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Eating English in Jamaica : food, and Creole identity in seventeenth-century, medical discourse Hollett, Cathy-Rae 2011

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Eating English in Jamaica: Food, and Creole Identity in Seventeenth-century, Medical Discourse  by Cathy-Rae Hollett  B.A., The University of New Brunswick, 2010  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (History)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver)  August 2011  © Cathy-Rae Hollett, 2011  ii Abstract  Food – its organization and consumption–offers a unique lens through which to understand the early workings of English colonialism, as well as national, bodily identity. In the seventeenth century English intellectuals sought to understand and prescribe national identity on a bodily level.  However in the early stages of colonialism this same process was taking place across the Atlantic, in Jamaica, an island that supported a significantly different demographic makeup.  Through the use of physicians’ casebooks, prescriptions and natural histories, buttressed with the words of English travelers, this paper argues that due to the efforts to encourage and define English bodily identity there was a simultaneous demarcation of an emerging Creole population.  This Creole population was defined by what they were able to consume- particularly dishes such as turtle meat and chocolate.   iii Table of Contents  Abstract.................................................................................................................................... ii
 Table of Contents ................................................................................................................... iii
 Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................ iv
 Dedication ................................................................................................................................ v
 Introduction............................................................................................................................. 1
 “An Excellent Breakfast for a Salamander”: Eating English in Jamaica ....................... 13
 “Our Bodies Do Crave a Little More”: The Tropic of Excess.......................................... 21
 “Infants Drink it Here as Commonly as in England They Feed on Milk”: Food as a Marker of Identity ................................................................................................................ 31
 Conclusion: Of Bodies and Entitlement.............................................................................. 38
 Bibliography .......................................................................................................................... 42
   iv Acknowledgements  Thank you to the staff and faculty of the History department of UBC, without whom this would not have been possible.  In particular thank you to Dr. Neil Safier for his valued criticism, and supervision.  I would also like to thank Dr. Carla Nappi for her tireless efforts to break down my intellectual barriers, despite my tenacious belief in binaries, and for always offering academic and emotional support when needed.  Your words have been an inspiration that will continue to shape my relationship with texts for years to come. Thank you to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, and to the history department of UBC for your financial support, without which this thesis would not have come to fruition. Thank you to my colleagues and peers for always being there to talk through issues over a pitcher- including Will, Amy, Kelly and John; to the members of the history of science reading group for pushing me to always try harder; and to my friends both past and present for keeping me grounded.  A special thank you to Allen Chen for being a calm voice in the storm, and Christine Peralta for providing me with the background track, as well as countless hours of genuine support.  History is about people, and you have never let me forget that. Also, thank you to the numerous musicians whose work has coddled me, and fed me during dry times, and to Carlin who was always willing to be a warm, purring distraction. Finally, thank you to my family- my brother Randy who has toughened my skin, Nick Foreman who has always been a voice of faith, and my parents who have always urged me to question, and deconstruct the ordinary.  I could not have been where I am, were it not for all of you.  v Dedication  To all the Turtles and Tortoises whose lives were lost to colonial trade. You are remembered.   1 Introduction  “One Saturday evening, when we were in hot weather, a Hog being kill’d, and the Blood sav’d (to make Puddings) till Monday morning, they prov’d very hurtful, for although some, who had eat of them, complain’d not, yet several others were taken violently ill, some Vomiting with great pain, and others Vomiting and going to Stool with great Anxieties.  Being call’d, and asking if they had eaten or drink any thing to occasion such great disorders, I concluded the Puddings to be the Cause...”1  On September 12, 1687, Hans Sloane set sail for the West Indies from his new home in London England. He was a newly graduated physician and had eagerly accepted the opportunity to accompany the Duke of Albermarle, new lieutenant governor of Jamaica, despite the fact that his advisor, Dr. Thomas Sydenham, had suggested that Sloane would be better suited to ‘drown himself’ in a popular London park than journey to the colony.2  The young Sloane was not only a physician, but also a burgeoning natural historian.  As such, the benefits of the voyage outweighed the possible deficits as he sought to make a name for himself in the growing world of commercial botany.  He would spend fifteen months in Jamaica, returning to England after the Duke who had sponsored him succumbed to his illness and died in October of 1688. Once landed, Sloane spent his time observing and recording “strange things which [he] met with in Collections, and, was inform’d, were common in the West Indies,” as well as treating numerous patients.3  Most of his patients in Jamaica were of English origin, and most of the cases he recorded involved “fevers and fluxes” occasioned by the tropical weather’s  1
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica
with
the
natural
 history
of
the
Herbs
and
Trees,
Four­Footed
Beasts,
Fishes,
Birds,
Insects,
Reptiles,
&c.
of
the
last
of
those
 islands;
to
which
is
prefix'd
an
introduction,
wherein
is
an
account
of
the
inhabitants,
air,
waters,
diseases,
 trade,
&c.
of
that
Place,
with
some
Relations
concerning
the
Neighbouring
Continent,
and
Islands
of
America.
 Illustrated
with
the
figures
of
the
things
describ'd,
which
have
not
been
heretofore
engraved;
In
large
 Copper­Plates
as
big
as
the
Life.
By
Hans
Sloane,
M.
D.
Fellow
of
the
College
of
Physicians
and
Secretary
of
 the
Royal­Society.
In
two
volumes.
Vol.
I.

(London:
printed
by
B.
M.
for
the
author,
1707),
xcii.
2
Thomas
Sydenham
as
cited
in
St.
John
Brooks,
Sir
Hans
Sloane:
The
Great
Collector
and
his
Circles,
(London:
Batchworth
Press,
1955),
78.


3
Sir
Hans
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,
preface.


  2 effect on temperate constitutions, but a number of them revolved around the repercussions of ill-chosen behavior. One such case involved a group of patients, taken ill of a mass poisoning, and is cited above.  Sloane makes no mention of the makeup of the group but it is likely that they were food-minded Europeans, making the most of a hog slaughter and suffering the consequences.4 Yet when they ate those puddings, these settlers were taking in much more than pig’s blood and more even than the bacteria that would cause their discomfort – they were consuming a part of their distant homeland.   As Jeremy McClancy has argued, “humans feed on symbols and myths as much as on fats, proteins and carbohydrates... food is both nutritious and a mode of thought.”5 These words and his work on the idea of consuming culture illustrate the extent to which food permeates everyday interactions.  Not only do we require and relish in food, but we speak with food as well.6  When these settlers fell ill due to improperly prepared pudding, they were not purposely subjecting themselves to pain, but were enacting a culturally familiar scene.  As most physicians were also natural historians, they went to great lengths to catalogue the natural resources of Jamaica and habits of its inhabitants.  The growth of botany was a driving motivation- in both a mercantile and professional sense.7  The discovery of a new plant could mean fame for the finder, and even commercial success if that plant was useful medically.  Numerous natural historians would benefit from this trade, including Sloane himself who invested not only in quinine, but also in chocolate.  English physician Thomas Trapham also reaped the benefits of this system even if it was only in name, and not in business, as he posthumously championed the European use of the  4
It
is
likely
that
this
group
was
made
up
of
Europeans,
as
Sloane
is
very
quick
to
identify
other
individuals
or
groups,
including
“blacks”,
“Indians”,
and
to
a
much
lesser
extent
“Creolians.”

In
addition
the
pudding
is
a
traditionally
English
dish,
the
spread
of
which
would
have
elicited
at
least
a
comment
from
the
British
physician
given
his
emphasis
on
the
interactions
between
groups.




5
Jeremy
MacClancy,
Consuming
culture.

(London:
Chapman’s
Publishers
Ltd,
1992),
2.

6
For
a
further
understanding
of
how
food
functions
on
a
symbolic
level
see
cited
book
by
MacClancy
as
well
as
Helen
King,
“Food
as
a
Symbol
in
Classical
Greece.”

History
Today
36,
iss.
9,
(1986),
http://jstor.org.

Also
see
Mary
Douglas,
Purity
and
Danger:
an
analysis
of
the
concepts
of
pollution
and
 taboo.
(New
York:
Routledge
and
Kegan
Paul,
1966).






7
Londa
Schiebinger,
Plants
and
Empire:
Colonial
Bioprospecting
in
the
Atlantic
World
(New
York:
Harvard
University
Press,
2004),
5.


  3 Bermudas Berry.8  Nevertheless, these natural historians were not just businessmen, they also charged with the task of recording the habits of the West Indian people and in so doing they found themselves recommending actions that would improve settlers’ health. As these natural historians collected their plants, animals, and minerals, along with making their observations on the nature of the inhabitants, they noticed that while English bodies had moved to a tropical setting, they maintained customs born of a temperate, northerly climate.  Given the geographic determinist framework that the majority of European physicians adhered to at this time, a lack of adaptation would be a great cause for concern among those cataloguing the new colony.9  Complicating this was a fear of degeneracy, a fear on the part of “some Britons [who] worried that their own emergence from barbarism to civility was temporary, if not regulated closely.”10  In some cases degeneracy was thought to end in a change of complexion, but it mostly manifested in the process of creolization, a process in which food choices played a central role.  Even those that did not fear degeneracy maintained a sense of European superiority, which was reason enough to avoid taking on West Indian habits. Physicians’ early interventions all shared a similar theme- that adjusting to the climate, and adopting native practices was the best way to ensure English health in the colony.  The English settlers “had models from the parent society... the peculiarities of new environments made it difficult to transplant traditional norms.”11  But rather than shirk traditional norms altogether, and create a new society, they attempted to cling to carefully  8
The
Bermudas
berry
was
a
relative
cure‐all,
and
took
the
form
of
a
dried
fruit
that
was
indigenous
to
the
West
Indies.

Trapham
recommended
it
for
general
evacuation
with
a
special
emphasis
on
the
curing
of
Green
sickness.

Thomas
Trapham,
Some
observations
made
upon
the
Bermudas
berries,
imported
from
the
 Indies
shewing
their
admirable
virtues
in
curing
the
green­sickness
/
written
by
a
doctor
of
physick
in
the
 countrey
to
the
Honourable
Esquire,
Boyle.
(London
:
[s.n.],
1694
)



9
Geographic
determinism
is
the
theory
that
cultures
and
bodies
are
shaped
by
the
geography
they
are
surrounded
by.

In
the
early
modern
period
it
was
part
of
medical
understandings
of
the
world,
and
harnessed
to
explain
the
difficulties
inherent
in
trafficking
bodies
to
new
terrain.


10
Roxanne
Wheeler,
The
Complexion
of
Race:
Categories
of
Difference
in
Eighteenth­Century
British
 Culture,
(NY:
University
of
Pennsylvania
Press,
2000),
11.

Marcy
Norton
has
dealt
with
this
fear
in
the
Spanish
context
and
contends
that
food
was
central
to
this
process.

“Chocolate”
she
writes,
“cleaved
Americanized
Spaniards
from
new
Iberian
arrivals;
the
latter
notes
and
often
balked
at
the
peculiar
habits
and
tastes
of
their
creolized
compatriots,
while
the
former
squirmed
under
the
derisive
condescension
of
haughty
puninsulares.”
In
Marcy
Norton,
“Tasting
Empire:
Chocolate
and
the
European
Internalization
of
Mesoamerican
Aesthetics,”
American
Historical
Review
111,
no.
4,
(2006):
660.






11
Trevor
Burnard,
“Inheritance
and
Independence:
Women’s
Status
in
Early
Colonial
Jamaica,”
The
William
and
Mary
Quarterly
48,
no
1
(1991),
93.


  4 chosen customs, often with negative results.  They continued to dress as they did in England despite the compromise to their health, Sloane notes, especially the “better sort”, who only loosened their clothing at night to allow for the circulation of humours.  English settlers built their homes as they did in England, made of brick, “which [are] neither cool, nore able to endure the shocks of Earthquakes” despite the existence of Spanish structures that were successful at both.12  The natural historian notes that “the better sort of people” go so far as to sleep as they do in England- despite the very real threat from ants, bugs and other vermin.13 Lastly, and most importantly, the settlers continued to drink and eat as they did in England due to large-scale trade between the metropole, and other English colonies.14  Whether this refusal to shuck off traditionally English practices was conscious or not is difficult to ascertain given the surviving written record for the era.  However historians of later periods, such as the eighteenth century, have discussed the ways in which settlers sought to replicate the culture of the metropole, even if this replication manifested in compromise. For physicians like Sloane and Trapham food was a way in which health and Englishness itself could be mediated and secured.15  This paper argues that these doctors’ concerns about food in the colonies were not only about health, but also about defining and maintaining a sense of English identity, a process that led to the demarcation of creolization.16  Furthermore through the medical understanding and application of foodstuffs English settlers, physicians and travelers were able to articulate the nuanced state of bodily identity in the colony, charting the early divergence between European and Creole.17  In a  12
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,xlvii.


13
Ibid.,
xxx.


14
This
trade
is
discussed
by
virtually
every
author
referenced,
and
imports
came
to
Jamaica
from
places
such
as
England,
France,
Carolina,
New
England,
Newfoundland
and
even
as
far
as
the
East
Indies.


15
By
the
late
seventeenth
century
food
and
its
preparation
was
a
large
part
of
class
structure
as
well
as
understandings
of
national
identities.

See
recommended
text
by
Roxanne
Wheeler,
introduction
of
The
 Complexion
of
Race:
Categories
of
Difference
in
Eighteenth­Century
British
Culture.
(New
York:
University
of
Pennsylvania
Press,
2000).





16
The
demarcation
of
creolization
is
the
highlighting
of
systems
that
enforced
difference
between
European
and
Creole.

While
the
term
Creole
is
not
employed
in
most
cases,
the
processes
are
very
similar
to
those
described
by
Marcy
Norton
for
the
seventeenth
century
Spanish
empire,
and
Roxanne
Wheeler
and
Kathleen
Wilson
for
the
eighteenth
century
British
empire.



17
Concepts
of
acclimatization
were
consistently
implemented
to
explain
the
benefits
of
time
spent
in
these
climactically
dangerous
colonies.

Those
who
spent
the
most
time
there
presumably
became
the
most
acclimatized.

Effectively,
this
meant
that
those
who
were
born
in
the
region
would
be
more
‘native’.

Thus
Creole
was
not
a
demarcation
of
class
or
race,
but
a
way
to
describe
a
group
of
people
who
were
known
to
have
been
born
in
the
colony
itself.

So
the
blending
that
has
come
to
denote
the
use
of
the
word
  5 colony where mortality and home were an obsession, health and familiarity became important concerns.  There were many different ways in which these concerns were negotiated including: avoidance of the sun, limiting time spent in the colonies, and purposeful re-seasoning to the metropole; but an extremely significant one was the maintenance of habits through the use and abuse of foodstuffs.  Using the lens of travel accounts and physicians’ notebooks from late seventeenth-century Jamaica, it is clear that food- its cultivation, its preparation, and its medicinal uses- was seen as pivotal to the survival of the early English colony.  While this assertion might seem obvious, survival in this context involved providing something more than just the daily nutritional sustenance required by settlers.  In the late seventeenth-century, ‘Jamaicans’ were not made from newly landed British peoples, they were bodies that had adapted to the climate, the heat, and the food of the land they found themselves surrounded by.18  In addition, through enforcing behaviors founded on English traditions the beginnings of Creole identity were made much more apparent. Food is a central focus of the life and culture of all human beings, and the material and symbolic functions it has performed in the lives of historical actors have been the subject of much scholarly attention. In 1961, Fernand Braudel published an article in Annales suggesting that historians look at material traces of societies and connect them to social and economic movements.19  His call to study food was a narrow vision, related mostly to articles of exchange, and analysis of the healthfulness of historical diets.  However, later that year, Roland Barthes published an article in the same journal that called upon historians to understand food not just as it relates to economics and nutrition, but also as a “system of communications, a body of images, a protocol of usages, situations and behaviors.”20                                                                                                                                                   Creole
was
not
always
a
blending
of
peoples,
but
also
a
blending
of
peoples
with
climate.

I
would
argue
that
one
of
the
ways
in
which
these
people
blended
with
the
climate,
was
through
consuming
indigenous
foods.



18
‘Jamaican’
is
a
term
commonly
used
by
Sloane,
and
Trapham.

For
the
remainder
of
this
paper
the
term
Jamaican
will
be
used
when
referring
to
someone
who
the
physicians
identify
as
being
of
European
origin,
but
adapted
to
the
island.

This
is
not
be
confused
with
‘Indian’
or
‘Ancient
inhabitant’.

It
does
however
share
almost
all
of
its
properties
with
the
term
Creole.






19
Fernand
Braudel,
‘Vie
materielle
et
comportement
biologiques:
bulletin
no.1’,
Annales:
Economies
Societies
Civilizations,
XVI
(1961),
545‐549.



20
Roland
Barthes,
“Towards
a
Psychology
of
Contemporary
Food
Consumption.”

Annales:
Economies
 Societies
Civilizations.

XVI
(1961)
,
977‐86.


Translation
found
in
Roland
Barthes,
“Toward
a
Psychology
  6 Accordingly food history has emerged as a particularly insightful mode of addressing colonial identity.  Building on the work of Barthes and later food studies scholars, a number of authors have addressed how food functions as a marker for identity- be it national, religious or other.21  This paper further draws on the work of Judith Farquhar, who has urged us to see eating as a mode in which a national body is formed through the practice of a shared experience.22  However, the national body will be discussed here as a solely discursive incarnation, bound together through written advice from self-styled experts.  Historian Anita Guerrini has described the seventeenth-century as a time when “several authors attempted to define, through food, the peculiarities of the English body and how best to maintain its good health.”23 Despite the work of these scholars, little has been written on this topic in the English colonial context.  This expansion is important as colonial Jamaica offered an opportunity for food-minded individuals to study the English body in relation to Indigenous, Creole, as well as many different groups of African bodies.  Moreover, the availability or absence of traditional foods shaped the way that many colonial transplants understood their distance from the metropole, and with that distance came a sense of difference.  Most notably this sense of difference was articulated through a feeling of freedom, whether self-imagined or imposed, that caused many travelers to reflect closer on what it meant to be English.24  This                                                                                                                                                   of
Contemporary
Food
Consumption”,
in
Food
and
Culture:
A
Reader,
2nd
edition,
ed.
Carole
Counihan
et
al.
(New
York:
Routledge,
1997),
29.
21
Notably:
Paulo
Drinot
investigated
the
place
of
food
and
race
in
working
class
identity
in
1930’s
Peru
in
his
article
“Food,
Race
and
Working‐Class
Identity:
Restaurantes
Populares
and
Populism
in
1930s
Peru.”

 The
Americas
62,
no.
2
(2005):
245‐270.

Aitzpeia
Leeizaola
discusses
how
cuisine
oriented
tourism
contributes
to
the
construction
of
national
identities
and
stereotype
in
20th
century
Basque
in
“Matching
national
stereotypes?
Eating
and
drinking
in
the
Basque
borderland.”

Anthropological
Notebooks
12,
no.
1
(2006),
79–94.

For
a
comprehensive
historiography
of
food
studies
as
specifically
related
to
British
colonial
identity
see
“Introduction:
On
Turtles,
Dining
and
the
Importance
of
History
in
Food,
Food
in
History,”
in
Dining
on
Turtles:
Food,
Feasts
and
Drinking
in
History.

Ed.
Dianne
Kirkby
et
al.,
1‐12.


22
Judith
Farquhar,
Appetites:
Food
and
Sex
in
Postsocialist
China.

(Durham:
Duke
University
Press,
2002),
1‐33.


23
Anita
Guerrini,
“Roast
Beef
and
…
Salad?”
History
Today
61,
iss.
2
(2011):
1.

In
her
work
she
discusses
the
multivalent
practices
found
in
English
eating,
refuting
the
myth
that
the
English
uniformly
understood
their
diet
as
one
that
revolved
around
flesh.

While
most
English
persons
did
indeed
prefer
meat
above
other
dishes,
it
was
a
largely
gendered
and
classed
set
of
consumptive
practices.

Guerrini
goes
on
to
describe
the
different
individuals
who
encouraged
vegetarian,
and
local
diets
be
they
scientific,
literary,
or
religious
authority
figures.







24
Edward
Ward
is
quick
to
assume
that
the
women
who
traveled
to
the
colony
were
doing
so
to
escape
social
constraints
and
take
advantage
of
a
lack
of
rule.

This
is
not
highlighted
by
natural
historians
who
emphasized
organization
through
their
rhetoric,
and
so
perhaps
betrays
a
broader
paranoia
surrounding
  7 relates heavily to works by Marcy Norton that discusses how the consumption of chocolate was imbued with overtones of indigeneity, and creolization in the Iberian colonial world.25 Often England’s links with chocolate are overlooked, as chocolate is subsumed under the history of coffee, or treated as a remnant of interactions with Spanish colonials.  This ignores the first-hand interactions English settlers had with the substance that were framed in numerous ways from commodity, to food and medicine.26 This thesis contributes to the growing literature on “foodways,” which is a term employed as a “critical lens to explore trans-cultural, trans-national, and trans-regional mobility, locality, and local embeddedness of foodstuffs.”27  By passing judgment on what was or was not suited to the English constitution, early modern physicians were defining the mobilities of food and bodies, based on nativeness to place, and as well as carving out early sites of divergence.  These mediations of experience and extraction contributed to the sense of scientific hegemony Londa Schiebinger discusses in Plants and Empire and helped to lay the foundation for future phases of settlement, and colonization. In additions this paper enters into a dialogue with the works of Trevor Burnard who has written extensively on the history of British, colonial Jamaica.  In his many works Burnard discusses the inability of European settlers to establish a sustainable white Jamaican culture.  He cites high mortality and skewed immigration rates as the main deterrent. However speaking in terms of the time, English settlers were not just dying of malaria and other tropical diseases, as one might assume from a survey of articles written on nineteenth and twentieth century tropical medicine.28 According to British physicians in the colony, they                                                                                                                                                   the
role
of
gender
in
the
colonies,
and
a
tendency
to
push
socially
accepted
boundaries.

For
more
on
this
in
the
Jamaican
context
see
Trevor
Burnard,
“Inheritance
and
Independence.”


25
Norton.

“Tasting
Empire”,
660.

For
the
purposes
of
this
thesis
Indigeneity
is
the
measure
of
ones
nativeness
to
a
place,
an
overarching
process
that

includes
concepts
of
creolization.

For
a
more
detailed
discussion
of
the
uses
and
abuses
of
definitions
of
indigeneity
see
Mathlas
Guenther,
“The
Concept
of
Indigeneity.”

Social
Anthropology
14
,
iss.
1,
(2006):
17‐32.












26
For
a
comprehensive
study
on
chocolate
as
a
commodity
in
Hans
Sloane’s
Jamaica
see
James
Delbourgo,
“Sir
Hans
Sloane's
Milk
Chocolate
and
the
Whole
History
of
the
Cacao”,
Social
Text
29,
(2011):
71‐101.



27
Carolyn
De
La
Pena,
“Introduction:
Traversing
the
Local/Global
and
Food/Culture
Divides.”
Food
and
 Foodways,19,
no.1,
(2011):
1.


28

Immigration
rates
in
Trevor
Burnard,
“Inheritance
and
Independence”,
93‐144.

Also
addressed
in
Trevor
Burnard,
“European
Migration
to
Jamaica,
1655‐1780.”
The
William
and
Mary
Quarterly
53,
no.
4
(1996),
769‐796.


Also
see
Trevor
Burnard,
“‘The
Countrie
Continues
Sicklie’:
White
Mortality
in
Jamaica,
1655–1780.”

Social
History
of
Medicine.

Vol.
12,
no.
1
(1999),
45‐72.

Burnard’s
work
on
early
colonial
  8 were also dying by other means including excess, venery and an inability to let go of their English practices.  This led physicians to contest and control the use of many things, chief among them food. Lastly this thesis looks at a largely understudied period in the history of English Creole identity.   The term Creole was not in heavy usage until the eighteenth century, consequently it is often considered to be absent in prior eras.   Kathleen Wilson and Roxanne Wheeler have both dealt with English identity in the West Indies during the eighteenth century, a time in which Creole referred to someone of a varied complexion, but born in the region.  Wheeler’s treatment focuses on the concept of degeneracy, discussing Creole as a potential end state to this process.29  However by focusing on the consumption of food the move from English to Creole becomes a process of its own, chartable through digestibility and medical treatment.  For the purposes of this paper, Creole will be defined as the outcome of creolization--a process by which a unique body that was not native of, but well suited to, the tropical locale, in constitution and temperament, emerged. This paper will largely be addressing the thirty-year period between 1670 and 1700- a period that marked the foundational stages of English colonial practices on the island of Jamaica, and encompassed increasing anxieties over English bodily identity.30  I will analyze and compare the writings of two physicians, and a number of other visitors, with particular attention paid to the satirist Edward Ward.  The writings by Dr. Thomas Trapham and Dr. Hans Sloane were chosen as they represent extremes in the process of differentiation between English and Creole.  In addition seventeenth-century literature on the colonies is limited, medical advice even more so, but the referenced material by these authors is representative in form and content and was demonstrably popular in its time.  All discussed authors were individuals who were concerned about health, and food in the growing colony. Through the use of natural histories and travel accounts, section one will argue that the desire to continue eating in a familiar English fashion shaped how settlers organized their                                                                                                                                                   Jamaica
is
extensive,
and
impressive.

This
is
more
of
a
philosophical
divergence
than
a
disagreement.

Rather
than
blame
malaria,
and
mosquitoes
I
believe
we
should
frame
mortality
within
in
the
scope
of
the
actors’
categories‐
such
as
venery,
and
excess‐,
which
is
what
I
hope
to
do
here.











29
See
Roxann
Wheeler,
The
Complexion
of
Race:
Categories
of
Difference
in
eighteenth­century
British
 Culture.

(Philadelphia:
University
of
Pennsylvania
Press,
2000),
1‐48.





30Guerrini,
“Roast
Beef
and...
Salad?”,
2.


  9 own eating habits, from their imagined hierarchy of livestock to their reaction to indigenous foodstuffs.  It is imperative to first establish how English settlers ate, before the subtle nuances between English and Creole can be established.  Accordingly, section two, “The Tropic of Excess” will outline how medical authorities discussed excess, particularly how this stereotypically English vice manifested in a new, tropical environment.  This section will borrow from the casebook of Sir Hans Sloane, and it is in this section that the physicians’ justifications for authority are most apparent.  It is also where the political differences between Sloane and Trapham are most sharply manifested, leading to a disagreement over what should be considered proper drinking practices- a disagreement that painted specific drinker with a ‘Jamaican’ brush.  Section three will argue that particular goods functioned as diagnostic tools, and investigate how this was predicated on an understanding of a national constitution shared between bodies.  The prescription of milk, especially breast milk, or chocolate was a tangible intervention on the part of these physicians in the assignment of divergent indigeneities.  Combined, these arguments point to a particular discourse of English identity – one that was rooted in the body and in need of defense in the colony.  This identity was contested terrain, and through consumption patterns and medical understanding was differentiated from that of Creole, a process that placed the latter category into sharper relief and contributed to its definition. The first featured physician is Dr. Thomas Trapham.  Under the patronage of “Lord Vaughan, Knight of the most Honourable order of the Bath,” Trapham published his sampled treatise, A discourse of the state of health in the island of Jamaica... in 1679 from Port Royal.31  Trapham was a vitalist, and represented a largely practical mode of medicine. Trapham had little exposure to medical theory, but decades of experience as a surgeon, both in the army and the navy.  The surgeon enjoyed Jamaica so much that he continued his residence until his death in 1692, at the hands of the infamous earthquake.32  The fact that  31
Thomas
Trapham,
A
discourse
of
the
state
of
health
in
the
island
of
Jamaica
with
a
provision
therefore
 calculated
from
the
air,
the
place,
and
the
water,
the
customs
and
manner
of
living
&c.
(London:
Printed
for
R.
Boulter,
1679),
a2.


32
George
C.
Peachey,
“Thomas
Trapham‐(Cromwell’s
Surgeon)‐
and
others.”

Section
of
the
History
of
Medicine.

Proceedings
of
the
Royal
Society
of
Medicine.
1931
August;
24(10),
1444.


Thomas
Trapham
was
a
relatively
obscure
Naval
surgeon
who
is
probably
best
known
for
being
present
at
Oliver
Cromwell’s
death,
and
acted
as
his
surgeon
at
the
battle
of
Worcester
in
1651.

He
was
also
embalmer
to
King
Charles
I,
and
made
several
unsavory
remarks
about
the
task
of
reaffixing
the
King’s
head
to
his
  10 Trapham wrote, published, and lived in Jamaica indicated that he was speaking from a different vantage point than the other authors who will be discussed.  He was not a visitor, but a settler, and so had more to gain from adapting to local customs and foodstuffs.33  Due to this physicians who visited, but did not practice in Jamaica often referenced his works. Dr. Hans Sloane spent roughly fifteen months in Jamaica as attending physician to the governor of the island and produced a two-volume account of his trip in the form of a natural history.34  The end product was roughly one thousand pages containing geographic descriptions of the West Indies, a study of the habits of West Indian inhabitants, his medical casebook and sketches of plants and curiosities.  While Sloane published the first volume of his book in 1707, the interactions and personal notes the book was based on were compiled over a fifteen-month period from 1687 to 1688.  Therefore, despite period between genesis and publication, Sloane’s work will be treated as a vestige of 1680s interactions.  Sloane’s work has been of particular interest to historians because he is one of the few early physicians who treated men and women, both black and white, in England and in the West Indies.35  In addition future abolitionists used his description of slave keeping practices as evidence of cruelty.  At the time of their publication though, these volumes served as a looking glass into the strangeness of the West Indies, and an extensive catalogue of new plants and materia medica.                                                                                                                                                   body
post‐mortem.
After
this
procedure
he
was
described
as
a
“rascally
quack
surgeon,”
among
several
“most
inveterate
enemies
to
the
very
name
king.”
(ibid).


33
Marcy
Norton
discusses
how
distance
might
change
the
way
new
customs
and
foodstuffs
were
treated
in
print,
particularly
in
the
case
of
Pietro
Martire
d’Anghiera
who
wrote
about
the
New
World
from
his
home
in
Madrid.

Marcy
Norton,
Sacred
Gifts,
Profane
Pleasures:
A
History
of
Tobacco
and
Chocolate
in
the
 Atlantic
World.
(New
York:
Cornell
University
Press,
2008),
55‐56.
34
Sloane
was
a
well‐known
collector
whose
cabinet
of
curiosities,
bequeathed
upon
his
death,
formed
the
foundation
of
the
British
Museum.

Aside
from
being
a
collector,
he
was
a
natural
historian,
a
savvy
businessman
who
invested
in
quinine
and
other
Jamaican
goods,
Sir
Isaac
Newton’s
successor
as
president
of
the
Royal
Society,
and
physician
to
Queen
Anne,
as
well
as
other
notable
nobles.

He
was
notorious
as
an
individual
who
was
thrilled
at
the
prospect
of
rubbing
elbows
with
social
and
financial
desirables,
and
a
useful
contact
in
the
scientific
community
of
his
time.


35
Most
notably
his
natural
history
has
been
studied
by
Kay
Dian
Kriz,
in
her
article
“Curiosities,
Commodities,
and
Transplanted
Bodies
in
Hans
Sloane's
"Natural
History
of
Jamaica",
The
William
and
 Mary
Quarterly
57,
no.
1
(2000).
Sloane’s
trip
and
subsequent
economic
benefits
have
been
studied
by
James
Delbourgo
in
“Sir
Hans
Sloane’s
Milk
Chocolate”;
and
his
medical
practice
in
the
colony
has
been
investigated
by
Wendy
Churchill
in
“Bodily
Differences?
Gender,
Race
and
Class
in
Hans
Sloane's
Jamaican
Medical
Practice,
1687‐1688,"
Journal
of
the
History
of
Medicine
and
Allied
Sciences
60,
no
4,
2005.

For
a
complete
list
of
topics
related
to
Sloane,
written
by
these
authors,
see
the
bibliography.




  11 Finally this analysis will borrow heavily from a work by Edward Ward. Ward was a well-known satirist who traveled to Jamaica in 1697 and published his short diatribe in 1698, upon his return to London.  By the late seventeenth-century the West Indies had become a common destination for interested travelers who were no longer content with just reading about exotic curiosities.  These travelers were encouraged to observe and comment on the resources and inhabitants of any country or colony they found themselves in for the good of the colonial project as well as for the amassment of knowledge in an enlightenment sense.36 However Ward was more than just an amateur travel writer, he was a practiced author, with a biting wit whose main objective was to entertain. To explain the divergent medical stances taken by Trapham and Sloane a few distinctions must be clearly articulated, namely that the two occupied completely different spaces socially, professionally and politically.  Sloane was born into a Scott-Ulster family to a father who acted as tax collector for the English government.  As such he was well versed in the nuances of English identity and interaction with controlled peoples.  Little is known of Trapham’s upbringing, although George Peachey ascertained that he was born to John Trapham of Maidstone in Kent.37  He was licensed to practice chirurgery in 1633 by the University of Oxford, and shortly thereafter began his career as a surgeon.  It is important to note that in the late seventeenth-century the gulf between physician and surgeon was a substantial one.  Typically barber-surgeons were considered to be members of the trade class, while physicians were educated men who had taken university level classes.38  While Trapham was eventually granted an honorary medical degree, his background as a barber- surgeon informed most of his opinions and practices.  Conversely Sloane was initially trained as a physician, spending several years in London, Paris and Montpellier before graduating as an MD from the University of Orange in 1683.  By 1687, the year of his trip, he was inducted as a fellow into the Royal Society and had attracted the attention of chemist Robert Boyle, naturalist John Ray, and famed physician (as well as mechanist) Thomas Sydenham.  Finally,  36
Linda
Levy
Peck,
Consuming
Splendor:
Society
and
Culture
in
Seventeenth­Century
England,
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press,
2005),
122‐3.


37
Peachy,
“Thomas
Trapham...”,
1441.


38
This
system
created
intense
competition
in
which
surgeons
were
viewed
as
suspicious
usurpers
by
paranoid
physicians
who
went
to
great
lengths
to
secure
their
positions
atop
the
pyramid
of
the
medical
marketplace.
  12 on differential politics Sloane was an ardent Royalist who owed much of his fame to the very people to whom he dedicated his publications.  Trapham, though, was not a royalist- as evidenced by his noted support of Oliver Cromwell, which was confirmed through is role as surgeon in the New Model Army. Given their dissident politic, social and professional histories and the differing tone with which they wrote their accounts of Jamaica, it is reasonable to assume their definitions of English might not be congruous.  Indeed a reading of their natural histories betrays that categories were largely individualist and fluctuated depending on the author.  This resulted in a marked change over the thirty year period, in what was understood as acceptable English practices, and what was understood as marking of Creole.  As Leizaola has argued, food and drink choices construct national boundaries.  I would also contend that food and drink recommendations can blur national boundaries in the face of colonial expansion, while creating social divides within the colony itself.39                  39
The
term
a
recommendation
refers
to
medical
prescription
and
authoritarian
suggestions
of
what
is
palatable,
what
is
healthy
and
what
is
not,
based
on
the
writings
of
Sloane
and
Trapham.


  13 “An Excellent Breakfast for a Salamander”: Eating English in Jamaica  In a 1698 publication, author Edward Ward characterized Jamaica and its people as a “swe[a]ting Chaos.”40  He journeys to the island after reflecting on his own constitution and finding that a “warm latitude” would most agree he set off for “that blessed paradise Jamaica, where gold is more plentiful than ice.”41  However, upon pulling out of port in preparation for his voyage Ward finds himself lamenting the loss of his country.  He writes:  ...Something there is that touches near, I scarce can bid adieu; ‘Tis all my Hope, my Care, my Fear, And all that I pursue: ‘Tis what I love, yet I Fly, But what I dare not, must not Name. Angel Protect the sacred Frame, ‘Till I to England, shall return or die.42  Ward’s publication, simply entitled A Trip to Jamaica was an attempt to capitalize on popular travel narratives in a humorous way.43   However, even in an article of bawdy satire the harsher sentiments of travel and separation are apparent.  Ward is a writer; his purpose for travel is to document his experience and share it with his readership in London.  But he is  40
Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
4.


41
Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
7.

42
Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
4.

This
quotation
is
of
particular
interest
because
it
illustrates
the
feeling
of
being
separated
from
England,
a
feeling
that
I
envision
effected
the
decision
to
continue
eating
in
particular
ways
despite
the
fact
that
physicians
advised
against
it.


More
colloquially,
I
imagine
that
eating
familiar
food
lessened
the
distance
from
the
metropole
on
an
emotional
level.

43
His
later
publications
would
be
identified
as
being
written
by
the
same
man
who
wrote
“a
Trip
to
Jamaica”,
demonstrating
the
popularity
of
this
particular
piece
in
his
body
of
work
that
included
poems,
discourses
and
diatribes.



  14 just one traveler among many, all of whom are saying their ‘adieus’ to England in their own fashion.44 Traveling to Jamaica for many Britons was “a momentous event, a decisive divide between the familiar and the unknown...”45 It was an extension of England but only insofar as an English citizen could travel there quite freely in the hopes of creating a sustained colony. The “Caribbean represented the extreme of colonial existence, where the greatest fortunes were made and life’s lottery was most capricious.”46  Moreover Jamaica represented the extreme of the West Indian experience, as well as being one of the most dangerous of the habitable islands.  In response to this sense of alienation and foreignness, English transplants sought to replicate the aspects of their native existences that they found most comforting. They wore traditionally English clothing until the heat became too much, retained their ties with family in the metropole, and continued to eat as they did in England as best they could.47  This experience was split along lines of class, where the wealthy could afford to maintain particular customs while the servants, workers and slaves were forced, to a greater degree, to adapt to the indigenous landscape of Jamaica and forage sustenance from its fruits. What resulted was a mutli-tiered diet that enforced social difference, that when read through a medical lens became a bodily difference.  This will be illustrated through the differing description of consumption in the sources, that painted a picture of wealthy travelers eating in an English fashion, while others adapted to the tropical environment.  This runs counter to Anne Wilson’s assertion that “new foodstuffs were accepted most readily by the wealthy, for the sake of their novelty and interest,” but in a way supports that they were taken up by “those who had traveled and had already encountered them elsewhere.”48  44
Ward
keeps
an
interesting
catalogue
of
his
fellow
passengers,
spending
a
good
deal
of
time
discussing
more
than
one
woman
who
is
voyaging
to
Jamaica
to
reclaim
her
husband
who
was
lost
to
a
Creole
mistress.

Other
passengers
include
fortune
hunters,
laborers
and
widows.




45
Burnard,
“Inheritance
and
Independence...”,
93.


46
Burnard,
“Inheritance
and
Independence...”,
90.


47
The
food
trade
from
Britain
to
the
West
Indies
was
extensive.

R.N.
Salaman
has
noted
that
in1783
Britain
sent
16,576
tons
of
salt
pork
and
beef,
5,188
fitches
of
bacon,
and
2,559
tons
of
tripe
to
the
West
Indies,
notably
Jamaica,
and
that
in
Brazil
the
slaves
lived
on
tons
of
cod
from
Newfoundland
and
tons
of
dried
meat
brought
in
from
the
south.

This
suggests
that
the
import
patterns
for
food
did
not
experience
a
great
revolution
between
the
end
of
the
seventeenth
and
the
end
of
the
eighteenth
centuries.

For
more
on
this
see
Salaman,
R.N.
The
history
and
social
influence
of
the
potato.
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press,
1949).


48
Anne
C.
Wilson,
Food
&
Drink
in
Britain:
from
the
Stone
Age
to
recent
times,
(London:
Constable
and
Company
Ltd.,1973),
14.

Of
course,
this
argument
was
made
about
those
classes
in
England
  15 For those suffering from English nostalgia and homesickness in Jamaica, food came to represent the familiar, not just on an emotional, or intellectual level, but also often on a bodily level.49  Physicians and laymen alike insisted that the English body required English food.  For example, in the sixteenth-century, mystic Thomas Tryon claimed that West Indian ingredients engendered disease in the English body through the creation of excess blood.50 So the threat of ill health was compounded with a thirst for home, discouraging people from fully accepting the fruits of their new terrain. As such, British imports were a prized commodity, as were imports from England’s North American colonies, but imports were not shared equally among the different groups of the island.  One traveler noted that “the Meat of the Inhabitants of Jamaica, is generally such as is in England, as Beef, Pork, and Fish salted and preserved, and sent from hence and Ireland, Flour, Pease, Salted Mackerels” from New England.51  The wealthy inhabitants and masters of plantations generally enjoyed these imported meats, however masters were required to share with their servants, “both whites and blacks...three pounds salt-beef, pork, or fish every week.”52  More often than not, the black servants were given the less desired ration of salted fish, which they reportedly coveted “extreamly” for pepper-pots.53 According to the satirical Ward “its an excellent Breakfast for a Salamander, or a good preparative for a Mountebanks Agent, who Eats fire one day, that he may get better Victuals the next.”54 Like traditionally English meats, many of the ingredients for traditionally English breads needed to be imported.  Flour from New York was “counted the best” but along with                                                                                                                                                   demonstrating
the
importance
of
place
in
food
choices.

In
the
colonies,
familiar
foods
were
alluring
and
a
sign
of
wealth,
as
opposed
to
the
metropole,
where
exotic
foods
were
put
at
the
centre
of
socializing
practices
of
the
elite.

See
Kirky
et.
al.
Dining
on
Turtle...,
1‐12.






49
For
an
exploration
of
the
relation
between
Homesickness
and
food
see
work
by
Susan
J.
Matt,
including
the
article
“A
Hunger
for
Home:
Homesickness
and
Food
in
a
Global
Consumer
Society”
The
Journal
of
 American
Culture
30,
no.1,
(2007).

It
is
apparent
when
reading
literature
from
the
mid
seventeenth
century,
to
the
late
eighteenth
century
that
most
travelers
lamented
the
loss
of
English
tasting
cuisine.




50Guerrini,
“Roast
beef...”,
2.



51
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,,
xv.

52
Ibid,
xv.



53
Ibid,
xviii.

Pepperpot
is
a
spicy
stewed
meat
dish
that
can
still
be
commonly
found
in
the
Caribbean.

Typically
it
is
spiced
with
cinnamon
and
a
sauce
made
from
cassava
root,
and
is
made
with
pork
or
beef.

However
as
these
meats
would
have
been
more
difficult
to
come
by
it
was
usually
made
with
salted
fish
in
the
late
seventeenth
century.





54Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
15.


  16 other flours and biscuits it was “subject to be spoiled with Weevils or small scarabei, if long kept.”55  The price and rarity of flour meant that most inhabitants were required to make a bread-like equivalent out of powdered cassava, or substitute bread for yams.56  These substitutes were judged to be adequate, but not ideal by British travelers to Jamaica.57  In fact in 1673, Richard Ligon wrote “bread... is accounted the staff, or main supporter of mans life,” and “has not [in the West Indies] that full taste that it has in England.”58 The reason bread and meat garnered a focus in these treatises is that both articles were of great importance to the English diet on physical, and on a symbolic level.59  While bread provided a valuable portion of daily sustenance, it was also a symbol that the lower classes organized around.60   In times of famine bread was often the easiest thing to make, as several different grains could be ground down and baked into a loaf.  Even before English subjects found themselves spread across the globe, serfs and servants alike had grown used to breads made from poor ingredients, the most notable example being black bread.  This flat, dark bread was made from rye grain and had served as a staple in many English households throughout the Middle Ages and up to the seventeenth-century, and closer resembled the bread settlers in Jamaica would have survived off of.61  Consequently those of a lower status were quicker to adapt to Jamaican substitutes, even if it represented a large shift from the symbolic English ideal. Meat existed on the opposite end of the spectrum in the English diet, and was celebrated as a symbol of wealth and means of differentiation from other European peoples.62  55
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,,
xix.


56
This
is
a
root,
somewhat
similar
to
yams.


57
While
a
group
ably
identified
as
British
did
not
exist
until
after
1707,
Hans
Sloane
identified
himself
as
English,
despite
his
Scotch
Ulster
roots.

For
this
reason
the
term
British
is
used
in
this
instance.




58
Richard
Ligon,
A
True
&
Exact
History
of
the
Island
of
Barbados,
(London:
Printed
for
Humphrey
Moseley,
1657),
29.

Ligon
goes
to
great
efforts
to
assure
his
readers
that
many
English
staples,
including
brisket
and
alcohols,
are
readily
available
on
the
island
of
Barbados.




59
Claude
Fischler,
“Food,
Self
and
Identity.”

Social
Science
Information
27,
no.
2,
1988:
275.

And
Peter
Scholliers,
ed.,
Food,
Drink
and
Identity:
Cooking,
Eating
and
Drinking
in
Europe
since
the
Middle
Ages.
(New
York:
Berg
Press,
2001),
5.


To
understand
the
importance
of
this
reaction
to
food
substitutes
taste
is
useful,
but
perhaps
not
the
best
lens.

While
taste,
texture
and
personal
preference
are
important
this
paper
borrows
from
the
claim
that
food
also
functions
as
a
symbolic
representation
of
identity





60Massimo
Montanari,
The
Culture
of
Food,
(Oxford:
Blackwell
Publishers,
1994),
107.
61Montanari,
The
Culture
of
Food,
106.


 62
In
The
Animal
Estate,
Harriet
Ritvo
explains,
“according
to
popular
belief,
it
was
the
consumption
of
red
meat
that
distinguished
brave
and
brawny
English
soldiers
from
puny,
sniveling
Frenchmen.

Harriet
Ritvo,
The
Animal
Estate:
The
English
and
Other
Creatures
in
the
Victorian
Age.

(New
York:
Harvard
  17 As early as the sixth century, meat eating “took a central role in the Anglo-Saxon and German aristocracy” and differentiated future English populations from Greco-Roman peoples who emphasized moderation and diets consisting mostly of vegetables.63  While this symbolic, and often times literal, importance did not go unquestioned, it remained entrenched in English discourse until at least the end of the Elizabethan period.64 For fiscal and logistical reasons settlers could not live on imports alone, and so they turned to the land.  Finding a fresh supply of meat was of the utmost importance in Jamaica, as colonists could not keep “beef past some few days, and that salted, otherwise in three or four hours ‘tis ready to corrupt.”65  This led to mass imports, as well as the development of a culture of subsistence farming and meat production in which people of every social and racial category kept animals for the purpose of slaughter.  In these circumstances, swine began to upset cattle’s privileged position in the English settler’s diet.66  All that was required to own swine was a tract of unpopulated land and enough scraps to tide the animals over in the drier seasons.  Consequently, almost everyone on the island owned a pig or two.  In his history of Jamaica, Dr. Hans Sloane paints a multi-layered, noisy existence in which, “the swine come home every night in the several hundred from feeding on the wild fruits in the neighbouring woods, on the third sound of the conch-shell.”67  The swine are kept by  “some Whites, Indians or Blacks” and “seem to be as much, if not more, under Command and Discipline, than any troops [he] ever saw.”68 Swine were not the only animals kept by the people of the island.  There were also kept “turkeys, which... much exceed the European,” as well as “hens, ducks, [and] Muscovy ducks.”  The Muscovy ducks were the “most plentiful, and thrive extreamly, they coming                                                                                                                                                   University
Press,
1989),
49.

She
references
several
other
works
with
this
statement
including
Roy
Porter,
 English
Society
in
the
Eighteenth
Century.

(Harmondsworth,
Middlesex:
Penguin,
1982.),
381.




63
Colin
Spencer,
British
food:
an
Extraordinary
Thousand
Years
of
History.

(New
York:
Columbia
University
Press,
2003),
23.


64
Anita
Guerrini,
“Roast
Beef
and...
Salad?”,
2‐4.

Guerrini’s
analysis
of
seventeenth
century
cookbooks
shows
that
the
consumption
of
meat
was
heavily
biased
by
class.

While
meat
eating
represented
the
English
in
general,
actual
excessive
meat
eating
was
more
often
than
not
reserved
for
the
nobility.





65
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,
xv.



66
Ward
notes
that
“in
England
you
may
nurse
four
children
than
you
can
one
calf
in
Jamaica.”,
14.

This
demonstrates
just
how
costly
it
was
to
keep
cattle
on
the
island,
while
also
informing
his
readers
on
the
ease
of
finding
a
wet
nurse.


67
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,
xvii.



68
Ibid.,
xvii.

His
use
of
the
word
‘troops’
is
interesting
and
conjured
the
idea
of
Empire,
even
if
that
was
not
his
intention.

  18 originally from Guinea”, which would have comparable weather and geography in the eyes of the European transplant.69  The birds were fed on “Indian or Guinea corn, and ants nests brought from the woods, which these fowls pick up and destroy mightily.”70  Given that the Spanish had earlier been turned away from their Jamaican colony by harsh conditions –the prevalence of ants chief among them – the birds represent a fascinating position in English settlement in Jamaica.  They were not only imported livestock, but also an important protective component in continued occupation. While the raising of swine became an intrinsic part of the English-Jamaican diet, there was still a perceived hierarchy of meat supplies, with imported livestock and dried meats at the top, followed by rare cattle, then swine, with turtle meat planted firmly at the bottom.  Turtle meat, according to Sloane, was mostly consumed by “the poorer sort of the island” out of necessity.71  The birds occasioned by Imperial trade- such as the Muscovy duck- were the most sought after, whereas the native fauna of the island became the food of the lower classes.  This organization, though not surprising, demonstrates the way in which ideas of empire became entangled with the concept of traditional English practices, shaping values in Jamaica as a colony. Ward had the fortune (or misfortune) of sampling turtle on his short trip to Jamaica and had only criticisms for the dish:  “The chiefest of their Provisions is Sea Turtle, or Toad in a shell, Stew'd in its own Gravy; its Lean is as White as a Green-sickness Girl, its Fat of a Calves-turd Colour; and is excellently good to put a stranger into a Flux, and purge out part of those in Humours it infallibly creates.”72   69
Ibid.,
xvii.


70
Ibid.,
xvii.



71
Ibid.,
xvii

72
Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
14.

The
use
of
the
term
stranger
is
common
in
early
modern
English
writings
when
differentiating
between
English
and
foreign.

Charlotte
McBride
has
written
that
stranger
is
“an
emotive
classification
that
excludes
any
notion
of
cooperation
or
familiarity
and
rejects
any
possibility
of
beneficial
interchange,
whether
economic
or
cultural.”

Charlotte
McBride,
“National
Stereotyping
in
Early
Modern
culture”
in
a
Pleasing
Sinne:
Drink
and
Conviviality
in
Seventeenth­Century
England.

Ed.
Adam
Smyth.

P.
184.




  19 This glib criticism explodes with visuals that firmly place Jamaica in the realm of illness and enforce a dichotomy between stranger and native, Englishman and Jamaican.73  For Sloane, the turtle represented the servant and slave classes, and for Ward it represented a way to understand shifting indigeneity in a visceral sense.  The line between English settler and Creole was a fine one, and what these separate groups readily consumed was one of the ways in which difference were understood and marked.74 Trapham declared that turtle meat was an easy source of nutrition and compared it favourably to traditionally English meats such as pork, venison, or beef.75  In the same breath he could not resist anthropomorphizing the creatures, insisting that he could “not yet leave the Turtle, till [he] further remark [the turtle’s] neer approximation to reason, as well as [its] prodigious fullness of vital energy, both evidently insinuated by the signal property of weeping.”76  In a scene of great discord, Trapham describes a female turtle trapped on her back, “(for that posture is their prison) fetching deep melting sighs, and profusely emitting tears from her languishing eyes, literally fulfilling the creation groans for the hoped for liberty.”77  Traveler Thomas Amy relates a similar scene and assures his readers that the sight “raises in Strangers both Pity and Compassion.”78  But for Trapham, as a Vitalist, this very sight indicates the quality of turtle flesh.79  One of Trapham’s few published supporters on this front was Thomas Amy.  Amy was an English traveler charged with the task of collecting information on the English colony  73
Ward
clearly
places
himself
in
the
role
of
stranger,
refuting
the
possibility
that
an
individual
could
be
a
Jamaican
and
an
English
man.




74
This
was
one
of
the
ways
in
which
Creole
also
took
on
class
connotations.




75
Trapham,
Discourse
on
the
State
of
Health,
58.


76Trapham,
Discourse
on
the
State
of
Health,
62.
77Trapham,
Discourse
on
the
State
of
Health,
63.


78
Thomas
Amy,
Carolina,
or,
A
description
of
the
present
state
of
that
country
and
the
natural
excellencies
 thereof
viz.
the
healthfulness
of
the
air,
pleasantness
of
the
place,
advantage
and
usefulness
of
those
rich
 commodities
there
plentifully
abounding,
which
much
encrease
and
flourish
by
the
industry
of
the
planters
 that
daily
enlarge
that
colony.

(London:
published
by
T.A.,
Gent
,
1682),
31.

In
the
same
passage
Amy
goes
on
to
inform
his
readers
that,
“Compleatly
six
hours
after
the
Butcher
has
cut
them
up
and
into
pieces,
mangled
their
Bodies,
I
have
seen
the
Callope
[stomach
meat]
when
going
to
be
seasoned,
with
pieces
of
their
Flesh
ready
to
cut
into
Stakes,
vehemently
contract
with
great
Reluctancy
rise
against
the
Knife,
and
sometimes
the
whole
Mass
of
Flesh
in
a
visible
Tremulation
and
Concussion,
to
him
who
first
sees
it
seems
strange
and
admirable.”

Whether
this
is
true
or
not,
it
betrays
the
belief
that
men
like
Trapham
and
Amy
had
in
the
vitality
of
the
animal’s
flesh.






79
Vitalism
is
a
framework
that
posits
“the
natural
activities
of
the
body
are
directed
by
a
special
force,
one
that
is
unique
to
living
beings
and
that
permits
them
to
go
on
living.”

Definition
found
in
F.
Gonzales‐Crussi,
A
Short
History
of
Medicine.

(New
York:
Modern
Library
Press,
2007),
51.






  20 of Carolina.  He commented on the pervasiveness of the turtle slaughter, noting that “Turtle, Barrel'd and Salted, if well condition'd,” could be “worth from 18 to 25 shillings the Barrel.”80  And that, “the Belly, which they call the Callope of the Turtle, pepper'd and salted, or roasted and baked, is an excellent Dish, much esteemed by our Nation in the West Indies: the rest of the Flesh boil'd, makes as good and nourishing Broath, as the best Capon in England, especially if some of the Eggs are mixt with it...”81 In almost every instance that an English traveler commented on the food of the West Indies, it was to compare it to traditional English fare. Therefore, what stands out in Amy’s prose is the possessiveness with which he refers to the West Indies.  There are several instances in which he lays claim to the West Indies, or even the West Indians, on behalf of England at large. What is clear from these treatises is that settlers and travelers contested the value of turtle meat.  By insisting that the English body benefited from the consumption of turtle flesh, and laying claim to the West Indies as ‘our nation,’ both Amy and Trapham are creating a discourse in which West Indian foods could enter the realm of English fare. Conversely Sloane and Ward viewed turtle meat as a delineating substance.  It was food for the lower masses, or for the decidedly non-English.  Amy and Trapham were both settlers, English men who had carved out lives in the colonies, whether it was in Carolina or the West Indies.  Consequently they were interacting with these foods in a permanent way that Sloane and Ward could not, and did not claim. By establishing the ideal English diet, the subtle alterations in the colonial context are put into sharper relief.  Much ado was made about the island inhabitants’ ability to continue eating English, even if the reality did not suit the discourse.  The ability to continue eating in an English fashion was split along lines of status, or class, a divide that        80
Thomas
Amy,
A
description
of
the
present
state...,
29.


81
Thomas
Amy,
A
description
of
the
present
state...,
30.


  21 “Our Bodies Do Crave a Little More”: The Tropic of Excess  Excess is a fluid term, both useful and contentious because of it fluidity.  However, it can be argued that excess becomes an issue when one in a position of authority defines and situates it as such.  Consequently, excess became a medical concern when physicians like Sloane and Trapham began factoring it into their diagnoses of diseases and ailments and it became a cultural concern when men like Amy and Ward used it to assign meaning and value to a place.82  So for Sloane and Trapham excess was defined as extreme consumption resulting in medical ramifications.  Historically excess was a vice “on which both the Germanic and Celtic peoples prided themselves” that “continued to characterize both their habits and their cultural identity” for centuries.83  Indeed, in the seventeenth-century, English families “drank about 3 litres a day per person” of wine and ale.84  Moreover, excess in drink and food were irrevocably entwined to the point that people assumed one came with the other.85  Often this excess was viewed in a celebratory manner and functioned as a test for virility and masculinity.  Other times excess was a synonym for danger, especially when coupled with a tropical environment.  The framing of excess in the works of Trapham and Sloane demonstrate the multivalent stances available to authors who discussed excess in a colonial context.  More than that excess emerged as a lens through which Trapham and Sloane could define what was acceptable for English drinkers, and how this differed from the ‘Jamaican’ drinker.  In the same grain it was utilized as a familiar category of analysis for unfamiliar foods, allowing physicians to express concern over Jamaican goods in a legitimate fashion.  Excess in the seventeenth century was a contradictory category, lamented and embraced as an English characteristic, while simultaneously being relegated to the foreign. Physicians in general, and Trapham and Sloane in particular, were skeptical of this  82
For
a
detailed
analysis
of
the
concept
of
excess
and
its
place
in
Early
Modern
English
culture
see
Joshua
Scodel,
Excess
and
the
Mean
in
Early
Modern
English
Literature.
(Princeton:
Princeton
University
Press,
2002)

For
a
deeper
understanding
of
attitudes
toward
liquor
in
early
modern
England
see:
A
pleasing
 sinne:
drink
and
conviviality
in
seventeenth­century
England.
Ed.
Adam
Smyth.

(Suffolk:
D.S.
Brewer,
2004).






83
Montanari,
The
Culture
of
Food,
111.


84
Ibid.,

121.



85
Ibid.,
11.


  22 celebration of excess.  Likewise, many writers – including the famed poet George Gascoigne- saw drunkenness as a foreign blight, an invasive behavior that was not an inherent trait of the English people.86  James Nicholls has argued that in the seventeenth- century petitions against drunkenness were framed in terms of national identity.87  Similarly McBride has noted that, “the early seventeenth century saw a steady rise in the publication of treatises and pamphlets excoriating drunkenness,” that framed drunkenness as a vice of the Protestant ruling class and cast the individual as a “threat to the social fabric of the nation.”88 These two examples of the scholarship when read together demonstrate that despite its long history in British territories, remained a contradictory category. Nevertheless, a similar set of arguments was leveled against the English transplants in Jamaica.  But rather than arguing that excess was not an inherently English trait, linked to the nationally defined body, physicians and writers argued that it was something tied to the very geography of the tropics, which needed to be tamed if English bodies were going to survive in their new tropical setting.89 By settling in a foreign territory, English people were able to deflect the cause of their common vice, eliminating the question of whether or not it was an inherent trait for the physicians tasked with ensuring English health in the colonies.  This was not the first time the English had harnessed similar arguments for this very purpose. Ironically, author William Harrison would use the same argument to defend excess in England, stating that, “The situation of our region, lying near unto the north, doth cause the heat of our stomachs to be of somewhat greater force; therefore our bodies do crave a little more ample nourishment than the inhabitants of the hotter regions are accustomed...”90 In seventeenth-century bodily discourse the geography of their place of origin shaped the very way in which their bodies digested and the scale of their consumption.  Consequently, moving English bodies to a warmer climate changed the definition of what was excessive, and what was necessary. Throughout Britain’s colonial occupation of the island, Jamaica was envisioned as a  86
James
Nicholls,
“Drink:
The
British
Disease?”
History
Today
60,
iss,
1.,
3.

87
Ibid.,
3.


88
Charlotte
McBride,
“A
Natural
Drink
for
an
English
Man:
National
Stereotyping
in
Early
Modern
Culture”.

In
A
Pleasing
Sinne...ed.
Smyth,
185.



89
In
this
context
geography
is
both
the
topography,
but
also
refers
to
the
way
in
which
topography
interacted
with
the
humoural
balance,
and
effected
constitutions.


90
Quote
from
William
Harrison
found
in
“Introduction”
to
A
Pleasing
Sinne
...,
xviii.


  23 land of surplus and intemperance where virtuous adventurers were turned into lecherous fortune hunters.  Londoners were bombarded with images of pirates and privateers, or bawdy women who made their way to Jamaica to obtain relative social freedom.91  They would have been familiar with figures like “the Renowned John Davis a Jamaican born... that had suckt in Piracy with his Mothers Milk.”92  Ward contends of the English settlers that “They regard nothing but Money,... not how they got it, there being no other Felicity to be enjoy'd but purely Riches”93  Moreover, “A Broken Apothecary will make there a Topping Physician; a Barbers Prentice, a good Surgeon; a Bailiffs Follower, a passable Lawyer, and an English Knave, a very Honest Fellow.” Not to be misunderstood, he finishes his pained criticism of Jamaica by assuring his readers that “the Town of Port Royal is the very Sodom of the Universe.”94  In the English imagination life expectancy was shorter in Jamaica was quicker and the quality of life was rougher than in England, and the mortality rates demonstrated this. According to Trapham, at the end of the seventeenth century as many as four or five men died for every “one of the other sex”.95 As for the cause of Trapham’s high male mortality rates, a life of venery was often considered the likeliest culprit.96  Venery represented a number of behaviors ranging from  91
Or,
more
accurately,
they
would
be
familiar
with
tales
of
women
who
would
“have
been
Scandalous
in
England
to
the
utmost
degree,
either
Transported
by
the
State,
or
led
by
their
Vicious
Inclinations,
where
they
may
be
Wicked
without
Shame,
and
Whore
on
without
Punishment.”
Found
in
Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
4.



92
A.
O.
Exquemelin,
The
history
of
the
bucaniers
being
an
impartial
relation
of
all
the
battels,
sieges,
and
 other
most
eminent
assaults
committed
for
several
years
upon
the
coasts
of
the
West­Indies
by
the
pirates
of
 Jamaica
and
Tortuga,
both
English
&
other
nations
:
more
especially
the
unparallel'd
atchievements
of
Sir
 H.M...
/
made
English
from
the
Dutch
copy
;
written
by
J.
Esquemeling,
one
of
the
bucaniers
;
very
much
 corrected
from
the
errours
of
the
original
by
the
relations
of
some
English
gentlemen
that
then
resided
in
 those
parts.
(London:
Press
Unknown,
1684),
10.


93Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
15.


94
Ibid.,
15.




95
Trapham,
Discourse
on
the
State
of
Health,
55.

Trevor
Burnard
assert
that
death
rates
actually
fluctuated
between
one
and
a
half
to
two
and
a
half
male
deaths
for
every
female
death
until
1700,
and
males
routinely
outnumbered
females
in
the
colony
by
as
many
as
three
and
a
half
to
one.
The
fact
that
Trapham’s
estimation
is
so
far
from
the
figures
drawn
from
parish
registries
could
the
parish
registries
into
question
or
it
could
indicates
a
general
sense
of
paranoia
surrounding
the
health
of
English
transplants
to
Jamaica
in
the
1680s.
Given
the
evidence,
the
latter
is
more
than
probable.

See
Trevor
Burnard,
“Inheritance
and
Independence”,
98.It
also
suggests
strongly
that
this
paranoia
was
highly
gendered.

In
the
same
sense,
concern
over
the
maintenance
of
English
tradition
and
ideals
was
often
read
alongside
tales
of
women
who
were
heartily
out
of
control.


96
It
is
clear
in
Sloane’s
casebook
those
male
patients
that
he
treated
often
found
themselves
in
ill
health
because
of
their
eating
and
drinking
habits.

Unlike
their
male
counterparts,
the
women
he
treated
were
  24 sexual activity to gluttony, but the one factor unifying these behaviors was the concept of inappropriate excess. A quick perusal of Sir Hans Sloane’s casebook reveals several characters who compounded their illnesses through drinking alone, such as Captain Nowel, who drank so heavily all he could imbibe was the milk of women, or “Mr. Anthony Gamble, aged about forty five, a Cook, given to Drink” who was injured by a cannon bullet to the stomach and was cured of his pain, but “Drinking very hard, some time after, he fell into the Hemorrhoids with intolerable pain.”97  Among his other patients he makes mention of an unnamed “Gentleman, aged about Forty of a Sanguine Complexion, much given to Drinking and Venery,” who “fell ill of the Gout.”98  As well as a young man named Wellington who was afflicted with the pox and drank wine “to such excess that he made himself Mad.”99  By embracing venery as the likeliest cause for almost any illness, physicians were creating a discourse in which they words carried more weight.  As both Trapham and Sloane argued, if the settlers adhered to their advice, the dangers of the colony could be circumvented. According to Trapham the reason for the high male mortality rate in Jamaica was a lack of moderation.   The reason “is not very obscure,” he writes:  “for whoso spends two hundred pounds in one place, as oft as in another he could one single hundred, must as soon again be bankrupt, which is much the state of the aforementioned case: wherefore let our moderation be known herin [sic] by prolonging our lives through alteration of customs to a suitable adjustment of Nature and Place.”100  Essentially, Trapham’s words are reminding his English readers that excess, while already a problematic but common vice, is compounded by Jamaica’s geography and that moderation is the key to survival.                                                                                                                                                   often
considered
to
be
ill
due
to
reproductive
quirks,
or
a
natural
imbalance
of
their
humours
occasioned
by
their
gender.


97
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,
xcii.

98
Ibid.,
xciii.



99
Ibid.,
cxxviii.


100
Trapham,
A
Discourse
on
the
State
of
Health...,
55.


  25 Drinking was typically thought of as a form of male sociability, the abuse of which was by extension also typically a masculine practice.  No where is this more evident than in Sloane’s treatment of “Two person who drank a large quantity of Wine.”  He first introduces his readers to a Mr. F-, a man of “Twenty four, extremely Corpulent and Fat,” who was known to “eat heartily, and drink very hard without any great prejudice.”  This was until one evening when “he made a Challenge to another, who thought himself able to bear more drink than he, desiring him before the present Company to come to a fair tryal in that matter.”101 Over the course of the competition they drank seven quarts of alcohol and Madeira wine, causing both men to vomit, and Mr. F- to fall into a stupor that took days to recover from. While Mr. F- won the competition (out drinking his adversary by three pints) Sloane notes that both men died in England during the intern between their treatment and his publication, and that they had “shortened their lives by such Actions.”102 Sloane thought that moderation was the key to avoiding alcohol related illness, while Trapham also recommended that English Jamaicans execute caution when choosing where to get their liquor.  If English men were apt to drink, as he thought they should, Trapham suggested that they obtain wine from Madeira, and cut it with water.103  In his view, the problem was not necessarily one of excess, but an issue of the quality of imported wines. “Canaries and sacks, for these,” he writes of imported French wines, “more especially the balderdashed Clarrets, the covetous Brewers and Corrupters thereof seldome send them without having one part thereof burnt to serve the funerals of those they have killed.”104 Moreover, Madeira wines were “complying with the place they were designed for.”105  That is to say that wines designed and aged in Europe were suited to be drunk in Europe, while wines that were designed and aged in a location that matched the climate of the West Indies were inherently suited to the “Jamaica drinker.”106  While Trapham does not use the term  101
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica.,
cxvii.
102
Ibid.,
cxviii.

Perhaps
encouraged
by
his
experiences
in
Jamaica,
in
the
early
eighteenth‐century
Sloane
lent
his
support
to
a
London
based
temperance
movement
that
sought
to
limit
the
availability
of
alcohol
among
the
poor
103
Incidentally
Trapham
appears
to
a
large
purveyor
of
Madera
wines,
perhaps
following
in
the
footsteps
of
Oliver
Cromwell,
at
one
time
his
patient
and
a
notorious
drunk.

Adam
Smyth,
A
Pleasing
Sinne,
xxii.





104
Thomas
Trapham,
A
Discourse
on
the
State
of
Health,
54.



105
Ibid.,
54.



106
Ibid.,
54.

This
is
how
Trapham
referred
to
the
non‐indigenous
inhabitants
of
Jamaica
in
the
1670s,
a
political
label
that
ascribed
placement,
but
not
identity.




  26 Creole this is one example, of several, in which the term Jamaican indicates an adapted English body. As for the drinking of West Indian wines, Sloane disagreed vehemently.  As a royalist Sloane was attracted to particular wines, that embodied particular political meanings.107 “Canary, ... sack, [and] claret,” in particular were highlighted as politicized alcohols – the very kind of wines that Trapham is warning newcomers against imbibing.108  As the seventeenth-century progressed in England, the politicized lines of drink moved from royalist versus antiroyalist to Whig versus Tory but vestiges of the old order remained.109  Sloane was skeptical of wines that were not traditionally drunk in England and, as such, often blamed consumption of Madeira wine rather than excess for the illness of his patients.110 There are several examples of this in Sloane’s casebook, the prime example a patient he refers to simply as Mr. B.  “Aged about Forty, of a Sanguine Complexion,” Mr. B was advised to avoid drink and meat alike.111   Unlike most of Sloane’s patients, he complied and was cured for the duration of his diet.  However, weariness overtook him and he turned to wine for comfort – “Madera-Wine and water” to be exact.112  According to his casebook this behavior continued, almost reaching the level of excess, and Sloane was unsurprised when the man succumbed to his disease upon his return to England.  Then there is Mr. Lane.  This patient, in need of attention due to a fever, was only twenty-five and experiencing a quick progression of symptoms, as well as a very harsh relapse.  Upon further prodding the physician learned that Mr. Lane had been consuming “White Madera-Wine contrary to  107
A
class
in
which
Sloane
was
raised
and
found
himself
by
choice
in
his
later
life.


108
Angela
McShane
Jones,
“The
Politicization
of
Drink
and
Drunkenness
in
Political
Broadside
Ballads.”

 In
A
Pleasing
Sinne­
Drink
and
Conviviality
in
seventeenth­century
England.

Ed.
Smyth.,
73.


109Ibid.,
77.

Historian
Angela
McShane
Jones
has
investigated
drinking
culture
surrounding
political
ballads
of
the
late
seventeenth
century
and
has
found
that
wine
occupied
a
privileged
place
in
the
social
lives
of
royalists.


110
Whether
it
was
the
wine,
or
Sloane’s
medical
advice
that
was
actually
the
culprit
is
inconsequential.

Several
authors,
including
his
two
cited
biographers
have
made
a
point
of
casting
Sloane
as
a
mediocre
physician.

However
the
fact
remains
that
his
opinion
was
trusted
enough
to
earn
him
numerous
correspondences
with
other
physicians,
and
a
place
treating
members
of
the
royal
family.

What
is
really
of
interest
to
this
author
is
how
Sloane
himself
understood
the
failings
of
seventeenth‐century
medicine,
and
poor
patient
compliance
and
the
popularity
of
excess
were
two
ways
in
which
he
framed
it.


111
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,
,
xcv.

Oddly
enough
this
is
the
exact
mode
of
Consumption
that
Trapham
recommends.

It
is
possible
that
Mr.
B.
had
either
been
Trapham’s
patient,
or
was
familiar
with
his
school
of
thought.




112
Ibid.,
xcv.




  27 direction.”113  Mr. Lane’s case is subsumed under the heading “Of one in great danger from drinking Wine in a Fever,” a category that could have encompassed a number of Sloane’s patients, but one that he reserves for the consumption of a West-Indian product.114  As always with drinking culture, it is important to take class into account, but in this case its primary importance is in how this effected the distribution and availability of imported wines.115  Said distribution and availability would act as a delineator for who could continue to drink like an English man.   According to Ward, all forms of drinking would lighten the purse, but while, “Madera Wine and Bottle-Beer are Fifteen pence the Bottle; nasty claret, half a Crown... their best Canary [is] Ten Bits, or Six and Three Pence.”116 The most expensive and the one imported from the greatest distance were considered the most desirable to the class that continued consuming in the English.117  Unlike Sloane, who appears to be siding with Clarets because of their political connotation, Ward is referencing what is popular in England.  Obviously what was popular in England– the Claret and Canary– was transported to Jamaica so the transplants could continue to drink like the English, even if it was at a price. Of course, drink was not the only way in which people could participate in intemperance.  Along with excess drinking came excess feasting.  The kind most discussed by Sloane and Trapham is the consumption of too much flesh.  Montanari, among others, has identified meat as a symbol of privilege and status.118  As such, physicians and religious authorities often attacked meat for spreading physical and moral degradation.119   It was not particularly easy to access in late seventeenth century Jamaica, but those in an ill state were cautioned against the forms that were available.  It is possible that although it was flesh that Sloane was prescribing against, flesh represented more than just meat, signifying a form of diet that was innately excessive.  The idea of extensive meat consumption and celebrations  113
Ibid.,
xcvi.


114
Ibid.,
xcvi.




115
For
a
discussion
of
the
shifting
understandings
of
class
and
drinking
establishments
see
Michelle
O’Callaghan,
“Tavern
Societies,
the
Inns
of
Court,
and
the
Culture
of
Conviviality.”
In
A
Pleasing
Sinne...,
37‐51.


116
Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
16.


117
This
concept
is
discussed
in
Stella
Achilleos’
article
“The
Anacreontea
and
Refined
Male
Sociability.”

In
 A
Pleasing
Sinne...,
21‐35.



118
Montamari,
Culture
of
Food,
73.


119
Guerrrini,

“Roast
Beef
and...
Salad?”,

Also
see
Montanari,
Culture
of
Food,
78‐82.


  28 blur together because “both the consumption of food and the social context in which that activity took place were, above all, tools for the expression and manifestation of power.”120 Like access to meat in medieval and early modern Europe, the ability to feast was just as rare, and reserved for a particular class. A number of the men Sloane treated for excessive drinking were also known for excessive eating of ‘flesh’ and as such were instructed to quit both overindulgences.  Most refused, and some like his patient ‘Dick’ even had the aid of nurses in their resistance.  This individual is described by the physician as a “plethoric, choleric, much given to drinking Rum-Punch and Strong Liquors...” who was allowed by his nurse, “much Wine and Flesh, contrary to instruction.”  Eventually Dick was cured through a serendipitous aligning of planetary bodies, and strict adherence to the recommended diet, but Sloane makes his displeasure known through his tone.121 While Trapham insisted that the fruits of Jamaica were good for any English body, as time passed by English visitors grew more and more suspicious of the land and its natural products.  “They have Oranges, Lemons, Limes and several other Fruits just as Sharp and as Crabbed,” as the people of the West Indies, Ward notes, “not given them as a Blessing, but as a Curse.”122   Those who indulged to excess – and there were many who did – would develop the “dry Belly-Ache; which in a fortnight, or Three Weeks, takes away the use of their Limbs, they are forced to be led about by Negro’s [sic].”123  This state, Ward insists, appears to be the personification of the very land of Jamaica, suggesting that those who ate Jamaican fruits were transformed into vestiges of Jamaica.124 “Irregularities,” rather than excesses, is what they are termed by Dr. James Lind in his treatise on illnesses incidental to hot climates, published almost a century later.  He writes that it is “not the air of the country,” they fall victim to, “but their own debauchery.”125  He  120
Montanari,
Culture
of
Food,
91.


This
is
also
demonstrated
through
Sloane’s
constant
prohibition
of
flesh
for
his
patients
who
demonstrate
an
inability
to
control
their
own
appetites.

As
a
rich,
strong
consumptive
it
was
believed
to
be
easier
to
gorge
on
flesh,
than
say
vegetables.





121
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,
cxliv.
122
Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
15.


123
Ibid.,
15.




124
This
points
to
a
belief
in
degradation
but
it
is
difficult
to
say,
as
Ward
does
not
employ
specific
terminologies,
whether
for
semantic,
poetic,
or
purposeful
reasons.


125
James
Lind.
An
Essay
on
diseases
incidental
to
Europeans
in
hot
Climates,
With
the
method
of
preventing
 their
fatal
consequences…

(London:
printed
for
T.
Becket
and
P.S.
de
Hondt,
1768),
7.


  29 notes of Jamaica in particular that it is the drinking of warmed rums, and the overeating of foreign fruit that causes the brunt of illnesses among the young.126  It is not just excess, but excess of foreign foods in a new more sweltering environment.  However, rather than frame his concern in English terms Lind suggests that this response is common to Europeans in general, a conclusion he comes to upon a comparison with the health of the Dutch in the East Indies.  From Settler, to English to European the terms that were employed to differentiate from the locals over the early colonial period show a marked change.  Despite the incongruent terminology one thing was clear whoever Lind was speaking to was not Creole. Excess continued to be a concern as despite repeated advice from medical figures, the religious community, and politicians, the venerous behavior continued, not just in England but abroad.127  This behavior was in many ways a gendered behavior, and a gendered concern.  Sloane and Trapham both framed their concerns in terms of mortality, and survival of the colony, while Trapham in particular made it clear that men were disproportionately affected by the phenomena, – making it necessary to target men in particular when it came to changing behaviors.128  Indulging in excess compromised the constitution and opened men to disease, some that only they could be subject to.129  It was through considerations of excess that masculinity and early concepts of empire became intertwined and fell under the scope and authority of medicine.  Through an emphasis on the physical dangers of tropical terrain and the vices it encouraged medical discourse reminded those in England that their lives depended on the literature they consumed, and the very men who wrote it.130  More importantly concerns over excess also highlighted the distinction made between drinking like an English man, and drinking like a Jamaican.  By shifting focus of excess from scale to type, Sloane was creating a dialogue with English settlers, reminding them what alcohols were fit for English constitutions.  He defied Trapham’s advice, creating a  126
Ibid.,
7.

He
does
note
that
even
the
most
temperate
people
die
in
“unhealthy
countries”
but
emphasizes
that
the
irregular
die
first.



127
Nichols,
“Drink:
The
British
Disease?”,
3.


128
Both
Karen
Britland
and
Susan
J.
Owen
have
written
on
the
culture
of
drink
and
women’s
place
in
it
in
the
seventeenth
century.

Despite
the
fact
that
women
made
up
a
large
portion
of
producers,
sellers
and
consumers
of
alcoholic
substances
drinking
and
excess
were
typically
considered
male
vices.

See
the
chapter
“Drink
and
Gender”
in
A
Pleasing
Sinne,
ed.
Smyth,
109‐142.







129
For
example
in
the
1760s
Lind
advises
his
readers
that
excess
in
Jamaica
will
lead
to
contraction
of
the
Yellow
Fever,
but
only
for
English
men,
as
women
were
not
able
to
contract
the
disease.
130
Kriz
discusses
this
in
her
article
on
Sloane,
“Curiosities,
Commodities
and
Transplanted
Bodies”,
35‐37.




  30 dichotomy through the invocation of proper English drinking practices that would firmly place Trapham’s supporters on the side of Creole.  Trapham is speaking to “Jamaican drinkers” a group that was often treated similarly to that of Creole.  Indeed as the era progressed the exact behaviors he is encouraging in order for English bodies to flourish in their new setting would cause English travelers and physicians alike to view these consumers with suspicion.                     31 “Infants Drink it Here as Commonly as in England They Feed on Milk”: Food as a Marker of Identity  Aitzpea Leizaola has noted that at times particular foods can emerge as a spokesperson, or symbolic representation of a culture.131   Usually the particular dish or item is something that is either prolific, or considered distasteful to outside or bordering cultures. Implanted in the works of Trapham and Sloane are assumptions about particular foods embodying specific cultures, or regions.  Furthermore these foods are used to treat geographically defined bodies, separated Indian, Creole and European from one another. Through a nuanced reading of their natural histories, and attention to the long history of the English diet, milk emerges as the best cure for a patient with an English constitution.  When used properly from birth to death it is treated as an exceptionally useful guarantor of health. Meanwhile chocolate is discussed as a food with several uses in the tropical climate.   It is used as a breakfast, a form of easy nutrition, as a cure for cold tempers, and lastly used to measure ones level of ‘West Indian-ess’– a discursive bodily state that existed in gradations. These two substances are given special treatment within Sloane and Trapham’s texts, and through prescription and consumption are utilized as a way to assign idigeneity in the colony.132 Milk as a cultural symbol had a long history in England before the seventeenth century.  In early history early Saxon people were drinking milk at banquets and offering it to envoys in a ritualistic manner.133  Throughout the middle ages milk garnered attention not just as a food, but also as a medicine.  Most medically prescribed herbed drinks were composed of a mix of herbs, ale and milk– to make it more digestible.134  Reay Tannahill has suggested that genetics might play into the symbolic representation of milk as an Anglo– Saxon drink, but while the data used to frame her argument is useful it does not explain how  131
Aitzpea
Leizaola
also
includes
stereotypes
in
this
process.

In
“Matching
national
stereotypes?”,
80‐81.



132
Again
indigeneity
in
this
instance
means
the
ascription
of
nativeness.

That
could
be
nativeness
to
England‐
in
the
case
of
those
prescribed
breast
milk,
or
nativeness
to
the
West
Indies‐
in
the
case
of
those
prescribed
chocolate.


133
Montaari,
Culture
of
Food,
20.


134
Spencer,
British
Food,
34.


  32 this digestibility was understood by the physicians of the late seventeenth century, or how consumption was organized.135  Physicians often warned against consuming cows milk for urban dwellers in England. While healthy cow’s milk was usually available in rural environments, with goats’ milk sometimes used as a substitute, urban sources for the commodity were recognized as deplorable.  The cows were kept in filthy sheds, and milked in dark, damp conditions into rusted pails lined with dirt.  Likewise, Anne Wilson insists, “the well-to-do rarely consumed milk in its raw state, for it was known to curdle in the stomach, and was though to engender wind there.”136  But if fresh milk was to be consumed by this group, the milk of women, and of asses was judged the best.137  This picture of the metropole was drastically different than what was depicted as having taken place in the colonies.  Several visitors to Jamaica in the late seventeenth century note the abundance of fresh, affordable milk.  Sloane insists that it was due to the sheer number of dairy cattle who responded well to the open, grazing space and lush vegetation of the island.  Milk was so abundant in Jamaica that Ward worked it into his satire stating that it “is so plenty you may buy it for fifteen pence a quart”138, a price that would have raised eyebrows in London neighborhoods. Eighteenth-century physician Samuel Ferris refers to it as a peculiar “article of diet... because, with but few exceptions, it is, under some shape or other, alike proper for the valetudinarian, and convalescent, as for one of unimpaired health.”139 The liquid was so central to the English medical paradigm that at times it was the best remedy on its own.  As before mentioned the milk of women was judged to be the most digestible and often in moments of ill health wet-nurses were employed by the elderly, or invalids and it is extensively clear that this practice was carried out in England and the Americas.140  When  135
Reay
Tannahill,
Food
in
History.

(New
York:
Three
Rivers
Press,
1995).

Quoting
papers
from
two
research
teams
Tannahill
informs
her
readers
that
lactose
digestion
relies
on
an
enzyme
called
lactase
and
that
regardless
of
the
fact
that
all
newborns
produce
this
enzyme,
ninety‐six
percent
of
those
of
Western
European
decent
continue
to
produce
it,
while
only
twenty‐five
percent
of
those
comprising
all
other
ethnicities
do.









136
Anne
Wilson,
Food
and
Drink
in
Britain
for
the
Stone
Age
to
Recent
Times.

(London:
Cookery
Book
Club,
1973),
156.


137
Ibid.,
156.




138
Ward,
Trip
to
Jamaica,
14.


139
Samuel
Ferris,
A
Dissertation
on
Milk,
(Edinburgh:
Printed
By
John
Abraham,
1785),
13.


140
Anne
Wilson,
Food
and
Drink
in
Britain,
156.
For
more
on
the
use
of
breast
milk
by
adult
patient
in
a
colony
environment
both
Marylynn
Salmon,
"The
Cultural
Significance
of
Breastfeeding
and
Infant
Care
  33 used in conjuncture with other medications breast milk could be used in lieu of cow’s milk as it was considered easier to digest.  Just how widespread this practice was is revealed when Sloane encounters it in Jamaica.  He treats a middle-aged gentleman who had severe problems with a bellyache, which resulted in a jaundicing of the skin and a loss of appetite.141 Sloane mentions several times that this man is an avid drinker.   Sloane treats him with a mixture of herbs based in, “Madera Wine, a Diet–drink of sarfa, China… mixed with an equal quantity of Cow’s Milk every morning”.142  But through continued correspondence, found that at his worst the only thing he could stomach was breast milk.  Before Sloane treated him the man had been victim to a violent fit after which “he had suck’d two Negro Womens Milk, by which he was perfectly recovered”.143  The nursing of adult patients, a demonstratively English practice, continued in Jamaica despite the climactic and demographic changes.  In fact availability of wet nurses was even greater than the availability of dairy cows, so long as one was not concerned about the race of the nurse.  Sloane insists that white settlers should not be concerned about the race of their wet- nurses, despite demonstrations that they acted in the contrary.  Black nurses were the easiest to be had, but not “coveted by Planters, for fear of infecting their children with some of their ill customs, as thieving etc.”144  But Sloane insists that he had yet to see a negative outcome of such a pairing, and that no matter the race of the nurse it must be nearer to the child’s constitution than cow’s milk.  This is one of several examples in which Sloane is seeking to correct what he considers to be faulty behavior.  But while his largely mechanist lens allows him to discount concerns about race, the English settlers he is speaking to clearly have their own ingrained assumptions about breast-feeding and its repercussions.  If they were European, they felt their children should be nursed on European breast milk, from a nurse with upstanding morals and healthful physical characteristics.  This contributed to preceding narratives that cast milk as an English drink, and was one of the ways in which settlers sought to replicate their traditional norms.                                                                                                                                                   in
Early
Modern
England
and
America."
Journal
of
Social
History
28,
no.
2
(1994),
247‐269,
and
Wendy
Churchill,
“Bodily
Difference?”,
425.





141
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica..,
cliii.




142
Ibid.,
cliii.
143
Ibid.,
cliii.


144
Ibid.,
cxlviii.

  34 Like many of their dietary habits Trapham and Sloane appeared to have grown keen on the consumption of chocolate due to the writings and personal insistence from Spanish colonials who had inhabited the island prior to the English.  While it is possible credence was given to Spanish dietary writings because Jamaica was a new colony, and in English approximation the Spanish constitution better matched the English constitution than say the indigenous or African might there is something else to consider.  When Jamaica first fell to England in 1655, the European nation was not yet an Imperial power.145  Settlement and resource extraction were relatively new concepts that had only been carried out on a small scale.  Thusly the tools of empire had to be learned, and for this the early actors of English empire turned to the European power that had preceded them.146 Chocolate found its own niche in seventeenth century medicine.  It was a warming substance, good for curing plethoric ailments and depression.  In its early reception it was touted as a cure all, that eradicated “consumption, and cough of the lungs,” that expelled poison, cleaned teeth, and increased beauty.147  In addition it was thought not only to aid in, but also to cause conception.148  Later it was subsumed under coffee as a revitalizing substance, that stirred the mind but also the passions. One of its lesser-discussed functions was its ability to designate and mediate indigeneity.  Thomas Trapham discusses this at length in his treatise, insisting that chocolate (or cocao) was the best way to gauge an Indian’s health.  Of the substance he writes:  “...all Natives ere observed most greedily desire it from their infancy, and if ever the refuse Chocalata, it signifies they need rectifying their stare.  Wherefore it is not only a good, but a natural test of health, for when the stomach hath too much  145
For
a
better
understanding
see
The
Oxford
History
of
the
British
Empire.

Volume
1:
The
Origins
of
 Empire,
British
Overseas
Enterprise
to
the
Close
of
the
Seventeenth
Century.
Ed.
Nicholas
Canny.

(Oxford:
Oxford
University
Press,
2001).


146

It
is
not
uncommon
to
see
Trapham
and
Sloane
using
the
term
European
in
their
discourses,
suggesting
some
sort
of
cohesiveness
in
the
face
of
new,
even
more
differentiated
peoples.

Later
in
the
period
the
English
would
distance
themselves
colonially
and
medically
from
the
Spanish,
as
well
as
other
Iberian
peoples
but
this
medical
distinction
based
on
national
constitutions
was
exacerbated
by
continued
competition
over
colonial
holdings.





147
Anon,
The
Virtues
of
Chocolate:
East
India
Drink,
(London,
1660),
1.



148
This
rhetoric
could
be
connected
to
the
general
belief,
as
revealed
in
Trapham’s
discourse
that
people
in
the
colonies
most
heavily
imbued
with
chocolate
propagated
quickly.


  35 choler, as to quarrel with Chocalata, it indicated evacuation thereof necessary and expedient, or some other provision for regulating of disordered temper.”149  The doctor is suggesting its use to measure health.  But its efficacy is predicated on an understanding of a shared constitution that is identifiably native.  While Trapham also recommends the nut in it raw form for the purposes of easy nutrition, he recommends it with the ilk of a naval surgeon, suggesting it would do well to be put into naval provisions and army rations as it is easy to keep a transport.  If an English Jamaican is to consume it, as he thinks they should, it should be eaten in raw form and washed down with water, as the natives like it.150  Sloane’s experiences with chocolate were more complicated.  He found that most people drank chocolate in the morning, as was the Spanish custom but he “found it in great quantities nauseous, and hard of digestion,” which is why he was hesitant to, “allow weak stomachs the use of it.”151  He held this stance despite the fact that he observed, “Children and Infants drink it here as commonly as in England they feed on Milk.”152  While Sir Hans Sloane goes on to discuss a sense of universalism through the human body’s ability to find sustenance in any terrain, perhaps in a justification for colonial intentions, the difference has already been made.  He has informed his readers that in Jamaica children were virtually nursed on the land through the consumption of chocolate, while the English were nurtured by milk.  Oddly enough, it appears that the only patient Sloane cures through the use of chocolate is a young fever ridden child, born in Jamaica and belonging to a “Mrs. Cook.”153 He also treats the skin condition of twelve-year-old girl through the use of chocolate as a purgative, a therapy that innately relies on indigestibility, but this treatment was not met with success.  While the drink was indeed indigestible, it did not clear her skin.154  149
Trapham,
A
Discourse
on
the
State
of
Health,
56.


150
Ibid.,
56.

The
term
Jamaican
here
appears
to
be
assigned
to
those
that
are
gastronomically
similar
to
the
‘natives’
of
the
island,
but
of
European
origin.


151
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica...,
xx.


152
Ibid.,
xx.




153
Ibid.,
cix.

The
child
was
born
in
Jamaica,
spurring
Sloane’s
belief
that
chocolate
would
be
a
healthful
remedy.

This
is
an
example
of
medical
treatment
suited
to
a
Creole
body
preceding
the
label
of
Creole.





154
Ibid.,
cxxxiii.

The
physician
identified
the
real
cure
as
an
infused
oil,
which
was
rubbed
on
the
girl’s
scalp.

  36 Through the rhetoric of indigeneity it is easy to read the increased consumption of chocolate by Jamaicans as a move toward the emergence of a Creole body, understood as having distinct medical needs.  Chocolate would not have been used as a purgative had the girl not been of European origin, just as Sloane would have been less likely to prescribe chocolate to a baby born in England, as opposed to Jamaica.  The fact that he was unwilling to allow those with a weak stomach to consume it only supports this.  Those with weak stomachs would have included children, the elderly, and invalids– the exact English groups that benefited the most from the ingestion of milk.  Among Sloane’s more classically notable contributions is his invention of milk chocolate.  Sloane, like Trapham, found raw chocolate to be nearly indigestible, so he mixed it with milk.  This augmentation was implemented in Jamaica, due to the easy availability of both substances.  Later Sloane’s recipe would be manufactured and sold in England, and would inspire the recipe used by “Messrs. Cadbury brothers from 1849 until about 1885.”155 However by this time milk chocolate had more or less left the realm of medicine, to one of luxury good, desired due to its taste.  That is not to say that taste did not affect the choice of the English physicians to adopt the use of chocolate, but that in the late seventeenth century its medicinal properties, and much needed nutrition were what made it so desirable. Indeed by the 1660s chocolate had already made its way to England in the form of a drink, as evidenced by the writings of Samuel Pepys.156  The drink was well liked for its taste, as well as its medical properties.  However it is important to note that as medical intervention in the West Indies continued the style of consumption changed from Spanish style to English style chocolate, which was born of necessity in the colony and suited uniquely to English bodies.157  155
G.
R.
de
Beer,
Sir
Hans
Sloane
and
the
British
Museum.
(London:
Oxford
University
Press,
1953),
72.

A
full
recipe
for
Sloane’s
milk
chocolate,
and
for
Chocolate
the
“Spanish
way”,
can
be
found
in
the
same
book,
on
page
73.





156
Smyth,
A
pleasing
Sinne...
,
xiii.


157

Even
though
chocolate
was
naturalized
as
a
European
food
by
the
late
eighteenth‐century
it
was
still
imbued
with
contested
meanings,
such
as
danger
and
sensual
excess.

See
Mimi
Hellman,
“Of
Water
and
Chocolate”.

Gastronomica:
The
Journal
of
Food
and
Culture
4,
no.
4
(2004),
9.


  37 The decision to mix chocolate with milk is not a surprising one, and likely had little to do with taste, but rather was associated with medical need based on constitution.158  The different modes of chocolate consumption were a physically evident way in which social distinction could be made, not only between settlers in the colonies, but also between settlers and the societies from which they originated.159  Sloane did not recommend cocao in its nut form.  At the very least he recommended that it be cut with water, and warmed in the Spanish custom.160 Trapham saw the use of the nut form, but advised only those with a hardy constitution to partake.  This augmentation was not taking place in value free terrain.  The different modes of consumption marked the individuals who were consuming it while betraying the mindset of the individual who prescribed it.  Trapham was writing as a settler, out of necessity, who understood chocolate primarily as a foodstuff, and peripherally as a medicine.  Conversely Sloane emphasized the uses of chocolate within a prophylactic framework, as a substance that required alteration in order to reach full efficacy.161  By mixing chocolate and milk Sloane was taking something foreign and splicing it with the familiar, he was adapting goods from the colony to the needs of the metropole.  Making Chocolate the “English way” was part of a greater effort to define what foods were suited to the English constitution, an endeavor with repercussions that included the cleaving of English and English Jamaican, to create a category that was defined by its ability to consume chocolate as the natives did.     158Spencer,
British
Food,
30.

Most
histories
written
on
milk
consumption
pick
up
after
pasteurization
and
focus
on
regulation.

Typically
this
histories
ignore
the
fact
that
milk
was
still
consumed
in
large
quantities
despite
the
fact
that
it
was
expensive
in
England
and
dangerous
to
drink
if
it
was
not
completely
fresh.

Moreover
in
Jamaica
it
was
quite
easy
to
come
by,
especially
in
the
form
of
breast
milk.




159
Marcy
Norton
has
discussed
very
similar
themes
both
in
her
above
cited
article,
“Tasting
Empire”,
as
well
as
in
her
book
Sacred
Gifts,
Profane
Pleasures:
A
History
of
Tobacco
and
Chocolate
in
the
Atlantic
 World.

(London:
Cornell
University
Press,
2008).


160
It
is
interesting
to
note
than
many
English
authors,
including
Sloane
acknowledged
that
water
was
the
healthiest
drink
in
the
West
Indies.



161
This
is
a
clear
demonstration
of
Peck’s
assertion
that
consumption
was
part
of
a
travel
network
involving
the
interests
of
aristocrats,
merchants
and
scientific
academies.

Peck
did
not
directly
address
food
in
this
argument,
but
when
chocolate
is
framed
as
a
medical
luxury,
as
is
the
case
with
Sloane’s
writings,
it
becomes
above
all
else
a
consumable.
Peck,
Consuming
Splendor,
122.


  38 Conclusion: Of Bodies and Entitlement   Embedded in the motivations of these authors is a need to advertise the colony. Setting the limits of the English body within a temperate climate would undermine burgeoning colonial and economic expansion, the exact enterprises that provoked men and women to hazard the Atlantic voyage.  Successful expansion required willing settlers who were assured of their survival, and even their ability to flourish, in the tropical colony.  By highlighting the uses of local foodstuffs, their digestibility, or the ease with which they could be transformed into something digestible, these authors were assuaging anxious, prospective settlers. Trapham, like most authors of his time, opens his treatise with an explanation of what inspired him to conduct and articulate his research.  And again, like other authors it features a royal impetus:  “It having pleased his Serene Majesty, our most Gracious Sovereign in all placed to Manifest his Royal care of his happy subjects; even the most remote in the West Indies, living on the refreshing therof: Distances separating nothing from his extensive goodness, but rather evidencing the bounty of the overflowing source...  at least as an observer and well wisher to health and life; it may seem not improper for me, to remark in a new Colony, as Jamaica is, the Conducers thereto, and to transfer such to a further cultivation; that the English or others may not miss of their ends in transferring themselves thither, nor his Majesty of his Subjects by too immature deaths.”162   This quotation does more than illustrate the importance placed on the early processes of establishing a colony.  It also suggests a very particular attitude about how distance, and identity were perceived, through the emphasis placed on the availability of English goods and practices.  This short justification refutes the image of Jamaica as a tumultuous jungle, filled  162
Thomas
Trapham,
A
Discourse
on
the
State
of
Health,
1‐3.


  39 to the brim with hazards, and instead attempts to stretch the rule of England to the satellite settlement. In a field that was trying to establish authority the colony, and the modes of transportation to the colony, offered fresh opportunities as a new barely traversed stage in need of experts.  By informing English subject about the parameters of English bodies through digestion these physicians were contributing to a discourse that stretched the limits between the medical and the political.  Joining authors of travel literature they were the primary source of information for Londoners, thirsty for news of the exotic, or burgeoning mercantile opportunities.  Embedded in Sloane’s casebook, and Trapham’s advice is an effort to define healthy and unhealthy English practices for the good of English bodies in a foreign setting.  These efforts place the colony at the forefront of efforts to define an English body in the seventeenth century.163 The Jamaica of which Sloane and Trapham were writing was a fleeting vision, as was the metropole that feasted on their words.  By the middle of the eighteenth century West Indian goods and foods were being sold en masse in London shops.164  The century after Ward and Sloane penned their dismissive criticisms actually saw turtle meat move from undesirable sustenance to delicacy, as turtle came to represent prestige for many circles within the British elite.165 Diane Kirkby, Tanja Luckins and Barbara Satich discuss the ways in which turtle was received in England, a dining experience that they insist was not only a culinary voyage but “an act of colonialism.”166  Despite their interpretation the men who dined on turtle were prepared to accept it as part of an expanding English cuisine.  In the  163
While
this
project
is
a
just
a
portion
of
nascent
dialogue,
perhaps
it
offers
us
a
new
way
of
complicating
the
processes
of
early
modern
medicine.

Mary
Fissel
argues
that
as
the
early
modern
period
progressed
markers
of
health
became
increasingly
internalized,
especially
as
new
forms
of
supervision
were
created
and
adapted
to
allow
the
growing
visuality
of
disease.

But
the
medical
mediation
of
food
is
a
situation
in
which
the
internalization
did
not,
ultimately,
rely
on
an
ability
to
view
or
depict
illness.

While
there
were
visceral
ways
in
which
this
could
be
done,
such
as
the
monitoring
of
excretions
both
expected
and
unexpected,
just
as
often
physicians
relied
on
patient
testimonials,
and
the
sheer
presence
of
excretions
rather
than
their
qualities.

Moreover
there
were
expectations
of
what
particular
bodies
needed
based
on
lines
of
indigeneity
and
illustrated
by
the
prescription
of
particular
foods
for
particular,
nationally
defined,
bodies.
Mary
Fissel,
Patients,
Power
and
the
Poor
in
Eighteenth­ Century
Bristol.

(Cambridge
University
Press,
1991),
11.
164
Peck,
Consuming
Splendor,
121.



165
Diane
Kirkby
et
al.

Dining
on
Turtle:
Food,
Feasts
and
Drinking
in
History.
(New
York:
Palgrave
MacMillan
press,
2007),
1.




166
Ibid.,
1.




  40 1780s, men of the Royal Society sat down to a meal that was occasioned by their countries overseas power, a set of circumstances that highlighted the rarity and value of the dish, even though in the 1680s, Dr. Thomas Trapham was arguing against numerous opponents and naysayers when he claimed that turtle meat was a healthy meal for English settlers.167  This highlights the difference in acceptance of foods, given lack of necessity and distance from the source.  In addition, the argument over turtle meat was the first of many instances in which Trapham demonstrates a unique understanding of how English settlers should interact with the colony in order to maintain good health, a mode of behavior that would lead to creolization if not degeneracy in the eyes of later authors. While degeneration was not a concern for Trapham the people he is writing about appear to have held different opinions.  It is difficult, if not impossible to access their voices, but a nuanced reading of Trapham’s words can reveal much.  His imploring tone, and manner of assurance betrays a need to calm concerns and control behaviors that the surgeon reportedly did not indulge in himself.  Moreover the fact that Trapham repeatedly advises against particular behaviors implicitly suggests resistance to his ideas.  Resistance is something Sloane also comments on when he makes it explicit that his patients rarely follow his advice– often with deadly consequences.  Settlers clung to particular practices and foods to protect their indigeneity, and in an attempt to minimize the shock of their distance from home.  Some practices, such as the continued rearing of choice livestock, and the consumption of milk were impartial if not beneficial to their health, while indulgences in specific forms of excess proved deadly in the eyes of seventeenth-century physicians.  The fact that James Lind picked up on the same themes a century later suggests a continuation of identifiably problematic behaviors, as well as the continuation of an imagined Jamaica known for its excess. The term Creole is scarcely employed by the referenced authors, and the term ‘Creolian’ only used by Sloane.  Even then it is used sparingly and only to describe those  167
As
before
mentioned
many
English
peoples,
physicians
included
were
wrestling
with
ideas
of
degeneration
and
indigenization.

Simply
put,
people
were
what
they
ate.

If
they
relied
on
Jamaican
flora
and
fauna,
they
ran
the
risk
of
becoming
indigenous
to
that
climate.

However,
by
continuing
to
consume
foods
that
were
tied
to
Britain‐
either
through
world
trade
systems,
or
because
they
were
grown
in
Britain
proper‐
Britishness,
and
Englishness
could
be
maintained.




















  41 “born and bred” on the island of Barbados, with one short mention of those in Jamaica.168 But even without a fixed terminology the demarcation of bodies by consumption– whether due to scale, mode or content– is evident in the literature making its way out of Jamaica in the late seventeenth century.  Settlers were organizing the value of their livestock, and choosing their drinks based on terms of English identity, and by doing so the differences between English and Creole were being marked.  Each settler had to negotiate the tension between maintaining English practices and the necessity of adapting to the land, while simultaneously digesting medical advice from those who would wish to mark them as the other.  Jamaica began as a colony that relied on imports, filled with English settlers who sought to remain English.  What emerged decades later was a “sweating chaos”, an outpost imagined as the definition of intemperance and swift wealth where English men and women became Jamaicans hat would equip London with curiosities, fineries, and colonial cuisines.                 168
Sloane,
A
voyage
to
the
islands
Madera,
Barbados,
Nieves,
S.
Christophers
and
Jamaica..,
xlvi.


  42 Bibliography  Amy, Thomas.  Carolina, or, A description of the present state of that country and the natural excellencies thereof viz. the healthfulness of the air, pleasantness of the place, advantage and usefulness of those rich commodities there plentifully abounding, which much encrease and flourish by the industry of the planters that daily enlarge that colony / published by T.A., Gent ... London: 1682.  Anon.  An Exact account of all who are the present members of the Kings College of Physicians in London and others authorized by them to practice in the said city, and within seven miles compass thereof whereby ignorant and illegal pretenders to the exercise of the said faculty may be discovered, who daily impose on unwary people, and claim immunities and priviledges appertaining onely to that corporation.  Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun at the West-end of St. Pauls.  London: 1673.  Anon. The Virtues of Chocolate: East India Drink.  London: 1660.  Bell, David et al.  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Esquemeling, one of the bucaniers ; very much corrected from the errours of the original by the relations of some English gentlemen that then resided in those parts. London: 1684.  Farquhar, Judith.  Appetites: Food and Sex in Post-Socialist China.  Durham: Duke University Press Books, 2002.  Ferris, Samuel.  A Dissertation on Milk.  Edinburgh: Printed By John Abraham, 1785.  Fischler, Claude.  “Food, Self and Identity.”  Social Science information 27 (1988): 275-292.  Gonzales-Crussi, F.  A Short History of Medicine.  New York: Modern Library Press, 2007.  44  Guerrini, Anita.  “Roast Beef and … Salad?”  History Today. Vol. 61, Issue 2, Feb.  2011. http://jstor.org  Guenther, Mathlas.  “The Concept of Indigeneity.” Social Anthropology 14,  iss. 1 (2006): 17-32.  Hammond, P.W.  Food and Feast in Medieval England.  Phoenix Mill: Allan Sutton Publishing Ltd, 1993.  Harrison, Mark.  “Science in the British Empire.”  Isis, Vol. 96, No. 1  (2005): 56-63.  ---.  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