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Archegetes oikistes, and new-oikistes : the cults of founders in Greek southern Italy and Sicily Lane, Christine Sharon 2009

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ARCHËGETËS, OIKISTES, AND NEW-OIKISTËS: THE CULTS OF FOUNDERS IN GREEK SOUTHERN ITALY AND SICILY by CHRISTINE SHARON LANE B.A., Wilfred Laurier University, 1999 M.A., The University of British Columbia, 2003 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Classics) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) August, 2009 © Christine Sharon Lane, 2009 ii Abstract This study examines the archaeological, epigraphical, literary, and numismatic évidence for the cuits of the founders in the Greek colonies of southern Italy and Sicily. A variety of gods and goddesses were considered to hâve played a rôle in the process of colonization; however, Apollo came to be considered the primary god of colonization. The colonists of thèse overseas settlements were led by the oikistës, who was believed to hâve been sanctioned by Apollo. Apollo of Delphi's involvement in colonization may hâve been a later phenomenon, since the ancient sources that refer to him as a god of colonization date to a later period, and the majority of colonization oracles appear to hâve been 'after the fact.' Regardless, many of the colonies of southern Italy and Sicily were considered to hâve been founded with Apollo's guidance. While this study found a clear relationship between the religious traditions of the metropolislmetropoleis and the cuits of Apollo in the colonies of southern Italy and Sicily, Delphi's influence on the establishment and nature of thèse cuits is more ambiguous. The available évidence indicates that Apollo was not commonly worshipped as a founding god, but rather he was viewed as a symbolic founder of the colony. However, there is évidence that the dead founder-hero, the oikistës, was worshipped in the agora. While the founder cuit may hâve been established early in the history of the colony, the 'buriaP of this figure in the agora appears to hâve been a later phenomenon, perhaps established around 600 BCE. Various rulers, including the Deinomenid tyrants, Dionysius II, and Timoleon, utilized the cuit of the founder for political gain, and even projected themselves as new-oikistai. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Tables xiii List of Figures xiv List of Abbreviations ix A Note on Spelling xii Acknowledgements xvi Dedication xvii Introduction 1 The Problem 1 Previous Scholarship and Approaches 2 The Scope of the Présent Project 7 Chapter One 1 -The Process of Colonization 10 Introduction 10 Methodology and Associated Problems 10 The Phenomenon of Colonization 11 Founding Gods 14 i) Apollo 14 ii) Hera 15 iii) Poséidon and Zeus 16 Oracles and Colonization 17 i) The Delphic Oracle 18 ii) The Oracle of Zeus Naios at Dodona 26 iii) The Oracle of Apollo at Didyma 29 iv) The Oracle of Apollo at Delos 31 Greek Gods and Navigation 33 i) Poséidon 38 ii) Hera 41 iii) Zeus 45 iv) Aphrodite 47 v) Athena 48 IV vi) Apollo 49 vi) Other Gods 52 The Establishment of the Settlement 53 Survival inNewLands 55 i) Agriculture and Procréation 56 ii) Defending the Settlement 57 iii) Interaction with Other Greeks and Native Populations 61 Discussion 62 Conclusions 64 Chapter Two - The Cuits of Apollo in Southern Italy and Sicily 65 Introduction 65 Methodology and Associated Problems 65 Part One - Euboean, Korinthian and Spartan Colonies, Sub-Colonies, and Later Foundations 69 Euboean Colonies, Sub-Colonies and Later Foundations 69 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo in the Metropolis 69 The Foundation of Kyme and Neapolis 72 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Kyme 74 i) The Sanctuary of Apollo 74 ii) An Oracle of Apollo? 77 iii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage? 78 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Neapolis 79 i) Inscriptions 79 ii) A Cuit Statue of Apollo 79 iii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 79 Kyme, Neapolis, and Delphi 80 The Foundation of Naxos, Leontini, and Katane 80 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Naxos 81 i) Apollo Archêgetës 81 ii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 83 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo atLeonini 83 i) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 83 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Katane 83 i) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 83 Naxos, Leontini, Katane, and Delphi 84 The Foundation ofRhegion 84 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Rhegion 85 i) Temples of Apollo? 85 ii) Apollo Daphnêphoros? 88 iii) Extra-Urban Sanctuary of Apollo? 89 iv) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 89 V Rhegion and Delphi 89 The Late Foundation of Tauromenion 90 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Tauromenion 91 i) Apollo Archêgetës 91 ii) Apollo Karneios 92 iii) Other Apolline Images on Coinage 92 The Korinthian Colony of Syracuse, her Sub-Colonies, and Later Foundations 92 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo in the Metropolis 92 The Foundation of Syracuse and her Sub-Colonies 99 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo Syracuse 101 i) The Temple of Apollo on Ortygia 101 ii) Apollo Temenitës 111 iii) Apollo Karneios 116 iv) Apollo Paianos 116 v) Apollo in Achradina? 117 vi) Apollo Musagetës 118 vii) Apollo and the Nymphs 118 viii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 119 ix) Apollo, the Syracusan Tyrants, and Timoleon 120 The Evidence for the Cuit of Apollo at Akrai 123 The Evidence for the Cuit of Apollo Patroios at Kamarina 125 Syracuse, Helorus, Kamarina, and Delphi 126 The Late Foundation of Tyndaris by Dionysius I of Syracuse 128 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Tyndaris 128 The Spartan Colony of Taras and her Sub-Colony Herakleia 129 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo in the Metropolis 129 The Foundation of Taras and Siris-Herakleia 136 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Taras 139 i) Apollo Hyakinthos 139 ii) Apollo Aleus 145 iii) Apollo Karneios! 146 iv) Apollo Myopis/Smintheus! 148 v) A Tarantine Dedication to Apollo 149 vi) Artifacts from Taras Possibly Associated with Apollo 149 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Herakleia 150 i) A Shrine of Apollo? 150 ii) Apollo Hyakinthos 152 Taras, Herakleia, and Delphi 152 Conclusions - The Cuits of Apollo at Euboean, Korinthian, and Spartan Colonies, Sub- Colonies, and Later Foundations 153 Part Two - Rhodian-Kretan, Achaean, Megarian, and Phokean Colonies, Sub- Colonies, Later Foundations, and Mixed Settlements 158 The Rhodian-Kretan Colony of Gela, her Sub-Colony, and Later Foundation 158 VI The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo in the Metropoleis 158 The Foundation of Gela and Akragas 160 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Gela 163 i) A Sanctuary and/or Statue of Apollo? 163 ii) Apollo Karneios? 164 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Akragas 164 i) A Statue of Apollo 164 ii) Apollo Karneios 164 Gela, Akragas, and Delphi 164 The Late Foundation of Phintias 165 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Phintias 166 i) Apollo Karneios? 166 ii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 166 Achaean Colonies, Sub-Colonies, and Later Foundations 167 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo in the Metropoleis 167 The Foundation of Sybaris, Poseidonia, and Thurii 168 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Sybaris 170 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Poseidonia 171 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Thurii 172 i) The Cuit of Apollo the Founder? 172 ii) Apollo Karneios1? 172 iii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 173 Sybaris, Thurii, and Delphi 173 The Foundation of Kroton and Terina 174 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Kroton 176 i) Apollo Pythios and Hyperboreas 176 ii) A Second Apollonion? 179 iii) Other Apolline Imagery on Coinage 179 iv) The Sanctuary of Apollo Alaios 180 The Evidence for the Cuit of Apollo at Terina 188 Kroton and Delphi 189 The Foundation of Kaulonia 190 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Kaulonia 191 i) The Sanctuary on Faro Hill 191 ii) The Doric Temple and Sanctuary at Punta Stilo 191 iii) Other Apolline Imagery on Coinage 197 The Foundation of Metapontion 197 The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Metapontion 198 i) The Sanctuary of Apollo Lykeios 198 ii) The Sanctuary of Apollo and Aristeas 205 iii) Apollo Karneios 210 iv) Other Apolline Imagery on Coinage 211 v) Apollo Lykeios at Cozzale Pizzarieddo 211 vi) A Statue of Apollo at Marconia 212 Metapontion and Delphi 212 VII The Megarian Colony of Megara Hyblaia and her Sub-Colony Selinous 213 The Evidence for the Cuits ofApollo in the Metropolis 213 The Foundation of Megara Hyblaia and Selinous 214 The Evidence for the Cuits ofApollo at Selinous 215 i) Temple C and Apollo Paianos 215 ii) An Offering for Apollo: The Temple G Inscription 221 iii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 222 Selinous and Delphi 223 A Late Phokaean Colony 223 The Evidence for the Cuits ofApollo in the Metropolis 223 The Foundation of Hyele 224 The Evidence for the Cuits ofApollo at Hyele 225 i) Apollo Ouliades/Oulios/Oulisl 225 ii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 226 The Cuits ofApollo at Mixed Settlements 226 The Cuit ofApollo Lybistinus on the Pachino Promontory 226 The Evidence for the Cuits ofApollo at Alaisa 227 i) A Temple of Apollo Archëgetësl 227 ii) Other Apolline Imagery on Coinage 228 The Foundation of Zankle-Messene and the Mamertine Conquest 228 The Evidence for the Cuits ofApollo Mamertine Era Messene 231 i) A Temple ofApollo? 231 ii) Apolline Imagery on Coinage 233 Conclusions - The Cuits ofApollo at Rhodian-Kretan, Achaean, Megarian, and Phokean Colonies, Sub-Colonies, Later Foundations, and Mixed Settlements 234 Discussion 238 Conclusions - The Cuits ofApollo in Southern Italy and Sicily 241 Chapter Three - The Cuits of the Oikistës and the New-Oikistës 242 Introduction 242 Methodology and Associated Problems 242 The Phenomenon of Hero Cuits 244 The Founders of Cities and their Cuits 248 Tyrants, Kings, and Political Leaders as Founders and Re-Founders 253 The Evidence for Founders Cuits in Southern Italy and Sicily 255 Naxos 255 Leontini 256 Euboea 257 Rhegion 258 Mikythos of Rhegion's Foundation of Pyxous 259 Zankle-Messene 260 Himera 262 Syracuse 264 Foundations and Re-Foundations by the Syracusan Tyrants 269 VIII i) Hieron P s Re-Foundation ofKatane as Aetna 269 ii) Foundations and Re-Foundations by Dionysius I 272 iii) Foundations and Re-Foundations by Dionysius II 273 iv) Agathokles' Re-Foundation of Segesta as Dikaiopolis 274 Kamarina 274 Taras 276 Herakleia 287 Gela 288 Akragas 293 Phintias of Akragas' Eponymous Foundation 293 Poseidonia 294 Kroton 300 Metapontion 302 Tomb 8 atThapsos 303 Megara Hyblaia 304 Selinous 306 Herakleia Minoa 307 Discussion 308 Conclusions 311 Conclusions 313 Bibliography 318 Appendices 407 One - The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo at Other Sites in Italy 407 Two - Foundations and Re-Foundations by Dionysius I in the Adriatic 410 Three-Tables 412 Four-Figures 440 IX List of Tables Table 1 : The Evidence for the Cuits of Apollo in the Primary Colonies of the Eighth and Seventh Centuries BCE in Southern Italy and Sicily 412 Table 2: The Cuits of Apollo in the Euboean Colonies and Sub-Colonies of Southern Italy and Sicily 413 Table 3 : The Cuits of Apollo in the Korinthian Colony of Syracuse and the Syracusan Sub-Colonies 415 Table 4: The Cuits of Apollo in the Spartan Colony of Taras and Sub-Colony of Herakleia 417 Table 5: The Cuits of Apollo in the Rhodian-Kretan Colony of Gela and the Geloan Sub-Colonies 419 Table 6: The Cuits of Apollo in the Achaean Colonies and Sub-Colonies of Southern Italy 421 Table 7: The Cuits of Apollo in the Megarian Colony of Megara Hyblaia and the Sub- Colony of Selinous 425 Table 8: The Cuits of Apollo in the Phokaean Colony of Hyele 426 Table 9: The Cuits of Apollo in Mixed Communities 427 Table 10: The Connection to Delphi by the Primary Colonies 428 Table 11 : Cuit Epithets found at the Greek Poleis in Southern Italy and Sicily 430 Table 12: The Cuits of Apollo in the Metropoleis and the Colonies 432 Table 13: The Reliability of the Sources for the Cuits of Founders 435 Table 14: Evidence for the Cuits of the Founder in Southern Italy and Sicily 436 X List of Figures Figure 1: Map of Greece 440 Figure 2: Map of Southern Italy 441 Figure 3: Map of Sicily 442 Figure 4: The Temple of Apollo at Delphi 443 Figure 5: The Omphalos at Delphi 443 Figure 6: Shipwreck Scène on a Krater from Pithekoussai 443 Figure 7: Krater from Caere Illustrating a Merchant Ship Fleeing a Pirate Ship....444 Figure 8: Plan of Syracuse 444 Figure 9: Anchor Dedicated by Sostratos from Gravisca 444 Figure 10: Plan of Megara Hyblaia 445 Figure 11: Votive Arms and Armour from Delphi 445 Figure 12: The Remains of the Temple of Apollo atKyme 445 Figure 13: PlanofKyme 446 Figure 14: Inscribed Disc from Kyme 446 Figure 15: Planof Neapolis 447 Figure 16: Plan of Naxos 448 Figure 17: Coin from Leontini 448 Figure 18: Front Facing Head of Apollon on Coin from Katane 448 Figure 19: Roman Relief from Rhegion with Inscription 449 Figure 20 : Fragmentary Roman Relief from Rhegion with Inscription 449 Figure 21: Coin from Rhegion 449 Figure 22: Plan of Tauromenion 449 Figure 23 : Statue Base of Saint Pancratius Depicting Statue of Apollo Archëgetes 450 Figure 24: Coin from Tauromenion 450 Figure 25: The Temple of Apollo at Syracuse 450 Figure 26: Plan of the Temple of Apollo at Syracuse 451 Figure 27: Limestone Altar from the Sanctuary of Apollo at Syracuse 451 Figure 28: Aniconic Stelai from the Sanctuary of Apollo at Syracuse 452 Figure 29: Sacred Area to the West of the Théâtre at Syracuse 453 Figure 30: Detailed View of the Quadrangular Sanctuary 454 Figure 31 : Hypothetical Reconstruction of the Structures above the Théâtre 454 Figure 32: Deinomenid Tripods at Delphi 455 Figure 33: Plan of Tyndaris 456 Figure 34: Plan of Taras 457 Figure 35: Terracotta Statuettes of Apollo-Hyakinthos and Polybius 458 Figure 36: Apollo-Hyakinthos on Coin from Taras 458 Figure 37: Laconian Cup Depicting the Hyakinthia Festival 458 Figure 38: Krater Depicting the Karneia Festival 459 Figure 39: Schematic Depiction of the Karneios Inscription on the Krater 459 Figure 40: The Temple of'Poséidon' and the 'Basilica' at Poseidonia 460 Figure 41: Coin from Kroton 461 Figure 42: Apollo Shooting the Python on a Coin from Kroton 461 Figure 43: Remains of the Temple of Apollo Alaios 461 Figure 44: Bronze Statuette of Native Manufacture 462 XI Figure 45: Bronze Votives from the Sanctuary of Apollo Alaios 462 Figure 46: Marble Fragments of the Cuit Statue of Apollo Alaios 462 Figure 47: Aniconic Stone with Inscription 463 Figure 48: Statue Base of Tarentine Tripod at Delphi 463 Figure 49: Planof Kaulonia 464 Figure 50: Punta Stilo Sanctuary at Kaulonia 465 Figure 51: Terracotta Statuette of Apollo with aKithara 465 Figure 52: Serpent Métope 465 Figure 53: Standing Figure of Apollo on Kaulonian Coin 465 Figure 54: Plan of the Sanctuaries of Apollo at Metapontion 466 Figure 55: Aniconic Stelai at Metapontion 467 Figure 56: The Sanctuary of Apollo and Aristeas 467 Figure 57: Statue of Apollo on Metapontine Coin 467 Figure 58: Apollo Karneios on Coin from Metapontion 468 Figure 59: Plan of Acropolis at Selinous 468 Figure 60: Plan of Temple C 468 Figure 61: Métopes from Temple C 469 Figure 62: Coin from Selinous 469 Figure 63: Alaisa 470 Figure 64: Temple Architrave (?) with Inscription 471 Figure 65: Apollo on a Mamertine Coin 471 Figure 66: The Tumulus of Battos and the Shrine of Opheles 472 Figure 67: Heroôn of Battos in the Fourth Century BCE 472 Figure 68: Iokastos on Coin from Rhegion 472 Figure 69: Close-up of the EUK^SI Inscription from Himera 472 Figure 70: Dolphin-Rider Coin from Taras 473 Figure 71 : Seated Maie Figure on Coin from Taras 473 Figure 72: Statue with Inscription to Taras 473 Figure 73: Herakles on Coin from Herakleia 473 Figure 74: Planof Gela 474 Figure 75: The Heroôn at Poseidionia 474 Figure 76: Herakles as Oikistës on Coin from Kroton 475 Figure 77: Building d at Megara Hyblaia 476 Figure 78: The Heroôn at Selinous 476 xii List of Abbreviations Journal Abbreviations AA Archaologischer Anzeiger AFLB Annali délia Facolta di Lettere e Filosofîa di Bari AION ArchStAnt Annali dell'Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, Annali di Archeologia e Storia Antica AJA American Journal of Archaeology AJAH American Journal of Ancient History ANSP Annali délia Sculoa Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di lettere e fïlosofia AC L'Antiquité Classique ActaArch Acta Archeologica ActaAntHung Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Arch.Eph. Archaiologike Ephemeris ArchCl Archeologia classica AncW Ancient World AntCl L'Antiquité Classique AntJ The Antiquaries Journal ASAA Annuario délia Scuola Archeologica di Atene Abteilung ASAtene Annuario délia Scuola Archeologica di Atene e délie Missioni Italiane in Oriente ASCL Archivio Storico per la Calabria e la Lucania ASSRD Archeologia Subacquae, Studi, Ricerche e Documenti AttiPalermo Atti dell'Accademia di Scienze, Lettere e Arti di Palermo. AW&E Ancient West & East BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique BdA Bollettino d'Arte Bdl Bollettino dell' Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica BIHBelge Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome BStM Bollettino delPAssociazione Internazionale degli Studi Mediterranei CA Classical Antiquity CAJ Cambridge Archaeological Journal CPh Classical Philology CSCA California studies in Classical antiquity CW The Classical World DialArch Dialoghi di Archeologia FA Fasti Archaeologici G&R Greece & Rome GRBS Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies Hesperia Hesperia. Studi sulla grecità di occidente Historia Historia: Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte HSCPh Harvard Studies in Classical Philology xiii HTR Harvard Theological Review IJNA International Journal of Nautical Archaeology JDAI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies JNG Jarhrbuch fur Numismatik und Geldgeschichte LEC Les Études Classiques MAAR Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome MAL Monumenti Antichi. Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Rome MDAI(A) Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts Athenische, Abteilung MDAI (R) Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts Rômische, Abteilung MEFRA Mélanges de l'École Française de Rome, Antiquité MHR Mediterranean Historical Review MLQ Modem Language Quarterly MNIR Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome MTSR Method & Theory in the Study of Religion NC Numismatic Chronicle NSA Notizie degli scavi di Antichità OJA Oxford Journal of Archaeology OpRom Opuscula Romana PdP La Parola del Passato QUCC Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica RA Revue Archéologique RAL Rendiconti délia Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche dell'Accademia dei Lincei RBN Revue Belge de Numismatique et de Sigillographie REA Revue d'Étudiés Ancienne RhM Rheinisches Muséum fur Philologie RHR Revue de l'Histoire des Religions RSA Rivista Storica dell'Antichità SAnt Sicilia Antiqua. An international Journal of Archaeology SMSR Studi e Materiali di Storia délie Religioni SCO Studi Classici e Orientali SO Symbolae Osloenses TAPS Transactions of the American Philosophical Society TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society WA World Archaeology ZPE Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik XIV Other Abbreviations AA.VV. BAR BTCGIT CAH CID CIG CIL FDIII FGrH IG IGA IGASMG IGDS IGDGG Inscr. Olym LGPNI LGPN II LGPN IIIA LGPN IIIB LIMC LSCG Supp. ML SEG S.I.S.A.C Suppl. Tit. Syll. Various authors with no stated authors or editors. British Archaeological Reports Bibliografia topografica délia colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche Cambridge Ancient History Corpus des inscriptions de Delphes Corpus inscriptionum graecarum Corpus inscriptionum latinarum Daux, G. (1943). Fouilles de Delphes III: Chronologie delphique. Paris: E. de Boccard. Jacoby, F. (1920-1957). Die Fragmente de griechischen Historiker. Leiden. Inscriptiones graecae Roehl, H.(Ed.) (1882). Inscriptiones graecae antiquissimae. Berlin: Berolini. Arena, R. (Ed.) Iscrizioni greche arciche di Sicilia e Magna Grecia. Iscrizioni di Sicilia. vols. I-V. (See bibliography for full détails.) Dubois, L. ( 1989). Inscriptions greques dialectales de Sicile. Contribution à l'étude du vocabulaire grec colonial. Collection de 1' école Française de Rome 119. Roma: L'Erma di Bretschneider. Dubois, L. (Ed.). Inscriptions grecques dialectales de grande Grèce, vols. I-II. (See bibliography for full détails). Dittenburger, W. & K. Purgold (1896). [Reprint 1966]. Die Inscriften von Olympia. Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert. Fraser, P. M. & E. Matthews (Eds.). (1987). The lexicon of Greek personal names. Vol. I: The Aegean islands, Cyprus, Cyrenaica. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Osborne, M. J. & S. G. Byrne (Eds.). (1994). The lexicon of Greek personal names. Vol. II: Attica. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Fraser, P. M. & E. Matthews (Eds.). (1997). The lexicon of Greek personal names. Vol. IIIA: The Péloponnèse, Western Greece, Sicily and Magna Graecia. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Fraser, P. M. & E. Matthews (Eds.). (2000). The lexicon of Greek personal names. Vol. IIIB: Central Greece from the Megarid to Thessaly. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae. Sokolowski, F. (1962). Lois sacrées des cités grecques. Supplément. Paris:E. de Boccard. Meiggs, R. & D. Lewis (1969). A sélection of Greek historical inscriptions to the end of thefifth century B.C. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Supplementum epigraphicum graecum Società Italiana per lo studio dell'antichità classica. Cam. Pugliese Carrattelli, G. (1952-1954). Tituli Camirenses. Supplementum. ASAA, 30-32,211-246. Sylloge inscriptionum graecarum xv A Note on Spelling For ancient authors I hâve adhered to the Latin spellings (e.g. Thucydides instead of Thukydides; Herodotus instead of Herodotos). In the case of ancient place names, I hâve transliterated the Greek letters kappa as 'k' and chi as 'ch' (e.g. Chalkidians). The only exception to this rule was my décision to use the more common form of Syracuse, instead of Syrakousai. xvi Acknowledgements I wish to thank a number of individuals who hâve provided me with inspiration, encouragement, and support during my académie career. I owe particular thanks to Lois Jones, my highschool teacher at W.C. Eaket Secondary School, who introduced me to the topic of archaeology, and instilled in me a passion for this field. I extend many thanks to Gerald Schaus and Joann Freed, professors during my undergraduate years at Wilfrid Laurier, who gave me encouragement and inspired me to pursue graduate studies. While at UBC my life has been enriched, both academically andpersonally, by number of professors who I hâve had the privilège of taking classes with: Anthony Barrett, Lisa Cooper, Franco De Angelis, Charmaine Gorrie, Paul Mosca, Lyn Rae, James Russell, and Hector Williams. Spécial thanks to Franco De Angelis, my thesis supervisor, for his encouragement, unwavering support, his tireless effort, and his friendship. I also wish to thank my committee members Robert Cousland for his encouragement, advice, and good humour, and Roger Wilson for his helpful comments. I owe a spécial thanks to Robert Stone, ocya^T) l-10^ w n o has been a tremendous support over the last three years. He has listened to ail my laments, provided me with 'real world' advice, and has given me a much needed distraction from academia. Thank you to my dear friend Ron Calliou for his technical support, and being a willing participant in my late-night study breaks. Above ail, I wish to thank my parents who hâve provided me with both financial and emotional support throughout my numerous years as a student. xvii To my parents 1 Introduction The Problem Apollo, especially the Delphic god, has been viewed by ancient Greek and Roman authors and modem scholars alike as having played a fundamental rôle in the foundation of Greek settlements, including those of southern Italy and Sicily (e.g. Herodotus 5.42; Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo, 55-57; Cicero, On Diviniation, 1.13; Menander, Rhetoric, 3.17; Pease, 1917; Dunbabin, 1948; Parke & Wormell, 1956; Forrest, 1957; Malkin, 1987; Londey, 1990). Scholars hâve questioned many of thèse traditional foundation stories; Delphi's influence on early colonization has been re-evaluated, and the vénération of the oikistes upon his death has often been viewed as a later invention (Defrades, 1954, pp. 233-234; Fontenrose, 1978, pp. 5,142;Londey, 1990,120-127; Osborne, 2004, pp. 29-36; J.-P. Wilson, 2006, pp. 49-51). While it is possible that both of thèse activities may hâve been later phenomena that hâve been projected back onto the early period of Greek colonization, it is striking that the évidence from the colonies themselves has not been thoroughly examined. With this question left open, it is worthwhile to evaluate the available évidence to détermine the likeliest scénario. Furthermore, simply dismissing Apollo's rôle in early Greek foundations, and that of the oikistes as a later fabrication, prevents us from understanding the 'bigger picture'- how thèse foundation stories were utilized in the colonies themselves. It is reasonable to assume that if Apollo, and particularly his oracle at Delphi, was involved in early Greek colonization, that the colonial Greeks would continue to honour this connection to the god, perhaps by the establishment of cuits of Apollo, offering dedications at Delphi, and displaying Delphic imagery upon their/w/m'coinage (cf. Londey, 1990, p. 126). Until now there has been no systematic and comprehensive study on the cuits of Apollo in southem Italy and Sicily 2 to test this hypothesis.1 This is not surprising given the number of sites that hâve évidence for his cuits (27), and the sheer volume of data that are found littered throughout Italian journals. It is equally possible that, as Delphi's famé rose, it was désirable for colonies to 'create' a more prestigious past, by Connecting themselves to Apollo the founder. While many of thèse foundation stories may hâve been later inventions, there is considérable évidence that many poleis of southern Italy and Sicily considered a figure to be their oikistes, and that this figure was the récipient of a cuit (e.g. the Antiphemos inscription from Gela, see chapter three, pp. 288-289). The political leaders of southern Italy and Sicily realized that Connecting oneself to both Apollo, the founding god, and the oikistçs was advantageous. Using the original oikistes as a model, leaders, including the Deinomenids, projected themselves as new-oikistai. As a founder, a ruler could receive a posthumous hero cuit, which laid the foundation for rulers to be honoured as heroes or even gods during their lifetime. The cuits of the founders of the Greek cities of southern Italy and Sicily were fundamental in shaping the identity of the colonial Greeks, and they continued to be important long after the Delphic god was said to hâve sanctioned the earliest Greek settlements. Previous Scholarship and Approaches The majority of works that consider the cuits of Apollo amongst the Western Greeks include articles and brief discussions in larger works written in the 1970s and 1980s that deal primarily with 1  In contrast, a number of studies hâve been conducted on the cuits of Apollo elsewhere in the Greek world including the Péloponnèse (Dengate, 1988); Sparta (Pettersson, 1997); Asia Minor (Parke, 1985; Fontenrose, 1988), and Aegina (Hoffelner, 1999). Other important deities in the Western Greek world hâve been the focus of extensive studies, including Demeter (Zuntz, 1971; Cole, 1994) and Hera (de La Genière, 1997; Baumbach, 2004). 3 the cuit at a particular site, with little or no synthesis.2 Notable exceptions include Giannelli's (1963) Culti e miti délia magnagrecia, Valenza Mêle's ( 1977) article "Hera ed Apollo nella colonizzazione euboica d'Occidente,"3 and Reichert-Sûdbeck's (2000) Kulte von Korinth undSyrakus: Vergleich zwischen einer Metropolis und ihrer Apoikia. While Giannelli's (1963) work is indispensable for the cuits of Apollo in Magna Graecia from a literary perspective, it is lacking a solid discussion of archaeological and epigraphic data. Valenza Mêle's article is a great starting point for an examination of the cuits of Apollo in the Western Greek world, but it is limited to Euboean colonies. The more récent work by Reichert-Sûdbeck (2000) examines the cuits of Apollo in a detailed manner, but it only deals with Syracuse and her metropolis of Korinth. Malkin's (1987) impressive work Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece examines both the rôle of Apollo in colonization and that of the oikistés. Malkin's study, although comprehensive, concentrâtes on Apollo ' s rôle in the initial establishment of overseas settlements and does not explore the rôle of the Delphic Apollo throughout the history of thèse colonies. While Malkin's work also explores the oikistés, the évidence that is presented is mainly literary in nature, the archaeological évidence that is discussed is not always thorough, and numismatic depictions, with a few exceptions, are ignored. Furthermore, a number of important archaeological fmdings hâve corne to light since this book was written over twenty years ago (e.g. the heroôn at Selinous, see chapter three, p. 306). 2  For example, see Costabile, 1979 (Rhegion and Messene); de Waele, 1980, pp. 191-192 (Akragas); Malkin,1986 (Naxos); and Camassa, 1987 (Rhegion). 3  Valenza Mêle (1977) examines the rôle of both Hera and Apollo in the foundation of Euboean settlements in the west, and she suggests that Apollo acquired the position from Hera at a later date. 4 While there has been an increasing interest in the cuit of the oikistes (Leschhorn, 1984; Malkin, 1987;dePolignac, 1995; Antonaccio, 1999), muchofthe discussion isfocused on the more abundant literary évidence. In addition to Malkin's (1987) work discussed above, Leschhorn's (1984) Grunder der Stadt: Studien zu einem politisch-religiôsen Phânomen der griechischen Geschichte, provides a good overview of the founders of Sicilian and south Italianpoleis. The focus on this study is primarily literary, although archaeological data and numismatic depictions are dealt with in a cursory fashion. The main problem with Leschhorn's study is that it fails to explore the rôle of the oikistes in society, and in particular, this figure' s continuing relevance to tyrants and other political leaders who envisioned themselves as founders. Scholarship has also been inclined to treat numismatic évidence in isolation, often downplaying or ignoring the importance of archaeological and epigraphic data for our understanding of the cuits of founders (e.g. Kraay, 1976; Lacroix, 1965). Numismatic représentations related to the Delphic Apollo and the oikistçs hâve not been examined in détail since Lacroix's Monnaies et colonisation dans l'occident grec, published in 1965. This study suggests that there is a link between numismatic imagery of Apollo and the involvement of Delphi in the foundation of settlements. However, Lacroix failed to fully examine archaeological évidence to détermine if there was, in fact, a connection between the imagery on a polis' coinage and cuit activity. Additionally, since this study first appeared, a number of numismatic dates hâve been called into question, and our understanding of numismatic iconography has become more sophisticated (Howego, 1995; Collin Bouffier, 2000). More récent works by Rutter (1997; 2001) hâve provided up-to-date information on the topic of the coinages of southern Italy and Sicily, providing revised dates and new interprétations of numismatic imagery. 5 Early studies of archaeology within an ancient colonial setting were often coloured by the colonial exploits of the French and British from the eighteenth to twentieth centuries which envisioned the submission of the indigenous culture to that of the dominant European one, and viewed the colony as subordinate to the homeland (van Dommelen, 1997; De Angelis, 1998; Lyons & Papadopoulos 2002; Gosden, 2004). With thèse views, the indigenous cultures of Southern Italy and Sicily were thought to hâve had little or no influence on the Greek colonists, and the colony was thought to be an inferior copy of that of the homeland. It must be noted, however, that Italian scholars hâve been more open to the idea of religious interaction than their German, French, and British counterparts (De Angelis, 2003a; forthcoming; De Angelis & Garstad, 2006). But on the whole, it is a relatively récent model of colonization in which indigenous cultures hâve been treated with greater appréciation, and hâve been credited with the ability to impact the so-called 'dominant' culture (Lyons & Papdopoulos, 2002; Given, 2004; Gosden, 2004). The application of the 'middle ground' theory that envisions both cultures interacting to create something that is unique, neither purely Greek, nor purely indigenous, has drastically changed the way scholars view Greek and indigenous interaction (R. White, 1991 ; Gosden, 2004, pp. 30-32; Malkin, 2004, pp. 356-363). Furthermore, modem scholarship has realized that religion in an independent settlement is not an exact copy of what was found in the mother-city (Malkin, 1987; Berquist, 1992; de Polignac, 1995), and that the building types within Western Greek sanctuaries and architectural characteristics reflect the needs and resources of the settlers (Mertens, 1990; Miles, 1999). With thèse new models of culture contact in mind, the material from sites that were excavated during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was re-evaluated. Furthermore, ail excavation reports were examined to détermine if there was any évidence of indigenous influence on the cuits 6 of Apollo in southern Italy and Sicily, and whether the religious practices of thèse overseas settlements differed from those of the homeland. In the past sanctuaries were excavated with little or no analysis of the objects that were found. The meaning of the artifacts within the sanctuary and the belief Systems of those who deposited them were not addressed (Wilkins, 1996). Renfrew's (1985) publication on the cuit of Phylakopi on Melos signaled a change in the study of sanctuaries through its use of anthropological theory and examination of the sanctuary's development over time. The application of cognitive studies to archaeology has also provided the framework for sanctuaries to contribute to our understanding of material culture as a reflection of past beliefs and behaviours (Renfrew & Zubrow, 1994). The cross- cultural approach to religion advocated by scholars such as Johnston (2004) suggests that religion cannot be studied in isolation. The rôle of religion in médiation between the Greeks and indigenous populations has been the focus of more récent studies (de Polignac, 1995; Albanese Procelli, 2003). With thèse approaches in mind, I included the évidence for cuits of Apollo at mixed communities in southern Italy and Sicily and attempted to détermine if and how the cuit of founders was utilized by non-Greeks. Utilizing thèse approaches as a framework for the examination of the cuits of founders in southern Italy and Sicily was valuable because of the variety of ancient cultures that the Greeks came into contact with (e.g. Sikan, Sikel, Bretti). This study has employed a holistic methodology, which utilizes every available source of évidence: archaeological data, inscriptions, numismatic iconography, and literary sources.4 A 4  The terms 'holism' and the 'holistic approach' were first coined by J. C. Smuts (1926) in his work entitled Holism and évolution: The original source ofthe holistic approach to life. The holistic approach involves studying the whole System rather than removing one part of system from its context and examining it in isolation. It typically involves the use of a variety of approaches (e.g. history, language, art, and literature) (Lassiter, 2006, pp. 37-38). 7 'holistic approach' can provide a balanced examination of the évidence for the présence and nature of the cuits of founders5. The context of archaeological materials was taken into account (e.g. in situ vs. unknown find-spot). I hâve made every attempt to use literary sources to supplément the more reliable archaeological and epigraphic data, although in many cases the only évidence we hâve is of a literary nature. In thèse instances, literary sources were evaluated based on when they were written, and the context of the source, to détermine if they can be considered reliable. The Scope of the Présent Project The évidence for the cuits of founders has been evaluated for the Greek settlements of southern Italy and Sicily. The worship of Apollo at mixed communities (e.g. Messene during the Mamertine period) also hâve been explored. Settlements that were founded by the Syracusan tyrants elsewhere in Italy and the Adriatic hâve been dealt with in a cursory mariner and hâve been included in appendix two (pp. 410-411). The emphasis is placed on materials that date from the time of foundation until ca. 280 BCE, although any relevant later material has been included. The year 280 BCE as a cut-off in order to exclude Hieron II of Syracuse, who expanded his empire to great heights. The re-foundations, foundations, and activities of Hieron II could be dealt with in a thesis on its own. This study is divided into three chapters. The first chapter, entitled "The Process of Colonization," examines how the ancient Greeks established their overseas settlements, and in particular the rôles that the Greek gods and the oikistçs were thought to play in this process. The 5A holistic approach provides a framework in which human actions and beliefs can be understood in a wider context, utilizing hard évidence, inference, and spéculation (Parkin & Ulijaszek, 2007, p. xii). 8 fonction of oracles, especially Apollo's at Delphi, in early Greek colonization is explored. The authenticity of Delphic foundation oracles is addressed, and the purpose of 'after the fact' oracles is contemplated. While many gods and goddesses were thought to be involved in the process of colonization, Apollo, through his oracle at Delphi, came to be the primary god of colonization. As a resuit, many of the colonies of southem Italy and Sicily were considered to hâve been founded with his guidance. Chapter two, "The Cuits of Apollo in Southern Italy and Sicily," provides a detailed examination of the archaeological, epigraphic, numismatic, and literary évidence for the existence of the cuits of Apollo in thèse settlements. The chapter is divided into two parts, "Part One: Euboean, Korinthian and Spartan colonies, Sub-colonies, and Later Foundations" and "Part Two: Rhodian-Kretan, Achaean, Megarian, and Phokaean Colonies, Sub-colonies, Later Foundations, and Mixed Settlements." This study examines the relationship between the religious traditions of the metropolis/metropoleis and the cuits of Apollo in the colonies of southem Italy and Sicily. Delphi's influence on the establishment and nature of thèse cuits is also explored. The development of the cuits of Apollo, especially under the Syracusan tyrants and Timoleon, is considered. Finally, the depiction of Apolline imagery on coinage is examined in order to détermine if this can be considered a reliable indication of the présence of a cuit of Apollo. The third chapter, "The Cuits of the Oikistçs and Nzw-Oikistçs of Southem Italy and Sicily, " évaluâtes the évidence for the cuits of founders through an examination of archaeological évidence, literary sources, and numismatic iconography. The cuit of the oikistës is placed within the wider context of the phenomenon of heroic cuits. The nature and purpose of the oikistës cuit in thèse settlements is considered. In particular, the use of the cuit of the founder for political gain by various 9 rulers, especially the Deinomenid tyrants, is explored. The conclusion, "The Cuits of the Founders in Southern Italy and Sicily," summarizes the fïndings of this study. The significance of thèse fïndings is placed within the larger context of the Greek world. Finally, topics for future studies are suggested. 10 Chapter One - The Process of Colonization Introduction Colonization was a process that was thought to involve the co-operation of a variety of Greek divinities. Deities including Apollo, Hera, Poséidon, and Zeus were associated with foundations. Oracular gods, especially Apollo, could hâve been consulted to provide advice for the prospective oikistés (founder), and his colonists. Gods and goddesses associated with the sea and seafaring would hâve been appeased in order to ensure a safe passage for the colonists during their treacherous voyages to distant lands. Once the oikistës and his colonists arrived at their destination, there would hâve been numerous challenges, including the physical layout of the settlement, the procurement of a sufficient food supply, and possible conflicts with native inhabitants and other Greeks. Hera, Athena, Apollo, and Demeter would hâve provided safety and security for the settlement and ensured the well-being of the new colonists. While many gods were thought to contribute to the process of colonization, it was Apollo, above ail, who was considered the god of colonization, and who, along with his oracle at Delphi, became synonymous with colonization. Methodology and Associated Problems In order to détermine the various rôles that Greek gods played in the process of colonization, literary, epigraphic, and archaeological évidence (temples, altars, votive offerings) has been examined. While this 'holistic' approach has the potential to provide a great deal of information and a balanced viewpoint, it also has some disadvantages. Due to the sparseness of évidence for the early period of Greek colonization (the mid-to-late-eighth-century BCE), the data that are discussed date to later periods of time. However, this does not pose a problem, since Greek religion tended to be 11 very conservative (Bremmer, 1994, p. 8; Mikalson, 2005, pp. 23, 36). Sites, artifacts, and inscriptions that are discussed are from ail over the Greek world, although ail relevant examples from southern Italy and Sicily hâve been included. It was necessary to include sites outside of the Western Greek sphère to gain a comparative perspective on the relevant data from southern Italy and Sicily. The Phenomenon of Colonization In the mid-eighth-century1 and the early seventh century BCE Greeks sent out settlements to the Black Sea, and to the eastern and western Mediterranean. The use of the word 'colonization' is typically used to describe this phenomenon; however, it is not without problems. The ancient Greek concept of a colony {apoikia) is rather unlike our modem conception of the word, and it also should not be confused with a Latin colonia which was fundamentally différent than an apoikia (Osborne, 1997, p. 252; 2004, p. 32; De Angelis, 1998, pp. 539-540; forthcoming; Antonnacio, 2007, pp. 203-204).2 The main différence is that colonies in the ancient Greek world were independent overseas settlements, lacking the political connections that modem colonies shared with 1  The dates of early Greek colonization are continuously refined, as more archaeological évidence cornes to light. 2  Osbome (1997) suggests that 'colony' should not be used to refer to Greek settlements (p. 253). De Angelis (forthcoming) proposes that better terms would be apoikia and "apoikiazation" The term 'colony' is used hère, bearing in mind the distinction between ancient Greek and modem colonies. Similarly, use of the term 'colonization' refers only to the process of founding settlements and it should not be seen in the modem sensé, as an act that typically involved the subjugation of peoples. Greek colonization resulted in a variety of outcomes ranging from complète co-operation to subjugation. 12 the mother-land (Finley, 1976, pp. 173-174; Owen, 2005, p. 17).3 Instead, religion formed the basis for a connection to the homeland (Graham, 1964, pp. 10, 14; Malkin, 1994a, p. 1). Ancient Greek colonization was also distinct from French and British colonization of the eighteenth-to-twentieth-centuries in its purpose. As Malkin (2004) notes, Greek colonists were not seeking to greatly expand their territories, but, "Rather, they conceived of colonization mainly in terms of "points" of settlement, of city-states, with fairly small territories" (p. 348; cf. Snodgrass, 2005, pp. 48-49). The new settlers did not arrive with the intention of converting the religious beliefs of the inhabitants, unlike the aims of European colonists (Malkin, 2004, p. 350; Snodgrass, 2005, p. 49).4 In addition, there was no mass exodus of people into ancient Greek colonies, as our évidence indicates that the original colonizing contingents were small (Graham, 1982, pp. 146-147; Cawkwell, 1992, p. 295; De Angelis, 2003b, pp. 40-57,146-152).5 The original colonists may hâve been limitedto adultmaies (Horden & Purcell, 2000, p. 379; however, cf. Graham, 1981-1982, esp. pp. 311-314), making intermarriage with native women not only common, but a necessity (Gwynn, 1918, p. 109;Morel, 1984, pp. 134-135; Coldstream, 1993, pp. 96,101;Shepherd, 1999; Hall, 2004, pp. 40-41). 3  An exception to this independent status can occur with sub-colonies. As Malkin (1994a) points out, Kasmenai and Akrai, the sub-colonies of Syracuse, were dépendent upon the mother city (p. 1). 4  For a gênerai account of how "Greeks" understood foreign religions, see Rudhardt, 2002. 5  As Graham (1982) suggests, it is quite possible that once the original colonists arrived, more people were sent from the homeland (pp. 146-147). This secondary influx of people could hâve included women and children. 13 The reasons behind Greek colonization are contentious and hâve been much discussed, with little or no consensus from scholars. Early théories suggested that the impetus for colonization was a population increase and the inability of resources to keep up with the demand, a phenomenon often referred to as 'land hunger'(Gwynn, 1918, pp. 89, 91, 121; Graham, 1964, p. 5; 1982, p. 157). Related to this theory is the idea that 'land hunger' was brought on by a crisis. Camp (1979) hypothesizes that it was an extensive drought in the late-eighth and early-seventh centuries that provided the impetus for colonization (pp. 397-398).6 Cawkwell (1992) suggests that it was not one drought, but a séries of droughts, 'a climatic disaster', that made it necessary for people to emigrate (pp. 297-298, 301-302). Other models view commercial incentives and socio-political circumstances as factors that led to colonization. Commercial motivations, including the procurement of materials, and the production and export of goods hâve been suggested as the impetus for colonization (Blakeway, 1933, pp. 170-171, 202; Boardman, 1980, pp. 162-163). The search for raw materials, especially metals, has been postulated as a possible explanation for colonization (Boardman, 1980, p. 162; 2001, pp. 34, 36), but this view has drawn heavy criticism (Graham, 1982, p. 103; Treister, 1996, pp. 178-181). The hypothesis that overseas settlements were founded to enhance trade networks has also fallen under attack (Graham, 1982, pp. 158-159; Cawkwell, 1992, pp. 296-297). It is possible that in some cases socio-political considérations may hâve resulted in colonization. Political conflicts or the présence of a disenfranchised portion of the population may hâve made it alluring for a segment of the population to leave for a new homeland (Dougherty, 1993b, p. 17; Qviller, 1996, 6  Camp (1979) suggests that a number of wells from the Athenian Agora were filled in during this time, suggesting a drought (pp. 397-398). Camp (1979) also points to increased dedications in a sanctuary of Zeus Ombrios, a god particularly connected with rainfall (p. 399). 14 p. 39). It is quite likely that there was no single spécifie 'reason' for the foundation of ail Greek colonies; political and commercial considérations may hâve been the impetus for one colony, and agricultural crises the reason for the foundation of another (cf. Coldstream, 2004, p. 50). The nature of the colonies themselves has also been the subject of debate. Scholars hâve suggested that early Greek colonies were either state-organized enterprises (Gwynn, 1918, p. 100), or that they could be either private or state led (Graham, 1964, pp. 7-8). A more récent view is that while state-sponsored colonies were characteristic of later periods, the majority of early colonial settlements were undertaken by individuals (Osborne, 1997, pp. 254-257,268). Many colonies hâve évidence of pre-colonial contact which indicates that the création of a permanent settlement was often a lengthy process (Osborne, 1997, pp. 257-258). This implies that fixed foundation dates found in literary sources were a later conception (Osborne, 1997, pp. 264-265). Founding Gods i) ApoIIo Of ail the gods, Apollo was most intimately linked with colonization. As an oracular god, he was thought to guide colonists to new lands, often selecting the oikistes, the leader of the colonizing expédition and founder of the colony, and providing advice on where to settle. It was underhis guise as archëgetës, leader or founder of a city, that Apollo was the primary god of colonial foundations (Détienne, 1990, p. 303). Throughout the colonial world, Apollo Archëgetës was worshipped, including at settlements in Libya, Sicily, and southern Italy (Farnell, 1907, p. 200; Pease, 1917, pp. 111-112; Malkin, 1987, p. 246; see table 10). Ancient literary sources refer to Apollo's rôle in the foundation ofeities. Menander (Rhetoric, 3.17) noted that Apollo at Delphi and 15 Didyma was responsible for colonizing in Libya, the Hellespont and the east. Callimachus {Hymn toApollo, 55-57) wrote: "And Phoebus it is that men follow when they map out cities. And Phoebus evermore delights in the founding of cities, and Phoebus himself doth weave their foundations" (Mair & Mair (Trans.), 1955). Apollo even declared himself to be the founder of Thurii when the polis consulted his oracle at Delphi over a dispute concerning who should be named the city's founder (Diodorus Siculus 12.35.3; see chapter two, p. 170). Apollo was also credited with the actual construction of cities, including a joint venture with Poséidon that resulted in the fortification walls of Troy (Pindar, Olympian 8, 31-33; Homer, Iliad, 21. 441-447; Pausanias 1.42.1-2).7 Furthermore, Apollo was a deity who was believed to provide protection for groups that were in transition, including those that were moving to new lands (de Polignac, 1998, p. 25). Apollo's connection to the process of colonization may hâve been a factor in the popularity of his cuits in colonial contexts (see chapter two). ii) Hera Hera was also considered an important deity involved in the colonizing movement. A passage in Homer {Odyssey, 7.69-72) indicates that Hera acted as guide for Jason and the Argonauts on their journey through perilous waters (Valenza Mêle, 1977, p. 503; Parisi Presicce, 1985, p. 63). 7  The passage in Pindar {Olympian 8, 31-33) states: "Leto's son and wide-ruling Poséidon, as they were preparing to crown Ilion with battlements, summoned to help build the wall"(Race (Trans.), 1997). In Homer {Iliad 21.445^147), Zeus said "I verily built for the Trojans round about their city a wall wide and exceeding fair, that the city might never be broken; and thou, Phoebus, didst herd the sleek kine of shambling spurs of wooded Ida the many ridged" (Murray (Trans.), 1925). The passage in Pausanias (1.42.2) refers to the construction of a fortification wall at Megara by Alkathoos and Apollo: "...Apollo laid his lyre when he was helping Alcathous in the building" (Jones & Ormerod (Trans.), 1918). 16 An inscription from Samos (IG XII. 6 1, Samos 4) that refers to Hera as Archëgetês or founder, also indicates she was closely associated with foundations (Valenza Mêle, 1977, p. 503).8 The ideathat Hera had a fondamental rôle in Euboean colonization was first explored by Valenza Mêle (1977), who suggested that Hera was the colonists' primary deity concerned with colonization, whose influence was later superseded by Apollo due to the influence of Delphi (pp. 506, 509).9 This hypothesis has been refuted by De Polignac (1998), who argues that there is no évidence of a compétition between Hera and Apollo as founding gods (pp. 25-28). Scholars hâve noted the prevalence of Hera in Euboean colonies, which has led them to conclude that she had a leading rôle in Euboean colonization (Valenza Mêle, 1977, pp. 498-507, Loicq-Berger and Renard, 1982, p. 97); however, as De Polignac ( 1998) observes, cuits of Hera appear in many colonial settlements, not just those of the Euboeans (p. 24). The importance of Hera in colonization is also echoed by Parisi Presicce (1985) who suggests that Hera acted as a guiding divinity for travelers, and, therefore, played an important rôle in colonization (p. 64). Hera's sphère of influence in the colonies was presumed to extend to her care of those traveling by sea, as well as her rôle in marriage and procréation, which ensured the survival of the colonial settlement (see discussion below, pp. 56-57). iii) Poséidon and Zeus Poséidon and Zeus were also gods who were associated with foundations. As previously mentioned, Poséidon helped Apollo build the walls of Troy (Homer, Iliad, 24.441-447), and in 8  The inscription (IG XII. 6 1, Samos 4, lines 15-16) reads: [TWI iepcoi vrjv âp%r|Yé] [TI]ÔOÇ xfjç TtoÀecoç 'Hpaç (cf. IG XII 6 1, Samos 349, Une 2). 9  Central to this argument is an inscribed dise of unknown provenance, but believed to hâve come from Kyme (Jeffery, 1990, pp. 238, 240, no.5; see chapter two, p.77, figure 14). 17 Pindar's Pythian Four (5-8; 15-16; 33-40) he recounts the foundation of Kyrene with Apollo, Poséidon, and Zeus appearing as founding gods (Calame, 2003, pp. 63-65). In Pindar's poem, Kyrene's foundation came under the control of Poséidon in his guise as a god "who holds the earth," and he was involved in the création of the city, and providing stability for it (Calame, 2003, pp. 63-64). Apollo is presented as the god who sends out the colonial expédition, led by Battus, the oikistes of Kyrene. Zeus watches over this undertaking, just as his eagles protect the omphalos, or navel, at Delphi (Calame, 2003, p. 64). Although there appears to be little évidence that Zeus was associated with foundations when the Greeks first began colonizing in the west, there are a number of inscriptions from the Hellenistic period that refer to Zeus as an oikistes or archégetés (Leschhorn, 1984, p. 366, nos. 45^19). Oracles and Colonization Colonization was a lengthy and dangerous process, and it would likely hâve been viewed as involving the co-operation and protection of numerous Greek divinities. Prior to colonization, an oracle may hâve been consulted in order to seek the advice of the god, and it could be used to legitimize a settlement's foundation when it was approved by the god (Pease, 1917, p. 17; Malkin, 1987, pp. 6, 27; Londey, 1990, p.l 18). If there was a désire to found a colony, the oikistes could ask where the colonists should settle, or if the oracle approved of a pre-chosen site (Pease, 1917, p. 18; Londey, 1990, p. 120). Consulting the god could help secure the success of the journey and the survival of the seulement. By the time of Herodotus, it was commonplace to consult the oracle at Delphi prior to sending out a colonial expédition. A passage in Herodotus (5.42-43) recounted the fate of the oikistes Dorieus of Sparta: 18 [Dorieus] asked the Spartans for a group of people whom he took away as colonists. He neither inquired of the oracle at Delphi in what land he should establish his settlement, nor did anything else that was customary but set sail in great anger for Libya, with men of Thera to guide him. When he arrived there, he settled by the Cinyps river in the fairest part of Libya, but in the third year he was driven out by the Macae, the Libyans and the Carchedonians and returned to the Peloponnesus (Godley (Trans.), 1920).10 Although the oracle of Apollo at Delphi was connected with the successful foundation of overseas settlements, it is possible that other oracles, such as Zeus at Dodona and the Apolline oracles at Didyma and Delos, were also involved in colonization. i) The Delphic Oracle Apollo's oracle at Delphi was intimately linked with Greek colonization (see figure 4). Scholars hâve suggested that the numerous colonies founded throughout the Greek world called 'Apollonia' or with other names referring to Apollo were a reflection of the Delphic god's rôle in the colonizing process (Farnell, 1907, p. 162; Pease, 1917, p. 12; Forrest, 1957, p. 165; Burkert, 1985, p. 9). However, as Shachar (2000) has illustrated, there is no évidence that Apolline colony names were chosen because of Apollo's involvement in their foundation. Instead, he suggests that the présence of such names is indicative of Apollo's influence in the sphère of colonization in gênerai (p. 22). Certainly ancient authors believed that there was a close association between 10  However, Londey (1990) suggests "If his failure to consult Delphi was considered odd and remiss (as Herodotus implies), then this was not because ail Greeks consulted Delphi before colonizing, but rather because Dorieus was Spartan, and Sparta was one state which did hâve close ties with Delphi" (pp. 126-127). Regardless, this account illustrâtes that during Herodotus' time Delphi was connected with colonization. A différent view is offered by Osborne (1997), who suggests that this story illustrâtes the use of thème of Delphic consultation for political purposes instead of implying that it was commonplace to consult Delphi prior to founding colonies (p. 267). 19 colonization and oracles, especially with Apollo's oracle at Delphi (Herodotus. 5.42; Cicero, On Divination, 1.1.3; see below, p. 26). The évidence from Delphi itself indicates the présence of a modest sanctuary during the eighth century BCE, when Western Greek colonization began. Although there is no substantial évidence for a temple before the middle of the seventh century (C. Morgan, 1990, p. 132), votive offerings hâve been found that date to the end of the ninth or beginning of the eighth century BCE (C. Morgan, 1990, pp. 126, 129-30, 137, 139; Pedley, 2005, p. 136).n According to Defradas (1954), Delphi had no rôle in early Greek colonization since the sanctuary was not important enough to be consulted until the beginning of the sixth century BCE (pp. 233-234). Similarly, Fontenrose (1978) suggests that ail early colonizing oracles were later inventions, since the oracle was not established until 600 BCE (pp. 5,142).n Recently J.-P. Wilson (2006) proposed that Delphi's rôle was not as extensive as the ancient sources imply, and it was in the course of the seventh century BCE that the sanctuary became increasingly important (p. 51).'3 Although it is true that the sanctuary becomes more substantial in the seventh century BCE,14 the oracle may hâve been established in the eighth century BCE. Catherine Morgan (1990) notes that there was an intensification of cultic activity seen at Delphi in the mid-eighth century or the last quarter of the 11  Thèse early artifacts, including pottery and bronze items, were found in a votive dump along the Sacred Way (C. Morgan, 1990, p. 129). 12  Fontenrose (1978) considers the foundation oracles for Syracuse, Kroton, Taras, and Gela to be "questionable responses" (pp. 137-144). ' 3  This sentiment is also expressed by C. Morgan (1990) who notes that during the seventh century the sanctuary expanded and attracted more worshippers (p. 125). 14  Based on the présence of roof tiles, the first temple seems to hâve been constructed around the mid-seventh-century BCE (C. Morgan, 1990, pp. 132-133). 20 eighth century BCE, and that this likely coincided with the establishment of the oracle (p. 134). Londey (1990) prefers to place the establishment of the oracle in the early eighth century when votive offerings are first seen (p. 123). Based on archaeological findings, the first poleis to make offerings at Delphi were Korinth, Chalkis, Sparta, and possibly Messenia (C. Morgan, 1990, p. 151; cf. Pedley, 2005, p. 136). The earliest Western Greek colony associated with the oracle at Delphi in the literary tradition is Syracuse (Korinthian), with a traditional founding date of 734-733 BCE and an archaeological date of 750-725 BCE15 (Thucydides, 6.3.2; Graham, 1982, p. 162; Pelagatti, 1982, pp. 124-128; Fischer- Hansen, Nielsen & Ampolo, 2004b, p. 173; see chapter two, pp. 99-100).'6 Four other Western Greek poleis hâve Delphic foundation oracles: the Chalkidian colony of Rhegion, the Achaean colony of Kroton, the Spartan colony of Taras, and the joint Rhodian and Kretan colony of Gela, although the présence of an altar of Apollo Archêgetës at Naxos also hints at Delphic involvement (see chapter two, pp. 81-82). The eighth century BCE colonies that are associated with the oracle were founded by areas that were geographically close to Delphi: Korinth (Syracuse), Achaea (Kroton), and Chalkis (Zankle and Rhegion) (Parke & Wormell, 1956a, p.78). Due to the early dedications made at Delphi that may indicate the oracle was in opération at this time, and the close proximity of thèse metropoleis to Delphi, the potential exists for the oracle to hâve been consulted 15  De Angelis (2003b) notes that although pottery has aided in the establishment of relative dates the absolute chronology of colony foundations is far from as certain as Graham suggests, and that using dates that are provided in our ancient literary sources to support this absolute chronology is a circular argument (p. 16 note 44). 16  The oracles associated with Syracuse are found in a variety of ancient sources: Pausanias 5.4.3; Diodorus Siculus 5.3.5; Vergil, Aeneid, 3.692 ff; Strabo 6.2.4; Aelian fr. 1316 = Suda s. v. Archias. The Marmor Parium (FGrH 239) suggests a date in the middle of the eighth century for the foundation of Syracuse (Fischer-Hansen, Nielsen, and Ampolo, 2004b, p. 224). 21 prior to a foundation; however, it is impossible to say with certainty that this was the case. In fact, it is equally possible that thèse foundation oracles were later inventions used to legitimize the cities' foundations, as some scholars suggest (Defradas, 1954, pp. 233-234; Fontenrose, 1978, pp. 140-141; J.-P. Wilson, 2006, pp. 50-51). The authenticity of Delphic colonizing oracles has often been questioned by scholars (Defradas, 1954, pp. 233-257; Parke & Wormell, 1956a, pp.49-79; Fontenrose, 1978, pp. 137-144; J.-P. Wilson, 2006, pp. 49-51). In many cases, it is difficult to détermine if there is any historical truthto the foundation legends {cf. Osborne, 2004,29-30,36-38).17 Dougherty (1992) suggests that foundation narratives were a refiection of societal values and cares, and they were less concerned with providing a historical account of past events (p. 29). Some oracles are cl&axly post eventum, later inventions, because they explain the origin of the settlement's name, or they attempt to account for historical events. Usually more than one version of a foundation oracle is preserved for each colony, and in some cases, one of them may hâve some historical basis and the others may be later inventions. Although the stories that thèse foundation oracles préserve are in many cases later additions, they may reflect some historical détails, including the metropolis or metropoleis involved in the foundation {cf. Osborne, 2004, p. 36), and the name of the figure considered the oikistês (see chapter three); however, it is impossible to know if Delphi played a rôle in thèse foundations. In reality, whether or not Delphi was involved is immaterial; what is significant is that thèse poleis considered this to be a fact and, in essence, the oracles became part of their history. 17  Similarly, the issue of myth reflecting historical fact has been addressed by scholars (Sourvinou-Inwood, 1987; Chappell, 2006, pp. 340-341). Sourvinou-Inwood (1987) suggests that Greek myths are a refiection of society, "But they are not 'true' narrative accounts of past events (though they présent themselves in that guise) and they should not be taken at face value and assumed to contain descriptions of past realities—as they sometimes are" (p. 215). 22 Even if Delphi was involved in the foundation of the early Greek colonies in southern Italy and Sicily, the foundation oracles that are preserved in the surviving ancient sources appear to be later inventions.18 One post eventum oracle for the joint Rhodian and Kretan foundation of Gela attempted to explain the unusual name of the settlement. The brothers Antiphemos and Lakius consulted Delphi, and Lakius was told to sail to the sunrise and found the colony of Phaselis. Antiphemos laughed at this, and he was told to sail to the sunset and found Gela, named after the Greek verb 'to laugh'(Stephanus of Byzantium s. v. Gela; cf. Parke & Wormell, 1956a, p. 64; 1956b, p. 166, no. 410).19 An unusual tradition involving the foundation of Kroton has the oikistës, Myskellos, following the oracle's advice,20 but when he came upon Sybaris, he wished to found his colony there instead (Diodorus Siculus 8.17; Strabo 6.1.12; Parke & Wormell, 1956a, p. 70; 1956b, nos. 43^-5; Fontenrose, 1978, p. 140). He consulted the Pythia again, and was told: "Myscellus [sic], too short of back, in searching things other than god commands, thou seekest naught but tears. Approve the gift the god doth give" (Diodorus Siculus 8.17; Oldfather (Trans), 1939; cf. Strabo 6.1.12). Parke and Wormell (1956a) suggest this oracle is a later invention because of the unusual situation of a human questioning the order of a god, and because it makes référence to the rivalry 18  There are foundation oracles for ûvepoleis in southern Italy and Sicily: Gela (Diodorus Siculus 8.23; Stephanus of Byzantium s.v. Gela), Kroton (Diodorus Siculus 8.17; Strabo 6.1.12 = Antiochus of Syracuse FGrH 555 fr. 10), Rhegion (Strabo 6.6.1; Heraclides Lembos 55; Diodorus Siculus 8.23), Syracuse (Pausanias 5.7.3; Strabo 6.2.4; Aelian fr. 316 = Sudas.v. Archias), and Taras (Strabo 6.3.2 == Antiochus of Syracuse, FGrH 5554, 247; Pausanias 10.10.6). 19Antiphemos was the récipient of an oikistës cuit at Gela (see chapter three, pp. 288- 291). See chapter two, p. 175. 23 between Kroton and Sybaris, that eventually resulted in the destruction of Sybaris in 510 BCE (pp. 70-71). A foundation oracle preserved for Taras indicates that the Tarentines were to be a 'plague on' the local inhabitants, the Iapygians; however the oracle also stated that Phalanthos and his colonists "were welcomed by both the barbarians and the Cretans [sic] who had previously taken possession of the place"(Strabo 6.3.2 apud Antiochus FGrH 5554. 13; Jones (Trans.), 1923).21 Although this oracle suggests that the natives and Greek settlers were on friendly terms, other sources indicate that they had strained relations from the beginning (Herodotus, 11.1.136; Ephorus, FGrH 70 F 216 = Strabo 6.3.3-4; Justin, 3.4; cf. Malkin, 1994b, pp. 118-119). Malkin (1994b) suggests that after the events of the First Messenian War, the Spartans may hâve preferred an oracle that could exonerate them from their violent actions, and, therefore, 'found' an oracle that could provide this justification (pp. 126-127). Malkin' s argument is more convincing than that of Fontenrose (1978), who proposes that the oracle is fictitious because Sparta would not be consulting the oracle for an important matter such as colonization at such an early date (p. 141). However, archaeological évidence indicates that Sparta was one of the earliest cities to make dedications in the sanctuary (C. Morgan, 1990, p. 151 ; see above, p. 20); and Sparta had a close relationship with Delphi since it had sacred ambassadors who were entrusted with Delphic prophecies (Malkin, 1989, p. 137). It is possible that the Spartans, who were visiting the sanctuary at an early date, may hâve consulted the oracle (if, in fact, it was established at this time!) on colonization. Additionally, it was advantageous for Taras to hâve such 21  Malkin (1994b) notes that this terminology also appears in Homer (Iîiad, 22. 421-422), in the context that Achilles is to be a "plague on the Trojans" (pp. 122-123). The full foundation oracle can be found in chapter two, p. 137. 24 an oracle because it could excuse the violent actions against the native populations, since the activity was sanctioned by Apollo (Malkin, 1994b, pp. 115, 126; Dougherty, 1993b, p. 158). If so, it is possible that this post-eventum oracle was contemporary with the two Tarentine monuments of the first half of the fifth century BCE (Jacquemin, 1999, p. 70) dedicated at Delphi that commemorate victories over the native populations {cf. Hernândez Martinez, 2004, p. 88; see chapter two, p. 154). This oracle may hâve been concocted to provide justification to the Greek world of Taras' violent ways. A foundation oracle that involves Kroton and Syracuse is c\Qdx\ypost eventum (Strabo 6.2.4; Aelian fr. 316 = Suda s.v. Archias; cf. Parke & Wormell, 1956a, pp. 68-69; 1956b, p. 94, no. 229; Fontenrose, 1978, p. 138). According to Strabo (6.2.4): It is said that Archias went to Delphi at the same time as Myscellus, and when they were consulting the oracle, the god asked them whether they chose wealth or health; now Archias chose wealth, and Myscellus health; accordingly, the god granted to the former to found Syracuse, and to the latter Croton (Jones, (Trans.), 1924). This oracle suggests that the foundations of thèse two colonies were contemporary; however, the archaeological évidence and the traditional foundation date indicates that this is false (Graham, 1982, pp. 160, 162).22 The oracle also refers to Kroton's later famé for doctors and Syracuse's wealth, features of thèse cities that did not arise until the beginning of the fifth century BCE (Parke & Wormell, 1956a, p. 69; Lacroix, 1965, pp. 158-161). 22  That Syracuse was founded ca. 750-725 BCE is suggested by archaeological material, and the earliest archaeological material from Kroton dates to 725-700 BCE. The traditional foundation date for Kroton is 709 BCE, and that of Syracuse is 734/733 BCE (Graham, 1982, pp. 160, 162). For the problems associated with absolute dating for colonies see above, p. 20 note 15. 25 Invented oracles could provide justification for a colony's actions, as discussed above, and they could also enhance the réputation of the settlement and promote civic pride. A connection to Delphi created a certain 'pedigree' for the settlement because of the site's famé (Nilsson, 1972, p. 140).23 Furthermore, the création of a foundation history, whether historical or legendary, enabled a settlement to develop its own identity. Greek settlers in Sicily and southern Italy would hâve confronted various native populations, who would likely hâve had their own well-established traditions, ail factors which may hâve prompted the colonial Greeks to 'create' their own history (J.- P. Wilson, 2006, p. 41).24 Many of the Western Greek colonies contained people from différent cities in the homeland,25 people from différent social classes,26 in addition to native women, which may hâve necessitated the establishment of a common identity amongst thèse community members. The invention of traditions could help establish a connection between members of a society (Hobsbawm, 1983, p. 9). In addition, Connecting one's polis to Delphi, the centre of the world according to Greek tradition (Strabo, 9.3.6; cf. Plutarch, Moralia, 409 e; see figure 5),27 and the home of the most famous oracle in the ancient world, would give the Western Greek settlements a sensé 23  Nilsson (1972) suggests that stating that an oracle came from Delphi made it more important (p. 140). 24  J.-P. Wilson (2006) notes that Greek settlers would hâve been 'forced' to consider and to explain their origins (p. 41). 25  For example, Gela was founded by Rhodians and Kretans (see chapter two, pp. 162-163). 26  For example, Syracuse's founder was Archias, a Bakchiad from Korinth, and his colonists consisted of people from Tenea (see chapter two, pp. 98-99). 27  Strabo (9.3.6) stated "For it is almost in the centre of Greece taken as a wholc.and it was also believed to be in the centre of the inhabited world, and the people called it the navel of the earth" (Jones (Trans.), 1927). 26 of ci vie pride and help develop their identity, both at a ci vie level and in the Greek world at large (C. Morgan, 1990, p. 174; Dougherty & Kurke, 2003, p. 10; Hall, 2003, pp. 27-30). ii) The Oracle of Zeus Naios at Dodona A possible candidate for oracular consultation for colonizing matters was the oracle of Zeus Naios at Dodona. This oracle was considered to be the oldest in the Greek world (Homer, Iliad, 2. 750; 16.234). Hère the word of Zeus was given by the rustling of oak leaves or branches, the ringing of bronze vessels, and possibly the cooing of doves (Sophocles, Trachiniae, 155; Flaceliére, 1965, pp. 15-16; Parke, 1967, pp. 27-29; 1972, p. 24; Dakaris, 1998, p. 14). Artifacts dating to the Géométrie period, including tripod fragments, figurines and fibulae, hâve been interpreted as dedications to Zeus,28 confirming the oracle's early establishment (Parke, 1967, p. 99). Material évidence for the consultation of Zeus' oracle prior to colony foundations is very scanty. A passage in Cicero {On Divination, 1.1.3) lumps Delphi, Dodona, and Ammon together when discussing pre- colonial oracular consultations: "And when was there ever an instance of Greece sending any colony into Aeolia, Ionia, Asia, Sicily or Italy, without consulting the Pythian or Dodonaean oracle, or that of Jupiter Hammon [sic]?" (Yonge (Trans.), 1853). There is no évidence, other than this mention by Cicero, that Ammon was involved in colonization (Parke, 1967, p. 129), and it is possible that this is simply a case of Cicero 'getting his facts wrong' conceraing Dodona and Ammon. There is, however, a story in the literary tradition that links Dodona to the colonial ambitions of Galeotes, a son of Apollo and Themisto (a daughter of King Zabios of the Hyperboreans), and 28  Parke (1967) notes that Archaic dedications include tripods, doves, and a bronze statuette of Zeus holding a thunderbolt. Inscribed dedications to Zeus do not appear until the Classical period (pp. 99-100). 27 Telmessos, another son of Apollo (Stephanus of Byzantium, s. v. Galeotai; Clément of Alexandria, Stromata, 1.21). In this colonization legend, the two half-brothers consulted the oracle of Zeus at Dodona at the same time. Telmessos was told to sail to the sunrise, and Galeotes was told to sail to the sunset until they both came to a place where an eagle snatched away the limbs of an animal they were sacrificing. Galeotes sailed to Sicily, and Telmessus sailed to Karia where he founded a sanctuary to Apollo Telmessios. Parke (1967) proposes that this legend is not authentic and that it was invented at the time King Pyrrhus, who attempted to conquer Sicily (p. 179). If this oracle is dismissed as ex eventu, there is very little évidence that Dodona was consulted by prospective colonists. The only city that could claim to be founded with the aid of Dodona was Korinth (Suda s. v. panta okto; Scholiast of Pindar, Nemean 7, 155; Duris FGrH16 f. 84; Plutarch, Alexander, 1. 48; cf. Vokotopoulou, 1991, pp. 73,79).29 According to tradition, Aletes consulted the oracle about the monarchy at Korinth, and he was given the response that he would conquer Korinth when someone gave him a 'clod of earth' and he was to attack on a day of 'many garlands. ' He wandered to Korinth and asked a local man for some bread, and the man gave him a clod of earth instead. When Aletes arrived, the city was celebrating a festival for the dead and the citizens were placing garlands upon their ancestors' tombs. Aletes came upon a daughter of the ruler who betrayed the city for the hand of Aletes, and Aletes took over the city (Scholiast on Pindar, Nemean 7,155). According to the Suda (s.v. panta okto), it was Aletes who was responsible for the founding of Korinth, through his Parke (1967) has a full discussion of the tradition of Aletes (pp. 129-131). 28 synoecism of the eight tribes of the région {cf. Robertson, 1980, p. 5).30 Although there is no évidence for Dodona playing a rôle in colonization, it was certainly involved in dispensing advice on navigation for the Adriatic and the west as early as the sixth century BCE (Prestianni Giallombardo, 2002). Numerous lead tablets with oracular questions hâve been found at Dodona, ranging in date from the mid-sixth-century BCE to the late third century CE and of thèse fourteen involve Gveekpoleis from Magna Grecia and Sicily, and ethnie Italie peoples (Vokotopoulou, 1991, pp. 77-78). The oracle at Dodona was consulted by individuals from the Greek poleis of Taras, Metapontion, Kroton, Sybaris, Thurii, Syracuse, and possibly Herakleia (Vokotopoulou, 1991, pp. 78, 81, 83-84, 86; Prestianni Giallombardo, 2002, pp. 124-127). While no tablets specifically relate to colonization, one lead tablet refers to sailing to Syracuse and mentions an emporion (SEG 43. 330),31 and another inscription mentions sailing to Sicily (SEG 43. 329)32 (Vokotopolou, 1991, pp. 84, 86, nos. 12-13, fig. 4a-b; Prestianni Giallombardo, 2002, pp. 125-126; Eidinow, 2007, pp. 77, 79, nos. 9, 17 ).33 30  The act of synoecism, or bringing together communities, was also employed by the Sicilian tyrants who envisioned themselves as founders (see chapter three, pp. 253-256). 31  The tablet reads: "God, Ariston asks Zeus Naios and Dione whether it is better and more good for me and if I will be able to sail to Syracuse, to the colony, later?" (Eidinow, 2007, p. 79, no. 17). This tablet dates to the beginning of the third century BCE. 32  The inscription states: "God...Good Luck. Archonidas asks the god whether I should sail into Sicily?" (Eidinow, 2007, p. 77, no. 9). This tablet dates to ca. 375 BCE. 33A number of thèse lead tablets deal with travel, presumably by sea, including the cities of Sybaris, Herakleia, Hipponion, Kroton, and Taras (Eidinow, 2007, p. 75). Other inquires from the poleis of southern Italy and Sicily include questions related to profit (Eidinow, 2007, p. 99, no. 17), farmwork (SEG 43. 331; Eidinow, 2007, p. 96, no. 4) and an unknown inquiry by Archias of Metapontion (Eidinow, 2007, p. 128). 29 Clearly Dodona was consulted by the poleis of Western Greece for advice on navigational matters, yet the oracle was not involved in colonization. The lack of colonizing oracles may be due to political and geographical considérations. The région of Epirus and the people who inhabited it were often considered to be non-Hellenic in origin, which may hâve made Delphi a more désirable choice (Nicol, 1958, p. 131). However,it was likely Dodona's location that prevented it from being consulted by mainland Greek poleis for questions concerning colonization. Dodona is located in Epirus, and it would hâve been more accessible to the Italian peninsula as well as the inhabitants of northwestern Greece (Gwatkin, 1961, p. 99). Delphi, because of its central location, was the oracle of choice for many of the Greek poleis that were involved in early colonization, including Korinth, Chalkis, and Sparta. Furthermore, already by the eighth century BCE an increase in votive offerings is seen at Delphi (see above, p. 19), and it is possible that the Delphic oracle may hâve begun to overshadow Dodona at an early date, which would explain Dodona's lack of colonizing oracles. iii) The Oracle of Apollo at Didyma The oracle of Apollo at Didyma, also known as Branchidae, may hâve been involved in colonization. This oracle was located in Asia Minor, about 20 kilometers from the important Greek polis of Miletus, and this city came to control the oracle. Miletus was well known for the great number of her colonies; possibly as many as thirty to forty-five were founded in the Black Sea région, Northern Aegean, Propontis, and the Hellespont (Gorman, 2001, pp. 63-64; Greaves, 2002, pp. 104-105). Although there are no foundation oracles preserved in literature for consultation at 30 Didyma,34 an inscription was found at the Milesan colony of Apollonia (on the Rhyndakus River) that seems to indicate Didyma had a rôle in colonization (Parke, 1972, p. 49; 1985, p. 11; Greaves, 2002, pp. 127-128). This inscription, dating to the middle of the second century BCE, concerns the colony re-establishing ties with the metropolis of Miletus. The inscription (Milet 1.3. no 155) states: The Milesians listened to the ambassadors with every good will and after they had investigated the historiés on the subject and other written records they replied that our city in truth had been founded as a colony of their own city. Their ancestors had accomplished this, at the time when they sent out a military expédition to the régions in the neighbourhood of the Hellespont and the Sea of Marmara. They had conquered in war the barbarian inhabitants and had settled our city among the other Greek cities. Apollo of Didyma had been the guide in the campaign (Parke (Trans.), 1985). It is tempting to take this inscription at face value, but it seems unlikely that Apollonia would hâve 'forgotten' that Didyma was involved in its foundation. This was likely was a Hellenistic invention as Greaves (2002) suggests (p. 128). Traditional foundation dates for the early Milesian colonies are contemporary with the archaeological évidence from Didyma. The earliest remains from Didyma date to the late-eighth or early-seventh century BCE (Parke, 1985, p. 23; Fontenrose, 1988, p. 9; Greaves, 2002, p. 111), making it possible that the oracle could hâve been consulted prior to colonization. However, it must be noted that little excavation has been carried out in the Milesian colonies that could provide archaeological dates for thèse colonial foundations (Greaves, 2002, p. 128). A passage in Orpheus (Argonautica, 152-3) indicates that Neilus consulted the oracle at Didyma before he founded 34  According to Fontenrose (1988), there is a quasi-historical oracular response from Didyma that concerns the foundation of Kyzikos, a colony of Miletus and may hâve been Delphic (pp. 208-209, no. 34). Scholars hâve noted that there is one foundation oracle preserved that records that an exile from Miletus consulted the oracle at Delphi before founding Sinope (Parke & Wormell, 1956a, p. 81, no. 85; Parke, 1985, p. 10; Greaves, 2002, p. 128). 31 Miletus, suggesting that during the sixth century BCE Didyma was associated with colonization (Fontenrose, 1988, pp. 229-230, no. 59; Greaves, 2002, pp. 110,128). Without substantial évidence, it can only remain a possibility that Apollo's oracle at Didyma was involved in colonization, and there is no évidence that it was associated with the foundation of Western Greek colonies. iv) The Oracle of Apollo at Delos According to a few literary sources, the birthplace of Apollo, the island of Delos, had an oracle. The earliest and clearest référence to an oracle at Delos is in the Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo (79-82).35 Parke (1972) suggests that Delos had a short-lived oracle, established around the end of the eighth-century, the time he thought the Homeric Hymn was composed, and gone by the end of the sixth century when the sanctuary was revived by Peisistratos and Polykrates (p. 94). However, the late eighth century date for the composition of the poem seems uniikely. The hymn was likely composed for a joint Delian-Pythian festival held by Polycrates at Delos in 522 BCE (Burkert, 1979, pp. 59, 61-62). 35  Malkin (1986) argues that the référence in the Homeric Hymn has been misplaced and belongs to a section on the Delphic Apollo (p. 965, note 26). The Homeric Hymn to Delian Apollo (79-82) states, "But if you would undertake, mighty goddess, to swear a great oath that hère he will build his original, gorgeously beautiful temple, to be a famous oracular shrine for mankind, then thereafter let him construct ail the temples and precincts and groves that he pleases" (Hine (Trans.), 2005). There are other références that allude to an oracle at Delos (Lucian, Alexander, 8; Lucian, The Double Indictment, c. 1; Servius, Aeneid, 4.143; Horace, Odes, 3. 4.64; Himerius, Oration 18.1; Farnell, 1907, pp 380-381; Adel, 1982-1983, p. 289). Malkin (1986) states: "The testimonia is [sic] late, uncertain and unreliable" (p. 965, note 28). The majority of the ancient authors who mention an oracle at Delos are of the Roman period, and Gregory (1983) suggests that the oracle may hâve become more popular at this time (pp. 290-291). 32 Some scholars suggest that not only did Delos hâve an oracle, but that it might hâve also been involved in the foundation of the colony of Naxos (R. Van Compernolle, 1950-1951, p. 182; Brugnone, 1979-1980, pp. 282-283; Pugliese Carratelli, 1992, pp. 402-404; Antonaccio, 2007, p. 211). The présence of the cuits of Apollo Archëgetês at Delos and Sicilian Naxos, has led to the suggestion that there was a link between thèse two sites (R. Van Compernolle, 1950-1951, p. 182-183; Brugnone, 1979-1980, pp. 280-291). However, Malkin (1986) illustrâtes that the title archëgetês in Delos was actually connected to the hero Anios, and not Apollo (p. 963). Therefore, the présence of the epithet archëgetês at Naxos can be related to Apollo of Delphi, and not the god worshipped at Delos (Malkin, 1986, p. 962; Davies, 2007, p. 60; cf. Forrest, 1957, p. 165; see chaptertwo, pp. 80-81).36 At the time Sicilian Naxos was founded, the island of Delos was under Naxian influence (Pugliese Carratelli, 1992, p. 403). The présence of a seventh century BCE marble cippus with an inscription to the goddess Enyo at Naxos, a deity who was also worshipped on the island of Delos, has led to the suggestion that the oracle of Delos was involved in the foundation of Sicilian Naxos (Pugliese Carratelli, 1992, pp. 402-404).37 However, the présence of the goddess Enyo in Sicilian Naxos should not be seen as évidence of Delian involvement in colonization. It does, however, suggest contact between Delos and the colonists who founded Sicilian Naxos, which included a 36  Furthermore, the explicit Delphic thèmes on Tauromenion's coinage may also indicate that Naxos was a Delphic foundation (see chapter two, p. 92, and figure 22). (After Naxos was destroyed by Dionysius I, the survivors created a new settlement at Tauromenion.) The inscription (IGASMGIII, p. 79, no. 72) reads: "yupagoç hvpoç 'Ev/zuo [î]. 33 contingent of people from the island of Naxos (see chapter two, p. 80).38 Contact between Delos and Sicilian Naxos can be explained by the fact that Naxos was in control of Delos at the time the colony was founded. The association of Delos with the founding of Naxos is very tenuous. First of ail, it is unclear whether there was an oracle at Delos or when it may hâve been in opération. Furthermore, there are no known foundation legends that are associated with Delos, and the évidence Connecting Delos and Sicilian Naxos is inconclusive. Although it is possible that Delos had an oracle, there is no substantial évidence to suggest it was involved in the foundation of Naxos. Greek Gods and Navigation The dangers associated with seafaring were well known to the ancient Greeks and they would hâve been on the minds of those about to settle in new lands. Stories of storms at sea, shipwrecks and piracy are found throughout Greek Hterature {cf. Pomey, 1996, pp. 134, 136). Hesiod {Works andDays, 618-677) warned sailors against the périls of sailing during the winter months and urged his audience to sail during the late spring and summer when the seas are calmer. In his travels, Odysseus endured terrible storms, blowing winds, and a shipwreck (Homer, Odyssey 5.313-318). A fragment of the seventh century poet Mimnermus (fr. 11.1) wrote of Jason and the Argonauts' dangerous sea expédition in search of the golden fleece (also cf. Nasselrath, 2005, p. 157). Furthermore, passages in Herodotus (8.129) and Thucydides (3.89) hâve been interpreted as describing the after-effects oftsunamis (Smid, 1970, pp. 102-104). The ultimate fear of ancient Greek sailors was the prospect of becoming shipwrecked. There 38  There is an inscription from the Delian inventories that records the dedication of a phiale by the Sicilian Naxians {ID 304 B14; Rutherford, 1998, p. 82). 34 are numerous shipwrecks in the waters around southern Italy and Sicily that illustrate the dangers associated with sea travel. Shipwrecks were common in antiquity, and certain coasts were known for their danger (Parker, 1992, p. 3). Sandy or rocky coasts, winds, squalls and currents were ail possible hazards sailors could endure. The Straits of Messene were notorious for tidal currents, which probably accounted for the myths of Scylla and Charybdis, sea monsters that were said to inhabit thèse waters (Strabo, 1.2.9, 1.2.16; Semple, 1927, p. 361; Pomey, 1996, p. 134). Clusters of shipwrecks found in the waters off southern Italy and Sicily illustrate the difficulty of certain coasts: seven shipwrecks, dating from the fifth century BCE to the seventh century CE hâve been found off the coast of Syracuse, fïve off the coast of Taras, dating from the fourth century BCE to the seventh century CE, and possibly as many as thirteen shipwrecks off Cape Graziano, that range in date from the fifteenth century BCE to the eighteenth century CE (Parker, 1992, pp. 123,117-120, 249,292- 293,405^06,418-^U 9). The ill-fortune of seafarers is illustrated on a Late Géométrie krater from Pithekoussai. The scène shows survivors swimming and corpses floating around a capsized warship (Brunnsâker, 1962, pp. 182-184; Boardman, 1980, p. 160; Delivorrias, 1987, p. 162, no.58; see figure 6).39 One of the survivors of this shipwreck scène is about to succumb to the horrible fate of being eaten by a shark (Boardman, 1980, p. 160). A more pleasant ending to a shipwreck disaster occurs in the myth associated with Taras, the eponymous founder of the city, who was shipwrecked and brought to safety by a dolphin (Aristotle, fr. 590; cf. Purcell, 1990, p. 29).40 Encounters with unfriendly people at sea, whether pirates or brigands, would also hâve been 39  An Attic Late Géométrie oenochoe also illustrâtes a shipwreck (Brunnsâker, 1962, p. 227, fig. 15). 40  According to Pausanias (10.13.4), it was Phalanthos, the leader of the Spartan colonists, who was shipwrecked and saved by a dolphin. On Phalanthos, see chapter three, pp. 281-290. 35 a possibility. The Tyrrhenian sea was known in antiquity for its pirates (Homeric Hymn to Dionysus, 7.8; Strabo 5.2.22,5.3.5), and in fact the term Tyrrhenian became synonymous with pirate (Omerod, 1924, pp. 152-153). According to Diodorus Siculus (5.6), the early inhabitants of Sicily lived in hill-top settlements to protect themselves from pirates (cf. Omerod, 1924, p. 151). Tradition also indicates that Zancle was settled by pirates from Kyme, together with other Euboeans (Thucydides, 6.4.3). Piracy in the waters surrounding Italy and Sicily was typically carried out by Greeks, Phoenicians, and Etruscans (Thucydides, 6.4.3; Strabo, 1.3.2,5.2.22; Omerod, 1924, pp. 152-153; De Souza, 1999, p. 22). A krater from Caere (Agylla) provides a visual reminder of the threat of piracy: a merchant ship is shown being pursued by a galley manned by pirates, and the merchant vessel lets out its sails in the hope of outrunning the pirates (Casson, 1994, p. 44; see figure 7). The oikistës, as the man chosen by Apollo to lead the colonists, was entrusted with the safety of his colonial contingent. It was his responsibility to ensure that prayers and offerings were made to gods associated with seafaring before embarking, and to make thank-offerings once they arrived safely at their destination. Literary références and archaeological évidence indicate that thèse activities were commonplace (Aeschylus, Persians, 393; Arrian, Bella civilia, 5.96.401; Arrian, Kynegetikos, 53.2; Epiktetos, 3.21.12; Homer, Odyssey, 2.430-433; Homeric Hymn 33,6-12; Livy, 29.27.1-5; Pindar, Pythian 4, 204-206; Thucydides, 6.32.1-2; Kapitân, 1979, p.114; Robertson 2005, pp. 90-92). In the Odyssey (15.222), Telemachus offered prayers and sacrifices toAthena prior to sailing. Thucydides' (6.32.1-2) description of the Athenian ships preparing to set sail on the Sicilian expédition is particularly informative: When the ships had been manned and everything had at last been put aboard which they were to take with them on the voyage, the trumpeter proclaimed silence, and they offered the 36 prayers that are were customary before putting out to sea, not ship by ship but ail together, led by a herald, the mariners as well as the officers throughout the whole army making libations with golden and silver cups from wine they had mixed. And the rest of the throng of people on the shore, both the citizens and ail others présent who wished the Athenians well, also joined in the prayers. And when they had sung the paean and had finished the libations, they put off, and sailing out at first in single column they then raced as far as Aegina (C. F. Smith (Trans.), 1921). From this passage it is clear that the Athenians prayed, sang hymns, and poured libations from gold and silver vessels in an attempt to appease the god(s) and secure a safe voyage. A study of the embarkation scènes in the Odyssey by Greene (1995) found that safe journeys at sea were linked to proper rituals being observed, including prayers, libations or other offerings made to the gods (p. 217). Literary sources also suggest that animais could be thrown into the sea, to appease sea gods either prior to a voyage or during the voyage when troubles arose (Herodotus, 7.180; Homer, Odyssey, 1.25; 3.5-9; Homeric Hymn 33, 6-12; Pindar, Pythian 4, 204-206; Robertson, 2005, pp. 85,91). Although most of the évidence for seafaring rituals is of a literary nature, there is some archaeological évidence that seems to corroborate thèse accounts. Hellenistic offering vessels hâve been found in the sea near the Great Harbour and the Lakkios or Little Harbour at Syracuse (see figure 8). Kapitân (1985) connects thèse vessels to a ritual that was mentioned by Polemon of Ilion, a writer of the early second century BCE, that has been preserved in a passage in Athenaeus (p. 148). The passage refers to a ritual associated with the cuit of Athena, involving vessels that were thrown into the sea to grant a favourable voyage for sailors (Athenaeus 11.6): At Syracuse, on the highest spot of the part called the Island, there is an altar near the temple of Olympia, outside the walls, from which he [Polemon] says that people when putting to sea carry a goblet with 37 them, keeping it until they get to such a distance that the shield in the temple of Minerva cannot be seen; and they let it fall into the sea, being an earthenware cup, putting into it flowers and honeycombs, and uncut frankincense, and ail sorts of other spices besides (Yonge (Trans.), 1854). In addition, a number of portable altars and louteria hâve also been found in the sea, often associated with ancient shipwrecks, and they may hâve been used by sailors for on-board religious rites (Kapitân, 1979, pp. 114-116; 1985, pp. 148-151). Louteria are shallow basins with a broad rim placed above a pedestal. On land, they were used as perirrhanteria and were commonly placed in sacred areas where cérémonial washing would be preformed. On a ship, as on land, cérémonial washing would take place in the louterion, probably before a libation was made, including when a ship left port (Kapitân, 1979, p. 114). Although the évidence that Kapitân cites dates to a much later period than that of the early Western Greek colonies, it is likely that it reflects rituals that occurred during this time as well. After a safe voyage, thank-offerings would be made to gods associated with the sea or navigation. Suitable votive offerings to maritime gods include items that are related to the sea such as models of ships, terracotta reliefs depicting boats or other nautical thèmes, and items that were used by sailors and fishermen. Anchors,41 fïsh-hooks and other fishing implements, even boats, could be dedicated to marine deities who included Poséidon, Hera, Aphrodite, Apollo, Artemis, and the Dioscuri.42 41  The dedication of stone anchors to navigational deities is also seen in other ancient cultures. Examples are known from Byblos, Ugarit, Kition in Cyprus, and Egypt (Basch, 1981, p. 38). 42  See the discussion and bibliography below. General information on the types of offerings dedicated to maritime deities are found in a number of sources, including Rouse (1902, p. 71), Gianfrotta (1977, p. 286), and Romero Recio (2000, pp. 1-79). 38 i) Poséidon Poséidon was known to the Greeks as god of earthquakes and most prominently as the 'Lord of the Sea.' Hesiod (Works and Days, 2. 663-677) and Homer (Odyssey, 5. 313-318) credited Poséidon with creating great waves and fierce winds that cause shipwrecks. The 'Lord of the Sea' could also grant safe voyages upon the seas; in the Homeric Hymn to Poséidon (5-7), he was known as the 'saviour of ships.' Locks of hair could be dedicated to Poséidon by shipwreck survivors, or those who survived a storm at sea (Palatine Anthology, 6.164; Leitao, 2003, p. 115, note 26). To ensure a safe voyage and to appease the god, libations and sacrifices were commonly made to Poséidon (Herodotus, 7.180 (libation); Homer, Odyssey, 1.25 (sacrifice of bulls), 3.5-9 (sacrifice); Pindar Pythian 4,204-206 (sacrifice); Robertson, 2005, p. 90). Bulls and horses could be plunged into the sea in honour of Poséidon as an attempt to secure a safe voyage (Robertson, 2005, pp. 85, 88,91). Poséidon could also be given votive offerings that related to his rôle in seafaring. A number of miniature boats were dedicated in the sanctuary of Poséidon at Isthmia. Several are made of terracotta (Broneer, 1959, p. 338; P. F. Johnston, 1985, p. 70; Raubitschek, 1998, p. 10) and one is of bronze with an animal-shaped prow, rowers, a helmsman and a warrior inside the vessel (Broneer, 1959, p. 328, fig. 5; P. F. Johnston, 1985, p. 70; Delivorrias, 1987, p.183, no. 84; Raubitschek, 1998, p. 10, no. 36, pi. 7 no. 36). Ail models date to the sixth century BCE and were found in votive pits associated with the temple of Poséidon (P. F. Johnston, 1985, p. 70). A miniature terracotta warship from the acropolis at Lipara may also hâve been dedicated to Poséidon (Romero Recio, 2000, pp. 16-17). Votive plaques depicting ships and Poséidon with his trident hâve been found at Penteskouphia (near Korinth) in a votive dump with objects dedicated to 39 Poséidon (Geagen, 1970, pp. 31-32,37-39 (Poséidon with trident), 44-46 (ships); Romero Recio, 2000, p. 10; Wachter, 2001, pp. 119-153).43 In addition, a miniature lead anchor was found in the sanctuary of Poséidon on Thasos (Heffher, 1928, p. 532; Bon & Seyrig, 1929, p. 348; Gianfrotta, 1977, p. 286; Romero Recio, 2000, p.38). Literary and epigraphic évidence indicates that full-size boats were offered to the god of the sea. Thucydides mentions boats that were dedicated to Poséidon after victorious sea battles (Thucydides, 2.84.4 (at Akaya); Thucydides, 2.92.5 (Péloponnèse)). Herodotus (8.121.1) records the dedication of Persian ships to Poséidon after the Athenian naval victory at Salamis at Cape Sounion, Isthmia, and Salamis. Jason is said to hâve dedicated the Argo in the sanctuary of Poséidon at Isthmia (Apollodorus, Argonautica, 1.9.27). A sixth-century inscription from the Heraion at Samos indicates that a ship was dedicated to Poséidon (IG XII. 6 1, Samos 240; Ohly, 1953, pp. 111-112; Kopcke, 1967, p. 145; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 4; Baumbach, 2004, p. 165).44 Fishing equipment was also a suitable offering for Poséidon, to thank the god for safe seas (Rouse, 1902, p. 71). At the sanctuary of Poséidon at Isthmia, nineteen bronze fish-hooks,45 twelve lead weights from a fishing net, and an iron fishing spear were found in a sixth-century BCE votive deposit within the temple (Gehbard, 1998, p. 198; Raubitschek, 1998, pp. 127, 129, pi. 71 no. 453, pi. 72 no. 456^1-57; Romero Recio, 2000, p.63). A number of fish-hooks hâve also been 43  One of thèse plaques records a partial inscription that Kingsley (1981) suggests refers to Phalanthos, the founder of Taras (p. 208); however, this conclusion is very dubious (see chapter three, pp. 283-284). 44  This was a joint dedication to Hera and Poséidon. See discussion below, p. 44. 45  Nineteen examples were found together in a votive pit. Other bronze fish-hooks hâve been found at the sanctuary (Raubitschek, 1998, pp. 127-128, no. 454, pi. 71 no. 454 (IM 1159)). 40 found at Thasos during excavation of the sanctuary of Poséidon (Bon & Seyrig, 1929, p. 348; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 63). Three other items found in the sanctuary at Isthmia are also suitable offerings to the god of the sea, including a bronze trident, a solid-bronze scallop shell, and a bronze dolphin (Raubitschek, 1998, pp. 9-10, nos. 35, 38-39, pl.7 no. 34, pi. 8 nos. 38-39).46 Sanctuaries of Poséidon were often placed in areas that combined control of the land and the sea (Schachter, 1990, p. 46). For example, at Isthmia the sanctuary of Poséidon provided control over the Isthmus of Korinth, and the sacred grove of Poséidon at Penteskouphia controlled the land route between the sea and Korinth's neighbours (Schachter, 1990, p. 47). Often Poséidon's sanctuaries were placed on promontories, such as at Geraistos, Cape Sounion, and Cape Metapan, harbours or at cities located along the coast, as at Samos (Semple, 1927, p. 367; Larson, 2007, p. 60). In many instances, thèse poleis were named Potidaia, Chalkidike or Poseidonia (Larson, 2007, pp. 60-61). Epithets that were connected to the marine aspect of Poséidon included Epiktaios (on the coast), Pelagios (sea-going), and Pontios (of the sea) (Larson, 2007, p. 60). Surprisingly, there is little évidence for the cuit of Poséidon in southern Italy and Sicily. In the territory of Poseidonia, a sanctuary of Poséidon was likely placed upon the Agropolis promontory (Edlund, 1987, p. 105).47 An inscription from the acropolis at Hyele attests to worship of the cuit of Poséidon Asphaleios (IGASMG V, p. 74, no. 41; Blegen, 1951, p. 179; Tocco Sciarelli, 1997, p. 227), an epithet that is connected with navigation (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 15). According to tradition in the territory of Zankle on Cape Pelorus, the giant Orion built a sanctuary of Poséidon, 46  Raubitschek (1998) notes that the dolphin could be associated with Melikertes- Palaimon instead of Poséidon (p. 9). 47  Edlund (1987) notes that although there is no évidence of a structure, the présence of pottery and the location make it likely that a sanctuary of Poséidon was placed hère (p. 105). 41 but no évidence has been found (Diodorus Siculus, 4. 5; Strabo, 6. 1.5; Jannelli, 2002b, p. 175). It is possible that Poséidon's rôle as a sea god in southern Italy and Sicily may hâve been overshadowed by other gods who were also associated with navigation, especially Hera. ii) Hera The présence of Hera at many settlements in southern Italy and Sicily attests to the importance of this cuit amongst the Western Greeks.48 As Baumbach (2004) illustrâtes, Hera was most commonly associated with the sphère of women: marriage, fertility, pregnancy, childbirth, protector of the house and families, but she was also closely associated with protecting sailors from périls at sea. In the Odyssey, it was Hera who guided Jason through a rocky pass and provided protection for his ship the Argo (Homer, Odyssey, 12. 69-72). Both Pliny (Natural History, 2.3) and Livy (24.3) refer to Hera at Cape Lacinio as a maritime protectress. Aelian {Varia historia, 13.37) mentions the offering of a statue in the temple of Hera at Syracuse after a successful naval battle at Himera, to honour their tyrant Gelon and as a thank-offering to the marine goddess (Loicq- Berger & Renard, 1982, pp. 98-99). At Thasos, Hera Epilimenia (at the harbour) was worshipped alongside Poséidon, the suprême god of the sea (IG XII. suppl. 409; Heffner, 1928, p. 532; Woodward, 1928, p. 188; Bon & Seyrig, 1929, pp. 345-347).49 Hera was commonly worshipped at sanctuaries placed on the outskirts of the town, or at non-urban sanctuaries (de Polignac, 1995, p. 22), and the location of the 48  Cuits of Hera hâve been found at Syracuse, Kroton, Metapontion, Taras, Sybaris, Kyme, Megara Hyblaia, Gela, Hyele, Poseidonia, Selinus, Akrai, and Hybla Heraia. Other cities may also hâve had cuits of Hera: Naxos, Rhegion, Katane, Himera (Parisi Presicce, 1985, p. 59). An altar with an inscription to Hera Epilimenia attests to her cuit. 42 cuits of Hera allowed her to provide protection and control over the territory which extended to the sea (Genovese, 1999, p. 187). Many sanctuaries were located near water, often at ports, capes or promontories, or next to navigable rivers Connecting her to the waters that she oversaw (de Polignac, 1995, p. 115). In the Western Greek world, the earliest cuits of Hera are found near the sea, often at the point of land that the colonists would hâve first arrived (Parisi Presicce, 1985, p. 62). Sites where Hera was worshipped include the emporion of Gravisca,50 Cape Lacinio near Kroton, the promontory at Kyme, and Foce del Sele (mouth of the Sele River) at Poseidonia. Hera's connection to the sea is illustrated by the various fïnds at her sanctuaries, which can be interpreted as offerings by sailors to their protecting deity. Fish-hooks hâve been found at a number of sanctuaries of Hera, including Perachora, Foce del Sele, and Hyele (Payne, 1940, p. 182, pi. 80.6; Tocco Sciarelli, 1997, p. 229, fig. 7; Baumbach, 2004, pp. 40, 140, figs. 3.67, 5.68).51 A lead anchor of the first century CE with the inscription HPA was found off the sea near Reggio Calabria (Genovese, 1999, p. 187;Lattanzi, 2003, p. 173). Literary and epigraphic sources indicate that Hera at Samos received offerings from explorers, merchants, and pirates (Herodotus, 1.70; 4.88-89; 4.150-154; SEGXK.391; Parisi Presicce, 1985, pp. 66-67). A number of offerings found at the sanctuary of Hera at Samos were related to the maritime aspect of this goddess. 50  Gravisca was the port of the Etruscan city of Tarquinia, but because of the présence of numerous Greek merchants, Greek gods were worshipped hère (Torelli, 1971; 1977). On the cuit of Apollo at Gravisca, see appendix one, pp.407-408. 51  Two fish-hooks were found at the sanctuary of Hera Limenia at Perachora (Payne, 1940, p. 182, pi. 80. 6; Baumbach, 2004, p. 40, fig.2.67). A large quantity of fish-hooks were found at Foce del Sele (Baumbach, 2004, p. 140, fig. 5.68). One fish-hook was found at the sanctuary of Hera at Hyele (Tocco Sciarelli, 1997, p. 229, fig. 7). 43 The unique préservation of wooden materials from the Heraion at Samos offers us a glimpse of the types of offerings that may hâve been found at other sanctuaries of Hera.52 Most notable for this discussion are the twenty-two miniature boat models that may owe their préservation to flooding in this area in the seventh century BCE (P. F. Johnston, 1985, p. 50).53 The models range in length from around 30 to 50 centimeters and most are carved from one pièce of wood (Ohly, 1953, pp. lll-118;Kopcke, 1967, pp. 145-148; Kyrieleis, 1980, pp. 87-94; P. F. Johnston, 1985,p.46;Brize, 1997,p. 130; De Polignac, 1997, p.l 15; Baumach, 2004, p. 163). A study by P. F. Johnston(1985) found that the maj ority of thèse models depict warships, although one example represents a merchant vessel (pp. 54-64).54 Ships made from other materials hâve also survived in the archaeological record. A terracotta boat was found at the sanctuary of Hera Akraia at Perachora (Payne, 1940, p. 97, pi. 29.6; P. F. Johnston, 1985, p. 74; Baumbach, 2004, p. 40, fig. 2.66), and a number of terracotta models hâve been found at Korinth. Scholars hâve suggested that this may indicate that they were manufactured at Korinth (de Polignac, 1997, p. 115; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 10),55 and that they may hâve been intended for déposition in the sanctuaries of Hera or in those of other local 52  Kyrieleis (1988) notes that although wood was a cheap and easily accessible material to make votive items from, it rarely survives in the archaeological record (p. 216). 53  A full discussion of the date can be found in a number of sources (Ohly, 1953, pp. 112, 114; Kopcke, 1967, p.145; Kyrieleis, 1980, p.87; Baumbach, 2004, p. 163). Kyrieleis (1993) suggests that thèse items were likely used in a ritual connected with the cuit of Hera (pp. 141— 143), while Baumbach (2004) suggests that they are votive offerings (p. 163). 54  The one example of a merchant vessel is unusual since it is built of several pièces of wood, and it is the only example of this type known (P. F. Johnston, 1985, p. 60). 55  P. F. Johnston (1985) provides a full discussion on the terracotta boat models from Korinth (pp. 64-65, 67-69,71-72). 44 gods associated with seafaring.56 A fine bronze proto-Sardinian ship model was found at the Heraion at Cape Lacino, which dates to the second half of the eighth century BCE (Lilliu, 2000, pp. 181-182).57 Lilliu (2000) proposes that it was dedicated by a Sardinian sailor to Hera, the protectress of sailors (pp. 181, 209-210). Terracotta model ships found at Pithekoussai on the Mezzavia hill may be associated with a cuit of Hera or possibly Poséidon (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 16). Besides miniature représentations of boats, archaeological and epigraphic évidence suggests that full-sized ships were dedicated to the goddess.58 At the Heraion at Samos, foundations for the base of a ship dating to the seventh century BCE hâve been found within the south temenos (Ohly, 1953, p . l l l ; Kopcke, 1967, p. 145; Walter, 1976, p. 58, fig. 51; P. F. Johnston, 1985, p.51; Brize, 1997, p. 130; Romero Recio, 2000, pp. 3^1; Baumbach, 2004, p. 165, fig. 6.39). Also from the Heraion cornes a fragmentary inscription on a bronze plaque that records a dedication made by Amphidemos of six ships to Hera and one to Poséidon (IG XII. 6 1, Samos 240; Ohly, 1953, pp. 56  Terracotta models of boats may hâve also been intended for sanctuaries of Apollo and Poséidon. One model may hâve been associated with the temple of Apollo. As P. F. Johnston (1985) notes it was found in débris that is linked to the enlargement of the sanctuary of Apollo (p. 67). Two models were also found in pits associated with the sanctuary of Poséidon at Isthmia (P. F. Johnston, 1985, p. 70). 57  A large number of bronze Sardinian ship models are known, with most dating from the eighth and seventh centuries BCE (Basch, 1981, p. 38). 58  There are other instances of ships dedicated in sanctuaries of gods and goddesses associated with seafaring; two examples are known from Delos (both of Hellenistic date), two examples from Samothrace (one of the late seventh century BCE); one from Thasos (date uncertain); and one from Rhion (fifth century date, dedicated to Poséidon) (Blackman, 2001, pp. 207-212). Herodotus (8.121.1) mentioned that captured Persians ships were dedicated at Isthmia, Sounion, and Salamis. Octavian also dedicated 10 ships to Apollo Aktaios (Strabo 7.7.6). 45 111-112; Kopcke, 1967, p. 145; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 4; Baumbach, 2004, p. 165).59 Baumbach (2004) prefers to interpret the dedications of boats and fish-hooks as offerings to Hera in her guise as a fertility goddess, whose bounty extended to the sea (pp. 40,140,163,165-166,187). Baumbach (2004) does admit that the boat models "...probably also relate to Hera's function as protectress of the fleet" (p. 166). Romero Recio's discussion indicates that many of thèse deities associated with fishing were also gods associated with navigation (Romero Recio, 2000, pp. 62-63). When combined, the archaeological, epigraphic and literary évidence suggests that thèse types of votives point to Hera's rôle in navigation as a protecting divinity for sailors, whether they were fishermen, members of naval fleets, merchants, or colonists. As a navigational goddess, Hera would hâve been important to colonists, as her protection would hâve been vital to those traveling to new lands. Furthermore, her protection would continue to help the colonists prosper by enabling safety at sea by merchants, fishermen, and the navy during sea battles. iii) Zeus Zeus is not commonly a god associated with navigation, but there is évidence that he was considered a protecting divinity for sailors.60 Passages in Homer (Odyssey, 9.67-74; 9.550- 554; 12.405-419) illustrate that Zeus offered protection for sailors at sea, and sacrifices were made to 59  The inscription (IG XII. 6 1, Samos 240) reads: A|j,(|)iôdr||-io noouvov To[ôe — ] véaaç éÀo>v EHx"Hpr|i év0ocù[Ta—] Àei|j.iav lloafeiôcovi TI uparj-piau [ — ] EN Te'xvioç N [ - - -] jua A[ - - -] S [ - - -]. 60  Fish-hooks are commonly found in sanctuaries associated with navigational gods. The only example from a sanctuary of Zeus, known to me, cornes from Nemea (S. G. Miller, 1984, p. 184, pi. 41, BR 1116). 46 him to ensure safe voyages (Homer, Iliad, 9.356-362; Odyssey, 4.472-474; 9.550-555). A fragment of Callimachus (fr. 400) and a passage in Aeschylus {Suppliants, 594-595) mention Zeus' rôle as a protector of sailors (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 46). According to Pausanias (1.5.3), an anchor from the time of King Midas was dedicated in the sanctuary of Zeus at Ankara. A sixth-century BCE stone anchor with a partial inscription (Mûç p,e loaxo) was found on Kerkyra, possibly connected with the cuit of Zeus Kasios at Kasiope, a sanctuary that was frequented by sailors (IGIX 1.704; Gianfrotta, 1977, pp. 286-287. Romero Recio, 2000, p. 40).61 In the sea between Cape Colonna and Cape Cimmento, near Kroton, a stone anchor was found with a dedication to Zeus Melichios (kindly), by Phayllos (IGDGG, pp. 149-151, no. 90; Gianfrotta, 1975, p. 316; 1977, p. 288; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 45).62 Romero Recio (2000) proposes that this epithet of Zeus is connected to the Phoenician god Baal or Baal Moloch, and is closely associated with navigation (p. 48). Other epithets of Zeus that were connected with seafaring include Ourios (of the sky) and Hypatos (suprême) (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 46), and both thèse epithets hâve been found on stone cippi at Hyele (IGASMG, V, pp. 69-71, nos. 36-37 (Ourios); 38 (Hypatos); Romero Recio, 2000, p. 46).63 61  It is also possible that this anchor was dedicated to another navigational god worshipped on Kerkyra, such as Poséidon, Dionysus or Apollo (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 40). A dedication to Zeus Kassios and Aphrodite Soteria was found on a lead anchor of the Roman period (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 39). 62  The inscription reads: TO AIÔÇ TO MeÀi^io QvXXoç ÇCCTO. This dedication by Phayllos has been identified with the three time Pythian athletic victor, who also contributed his own ship to fight the Persians at the battle of Salamis in 480 BCE (Herodotus 8. 47; Pausanias 10.9.2; Gianfrotta, 1975, p. 316; 1977, pp. 388-389). 63  A lead cippus from Reggio Calabria is also inscribed with Zeus Hypatos and dates to the first century BCE (Gianfrotta, 1980, p. 109, figs. 12-13; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 47). 47 The cuit of Zeus Ourios is also attested to at Syracuse by a Hellenistic inscription (IG XIV. 574; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 46). iv) Aphrodite It is no surprise that Aphrodite, the goddess of love, sexuality, and fertility, who herself was born from the sea, was associated with sailors. She was considered a goddess of the sea in the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite (1-6) and in a passage by Hesiod {Theogony, 188-206). The writings of the third century BCE poetess Anyte of Tegea {Epigram, 15) also refer to Aphrodite's ability to calm the seas and to enable a safe voyage for sailors: This is the land of Kypris, since it pleases her to gaze for ever from land over the glittering sea, so that she may bear the sailors safe to land; and the sea quivers, looking upon her shining image (Aldington, (Trans.), 1919). A number of epithets of Aphrodite relate to her rôle as a navigational goddess: Soteria (saviour), Euploia (fair voyage), Pelagia (protectress of sailors), Pontia (of the Sea), Limenia (protectress of theharbour), Epilimenia (attheharbour) (Pausanias, 4.1.3-6; Queyrel, 1990,pp. 283, 285; Romero Recio, 2000, pp. 16, 39; Larson, 2007, p. 123). Her sanctuaries could be located near the port as at Locri Epizephyroi and Aegina (Queyrel, 1990, p. 283), and at emporia including Gravisca and Naucratis (Boetto, 1997, p. 57; Torelli, 1977, pp. 427-433). Votive items that were dedicated to Aphrodite could relate to her relation with the sea, often dedicated by thankful sailors. From the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Aegina, cornes a fragmentary anchor that has an inscription to Aphrodite Epilimenia, the goddess in her rôle as a protector of ports (Gianfrotta, 1977, p. 288; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 39). Anchor stocks hâve also been found 48 associated with a shrine of Aphrodite in the territory of Locri Epizephyroi, south of Centocamere (Boetto, 1997, pp. 57, 61 and figs. 9, 10). According to Boetto (1997), the anchors were offerings to the goddess by sailors who visited the port sanctuary (p. 57). Aphrodite-Astarte and her sanctuary that overlooked the sea at Eryx (Erice) was associated with providing safe voyages and it was frequently visited by seafarers (Virgil, Aeneid, 5. 762-778; Boetto, 1997, p. 57). v) Athena Literary and archaeological évidence indicates that Athena was a divinity concerned with the protection of sailors. In the Odyssey (2.260-264), before setting sail Telemachus washed his hands and prayed to Athena, and he later prayed and made an offering to her (15.222-224). Herodotus (3.59) noted that the Aeginetans dedicated prows of Samian ships in the sanctuary of Athena at Aegina after a naval victory, and Jason is said to hâve dedicated the anchor from the Argo in her sanctuaryatKyzicus(ApolloniusRhodicus,Argonautica, 1.955-960). Pausanias(4.35.8)referred to her as a goddess of the winds and as a protectress of sailors. A literary study by Détienne (1970) concluded that Athena played an active rôle in navigation by guiding ships, providing winds for sailing, and aiding in the construction of ships. Sanctuaries of Athena connected with the maritime aspect of the goddess were often placed on promontories or along the coast, such as the sanctuary of Athena Etia in Megara, and at Cape Sounion (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 118). In the Western Greek world examples include the two sanctuaries of Athena that were, according to myth, founded by Odysseus at Santa Maria di Leuca and Punta délia Campanella, and the Athenaion on Ortygia at Syracuse (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 118). As previously mentioned, Polemon noted that during his time in the second century BCE a 49 seafaring ritual was connected with the temple of Athena on Ortygia, Syracuse. When sailors could no longer see the shield of Athena, vessels were filled with flowers, honey, and similar items and submersed into the sea (Polemon = Athenaeus, 11.6; see above, p. 36; cf. Kapitân, 1985, pp. 147-148; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 118). Kapitân (1985) suggests that this passage refers to the statue of Athena that stood within the pediment of the temple, and that the shield would no longer be visible when ships passed around the southern point of Ortygia (p. 148). Around this point, a number of cups hâve been found in the sea dating to the Hellenistic period, which he has cited as évidence of this ritual (Kapitân, 1985, p. 148). Anchors and other items related to seafaring hâve been found at sanctuaries of Athena, indicating her rôle as protectress of sailors (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 37). A fragment of aterracotta votive tablet with a warship was found at the sanctuary of Athena at Sounion. This votive offering dates to the early seventh century BCE, and contains a fragmentary inscription, that may refer to Phrontis, the legendary helmsman of Menelaus, who according to Homer (Iliad, 3.278-285) was buried at Sounion (Delivorrias, 1987, p. 165, no. 62). Votives from the Athenian acropolis include a terracotta ship, dating to the end of the fifth century or the beginning of the fourth century BCE (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 12), and a late fifth century BCE bronze votive lamp in the shape of a ship with a dedicatory inscription to Athena (Basch, 1981, p.39; Delivorrias, 1987, p. 197, and no. 97; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 13). vi) Apollo Apollo played an important rôle in navigation, both as a god who led the colonizing expédition and as god of seafaring. There are numerous instances in literature where the maritime 50 aspect of Apollo is mentioned and, in addition, archaeological findings and epigraphy also indicate his close association with the sea. In the Iliad (1.308-317), sailors performed a sacrifice to Apollo with the hope that he would grant them favourable winds. In the Homeric Hymn ofPythian Apollo (398- 439), Apollo guides the ship filled with Kretan sailors to Krisa. A common thème in ancient Greek literature is the construction of altars to Apollo once passengers disembarked from their ships {Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo, 490-496; 505; Thucydides, 6.3.1 ; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 51). In the Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo (486^194), the god himself instructed the Kretan sailors to make an altar on the beach and to perform sacrifices.64 The most famous example of this phenomenon in the west is the altar of Apollo Archëgetës at Sicilian Naxos (see chapter two, pp. 80-81).65 Thucydides (6. 3.1) reported that priorto sailing, sacrifices would be made upon this altar by sacred ambassadors.66 The altar was probably erected on the beach where the ships of the Greek colonists first landed (Dunbabin, 1948, pp. 181-182; Malkin 1986, p. 959), and a sacrifice would likely hâve been made to Apollo in his capacity as a saviour of ships and the god of a successful landing (Malkin, 1986, p. 972). 64  The passage in the Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo (490-496) states: "Then Phoebus Apollo pondered in his heart what men he should bring in to be his ministers in sacrifice and to serve him in rocky Pytho. And while he considered this, he became aware of a swift ship upon the wine-like sea in which were many men and goodly, Cretans from Cnossos, the city of Minos, they who do sacrifice to the prince and announce his decrees, whatsoever Phoebus Apollo, bearer of the golden blade, speaks in answer from his laurel tree below the dells of Parnassus" (Evelyn-White (Trans.), 1914). 65  The évidence for this altar is based on literary évidence, as no physical trace of it has been found. 66Antonaccio (2001) suggests that this passage in Thucydides does not specifically state that ail Sikeliote ambassadors sacrificed on this altar prior to sailing (p. 134); however, Malkin (1986) argues that every sacred ambassador did so (pp. 959, 972). 51 The maritime fonction of Apollo is often reflected in the location of his sanctuaries, which are found at emporia such as Gravisca and Naucratis, near the sea on Ortygia at Syracuse, overlooking the sea as at Kyme, and on promontories including the sanctuary of Apollo Aleos at Krimissa. Apollo Delphinios was related to the god's worship at Delphi, and he was believed to hâve provided protection for sailors (Larson, 2007, p. 88). The cuit of Apollo Agyieus may hâve been associated with the seafaring aspect of this god, as coins from Megara depict an aniconic image of the god with the prow of a ship and dolphins (Boetto, 1997, p. 54).67 Apollo Agyieus (of the streets) was thought to provide protection for travelers (Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1081, 1086; Farnell, 1907, p. 202; Larson, 2007, p. 87), and this could include those who were journeying by sea. Offerings made at sanctuaries of Apollo can reflect the maritime aspect of this god. An inscription from Delos indicates that a warship was dedicated to Apollo for his help during a sea battle (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 4), and after the battle of Actium, Octavian dedicated ten ships on the shore near the temple of Apollo Aktaios (Strabo 7.7.6; Blackman, 2001, p. 211). Inventories from the temple of Apollo at Delos also indicate that ships' prows, tridents, anchors, and other items associated with navigation were dedicated to the god (Basch, 1981, p. 40; Romero Recio, 2000, pp. 40^11). Fish-hooks could be dedicated, such as the one found at the sanctuary of Apollo Aleos (Orsi, 1932, p. 110, fig. 63; La Rocca, 1996, p. 270, no. 4.37). At Gravisca, a number of fragmentary anchors hâve been found including the well-known example with an inscription recording a dedication to Apollo by Sostratos of Aegina: ATCOÀOVÔÇ Aiyivccxa e|_u Hoorpatoç enoieoe ho [i] [- -](EGIII23; Torelli, 1971, pp. 55-60; 1977, pp. 412-413,441,451; D. Ridgway, For a former discussion on Apollo Agyieus, see chapter two, pp. 110-111. 52 1973, p. 50; Guarducci, 1974, pp. 23-25; Gianfrotta, 1975, pp. 311-313; 1977, p. 287, figs. 4-6; see figure 9).68 Four anchors were dedicated in the sanctuary of Apollo Lykeios at Metapontion that date to the late seventh or early sixth century BCE, and they hâve been interpreted as votive offerings that were dedicated by sailors (Adamesteanu, 1970, pp. 312, figs. 8-9; Gianfrotta, 1975, p. 314; 1977, p. 286, fig.2; Boetto, 1997, pp. 51, 57, 59-61; Romero Recio, 2000, p. 41; see chapter two, p. 200). vii) Other Gods Other deities connected to navigation include Artemis and the Dioscuri, Castor and Polydeuces. In Apollonius' Argonautica (1.568), Artemis was referred to as a 'saviour of ships.' Sanctuaries of Artemis were commonly located near bodies of water including Cape Artemision, Delos (Schachter, 1990, p. 50), and Piraeus where the sanctuary of Artemis Munychia overlooked the sea (Camp, 2001, p. 296). Diodorus Siculus (4.5) and Strabo (6.1.5) also mentioned a sanctuary of Poséidon and Artemis on the Pelorus promontory that guarded the dangerous Straits of Messene.69 Votive objects from the eighth century BCE at a sanctuary probably dedicated to Artemis at Emporion (on Chios) included bronze fish-hooks and lead weights for a fishing net (Boardman, 1967, p. 226, nos. 395,396 (fish-hooks), p. 204, no. 161 (lead weights); Romero Recio, 2000, p. 63). Artifacts from the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta also relate to seafaring, including a mid- seventh-century BCE carved ivory plaque that depicts a warship (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 102; 68  The Sostratos mentioned in the inscription has been associated with the famous trader noted in a passage in Herodotus (4.152.3) (A. W. Johnston, 1972; Harvey, 1976). 69  No physical trace of thèse sanctuaries has been found (Jannelli, 2002b, p. 175). 53 Delivorrias, 1987, p. 40 , pi. XI). Similar to Aphrodite's rôle as providing safety to sailors, the Dioscuri are depicted as saving destitute sailors in the Homeric Hymn to the Dioscuri (6-12), and in times of extrême difficulty at sea white lambs could hâve been sacrificed to them to ensure safety. However, unlike Artemis who appears to hâve been connected from an early date with seafaring, the Dioscuri were not associated with navigation until the Classical period (Romero Recio, 2000, p. 50). The Establishment of the Settlement Arrivai in foreign lands brought about new challenges for the Greek settlers, and especially the oikistës. In some instances the new settlers were upon friendly terms with the native inhabitants. The Sikel king Hyblon is said to hâve given land to the Greeks in order for them to found their settlement, which they named Megara Hyblaia after their metropolis and their benefactor (Thucydides 6.4.1-2). However, it was equally plausible that the act of foundation could involve questionable dealings with the native populations, including confiscation of land, forcible removal, or even enslavement (Malkin, 1987, p. 90). This hostile tradition is preserved in one version of a foundation oracle of Taras, in which the colonists were instructed "to be a plague to the Iapygians" (Strabo 6.3.2). According to one tradition, the oikistës Antiphemos of Gela, was said to hâve commanded a battle against Omphake, a Sikan town, in an attempt to expand the territory of Iris newly found polis (Pausanias 8.46.2; 9.40.4; Panvini, 1996, pp. 32-33; Malkin, 2002, p. 199).70 Although not every settlement involved violence and bloodshed, in some cases it was a reality. Consulting an oracle, such as Apollo's oracle at Delphi, could justify violence, since it was 70  Malkin (2001) suggests that this story is an attempt to connect the seventh-century BCE with a more ancient past, since Antiphemos found a statue made by Daidalos at Omphake (p. 126; also cf. S. P. Morris, 1992, p. 199). 54 the god's will that the colony be founded. In addition, Apollo's rôle as a purifying deity may hâve been bénéficiai, especially if the establishment of an apoikia involved bloodshed. The oracular aspect of this god was closely connected with purification,71 an act that was required to atone for murder. In fact, according to many foundation myths, the founder himself was a murderer who consulted the Delphic oracle in order to seek advice on purification, and he was told by Apollo to found a colony (Dougherty, 1993a, p. 185; 1993b, pp. 35, 37-38, 158). Once the territory for the new settlement had been established, the oikistés was responsible for the physical layout of the settlement. The numerous responsibilities of the founder are highlighted in a passage in the Odyssey (6.4-10): "About the city he [Nausithous] had drawn a wall, he had built houses and made temples for the gods, and divided the ploughlands" (Murray (Trans.), 1919).72 In gênerai, one of the major tasks for the oikistés was the division of land and its organization into private, public and religious spaces (Malkin, 1987, p. 135). Perhaps the best example of the division of a land can be seen at Megara Hyblaia, where the town plan was established at the time of the colony's inception with the layout of streets, domestic quarters, and a space for the agora (Malkin, 2002, pp. 197-198; De Angelis, 2003b, p. 20; see figure 10). The distribution of plots of land for the colonists is illustrated by the earliest houses at Megara Hyblaia that were consistent in both size 71  There are numerous literary références to Apollo's fonction as a purifying deity, including Thucydides 2.102 (Alkmaeon seeks purification from Apollo after he murdered his mother) and Aeschylus, Eumenides, 282-283 (Orestes is purified by Apollo after he killed his mother). Apollo himself must be purified for killing the Python at Delphi by going to Tempe (Plutarch, Moralia, 293c; Aelian, Varia historia, 3.1). Also see Davies, 1997, p. 56. 72  Osborne (2004) notes that scholars hâve often used this passage to support the idea that early Greek settlements in Italy and Sicily were 'pre-planned' and were established based on political considérations by a particular founder (p. 31). However, as Osborne (2004) points out, this passage refers to the re-location of a settlement, and not the establishment of a new one (p. 31). 55 and construction technique (Graham, 1982, p. 151; De Angelis, 2003b, p. 20). As the religious leader of the colony, the oikistës was also responsible for the religious needs of the community. It was his duty to choose the location of sanctuaries, based upon logical and functional considérations (Malkin, 1987,pp. 10,142-143,185). The founder was entrusted withthe consécrationofaltars and delineatingsacredboundarieswithinthesettlementanditsterritory(Malkin, 1987, p. 138). Inreturn for ail his actions, the oikistës was the récipient of a heroic cuit after his death (see chapter three, pp. 249-252). Survival in New Lands Survival of the colony and the colonists themselves depended upon securing a suffïcient food supply. The favour of fertility goddesses such as Demeter and Hera would hâve been bénéficiai for the colonial Greeks. The Greek settlers came into contact with native inhabitants, and with Greeks from différent metropoleis, encounters which brought about new challenges. Contact could resuit in peaceful relations, or dangers including warfare, the death of settlers, or even the destruction of sites.73 The unknown dangers that Greek settlers could face may hâve made it advantageous for them to hâve goddesses such as Athena, and Hera Hoplosmia on their side, to provide security and protection of the seulement.74 73  The destruction of Sybaris by Kroton in 510 BCE is one example. 74  Both Athena and Hera were goddesses concerned with the protection of a polis, and they commonly received offerings of arms and armour in their sanctuaries. However, as De Polignac (1995) notes, dedications of weapons are not always associated with the warrior nature of a deity, but may indicate protection wanted from a particular deity during times of warfare, or they may be a thank-offering for a deity's protection (p. 49). A récent investigation by Parra (2006) suggests that offering of arms and armour at sanctuaries in Magna Grecia may hâve had more to do with being a status symbol than any relation to the intended deities (pp. 233-236). 56 i) Agriculture and Procréation Hera and Demeter were goddesses closely connected with the survival of the colony. Thèse goddesses were connected with fertility of plants and animais, which extended to human beings. Procurement of a sufficient food supply would hâve been a primary concern for the new settlers, and since agricultural fertility came under the sphère of both Hera and Demeter, it made their rôle essential in colonial foundations (Parisi Presicce, 1985, p. 70). Votives dedicated to Hera often alluded to her rôle in agricultural fertility, including terracotta figurines of seated women holding a pomegranate, or a phiale and a fruit-bowl, such as those from Poseidonia or terracotta votive offerings of fruit from Foce del Sele (Baumbach, 2000, pp. 116,118,140). Demeter's connection with agriculture and fertility is seen by the dedication of terracotta votives of female figures75 holding piglets, including the numerous examples from Syracuse, Gela, and Katane (Hinz, 1998, pp. 44, 64,65, 104, 162, fig. 38). Female fertility was also in the sphère of Demeter's influence (Parisi Presicce, 1985, p. 71). Production of offspring was indispensable for the survival of the settlement. Hera's association with marriage, procréation, and young children made her rôle vital to the survival of the colony (Baumbach, 2004). Terracotta votive offerings from Poseidonia and territory illustrate her association with the female sphère, including seated maie and female figures representing the hier os gamos, the sacred marriage of the goddess to Zeus, figurines of pregnant women, and women holding or nursing infants (Baumbach, 2004, pp. 111, 113, 138). 75  An exception to this is from Albanella in the territory of Poseidonia, where maie figures holding piglets hâve also been found, indicating a variation of this cuit that included maie participation (Pedley, 1990, pp. 99-100; Hinz, 1998, p. 172, fig. 42). 57 Since it is possible that most colonial contingents contained solely adult maies, intermarriage was anecessity (Horden & Purcell, 2000, p. 295; Morel, 1984, pp. 134-135; Hall, 2004, pp. 40-41; also see, above, p. 12). When settlers came into contact with native populations and married, they came under the care of Hera (Parisi Presicce, 1985, p. 71). Hera and Demeter's connection to fertility, both of the land and of the settlers, made worship of their cuits essential for the colonial Greeks. The importance of Demeter to the Western Greek settlers can be illustrated by the worship of the goddess in the earliest stages of settlements (de Polignac, 1995, p. 293; Hinz, 1998, p. 219, fig. 62). In addition, Demeter was worshipped everywhere agricultural practices took place, and her sanctuaries were placed both within the city's limits and in the chora (Cole, 1994, p. 201). Hera was widely worshipped in southern Italy and Sicily (Parisi Presicce, 1985, p. 59), and her sanctuaries were found both within the city and in the outlying territory (de Polignac, 1995, pp. 92-93). ii) Defending the Settlement The goddess who first and foremost was connected to the défense of a polis was Athena. Athena was known as a protector of the city, especially in a colonial context (de P