second language learning is framed as a neutral teacher-student dyad and rendered as a pragmatic process. My intention of engaging with this body of literature is to argue that the students' encounters with ESL point beyond issues of classroom management, and can bring attention to spaces that highlight the performativity of second language learning. I argue that ambiguities inherent to the performative nature of ESL impacts Filipino-Canadian students' academic performances in specific ways that might help us to understand the poor academic outcomes of Filipino youth in Canada. Among the 46 Filipino high school students who participated in interviews and focus groups, 29 were designated to school-based ESL programs at their respective Vancouver schools (Appendix B). This large number of students from the Philippines involved in ESL programs should not be entirely alarming, as the Philippines only recently became Canada's  46  number one source of immigrants (Friesen 2011). Pratt et al (2008) suggest that a significant number of Filipino youth migrating to Canada arrive in their late childhood or teenage years. They attribute this phenomenon to the migration pattern of many youths' mothers, who migrate to Canada under the federal government's Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP). Under this program, women must perform 24 months of live-in domestic work in the homes of Canadian families before they are eligible to apply for open visa status followed by permanent residency. After receiving their permanent residency, they can apply to sponsor their immediate family members, such as their children who are enrolled in school and/or their husbands, in the Philippines. Since there is a lag time between the initial migration of their mothers and the sponsorship of the youth, Pratt et al (ibid) argue that Filipino youth are often teenagers when they rejoin their mothers in Canada. The youth enter Canada as older elementary or high school aged students where their initial encounters with the Canadian education system bring them into being as ESL students.  3.1  ABC'S of ESL  In its bare bones, the transfer and acquisition of literacy defines the pedagogy of ESL. English language skills are taught to those who are deemed not to possess sufficient literacy in English to manage in the regular school system. As the term ESL suggests, for these individuals, English is not typically their first language. Literacy educators and academics posit this transfer and attainment of skills in binary terms, referring to students' primary language or L1 at one end, and the act and process of acquisition or development of a second language or L2 at the other (Taylor et al 2009; Johnson 2006).  47  Cummins (2000, 2008) holds student-teacher interactions at the centre of the dialectic of ESL pedagogy and learning. Isolating and centering the student-teacher relationship as the principal unit in education allows Cummins (2000) to demonstrate how societal power relations intersect and influence educational structures and classroom instruction. He points to how larger uneven power structures shape the student-teacher relationship through, for example, the ways in which students' primary language literacy skills are excluded on the grounds that they do not meet dominant norms. In a similar way, Razack argues that the liberal impulse to render students as primarily individual actors void of complex histories and identities produces a false evenness in classrooms where: "the participants start from zero, as one human being to another, each innocent of subordination of others" (1998:8). While not specifically dealing with ESL, she offers further insight into the subjectivity of pedagogy and classroom interactions. Razack fixes her critique on classroom management techniques deployed to manage difference among students. As the classroom is rendered constant, communication in the management of difference is approached in technical terms, as tools for educators and students to travel through. In this way, Razack argues that educational achievements and classroom behaviors are conflated with cultural traits perceived as innate and natural for particular students. To navigate cultural differences, "cross-cultural" devices are deployed, which acknowledge difference with little consideration for how these differences are unequal, produced and reified. For Razack, resisting liberal urges to individuate calls for recognition of how the historically oppressed multiple identities of immigrant and students of colour are both brought to and shaped by pedagogy in classroom settings. In a similar way, Cummins argues that "macro-interactions between dominant and subordinate groups in the wider society" (2000:46) seep into the student-teacher relationship,  48  influencing the ways in which educators interact with students from different backgrounds. Students, he maintains, are either empowered or disadvantaged as a direct result of their dealings with educators in schools. It can be argued that Razack and Cummins do not share the same approach to the question of power, as Razack does not draw a hard line between the dynamics within classrooms and unequal relations outside school settings. However, it is still useful to consider experiences with ESL in light of both their contributions. Both draw attention to tensions that revolve around language and pedagogy, bringing into question ESL as a neutral process. Far from an impartial transfer of skills, the acquisition of language skills and literacy is deeply imbricated in the modern notion of citizenship predicated on individual self-motivation and capacity. As Gunderson (2007) points out, reading and writing is widely held in North America to be basic tenets necessary to the active participation of citizens in liberal forms of democracy. ESL therefore cannot be simply viewed as a neutral transfer of skills, but one loaded with questions and performances of power.  3.2  Unsettling neutrality in second language teaching and learning  Scholarly critiques of ESL pedagogy and practice have brought to light how uneven power relations have been managed and bureaucratised through a pragmatic logic in the teaching of ESL. Johnson (2006) is mindful of what she posits as a technical fixation in second language pedagogy. For Johnson, the agency of teachers to produce knowledge through their experiences of teaching is lost in a pedagogy locked in a positivist teaching model. Such an approach to teaching, she argues, gives way to a preoccupation with calculable second language student outcomes, such as a student's inventory of vocabulary and grammar. For Johnson, this logic is organised around a binary between primary language and the acquisition  49  of ESL as two mutually exclusive poles. In a similar way, Cummins (2008) refers to this dual approach to ESL pedagogy as a dilemma in seeing primary versus secondary languages as "two solitudes". Cummins (ibid) posits that this view of second language acquisition as a polar opposite of primary language has brought about a pedagogy of ESL that ignores previously acquired knowledge and literacy levels, thereby minimizing educators potential to build on accumulated literacy skills afforded by students' primary languages. Using examples of secondary language immersion and a tendency for educators to focus on grammar in isolation from communication, Cummins argues that monolingual instruction stifles the transfer of language. Not only does the binary approach to second language acquirement restrain learning, but Johnson (2006) argues that its related second language pedagogies also cultivate a pragmatic preoccupation with outcomes. Her critique of second language teaching centers on what she sees as a lethargy in established practice that has not been unsettled by a sociocultural turn. In her opinion, this sociocultural turn has moved to recognise the role language plays in constructing identity, social class, race and ethnicity. While the notion that knowledge, power and language work in productive tension to shape social practice has gained momentum in pedagogic theory, Johnson argues that second language practice remains rooted in a positivist paradigm that defines learning as an internal psychological process divorced from social contexts. In this paradigm, the process of second language teaching and acquisition is constant, characterised as a set of inputs and outputs. The dilemma around ways of assessing a student's English competency is an ongoing debate in second language pedagogy (see Gunderson 2006, Cummins 2000). In its "ESL: Guide for Classroom Teachers", the BC Ministry of Education straddles this debate in a double movement. First, the guidebook acknowledges the difficulty of assessing a student's  50  "real, developing language proficiency" (1999:24), granting room for ongoing assessment sensitive to multiple ways of acquiring and demonstrating language aptitude. Second, the guidebook puts forward that the "best evidence" for assessing proficiency lay primarily in classroom performance, buttressed by short in-class tests and homework assignments (ibid). For Johnson (2006), such assessment techniques, like standardised testing, follow a logic locked in normative teaching pedagogy and practices in which educators are schooled. She also adds that global education policy and demands of curriculum reduce second language teaching and acquisition to measurable outcomes. While such demands reveal a rationale behind the impulse to calculate English competency, it also perhaps points to a fundamental tension in education. This tension emanates from opposing and contradictory forces that emerge from the notion of education itself. Ball (2008) gestures to this friction in his reflections on developments and discontinuities in the sociology of education. Ways of knowing education in Western Europe and North America, according to Ball, have produced shifting ways of seeing teachers, students and schools moving from a concern with social eugenics and population studies in the 1930s, to appreciating the reproductive role of education in the New Sociology of Education of the 1970s, to a concern with public policy in the 1980s. The tensions and contradictions within, and between, each historical moment, Ball argues, work to: "generate new forms of optics through which schools, teachers and students are re-organised, re-structured, and regulated" (ibid:666). It could be argued that pragmatism in ESL, like education in general, is constituted by opposing approaches and tensions in knowing education. As Benesch (1993) argues in her challenge to the seeming neutrality of pragmatism in ESL, any pedagogy is tightly bound to ideology and politics. She rests her critique on research in the 1980's of ESL  51  curriculum in U.S. Refugee Processing Centres. This research found that values integrated in assessing the ESL competency of adult-age refugees to the United States encouraged the passivity of its learners implicitly: "socializ[ing] students for a limited range of working-class roles" (Auberbauch as quoted by Benesch:709). Benesch reckons that pragmatism in ESL is buttressed by what she terms "accommodationist politics". In her reasoning, ESL pedagogy's optic sets its focus primarily on preparing students to perform academically in regular coursework, thereby skimming over questions of power in ESL teaching and learning.  3.3  Spaces of ESL  As Gunderson (2000) points out, schools in British Columbia tend to draw students of similar backgrounds as the student population is largely drawn from within the school's neighbourhood. It is therefore not surprising that recently arrived Filipino students, who are designated and organised into their local school's ESL program, make up a significant number in ESL classrooms in a handful of Vancouver schools. In the media, Gunderson has criticised the high concentrations of second language learners in British Columbia classrooms, arguing that classes with over 60 percent ESL students tends to reduce the effectiveness of teaching and learning (Vancouver Sun 2006). Turning to the students' experiences as second language learners reveals other contradictions at work. On one end, the students who I interviewed describe the ESL classroom as a meeting place: "It's fun. You're with your friends," explains Donald, a Grade 9 student who migrated to Canada one year ago. Junior elaborates on the dynamics of ESL as a place of encounter:  52  If you're taking a subject or course with others, they get to be your buddies, it starts with someone coming up to you and asking you your name, asking how you are doing, when you arrived here. [...] Like at lunch time, like, we just ask each other "How do you do this subject?" or "How do you do this home work?" We help each other. Newly arrived Filipino students tended to see the ESL classroom as a place that offered them opportunity to meet new friends and create support networks. The majority of newly arrived students said that over 90 percent of their friends (one student even saying 99.9 percent of her friends) are of Philippine ancestry whom they meet in ESL. Sharing similar classes and experiences, friendships created in ESL classes are built on to form the students' often primary support network as they seek help, not usually from their parents or teachers, but from each other. These youth tended to seek assistance from each other with school assignments outside of the classroom (i.e. hallways and cafeterias), and developed their relationships outside of school (i.e. socialising after school and on weekends). Ben, now a college student, speaks of the camaraderie he built with fellow Filipino students as a means of dealing with the discrimination he experienced as a newly arrived Filipino ESL student: I came in there, and I was like "I’m going to fuck up anybody who is gonna make fun of my accent or whatever." That was my mindset, and that’s what I did. I mean Grade 8, everyone’s got their own crew. [...] You know, you’re Pinoy, 19 you speak with an accent, they don’t want to be that part, they don’t want anything to do with that. You know what I mean? Alysaybar (2002) describes a similar culture of camaraderie among groups of FilipinoAmerican youth he characterises as "youth gangs" or barkadas (loosely translated from Tagalog to mean a group of friends) in Los Angeles. He argues that the notion of "gangs" in Filipino culture is not necessarily associated with deviance, but rather, is seen as a sociallyacceptable form of social networking and support among Filipinos. According to Alysaybar, the post-1965 rise of all-Filipino youth gangs or barkadas was rooted in Filipino-American 19  Slang word for Filipino  53  youths' attempts to protect themselves, with schools playing an important role in consolidating groupings of Filipino youth and creating an ethnic consciousness. Ben, in explaining his need to have a "crew" brings attention to the importance of a culture of solidarity among his peers.  While students like Ben, Donald and Junior share bonds as ESL students, Marvin, a Grade 9 student, expresses an opposing tendency: "Sometimes it's hard to communicate with others, because we're used to speaking with each other in Tagalog. But, there is a good side and a bad side to this, like for me it's in adjusting." With his consideration of a dialectical tension from within the ESL experience, Marvin brings into focus a dilemma that Filipino ESL students contend with. On one end, the students express the traction they are able to gain in sharing mutual experiences and acts of support from their fellow Filipino students. On the other hand when thinking about his social support network at school, Marvin alludes to the difficulty of both communicating with non-Tagalog speakers and adjusting. The youths spoke of the influence of peers in this dualistic manner. One youth described how he gained the confidence and savvy to skip classes as he built his social network among his peers. More directly to the point, one Filipino student explains: "If you want to get out of ESL, don't listen to your friends". At the centre of these two tendencies, one that frames the ESL experience as an opportunity to build a sense of community, against one that renders it restrictive, is a shared aspiration to progress beyond ESL into what the students call "regular" coursework. In this regard, the dilemma brings into view an aspiration to outstrip ESL as a space of deferral and to fall into tempo with students' who follow a mainstream track towards high school completion. While Gunderson's concerns over classroom efficiency are useful in pointing to troubles in the ability of school boards to adapt to changing demographics, the students' experiences from  54  within these concentrations of second language learners urges us to think, not only of the numbers, but of social relations within ESL spaces and of what ESL does. Certain performances and subjectivities become apparent during particular moments and within certain spaces, namely at the points where a student’s English literacy is contested. Here, I consider two particular spaces: (i) points at which the youths are designated as ESL students; and (ii) spaces where their competency is assessed. In these contested spaces, Filipino ESL students are produced and performances are played out, highlighting both the stickiness they encounter – in the sense that they get stuck -- and the ways their ESL experiences influences their academic trajectory. Being attentive to these spaces builds on critiques of ESL as a pedagogy and practice lodged in a positivist paradigm shaped around the notion of a neutral student-teacher dyad. I suggest that a spatialised approach offers grounds to consider the performativity of ESL to unpack the educational experiences of Filipino students. 3.4  Designating ESL students into being According to the British Columbia Ministry of Education provincial ESL policy,  incoming students whose primary language or home languages are not English are identified as "English language learners" through an initial assessment (BC Ministry of Education 2009). For youths entering the Vancouver school system from the Philippines, their initial assessment is conducted at the District Resource and Placement Centre. Testing for English competency can also be carried out by individual schools when deemed necessary - at any time throughout a student's schooling. 20 Gunderson (2007) details how the Centre tests English competency.  20  This is according to the Vancouver School Board's Filipino Settlement Worker  55  First, the prospective student is interviewed by staff. At the interview, the student is asked to perform various tasks such as reciting the English alphabet or describing details about his/her life and daily routines. Second, a mandatory math skills test is administered and, based on the Centre's assessment of the oral interview, the student will undertake a reading assessment deemed appropriate to his or her English competency level. With the information collected from this process, students are assigned to schools and the level of English-support judged necessary for the student is passed to their respective schools. From this point on, individual schools take on the responsibility of supporting and assessing the student's English language skills until the student can enter regular, non-ESL, full-time course work. While the act of designation secures students as second language learners and brings the youth into being as ESL students, there is an ambiguity knitted into their designation. Students who participated in focus groups and interviews described their designation to various levels of their school's ESL program. These levels ranged from beginner (level 1), intermediate (levels 2-3), and usually the final stage of ESL support before the students enter full regular course work referred to as transitional, or levels 4 or 5 ESL. Consider how the students speak of the meaning and implications of their designation: Teresa: Before, before I was taking all regular courses. Then, they what do you call it? They tested us on vocabulary and other things. I didn't know those things. So, they sent me to ESL 2. After a week or two, they sent me to ESL 3. ... Hari: I started in 2. When I came here, there’s no [...] ESL 4 yet, I started in ESL 2 and after a week, they put me into ESL 3 and I thought I was going to be in regular last year because there is no ESL 4, but then they put me in transitional, so I was put in there. ...  56  Karl: I'm supposed to be in 3, but there's no space in 3. Because, at the VSB (Vancouver School Board), there's a chart, an assessment chart, they circled 3 and there's also a line to 2, so it could be either 2 or 3. ... Jess: I'm still in ESL 3. But, I expected to be in transitional or regular by now, but maybe I won't have a chance. In my first grade, I was in ESL 2, then the following year, Grade 9, I was in ESL 2 and then I switched to ESL 3, then, the following year, this year, in Grade 10, they said I needed more time in ESL, so that's why they said I'm in ESL 3 for now. The students' dizzying accounts of their oscillation through ESL brings into view an array of ambiguities. They are marked as individuals in need of support to achieve a level of English competency thereby fixing their status as students. Yet despite their designation, they express an uncertainty that lingers over their status moving through the ESL program and expectations about the future. It is useful to consider their thoughts on their ambivalent position as an ESL student to think about the productive capacities of an ESL label and what students come into being with the act of classifying their English ability. The uncertainty apparent in the students' experiences emerges at points where they hesitate over the levels they have been assigned as English language learners. While each individual school is mandated to implement its own particular ESL program for its students, ESL provincial policy itself reveals arbitrariness in its protocols on how students should be assessed. The policy explains that students who’s English "differ(s) significantly from the English used in the broader Canadian society" should be considered in need of added English language support (BC Ministry of Education 2009). The use of English as the medium of instruction in Philippine schools was tightly bound to the United States' colonial project at the turn the 20th century (Constantino 1982). English was used as the primary language of school instruction until 1974, when the Philippines adopted a bilingual, English and Tagalog, strategy 57  for nation-building purposes (Smolicz and Nical 1997). Since this time, both languages have been used in school instruction, with the use of English stressed primarily in Math and Sciences (ibid). With a long history of English-instruction, studies have found that in the census data from the 1980's, up to 77 percent of the Philippine population claimed capacity in both English and Tagalog. Rodriguez (2010) demonstrates how the use of English continues to be wrapped up with foreign pressures as the Philippines has become a major exporter of international labour. Facility in English acts as a lucrative bonus in overseas labour markets. Creese (2010) understands contemporary discrimination against those who’s English is branded as foreign and unfamiliar in Canada as a product of colonialism. In her examination of how African immigrant women's English competency is brought into question on the basis of their accents, she bears in mind the ways in which British and Canadian brands of colonialism historically deployed the English language effectively 'othering' and, in some cases, eradicating the languages of the colonised. As part of this legacy, Creese argues that English spoken with an accent that bears the mark of a colonised history is deemed less than acceptable and discriminated against in Canadian institutions (i.e. the labour market and schools) to the point where the English literacy of new racialised immigrants in Canada is erased. It could be argued that the English literacy of Filipino students acquired during their schooling in the Philippines is doubted and measured as insufficient. Considering immigrant Filipino youths' previous experiences with English-language instruction in the Philippines, it is not surprising that the students refer to repetition, or as Christopher puts it, "repeating what you already know." The following discussion between two Grade 11 ESL students underscores the relevance of Christopher's sentiments of repetition and apathy:  58  Arsenio: I know some guys who dropped out of school. [...] They said they were just lazy. I asked them why they dropped out, I asked them why they didn't want to study. They just said they were lazy. Junior: Maybe they just wanted to work. [...] But also, when I ask some guys why they left school, they just told me that they were bored with the courses they were made to take. Kathie, a Grade 12 student, shares a similar attitude to both ESL and returning to high school upon her migration to Canada: I was really sad about that. Because I was expecting to be in college now, and it’s getting pretty boring here in high school, no offense. The students' descriptions of repetition, boredom, and dropping out highlight a discrepancy between the level of English support they are assigned and the knowledge or language skills they believe they already possess. Taking into account how the act of marking and designating second language learners produces uncertainties, specifically around the levels of English support the students are assigned, this suggests the performative nature of an ESL designation. While the ESL label secures the students' place in Vancouver schools, it at the same time produces them as the "other", students not ready for regular course work based on technical and pragmatic measurements of their English competency. The ambiguity and uncertainties expressed by the students about the English support levels to which they have been assigned, as well as their uncertainty about why they must repeat what they already know, mark a disjuncture between their assignment to ESL levels and their own assessment of their language proficiency and needs.  3.5  Performances in the spaces of ESL Junior: I’m in Grade 11 and I’ve been here in Vancouver about 2 years, 2008. I started in Grade 10 in ESL then after that they put me in transitional.  59  To become a transitional it’s so hard [...] and they give you so much homework to test you, so that you can prove... May: So how do you get from level 2 to regular? Arsenio: You have to, what do you call that? You have to show your teacher that you can handle it. You do what you have to do, it's like that. Junior: Speaking. Arsenio: Speaking up. Junior: In English, fluent English. It's like if you are alright speaking in English, grammar words, and if you're used to discussing, conversing with other people, with everyone. [...] Junior: They test you. You do an essay, you act in front of the class if you can handle presenting, you prove that you can handle speaking in English, using the right grammar words, and in your essay, your grammar has to be all correct, then you'll prove that it's time to put you in regular [English class] or transitional [ESL class]. Brought into being as ESL students through their introduction to school in Vancouver, Junior and Arsenio's reflections bring attention to particular performances they engage in as part of their efforts to become "regular" English students. Specifically, both refer to showing and proving their English competency. The ambiguity that comes with an ESL designation folds into the actual spaces of ESL, most particularly the classroom where the students' language competency is under persistent evaluation. The classroom acts as a regulated space where the idea of being "hard working" becomes a familiar refrain in their vague accounts of how the bureaucracy that structures their second language acquisition experience works. Consider for example students' responses when asked about how their progress in ESL is assessed: Noah: I don’t know. Hari: Like, if you’re really working hard here, like they can really see it [...]  60  .... May: Did you ask if you could move to English 4? Laya: No, not directly, I never told them directly that [ESL] was too easy. You have to show them [...] While their statements impart a certainty that they must prove themselves, less certain in their explanations is what their performances should entail: Teresa: I didn't know, like, I didn't know what to do back then. But, before, I didn't tell the counselor, I didn't say anything until they tested me in vocab, then my teacher knew that I needed to go to ESL, so, they sent me there. About a day ago, our counselor told me that I can [move to level 3], because my teacher told her that I'm hardworking, that I'm always active, like that. ... Junior: [...] Once you're in transitional, the teacher again will make sure you deserve to be there, and if you deserve to go to regular, then if you are, they will tell the counselor that you deserve to be in regular. The students repeatedly return to an impetus to prove themselves proficient in English without a clear conception of what is expected or required to perform. Their impulse to prove themselves deserving of promotion to regular coursework through individual industriousness points to an urge to perform in ways that cannot be easily calculated or measured by one's inventory of vocabulary or grammar. As Jess shares in his explanation of why he believes he has not been transferred to more advanced levels of ESL, there is an element of showing that the students can do more than understand the ESL material at hand: Because, you see, I don't know the school very well yet. And, I'm actually having a hard time in ESL, because you see, I get it, I get the material, but, I just don't know how. Instead of a concern that their performances exhibit their English competency per se, the students speak of displaying their abilities to be non-others, or more specifically, to be regular students. Bourdieu's (1990a) notion of cultural capital at work in educational systems can help 61  to understand the students' performances. He explains that students in any educational system are assessed more broadly on their cultural capital, meaning their ability to embody behaviours associated with the dominant class or group. Bourdieu adds that the evaluation of students' cultural capital is effectively 'misrecognized' under the appearance of assessing one's academic knowledge and skill. Holding these two ideas of cultural capital and misrecognition together allows him to explain how schools reproduce inequalities over generations. In Bourdieu's thinking, a dominant group will have greater access to such forms of cultural capital as this resource is first cultivated in the family. According to Davies and Guppy (2006), the manner in which Bourdieu conflates culture and class may not make sense in a Canadian context, as they argue Bourdieu is writing from France, where they maintain the class system is more stratified and rigid. While Davies and Guppy's objection to clear class distinctions may have some relevance, the manner in which the students are concerned that their performances impart something more than their ability to speak, read and write in English appropriate for "the broader Canadian society" suggests that they are re-performing what they know to be qualities of a regular student. Creese (2010) hones in on Bourdieu's notion of linguistic capital to help make sense of the integration experiences of African immigrant women in Vancouver. Creese engages with Bourdieu's idea that one's linguistic capital has little to do with one's actual calculable language competency (i.e. grammar), but more to do with one's right to speak and be heard. The idea of linguistic capital as a form of cultural capital allows Creese to make sense of the day-to-day and systemic ways that African women immigrants are discriminated against. She shows how the women are marked as colonialised and racialised subjects by virtue of the particular accent heard in their spoken English, a subject position from which the women's linguistic capital is registered as inferior and even non-existent. It could be argued  62  the Filipino ESL students' performances of regularness are attempts to recuperate linguistic capital that may afford them a better position for them to speak and be heard. Asked, for example, how they think they might progress to the subsequent ESL levels to eventually be considered competent enough for regular coursework, these students spoke of performing subjectivities they think are not associated with being Filipino ESL students: Marvin: Like when our English teacher asks us a question, sometimes I won't answer right away. Like, when they ask a question, I'm embarrassed to put up my hand. It's like the Filipino way really, to be really shy. ... Donald: You have to show that you stand out in your classes. May: Have any of your friends gone to regular already? Donald and Rico: No. .... May: Do you know why you were put into ESL 1? Amanda: Because I'm not used to English. [...] I'm shy, so shy. ... May: Did you tell anyone that [ESL] was too easy for you? Noah: No, because I don't want them to think that I'm like...what do you call that? Arrogant, like a show off or something. Instead of a clear notion of what is expected for the students to prove their English competency, their responses impart a vague awareness of how their proficiency is regulated and assessed, in part in relation to cultural ‘traits’ such as shyness.  3.6  Performing for Miss Smith 63  According to the British Columbia Ministry of Education (2009) provincial's ESL policy, regulating and assessing students' English proficiency falls under the mandate of individual schools and the schools' respective teaching and support staff. The school bureaucracy is held responsible for the annual accounting of a student's proficiency. The policy manual suggests that this accounting be based on, but not limited to, periodic samplings of students' unedited works and assignments alongside appraisals of regular classroom activity that is "designed to give the student opportunities to demonstrate his or her understanding of subject-specific content" (ibid:11). While the policy is clear in the assignment of responsibility for assessing students' language proficiency, the students are less clear about the mechanics of assessment. In this ambiguity, the students' performances of hard work unfold for a particular audience, namely, their respective head ESL teachers. As Amanda, a Grade 12 student explains: "[...] It depends if they see you working hard, they will promote you…Ms. Smith specifically". Julian (Grade 12) and Jess (Grade 10) speak more generally about who they show their diligence to, but both see Ms. Smith as their initial audience: Jess: It's the Head of [ESL]. Julian: They look for if you’re improving your English. Jess: And they have a meeting, they decide if you’re ESL 2 or 3. Julian: Yeah, teachers from all ESL teachers meet in one place and they decide if you’re good enough to move on. There is an acute awareness among the students that their English competency is being repeatedly regulated and appraised as they vie for promotion through ESL levels. When asked how they manage their progression or descent through the various levels, students tended to reply in similar ways to Dante's response: "It's Miss Smith, the head of the ESL department". 64  The ways in which the students pin their performances to Ms. Smith as the perceived arbiter of power brings into view other particular tensions that emerge from assessing language competency in the holding space of ESL. Kuus (2011), although primarily concerned with geopolitics, brings into focus the creative capacity of bureaucratic and material practices to produce political space. For Kuus, geopolitics are constantly operationalised through bureaucratic processes socially embedded in particular places. She argues that bureaucracies, as technologies of expertise, work to codify and manage social reality. In this process, bureaucrats gradually bring to life policy through their everyday and mundane practices that render objects of interest into being for regulation and management. Kuus' argument, that bureaucrats play a key role in the production of political space, points to a productive tension in the students' performances for Ms. Smith. While ESL bureaucracy brings the students into being as second language learners, the students' engagement with Ms. Smith, as their arbiter, in part constitutes their experience as ESL students as well as the technologies of ESL management. In many ways, this self-reinforcing relationship, between the students and their arbiter, falls into a seemingly neutral student-teacher dyad. Wherein the teacher transfers literacy skills to the students, who then re-perform these skills in hopes that they prove their competency to move beyond ESL into regular coursework. This coconstitution is particularly apparent in the students who continue to participate in ESL programs but who defer attaining a high school diploma to adult school: [...] I found out there's no credits, right? Yeah. But I think she [Miss Smith] knows that I can take the next level, because I'm doing pretty good in tests and stuff [...] It was the assignment and attendance. (Noah, Grade 12) Noah chose not to complete assignments and attend classes regularly, explaining that he has grown bored of the material he deems is too easy for him, weary of the discipline of class, and resigned to the fact that he was not receiving academic credits for his ESL course work. 65  However, he imparts a belief that he meets the liberal expectations of his arbiter. Here, he elaborates on his ambivalence: [...] My grade was like 53, I was like oh, never mind. I'm not doing homework [...] I handed in my homework, right, and she [Ms. Smith] told me it's not here, so she wants me to do it again, that's why I got mad. I did that for like 2 nights and slept late [to do the assignment]. Then she lost it, and she wants me to do it again. I got mad. After that, I stopped doing homework. For Noah, Ms. Smith embodies the provincial ESL policy, against which he displays his competency through assigned tests, while at the same time rebelling against through a conscious decision to not attend classes or complete assignments. Willis' (1977) ethnography of working class youth in Britain can offer insight here. He considers the ways in which this particular group of youth's rebellious acts against figures of school authority stem from a counter-culture from within which the youth regulate and organise themselves. The group's opposition to school authority, Willis argues is: "principally manifested in the defeat [the institution's] main perceived purpose: to make you 'work'" (ibid:26). For Willis, the youths' displays of rebellion work to shore them up as future factory workers since dynamics at school strengthen their particular class identity as manual labourers. Not unlike Willis' working class youth, Noah's conscious ambivalence towards Ms. Smith and ESL arguably works in part to form his constitution as a Filipino student in ESL. Such acts of ambivalence and resistance to Ms. Smith were more common among the high school boys who participated in this study compared to the girls. Edwin, an ESL-designated student in Grade 10, explained his weariness of Ms. Smith in these terms: "I feel like, well, I feel like she doesn't see us as students, she treats us like we're employees".  66  While it is useful to appreciate Ms. Smith as the embodiment of ESL management for the students, it is also worthwhile to recognise, as Kuus (2011) argues, the place-specific context of bureaucratic practices. In this regard, it should be acknowledged that ESL programs in Vancouver schools are currently under threat of funding cuts. In April 2010, in anticipation of an $18 million budget shortfall, the Vancouver School District announced pending cuts to teachers, facilities and ESL programs (Kelly 2010). While cuts to ESL programs have not yet been outlined, as of May 2011, 187 teachers in Vancouver were laid off (Crawford 2011). The students keenly sense the reality of budget constraints. As Hari, a Grade 11 student who is hoping to complete the ESL program within the academic year, sharply notes: In Vancouver, there is a lack of funds. So, we [...] don't have that much money unlike before, so we don't have enough teachers, for example. Basically, we have less teachers that we can ask help from. I just want the government to make things better, not just for this school, but for everybody, for all immigrants. We're short of funds, so basically what they do is cancel everything. It is in this context of fiscal reforms that the bureaucracy of ESL management in relation to the students' performances of English competency unfolds. Along with global educational reforms and curriculum demands, Benesch (1993) adds that second language teaching's marginal role in academia is central to its pragmatic and uncritical pedagogy. Coupled with the added pressures of pending cuts, the pedagogic pragmatic compulsion remains unsettled as the students continue to negotiate the bureaucracies in the holding spaces of ESL programs in Vancouver schools.  67  3.7  Pragmatic consequences  As recently-arrived Filipino youth are brought into being, managed and regulated as othered objects of interest by the technologies of second language bureaucracy and pragmatic pedagogy and practice, they themselves perform subjectivities that embody competencies that may allow them to move beyond ESL and to become regular students. However, for some students, the technologies of the ESL bureaucracy persist in reproducing their ESL label. As a consequence, the students' academic performances are directly affected. Chelsea (Grade 12) explains how the othering of ESL students might impact academic achievements: I think it’s not fair, because most of them (ESL students) get high marks in other subjects, but since there are only 7 courses that are credited for the principal’s list or honour roll, they can’t [be on the list]. Because they only have 6 [courses], ESL is not credited. So they can’t be on the principal’s list. Even though they get super high marks. And sometimes I think they also underestimate their abilities in English. I see them, they could speak English, I read their stuff. As well as affecting achievements, the reproduction of an ESL label carries with it uncertainties that linger over these students' academic trajectories: May: Do you think you’ll be on time for graduation? Jess: [...] I thought when I got here, my credits would start, but it's like...You see, on the last day of school last year, I talked to an ESL teacher [to see] if I could move to transitional, but he [sic] said you can’t because, because she said…she thinks I need to improve in English. I’m trying to improve. I have good marks, like in ESL I have good marks, but I think it’s not the right time to move, maybe next year… Jess is in Grade 10. He migrated to Vancouver from the Philippines in 2008 and began school in Grade 8. Since being assessed by the School Board as a student in need of additional English support, he remains in ESL. The required ESL courses will not count for the credits he needs to graduate from high school before he turns 19 years old. Junior, a Grade 11 student  68  who also finds himself in the same predicament of insufficient credits, will also not graduate in his Grade 12 year. He explains: Even if I get into regular (classes) next year, I'm still short (of credits), so I'll go to Adult school, because that's what they do here for those of us that are short of credits. For Jess, and students like Junior who explain that: "its only when you get out of ESL that your credits start", they will run out of time to become regular high school students before turning 19 years old. The stickiness encountered by ESL-designated students is particularly highlighted in juxtaposition with the mobility of Filipino students whose English is assessed to be in line with that used by "broader Canadian society": I want to go into, in the beginning I didn’t know what I want to be but since I’m graduating, I’ll stick with what I think I’m going to do…so I was like, ok, I’ll take nursing, but then I wasn’t sure, so I took everything. I took Physics 11 last year, but I didn’t like it, so I was like sure that I’m not going to go into physics. It wasn’t that bad, I just didn’t find as interesting as Bio and Chem or other courses. (Chelsea, Grade 12) Like Jess and Junior, Chelsea shares a similar migration experience with the two teenage boys, in that she too migrated to Vancouver as a high school student who was separated and eventually sponsored by a parent who worked in Canada as a domestic worker. Chelsea also shares aspirations of continuing on to post-secondary education as does Junior, who wants to train in culinary arts and manage his own restaurant, and Jess who asserts that he wants to finish college but is unsure of what courses he will take. However, unlike Jess and Junior, Chelsea did not receive an ESL designation upon her assessment at the school board. In a focus group, Chelsea shared her surprise when fellow Filipino students inquired about her level of ESL, as she was unaware of its meaning. The flexibility in Chelsea's choice of courses points to a mobility that is unlike students in ESL. Instead Chelsea's mobility is motivated by her future aspiration to become a nurse, while Jess and Junior defer their post69  secondary plans to adult school where they can complete the necessary credits for to complete high school. Highlighting this distinction is not meant to suggest that Chelsea's mobility is unimpeded, but rather, runs differently than students designated as English language learners. It should be noted that this study did not generate sufficient data to provide conclusive assessments on why some youths migrating from the Philippines are designated as ESL students while others are not. However, given that the students tended to share a migration history of being sponsored by one of their parents who worked in Canada as live-in domestic workers, entered a Vancouver school as teenagers, hold similar class positions in Canada, and that ESL designations were evenly distributed among the girls and boys participating in this project, a distinguishing factor may be the types of education they received in the Philippines, explicitly if they were schooled in private or public schools. A more systematic study is necessary to get a better sense of the possible reasons for how some students manage to avoid ESL. Nevertheless, while it may simply be the case that Chelsea's performances of competency, both in English and as a regular student, were assessed to be "better" and proficient enough for "broader Canadian society", the differences between hers and Jess and Junior's academic futures urge that attention be brought to the effects the performativity of ESL produces.  The experiences of Filipino post-secondary students also suggests the long-term impacts of ESL on the students' future educational possibilities. Victor and Kharl, both now university students, were never designated for, nor required to take ESL classes in the smaller Canadian cities where they attended high school. Both migrated to Canada in their high school years when they rejoined their respective mothers who entered Canada as live-in caregivers.  70  Kharl simply explained that he was only one of three Filipinos in his high school at the time, and that he only learned that recently arrived Filipinos were being required to take English support classes when he came to Vancouver to study in university. Victor explained that he voluntarily took an ESL class in his high school to prepare himself for future volunteer opportunities adding: "I don't think English is a problem [...]. We're taught good English in the Philippines, I came from a scholar school [...] and I spoke good English in high school". Given that both Kharl and Victor also have similar migration histories as Jess and Junior, but did not attend high school in Vancouver where they may have received an ESL designation, suggests the possible long-term impacts such a designation may have on students' ability to pursue post-secondary education.  3.8  Conclusion  Christopher, the Grade 12 youth with whose reflections on his experience with ESL I began, is unambiguous about his future plans. In his interview, he explains that he will finish out his academic year and then set his sights on completing his high school diploma as an adult. He aspires to become a mechanical engineer, and plans to get a university degree after what he thinks will be two years of schooling in community college. As Christopher waits his time out in high school before beginning his plan to become an engineer, it is worth considering what role his experience with ESL plays in his arrangements. As the literature suggests, second language pedagogy is not simply a neutral process involving language teaching and acquisition, instead it is a paradigm riddled with power and made up of diverse social relations. Turning to the students' experiences brings into view the ways in which pragmatic assessment brings Filipino youth into being as ESL students and regulates their experiences. While ongoing debates attempt to settle how language competency and classroom 71  management may more precisely and effectively support second language learners, the experiences of Filipino ESL students can help to centre discussion on ESL as a space from which certain subjectivities are performed in students' efforts to complete their high school education. Mindful of the performativity of ESL and how it produces second language learners as "other" students, efforts to manage ESL more effectively should be attentive to what kinds of support can be given that does not reproduce them as the other, but allows students different opportunities to decide on their own educational trajectories.  72  Chapter 4: De-centering Expectations "They don’t expect too much. They said just finish high school, and then go to college, and then go to work. That’s what they said. They don’t need high grades." Kathie is sharing what is expected of her, specifically, what her parents expect from her. While her parents do not insist that Kathie excel in school, they require that she progress through a normative educational trajectory -- finish high school, attain a post-secondary education, and enter the labour market. Kathie's parents migrated from the Philippines to Canada in 2001. She joined her parents after eight years of separation. Already a graduate in the Philippines, Kathie was put back to high school when she migrated to Vancouver. She is now 17 years old, and a Grade 12 student in a Vancouver public high school. Expectation implies anticipation, a prospect of things to come and a probability of becoming. In her focus group discussion, Kathie explains that, after wanting to take a year away from school, she hopes to begin her post-secondary education to study pharmacy, but qualifies: "Actually, pharmacy is my family’s choice for me, actually, my actual choice is music, but they said there’s not much money in there." Becoming a pharmacist is a prospect Kathie attributes to her family and the occupation's potential pragmatic economic benefits. It is worthwhile to consider the way in which Kathie holds her family and the possibility of earning more money together when she thinks of what is expected of her. In bringing together her responsibility to her family with her decision to not pursue an option where there is "not much money", Kathie highlights how responsibility is wrapped up in the notion of expectation among Filipino youth. Models that track and predict the expected integration and assimilation trajectories of immigrant communities also attach responsibility to immigrant youth. In Portes and Zhou's (1993) model of segmented assimilation, the upward or downward social mobility 73  of post-World War II immigrants to the United States rotates around the integration outcomes of children of first generation immigrants. I consider Filipino high school students' experiences with what is expected of them. By holding the idea of expectations at the centre, I hope to be attentive to how the youth experience high school in similar and different ways based on their histories of migration and positions in Canada, and how these ways of engaging with education affect how they negotiate a particular space of integration, the public high school. I first reflect on how the notion of expectation is theorised. I then turn attention to how literature on immigrant integration in North America frames immigrant youth through expectation. I further explore the notion of expectation and responsibility through the idea of inheritance, and how Filipino youths negotiate the obligations as recipients of the "gift" of education. As the youths' narratives highlight differences in how recently arrived youth and second generation youth negotiate future prospects, I then reflect on how they manage their inheritance through space and time. In taking a closer look at dynamics between second-generation youths (those born in Canada), and newly arrived youths (children who have migrated to Canada in the last five years as teenagers also known as the 1.5 generation), I intend to tease out how Filipino high school students negotiate time and space differently in what is expected of them. I especially hone in on the notion of time, particularly how factors shape the ability of Filipino-Canadian youths to meet expectations to follow a normative education trajectory based on when and at what age they arrive in Canada. Overall, my intention in turning to the notion of expectation in Filipino students' experiences is to consider the potential their modes of experience can bring to discussions on immigrant integration and the possibility of disrupting ways of framing  74  Filipino students' educational outcomes in ways that tend to render them responsible for falling short of expectations. 4.1  Expectation  Expectation, especially in academic literature on school performance and academic outcomes, is framed as both an internal ambition of and an outside influence acting on individual students. Ma (2001) identifies two sets of external expectations that influence students' academic endeavors: those emanating from teachers and schools, and a set of influences exerted by peers and parents. Ma argues that the latter bear more influence on, not only a student's academic performance, but also the student's plans for his or her academic future. For Butler (1998), expectation is gendered and should be approached, not as external pressure acting upon a subject, but as an element in a relational process. She is critical of a tendency, which she associates with modernity, to situate expectations or pressures outside the body as influences against which the self reacts by choosing to assume certain roles. Instead Butler argues in her exploration of the sex/gender binary that: "the more mundane reproduction of gendered identity takes place through the various ways in which bodies are acted in relationship to the deeply entrenched or sedimented expectations of gendered existence" (ibid: 524). Central to her case, Butler (1999) argues that the body itself is constructed. That is, the body does not act as a passive figure on which culture is inscribed, nor does it emerge as a medium for cultural determination (p.12). Therefore, it could be argued that Butler, although primarily concerned with constructed gender norms, posits expectation as a process actively involved in subject formation, or as she puts it: "[the] self is not only irretrievably 'outside,' constituted in social discourse, but that the ascription of  75  interiority is itself a publically regulated and sanctioned form of essence fabrication (1998:528). Also dealing with gender expectations, Collins (2005) considers Black femininity and masculinity to be conceived of in the fabric of what she terms a "new racism" in the United States. According to Collins, the ideology of new racism, a covert form of systemic racism emerging after the civil rights movement, is buttressed by conceptions of Black gender and sexuality. She argues that this racial ideology is constituted of gendered and sexualized assumptions of the Black male and female. In her reasoning, these assumptions, of what is a Black male and female, are set against white middle-class norms. Expectations of Black gender and sexuality are therefore informed by prevailing notions of what is considered the norm according to the logic of a dominant gender, race and sexuality. In the case of Black women and men, Collins argues that their gender and sexuality are framed as inherently deviant, setting Black Americans up to be chronically at fault for persistent social inequalities. As she explains: "The message is simple -- African American communities are populated by men who are 'too weak' and by women who are 'too strong'" (ibid: 182). In this regard, expectations are two-fold. In one manner, Black men and women diverge from the supposed ideal norm; and in another way, they adhere to expected gender roles and sexual behaviour associated with African Americans. For Collins, such expectations are consolidated over time and are based on a racial ideology that materialised from the political economy of chattel slavery. I highlight Collins' consideration of the historical roots of contemporary African American gender and sexual expectations to reflect on the material nature of expectations and the histories from which they can emerge.  76  Thinking with Butler and Collins, expectations can be viewed, not as a stable or inevitable end goal, but as a fluid process imbued with uneven power relations. For Butler, expectation is inextricably instilled in modes of experience and subject formation. For Collins, expectation is historically embedded and constructed as elements in ideologies involved in the configuration of identities. For both Butler and Collins, expectation is cast as an ideal or the anticipated, not the inevitable. With this view of expectation, approaching the issue of Filipino students' experiences with what is envisioned for them can lend itself to rethinking or reframing expectations that flow from models of integration to their daily lives. Filipino students, in interviews and focus groups, show a keen awareness of expectations that render them responsible for future "success": They’re [parents] like ‘it’s ok, just do your best, you don’t have to be in the principal’s list.’ They’re always like do your best, what’s important is when you graduate and you get a job, that’s the most important thing than being in the principal’s list than like after college, not being able to get a good job. (Chelsea, 18-years old) Chelsea frames expectations as a pragmatic economic concern for her family. She also draws attention to her unique role as a Canadian-educated student in her family. Chelsea's parents migrated to Canada as adults within the last five years, immediately entering the labour force. With an opportunity to continue her high school education in Canada, Chelsea is expected to propel her own, and her family's, upward economic mobility. Her responsibility to her family is attached to education. Such a responsibility in her, and Filipino-Canadian youth's, expectations can be further explored through proposed models of integration and the idea of inheritance.  77  4.2  Modeling expectations  In the school year of 1998-1999, Filipino students at a Vancouver public high school were the targets of violence and racial slurs. As a concerned Filipino youth at the time, I was involved in supporting the parents of the Filipino students who were both involved in the violent incidents and/or who chose not to attend school for fear of their safety. The school called a meeting to address the incidents that had escalated into a knife slashing. At this meeting, a group of Filipino women sat in a classroom. The women were Filipino mothers, the majority of whom had migrated to Canada as live-in caregivers in the 1990s. The mothers were joined by a group of Filipino women and youth community activists. At the front of the classroom stood the vice-principal of the high school. The school's police liaison sat beside him. The discussion was particularly heated and intense. The Filipino mothers and community members pressed the school administration for immediate action to ensure the safety of the students and to address the problems of racism at school. It was during this exchange that the school's police liaison first spoke. In a matter-of-fact tone, he shared his opinion, saying that these types of incidents directed at Filipino youth were to be expected, that Filipinos in Vancouver's schools have become more visible, more numerous, and that because of the sheer and novel number of Filipino students that they would naturally be the target of intimidation and harassment. However, he added, that we should be assured that these incidents would pass with time, and like a growing pain, as the Filipino community continued to mature and integrate in Vancouver, Filipino youth would phase out of this unruly stage. The police officer's thoughts are particularly useful in reflecting on ideas that circulate around the integration of immigrant children. He presents a particular narrative of immigrant assimilation, one girded by a notion of a certain liberal sensibility that, while life may be hard 78  at the present moment, enduring hardships such as violence will pay dividends at a future moment -- a moment that would mark the Filipino community's appropriate assimilation in Canadian society. This particular rhetoric resonates with certain chords in classical models of immigrant assimilation. Such models of assimilation generally assumed that an immigrant community's ability to assimilate and achieve upward social mobility rested squarely on the make up of one's ethnicity and would become naturalized over time. Rouse (1992) describes these traditional views on immigrant settlement as overly concerned with immigrant adaptation to new environments. In his study of Mexican immigrants in the United States, Rouse draws attention to pitfalls that come with such a homogenous and static view of immigrant assimilation. In this unchanging view, he argues that "cultural backwardness or inertia" is blamed on immigrants' response to opportunities and constraints in their new surroundings.  Unlike classical assimilation theories concerned with  "how" immigrants assimilate over time, Portes and Zhou (1993) introduced their model of segmented assimilation that is concerned with "where" on the socio-economic ladder immigrants assimilate. Portes et al (2005, 2001, 1993) argue that the assimilation process over generations splits along three inter-related hinges starting with the first generation of immigrants. According to Portes et al (ibid), the integration outcomes of second-generation immigrants can be predicted depending on the first generation’s social capital, their family structure, and the modes of their incorporation. For Portes et al, tracking and anticipating outcomes is anchored in the children of first generation immigrants, or as he calls them, "those who are becoming" (2001:1). In other words, the assimilation experiences of children of recent immigrants offer a window into viewing how and where immigrant communities integrate along the socioeconomic ladder. Rumbaut and Portes (2001) argue that the pivotal  79  role children of first generation immigrants play in the future of their communities hangs on four decisive factors: i) their parents' human capital; ii) the differential pace of acculturation between parents and their children; iii) economic and cultural barriers facing the second generation; and iv) the resources available to them from their families and communities.  4.3  Inheriting expectations Laya: They just want us to graduate. Then, all the hardship that my mom went through, all her sacrifices, we could give back to her. That's their only wish that we graduate. Nicole: [...] They gave us life, when they get older, it's our turn to look after them. Most parents say that they don't have anything to pass on, our education is our only inheritance. [...] Pia: [...] Especially if your parents are not super rich, they don’t have something to give you, like land, the only thing they can do is send you to school. Laya: So you have a better future. Nicole: It’s the only thing they can’t take away from you.  The young women in this focus group are explaining why they continue to persevere in their schooling. Despite being frustrated by their return to high school with their recent migration to Vancouver and their struggles with English as a Second Language classes, they remain committed to getting a high school diploma, a commitment they attach to their parents in the form of a pay back or a return. This return is framed in both a past and future moment, or as Laya puts it, graduating from high school is both an opportunity to repay her mother for her past sacrifices and a prospect for "a better future". The idea of inheritance is key to their explanations for their motivation, describing that their parents have no other assets to pass on  80  to them, save for a chance to send them to school. The assumed expectation in return for this inheritance is that the young women graduate. Ahmed (2006) sees inheritance as the passing down of proximities. She argues that one comes into being with one's point of entry into the world as members of a new generation, thereby coming into being oriented towards reachable and interrelated objects: "if we are shaped by 'what' we come into contact with, then we are also shaped by what we inherit, which delimits the objects that we might come into contact with" (ibid:124). Proximities as inherited, she explains, conditions one's arrival into the world, outlining what is reachable and what is not. However, Ahmed also notes that the relationship between inheritance and reproduction is not automatic, instead one does not mechanically and instinctively reproduce what is inherited. An inheritance is converted into possessions under conditions of pressure. This act of conversion under pressure allows Ahmed to account for, in a phenomenological sense, one's readiness to follow a course, or an orientation. Significant in the young women's exchange is the notion that their inheritance from their parents remains incomplete, instead, they feel the need to complete their high school education to realize, or convert, this inheritance. As Pia points out, what they receive from their parents is an opportunity to go to school: "they don’t have something to give you, like land, the only thing they can do is send you to school", to this Nicole responds: "it’s the only thing they can’t take away from you". In other words, the students are compelled, by virtue of fulfilling an expectation to their parents, to convert the chance of going to school into a possession, something that cannot be taken away. Amanda (Grade 11) and Chelsea (Grade 12), also speak of inheriting opportunity in migration: May: Do your parents ever talk about the Philippines, and why they left? 81  Chelsea: Yes. Amanda: Money. Chelsea: Yeah, mostly financial, they want like a better future. Because we have a really good education system in the Philippines, [but] we still don’t know have enough employment. Amanda: Chances. Chelsea: Yeah, like no chances after. Like even if you graduate and you get super high marks, you don’t get a job, unlike here. Amanda: I think I like how it prepares me to go into college. And think, in the Philippines, its more of like high school, but then here, I think it’s more, we have more resources. You know we can get money, we can earn, and have student loan [...]. You know you have safety after you finish high school, you know you have enough money and support and stuff. In arguing that proximities are inherited by new generations, Ahmed (2006) is speaking against the idea that inheritances are objects, physical traits or cultural values. She makes this distinction on the grounds that one inherits the past or history as a social and material way of organizing the world. Ahmed instead wants to demonstrate that: " [...] the question of inheritance [...] in terms of contingency or contact (touch); things are shaped by their proximity to other things, whereby this proximity itself is inherited in the sense that it is the condition of our arrival into the world (ibid: 124). If one comes into proximities, what is reachable for Filipino high school students in Vancouver? More generally, what are the geographies of Filipino students' inheritance? When asked what he likes about high school in Vancouver, Rico, a 16-year old Grade 11 student who migrated with his siblings and father to reunite with his mother in Canada in 2010, replies: "I get to study in the right way to help my family in Canada. It's for them". Rico implies a geography in his expectations. In explaining that he gets to "study in the right  82  way", he implicitly casts his academic achievements in Canada in a more favourable light compared to, one can assume, what he would have received in the Philippines, adding that this would allow him to help his family in Canada. Julian, a Grade 12 student who migrated to Canada when he was 16-years old, speaks more directly about expectations that come with migration: Yeah, they [parents] just say do good, do your best at school, because you know some people in the Philippines they really want to go to school, but they don’t have the money and then for us, we’re very lucky to be here [in Canada] and for them [parents] not to worry about the plan for school. While expectations are aspirations centered on a future moment, there is also a spatial dimension to possibilities. Julian draws attention to this dimension in his references to there, the Philippines, and here, Canada, anchoring his thoughts on a difference in educational opportunities informing his parents' expectations of school. Thus the expectations of Filipino students hold a certain temporality and spatiality. Bourdieu (1977, 1990b) elaborates on the role of time in gift-exchange. He argues that in any given society, gifts are given and received, with an expectation of return. Timing between the initial gift and the counter-gift in the return is key to Bourdieu's argument. If the counter-gift to the original gift is given upon initial receipt of the gift, the immediate timing of the counter-gift signifies a refusal or an insult. As Bourdieu puts it: "the counter-gift must be deferred and different" (1990b: 105). If the counter-gift is returned too late or after a length of time, this suggests neglect or reluctance. Because of this initial delay between the gift and the counter-gift, he maintains that the system of gift exchanges appears free or its objective intent misrecognized. As King (2000) points out, Bourdieu's focus on timing in systems of gift exchange is instrumental, allowing him to demonstrate how individuals participate in reifying and influencing mutually abating social relations with one another, thereby reproducing 83  structural power differences. Certainly time plays a part in the Filipino students hopes' to produce a counter-gift (completing an education in Canada) to the initial gift (their inheritance). However, geography also plays a significant role in when and where the students could provide a counter-gift. Consider for example, how Filipino students speak of expectations in transnational and future terms: May: Do your parents ever talk about why they left the Philippines? Karl: To meet other relatives. And they prefer the school here rather than the Philippines. They say there's lots of opportunity. Harvey: To work. Edwin: To give us a better life maybe. ... Christopher: Yes, for us. They always say that: “For you, for you guys, for you”. That's why they tell us we came here. My dad's exact words: "We came here not to change our culture, but to be challenged. To be challenged in a different place so you can have better lives". I just tell him "ok". But, actually in the Philippines, even if there's no work, we'd be ok, we have land that we could sell [...]. So I wonder why did we had to come here only to be duped? Well, they say it's for us. With migration, there is an expectation that converting an opportunity to be educated in Canada will procure future pragmatic benefits. As Ahmed might suggest, the reachability of an education in Canada is brought close with their inheritance (a chance to go to school in Canada). What they inherit in their entry into the world of transnational migration is conditioned by, not only their families' past decision to leave the Philippines and work abroad in search of "a better life", but also material conditions in the Philippines and Canada. In 2000, an average of 2,531 Filipino workers left the Philippines on a daily basis to work abroad; with female domestic workers and nurses making up the majority of the country’s migrants (Parreñas 2005). Parreñas characterizes this labour exchange as a “care crisis” in 84  both the global north and global south. On the one hand, women in the Philippines, unable to provide for the sustenance of their families because of structural conditions of unemployment and poverty, migrate to work abroad; on the other hand, women in the global north, unable to provide care for their families because of growing demands from the labour market and social responsibilities, turn to migrant Filipino women to fill the gap in care. Situating the youth's inheritance in the material conditions of transnational labour migration points to the scope of proximities the youth inherit and the responsibilities they carry. Under pressure to fulfill an expectation to translate their families' migration towards a future moment, students explained why their parents preferred that they do not find employment during the school year: [My parents say] like you’re too young to, and I’m still giving you allowance, so you don’t have to [work]. Because they say, if you start working and you get used to money, you can just leave school alone and just work, and they don’t want me to do that, they don’t want me to work. (Danielle, Grade 10) I wanted to work but they didn't want me to. My mom, she was alright with it, but my dad, he didn't like the idea. Because he said that like if once I started making money, I'd get used to it, then I might change my mind and I'd just stop going to school all of a sudden. He thinks that would happen once I'm able to support myself, when I have money. (Nicole, Grade 12) ... Nina: When I can... [I want to] work at McDonald’s and stuff, but my parents only want me to work in the summertime. Because if I work during school, they said it could interfere with my studying and homework. Teresa: I want to give back to them (parents). They've done so much for us, they raised us well, and they've always been supportive to (sic) us. Like Danielle, Nicole, Teresa and Nina, Jess' parents do not want him to work while he is in high school, however he prefers otherwise:  85  This year, I’m expecting to get a job, so I have money so I won’t have to get money from [my parents]. I will also help them, like [help] pay the taxes, the lights, electricity, food and [...] house rent. Anyway, they don't have money for me to ask for. That's my goal for this year. And maybe when I graduate I could be a, what is that called? A working student. By choosing not to align his work plans with his parents' wishes, Jess, in a way, is still deciding to wait to convert his inheritance until he finishes school, but because of other pressures, such as his family's immediate economic predicaments, he describes his readiness to find employment. The desire to prioritise work over some of their parents' wishes for them to continue school was fairly common. As Martin (Grade 8) and Dante (Grade 10) explain, prioritising work becomes an issue of economic sensibilities that extend beyond themselves: May: What kind of work do you want to do after high school? Martin: Tim Horton’s (a Canadian fast food franchise). May: Do you have plans to go to college, or university? Both: Yes. Dante: I don't know, I really haven't thought about it yet. May: Why do you want to work right away? Dante: To help too, to help pay our rent. For both the students who expressed their parents' expectation to focus solely on their schooling, and those who decided to work while going to high school, the pressure to convert their inheritance into an asset to help or provide returns to their families, shapes their decisions.  86  4.4  Expectations across migration histories of Filipino-Canadian youth  4.4.1  Extended-selves: the shared expectations of Canadian-born and newly arrived  youth The contours of time and space in the expectations gifted to Filipino-Canadian students in their inheritance are especially marked for the youth who have recently-migrated to Canada. These youth typically must wait in the Philippines before migrating to Canada, their mothers leaving them in the care of other family members while they work abroad or in Canada as live-in caregivers (Pratt 2008). Only after completing 24 months of live-in domestic work can the mothers sponsor their children to Canada. The years of separation before the youths' migration to Canada (a period that could last up to 8 years), followed by their families' reunification, and the resumption of their education both drags out time in the period of waiting, while hastening it when the youth enter high schools in Vancouver under pressure to convert their inheritance. Turning to the experiences of Filipino youth who were either born and raised in, or migrated to Canada at a young age can allow for an appreciation of the heterogeneity of what is expected of Filipino youth. There are marked similarities between recently arrived and second-generation Filipino youths in the manner they narrate what is expected of them. Specifically they share familiar ways of referencing expectations in spatial terms to the Philippines, and in temporal terms to the future. Ken, a Grade 10 student who was born and raised in Vancouver shares:  87  Yeah, they [parents] say: "Do good, get a good job, so you can provide for your family. You can have a better life than what we had before". Like when I have my own family and them as well. Like sort of casual, my dad really likes motor homes so he wants me to buy him a million dollar motor home so him and my mom can travel when they retire. Ken's reference to future employment that could secure benefits for him and his family are not unlike the aspirations of recently arrived Filipino youth. This should not be entirely surprising as second-generation youth also share similar narratives of parental sacrifice in migration from the Philippines and labour in Canada. Consider the following discussion: Ryan: Like grades, like [I don't] want to disappoint them, because they did so much for us, to bring us here. Enrico: Yeah, I just don’t want to disappoint them [...] I guess same as Ryan, like trying to please and impress your parents as much as you can, and they want you to live the life that they wanted to have that they didn’t have in the Philippines. So yeah, a lot of pressure there. They want you to succeed. Ryan: Yeah, they're always telling me how hard it is there [...]. Every time I think I'm about to argue with my mom, like about some reason, I think about it and I'm just like, well she's done all this and like, at least I could make my bed and wash the dishes because she's done a lot [...] From this discussion between two Filipino male high school students who were born in Canada, there is a similar sense of responsibility and reciprocity in what is expected from second generation and newer Filipino immigrant youth in Canada in terms of migration and education. Tadiar (2009), in thinking of the Filipino subaltern experience in modernity and globalisation, turns to the concept of loob, literally translated from Tagalog to mean inside or interior, to consider the porosity of the Filipino subject. Deployed to serve several meanings (i.e. samang loob [resentment]; kusang loob [initiative]; lakas ng loob [guts]; utang ng loob [debt of gratitude]), Enriquez (1986) argues that the concept of loob should not be detached  88  from the lexicon and social networks from which it draws its meaning. He is especially concerned with the manner in which the idea of utang ng loob (debt of gratitude) has been mobilised to reinforce colonial and neo-colonial relations and a sense of duty to masters. In an effort to stay within the social networks of loob, Enriquez turns to the idea of kapwa to make sense of its meaning. He demonstrates that the English equivalent of kapwa as "other" (opposite to self) does not hold the same meaning in Tagalog, where kapwa typifies the unity of "self" and "others", or as Enriquez puts it: "kapwa is the recognition of shared identity" (ibid: 17). From this definition of kapwa, he distinguishes loob as the "interior aspect of kapwa". Tadiar (2009) sees that this extended and porous form of self, one that links the self to others in a synecdoche, provides a social basis for global capitalism's exploitation of Filipino labour, especially feminized labour, as the idea of “fellow-being” (kapwa) links the Filipino to her immediate family, her community and to the nation. It would not be farfetched to suggest that Filipino-Canadian students in their references to responsibilities to and expectations of their families invoke a sense of the loob. The ways the youth, both newlyarrived and second generation, impart a sense of responsibility to repay debts of sacrifice they see they owe to their families folds into a notion of an extended subject despite their different experiences of migration. Take for example, this youth's sense of an extended self, as his mother and his own life in Canada cannot be easily separated from each other and those of his family: [My mom came to Canada] for a better future. She also came here to work so that we could fix our house there [Philippines], she is also supporting her siblings too. My mama supports her sister, the sister that that brought all of her siblings here. Three of her siblings are here now. One of her brothers is on Vancouver Island, and my mom sends money to her sister in Hong Kong, she's supporting her to migrate to Canada. I think she came here to support her family. (Junior, 17 year-old)  89  While such a narrative of family responsibility may help to make sense of what is expected from youth as individual members of a wider transnational family network, Filipino youth also share a common space, the school. Mitchell's (2003) thoughts on the changing ways multiculturalism is deployed in education can help to further explore the idea of responsibility in expectations placed upon children of first generation immigrants. Mitchell explains that the ideal of multiculturalism in education was born out of an impetus for Western nation-states to develop internal cohesion, to leverage a tool to control difference within its borders, and finally to maximize opportunities to export liberal democratic ideals abroad. She argues that modern Western nation-states deployed the liberal ideals of multiculturalism to craft citizen-subjects who were capable of working across differences to find points of commonality necessary for national capitalist development. Or as Mitchell puts it: " The subject interpellated through multiculturalism in education believes that cultural pluralism is good, or at least necessary, for national development, and is able to work with others to find sites of commonality, despite differences" (ibid: 392). For Mitchell, this particular purpose of multiculturalism has shifted over time and space with the entrenchment of neoliberalism. In her thinking, the priority of building and consolidating territorially bounded nation-states has been displaced by a priority to become competitive in the global capitalist economy. She draws attention to the devolution of responsibility of education, as a federal or national priority in Canada, to provincial and municipal state apparatus as a mechanism to educate students for the demands of a global economy. No longer interested in crafting citizens imbued as the multicultural self, Western states have become more concerned with fashioning what she terms the "strategic cosmopolitan", citizens capable of using diversity as advantage in the global market. Mitchell  90  argues that this shift has helped to further entrench neoliberalism through the constitution of subjects keyed into being individual actors in the global economy. The privatization of education and social reproduction, she argues, factor into the making of neoliberal subjects. In focus groups and interviews with both second generation and recently immigrated Filipino youths, students speak to a call for individual effort that they hope will translate to forms of economic agency. Arsenio and Junior, two Grade 11 students who migrated to Canada within the last three years, talk of how efforts of individual industriousness in the classroom can pave the way for future economic security: Junior: If you work, if you work hard at what you need to do, no matter what others are doing, you'll learn what you need to here [school] so you could use it out there. And if you want to ask others, well, you could do that too. For me, I want to learn. Arsenio: You need a diploma to get a good job, it's like that. So you can make a better life for yourself. The two students' thoughts on how they, as individuals, see themselves responsible for their future economic possibilities echoes those of second-generation youth. Ken, a Grade 10 second-generation student, speaks of the same sort of pressure of individual responsibility: Respect and ownership. To take charge, respect differences of others and like if you have ownership and responsibility [...], so you should take responsibility of what you could do when you’re older [...]. 4.4.2  Strained encounters: the question of space and time in the differences between  Canadian-born and recently arrived youth While there is a familiarity in the youths' narratives of responsibility to family and individual expectations, there is also a discrepancy between the two groups of students. This discrepancy revolves around an unevenness in what they expect from each other. Take for instance how  91  the following two recently arrived Grade 12 students speak of what they expect from secondgeneration youth: Nierel: At first it was kind of strange because I was expecting for them to be more welcoming because we’re both of the same race, right? I was surprised when this Filipino guy classmate seemed like he just doesn’t care. He looks at you differently, like there’s something wrong with you. I don’t know what’s wrong with me. Bea: [...] Because I was new last year, you can tell by the look, that he or she is a Filipina. But then, he or she doesn’t approach you. Especially when their friends are around. I don’t know why. Interviewer: Are they all friends with other Filipinos too, or different? Bea: No, mixed. They hang out with mixed people, like white, Chinese. [...] Nierel: [...] Some Canadian-born Filipinos are really nice, they still have those Filipino values with them. Some like, how do I say this? They use the term “White-Washed”. It depends on values. Bea: It actually depends on the person. They can retain the Filipino values, but then some are completely white-washed. For Bea, who migrated to Canada the previous year, and Nierel, who migrated two years ago, Filipino youth born in Canada confound their expectations. As both point out, they expect to be similar to second generation youth based an affinity to those who "look" Filipino, those who are from the "same race". But instead, Bea and Nierel speak of awkward moments of encounter at school. They render Canadian-born and raised Filipinos as "white-washed" as a way for accounting for the turn in their expectations. It is worthwhile noting that Bea and Neirel suggest a gradient to the whiteness of Canadian-born Filipino youth, pinning their whitening to the extent youth born in Canada retain what they represent as intrinsically Filipino values. While neither speak directly to what is innately non-white or inherently  92  Filipino, the following youth make references to what may be considered the opposite of Filipino: Marvin: They're [youth born in Canada] liberated. You know that they are really Canadian. They speak up. Lester: We're more shy. Every time they want to ask something, they just ask the teacher. ... Hari: Because they’re white washed and they’re thinking like beyond ours, but like because Filipinos are more conservative, right? But then, if you’re born here, they don’t know about it, because they’re white washed. Filipinos are more mature, that’s what I can say. Noah: Yeah, it’s also the language. They don’t want to speak Tagalog. They call us FOB’s (Fresh off the Boat) and stuff. Some they treat us different. Not all. Some that you don’t know. Hari: People in gangs. They say some think that we’re in gangs…like we’re in gangs. One gets a sense that, while recently arrived and Canadian-born Filipino students share a common space, they do not occupy or move through the space in the same way. Consider for example, Nierel's confusion over why the Filipino youth born in Canada did not approach him, but only "looked at him differently", along with Marvin and Lester's reflections on their introversion compared to what they see as the unfettered classroom behaviour of Canadianborn youth. The ways they articulate the apparent less restricted movement of Filipino youth born in Canada, the ability to move towards them or the capacity to speak in class, suggests that more recent immigrant youth experience space differently. Coming at the idea of whiteness from another angle, Filipino students born in Canada also measure the movement of recently arrived students based on a perceived proximity to whiteness:  93  Dianne: I guess like the only difference is that of their [students born in the Philippines] classes might be ESL (English as a Second Language), so some of them might have lockers in different places I guess. Teresa: [...] They don’t know what the real, like how people actually act, like some kids don’t do really appropriate stuff. I don’t think they really know [...]. I kind of think that they try to act as if they were, just to impress other people. [...] You could see them, they are not even doing it privately, they’re smoking already [...], just because other, like other people born here are doing that. [...] Dianne: I think a little bit of their mentality is different [...]. Because I know in the Philippines, they don’t really mind you drinking and smoking at a younger age, so I think they carry over that mentality here, and I think they think it’s easy because they’re in Canada now and they think the hard part is getting here. But, I think they shouldn’t think like that. [...] You’re always going to have hard parts no matter where you are, so you should still keep your focus. For Teresa, a 15-year old Grade 10 student who was born in Canada, students born in the Philippines who have recently migrated are miscalculating what it means to be appropriate, perhaps suggesting an unawareness of what a suitable way of integrating or belonging may be. For Dianne, also in Grade 10, this inappropriateness stems from a suggested hold over from growing up in the Philippines, implying a need to temper things learned before migration, characteristics deemed to be Filipino. Interestingly both Teresa and Dianne's mothers, like a number of the recently arrived youth they go to school with, migrated to Canada as domestic workers before they were born in the early 1990's. Dianne recovers her mother's experience of "starting off as nanny and build[ing] herself up again" as a touchstone for what she expects of new immigrant students. Ken, whose mother also migrated to Canada as a domestic worker before he was born, shares a similar narrative: I know that my mother, she came here first as a nanny, then she, I don’t know how, but she worked her way up to where she is right now.  94  Both Dianne and Ken recuperate their mothers' efforts to go beyond domestic work to measure what is expected of new immigrant students. Kennelly and Dillabough (2008) describe how the marginalised youth they engaged with tended not to articulate belonging and citizenship in traditional terms (i.e. as entitlements from the state), but in individual, moral, and political terms. Notions of a 'good citizen' revolved around claims of self-sufficiency and selfregulation, measuring citizenship and belonging by one's ability to procure benefits from their participation in the economy. They found the youth's notions of citizenship to be tightlybound in liberal individualistic language secured by imaginations of the 'other', individuals deemed not to possess moral qualities befitting of a liberal citizen. It is interesting to note however, that second generation youth are also not without their own moments of being measured. 21 Ken describes one of these particular moments: I was walking with my friends, and there’s like another group of people there was sort of another group in front of us, like they were pointing out [...] I could hear them like, “oh, he’s a gangster” [...]. Gangster is someone who steals, [...] robs, big ego, think they’re better than anyone else and they could get away with anything. May: So you think that’s a stereotype for Filipino teens? Ken: Well, I’m not like that. I think that it’s not true. Given that while second generation and recently arrived Filipino youth share similar stories of family migration, responsibility and expectations, even as they confound each other’s expectations, how can the differences between the two sets of youth be approached? Perhaps the following formulations of newly arrived youth can allude to ways to approach this  21  Since the purpose of this engagement with the expectations articulated between Filipino students is intended to explore the dynamics between newly-arrived and second-generation youth, I decided not to dwell on the othering of a second-generation Filipino youth by mainstream Canadian society. Pratt's (2003) article, "Between Homes: Displacement and belonging for second-generation Filipino-Canadian youths", provides more in-depth analysis of second-generation youths' encounters with dominant notions of belonging. 95  question: Brian: So, they think they’re at a higher level than us. They’ve lived here longer than us. May: Higher level, like... Brian: Like social class [...] Yah, [it's as if they are] looking down on us. Harold: Yah. ... May: Do you think those Filipinos born here are different from you or the same as you guys? Christopher: I'm really angry at them [...] I'm going to be Canadian soon! After 2 or 3 years, we'll be equal, you see? [...] I'm just really angry with them, they are arrogant. [They call us] F.O.B. Fresh Out the Boat. [...]. Fuck you, I came here off a plane, not a boat [...] They should know what they're talking about. The youths' comments suggest two particular points of divergence between the two groups of students. Firstly, they point to class dynamics at play in their encounters; and secondly, in an interrelated manner they bring to mind how time haunts these encounters. With respect to the former dynamic, Barber (2008) uses the idea of a "continuing dance of flexibility and capital mobility", to understand the gendered class subjects in Philippine-Canada migration. She argues that labour export in the Philippines fits perfectly with the cheap labour demands of Canada, demonstrating how the Canadian state re-calibrates its immigration program to bring in skilled temporary and permanent labour from the Philippines in the interest of capital accumulation. Barber uses the example of the Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP) as an immigration program that streamlines Filipino women migrants into low-wage, precarious, temporary live-in domestic work with the potential of becoming permanent residents in Canada. She argues that Filipino migrants exercise agency in making use of these recalibrations, structuring their class subjectivities in Canada. In other words, because of  96  different modes of migration to Canada, she sees neoliberal immigration and worker programs as being instrumental in creating class cleavages within the Filipino community in Canada. Barber's analysis offers a way of viewing the class complexities within the Filipino-Canadian community, bringing into sight the different class positions within the community negotiated by their immigration route to Canada as labourers. In this regard, class positions within the Filipino community and among immigrants, Barber puts forward, can be understood through the changing labour needs of Canada. While such an analysis is useful to consider the class and social differences within the Filipino community and Filipino youth in particular, it also at the same time raises questions around the working class backgrounds of second-generation youth whose mothers migrated to Canada as domestic workers before their birth. While Ken and Dianne's mothers, to paraphrase their words "worked their way out" of domestic work, they continue to perform waged work, now in a glass lens laboratory and in a care home, respectively. This particular group of students, while sharing migration histories and class backgrounds with recently arrived youth, describe a social difference between themselves and newly arrived youth. Here, the role of time can be teased out further when thinking of inheritance and the notion of time in gift-giving to reflect on social differences within Filipino students. Like recently arrived Filipino youth, second-generation youth inherit expectations embedded with temporalities and spatialities. However, the timing and tempo in which youth born in Canada can convert and counter the initial gift provided by their parent(s) with their migration works differently. Take for instance, Brian's statement "they've lived here longer than us", and Christopher's proclamation that he will be a Canadian soon (as he waits to legally fulfill his obligation as a permanent resident in Canada before he can gain citizenship), at that point, Christopher sees  97  that he will then be on even ground with Filipinos born in Canada. The youth are pointing to time, the time they must wait for citizenship and the time they see is needed to fill a gap between themselves and the other. Therefore, while expectations wrapped up in the gift Filipino-Canadian youth inherit are similar, the timing of their conversions and repayments run differently, as Filipino youth born in Canada, by virtue of the timing of their parent(s)' migration, may not experience the same pressures to translate what they inherit. Data gathered in Pratt's (2012 forthcoming) research from the 2001 Canadian census suggests that among youth who are now between the ages of 19 and 22, and who migrated from the Philippines to Vancouver between the ages of 12 and 16 (Grades 7 to 11), 23 percent of males and 32 percent of females continued on to pursue university education. Among Filipino youth who migrated to Vancouver at a younger age (between 0 to 11 years old), 43 percent of males and 35 percent of females went on to university. Obvious in these statistics is the lower percent of youth who continue their education in university among those who migrated to Canada between the ages of 12 to 16 years old. What these numbers might tell us is that recently migrated youth who enter Canada in mainly their high school years do not have the same access to higher levels of education. This is especially the case for girls. According to Pratt’s statistical analysis (2012 forthcoming), more boys continue on to university (43 percent) if they migrate at a younger age compared to girls (35 percent), whereas these numbers are reverse among those who migrate in their teenage years (23 percent of males and 32 percent of females). Abada and Tenkorang (2009) in their analysis of the differences in educational attainment between second-generation ethnic immigrant boys and girls in Canada, found that more females than males complete a university education (a gendered pattern that mirrors general Canadian trends). They note that this pattern of  98  achievement signals a generational break from patriarchal structures and attitudes associated with their parents' home countries. Given that this general trend of higher rates of female university completion does not hold in the case of Filipino girls, it may be the case that normative gendered family relations are re-inscribed and renegotiated in new ways, and not broken, for recently arrived Filipino girls with their migration. The new caretaking roles that the high school girls describe they are held responsible for in their homes while their mothers work suggests that the girls play a particular role in supporting the flexibility of their parents' labour. Here the notion of timing can help to approach the question as to why girls who migrate in their high school years fall behind the rates of university education of the boys who arrive in Canada at the same ages, and why in general Filipino youths who migrate between the ages of 12-16 years old tend to not pursue post-secondary education. I am not suggesting, like liberal renderings of integration, that it is simply a matter of time before the issues, such academic performances and outcomes, of Filipino youth are resolved with their length of stay in Canada. Instead, I want to stress the importance of timing, or more specifically, material conditions that influence the timing and even probability of Filipino youth to produce counter-gifts. Policies such as the Live-in Caregiver Program that call for women to work and live in Canada before they could sponsor their families predicates that youth migrate to Canada in their teenage years, or educational policies that automatically return students to levels of education already achieved in the Philippines, disproportionately impact high school aged children who have been recently sponsored by their parents. In other words, these particular students, in the timing of their migration and arrival into a Vancouver school (both conditions largely out of the youths' influence), may not have enough time to complete a high school degree before they are considered adults. Recalling the students'  99  sentiments of boredom in repetition and frustration in being put back into high school after already graduating in the Philippines (like Kathie's statement "I was expecting to be in college now, and it’s getting pretty boring here in high school") these material conditions likely influence some students’ aspirations to finish their high school education in Canada. They may drop out or, as in Christopher's case, simply stop attending certain classes. Even for those youths who migrate to Canada between ages 12 to 16 who complete a high school education, the added pressures involved in the tempo with which they must try to finish school, and pressures involved in migration such as family reunification, are not without their costs. Casey, who migrated to Canada when he was 12 years old, completed his schooling at public high school in one of Vancouver's suburbs. He was sponsored by his mother who moved to Canada as domestic worker before his own migration. He describes how his mother, a college graduate in the Philippines, had high expectations for his academic prospects since Casey explains, "considering she has one (a post-secondary degree) of her own". However, Casey, now 23 years old, decided not to pursue a post-secondary education and shares how he lost interest in further schooling even when he was in high school. He explains that he struggled with many difficulties when he reunited with his mother and ran away from home when he was 16 years old, began taking illegal drugs, and skipping classes. In the midst of these struggles, the goal of finishing high school displaced aspirations for any future college or university education: My mom wanted me to go (to post-secondary). But [after everything], I think she just wanted me to finish high school, I think she was happy with that at least. I never really took an interest (in post-secondary). I kinda just gave up after Grade 11. Casey is now working with his uncle doing drywall installation. He shared that he has no plans or desires to return to school. Instead, both he and his mother have now shifted their 100  expectations of a post-secondary education to Casey's sister. His sister is 7-years old and was born in Canada. He elaborates on the differences between his sister and himself as a difference based on distinct personal geographies and temporalities: I want her (sister) to be more successful than us. [...] Being a Filipino it’s a struggle for you [...] especially if you’re not born here. If you were born here, it’s totally different, right. But my life was never here. [...] I’m pretty sure we’re different, my sister's got it better, she doesn’t have to prove anything. I’m pretty sure she’s got a bright future ahead of her.  4.5  Conclusion: de-centering expectations, shifting responsibility  Portes et al (2001) argue against the idea of trying to make children of first generation immigrants into "better Americans". Instead, they favour providing greater support and resources to encourage the development of social capital in their families and communities, which they maintain would allow for less polarized integration outcomes among post-World War II immigrants. At best, Portes' politics offers policy prescriptions that can help alleviate some of the pressures the students' alluded to, such as the stress to find employment in an effort to help their families' economic situation. Nevertheless, these framings of immigrant youth tend to render them responsible for setting the course, either upward or downward, for their communities' integration. More precisely perhaps, such models expect certain outcomes for children of first generation and subsequent generations. Recalling Butler (1999) and Collins (2005), expectations are neither inevitably met, nor are they passive, but rather they are performative and productive. Filipino-Canadian students' negotiations with expectations across space and time may point to alternative framings, and a shifting of responsibility away from individual failures for shortcomings that confound dominant expectations. As Butler (1998) points out, expectations are sedimented, and as Collins (ibid) shows, they sediment  101  over time with the consolidation of dominant ideologies. Rendering children of immigrants responsible for meeting certain expectations lends itself to laying liberal blame (and praise) in a self-fulfilling reification of neoliberal citizen-subjects. As the students' negotiations with expectations suggests, there are conditions, such as material conditions of transnational labour migration and class differences in Canada, that temper or normalize what is expected or anticipated of Filipino-Canadian youths. Here, the more appropriate question may be, not "where" children of immigrants are integrated in Canada's socio-economic ladder, but rather "what" we expect them to integrate into. Being attentive to the time and spaces in FilipinoCanadian students' encounters with expectations can lend itself to more careful thinking around this question of what. A question that may offer a different set of politics that seeks not only to reduce polarization in integration outcomes, but one that seriously contends with alternative future visions for children of first generation immigrants that can move us to confronting fundamental questions about Canada's socio-economic ladder, the role and nature of education, transnational migration, and inequalities.  102  Chapter 5: Conclusion When asked what advice he would give to youth who are preparing to migrate to Canada from the Philippines, Rafael replied: "It's hard at first... You have to fight, fight, and fight." I heard this sentiment from other high school youth, albeit in different forms. They would usually answer this question with a similar opening salvo, "mahirap sa una (it's hard in the beginning)". These words of caution were typically followed up with words of advice that were meant to encourage their peers to persevere and find ways to overcome challenges of migration and settling into a new place. The advice ranged from appeals not to be afraid to talk with teachers, to forewarnings that initial feelings of leaving loved ones and friends in the Philippines would eventually subside, to encouraging them to get involved in school activities and make new friends. One youth suggested that his peers make a list outlining what their goals and needs would be to graduate from high school. From the mundane to the more purposeful pleas to take action, their words of advice suggest that youth preparing to migrate to Canada should be prepared, in different ways, to struggle through change. Scholars committed to engaging with marginalised youth have already argued the need to vigorously theorise children and young people's daily lives in the context of everyday negotiations with changing economic, social, cultural and political contexts. Katz (2004) sets an example of how geographies of children shaped by the everyday cultural practices that make up social reproduction can provide for critical interventions in seeing and knowing the world. In her study of Sudanese children within conditions of economic restructuring, Katz demonstrates how traditional social formations are broken and re-made as a rural village undergoes and participates in economic re-structuring with capitalist development. In this  103  process of changing social relations, children and youth are active agents in re-making cultural norms necessary for economic restructuring. Dillabough et al (2008) turn to the sites of the city and the school to examine the processes that marginalised inner-city youth engage in reconfiguring their modes of self-representation in the midst of neoliberal changes. They argue that youth draw on historically embedded modes of representation in pre-existing youth subcultures, such as gendered and racialised identities associated with inner-city youth cultures, to negotiate novel forms of class and cultural conflicts. The researchers link these novel forms of self-representation to modernising influences in the urban (i.e. economic restructuring and increasingly polarised labour markets) and the school (i.e. educational reforms focusing on 'cultures of success'). From their research, Dillabough et al found that the dynamics of neoliberalism has changed the complexion of how youth negotiate their identities. They argue that, unlike previous work done on working class youth, for example Willis' (1977) Learning to Labour (which described the reproduction of class and social formations within the school), contemporary inner-city youth articulate desires to break from their class positions and low-income urban environments. Because of these desires, they suggest that youth experience greater anxieties than the youth studied by Willis; economic insecurity knitted into neoliberal retrenchment makes breaking away an unlikely option for these youth. According to Dillabough et al, these anxieties play a role in the youth's novel forms of selfrepresentations, from within school hallways to their relations in the wider urban setting. In light of these scholarly contributions on the agency of youth, I want to suggest that this study on the geographies of Filipino-Canadian youth's educational experiences is not meant to translate into universalities. The aim is to highlight the possibilities of approaching the educational outcomes of Filipino youth in ways that are equally attentive to their modes of  104  agency and the structures that constrain them. I describe the ways in which Filipino youth, wrapped up in transnational labour migration, immigration, and education systems and policies, negotiate and engage with forces at play within and beyond the classroom. In other words, I attempt to consider their modes of experience in tension with the material conditions and the materialities of transnational migration, family, and education. In this effort, I have tried to resist the urge to describe the youth as cogs in global, national and local systems like transnational family networks, labour, immigration and education structures. Instead, I see Filipino-Canadian students as active agents reworking and, at moments and particular spaces, disrupting these systems fraught with uneven power relations. One need see only the changes that individual Vancouver public schools have made in an effort to support the integration of Filipino students to recognise the agency of FilipinoCanadian youths. After the beating death of 16-year old Filipino youth Mao Jomar Lanot in 2003, the Vancouver public school to which Jomar was a student, and the school grounds on which he died, came face-to-face with the challenges facing Filipino-Canadian students. In 2002, Jomar was re-united with his mother who came to Canada to work as a live-in caregiver. After playing basketball on a Friday evening while walking home, Jomar and his friends were thronged by a group of youth, who according to reports, were yelling out racial slurs. Jomar, unable to flee, was pulled down and beaten with baseball bats and golf clubs. Jomar died the next morning. In the media aftermath, public attention focused on a supposed brewing conflict between Filipino and South Asian young males. Media spun Jomar‘s death as part of an assumed feud between these two groups of coloured youth, a feud being played out in the streets of Vancouver. Meanwhile, police and school officials emphasised the uniqueness of the incident, angling Jomar's death as an isolated incident and a case of being at the wrong place  105  at the wrong time. The double movement of public discourse framing Jomar's death simultaneously universalizes and individualizes the moment. His death was understood as general problem of feuding homogeneous racialised male youth while simultaneously isolated as a mistake. Obscured in this double movement are the patterns of power relations that underlie Jomar‘s death. To recuperate these power relations, the Filipino-Canadian Youth Alliance drew attention to the systemic and subtle forms of racism that frame such punctuated racialised events. As a young Filipino son of a former live-in domestic worker, the FilipinoCanadian Youth Alliance argued that Jomar's multiple identities as a racialised, immigrant, working class young male framed conditions for when and why he and Filipino youth are vulnerable to and responsible for violence. The school, while not entirely accepting of the position of community activists, likewise recognised the need to appreciate the wider context of violence amongst student. In this regard, the school set up a general code of conduct in hopes of fostering student accountability for individual actions. During focus groups and interviews at this particular school, several students pointed to this code of conduct as a means by which the school has turned around its negative reputation and nurtured a sense of collective responsibility among fellow students. Kababayan Academic Mentorship Program (KAMP) is a school-based mentorship program also set up after Jomar's death. It is a mentorship program between post-secondary Filipino students and high school students who recently migrated from the Philippines. The program was originally an initiative of secondgeneration Filipino post-secondary students who sought to be proactive in response to their own struggles being Filipino and the issues facing Filipino students. As Thomas, a recent university graduate who was born in Canada, shares: [...] Being a Filipino-Canadian who has struggled with identity, cultural rejection and shame, and a whole host of feelings of being Filipino, I felt [the  106  mentorship program] would help bridge the factions within the Filipino community. Second generation Filipinos are reaching out and creating community with newly arrived Filipinos. [...] We tend to be in our own subgroups, it's an opportunity to create a new identity for the Filipino community in Vancouver. Four years after its initial start, the group is hoping to expand the program to other Vancouver public high schools with significant Filipino student populations. However, the group of mentors has changed from being largely led by Filipinos born and raised in Canada to youth who arrived in Canada in their high school years. Kharl, now in his third year in postsecondary school, migrated to Canada when he was 14 years old to rejoin his mother who came to the country as a domestic worker in 1999. 22 He explains his reason for volunteering to be a mentor as a means to help fill a gap that he himself experienced growing up in a smaller Canadian city: [I mentor because I want kids] to have the social support that I didn't have when I came here, the social support is really important, it would have really helped me when I first came here. If I could make a difference, and share my story then that's something I want to do. The forms of agency enacted by the organisations of Filipino-Canadian youth in Vancouver reflect what Pratt (2010) describes as purposeful and intentional acts of political agency in her reflections on the eventful narratives of second-generation Filipino youth activists. She argues that eventful narratives of confronting white hegemony often form the basis for political action and intentional acts of agency. Pratt also points to the possibilities of considering acts of political agency that are not inherently or obviously intentional, but those that can be found in the everyday and mundane. She finds such possibilities in what she sees in the more fragmented narratives of newly arrived Filipino youth in Canada. Certainly such forms of  22 The surveys collected for this research showed that none of the 45 Filipino post-secondary student respondents indicated that one of their parents migrated to Canada under the Live-in Caregiver Program. These two post-secondary students whose mothers had migrated to Canada as domestic workers were identified in a focus group.  107  political agency can be found in the fragmented narratives of the Filipino-Canadian students in this project. Here, I think of Christopher’s unwillingness to go to classes where he feels he is not learning anything new; Noah’s insistence that he be moved out of ESL in his refusal to regularly attend; Chelsea's concern that her fellow Filipino students cannot get on the school's honour roll because of their status as 'non-regular' students; and the students’ persistent questions about the post-secondary education experience. These acts could be read as acts of rebellion, insufficiency, and refusal or inability to commit to an educational trajectory that will only serve to lessen their chances of graduating and secure their place in the lower rungs of the labour market. Or these acts could be read as accounts that disrupt the very notion of what educational track these students are streamlined into. If read in this manner, the responsibility for their graduation, future prospects, and integration can be more evenly distributed. In other words, an approach that pays attention to the students' multiple acts of agency in the everyday ways they negotiate their circumstances can allow us to see how and where they fall short. Thus, the responsibility for Filipino youths' less-than-expected academic outcomes can be viewed as, not as an accountability that rests solely on the individual students and their families, but on how and where the youth are produced as different students in ways that shape their educational trajectories. In this way, the conflation of academic performances of children of first generation Filipino immigrants in Canada as a marker of integration can be pried apart to consider their outcomes in ways that Dillabough might propose, allows us to approach outcomes as: "...markers of economic, cultural, and social privilege..." (2003:378). As Pratt (2010) suggests, there remains opportunity to be attentive to these spaces of ordinariness, spaces in which such daily acts of agency unfold and take place.  108  Recognising the multiple forms of political agency through which Filipino-Canadian youth approach their educational outcomes and future prospects, there is fertile ground to forward a progressive politics that not only contends with the difficulties Filipino students in Vancouver schools experience, but also raises broader questions related to labour migration, immigration, social reproduction and the role of education in Canada’s liberal democracy. Katz (2004) argues that attention to geographies can allow for political alliances that do not seek to universalize a particular struggle, but allows a recognition of the counter topographies being generated by activism rooted in places. From the contours of particular struggles, lines can be drawn to connect struggles across different sites and places. In her comparative study of rural Sudanese and urban New York children’s experience with economic restructuring, Katz demonstrates how the same global economic processes occurring over the same time period impact children and youth differently over space as they negotiate with new forms of social reproduction. The shared economic process that the youth negotiate with, she describes, carries the potential to unite youth despite the different ways in which they meet their everyday experiences. While such alliances seeking to address the educational outcomes of Filipino-Canadian youth are possible and are in the process of being forged, the potential for the further growth of a progressive politics attentive to these particular issues remains open, but would likely be vexed. Differences within the Filipino-Canadian community such as class complexities, gendered dynamics, and a developing politics of sexuality complicates future political alliances across difference. Such considerations would also need to be made in the context of growing anti-immigrant sentiment in the light of Canada's increased use of temporary migrant labour, ongoing neoliberal retrenchment of social programs (such as immigrant settlement and  109  integration programs), and the narrowing of labour opportunities for young people; while at the same time mindful of the state of and changes in related political movements. As Nagar and Swarr (2010) point out in their critique of transnational feminist praxis, political alliance across difference is at best problematic, and at worst reifying of the power dynamics progressive movements and projects seek to subvert. Concerned by what they see as redeployment of unproductive dichotomies in transnational feminist collaboration and alliances across positions (i.e. the academic and the activist) and geographies (i.e. the local and the global; the global north and the global south), they argue that transnational feminisms not simply be the "teleological end result of progress narratives" (ibid: 9). In other words, they argue that alliance and collaboration not be approached aspiring closure, resolution or a final product, but as a process under constant change and made up of shifting relations at different times and places. They suggest that what is necessary is a commitment to be critically reflective of this process for the transnational feminist project to retain its progressive and disruptive edge. Commitment to being conscious of the multiple modes of agency of FilipinoCanadian youth, and reflexive of the possible alliances that can coalesce around the conundrum of the educational outcomes of Filipino students, can allow for a progressive politics that collaborates across differences.  110  References  Abada, T. and S. Lin (2011). The Educational Attainments and Labour Market Outcomes of the Children of Immigrants in Ontario. Toronto: Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario. Abada, Teresa, Fen Hou and Bali Ram (2009) “Ethnic Differences in Educational Attainment among the Children of Canadian Immigrants,” Canadian Journal of Sociology, Vol. 34, No. 1, pp. 1-28. 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New York: Columbia University Press.  119  Appendices Appendix A Survey Questionnaire for Filipino Post-Secondary Students  120  Appendix B Profile of Project Participants  Name 23  Grade  Gender  Country of Birth  Immigration Path to Canada 24  Year of Parent's Migration to Canada  1 2 3  Marvin Lester Nina  9 9 8  M M F  Philippines Philippines Philippines  Independent LCP Independent  4  Teresa  8  F  Philippines  5  Louie  9  M  6  Emil  9  7  Oliver  8 9 10  Entry Grade  ESL Designated  ESL Level  Mother's Present Work  Father's Present Work  2010 Unknown 2004  Year of Youth's Arrival in Canada 2010 2006 2004  9 5 2  Yes Yes No  Unknown Transitional Not applicable  Unknown Unknown Assistant accountant  LCP  Unknown  2010  7  Yes  2  Student Cleaner Licensed Practical Nurse Hotel worker  Philippines  LCP  2006  2009  8  Yes  2  Caregiver  M  Philippines  LCP  2002  2007  6  No  Caregiver  10  M  Philippines  LCP  Unknown  2009  9  Yes  Not applicable 3  Rafael Lester  12 11  M M  Philippines Philippines  LCP Independent  Unknown 2010  2008 2010  10 11  Yes No  Edwin  10  M  Philippines  LCP  2004  2009  9  Yes  3 Not applicable 2  Factory worker Security Guard Store Owner  Office worker Unknown Call Agent  Care aide  At home  Building maintenance  Unknown Unknown  23  These are pseudonyms and not the actual names of the research participants. This data indicates which Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) program the youths' families migrated to the country under. LCP refers to the Live-in Caregiver Program, CIC's labour and immigration program that facilitates and manages the entry of temporary workers who perform live-in domestic work. In the case of the Filipino community, it is typically the women who migrate through this program. Under the LCP, workers cannot migrate with their immediate dependent family members. Instead, they can apply to sponsor their family dependents only after completing the requirements of the program and receiving permanent resident status. FDM refers to the Foreign Domestic Movement program of the 1980's, the temporary foreign worker program antecedent of the LCP. "Independent" indicates that the youths migrated with their families and that one of their parents did not migrate to Canada under the LCP or FDM. 24  121  Name 23  Grade  Gender  Country of Birth  Immigration Path to Canada 24  Year of Parent's Migration to Canada  11  Harvey  10  M  Philippines  LCP  12 13  Karl Kathie  10 12  M F  Philippines Philippines  14  Danielle  10  F  15 16 17 18  Faye Christian Carlo Nierel  10 11 11 12  19  Bea  20 21  Entry Grade  ESL Designated  ESL Level  Mother's Present Work  Father's Present Work  2003  Year of Youth's Arrival in Canada 2009  9  Yes  2  Roofer  Independent Unknown  2010 2001  2010 2010  10 12  Yes No  Philippines  Unknown  2004  2009  9  Yes  2 Not applicable Completed  Food preparation Food server Accountant  F M M M  Philippines Philippines Philippines Philippines  LCP LCP LCP Independent  2004 Unknown 2002 2008  2008 2005 2010 2008  8 6 11 10  Yes Yes Yes No  12  F  Philippines  Independent  2009  2009  11  No  Julian Jess  12 10  M M  Philippines Philippines  LCP LCP  2003 2001  2006 2008  8 8  Yes Yes  Transitional 3 3 Not applicable Not applicable Completed 3  22 23  Arsenio Junior  11 11  M M  Philippines Philippines  LCP LCP  Unknown Unknown  2009 2008  11 10  Yes Yes  2 Transitional  24 25  Nicole Pia  12 11  F F  Philippines Philippines  LCP Independent  Unknown 2005  2009 2005  11 6  Yes No  26  Laya  12  F  Philippines  LCP  2005  2009  11  Yes  Unknown Not applicable Unknown  27  Martin  8  M  Philippines  LCP  2001  2008  7  Yes  3  Caregiver Care aide Cleaning Unknown  Unknown Lab Technician Fast food worker Janitor Cleaning Cleaning Unknown  Unknown  Unknown  Hotel cleaner Grocery stocker Caregiver Housekeeper  Mechanic Shipping receiver Unknown Cleaner and Fast food restaurant worker Separated Engineer  Caregiver  Unknown Production worker Factory assembly and Bakery worker Unknown  122  Separated  Unknown  Name 23  Grade  Gender  Country of Birth  Immigration Path to Canada 24  Year of Parent's Migration to Canada  28  Dante  10  M  Philippines  LCP  2005  29  Dianne  10  F  Canada  FDM  1989  30  Teresa  10  F  Canada  FDM  1985  31  Donald  11  M  Philippines  LCP  32 33 34  Rico Harold Brian  11 11 11  M M M  Philippines Philippines Philippines  35  Hari  12  M  36  Noah  12  37  Christopher  38  Year of Youth's Arrival in Canada 2009  Entry Grade  ESL Designated  ESL Level  Mother's Present Work  Father's Present Work  9  Yes  3  Cashier  K  No  K  No  9  Yes  Not applicable Not applicable 3  Health worker Housekeeper  2003  Not applicable Not applicable 2008  Fast food worker In-home caregiver Forklift operator Unknown  Unknown LCP LCP  2007 Unknown 2003  2010 2008 2008  10 8 8  Yes Yes No  Philippines  Independent  2008  2008  11  Yes  1 4 Not applicable Transitional  M  Philippines  LCP  2003  2008  11  Yes  Completed  12  M  Philippines  LCP  2004  2009  11  Yes  Transitional  Grocery store worker Separated  Alexandra  12  F  Philippines  LCP  2005  2009  11  Yes  3  Housekeeper  39  Amanda  11  F  Philippines  Independent  2005  2009  9  Yes  Transitional  40  Chelsea  12  F  Philippines  LCP  2002  2006  9  No  41  Carl  10  M  Canada  LCP  1993  K  No  42  Ryan  10  M  Canada  Unknown  1992  K  No  43  Enrico  12  M  Canada  LCP  Unknown  Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable  K  No  Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable  Restaurant worker Food service  Grocery store worker Unemployed Hotel worker Care aide Student  Home care worker Store clerk  Cook Unknown Deceased Part time worker Unknown Forklift operator Security guard Casual worker Shipping receiver Separated Dishwasher  Care aide  Dishwasher  123  Name 23  Grade  Gender  Country of Birth  Immigration Path to Canada 24  Year of Parent's Migration to Canada  44  El John  9  M  Canada  LCP  Unknown  45  Theo  9  M  Canada  Unknown  Unknown  46  Ken  10  M  Canada  LCP  1992  47  Victor  M  Philippines  LCP  48  Kharl  M  Philippines  49  Steven  M  50  Thomas  51  Casey  52  Ben  3rd Year Univer sity 4th Year Univer sity 3rd Year Law School Compl eted Univer sity Not Applic able 2nd Year College  Year of Youth's Arrival in Canada Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable  Entry Grade  ESL Designated  ESL Level  Mother's Present Work  Father's Present Work  K  No  Care aide  Dishwasher  K  No  Housekeeper  Gardener  K  No  Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable  Unknown  Late 1990's  2003  9  No  Not applicable  Eye lens laboratory worker Unknown  LCP  1999  2003  8  No  Not applicable  Records' Clerk  Materials Tester  Canada  Family Sponsorship Program  1978  Not applicable  K  No  Not applicable  Registered Nurse  Airplane maintenance  M  Canada  Independent  1970's  Not applicable  K  No  Not applicable  Occupational Therapist  Unemployed  M  Philippines  LCP  1993  1998  7  No  Not applicable  Cook  Separated  M  Philippines  Independent  1996  1996  8  Yes  Completed  Hospital Porter  Parking attendant  Cleaner  124  Appendix C Focus Group Questions for Filipino High School Students  Project: Educational and Labour Market Outcomes for Filipino Youth in Vancouver FOCUS GROUP/INTERVIEW QUESTIONS: HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS  1. Were you born in Canada or the Philippines? 2. If you were born in the Philippines, what year and how old were you when you arrived in Canada? What grade did you finish in the Philippines before coming to Canada? Was this a private or public school? 3. Could you describe what it was like to go to school in the Philippines and your experiences as a student there? Would you describe yourself as a good student in the Philippines? What did you enjoy in school and what didn’t you like much? What subjects or activities were you good at and what gave you trouble? 4. Do your parents talk about the Philippines or why they came to Canada? What do they say? When did they come to Canada? Do you know what their work and education was in the Philippines? SCHOOL 5. What is a “typical” day at school like for you? What time do you get to school, what do you do first? 6. What courses are you taking? (if grade 10 or above) Why did you decide to take those courses? 7. What do you do at lunch time? Who do you hang out with? Where? 8. What do you guys usually talk about? What do you guys have in common? 9.  What do you do after school? What do you do on the weekends? Who do you hang out with most outside of school?  10. When do you do your homework? 11. Who do you go to if you need help with school work or any other problems? 12. How are your grades? Are you happy with how you’re doing?  125  13. Do you have any idea what grades your parents or family members want you to get, or how they want you to do at school? 14. What do you like about high school? 15. Are most of your friends Filipino? Why or why not? Are you friends with Canadianborn/Philippine-born Filipinos? Why or why not? 16. What don’t you like about high school? How do you deal with the {pressure, homework, etc.}? INTEGRATION QUESTIONS 17. What do you think of or how do you see Canadian-born/Philippine-born (newly-arrived) youth? Are they the same or different from you? 18. What do you think a Canadian is? What is a Canadian like? Do you see yourself as Canadian? 19. Do you think Canadians see or treat you differently? At school? Outside of school? {Stereotypes} 20. Have you seen any trouble or problems between Filipino kids and other kids in your school? How do you think your school handles these problems? 21. Do you work now? Where do you work? What do you do with your earnings? 22. What do your parents think about you working while in school OR about you not working right now? 23. What are your plans after graduating from high school? What are you doing to prepare for these plans? Why are you interested in{profession/work/school}  126  


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