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Filth, ruin, and the colonial picturesque : James Baillie Fraser's representations of Calcutta and the.. Sciampacone, Amanda Christina Hui 2010

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FILTH, RUIN, AND THE COLONIAL PICTURESQUE: JAMES BAILIE FRASER’S REPRESENTATIONS OF CALCUTA ND THE BLACK HOLE MONUMENT  by  AMANDA CHRISTINA HUI SCIAMPACONE  B.A., University of British Columbia, 2008     A THESIS SUBMITED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGRE OF  MASTER OF ARTS   in   The Faculty of Graduate Studies  (Art History)    THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  (Vancouver)     August 2010    © Amanda Christina Hui Sciampacone, 2010  i  ABSTRACT  In the early ninetenth century, British consumers increasingly demanded representations of foreign areas newly opened up by British imperial expansion. This thesis considers a series of twenty-four aquatints by British artist James Bailie Fraser, published betwen 1824 and 1826 as Views of Calcutta and its Environs. Fraser’s images at first glance appear to support the views held by European medical men and tourists of the period, who represented Calcutta as a city built in a pestilential environment, and divided betwen a semingly tainted, Bengali “black town” and a pristine, European “white town.” The white town was framed as a city of orderly neoclasical palaces, wide boulevards, and salubrious squares, whereas the black town was marked out as a chaotic space of disease and filth. By marshaling the tropes of the picturesque, an aesthetic mode that had long been asociated with landscape and travel, and by advertising the series as following in the tradition of earlier representations of India ––– such as the late eightenth-century prints of Thomas and Wiliam Daniel that celebrated Britain’s succes in bringing progres and civilization to Bengal ––– Fraser’s Views of Calcutta offered viewers important vistas that marked Britain’s presence in the city. However, while much of the scholarship has interpreted Fraser’s images as seamles depictions of British hegemony, these readings obscure the slippages, tensions, and ambiguities that take form in his prints. My thesis focuses on four of Fraser’s aquatints that picture key sites in Calcutta, including the British buildings in Tank Square, the monument to the Black Hole incident, the Hindu temple known as the “Black Pagoda,” and the native bazar on Chitpore Road. I argue that rather than portraying British hegemony and a clear division betwen the white and black towns of Calcutta, Fraser’s images distinguish themselves from earlier representations by paradoxicaly revealing the fluidity of these boundaries. As a result, Fraser’s collection registers the tenuousnes of British    ii  power over the perceived dangers of both the tropical environment and the native population, while also aserting the need to constantly maintain sanitary order by removing what was perceived as mater out of place. iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Abstract...................................................................i Table of Contents............................................................iv List of Figures...............................................................v Acknowledgements..........................................................vi Dedication................................................................vii Introduction................................................................1 Constructions of Place / Naratives of Filth: Calcutta under the East India Company.........8 Indian Decline vs. British Progres: Picturesque Representations of the Subcontinent........18 Picturesque Salubrity: Calcutta’s Tank Square in Print...............................21 Foregrounding Holwel’s Memorial: Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument at the West End.............................................................27 Unstable Tropes: Comparing Fraser’s Print of the Memorial to Earlier Representations......34 Indian “Types” and Native “Dirt”: Fraser’s Representation of the Black Town.............43 Urban Ruin: The Holwel Monument in Memory...................................55 Conclusion................................................................59 Bibliography...............................................................70  v  LIST OF FIGURES  Figure 1.   James Bailie Fraser, A View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument at the West End, 1824–26. British Library, London.................................62
Figure 2.   A View of the Monument Erected at Calcutta, Bengal: To the Memory of the Sufferers in the Black Hole Prison, June 1756. Frontispiece from John Zephania Holwel’s India Tracts. London, 2nd ed. 1764; 3rd ed. 1774...................63
Figure 3.   Map of Calcutta, 1798–1858..........................................64
Figure 4.   James Bailie Fraser, A View of Tank Square from the West, 1824–26. British Library, London...................................................65
Figure 5.   Thomas and Wiliam Daniel, East side of the Old Fort, Clive Stret, the Theatre and Holwel Monument, 1786. British Library, London.........................65
Figure 6.   Thomas and Wiliam Daniel, North side of Tank Square with the Old Fort and Holwel Monument in the Distance, Writers’ Buildings, and the Old Court House, 1786. British Library, London........................................66
Figure 7.   Thomas and Wiliam Daniel, The Writers’ Buildings, Calcutta, 1792. British Library, London...................................................66
Figure 8.   James Bailie Fraser, A View in the Bazaar, Leading to the Chitpore Road, 1824–26. British Library, London..............................................67
Figure 9.   James Bailie Fraser, A View of the Black Pagoda, in the Chitpore Road, 1824–26. British Library, London..............................................67
Figure 10.  Map of Calcutta from the Busines District (L.) to Fort Wiliam (R.), with at Bottom (L. to R.) the Original Black Hole Memorial with the Writers’ Building Beyond, Government House, and the Harbour, 1830–41. British Library, London........68
Figure 11.  “Writers Building” Inset from Map of Calcutta from the Busines District (L.) to Fort Wiliam (R.), 1830–41. British Library, London.......................69
Figure 12.  Unknown Photographer, “The Reconstructed Black Hole Monument in Front of the General Post Ofice,” 1930s. Paul F. Walter Collection, New York............69
   vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS   I begin by offering my sincere gratitude to my supervisors Dr. Mauren Ryan and Dr. Katherine Hacker, whose guidance, expertise, and pasion for the field have greatly aided me in acomplishing this project. I am indebted to Dr. Ryan for her knowledge of the power of the visual in the ninetenth century, her constructive critiques of my writing, and her words of encouragement during my studies. I am grateful to Dr. Hacker for her graduate course from which parts of this paper arose, her comprehensive understanding of India’s history and culture, and her help in developing my methodological approach. I also thank Dr. Ryan and Dr. Hacker for pushing me to find my voice, and for al they have done for my thesis and for my experience in the Master’s program.   I would also like to thank my colleagues and profesors at the University of British Columbia. I give my deep thanks to my profesors and cohort in the Department of Art History, Visual Art and Theory for our rigorous discussions in clas, which have helped foster my intelectual development. In particular, I thank Dr. Charlotte Townsend-Gault, Dr. Carol Knicely, and Dr. Bronwen Wilson for their stimulating courses and for their guidance in helping to advance my ideas. I also offer my appreciation to Ivana Vranic and Carla Benzan for their advice as my project took form. I would also like to thank Michael Mao and Jane Young from the Visual Resource Centre, who bestowed words of support, gave me a fantastic part-time job, and shared their wonderful space with me. As wel, I thank Dr. Jesica Wang of the History Department for alowing me to participate in her course on the history of medicine and disease, from which parts of this paper developed. I also extend my heartfelt gratitude to Dr. Courtney Booker of the History Department for his kind words and his invaluable advice as I continue to pursue my academic carer.     vii   I am also deeply indebted to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Pacific Century Graduate Scholarship, the University of British Columbia, and the Department of Art History, Visual Art and Theory for their generous financial support of my Master’s studies.  Finaly, my education and my thesis would not have been possible without the love of my family. I am very appreciative of my parents, Sal and Marina, and my brother Andrew, for believing in me and supporting me throughout my life. Most importantly, I thank my partner Brendan for his love, humour, and patience as I pursue my studies. Brendan, your optimism, your laughter, your unwavering afection for me, and your dutiful review of my work continue to be a source of comfort. I thank you for being in my life.  vii  DEDICATION          For Brendan  1      INTRODUCTION  Betwen 1824 and 1826, British artist James Bailie Fraser produced a series of twenty-four aquatint engravings published in eight parts as Views of Calcutta and its Environs. Based on drawings the artist made in the city betwen 1819 and 1820 that are not extant,1 the collection of prints atempted to provide a complete view of Calcutta for British consumers at home and abroad, who increasingly demanded representations of India and other foreign locales newly opened up by British imperial expansion. Prior to his arival in India, Fraser had been overser of his family’s sugar plantations in the region of Berbice in Guyana. In 1813, he traveled to India to help pay off his family’s debts and spent eight years traveling through the British-occupied areas of the subcontinent. While in Calcutta, Fraser trained with two profesional artists, George Chinnery and Wiliam Havel, producing sketches of India that he would later develop into his oil paintings and aquatints of the Himalayas and Calcutta.2  Marshaling the tropes of the picturesque, an aesthetic mode that had long been asociated with landscape and travel, Views of Calcutta offered viewers important vistas that marked Britain’s presence in the city. The series begins with a view of Chandpaul Ghat, the main landing place for visitors to Calcutta, and moves to pictures of British neoclasical3 buildings (including Government House and other administrative spaces, private residences, and churches), efectively highlighting the sites of British imperialism. The collection closes with a                                                 1 Mildred Archer and Toby Falk, India Revealed: The Art and Adventures of James and Wiliam Fraser, 1801–35 (London: Casel, 1989), 9. Se also J. P. Losty, Calcuta, City of Palaces: A Survey of the City in the Days of the East India Company, 1690–1858 (London: The British Library, 190), 82. 2 Se Archer and Falk, India Revealed, 19, and 47–48; Hermione de Almeida and George H. Gilpin, Indian Renaisance: British Romantic Art and the Prospect of India (Aldershot: Ashgate, 205), 234–235; and Toby Falk, “Fraser, James Bailie (1783–1856),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, htp:/ww.oxfordnb.com/ view/article/1011 (acesed 30 July 2010) for biographical information on James Bailie Fraser. 3 In the scholarship on Calcuta, the terms “neoclasical,” “Paladian,” and “Georgian” are used to refer to the eightenth and ninetenth-century European architecture of the city. Though these terms raise many isues, for the purposes of this paper, I wil use them interchangeably in my discusion of the architecture of Calcuta. 2     scene of a native bazar on Chitpore Road located near the centre of the city.4 Scholars, in particular J. P. Losty, and Hermione de Almeida and George H. Gilpin, have claimed that as a series, Fraser’s Views of Calcutta provided viewers with idyllic and ostensibly authentic images of the city that worked to celebrate Britain’s succes in bringing progres and civilization to Bengal.5 However, as wil emerge in my analysis of several key prints in the collection, Fraser’s Views of Calcutta were produced during a period in which British medical men ––– and a British public in general ––– viewed Calcutta as a city built in the disease-producing environment of tropical marshes, and divided betwen a supposedly clean, European “white town” and a semingly pestilential, native “black town.”  Fraser’s images at first glance appear to support a division betwen white and black sectors of Calcutta and to celebrate the improvements brought by the British. However, this divide did not exist in the city as clearly as it sems to be represented in the aquatints of Fraser’s series. Indeed, as I wil argue in my thesis, readings of Views of Calcutta as seamles representations of British hegemony obscure the slippages, tensions, and ambiguities that paradoxicaly take form in Fraser’s pictures. One aquatint in particular, Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument at the West End [Figure 1], provides the major focus for                                                 4 Here is a complete list of Fraser’s colection – Plate 1: A View of Chandpaul Ghat; Plate 2: A View of Esplanade Row, from the Chowringhe Road; Plate 3: A View of Government House, from the Eastward; Plate 4: A View of the Botanic Garden House and Reach; Plate 5: A View of Esplanade Row, from the River at Chandpaul Ghat; Plate 6: A View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument at the West End; Plate 7: A View of the Oposite, or Sulkhea, side, from the Respondia Walk with a North Wester coming on; Plate 8: A View of Tank Square, from the West; Plate 9: A View of Government House, from the Court House; Plate 10: A View of Barackpore House, with the Reach of the River; Plate 1: A View of the Town Hal; Plate 12: A View of the Scotch Church, from the Gate of Tank Square; Plate 13: View of St. Andrew’s Church, from Mision Row; Plate 14: View of Court House Stret, from near the South-Eastern Gateway of Government House; Plate 15: View of Calcuta from the Glacis of Fort Wiliam; Plate 16: A View of Lol Bazar, from Oposite the House of John Palmer, Esq.; Plate 17: View of Lol Bazar and Portuguese Chapel; Plate 18: A View of the River, Shiping and Town, from near Smith’s Dock; Plate 19: View of St. John’s Cathedral; Plate 20: A View of Calcuta, from a point oposite to Kiderpore; Plate 21: A View of Serampore, from the Park at Barackpore; Plate 2: A View of the West Side of Tank Square; Plate 23; A View of the Black Pagoda, in the Chitpore Road; Plate 24: A View of the Bazar, Leading to the Chitpore Road. Se Archer and Falk, India Revealed, 14, 20, 47–51, and 74–8. 5 Se Losty, Calcuta, 82–94; and de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 234–240. 3     my analysis. As plate 6 of his collection, Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument is an evocative aquatint, which centres on the area of Calcutta that English residents and visitors considered the heart of their city: Tank Square (named for the reservoir or “tank” at its centre). In the image, the monument aluded to in the print’s title, along with native figures, a cart, and oxen occupy the foreground. The monument was a memorial to the Black Hole of Calcutta, commemorating a key event in Britain’s struggle for imperial supremacy in Bengal. Erected by John Zephania Holwel while he was temporarily Governor of Bengal in 1760, the monument was designed to honour the 123 citizens of the Empire who apparently suffocated in a cramped cel in their own fort after they were captured by Siraj-ud-Daula, the Nawab of Bengal, during his siege of the city in 1756 [Figure 2]. Holwel, who was a survivor of the incident, published acounts of the Black Hole in 1756, 1764, and over succeding decades.6 His narative influenced subsequent histories of the event.7 Acording to Holwel’s acounts and the memorial’s inscription,8 the monument was designed to remind those living in Calcutta of the                                                 6 John Zephania Holwel, A Genuine Narative of the Deplorable Deaths of the English Gentlemen, and others who were sufocated in the Black-Hole in Fort-Wiliam, at Calcuta, in the Kingdom of Bengal; in the night suceding the 20th day of June 1756, in a leter to a friend (London: Milar, 1756); and John Zephania Holwel, India Tracts. By John Zephaniah Holwel, Esq. F.R.S. and friends. Containing, I. An Adres to the Proprietors of East-India Stock; seting forth, the unavoidable Necesity, and real Motives, for the Revolution in Bengal, 1760. I. A Refutation of a Leter from certain Gentlemen of the Council at Bengal, to the Honourable the Secret Comite. II. Important Facts regarding the East-India Company's Afairs in Bengal, from the Years 1752 to 1760, with Copies of several very interesting Leters. IV. A Narative of the deplorable Deaths of the English Gentlemen who were sufocated in the Black Hole in Fort Wiliam, at Calcuta, June 1756. V. A Defence of Mr.Vansitart's Conduct. Ilustrated with A Frontispiece, representing the Monument erected at Calcuta, in Memory of the Suferers in the Black-Hole Prison (London: T. Becket and P. A. De Hondt, 2nd ed. 1764; 3rd ed. 174), 383–418. 7 Partha Chaterje, “The Black Hole of Empire,” paper presented at Presidential Lectures, 207–08, Stanford Humanities Centre, Stanford University, Stanford, CA, 7 November 208.  8 The inscription on the front of the monument reads: “To the Memory of Edward Eyre, Wiliam Bailie Esq., the Revd. Jervas Belamy, Mesrs. Jenks, Revely, Law, Coates, Valicourt, Jeb, Toriano, E. Page, S. Page, Grub Stret, Harod, P. Johnstone, Balard, N. Drake, Carse, Knapton, Gosling, Dod. Dalrymple, Captains Clayton, Buchanan, Witherington, Lieutenants Bishop, Hays, Blag, Simpson, J. Belamy, Ensigns Pacard, Scot, Hastings, C. Wederburn, Dumbleton, Sea Captains Hunt, Osburn, Purnel, Mesrs. Carey, Lech, Stevenson, Guy, Porter, Parker, Caulker, Bendol, Atkinson, who with sundry other Inhabitants, Military and Militia to the Number of 123 Persons were by the Tyranic Violence of Surajud Dowla, Suba of Bengal, Sufocated in the Black Hole Prison of Fort Wiliam in the Night of the 20th Day of June 1756 and promiscuously thrown the suceding Morning into the Ditch of the Ravalin of this Place. This Monument is Erected by Their Surviving Felow Suferer, J. Z. Holwel.” The inscription on the back stated: “This Horid Act of Violence was as Amply as deservedly revenged on Surajud 4     aleged atrocity against the British Empire, and also to celebrate what amounted to the revenge caried out by the British in their recapturing of the city and in their victory in the Batle of Plasey in 1757 against the French-supported forces of Siraj-ud-Daula.  In Fraser’s composition, the vista of the wide stret on which the monument is situated emphasizes other important British structures. These include the Georgian-style facades of the Writers’ Building, constructed betwen 1776 and 1780 for the clerks of the British East India Company, and the newly built Presbyterian Church of St. Andrew.9 These signs of a British presence in Calcutta are iluminated by a bright sunrise emerging in the distance behind a smal grove of tres. Significantly, Holwel’s monument, along with the Bengali residents engaged in activities of commerce and leisure around its base, is cast in shadow and difers from the light-filed middle ground and distance.  My paper sets out to examine criticaly this aquatint in conjunction with thre others from the series: Fraser’s View of Tank Square from the West (plate 8) and View into the Bazaar, Leading to Chitpore Road (plate 24), which both represent the centre of Calcutta, and A View of the Black Pagoda, in the Chitpore Road (plate 23), which pictures a Hindu temple located in the black town of the city. What emerges from considering the relation of these images to one another is the fraught nature of British power in what had become, by Fraser’s time, the seat of government for British India.10                                                                                                                                                        Dowla, by his Majesty’s Arms, under the Conduct of Vice Admiral Watson and Colonel Clive. Ano, 1757.” From Holwel, India Tracts, Frontispiece. 9 For more information on these and other British buildings in Calcuta that wil be briefly discused below, se H. E. A. Coton, Calcuta, Old and New: A Historical and Descriptive Handbok to the City, ed. N. R. Ray (Calcuta: General, 1909; revised 1980), 29–540. 10 In 172 the British administrative aparatus for the governing of Bengal was moved to Calcuta. In 173 an Act of Parliament recognized the city as the “seat of government for the supreme authority over British India.” From P. J. Marshal, “Eightenth-Century Calcuta,” in Colonial Cities, ed. Robert J. Ros and Gerard J. Telkamp (Dordrecht: artinus Nijhof Publishers, 1985), 90. In 1834 Calcuta was oficialy recognized as the capital of British India. The city ceased to be the capital in 191 when the British moved their capital to New Delhi. 5      Significantly, there is a surprising lack of any critical visual analysis of the important role played by Fraser’s Views of Calcutta in supporting, managing, or chalenging British perceptions of the urban structure of Calcutta and British power in the city. Mildred Archer and Toby Falk’s India Revealed: The Art and Adventures of James and Wiliam Fraser, 1801–35, from 1989, is one of the first books to provide a complete catalogue of Fraser’s Views of Calcutta, as wel as of the print collections he produced of other areas of India. However, the text is primarily composed of biographical information for both James and his brother Wiliam Fraser during their time in Calcutta. In short, Archer and Falk detail James Fraser’s artistic carer and the publication proces of his collections, but they do not provide a critical visual analysis of the plates themselves.  Similarly, J. P. Losty’s Calcutta, City of Palaces: A Survey of the City in the Days of the East India Company, 1690–1858, published a year later in conjunction with a British Library exhibition of the same name, surveyed European prints and paintings of Calcutta from the late sevententh to the mid-ninetenth centuries and presented an overview of the various ways the city was represented over this period. Losty includes several of Fraser’s plates in his book and he does provide some information concerning what is represented in them. However, his analysis focuses largely on what the prints reveal about the architecture and topography of ninetenth-century Calcutta, and does not interogate how Fraser’s images might have played a part in constructing colonial discourses.  Another catalogue of British representations of India is Hermione de Almeida and George H. Gilpin’s Indian Renaisance: British Romantic Art and the Prospect of India from 2005. Surveying a far larger and wider field of British pictures of the subcontinent, de Almeida and Gilpin provide both historical information on and interpretations of the images. In their 6     analysis of Fraser’s plates of Calcutta, the authors explain the significance of the scenes in terms of the socio-political climate and power relations of the colonial city; however, by doing so, de Almeida and Gilpin fix the meanings of Fraser’s work into a singular reading of how they reflect British hegemony in Bengal.  The most detailed and critical analysis of British representations of the city, including Fraser’s plates, is provided by Swati Chatopadhyay’s Representing Calcutta: Modernity, Nationalism and the Colonial Uncanny, also published in 2005. Chatopadhyay claims that works such as Fraser’s highlighted Britain’s acomplishments in Calcutta and supported beliefs in the division betwen the black and white towns. Importantly, Chatopadhyay’s analysis of picturesque representations of Calcutta also reveals the slippages in British hegemony over the city. For Chatopadhyay, a native presence that sems to destabilize ideas of the civilization and order Britain brought to India, or what she terms a colonial uncanny quality, is inherent in these images.  Building on her broader study of British depictions of Calcutta, and drawing on a range of poststructuralist and postcolonial theories, my paper focuses on Fraser’s aquatints and underscores how his images specificaly exposed the limits of British power in Calcutta at a time when concerns over the health of the city began to emerge. The work of both Henri Lefebvre on the social construction of space, and Michel de Certeau on the contestations and everyday uses of urban space ––– along with Mary Douglas’s study of the cultural formation of things perceived as dirt and Julia Kristeva’s theory of the abject ––– form an important component of my analysis of the dynamics of Calcutta’s topography, and the formation and fluidity of the boundaries of the city. Moreover, Homi K. Bhabha’s examination of the tensions, frictions, and ambivalences of colonial power informs my interpretation of Fraser’s aquatints in terms of their role in supporting 7     both British colonial power and the ambiguities that arise in the project of colonialism. The aesthetic codes of the picturesque and ninetenth-century travel literature also frame my reading of Fraser’s collection within the context of the growing British interest in the foreign locations being opened through imperial expansion. As I argue, while atempting to portray British hegemony in Calcutta and a clear distinction betwen the white and black towns, Fraser’s plates also register the fluidity of these boundaries and the tenuousnes of British power over the perceived dangers of both the tropical environment and the native population to the white town.  8     CONSTRUCTIONS OF PLACE / NARATIVES OF FILTH: CALCUTA UNDER THE EAST INDIA COMPANY   The urban fabric of Calcutta plays an important part in framing Fraser’s series; therefore, I want to provide a brief history in order to contextualize the heterogeneous and contentious atmosphere of the spaces of the city, and the ways in which they were represented. In the mid-eightenth century, Calcutta was an economic trading hub with a diverse population composed of Hindus, Muslims, and Jains, along with European traders. These included British asociated with the East India Company, Armenians, French, Portuguese, Dutch, and others. Europeans had been present in this area of Bengal since the early-sixtenth century with the Portuguese establishing a trading lodge or factory in 1535 in the town of Hugli, 25 miles upstream from the site that would become Calcutta. The Dutch and British followed suit in the mid-sevententh century and Hugli became a rising commercial centre. In 1690, Job Charnock, an agent of the British East India Company, established the Company’s headquarters at the site of the vilages of Kalikata, Sutanuti, and Gobindapur on the Hugli River. By 1696, the British began constructing the original Fort Wiliam here even though they did not have legal ownership of the land.1  With tensions growing betwen the British and the French during the Seven Years War (1756–1763) over control of the trade in India, the British fortified Calcutta in preparation for a French atack. The British fortification of the city, along with several other factors, led Siraj-ud-Daula, the new Nawab of Bengal, to lay siege to the British fort and to capture the city in June of 1756.12 In his acount of the incident ––– one that recent postcolonial scholars have chalenged                                                 1 P. Thankapan Nair, “The Growth and Development of Old Calcuta,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 10 and 1. 12 C. A. Bayly, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 198), 50. 9     but which was the basis for subsequent British naratives of the event13 ––– Holwel claimed that after Siraj-ud-Daula took Fort Wiliam, his troops locked 146 prisoners in a smal cel, known as the Black Hole.14 Holwel’s narative dramaticaly recounted the events that transpired during the night, emphasizing how British society semed to crumble within the confines of the Black Hole as rank and civility disappeared in the fight for survival.15 In the morning, the Nawab ordered the prisoners released, but, Holwel notes, only 23 survived; the rest died from the suffocating conditions and were buried together in a ditch outside the Fort.16 Significantly, postcolonial scholar Partha Chaterje chalenges British colonial histories asociated with Holwel’s acount by arguing that the narative exaggerated events, and that its polemical strategies were designed to stres the degradation and threat that India posed to British civilization.17 However, Holwel’s contemporaries understood his narative as a vivid and explicit example of the so-caled savagery of the Indian people and as a justification for British rule.18 The British East India Company’s troops recaptured Calcutta, and defeated the French-backed Nawab in the Batle of Plasey in 1757. With their victory, the Company was able to consolidate its power in Bengal, using the province as a base from which it strengthened its army and checked any threats from other Indian kingdoms.19                                                 13 Chaterje, “Black Hole.” 14 Holwel, Genuine, 8–10. Se also Ian J. Barow, “The Many Meanings of the Black Hole of Calcuta,” in Tal Tales and True: India, Historiography and British Imperial Imaginings, ed. Kate Britlebeck (Victoria: Monash University Pres, 208), 9; de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 237; and Chaterje, “Black Hole.” 15 Holwel, Genuine, 1–20. 16 Holwel, Genuine, 36. 17 Chaterje, “Black Hole;” se also Barow, “Many Meanings,” 1. 18 Barow, “Many Meanings,” 12. 19 Bayly, Indian Society, 46. 10      While Calcutta served as a significant trading centre for the Company, and by 1773 had been declared the seat of government for British India,20 British medical men and travelers saw the environment of the city as posing a threat to the health of its inhabitants. James Johnson, an influential early-ninetenth century writer on tropical disease,21 described how Calcutta suffered from its location amidst the sunderbunds (which he and other European medical men likened to swamps) that held “an imense surface of slime and feculence,” and which, when “exposed to the rays of a vertical sun,” released miasmata that “spread pestilence and death in every direction.”2 Johnson elaborated that decomposing animal and vegetable mater in the sunderbunds produced miasmata that caused disease. These miasmas were capable of acumulating to excedingly powerful levels in tropical climates such as Calcutta’s, because of the dense jungles around the city that trapped miasmas and the lack of brezes to disipate them.23 Johnson’s opinion of the dangers of the vapours emited by the city’s swamps and marshes were shared by travelers who visited Calcutta in the late eightenth and early ninetenth centuries. European tourists such as Edward Ives writing in 1773, Walter Hamilton in 1820, and Ema Roberts in 1835 also described the fetid and dangerous conditions of Calcutta’s environment,24 concluding that the location of the city in a pestilential swamp, with no air to remove the marsh emisions, posed a threat to the inhabitants of Calcutta.                                                 20 For Calcuta’s importance as a centre of trade se Pradip Sinha, “Calcuta and the Curents of History, 1690–1912,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 32. Se note 10 above for Calcuta as the seat of government in 173. 21 Mark Harison, “Tropical Medicine in Ninetenth-century India,” The British Journal for the History of Science 25, no. 3 (192): 304. 2 James Johnson, The Influence of Tropical Climates, more especialy the Climate of India, on European Constitutions; the Principal Efects and Diseases thereby induced, their Prevention or Removal, and the Means of Preserving Health in Hot Climates, Rendered Obvious to Europeans of Every Capacity (London: J. Calow, 1815), 34. It is important to note that although European medical men clasified the sunderbunds as the swamps and woded marshes of the Ganges River delta, in Bengali the word sundarbans literaly translates to “beautiful forests.” Translation provided by Profesor Katherine Hacker. 23 Johnson, Influence, 34 and 64. 24 Edward Ives, “Edward Ives,” in Calcuta in the 18th Century: Impresions of Travelers, ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1984), 11; Walter Hamilton, “Calcuta in 1820,” in 11      However, acording to British writers, the dangers of Calcutta’s environment could be mitigated by British intervention. As scholar Ishita Pande notes, Europeans believed that their engineering would be able to “tame the insalubrious Bengali wildernes.”25 Indeed, acording to James Ranald Martin, a surgeon of the East India Company and, later, president of its medical board,26 both Fort Wiliam and the European neighbourhood of Chowringhee in Calcutta were built over a jungle with huts and smal tracts of arable land.27 Moreover, Martin believed that European education would positively influence the moral character of the native inhabitants, and that establishing an English School of Medicine would “demonstrate to the natives the superiority of European knowledge” and the need to cultivate this knowledge in order to “rise in the scale of nations.”28 For Martin, British intervention in Calcutta had improved the environment by replacing wild jungle and smal huts with large fortifications and grand European boulevards, while further involvement would help educate and civilize the Bengali inhabitants of the city.  British notions of progres were understood to be registered particularly in the establishment of the European section, or white town, of the city, which historical acounts locate in the centre of Calcutta, around Tank Square, Fort Wiliam, and the suburb of                                                                                                                                                        Calcuta in the 19th Century (Company’s Days), ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1989); and Ema Roberts, “Calcuta in 1835,” in Calcuta in the 19th Century (Company’s Days), ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1989), 581. Se also Lord George Valentia (George Anesley Mountnoris, 2nd Earl of Valentia), “Calcuta in 1803,” in Calcuta in the 19th Century (Company’s Days), ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1989), 13, and Captain Leopold von Orlich, “Calcuta in 1843,” trans. H. Evans Lloyd, in Calcuta in the 19th Century (Company’s Days), ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1989), 868 for similar descriptions of Calcuta’s environment. 25 Ishita Pande, Medicine, Race and Liberalism in British Bengal: Symptoms of Empire (London and New York: Routledge, 2010), 13. 26 Harison, “Tropical,” 309. 27 James Ranald Martin, Notes on the Medical Topography of Calcuta (Calcuta: G. H. Hutman, Bengal Military Orphan Pres, 1837), 9. 28 Martin, Notes, 47 and 60. 12     Chowringhee.29 As the setlement of Calcutta began in the late sevententh century, boundaries betwen spaces perceived as European and Bengali developed. Europeans erected palisades with guarded gated exits around their setlement, which efectively created what Dhriti Kanta Lahiri Choudhury has termed a “white gheto.”30 Choudhury also notes that a psychological distinction betwen the white and black towns arose, with the location of the white town identified as the area around the former vilage of Kalikata on the north side of the original Fort Wiliam, and the black town marked out as the areas to the south of the British setlement in Gobindapur, and to the north of the white town in the vilages of Sutanuti and Chitpur.31 The Bengali and British sections of Calcutta were separated by Armenian and Portuguese neighbourhoods, each with its own church.32 Acording to Choudhury, the English viewed Siraj-ud-Daula’s siege of the city in 1756 as a disaster, because the Nawab’s troops destroyed a large part of the English setlement.3 With their subsequent victory at Plasey, the British began an intense rebuilding of the white town. Tank Square was constructed over the site of the original white town. A new and heavily strengthened Fort Wiliam, along with an open parade ground caled the Maidan, was laid over the vilage of Gobindapur. The new suburb of Chowringhee, filed with pristine Paladian-style houses, now occupied the area south of the maidan [se Figure 3].34 These newly erected British spaces supported the belief that Calcutta was divided into two separate towns.  A key element in the physical distinction betwen the white and black towns was the ninetenth-century European belief that the white town brought civilization and sanitation to                                                 29 Swati Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta: Modernity, Nationalism and the Colonial Uncany (London: Routledge, 205), 9. 30 Dhriti Kanta Lahiri Choudhury, “Trends in Calcuta Architecture, 1690–1903,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 157. 31 Choudhury, “Trends,” 157. 32 P. J. Marshal, “The White Town of Calcuta Under the Rule of the East India Company,” Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (200): 315. 3 Choudhury, “Trends,” 158–159. 34 For the locations of Tank Square and Chowringhe se Marshal, “White Town,” 317; for the location of the new Fort Wiliam and the Maidan se Choudhury, “Trends,” 159. 13     Calcutta. British travelers noted that the wide plain of the maidan around Fort Wiliam spread over a spacious area and contained broad roads that led into the fashionable suburb of Chowringhee.35 This neighbourhood was described by Walter Hamilton in 1820 as “formerly a collection of native huts [that] is now an entire vilage of palaces.”36 The new building program followed strict neoclasical models, which were applied with few concesions to available local building materials and climate. Stil, the results were described as providing a “superb appearance” and “giving the impresion of Grecian temples” to the buildings.37 Chowringhee, as noted by Ema Roberts when she visited in 1835, consisted of houses located “in the midst of gardens, sometimes divided from each other by very narow avenues, though more frequently intersected by broad roads.”38 Roberts also described the European section of the city centre as “extremely handsome, consisting of strets and squares, in which the greater portion of the houses are only united to each other by ranges of teraces built over the godowns (warehouses), stables, and servant’s offices.”39   Significantly, the white town required constant maintenance to remain pristine. Martin pointed out in 1837 that “it is only by constant eforts of industry that the salubrity of any spot is maintained; when these are relaxed, or when prosperity and civilization decline, the seds of diseases are imediately deposited in the earth.”40 For Martin, maintenance of the health and cleanlines of the environment required continuous care and vigilance. In Calcutta, the Paladian buildings of the British residents required constant atention to stay clean. They were often constructed out of brick and faced with plaster, which required regular whitewashing after each                                                 35 Roberts, “1835,” 574 36 Hamilton, “1820,” 22. Se also Lord Valentia’s acount, which describes Chowringhe in similar terms. Valentia, “1803,” 12. 37 Marshal, “White Town,” 316. 38 Roberts, “1835,” 579–580. 39 Roberts, “1835,” 580. 40 Quoted in Martin, Notes, 15. 14     rainy season.41 As Roberts noted in her travel acount, even in the fashionable section of Calcutta, European habitations could become stained and dilapidated as a result of the hot and humid tropical climate. She wrote: a certain want of keeping and consistency, common to everything relating to India, injures the efect of the scene. […] Few of the houses excepting those exclusively occupied by Europeans, are kept in good repair; the least neglect becomes imediately visible, and nothing can be more melancholy than the aspect of a building in India which has suffered to fal into a dilapidated state. The cement drops from the wals in large patches, the bare brick-work is diversified by weather stains, in which lichens and fungus tribe speedily appear, […] the courtyards are alowed to acumulate liter, and there is an air of squalor spread over the whole establishment which disgusts the eye.42   In other words, the sanitary cleanlines of British Calcutta required frequent atention to maintain the gleaming palaces that were boasted as having tamed the Bengali jungle and replaced the native huts.  In contrast to the order and amenities asociated with the white town, medical and travel literature represented the black town as an identifiable section of Calcutta separate from the white town, and characterized by filth and stagnant conditions. East India Company surgeon Martin located the native section of the city in the northern portion of Calcutta, betwen Bow Bazar and Muckoa Bazar. He described the area as consisting of ruinous tenements, half dried tanks, acumulations of filth, densely constructed homes of mud, red, or bamboo with straw or tiled roofs and dirt floors, stagnant air, dirty, narow, and unpaved strets, and lanes filed with rank compounds which emited vilainous odours.43 Early ninetenth-century British travel acounts also identified the location of the native town in the north of the city, stated how the black town was a complete contrast to the European vilage of palaces, and highlighted the dirty,                                                 41 Archer and Falk, India Revealed, 50. 42 Roberts, “1835,” 575. 43 Martin, Notes, 18–21 and 23. 15     dilapidated, wretched, and unsightly conditions, and fetid odours of the narow strets and mud homes of the native residents.4  The emphasis on fixing the location of the black town in the acounts cited above, and on stresing the contrast betwen the semingly “filthy” native town and “clean” white town, established and maintained the boundaries betwen what was perceived as the civilized British and the savage Bengalis. The British, crucialy, marked out the native inhabitants as producers of disease and filth. Throughout his text, Martin described how the labouring clases of the Indic population lived in mud and red huts which emited injurious exhalations, how their densely constructed and filthy portion of the city bred contagious diseases, and how the British had to teach the native inhabitants of Calcutta the value of sanitation.45 Other European commentators shared Martin’s view of the native residents. For example, in his travel acount of 1803, Lord George Valentia noted that while the tropical climate of Calcutta might lead to disease, the influence of the native inhabitants, who had created a belt around the city planted with fruit tres, had rendered the area impervious to air and made the European plantations more insalubrious.46 Louis de Grandpre, who first published his travel narative of his voyage to Calcutta in French in 1801 and then in English in 1803, stated: “The natives are sufficiently cleanly as to their persons and houses; but, having removed from the later everything which would occasion filth, they conceive themselves to have done al that is necesary. They leave even their ordure at the door or in the stret, and, though they complain of the stench, wil not give themselves the trouble to                                                 4 Se Valentia, “1803,” 12; Hamilton, “1820,” 24; Lt. R. G. Walace, “Calcuta in 1823,” in Calcuta in the 19th Century (Company’s Days), ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1989), 310; Roberts, “1835,” 575 and 580–581; and R. Montgomery Martin, “Calcuta in 1857,” in Calcuta in the 19th Century (Company’s Days), ed. P. Thankapan Nair. (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1989), 99. 45 Martin, Notes, 15, 19, 21, and 24. 46 Valentia, “1803,” 13. 16     remove it.”47 As Martin, Lord Valentia, and de Grandpre’s opinions demonstrate, Europeans believed that the Bengali population was partialy responsible for creating an environment that was conducive to disease and that they required the British to teach them the importance of cleanlines. As a result of this opinion of the black town and its inhabitants, this area and surrounding neighbourhoods were sen to be as dangerous as the swamps and jungles for contracting disease.48  As scholars such as Pande and Chatopadhyay have argued, the desire to segregate Calcutta into white and black towns stemed from the British fear of corruption and contagion from the native population, which the British believed could lead to physical and moral degeneracy.49 Moral and physical corruption became materialized in the concept of filth, which as Pande notes, connoted a thing, idea, or person ascribed with alterity.50 The British characterized the native inhabitants of Calcutta in terms of filthy sources of disease to highlight their othernes, and to establish a boundary betwen the Bengalis and the British as a way of protecting the white town and its residents from the physical and moral contamination of the native population.  It is important to stres that this representation of a white town and black town in the travel acounts by British East India Company officials and visitors was in large part a manufactured one. Granted, physical boundaries did exist. The wals of the original white town, mentioned above, surrounded the English setlement and separated this space from the native areas. A palisaded trench was also dug in the early eightenth-century betwen the British setlement and the “native” vilage of Sutanuti, ostensibly to improve drainage but also to keep                                                 47 Louis Marie Joseph O’Hier Comte de Grandpre, “L. de Grandpre,” in Calcuta in the 18th Century: Impresions of Travelers, ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1984), 232. 48 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 64. 49 Pande, Medicine, 101 and Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 125–126. 50 Pande, Medicine, 101. 17     the British space wholesome and dry.51 While boundaries were erected to protect the white town from the black town, as Chatopadhyay and Pande claim, these boundaries were far les stable than the representations offered by British commentators. Indeed, the nature of colonial life required the everyday border-crossings of Indic servants and the heterogeneous use of public spaces.52 For instance, during the beginning of European setlement in Calcutta, the British depended largely on Indian agents to help them to find housing and servants.53 As wel, the quarters of European residents and the homes of their Indic servants were, in some cases, located in close proximity to each other.54 The city, as Chatopadhyay elaborates, was comprised of overlapping geographies and ideas of teritory and space, both native and foreign, that were frequently negotiated, and which shifted depending on the perception and context of the viewer.5 The boundaries betwen the white town and the black town established in the writen discourses on the city were, in the everyday lived reality of Calcutta, far more fluid.                                                  51 P. Thankapan Nair, “Civic and Public Services in Old Calcuta,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 27. 52 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 76 and Pande, Medicine, 98. Se also Marshal, “White Town,” 317 and 329. 53 Rudrangshu Mukerje, “‘Forever England’: British Life in Old Calcuta,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 49. 54 Nair, “Growth,” 18. 5 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 79. 18     INDIAN DECLINE VS. BRITISH PROGRES: PICTURESQUE REPRESENTATIONS OF THE SUBCONTINENT   In his Views of Calcutta, Fraser’s aquatints employed the visual language of the picturesque to construct a particularly English image of the capital of British India. Promoted in the late eightenth-century by Uvedale Price, Richard Payne Knight, and Wiliam Gilpin, the picturesque was a way of organizing landscape views in terms of variation and contrasts, which served initialy to aestheticize iregularities ––– both social and natural ––– in the English countryside.56 In terms of its role in imperialism, the picturesque could also be used to link distant lands to England. In his article on the picturesque imaging of Australia, Tery Smith explains that the British caried out a proces of calibration, obliteration, and aestheticization in their depictions of the colony, which mapped and controlled the landscape, efectively removing the native inhabitants, and connecting incompatible sites and sights together.57 These representations aided the colonial proces by creating the appearance of control and order, while also re-making foreign spaces into vistas asociated with the English landscape in order to encourage emigration to the colony, and to demonstrate the civilization brought to wild and distant areas by Georgian order.58                                                  56 Se Uvedale Price, An Esay on the Picturesque, as Compared with the Sublime and Beautiful; and on the Use of Studying Pictures, for the Purpose of Improving Real Landscape (London: J. Robson, 1794); Richard Payne Knight, The Landscape, a Didactic Poem. In Thre Boks. Adresed to Uvedale Price, Esq. (London: W. Bulmer and Company, 1794). Wiliam Gilpin, Thre Esays: On Picturesque Beauty; On Picturesque Travel; and On Sketching Landscape: to which is aded a Poem, On Landscape Painting (London: R. Blamire, 1792). For curent scholarship on the picturesque, se An Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740–1860 (Berkeley: University of California Pres, 1986); Garside, Peter and Stephen Copley, ed. The Politics of the Picturesque: Literature, Landscape, and Aesthetics since 170 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Pres, 194). 57 Tery Smith, “Visual Regimes of Colonization: Aboriginal Seing and European Vision in Australia,” in the Visual Culture Reader, ed. Nicholas Mizoef (London and New York: Routledge, 202), 483–484. 58 Smith, “Visual Regimes,” 484 and 490. 19     In terms of India, early picturesque views often focused on the ruins of Hindu and Muslim buildings, framing these structures within pictures that claimed to provide “authentic” vistas that taught the viewer how to look at the scene. For historian Tapati Guha-Thakurta, in British colonial scenes of India, these ruins became monuments through their rendering into replicable and efective copies that could then have a variety of uses.59 She explains, “the proces of the transformation of objects into images nevertheles involved various layers of aesthetic mediations, for the aim was also to give buildings beter perspectives, to play up their magnitude and their contrasted tones, to achieve pictures that were both authentic and pleasurable.”60 British representations of Indian ruins as monuments were made to fil the composition and loom large over the landscape, dwarfing the native figures in the scenes.61  Images of Bengali structures as ruins, as opposed to viable architectural sites, also served a number of purposes. They played a role in the way that publications of picturesque scenes of India served to give English consumers images that both pleased the eye and ostensibly provided complete knowledge of the represented spaces.62 At the same time, the monuments of India were also rendered as failed and dilapidated relics of the past.  British representations of colonial urban spaces functioned similarly to the picturesque’s aesthetic mediations of Indian ruins posited by Guha-Thakurta’s analysis. As scholars have noted, picturesque representations of Calcutta, including Fraser’s publication, were designed to direct English viewers to British acomplishments in the city and to compare these achievements to the semingly “primitive” culture of the Bengalis. Indeed, acording to scholars Archer and                                                 59 Tapati Guha-Thakurta, “The Compulsions of Visual Representation in Colonial India,” in Traces of India: Photography, Architecture and the Politics of Representation, 1850–190, ed. Maria Antonela Pelizari (Montreal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 203), 10. 60 Tapati Guha-Thakurta, Monuments, Objects, Histories: Institutions of Art in Colonial and Postcolonial India (Delhi: Permanent Black, 204), 1. 61 Guha-Thakurta, Monuments, 12. 62 Guha-Thakurta, Monuments, 24. 20     Falk, the publishers of Fraser’s collection, Rodwel and Martin, advertised the plates as following in the same tradition as other picturesque aquatint collections of India, such as Thomas and Wiliam Daniel’s Oriental Scenery, published more than thre decades earlier in 1792.63 Such representations narated empire by coding a certain set of spatial relationships that were expected to remain static, and helped to form notions about the black and white towns.64 Furthering Guha-Thakurta’s analysis, Chatopadhyay argues that though picturesque scenes of the Indian landscape focused on crumbling ruins or natural wonders, these are identified as significant sites that were neglected and misunderstood by local inhabitants. In contrast, she notes that scenes of urban environments focused on the newly erected Paladian buildings in the urban centre to proclaim the order Britons saw themselves as bringing to the city.65 Yet, while Chatopadhyay claims that British artists used the picturesque to highlight the diference betwen the civilized state of British intervention and the degraded state of the local inhabitants,6 these representations had other efects as wel. In the following sections, I build on her work and explore the role of the picturesque in efacing the heterogeneous nature of colonial Calcutta, efectively portraying a city dominated and ordered by the British when such a city did not exist.                                                  63 Archer and Falk, India Revealed, 49. 64 For images focusing on British acomplishments in Calcuta and comparing these to Indic culture se de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 189; for the images narating empire and for the images creating ideas of the white and black towns se Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 2 and 34 respectively. 65 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 42–43 and 48. 6 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 46. 21     PICTURESQUE SALUBRITY: CALCUTA’S TANK SQUARE IN PRINT   The area of Calcutta that is the focus of Fraser’s A View of Tank Square from the West [Figure 4] was understood by British viewers as a healthy and sanitary area of the city. Tank Square was regarded as the fashionable European district and made up the centre of the city, with administrative buildings, large auction houses, warehouses, and taverns lining its strets.67 One traveler, who visited in 1843, identified Tank Square as one of “the most salubrious parts of the city.”68 Aside from being located in the white town, European inhabitants also saw Tank Square as a healthy space because of the large, British-built tank in the centre of the square, which provided fresh drinking water to the city. Both Johnson, in his treatise from 1815, and Martin, who wrote his medical topography of Calcutta two decades later, indicated that Calcutta’s drinking water was contaminated by decaying organic mater and that the half-dried tanks, which provided much of the city’s drinking water due to the poor quality of the river water, emited deleterious exhalations.69 The poor state of the tanks, Martin claimed, was a result of the neglect of the native inhabitants, who alowed vegetation to acumulate at the bottom, making the tanks shalower until they became “the half-dried, gren and slimy puddles, which so contaminate every portion of the native town.”70 The lack of native sanitary care led to the pollution of drinking water and created sources of miasma within the city. The British, though, as part of their plans to improve the health of Calcutta (which included building roads, bridges, and aqueducts, creating drainage, and filing old tanks), claimed to have vastly restored the large reservoir in Tank Square in 1709 ––– transforming it from the dirty pond filed with weds and                                                 67 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 7 and 82. 68 von Orlich, “1843,” 868. Von Orlich also named the suburb of Chowringhe and the Esplanade in front of Fort Wiliam as the other two salubrious areas of Calcuta. 69 Johnson, Influence, 3 and Nair, “Civic,” 25 for the contaminated water, and Martin, Notes, 24 for the half-dried tanks. 70 Martin, Notes, 28. 22     noxious mater, which had been at the site since before Charnock’s arival in 1690, into a modern reservoir ––– to provide the residents of Calcutta with drinking water.71 Other communities in the city also dug tanks. An Armenian merchant named Peter Sukeas alowed the public aces to the tank of his palatial home and the communities of each paras (neighbourhoods) often dug their own tanks.72 Martin’s criticism of the state of Calcutta’s tanks, however, might have indicated that the tanks of the Indic and Armenian communities were inadequate and dangerous, and thereby justified Britain’s role in providing clean water to the city. European tourists described the water of the tank as pleasant, swet, and noble, and specified that the tank was surrounded by gras, had steps leading down to its botom, and was protected by a handsome stone fence, which prevented the native patrons from washing in the tank.73 Martin stresed the critical importance of prohibiting the native population from bathing and washing clothing in the tank in order to maintain the cleanlines of the drinking water.74  Fraser provided several views of Tank Square. One, A View of Tank Square from the West [Figure 4], plate 8 in the series, gives form to the British belief in the salubrious nature of the area. In the print, a broad, bustling stret runs from the foreground of the image into the distance of the New China Bazar. The gateway ocupies the left half of the image. Two tal stone balustrades define the gateway and a stone-railed fence surrounds the tank. Native inhabitants stroll in an orderly manner down the stret. A group of bhistis (water cariers) exit the tank with water-filed goat-skins slung over their shoulders, while a woman balancing a                                                 71 For the British plans to improve the health of Calcuta se Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 87. For the building of the tank in Tank Square for the use of both European and native inhabitants se Coton, Calcuta, 18; Nair, “Civic,” 25; and John Splinter Stavorinus’s travel acount from 1798, Stavorinus, “Admiral Stavorinus,” in Calcuta in the 18th Century: Impresions of Travelers, ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1984), 162. 72 Nair, “Growth,” 16 and 21. 73 For the swet and pleasant quality of the water and the fence preventing people from washing in the tank se Stavorinus, “Admiral,” 162; for the gras plot and fence se de Grandpre, “Grandpre,” 230; and for the fence and steps se Hamilton, “1820,” 22, and Martin, “1857,” 981. 74 Martin, Notes, 28. 23     water pot on her head approaches the tank. Another woman, dresed in a red sari and yelow shawl, caries a child and walks toward the bazar. Other figures walk along the grasy banks of the tank. The gleaming facades of the Writers’ Building, constructed betwen 1776 and 1780 for the clerks of the British East India Company, and the steple of the newly erected Presbyterian Church of St. Andrew, consecrated in 1818, lie behind the stand of tres that borders the side of the tank. The steple of the Old Mision Church ––– begun in 1767 by the Swedish misionary John Zachariah Kiernander and later purchased by Charles Grant, a Scottish merchant and later Director of the British East India Company75 ––– can be sen in the distance on the right. The obelisk of Holwel’s memorial to the Black Hole of Calcutta (which is emphasized in plate 6, A View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument) rises in this image in the background behind the tres on the left. The top of the monument echoes the spire of the church, linking the British past with the new building projects being caried out in the city. Puddles of water have formed on the dirt road in front of the gateway to the tank. The gateway contains a bank of turnstiles, designed to prevent animals from entering the tank. Sentry boxes, located just beyond the gateway, housed watchmen who were placed there to ensure that patrons did not bathe in the tank and contaminate the water.76 The fence, turnstiles, and sentries al worked to maintain the purity of the tank’s drinking water.  Sanitary order is also maintained by the bhistis and female water cariers. Acording to Pande, higher-caste Hindus employed bhistis, or water cariers, from their own caste, because the touch of a Christian, Muslim, or member of a lower caste would pollute the drinking water, while poorer clases sent their women to fetch the water.7 The presence of bhistis and female water cariers in the aquatint suggests that proper native social order and rules of purity were also                                                 75 For more information on the Old Mision Church, se Coton, Calcuta, 514–540. 76 Losty, Calcuta, 86. 7 Pande, Medicine, 16. 24     being maintained in the collection of drinking water. Fraser’s View of Tank Square presents an image of the city centre as orderly and clean, a sanitary achievement brought by British intervention in Calcutta. At the same time that Fraser’s print portrays the British as the source of sanitary order in Calcutta, the representation also efaces the diversity of the city’s population in order to emphasize a clear distinction betwen the native and white towns. The only figures in the scene appear to be the Hindu residents of the city. Calcutta, however, was a multicultural city of English, Portuguese, Armenian, Chinese, Hindu, and Muslim erchants. It is important to note, as Sumanta Banerje’s research has shown, that the black town was largely shaped by wealthy Hindus who amased their fortunes by dealing with the British. Muslims did form a large part of Bengal’s population; however, many were agriculturalists and prefered the security of their land to entering into service for the British in Calcutta.78 By Fraser’s time, commercial areas of Calcutta were occupied by both European and native busineses, and Tank Square had become a grey or intermediate space betwen the black and white sections of the city, having been taken over by members of the “half-castes,” poor whites, Indian Christians, Portuguese, Armenians, Jews, and others.79 What, therefore, surfaces from this context is that Fraser’s print both efaces the other inhabitants from the space, as it atempts to represent acurately the Bengali population of the black town, and presents Tank Square as a site completely constructed by the British. British administrative and religious structures line the strets, and the tank in the centre was built                                                 78 Sumanta Banerje, “Economy and Society in Ninetenth Century Calcuta,” ch. 2 in The Parlour and the Strets: Elite and Popular Culture in Ninetenth Century Calcuta (Calcuta: Seagul Boks, 1989), 27 and 28. Se also Krishna Duta, Calcuta: A Cultural and Literary History (New York: Interlink Boks, 203), 23–24. 79 For the diversity of Calcuta’s merchants se Martin, Notes, 7; for Calcuta’s comercial areas se Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 84; for Tank Square as a grey or intermediate space se Choudhury, “Trends,” 159–160; and Marshal, “White Town,” 317. Se also Pritha Chowdhury and Joyoti Chaliha, “The Jews of Calcuta,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 52; and Jaya Chaliha and Buny Gupta, “The Armenians in Calcuta,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 54. 25     by the British to improve the sanitary conditions of the city. The omision of Muslim figures in the scene also supports the British belief that they themselves were the succesors to the Mughals and were, therefore, the legitimate rulers of India.80 With no Muslims in the scene to alude to any of the current Mughal rulers, the presence of only Hindu figures could suggest to the viewer that the British were the only power in Calcutta. The British emerge as the only European merchants in the city ––– they are the builders of the pristine white town, and they provide the residents with the benefits of civilization and sanitation.  There are slight slippages in Fraser’s representation of Tank Square, though. The presence of bhistis and female water cariers does support Hindu purity practices; however, the encoding of these practices in Fraser’s picture helps to legitimate them for British viewers. At a time when medical treatises on Calcutta, such as the text by the East India Company surgeon Martin, stresed how unclean the native population was, Fraser’s representation of proper Bengali social procedures in the gathering of drinking water contradicts British notions of the local inhabitants as primitive and requiring British civilization. Moreover, the location of a tank for the Bengali residents in the white town encourages the native population to travel from the black town into the British section of the city to obtain fresh water. The vista leading to the New China Bazar, along the broad road, emphasizes the distance betwen the white and black towns, but it also reveals the movement of natives from their section of the city into the British quarter. Granted, most of the figures in the picture appear to be walking back to the bazar; however, the                                                 80 Se Bernard S. Cohn, “Cloth, Clothes, and Colonialism: India in the Ninetenth Century,” in Cloth and Human Experience, ed. Anete B. Weiner and Jane Schneider (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Pres, 1989), 316–318 for examples of how the British copied Mughal gift giving practices in order to portray themselves as Indian sovereigns. Banerje notes that the British may have distrusted Muslims, because the British had recently usurped power from the Mughal rulers. Se Banerje, “Economy,” 28. Se also Thomas R. Metcalf, “Monuments and Memorials: Lord Curzon’s Creation of a Past for the Raj,” in Traces of India: Photography, Architecture and the Politics of Representation, 1850–190, ed. Maria Antonela Pelizari (Montreal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 203), 246 for a later example of British rulers of India conecting themselves with the Mughal Empire to legitimate their power. 26     two Hindu men in the left foreground trouble the scene by their semingly persistent movement toward the viewer. The men are too far from the gateway to suggest that they are going to the tank, and the slightly bent legs of each of the men indicate a walking motion, a movement which wil take them past the tank and further into the white town. As Fraser’s View of Tank Square might suggest, the British may have brought sanitation to the native residents of Calcutta, but in doing so they also encouraged the transgresion of the boundary betwen the supposedly “clean” white town and “filthy” black town.  27     FOREGROUNDING HOLWEL’S MEMORIAL: FRASER’S VIEW OF THE WRITERS’ BUILDING FROM THE MONUMENT AT THE WEST END   The tensions in Fraser’s View of Tank Square are further evinced when the viewer is provided with closer aces to the site in his A View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument at the West End [Figure 1]. Holwel erected the monument in 1760 and placed it in Tank Square on the ditch where those who perished in the Black Hole were, acording to Holwel, promiscuously buried with no recognition for clas distinction.81 As noted in the introduction, Fraser places the memorial to the Black Hole directly in the foreground of the image. Constructed out of brick and plaster, and comprised of an obelisk and octagonal base with pilaster-framed plaques capped by gables [se Figure 2],82 the monument is rendered so large that its base occupies almost half of the foreground and its top is cut of by the border of the image. It contains no visible inscription.    The image atempts to establish a binary view of the urban space as one divided betwen an ordered architecture of the British realm, and a darker foreground inhabited solely by the native inhabitants of Calcutta. The activities of these figures are revealing. A bullock cart, used in the city to transport goods and remove refuse, ocupies the foreground to the right of the monument. A pair of unhitched oxen stands on either side of the cart as two men repair it. A barber atends to a customer in the shade of a temporary canopy, created by afixing a large piece of cloth to the base of the monument with two wooden poles supporting the awning. Two men converse on the left. Several locals rest against the base of the memorial, while a woman holding a basket by her side approaches them, presumably to sel her wares. Shards of broken                                                 81 Holwel, Genuine, 36 for the burial of the victims; Chaterje, “Black Hole,” and Losty, Calcuta, 52 for the monument’s location over the grave of the Black Hole victims; and de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 237 for the monuments location on the ditch in front of the old Fort’s prison. 82 Losty, Calcuta, 84. 28     pottery liter the stret. Thre birds perch on the monument as others circle the area. An ahir or milkman carying two jugs stands in the middle of the dirt road facing the crowd. The Writer’s Building, with its neoclasical façade, stretches out behind the monument and leads the viewer’s eye to the Church of St. Andrew, the later of which, not insignificantly, was modeled on St. Martin-in-the-Fields in London.83 The two buildings are bathed in the golden light of a rising sun. Tres and the fence of the neighbouring tank line the right side of the stret. A steple appears in the distance behind the tres, refering to the Old Mision Church. In the distance, a large mas of Bengali residents gathers at the end of the stret, situated betwen the iluminated buildings of St. Andrew’s, the flagged exterior of the Collector’s Ofice, and other buildings holding British busineses and administrative offices.84 In the middle ground, two gentlemen wearing top hats and on horseback appear to follow, confront, or push the crowd, as other native figures standing by the Writers’ Building look on. While the Georgian facades and golden sun efectively argue for the stability the British claimed to have brought to Calcutta, it also aserts the British Empire as the legitimate succesors to a Greco-Roman tradition of civilization and enlightenment. Like the cultures of ancient Grece and Rome, Britain is portrayed as bringing progres to distant lands as these earlier civilizations had done. While the large crowd gathered at the front of the church, bathed in its light, might possibly evoke loyal subjects who wish to receive British enlightenment and morality, the figures by the memorial, turned away from both it and the church, sem at a remove from British ideals of progres.                                                  83 Choudhury, “Trends,” 16. 84 The Calcuta Colector’s ofice was located on the corner, acros from the Old Court House where St. Andrew’s Church now stands, in the late eightenth-century. Busineses such as the auction house of Taylor and Company and the Oriental Library (a bokshop) also ocupied the south side of the stret, while the coachbuilders James Stewart and Company, John Palmer’s house (which would be converted into a police station in the late 1820s), and a house used as the court for the Justices of the Peace ocupied the north side of the stret. Se Losty, Calcuta, 54, 68–69, and 86. 29      The contrast betwen a shadowed Bengali space and an iluminated realm of British edifices was a common trope of Fraser’s work, and one that scholars have noted.85 However this contrast does more than emphasize British superiority over the city’s inhabitants, it also opens the image to an alternative, contradictory reading. Scholars de Almeida and Gilpin claim that the memorial in Fraser’s image “casts a very large shadow on the Indians depicted clustering at its base. They are pictured as docile and in awe of British might, but their dark history bodes il and requires ominous reminders like the Holwel monument.”86 The memorial does sem to loom over these inhabitants around its base, but the image also works against de Almeida and Gilpin’s interpretation. Indeed, the monument ––– made use of as a lounging place for local Bengalis and scavenger adjunct birds ––– appears to have become part of the landscape of the space. The structure that emerges is ––– like other picturesque ruins in representations of India ––– largely neglected, and one that has been re-appropriated by the city’s Bengali population for their own economic and social activities.  The Church of St. Andrew, the Collector’s Ofice, and the steple of the Old Mision Church frame the native crowd gathered on the stret. The juxtaposition of the steples of the Church of St. Andrew and of the Old Mision Church suggests that the scene may be interpreted as one that espouses the enlightenment progres of Scottish Presbyterianism, as St. Andrews was a Presbyterian church and the Mision Church had, by then, been purchased by the Scotsman Charles Grant, a Director of the East India Company.87 Yet, the picture also points to internal tensions betwen the diferent sects of British Protestantism in Calcutta. During the construction of St. Andrew’s, Anglican Bishop Middleton atempted to stop the building of the steple, because the Scottish church wanted one higher than the steple of the Church of St. John.                                                 85 de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 237. 86 de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 237. 87 Se page 23 and note 75 above. 30     Consecrated in 1787 and situated southwest of the monument, St. John’s was the first Anglican Church built in Calcutta. It was also modeled after St. Martin-in-the-Fields, but with many modifications to the architecture. Upon completion, the steple of St. Andrew’s did surpas the height of St. John’s ––– indeed, acording to Choudhury, the architecture of St. John’s appeared to some as vulgar in comparison to St. Andrew’s ––– and was crowned with a cock to crow over the Bishop’s defeat.8 The Anglican and Presbyterian churches competed with each other over supremacy of the urban vista of Calcutta, undermining notions of a unified British power within the city. Initialy, Fraser’s representation of the Holwel memorial appears to provide a historical narative of British hegemony in Calcutta. The obelisk shape was asociated with death, timelesnes, and memorials. The octagonal shape of the base suggests, however, that the monument was not just meant to commemorate the dead and the Black Hole; it was also designed to demonstrate the power of the British by referencing the grander and heavily strengthened new Fort Wiliam that the British were building in the city they recaptured [se Figure 3].89 As noted above, Holwel’s monument also displayed an inscription (which acording to de Grandpre was in both “the English and Moorish languages”90) claiming that the victims of the Black Hole died under the tyrannical Siraj and that the British deservedly revenged the act of violence in 1757. By locating the monument in Calcutta, Holwel apparently intended the memorial to be viewed by both local inhabitants of the city and other Europeans. Acording to scholar Joan Coutu, since it was built after the British recaptured the city, the obelisk stood as a bold symbol of the reclamation of what the British and Holwel believed was                                                 8 Choudhury, “Trends,” 160–161 and 16. 89 The new Fort Wiliam was constructed as an iregular octagon with seven gates. The Fort was based on the latest advancements in siege technology and tok the form of a star shape, which alowed for beter defense during an atack. Se Losty, Calcuta, 36. 90 de Grandpre, “Grandpre,” 230. 31     rightfully theirs.91 As public objects of imperialism, monuments were designed to imply the eternity, permanence, and power of the empire that erected them. In the context of Bengal, the British used monuments, along with other objects and media (including publications of picturesque scenes of the subcontinent), to diseminate a vision of the East India Company and of Britain as both benevolent and contributing to the health and permanence of Calcutta, their new city, and of the Empire as a whole.  British memorials were designed to mark out a living past that gave meaning to and informed the present. Events such as the Black Hole were central to Britain’s mythologizing of its past, as it laid claim to the barbarisms of Indian rulers and the sacrifices suffered by the British in order to justify a civilized and benevolent colonial presence and present.92 In her study of the later 1763 Patna Masacre memorial (to the British military officers kiled in the city of Patna by agents of the Nawab Mir Qasim during a war for control of Bengal and Bihar), Rebeca M. Brown notes that the presence of this memorial in the city claimed both a space and time for the event. Modifications to the memorial over the course of the eightenth, ninetenth, and twentieth centuries, however, transformed the monument into a site where succesive reinterpretations of the story were inscribed, efectively demonstrating the role played by monuments in the refiguring and mythologizing of colonial histories.93 As with the Patna memorial, Holwel’s Black Hole monument served to reframe the history of the event through its presence in Calcutta. The space marked by the monument, that is the perceived location of the atrocity, became separated from the lived reality of the British inhabitants of the city as they                                                 91 Joan Coutu, Persuasion and Propaganda: Monuments and the Eightenth-Century British Empire (Montreal and Kingston: McGil-Quen’s University Pres, 206), 295. 92 For British memorials as part of a living past, for the importance of the Black Hole to the British, and for the sacrifices of the British se Metcalf, “Monuments” 243 and 250–252. For memorials demonstrating Indian barbarism and justifying colonial rule se Rebeca M. Brown, “Inscribing Colonial Monumentality: A Case Study of the 1763 Patna Masacre Memorial,” The Journal of Asian Studies 65, no. 1 (206): 101. 93 Brown, “Inscribing,” 91–93. 32     moved away from Tank Square into the suburbs. As Brown notes, monuments were fixed in space and time while the myth of the event remained maleable acording to the requirements of colonial discourse.94  Brown’s analysis of the Patna memorial has implications for the Black Hole memorial. The migration of British residents out of Tank Square and away from Holwel’s monument transformed the later into a marker that could be re-inscribed continualy with a mythologized history that retained meaning. Though the monument itself became a fixed marker of the Black Hole in the city, reproductions of the obelisk, like the mythologized history of the event itself, created flexible interpretations of the history to serve colonial discourses. The British were careful to frame their monuments, such as the Black Hole memorial, diferently from native monuments, portraying the later as picturesque ruins set in a distant past. Reproducible and readily available images of British memorials, though, alowed them to persist and resonate in public memory, as the images stood in for the original monument, and had power by making a spatialy and temporaly remote monument present to the viewer.95 Often devoid of value as objects themselves, colonial monuments acrued diferent meanings and exerted power through their reproduction in images.  Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument works to re-present Holwel’s Black Hole memorial in a way that supports the colonial myth of Britain’s hegemony over Calcutta. Indeed, the title of Fraser’s images identifies the appropriate perspective for viewing the scene; in this case, the viewer is meant to se the Writers’ Building from the position of Holwel’s monument.96 The memorial, marking a past event in Britain’s history in India, one that saw the British East India Company recapture Calcutta and consolidate its power in Bengal,                                                 94 Brown, “Inscribing,” 94. 95 Guha-Thakurta, “Compulsions,” 10. 96 de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 238. 33     identifies the moment when Britain established control of the city. From this particular place, the rest of British Calcutta ––– symbolized by the Writers’ Building, the new church, and the tank ––– emerged.34     UNSTABLE TROPES: COMPARING FRASER’S PRINT OF THE MEMORIAL TO EARLIER EPRESENTATIONS   Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument appears to establish a history of British hegemony and civilizing progres over Calcutta, but no sooner is this idea made clear than it gives way to an alternative interpretation. The contrast betwen the dark foreground and the iluminated background does delineate a separation betwen the Indic and British spaces of Calcutta, and it does showcase Britain’s power. However, the image also locates the memorial to the Black Hole, a structure commemorating a British tragedy, squarely in a Bengali space. During a period when the boundary betwen the black and white towns was being secured, Fraser’s positioning of native figures around the memorial reveals the porous nature of this boundary.  Earlier representations of Tank Square ––– such as Thomas and Wiliam Daniel’s East side of the Old Fort, Clive Stret, the Theatre and Holwel Monument and North side of Tank Square with the Old Fort and Holwel Monument in the Distance, Writers’ Buildings, and the Old Court House, both of which were published in their Views of Calcutta from 1786, and The Writers’ Buildings, Calcutta from the 1792 edition of the Daniels’s Oriental Scenery ––– contrast with Fraser’s later prints by depicting Britain’s new supremacy over the city. The Daniels’s earlier scenes of Calcutta reflect the atmosphere of exchange and interaction that took place betwen Europeans and Bengalis during the eightenth century,97 while at the same time maintaining the belief in Britain’s hegemony over the native residents. Fraser’s Views of Calcutta was, acording to its publishers, designed to build on the tradition of colonial picturesque representations established by the Daniels and others; however, Fraser’s images are                                                 97 Banerje, “Economy,” 23. 35     far more ambiguous. Produced during a period in which the British grew increasingly concerned with the threat of contamination from the Bengali residents and the tropical climate,98 Fraser represents Calcutta as a city built by the British but populated solely by native inhabitants whose presence sems to destabilize notions of British domination.  In the Daniels’s East side of the Old Fort, Clive Stret, the Theatre and Holwel Monument of 1786 [Figure 5], akin in geographical location to Fraser’s View of Tank Square, a bustling Clive Stret stretches from the foreground toward the distance, terminating in a cluster of faint Paladian buildings. Holwel’s memorial, protected by a solid stone wal, is situated on the right side of the thoroughfare and the ruins of the old Fort occupy the left side of the stret. The Writers’ Building, the theatre (which British residents believed was the first building devoted to bringing English culture to Calcutta),9 and the grand home of Colonel Robert Clive, the military officer responsible for recapturing the city in 1757, frame the space. The ruins of the old Fort appear to loom over the road. Indic and European figures travel along the stret. A native guard escorts a Bengali woman carying a child out of the fort. Two other guards casualy converse with each other at the entrance to the ruined fort. Two oxen pull a cart loaded with crates and a driver under an umbrela, while four native figures follow with a large crate hoisted above their heads. Over to the right, four Bengali servants cary a palanquin, led by a turbaned man with a staf. Groups of figures in conversations and pedestrians, some under umbrelas, occupy the rest of the stret. The juxtaposition of Holwel’s monument on one side of the stret and the old Fort on the other frames the scene within a mythologized history of the space. The obelisk commemorates the tragedy that took place in the Fort across the stret, the event that spurred Britain to recapture Calcutta. The Georgian structures along the road ––– the theatre, the                                                 98 Banerje, “Economy,” 23. It is important to note that both Johnson and Martin’s texts were published during Fraser’s lifetime, and that Johnson’s was published two years after Fraser had traveled to India.  9 de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 185. Se also Losty, Calcuta, 51–52. 36     Writers’ Building, and Clive’s residence ––– serve to naturalize Britain’s presence in Calcutta and to indicate the permanence of its imperial position. In the Daniels’s aquatint, many of the native figures on the stret are engaged in activities that mark their subservience within Britain’s imperial hierarchy by transporting goods, bearing palanquins, and looking after the old Fort. The position of the viewer is set above the stret. In her study of Victorian tourism, Marjorie Morgan notes that British travelers often prefered “to look down rather than out across or up at [a] landscape.”10 From this location, British tourists occupied a position of power and could survey the space below. By placing the viewer above the scene of Clive Stret, in an image with the picturesque elements of the ruined Fort and native inhabitants, the Daniels’s aquatint also alowed the viewer to dominate and consume the entire view. Elizabeth Helsinger has noted in the picturesque landscapes of Britain that “to be the subject, and never the viewer, of these landscapes means to be fixed in place [.. and] circumscribed within a social position and a locality.”101 The Indic servants in the Daniels’s print, as subjects of a colonial picturesque image, are thus situated in contrast to the privileged viewer. Indeed, the servants and other labourers in East side of the Old Fort, as wel as in the Daniels’s other views of Calcutta, are portrayed as dependents of British benevolence.  In contrast, Fraser’s later View of Tank Square is not teming with semingly subservient Bengalis and the viewer is positioned at the same level as the Indic inhabitants in the scene. Where the native residents in the Daniels’s picture are apparently engaged in servile and economicaly productive tasks for the British, the native figures in Fraser’s print perform everyday activities, such as fetching water for their homes in the black town. Furthermore, as a                                                 10 Marjorie Morgan, National Identities and Travel in Victorian Britain (New York: Palgrave, 201), 47. 101 Elizabeth Helsinger, “Turner and the Representation of England,” in Landscape and Power, ed. W. J. T. Mitchel (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Pres, 194), 105.  37     result of the lowered position in Fraser’s plate, the tres block the viewer from seing much of the Writers’ Building, St. Andrew’s Church, and the Holwel monument ––– the objects of British power. The viewer can se the tank, another sign of English progres, but what is also prominent are the Bengali residents walking around the Square. Granted, the native figures remain objects of the viewer’s gaze. Yet, in contrast to the Daniels’s earlier aquatint, the authority of the viewer in Fraser’s image is diminished by his or her placement at the level of the stret. The native figures share the same vertical plane and move toward the viewer’s space, as noted above in the case of the two men approaching to the left. These men force the viewer to engage with them. The patch of empty dirt road betwen the viewer and the natives does separate the two, maintaining a smal boundary betwen the black and white spaces, but the British viewer is no longer above and apart from the Bengalis.  These tensions in Fraser’s pictures are also not as present in the Daniels’s other aquatint, North side of Tank Square with the Old Fort and Holwel Monument in the Distance, Writers’ Buildings, and the Old Court House of 1786 [Figure 6]. Here, Holwel’s memorial is located in the distance, at the end of a bustling stret lined with neoclasical buildings. The long thre-storey facade of the Writers’ Building stretches across much of the background and the Old Court House, built during Clive’s governorship in 1756 and later replaced by St. Andrew’s Church, occupies the right side of the image. The stret is filed with fashionable Europeans and unobtrusive native inhabitants. Many people are gathered on the steps and under the stone portico of the Old Court House. Pedestrians and oxen carts transporting goods move along the road. A large coach, drawn by two horses, caries a fashionably atired European couple. Two native servants walk behind. Other Indic figures cary a palanquin bearing a European man, while a Bengali servant, towing four leashed pet dogs, follows. The dogs sem to have 38     frightened a horse, which has reared up on its hind legs but remains in the control of its European rider. The edifices of the British buildings, institutional sites of colonial power, frame the entire scene. Both the facades of the Old Court House and the Writers’ Building form a barier that contains the space of the stret and draws the viewer’s eye across the scene towards the Holwel monument in the hazy distance.102 Reading the Daniels’s aquatint from right to left, the distant memorial situates an origin for British involvement in India. From this marker stems the grand, ordered, Paladian buildings along the stret, which advances a continuum of progres and power in the city.  Reminiscent of early modern veduti, such as the etchings of Roman ruins by Giovanni Batista Piranesi or the paintings of urban vistas by Canaleto,103 the Daniels’s print aestheticaly mediates the urban space of Calcutta to celebrate the order Britain brought to the city. For Chatopadhyay, the Daniels’s prints of Indian ruins recaled Piranesi’s veduti, because they reflected the exaggerated perspective depth and aesthetic enhancements with which Piranesi represented Roman ruins. Chatopadhyay, however, contends that the Daniels’s pictures of Calcutta did not take up Piranesi’s visual vocabulary, because the ruinous and exaggerated efects of veduti did not support the British colonial discourse of bringing civilization to Bengal.104 As Chatopadhyay notes, instead of portraying ruins (the common subject of picturesque scenes), the Daniels’s urban vista featured the orderly and regular Paladian architecture as a contrast to the disorder of the native elements in the scene, so as to distinguish the “fashionable” white town from the “chaotic” black town, and to proclaim British authority over the city. While I concur with Chatopadhyay’s asesment that the Daniels’s aquatint does                                                 102 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 49. 103 For more information on the works of Piranesi and Canaleto, se Richard Rand and John L. Variano, Two Views of Italy: Master Prints by Canaleto and Piranesi (Hanover, NH: Hod Museum of Art, 195). 104 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 48. 39     not contain the exaggerated efects of veduti, I believe that the scene also functions similarly to other early modern representations of urban spaces. In her work on sevententh-century prints of Rome, Rose-Marie San Juan argues that urban imagery could depict the city as orderly, progresive, changeable, or unpredictable, while the new modes of representing the city through print could facilitate touristic desires as wel as urban transformation and control.105 She also contends that prints of the city made spaces previously excluded from viewers acesible while at the same time holding the unreadable and unpredictable at bay.106 The Daniels’s aquatint opened Tank Square to the British gaze. It also constructed the site as an imperial space where British progres removed or transformed abject elements, the unpredictable and unreadable, into healthy sites and obedient subjects. The Daniels’s The Writers’ Buildings, Calcutta of 1792 [Figure 7], a predecesor to Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument by some decades, contrasts with Fraser’s vista. In the Daniels’s print, Holwel’s obelisk is rendered as a whole, looming over the Writers’ Building and the figures on the stret. A stone and iron fence protects the memorial and each of the pediments on the base is capped with an urn. The Bengali population are engaged in productive ––– though controlled and subservient ––– activities; they cary water, escort cariages, or cary palanquins with European riders. While two figures do appear to use the memorial as a resting spot, siting against the stone fence along with their two goats and airing cloaks on the railing behind them, they are the only figures in the entire scene near the structure. A trio appear to regard the obelisk with at least some degre of acknowledgement, stopping before it as they pas by.                                                  105 Rose-Marie San Juan, Rome: A City Out of Print (Mineapolis and London: University of Minesota Pres, 201), 10. 106 San Juan, Rome, 6 and 8. 40     Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument, however, difers in relation to the triumphant British imperialism presented in the Daniels’s images of Tank Square. In Fraser’s print, the scene is dominated not by a European population, but by a Bengali one. Holwel’s memorial is dark, dirty, and stained. The urns that once capped the monument’s pediments are gone, replaced by birds that use the spots to roost. The presence of the birds, in particular of the stork on the corner of the Writers’ Building, suggests that the space is in decay, as they are scavenger birds that fed on dead mater. Ninetenth-century travelers to Calcutta regarded the birds as extremely useful, because they contributed to the cleanlines of the city by removing decaying mater.107 While the birds in Fraser’s image may suggest that the space betwen Tank Square and the Writers’ Building is being cleaned of its filth, the very presence of the scavengers indicates that rotting mater is present in the salubrious Square. A bullock cart, often used to cary goods or refuse, lies unhitched next to the obelisk. The placement of the cart in the image may imply that economic or sanitary measures are being caried out, that trade goods are being transported in and out of Calcutta or that garbage is being removed from the city. However, the unhitched state of the bullock cart and the two men repairing it may also suggest that the cart is inefective at the moment. Where the viewer of the Daniels’s aquatint occupies a position slightly above the stret and distanced from the figures, which alows the viewer to look down at and survey the entire scene, in Fraser’s later representation, the viewer is placed on the dirt road at the same level and in the same space as the native figures around the monument. In order to move down the road, out of the dark foreground and toward the light, the viewer must navigate around the Bengali figures, cart, oxen, and the monument. Indeed, the figures and objects that occupy the foreground displace the viewer; he or she is forced to move                                                 107 de Grandpre, “Grandpre,” 232. Se also Nair, “Civic,” 26 and 232. 41     around them to the side of the road, to walk over the broken pottery, if he or she wants to travel through the represented space.  Significantly, by the time Fraser produced View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument, British residents had left Tank Square for the garden houses and palatial mansions of the suburbs, and the site was now occupied by Armenians, Portuguese, and other non-English inhabitants.108 The displacement of the viewer afected by Fraser’s print might, therefore, give form to the replacement of English residents by other ethnic groups as Calcutta grew. The image of a sanitary and British-dominated Tank Square presented in Fraser’s previous aquatint is troubled by this closer view of the site.  The tenuousnes of the boundaries betwen the white and black towns, betwen notions of Britain as a purveyor of civilization and progres and the representation of the Bengali environment in terms of disease or filth, is further demonstrated through the contrast betwen the Daniels’s and Fraser’s depictions of the architecture of the space. Although the Daniels’s earlier print draws atention to the pristine facade of the Writers’ Building, Fraser’s image shows the building surrounded by a makeshift veranda. Martin and other contemporaries commented on how the neoclasical architecture of the British buildings failed to provide adequate protection from the rays of the tropical sun.109 The symmetrical and orderly neoclasical architecture of the Writers’ Building thus required a veranda constructed from reds (the same material used to make the mats employed by native inhabitants on their homes) to protect the interior of the building from the heat of the harsh sun. The fence that surrounded the base and separated the memorial from the public is also gone. Now, the inhabitants can rest against the monument itself or atach temporary structures to its base. Indeed, Fraser has cut off the monument part way up                                                 108 Se page 24 and note 79 above. 109 Martin, Notes, 61; and Hamilton, “1820,” 22. Se also Choudhury, “Trends,” 161–162 and 165–16. 42     the obelisk. The memorial is not complete; rather it is broken, cut of, lacking. It is no longer a monument. Importantly, the Bengali figures surrounding the memorial in Fraser’s print also difer from those in the Daniels’s earlier aquatints. In contrast to the Daniels’s Writers’ Buildings, Fraser’s individuals are not labourers engaged in servile tasks for Europeans. Rather, they are carying out everyday economic and social activities: atending to customers, conversing, or repairing a cart in the middle of the broad public road. Moreover, they have re-appropriated a space that apparently was neglected for a period of time. Lush gras and ferns have had the opportunity to grow on the dirt around the monument, signifying that the ground has not been trodden on for some time. The patch of dirt under the temporary stal points to a growing reoccupation of this area of the white town, but a reoccupation that is being caried out by a Bengali population who ignore the monument, do not support the activities of the East India Company, and, thus, are outside of Britain’s imperial present in Calcutta. Whereas in the Daniels’s aquatints the scenes are filed with fashionable Europeans and ostensibly subservient Bengalis interacting before the newly-erected buildings of the British administration, in Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument the picture is, instead, of a space populated largely by native figures with a British presence marked out primarily by the pristine Paladian edifices of the Writers’ Building and the Church of St. Andrew. Crucialy, though, the authority symbolized by the neoclasical facades in Fraser’s print is troubled by the presence of the red veranda, which reminds the British viewer of the dangers posed by the Bengali climate and the compromises the British had to make in order to maintain their presence in India.   43     INDIAN “TYPES” AND NATIVE “DIRT”: FRASER’S REPRESENTATION OF THE BLACK TOWN  In the previous sections I have suggested the ways in which Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument references the sanitary cleansing of Tank Square. This analysis is further supported through a juxtaposition of this aquatint with Fraser’s last print in his collection, A View in the Bazaar, Leading to Chitpore Road [Figure 8]. Calcutta’s bazars constituted important economic bases for the British East India Company, providing sites for investment and commercial enterprises.10 British tourists, though, viewed the bazars as unsanitary environments of the black town. Visiting Calcutta in the same period as Fraser, the Reverend Reginald Heber, Lord Bishop of Calcutta, described the bazars as “wretchednes itself,” while British residents viewed them as sources of contagion, filth, and corruption, and markets where rotting or adulterated food was sold and where vendors cheated customers.11 Indeed, as Pande notes, “in the native bazar, exchange was marked by the double coruption of putrefaction and duplicity.”12 The bazar represented in Fraser’s final aquatint was located at the entrance to the native quarters of the city, north of where Lal Bazar Stret crossed Chitpore Road [se Figure 3].13  Fraser’s View in the Bazaar represents a generic view of a market of the native town. As Chatopadhyay argues, British images of bazars were often extensions of the foreground idiom                                                 10 Pande, Medicine, 10. 11 Bishop Reginald Heber, “Calcuta in 1823–24,” in Calcuta in the 19th Century (Company’s Days), ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1989), 387 for the bazars as wretchednes itself; and Pande, Medicine, 109 for the bazars as sources of coruption. 12 Pande, Medicine, 109. 13 Acording to Losty, “at the east end of Esplanade Row, the European quarter continued if one turned at right angles southwards down the Chowringhe Road. However, if one turned left up Cositolah Stret (named from its being the butchers’ quarter originaly), one began to enter the Indian city, and especialy so when this road crosed the Lal Bazar and became the Chitpore Road.” Losty, Calcuta, 93. 44     of the pictures of Calcutta’s white town.14 Throughout his series, Fraser populated his foregrounds with native inhabitants. The first impresion of Fraser’s picture of the black town is that it provides a complete contrast to the pristine white town. As de Almeida and Gilpin claim, “nothing could be more diferent from the monumental architecture of British Calcutta than the Indian bazar, or freak show, of Chitpore Road.”15 Certainly, Fraser’s aquatint of the bazar provides a stark contrast to his earlier images of Tank Square and the Writers’ Building.  The stret is bustling with native figures individualized by their various forms and colours of dres. However, as Chatopadhyay points out, the native figures that occupy Fraser’s aquatints are devoid of individualism and, instead, conform to what Europeans viewed as the “typical” Indian.16 Catalogues of Indian figures ––– such as the work of European artist Balthazar Solvyns or the “Company” paintings Fraser commisioned from Indian artists ––– were used to provide clear examples of the various costumes, objects, and customs of Indians in order to identify and make readable the native population of the subcontinent.17 Working in a similar mode to these catalogues, Fraser employs formulas of Indic costume as markers of identity and diference in his scene. Playing on British ideas of the exotic, Fraser highlights the bare chests and limbs, and dark skin of the native figures. The aleged “nakednes” of Indians had struck English travelers early on.18 The exposed skin of Fraser’s figures aludes to that first                                                 14 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 59. 15 de Almeida and Gilpin, Indian Renaisance, 238. 16 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 52.  17 Se Robert L. Hardgraves, A Portrait of the Hindus: Balthazar Solvyns and the European Image of India, 1760–1824 (Oxford: Oxford University Pres, 204) for an example of such ninetenth-century European catalogues and a comprehensive study of Solvyns’s work. Solvyns published several editions of his etchings of Hindu figures betwen 1796 and 1808. Though Solvyns’s editions failed financialy, they did circulate in Europe and were even published in England betwen 1804 and 1805 by Edward Orme without Solvyns’s permision. Se Hardgraves, Portrait, 9 and 54. Fraser (and his brother Wiliam) comisioned the “Company” paintings, so caled because they were produced by Indian artists for employes of the East India Company, from Indian artists in Delhi in order to have a record of Indian characters that Fraser used for his own representations of the subcontinent. Archer and Falk, India Revealed, 9 and 43. For a catalogue of Fraser’s colection of Company paintings, se Archer and Falk, India Revealed, 90–136. 18 Cohn, “Cloth,” 31. 45     touristic encounter by presenting the British viewer with a representation of Calcutta’s native residents as “Other.”  Diference is further marked through the clothing worn by the figures in the image, which not only serves to support a basic binary of Indian/European, it is also used to clasify the diverse social, religious, and occupational identities of the native residents, and then to categorize them under a British idea of “Indiannes.” In Fraser’s print, the figures populating the stret are clothed in Indic garments, which included dhotis wrapped around the lower half of their bodies, chadars (cotton shawls), saris, pagris (turbans), jamas, and other garments of stitched and unstitched cloth in bright colours of white, blue, red, gren, and yelow. It is important to note that Hindu and Muslim clothing difered in that while Hindu garments were made of unstitched and uncut cloth folded, tucked, or draped around the body, Muslim garments were cut, stitched, and sewn together.19 The figures wearing pagris, dhotis, and other long, draped garments are dresed in clothing that marks them out as members of the Hindu community.120 Furthermore, acording to Bernard S. Cohn, details such as the method by which a dhoti was tucked at the waist and the length of the draping marked out the status or occupation of the wearer.121 The diferent lengths of the dhotis worn by the male figures in the aquatint, as wel as the tighter or looser fit of the garment around their bodies, suggest that the Hindu men are from diverse castes and occupations. Colour also served to mark out identities.12 Some of the figures are clothed in white ––– a colour suitable for the climate, and one that was appropriate for widows and                                                 19 Cohn, “Cloth,” 32. 120 Cohn, “Cloth,” 31–32. 121 Cohn, “Cloth,” 32. 12 C. A. Bayly, “The Origins of Swadeshi (Home Industry): Cloth and Indian Society, 170–1930,” in The Social Life of Things: Comodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. Arjun Apadurai (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 1986), 291 and 304. Se also Bayly, “Origins,” for the political implications of the use of European manufactured cloth in India, particularly during the swadeshi movement and the rise of Indian nationalism. 46     Brahmins because of its asociations with purity.123 A few of the figures appear to be dresed in stitched clothing. The long, tailored robes worn by some of the male figures in the bazar may be jamas or angarakhas, a long coat tied at the waist that was worn by both Muslims and Hindus. While both groups wore the same type of garment, they did diferentiate from each other in the way they tied their jamas, as Muslims tied the garment on the right and Hindus tied it on the left.124 Hindus did sometimes wear Muslim-style clothing in public if their work required them to do so.125 The diferent styles of clothing worn by the figures in Fraser’s representation are used to ilustrate the diversity and “exotic” character of the black town.  Interestingly, in Fraser’s View of Tank Square and View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument, the Indic inhabitants appear to be from the Hindu community. The figures in both plates are dresed in garments, such as the dhoti, which the British believed were “traditional” Hindu costumes. The figures are slightly individualized through the colour of their clothing and the arangement of the garments on their bodies; however, the diversity present in Fraser’s aquatint of the bazar is not pictured in these earlier prints. Where Fraser’s View in the Bazaar represents a space of the black town filed with a plethora of Indic “types,” the only native figures shown entering the white town in View of Tank Square and View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument, are Hindu, who, as noted above, composed the majority of the population of Calcutta’s black town, and who regularly interacted and conducted busines with the British.     The clothing depicted in Fraser’s images also positions the native figures as subservient and in the past. By the mid-ninetenth century, Cohn aserts, increasing numbers of Indians living in urban centres, such as Calcutta, began wearing European clothing.126 However, during                                                 123 Bayly, “Origins,” 291. 124 Cohn, “Cloth,” 33. 125 Cohn, “Cloth,” 32. 126 Cohn, “Cloth,” 33. 47     this same period, the British encouraged Indians to wear what the British deemed to be their traditional clothing as part of a larger project of colonial control that alowed the British to govern in what they believed was an “oriental manner:” by establishing and enforcing Indian social hierarchies ––– with the British placing themselves at the top as succesors to the Mughal Empire ––– governing with a strong hand and expecting instant obedience.127 None of the Hindu figures in Fraser’s aquatint appear to be dresed in European clothing. Instead, they wear their “traditional” garments, which designate their occupations and status. Fraser’s Bengali figures fit within the British construct of India’s social hierarchy, portraying them as subjects of British rule.128 Moreover, the garments suggest that the Indic figures are traditional; that they have not changed over time. As with native figures in picturesque scenes, the Calcutta residents depicted in Fraser’s View in the Bazaar are firmly situated in the past and, thus, dependent on the British to improve their conditions.  The bazar of Fraser’s print is, thus, a space that appears to conform to European ideas of the black town. A smal group of men, women, and a child gather around the brazier of a market stal. The smoke of other braziers rises from stals lining the stret. Two women ––– one leaning on a cane and wearing a gren chadar and red sari, and the other wearing a blue chadar, a lilac choli (a fited, stitched blouse), and colourful striped pants ––– pas each other on the road. Their garments sem to identify these women as maids or wet-nurses who served in the European houses of the white town.129 Two other women, dresed in similar garments, look down on the stret from the roof of the building on the right. Further up the road a man in blue                                                 127 Cohn, “Cloth,” 316–317 and 325. 128 Se Nicholas Dirks, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Princeton: Princeton University Pres, 201) for a critical examination of the European colonial project of identity formation in India; and se Christopher Piney, “Clasification and Fantasy in the Photographic Constructions of Caste and Tribe,” Visual Anthropology 3 (190): 259–28 for an examination of the role of the visual in European constructions of Indian identity. 129 Se Hardgraves, Portrait, 306–307 for examples. 48     and white clothing squats by a stal, perhaps resting. A bearded man in a blue pagri, a long rose-coloured garment, and a gren coat converses with another man in a red coat in the middle of the stret. The beard and pagri may designate the man as a Sikh.130 A woman, wearing yelow and blue clothes and carying a jug, moves behind the pair. The two men in the left foreground are ascetics, clad in tightly wrapped white loincloths and tiger-skin capes. The ascetic with his arms raised over his head might be an udbahu, an ascetic who showed his devotion by always keeping his arms in an upraised position.131 Two men transporting an empty red palanquin follow a cariage with an elaborate gold and white tent as it progreses down the stret. Past this cariage, and moving further into the native town, the stret becomes more densely populated ––– filed with a mas of heads ––– and narower, as the buildings on the right side of the stret curve toward the structures on the left in the hazy distance. The buildings are made of plaster-covered brick and the structures on the right side of the stret are constructed in an Indian architectural mode, with multiple balconies supported by thin columns and decorated with cusped arches. The facades appear slightly dilapidated and stained. Laundry hangs from the railings of the balconies, and the interiors are protected from the sun by woven red mats with smal apertures for windows cut out of them. The buildings are a combination of residential quarters on the top floors and shops on the ground floor. Market stals line both sides of the stret and are also protected by awnings of red or cloth. Food and other goods are displayed in the open on the stands. The display of one stal, on the right side of the image, contains goods and two white-clothed children. A cart loaded with large sacks is stopped in front of a shop on the left with a white and blue striped awning. It appears that two men are unloading the goods, as one man                                                 130 Se Hardgrave, Portrait, 210–21 for the European depiction of a Sikh and se Cohn, “Cloth,” 305–306 for a discusion of Sikh customs of apearance. 131 Se Hardgraves, Portrait, 309–30 for European representations of Indian ascetics, including the udbahu (32–324). Se also Archer and Falk, India Revealed, 101 and 18 for “Company” paintings of ascetics Fraser owned. 49     stands on the pile in the cart and pases a sack to the other man standing next to the cart. Bananas and other fruits are piled on shelves and on the dirt road in front of a shop located in the foreground of the print. A bull is eating the fruit, while the vendor in a white dhoti tries to chase it away. There are no fences, turnstiles, or sentries to enforce sanitary order here, and it sems that animals are alowed to roam the strets frely. Fraser’s bazar appears to provide viewers with a space that is entirely filed with what sems like a complete catalogue of Indian “types.” The picture also represents both the fertile commodity market that first atracted the East India Company to the subcontinent and a space that is very diferent from the British-dominated areas represented in Fraser’s earlier prints in the series. View in the Bazaar also troubles British ideas of hegemony in Calcutta. While the buildings on the right side of the stret sem to reflect Indic architecture, the buildings on the left side of the stret are constructed in a neoclasical style favoured by the British in the city. These Paladian facades, though, are decaying. Plaster has falen off of the tal columns, revealing the brickwork underneath. Stains also mar the façade. Large sheets have been suspended from the entablature of the building in the left foreground to protect it from the heat of the sun. The Indic buildings on the right are bathed in sunlight, while the deteriorating neoclasical buildings on the left are engulfed in shadow. What were potentialy once gleaming Paladian structures, similar to the Church of St. Andrew and the Writers’ Building, have been neglected. Indeed, contemporary commentators criticized British residents for the use of brick and plaster, and for the modifications made to the codes of neoclasical architecture when it was imported to the subcontinent, seing it as a form of “pariah Paladian” lacking in the variation, richnes, and subtlety of the architectural mode.132 Moreover, the location of a fruit stand in front of the                                                 132 Choudhury, “Trends,” 165–16. “Pariah Paladian” quoted in Choudhury, “Trends,” 165. Se also Choudhury, “Trends,” 165–167 for examples of “flawed” British architecture in Calcuta. 50     Paladian building on the left indicates that these structures have become a part of the native town. The presence of the two women in the costumes typical of Indian maids and wet-nurses further troubles British beliefs in a binary black and white Calcutta. The placement of Bengali women who serve British ladies, and care for and fed British children, in a scene of the native bazar highlights the fluidity of the boundaries betwen the white and black sections of the city, and emphasizes the ease with which elements of the native quarter could enter even the most private realms of the British neoclasical palaces.  Fraser’s juxtaposition of European and Indic styles of architecture in View in the Bazaar, coupled with plate 23 (the preceding print in the colection), A View of the Black Pagoda, in the Chitpore Road [Figure 9], further destabilizes beliefs in Britain’s supremacy in Calcutta. View of the Black Pagoda, depicts a bustling Chitpore Road filed with native inhabitants. Two ascetics draped in tiger skins walk down the right side of the dirt road. A woman in yelow and blue garments, a typical figure in Fraser’s prints, caries her child as she moves towards the viewer.13 A group of white dhoti-clad men, possibly Brahmins, have gathered by the porch of a building on the left.  The plate juxtaposes semingly “authentic” Indian architecture with the new hybrid architecture of the wealthy Bengali inhabitants. From the eightenth century on, afluent Bengali residents, many of whom made their money through dealings with the East India Company, began to build grand homes that combined Indian and neoclasical architectural styles.134 In the left foreground of the aquatint, where a large group of white-clothed men have gathered, is the                                                 13 A similar figure of a woman holding a child apears in Fraser’s View of Tank Square (se Figure 4), but in this scene she is wearing yelow and red garments and walks away from the viewer. In Fraser’s View in the Bazar, a woman wearing yelow and blue clothes, but this time carying a jug, walks along the stret toward the viewer [se Figure 8]. 134 Se Buny Gupta and Jaya Chaliha, “Chitpur,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 27–28; Chitra Deb, “The ‘Great Houses’ of Old Calcuta,” in Calcuta: The Living City, Volume I: The Past, ed. Sukanta Chaudhuri (Calcuta: Oxford University Pres, 190), 58; Choudhury, “Trends,” 163–167; and Duta, Calcuta, 48 for more information. 51     veranda of a building that combines Indian and European architectural styles. The veranda form, the raised platform, and the carved wooden roof beams reflect Indian tastes, while the Ionic columns point to European influences. The structure might be the thakur dalan (a hal of worship) of a private residence ––– a space, acording to Choudhury, which some wealthy residents designed for entertainment and ostentation, utilizing the Paladian idiom of columns but not pediments as part of the display of luxury.135  Across the road lies another religious building, the so-caled “Black Pagoda,” a Hindu temple dedicated to the goddes Kali. The structure was built around 1731 by Gobindram Miter, who was known as the Black Zamindar because he was the aide of the East India Company zamindar (who at that time was Holwel) and helped in the collection of revenues. Erected in the northern end of Calcutta in a distinctive Bengali style, the temple was meant to be an impresive structure, as it was built with a main tower consisting of five pinnacles (pancaratna) and two subsidiary shrines consisting of nine pinnacles (navaratna), and was named the Navaratna Mandir (or Nine-Jeweled Temple). Once complete, the Hindu temple would have dominated the northern section of the city. It was apparently never finished and the main tower was said to have collapsed in 1813.136 Fraser represents one of the two subsidiary towers. The stone is darkened with age and partly overgrown with vegetation. Two huts and a trio of goats occupy the space to the right of the temple. As the focus of the aquatint, and framed within a picturesque collection of views of Calcutta, the Hindu temple is marked as an important site; that is, it is identified as an Indic religious structure that has falen into ruin through the neglect of the native inhabitants of the city, but which is valued by the British for its history as a relic of India’s past. The temple as ruin also contrasts with the emphasis Fraser places on the                                                 135 Choudhury, “Trends,” 164–165. 136 Losty, Calcuta, 18, 48, and 104 for the history, location, and style of the so-caled Black Pagoda; and Duta, Calcuta, 48 for the name of the temple. 52     prints of Christian churches that are sen throughout his series as a whole.137 Several native figures are turned toward or are approaching the entrance to the temple, drawing the viewer’s atention to the monument as ruin. The Hindu temple thus contrasts with the other religious site in the image, the hybrid Indo-Paladian thakur dalan in the foreground. Indeed, such mixed architecture of the black town was dismised as inauthentic by the British, who believed, acording to Chatopadhyay, that such hybrid modes developed not from a genuine conviction for British neoclasicism, but from the clumsy and blind miicry of European tastes.138 In the aquatint, the veranda is presented as merely a part of a larger Indo-Paladian home of an afluent Bengali that does not merit the viewer’s atention and, thus, is cut of by the picture.   The dismisive opinions of the new mixed Indian architecture of the Bengali elite brought forth in View of the Black Pagoda suggests other important readings of the crumbling neoclasical buildings in Fraser’s View in the Bazaar. The decaying and potentialy hybrid architecture of View in the Bazaar might have served for some viewers to characterize the native residents of Calcutta as inatentive to the sanitary maintenance of the city. More significantly, the deteriorating facades also point out the limits of British colonial hegemony. The work of postcolonial theorist Homi K. Bhabha has shown that although the project of colonialism atempts to fix boundaries and identities, and to establish diference, transgresions and failures emerge, resulting in ambiguities that chalenge these power relations. As Bhabha has argued, miicry was a strategy of colonial power where “a reformed, recognizable Other, as a subject of                                                 137 Christian churches are either the central focus or are partialy pictured in no les than nine of Fraser’s prints. Se Plate 6: A View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument at the West End; Plate 8: A View of Tank Square, from the West; Plate 12: A View of the Scotch Church, from the Gate of Tank Square; Plate 13: View of St. Andrew’s Church, from Mision Row; Plate 14: View of Court House Stret, from near the South-Eastern Gateway of Government House; Plate 15: View of Calcuta from the Glacis of Fort Wiliam; Plate 17: View of Lol Bazar and Portuguese Chapel; Plate 19: View of St. John’s Cathedral; and Plate 2: A View of the West Side of Tank Square. 138 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 67 and 135. 53     a diference that is almost the same, but not quite” was desired.139 Afluent native residents who obtained their wealth by supporting the East India Company also began to adopt European styles of architecture by embracing a British architectural vocabulary asociated with both order and enlightenment. However, the ambivalence of colonial miicry, as Bhabha points out, “does not merely ‘rupture’ the discourse, but becomes transformed into an uncertainty which fixes the colonial subject as a ‘partial’ presence.” Bhabha adds: “by ‘partial’ I mean both ‘incomplete’ and ‘virtual.’”140 Despite the blending of neoclasical elements with Indic architectural modes, a reformed and recognizable “Other” desired in the project of colonialism did not emerge in the representations of Calcutta’s architecture. In efect, the mixed Indo-Paladian architecture brought forth the limits of British colonial power by exposing what Bhabha has aserted is miicry’s menace: the double vision of miicry which both reveals the ambivalence of colonial discourse and also chalenges its authority.141 Rather than support British beliefs in the efectivenes of their civilizing mision, the hybrid architecture was understood by British visitors to Calcutta as a kind of inept miicry performed by the Bengali elite.142 Their supposed failure to efectively follow British cultural modes made visible the incompletenes of Britain’s supremacy in the city.  Moreover, the decaying Paladian facades in Fraser’s View in the Bazaar create what Chatopadhyay cals the colonial uncanny. The neoclasical architecture the British brought to the city was intended to remain a secure symbol of British authority; instead, it evoked a sense of anxiety in British visitors when they witnesed how transformed these pristine structures had become through the deterioration and the adaptations made to the facades as a result of the                                                 139 Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London and New York: Routledge, 194), 85–86. 140 Bhabha, Location, 86. 141 Bhabha, Location, 8. 142 Se page 52 and note 138 above. 54     Bengali climate.143 Interestingly, while the architecture of Fraser’s bazar posits an ambiguous and unstable interpretation, the identity of the inhabitants in the stret are more fixed as a result of their representation in costumes that categorize them under specific Indian “types.”  The juxtaposition of Fraser’s last two prints in his series reveals the partial and tenuous character of British hegemony in Calcutta. The Bengalis appropriated only certain parts of British culture, while rejecting those that may not have been useful for living or functioning within a city in India. Fraser’s View in the Bazaar ––– with the decaying Georgian architecture and the Indic buildings bathed in light ––– brings to the fore the fraught nature of importing and maintaining British culture in the subcontinent.                                                 143 Chatopadhyay, Representing Calcuta, 32. 55     URBAN RUIN: THE HOLWEL MONUMENT IN MEMORY  By the time Fraser published View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument (betwen 1824 to 1826), Holwel’s memorial had been removed from Tank Square. Descriptions of the memorial from travel acounts, writen betwen 1792 and up to the obelisk’s removal in 1821, note the ruinous and decayed state of the structure, the obliteration of its inscription (also noted in Fraser’s representation), and the fact that it had been damaged by a lightning strike.14 The monument was removed by the Marques of Hastings, because of its growing unsightlines and because it had been re-appropriated by the native inhabitants of the city. That is, it had become a lounging place where barbers caried out their trade.145 Like the Patna Masacre memorial, Holwel’s monument fel into decay when it became irelevant to preserving a colonial presence in the city.146 With the removal of the monument, British travelers described the space in front of the Writers’ Building as being much improved, linking the transformation of the space to the Marques of Hastings’s sanitary improvements of the city.147  Though Holwel’s memorial was taken down, it would continue to play an important role in subsequent British representations of Calcutta. Holwel’s obelisk was depicted in an inset, entitled “Writers Building,” in a map of Calcutta produced by the Society for the Difusion of Useful Knowledge (SDUK) and published in London in the 1830s [Figures 10 (map) and 11 (inset)]. The representation of the monument, alongside two other spaces indicative of British                                                 14 Thomas Twining, “Thomas Twining,” in Calcuta in the 18th Century: Impresions of Travelers, ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1984), 279 for the ruinous state and the obliteration of the inscription on the monument; Hamilton, “1820,” 22 and Walace, “1823,” 31 and 32 for the decayed state of the monument and for lightning striking it. 145 Duta, Calcuta, 17 and Losty, Calcuta, 84. 146 Brown, “Inscribing,” 10. 147 Oriental Anual (Oriental Anual, or Scenes in India; comprising Twenty-five engravings by Wiliam Daniel, text by Rev. John Hobart Counter), “Calcuta in 1835,” in Calcuta in the 19th Century (Company’s Days), ed. P. Thankapan Nair (Calcuta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1989), 570 for the removal of the monument improving the space; and Martin, “1857,” 99 for the link betwen the removal of the monument and the Marques’s sanitary improvements.  56     Calcutta, Government House and the harbour, demonstrates that it continued to be significant even after it was removed.148 The inset appears to be based on an amalgamation of the Daniels’s Writers’ Buildings and Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument, as the Georgian façade of the Writers’ Building occupies the background of the image, behind the monument. St. Andrew’s is located next to the Writers’ Building on the right. Other similar elements are the crowd of figures in front of the church, the milkman in the middle of the dirt road, and the two figures and oxen around the bullock cart. The monument is represented in its entirety, with a fence around it and two lanterns on top of the pediments of the base. The red-roofed veranda around the Writers’ Building is gone. The building has returned to its pristine Paladian state and sems to function in the Calcutta climate. The obelisk is not crumbling, but looks as if it is almost new. In the SDUK map, Holwel’s memorial continues to mythologize Britain’s history in Bengal and to act as a symbol marking the event that gave Britain its authoritative place in the city. In 1902, Lord Curzon, the Viceroy of India, reproduced Holwel’s memorial on the same site, but in white marble and on a grander scale, as part of a larger project to commemorate the Black Hole that included marking out the cel and fort where the incident took place [Figure 12]. However, Curzon changed Holwel’s original inscription [se Figure 2 for reference], removing the comments about British revenge in order to acknowledge the event but to forgive it as wel.149 Many postcards were printed of Curzon’s version of the monument.150 Throughout the early twentieth century, Indians criticized Curzon’s memorial and when independence was achieved, it was moved to the cemetery of St. John’s Church. As with                                                 148 Metcalf, “Monuments,” 246. 149 etcalf, “onuments,” 257–258. For the inscriptions Curzon placed on his version of the Black Hole monument, se Coton, Calcuta, 341–34.  150 Metcalf, “Monuments,” 256. 57     Holwel’s monument, Curzon’s version was removed from its space, surviving and producing meaning in images instead.  Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument reveals the shifting nature of colonial rule. By placing Holwel’s memorial in a Bengali space, Fraser portrayed it as a ruin. The obelisk ––– which commemorated the Black Hole, an embarasing and tragic incident in Britain’s history in Bengal ––– did not fit with Britain’s glowing neoclasical present of religious enlightenment and mercantile control. Indeed, like the native figures around the obelisk, the memorial was abject mater. It was filth and Fraser’s aquatint supported its removal by framing it as a picturesque ruin in the proces of fading into oblivion.  Crucialy, the bazar represented in the final aquatint of Fraser’s series is located in the iluminated distance in his View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument, east of the Church of St. Andrew and just beyond the vista provided by the print [se Figure 3]. As I have argued, the print re-images the black town and the white town, and gives form to anxieties around the boundaries atendant on British rule. In fact, by considering Fraser’s View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument in relation to his View in the Bazaar, the viewer could have read the image as one which encouraged the removal of abject mater from Tank Square. The horsemen approaching the crowd in Fraser’s print may not be moving the Bengali people toward a British enlightenment. Instead, and given the restrictions the British placed on the movement of Bengali residents in the city,151 the horsemen ––– English gentlemen, marked out by their top hats ––– are perhaps performing the duty of empire by policing the boundary betwen the British and                                                 151 For instance, in a quotation cited by Banerje, a ninetenth-century comentator states: “How jealously these English setlers tried to guard themselves from any posible contamination by the black inhabitants of the lower orders –– the labourers, the vendors, etc. –– is evident from the frequency of orders isued from Fort Wiliam baning the entry of ‘natives’ into the precincts of the White Town, except at certain hours.” Banerje, “Economy,” 23. Banerje goes on to explain that the British restricted the movements of the native inhabitants of Calcuta by imposing times when they could cros into the white town. Banerje provides an example of one such restriction by refering to an order isued in 1821, which stated that native residents were not alowed to pas the Sluice Bridge betwen the morning and evening hours of 5 and 8. Se Banerje, “Economy,” 212, note 10. 58     native quarters, and by driving the native crowd out of the British section of Calcutta and back into their own neighbourhood, towards the bazar on Chitpore Road. The prints work together to support an interpretation of the British striving to maintain the boundaries betwen the white and black towns, and to return the abject mater to where it belonged. However, the implication that the stret in View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument ends in an Indic space ––– coupled with the positioning of the viewer in the shadowy native foreground, behind the monument, cart, and broken pottery ––– suggests that the viewer is surrounded and, possibly, trapped by the black town.  59     CONCLUSION  Eightenth and ninetenth-century British medical and travel acounts presented Calcutta as a city that was located in a fetid and diseased environment, and was divided betwen a semingly abject, native “black town” and a pristine, British “white town.” Four aquatints from Fraser’s Views of Calcutta and its Environs ––– A View of Tank Square from the West, A View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument at the West End, A View of the Black Pagoda, in the Chitpore Road, and A View in the Bazaar, Leading to the Chitpore Road ––– atempted to support British beliefs in a segregated Calcutta that benefited from the progres and improvements brought by the British. View of Tank Square represented the centre of the city as a picturesque British space filed with monuments, churches, and administrative buildings surrounding a large tank constructed by the British to provide sanitary amenities to the inhabitants of the city. The only people in the scene are the Hindu residents of Calcutta, who move betwen their quarters in the distance into the white town to obtain water; the other ethnic groups who lived in the city have been efaced from the space in order to support the idea of a British hegemony over Calcutta. The tenuousnes of British power and sanitary order are revealed as Fraser takes the viewer deeper into the city. In View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument, Fraser provides a closer image of a section of Tank Square: a stret containing the pristine facades of the Writers’ Building and the Church of St. Andrew, and the decaying monument to the Black Hole. Initialy, the image appears to support a notion of British order. Abject native crowds and the troubling memorial wil be removed from the space. However, the picturing of sanitary order being caried out, coupled with the presence of scavengers atracted to rotting mater and the failure of the Georgian architecture in the tropical climate, exposed the fragility of the boundaries betwen the black and white towns, and betwen filth and cleanlines. 60     In the last plate of his series, View in the Bazaar, Fraser provides an aquatint of the semingly chaotic black town to emphasize the othernes of this space. The native bazar is represented as a dense and dilapidated site filed with a catalogue of Indic inhabitants; yet, closer examination of this plate ––– along with the preceding print in the series, View of the Black Pagoda ––– reveals that part of the space either once belonged to the neoclasical white town or reflects the new hybrid architecture of the Bengali elite. The ruinous facades of the neoclasical buildings engulfed in shadow might suggest that the native town is re-appropriating or “contaminating” the British quarter, and that British power over the city is incomplete and lacking. My analysis of Fraser’s images is not meant to provide a definitive reading of these prints or of his collection as a whole. Rather, I have tried to stres the ambiguity of Fraser’s aquatints. At a time when European medical and travel literature on Calcutta defined the boundaries of the white and black towns ––– identifying the British city as orderly, salubrious, and filed with palaces that tamed the fetid jungle of Bengal, while also marking out the native city as a space of filth, chaos, and ful of native inhabitants who helped spread contagion through their lack of sanitary care ––– Fraser’s aquatints paradoxicaly reflected these views. Although his Views of Calcutta was advertised as following in the tradition of the earlier representations of the city produced by Thomas and Wiliam Daniel, Fraser’s series in fact difers from the Daniels’s collections. As I have shown, while the Daniels’s aquatints of Tank Square featured bustling strets filed with fashionable Europeans and labouring Bengalis framed by the orderly neoclasical facades of British institutions of power ––– celebrating the progres the British claimed to have brought to the city ––– Fraser’s prints are much more ambivalent. In their picturesque framing of Tank Square, the Writers’ Building and Holwel’s memorial, the Hindu temple known as the Black Pagoda, and the bazar on Chitpore Road, Fraser’s plates 61     paradoxicaly exposed the shifting interpretations of the urban fabric of Calcutta that alowed for alternative and contradictory readings of the scenes. In Fraser’s aquatints, the boundaries betwen the white and black towns sem to be fixed and policed; however, native figures are also shown carying out everyday activities in or near the British centre of Calcutta. In turn, Holwel’s memorial to the tragedy of the Black Hole appears as a ruin and the neoclasical facades that marked Britain’s presence in Calcutta are portrayed as decaying from the tropical climate. Fraser’s plates of Tank Square, and of his series as a whole, helped to shape the discourses of British imperialism; yet, they also paradoxicaly represented the tensions and ambivalences inherent in the colonial project in the first decades of the ninetenth century. The ambiguity of Fraser’s representations of Calcutta thus points to the fraught nature of British power in the city ––– a power that, like the Georgian facades of the white town, could only be maintained through vigilant sanitary control and the elimination of things perceived as mater out of place.  62     FIGURES    Figure 1. James Bailie Fraser, A View of the Writers’ Building from the Monument at the West End, plate 6 of Views of Calcutta and its Environs, London, 1824–26. Coloured aquatint engraved by R. Havel Jr., 28 x 42.5 cm. British Library, London.  63       Figure 2. A View of the Monument Erected at Calcutta, Bengal: To the Memory of the Sufferers in the Black Hole Prison, June 1756. Frontispiece from John Zephania Holwel’s India Tracts. London: T. Becket and P. A. De Hondt, 2nd ed. 1764; 3rd ed. 1774.   64       Figure 3. Map of Calcutta, 1798–1858 (Source: J. P. Losty, Calcutta (London, 1990), 72).  65       Figure 4. James Bailie Fraser, A View of Tank Square from the West, plate 8 of Views of Calcutta and its Environs, London, 1824–26. Coloured aquatint engraved by R. Havel Jr., 28 x 42.5 cm. British Library, London.    Figure 5. Thomas and Wiliam Daniel, East side of the Old Fort, Clive Stret, the Theatre and Holwel Monument, from Views of Calcutta, Calcuta, 1786. Coloured etching with aquatint, 40.5 x 53 cm. British Library, London.  66       Figure 6. Thomas and Wiliam Daniel, North side of Tank Square with the Old Fort and Holwel Monument in the Distance, Writers’ Buildings, and the Old Court House, from Views of Calcuta, Calcutta, 1786. Coloured etching with aquatint, 40.5 x 53 cm. British Library, London.    Figure 7. Thomas and Wiliam Daniel, The Writers’ Buildings, Calcutta, from Oriental Scenery, London, 1792. Coloured etching with aquatint, 55.5 x 75.6 cm. British Library, London.  67       Figure 8. James Bailie Fraser, A View in the Bazaar, Leading to the Chitpore Road, plate 24 of Views of Calcutta and its Environs, London, 1824–26. Coloured aquatint engraved by F. C. Lewis, 28 x 42.5 cm. British Library, London.    Figure 9. James Bailie Fraser, A View of the Black Pagoda, in the Chitpore Road, plate 23 of Views of Calcutta and its Environs, London, 1824–26. Coloured aquatint engraved by F. C. Lewis, 28 x 42.5 cm. British Library, London.  68       Figure 10. Map of Calcutta from the Busines District (L.) to Fort Wiliam (R.), with at Bottom (L. to R.) the Original Black Hole Memorial with the Writers’ Building Beyond, Government House, and the Harbour, plate 25 of Plans of Cities in Europe, London: Society for the Difusion of Useful Knowledge, 1830–41. Hand-coloured stel engraving, 34 x 42 cm. British Library, London.   69       Figure 11. “Writers Building” Inset from Map of Calcutta from the Busines District (L.) to Fort Wiliam (R.), London: Society for the Difusion of Useful Knowledge, 1830–41. British Library, London.    Figure 12. Unknown Photographer, “The Reconstructed Black Hole Monument in Front of the General Post Ofice,” Calcutta, 1930s. Postcard, 8.4 x 13.1 cm. Paul F. Walter Collection, New York.  70     BIBLIOGRAPHY  Aitchinson, Cara, Nicola E. MacLeod, and Stephen J. Shaw. “Representing Landscapes: Literary and Artistic Ways of Seing.” Chapter 5 in Leisure and Tourism Landscapes: Social and Cultural Geographies. London and New York: Routledge, 2000.  Andrews, Malcolm. The Search for the Picturesque: Landscape Aesthetics and Tourism in  Britain, 1760–1800. Aldershot: Scolar Pres, 1989.  Archer, Mildred. Early Views of India: The Picturesque Journeys of Thomas and Wiliam Daniel, 1786–1794. London: Thames and Hudson, 1980.  Archer, Mildred and Toby Falk. 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