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Traditional knowledge for health MacPherson, Nancy Elizabeth 2009-12-31

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TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE FOR HEALTH  by  Nancy Elizabeth MacPherson  B.Sc., Bishop’s University, 199     A THESIS SUBMITED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGRE OF  MASTER OF SCIENCE   in   THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES  (Integrated Studies in Land and Fod Systems)   THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  (Vancouver)  October 209  © Nancy Elizabeth MacPherson, 209   ii
Abstract The objective of this research is strengthening Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Fod Relationships (NTFR) for comunity health, education and self-suficiency and ultimately self-determination of Siska comunity members. Upholding the interconected Nłeʔkepmx worldview, the research became known as “Traditional Knowledge for Health”. Research tok place at Siska within the Nłeʔkepmx Nation Teritory. Siska Traditions Society led this research in partnership with University of British Columbia- Faculty of Land and Fod Systems. This partnership made explicit respectful research proceses in the Siska-UBC Traditional Knowledge Protocol (TKP), an ethical research agrement. The principles of the agrement were enacted through comunity-directed Indigenous action research proceses.  This strength-based aproach led to achieving self-determined control and aplication of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems through two main research activities:  1) The Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices- Harvest Training and Certification Program (STEP) set a precedent for self-determined Indigenous education and policy creation for Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships (NTFR). The STEP training resulted in hands-on culturaly relevant traditional fod workshops. Comunity members unanimously agred the workshops are an efective way to pass on NTFR knowledge, practices and values. Folowing the training, participants increased their traditional fod use and time spent on the land base. STEP participants demonstrated their role as NTFR stewards and managers. The Siska comunity policy creation proces provided clear direction for jurisdiction and management of NTFR. Indigenous title and jurisdiction wil guide NTFR management.  2) The Youth-Elder Traditional Fod Interviews reinstated the honourable roles of Nłeʔkepmx Elders as educators and youth as self-determined leaders of tomorow. The Youth-Elder Interviews arose from Elders’ recomendation that technology may be part of the solution to getting youth to engage actively and passionately with the traditional teachings about fod and health. The interviews resulted in the youth-directed documentary, “Traditional Fods of the Nłeʔkepmx Teritory”. In this documentary, Elders’ share stories about Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships’ interconectednes with: spiritual, cultural, educational practices; overall comunity health and strength; as wel as impacts of colonization and ecological degradation.  Overall this research has led to sustained comunity actions to strength Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships and ultimately contributes to Nłeʔkepmx Peoples’ self-determination.   iii
Table Of Contents Abstract.................................................................................................................ii Table Of Contents.................................................................................................iii List Of Tables.......................................................................................................vi List Of Figures.....................................................................................................vi Acknowledgements.............................................................................................vii Dedication.............................................................................................................x Chapter 1: Introduction........................................................................................1 1.1 Protecting Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Fod Relationships..................................2 1.2 Research Purpose.......................................................................................5 1.3 Thesis Overview.........................................................................................6 1.4 Situating The Research...............................................................................7 Chapter 2: Research Relationship........................................................................27 2.1 Creating Respectful Research Relationships................................................28 2.2 Traditional Knowledge Protocol.................................................................31 2.3 Self-Determined Comunity-Based Action Research...................................32 2.3.1 Siska Comunity Engaged In Research................................................34 2.3.2 Siska Research Comite...................................................................36 2.3.3 Research Team...................................................................................37 2.3.4 Siska Comunity Research Proces.....................................................40 2.4 How Knowledge Is Shared.........................................................................41 2.5 Discusion.................................................................................................42 Chapter 3: Nłeʔkepmx Fod Education And Policy Creation.................................48 3.1 Introduction..............................................................................................48  iv
3.1.1 Nłeʔkepmx Stewardship And Management Practices.............................49 3.1.2 Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices.............................................53 3.1.3 Indigenous Philosophy On Stewardship And Management Practices......54 3.1.4 Existing And Proposed Indigenous Fod Relationships Policy...............55 3.1.5 New Ways Of Learning Traditional Knowledge....................................63 3.2 Harvest Training and Certification Planing Symposium..............................64 3.3 Action: Traditional Fod Harvest Training...................................................69 3.4 Reflecting On The Harvest Training And Certification Program...................73 3.5 Discusion Of Folow Up Interviews...........................................................88 3.6 The Next Cycle Of Learning.......................................................................94 3.7 Conclusions...............................................................................................95 Chapter 4: Youth-Elder Traditional Fod Interviews.............................................96 4.1 Introduction..............................................................................................96 4.2 Methodology.............................................................................................97 4.2.1 Developing Youth-Elder Interview Methodology..................................98 4.2.2 Storyteling Methodology....................................................................99 4.2.3 Lifelong Learning From The Heart.....................................................101 4.2.4 Multi-Media Research Methodologies................................................103 4.3 Methods..................................................................................................104 4.3.1 Planing And Preparing.....................................................................104 4.3.2 Interview Protocol And Proces.........................................................107 4.3.3 Method Of Interpreting Youth-Elder Interviews..................................108 4.4 Results And Discusion About Youth-Elder Interviews..............................111  v
4.4.1 Results Of Leter Writing Workshop..................................................111 4.4.2 Youth-Elder Interview Thematic Results.............................................114 4.5 Youth-Elder Interview Overal Outcomes And Discusion.........................133 4.6 Sharing And Celebrating Research...........................................................139 4.7 Conclusions.............................................................................................140 Chapter 5: Conclusions And Recomendations..................................................141 5.1 Significance And Implication For Further Work........................................150 5.2 Recomendations...................................................................................151 References Cited.................................................................................................153 Apendices.........................................................................................................174 Apendix A: Siska Band Heritage Park Declaration...............................................174 Apendix C: Jurisdictional Aproval....................................................................198 Apendix D: Behavioural Research Ethics Aproval.............................................199 Apendix E: Adult Consent Form........................................................................200 Apendix F: Youth Consent Form........................................................................202 Apendix G: Parent/Guardian Asent Form..........................................................204 Apendix H: Harvest Training And Certification Program Folow-Up Interview Guide..........................................................................................................................207 Apendix I: Youth-Elder Interview Guide.............................................................208 Apendix J: Elders And Knowledgeable Comunity Members Biographies...........209   vi
List Of Tables Table 1. Siska Harvest Training And Certification Program Components..................67 Table 2. Overview Of Harvest Trainings.................................................................70 Table 3. Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Plants Focused On During Training........................71 Table 4. How People Learned Prior To The Training...............................................75 Table 5. Indicators Of A Knowledgeable Teacher....................................................76 Table 6. Learning Preferences................................................................................77 Table 7. Knowing Whether Learning Has Ocured.................................................78 Table 8. What Participants Liked Most About The Training.....................................79 Table 9. What People Remembered And Learned....................................................79 Table 10. Using Knowledge...................................................................................81 Table 1. Using Fods...........................................................................................81 Table 12. Spending Time On The Land Base...........................................................81 Table 13. Efective Way To Pas On Traditional Fod Knowledge............................83 Table 14. Bariers To Harvesting Traditional Fods.................................................84 Table 15. Suggested Improvements And Extensions To The Harvest Training And Certification Program.....................................................................................85 Table 16. Self-Determined Responsibilities To Aces What The Land Provides.......87 Table 17. Youth Motivation To Participate In Youth-Elder Interviews....................111    vi
List Of Figures Figure 1. Nłeʔkepmx Sketch Of The World..............................................................8 Figure 2. Map Of Nłeʔkepmx Teritory...................................................................10 Figure 3. Creating A Respectful Research Relationship...........................................35 Figure 4. Siska NTFR Planing Symposium Proces To Establish Harvest Training And Certification Components........................................................................64 Figure 5. NTFR Resource Management, Market And Tenure Points Of Discusion...66 Figure 6. The Harvest Training Workshop Experience.............................................72   vii
Acknowledgements With dep gratitude and respect I acknowledge the Siska comunity for extending their incredible hospitality to me. It is the dep level of comitment by the Siska comunity to pass on their ancestor’s teachings that made this research posible. Chief Fred Sampson’s dedication to fostering Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships into the future is how this research relationship formed. My supervisor, Shanon Cowan, introduced me to Chief Fred Sampson, who invited us into the Siska comunity to share in their culture. I thank Chief Sampson for his constant suport, patience and passion in sharing knowledge with me about everything from Siska Traditions Society to complex curent Aboriginal title and rights isues.   I thank al the Siska Traditions Board of Directors for their suport and insight to carry out this work. Including past and present members Gary Piere, Regina Piere, Horace Michel, Gilbert Cure, Josephine Thomas and Betsy Munro.  I thank the Research Comittee: Horace Michel, Mary Wiliams, Betsy Munro and Charlie Michel for their invaluable guidance and direction throughout the research.  I thank members of the research team: Maurice Michel, Glen Michel and Daniele Michel. These four people exemplified Nłeʔkepmx culture for me through their dedication and infinite optimism.   My thanks to Darwin Hana, for leading the Traditional Knowledge Protocol development. To Tery Raymond, for genius in finding ways to overcome any administrative bariers. To Naomi Peters and Tamie Mack for keping al the numbers straight.  I extend a thank you to all those who participated in the research. I inherited a wealth of knowledge from your teachings and working beside you all. I would like to especialy thank the elders who shared their stories and teachings with the youth. Horace Michel, Elen Spinks, Rita Haugen, Mary Wiliam, Ina Dunstan, Freda Loring, Chief Fred Sampson, and Charlie Michel all contributed in way for which I am ever so grateful.  The youth in the comunity are also deserving of my sincerest gratitude. Especially to Forest Sampson, Chad Michel, Redhawk Michel, Dakotah Nordquist, Gary Piere, Joe Michel and Eric Michel thank you so much for your hours of dedication in making the documentary and for your work with the Elders.   ix
Thank you to Tina Edwards, Holy Edwards, Virginia Bleakney, Peter Smith and Raymond Philips for your contributions to later research initiatives, which depened my understandings.  For each Siska comunity member, I would like to thank you for the unforgettable welcome I received while working with you and living in your comunity.  I thank Alice Munro for her constant inspiration and for teaching me invaluable lesons of sharing in Nłeʔkepmx culture as wel as introducing me to Georgia Lesley. Thanks to Georgia who gave me a place to cal home over these past few years and showed me a dep reverence for all.  I thank Dr. Shannon Cowan in believing in me and giving me this incredible oportunity, I am deply indebted. I stil marvel at your ability to multi-task while being amazingly eficient.  To Dr. Eduardo Jovel, one of the first people I met at UBC. Your enthusiasm for teaching me about Indigenous plant relationships and your wilingnes to lead me to the finish of this thesis wil always be cherished. To Dr. Col Thrush, for taking the time to demonstrate how research can be shared meaningfuly while linking the past to the present, I thank you. To Dr. Ron Trosper, thanks so much for your insightful answers to my complex questions, from which often emerged perplexity.  To each person who guided my holistic learning in the UBC Longhouse Comunity. A special thanks to Dr. Jo-an Archibald, Dr. Le Brown, Dr. Charles Menzies, Tim Michel, Alanah Young, Madeline Mclvor, and Theresa Howel.  I thank al my felow students who shared in this journey of learning. I thank al my friends for continued suport. I thank Marinho, for your encouragement to folow my path.   Closest to my heart, I thank my family, whose unwavering suport and openes to learn with me has made this an incredible journey. To my father Mark MacPherson for guiding me from above, my mother Helen for nurturing and belief in my eforts. My sister, Laura for getting me on track. My brother, Robert for his eloquent encouragement. My brother, David for sharing those late night edits. To all my aunts and uncles and cousins who were wiling to share in my learning, I thank each of you.  x
Dedication        To al the Elders, kepers of traditional knowledge, & To al the younger generations,  For keping sacred teachings living, by learning and pasing them on 1
 Chapter 1: Introduction  The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate how Siska Traditions Society’s comunity-action research is strengthening Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Fod Relationships (NTFR). This NTFR research is promoting culture, health, education, self-suficiency and ultimately self-determination of Siska comunity members. Upholding the interconected Nłeʔkepmx worldview the research became known as “Traditional Knowledge for Health”.  Siska is one of sixten bands within the Nłeʔkepmx First Nation and is located 10 kilometers south of ƛ̓q’əmcin (Lyton), within the Interior Salish cultural area, and plateau region, in what is presently known as British Columbia. The Siska Traditions Society (STS) is a non-profit organization striving to transform their comunity through self-determination. Recognizing that self-determination involves economic independence, the STS promotes comunity economic diversity in acordance with health, honour, and cultural and spiritual values.   Traditional Knowledge for Health research is contextualized in this chapter. I describe how Siska Traditions Society (STS) was established. STS was born out of Siska comunity members’ desire to asert their responsibilities for protecting the land. Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ ability to protect and promote ecological health of the land is necesary to continue Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships for the next generation. In crisis Siska comunity members aserted their responsibilities by seting up a blockade to stop logging in their sacred watershed, X̣ezumetkʷu. This action was pivotal for the Siska comunity. Siska comunity members renewed a colective vision based on responsibilities to the land and each other. That colective vision remains strong in peoples’ memories, and ten years later continues to be a source of strategies towards self-determination. It was a time when people were practicing and relearning Nłeʔkepmx ways.    2
1.1 Protecting Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Fod Relationships  In 197, the Siska Indian band declared X̣ezumetkʷu, the sacred watershed of Siska Valey, the Siska Band Heritage Park:  Be it known to all people that we of the Siska Band of the Nłeʔkepmx Nation have lived in the X̣ezumetkʷu (Siska Valey) and at Kupchynalth (I.R. #1) [Indian Reservation] with our ancestors’ spirits since time imemorial. . . . Recognizing these inalienable rights and responsibilities on the 21st day of June, 197, we the Siska people do solemnly and justly reaffirm. . . the entire X̣ezumetkʷu (Siska Valley) watershed and Kupchynalth (I.R. #1) as shown on the map shal henceforth be known as the Siska Band Heritage Park. It is in our Siska Band Heritage Park that the Siska people wil, as did our ancestors and so wil our future sons and daughters: Practice our traditional sacred and spiritual ways and utilize our traditional native medicine. Exercise our traditional rights of hunting, fishing, trapping, and gathering the gifts of the land. Share our Siska Band Heritage Park with all peoples who are of a like mind and show respect for our ancient traditions, rights, and values. Let it also be known that within our Siska Band Heritage Park there shal be no road-building, no comercial loging, mining, mining exploration, dam building or any other activities harmful to X̣ezumtekʷu (Siska Watershed) Valey. (Apendix 1: Siska Band Heritage Park Declaration, 197)  The importance of X̣ezumtekʷu to the Siska people of the Nłeʔkepmx Nation is incalculable. When the JS Jones logging company and the BC Supreme Court ignored the above declaration, two years later, the Siska people acted on their responsibility by seting up a blockade to prevent logging trucks from entering the watershed. During the blockade, Nłeʔkepmx people exercised their responsibilities and stewardship practices for the land, practiced sweat lodges and ceremonies, and listened to Elders tel stories of how they used the land. The Elders and their wisdom gave strength to the Siska people to continue their fight (T. Sampson, 202).    3
This incident exemplified the importance of the watershed to the Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ traditional fod relationships. Siska’s strategy to adres this isue is similar to strategies used by Indigenous peoples’ globaly, concerning two isues: 1) Social justice with respect to the recognition of Indigenous peoples’ rights and title. The Canadian government’s continued refusal to suport the United Nations’ Declaration for Indigenous Peoples highlights this isue (United Nations, 207); and 2) Worldwide ecological degradation as documented in the most recent United Nations’ report on biodiversity, which states that globaly we are nearing ecocatastrophe (McGregor, 204).   Indigenous peoples demonstrating such creative resistance adresing these isues head-on, also aserts a self-determined vision for the future. This vision includes maintaining their stewardship responsibility to the land, not only for Indigenous Peoples’ own health and wel-being and their children’s, but also for al people, al living beings, and the Earth.  For the Siska Indian Band, this resistance brought them to sek permanent protection of the watershed in the BC Supreme Court in 199. The court sided with the logging company; logging went ahead in the heritage park. Even though the logging company, JS Jones, was going out of busines, logging the watershed would kep the mil runing for one more month. The judge demed the economic benefit to this logging company—to kep the failing operation in busines for one more month—to be of greater value to society than the preservation of Siska Indian Band’s old growth ecosystem with their sacred, cultural, historic and economic values of the Siska people.  The unity born out of declaring X̣ezumetkʷu Watershed the Siska Band Heritage Park and the action of mounting the blockade led to the creation of the Siska Traditions Society (STS). This society was established in 202, and has a six-member board of directors, including youth and Elders, to govern the independent comunity organization. The Society is using the momentum that began with the Watershed declaration to develop socio-economic oportunities, promote traditional values, and protect Siska Aboriginal title and rights. The comunity realized that to protect their watershed should future logging be atempted, they would ned to show that the watershed was stil being used today as it was in the past. The comunity decided to  4
enter the Indigenous traditional fod products sector to help develop the comunity economicaly, to strengthen members’ conections to their land, and to gain a voice in policy decisions afecting their important traditional fod relationships. Working in partnership with STS, I was able to work in an aplied research seting to further STS’s policy objectives.  The STS recognizes the comunity’s relationship with traditional fods as integral to its self-determining strategies. The land is a sacred refuge that suports the harvesting and traditional use of beries, medicines, teas and mushroms, as wel as hunting and fishing. Therefore, through its many programs and its research, the STS is a source promoting Siska people’s health, honour, and cultural and spiritual values. STS’s partnership role in this research promotes the value and importance of traditional fods and cultural practices within the Nłeʔkepmx Nation.   5
1.2 Research Purpose This thesis focuses on one of the Siska Traditions Society’s strategies, the Traditional Knowledge for Health research project, a partnership betwen the STS and the University of British Columbia Faculty of Land and Fod Systems (UBC). My role as the UBC research asistant in this partnership was to conect betwen UBC and STS and facilitate an exchange of research aproaches to fulfil the research purpose. The overarching, STS-identified research goal for the Traditional Knowledge for Health project is: Education and health creation through contemporary practice of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems pertaining to ecological, spiritual and cultural values, including the local research and control of comunity health through fod.  The STS identified this goal because of the importance of maintaining these sacred relationships to fod, this research is focused on Nłeʔkepmx plant fods in particular. To realize this general research goal, the partnership defined thre specific research objectives: 1. Increase Siska comunity health, culture and capacity by generating culturaly-relevant and ethical knowledge and practices for Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Fod Relationships (NTFR) management; 2. Engage comunity members of al ages in the proces of cyclical generation of Nłeʔkepmx (Indigenous) knowledge systems based on traditional values and contemporary methods (technologies); and 3. Promote self-determined control and aplication of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems to increase economic diversity in the Siska comunity.  The partnership researched which culturaly relevant Nłeʔkepmx-centred actions would best achieve these thre objectives. This thesis wil ases the relevance of the folowing thre main research actions and their suces in achieving the original research goal and objectives: Traditional Knowledge Protocol/Respectful Research Relationship Harvest Training and Certification Program The Youth-Elder Interviews  6
1.3 Thesis Overview This introductory chapter has so far described the research significance in relation to the Siska comunity’s goal of strengthening Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships. It also identifies the overarching research goal, specific research objectives, and research actions. In the remainder of this chapter, I wil situate the research within an Nłeʔkepmx worldview, explain key concepts of each research objective and relate this research to the curent literature. I resist the euro-centric aproach of universal definitions because they do not recognize the related ecologies, social and personal contexts and beliefs that inform each concept (Batiste & Henderson, 200, p. 36).    Chapter 2 describes the research relationship betwen the STS and UBC. I wil explain the research methodology, including the co-creation of the Traditional Knowledge Protocol and enactment of various comunity proceses designed to create a respectful research environment.  Chapter 3 focuses on the creation of the Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod Harvest Training and Certification Program (HCTP). My explanation of this program wil include the: planing and comunity-implementation proceses, participant reflections, and program outcomes with respect to the Traditional Knowledge for Health research objectives.  Chapter 4 focuses on the Youth-Elder interviews about Nłeʔkepmx traditional fods and health. It also describes the proceses of youth engaging as researchers, youth working with Elders, and Elders sharing traditional knowledge with youth. The chapter concludes with a discusion of how the interviews relate to the Traditional Knowledge for Health research objectives.  Chapter 5 states the research outcomes at Siska related to the goals and objectives of this research and to other research that focuses on Indigenous traditional fod relationships. I then discus the Siska research outcomes in relation to the continued work and curent policy of the STS, from which I make conclusions and recomendations.  7
 1.4 Situating The Research  For Siska comunity members to achieve health, education and self-suficiency within the Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ curent context, considering the continuing colonization, the aproach must be culturaly relevant. The aproach must be centered within an Nłeʔkepmx worldview, which recognizes Nłeʔkepmx sovereignty and self-determination. Considering the holistic Nłeʔkepmx worldview Keith James (201) states, “ It is my belief that al of the components of Indian comunities fit together such that you canot adres any one without considering, or acting on, the others. The places where these isues met are also where the greatest oportunities ocur…” In this thesis Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships form the culturaly relevant aproach to improvements in health, education, and self-suficiency.  This introduction situates Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships within an Nłeʔkepmx worldview. The next sections conect the key components from the research objectives to Siska comunity members’ historical and present-day experience related to traditional fods and to the curent literature. The folowing sections introduce the fundamental concepts discused in greater detail in Chapter 2, 3, 4.  Nłeʔkepmx Worldview “We have to tel the story of how e used the mountain and how our ancestors used it, and to teach our children to use it in the same way so that they wil grow up to be strong people.” - Late Elder Mildred Michel, translated by Late Doren McIntyre (CBC interview, 1999)  The above quotation reflects many Nłeʔkepmx perspectives, values, beliefs and knowledge related to life, their teritory and the world. It reflects many aspects of the Nłeʔkepmx worldview (Steinhauer, 202) —that are important to this research. These words convey to me four fundamental ideas: 1) the Nłeʔkepmx story (worldview), including al inherent knowledge and values, is so important that it must be pased on  8
for future generations to embrace; 2) intergenerational learning is important for children; 3) the people and the mountain are conected; 4) pasing on this worldview is necesary to the strength of the nation. These four fundamental ideas conveyed are expanded on by Henderson and relates late Elder Mildred Michel’s concept of strength to the spiritual realm. Acording to Henderson (200), “ The worldview is a unified vision rather than an individual idea. Aboriginal worldviews asume that al forms of life are interconected, that the survival of each life form is dependent on the survival of al others. Aboriginal worldviews also note that the force to the life forms is derived from an unsen but knowable spiritual realm.”  For the Nłeʔkepmx, their worldview operates throughout their land, a geographical area , which is fundamental to their sense of themselves and to the spiritual realms. The folowing figure 1. is a Nłeʔkepmx sketch of the world that clearly links the physical and spiritual realms.   Figure 1. Nłeʔkepmx Sketch Of The World   a) Trail leading from the earth to the land of the ghosts, with tracks of the souls b) River and log on which the souls cros c) Land of the ghosts and dancing souls d) Lake surounding the earth e) Earth, with rivers and vilages Adapted from drawing by James Teit (197). Part 1V Thompson Indians of British Columbia. Used with Permision from the Nicola Valey Museum Archives Asociation    9
Historicaly, the political centre of Nłeʔkepmx Teritory (Teit, 190), ƛ̓q’əmcin (Lyton), at the confluence of the Qʷuʔúy (Fraser River) and Qʷuʔm’íx (Thompson River), is where creation began in Nłeʔkepmx cosmology. The Nłeʔkepmx sptákʷeł (creation stories) tel of a period when the land was diferent than it is now: there were no tres or plants, and the animals who inhabited the earth loked vaguely human. Many of these animals were gifted and went about transforming the landscape. As humans eventualy apeared, the transformers continued making the world easier for humans to inhabit. Perhaps the most notable transformers are Old Coyote and the thre bears caled Qoa’qlqal (Hana & Henry, 196; Teit, 190). Many of their transformations, landmarks of Nłeʔkepmx history and teritory since time imemorial, are stil regarded today throughout the Nłeʔkepmx teritory as visible teachings of the sptákʷeł and their asociated ethics (Johnson, 201). They are talked about in the form of stories told in Nłeʔkepmxcin, the Nłeʔkepmx Nation language belonging to the Interior-Salish language group (Hana & Henry, 196). The translation of Nłeʔkepmx to English is “People of the Canyon” (Hana & Henry, 196).  Nłeʔkepmx Head Chief Sexpínłmx (1812-187) defines the ‘posts’ or boundaries of Nłeʔkepmx country. The Chief’s explanation was recorded by James Teit and published by Darwin Hana and Mamie Henry (Hana & Henry, 196):  One post up the Fraser at [Fountain]- one down the Fraser at Spuzum- One up the Thompson River at Ashcroft- one up the Nicola River at Qilchena- one down the Similkamen River at Tcutcuwixa [near Hedley]. Al the country betwen these posts is my country and the lands of my people. At Lytton is my centre-post. It is the midle of my house, and I sit there. Al the country to the headwaters of all the streams runing into the valeys of these posts is also my teritory in which my children gather fod. We extend to met the boundaries of the hunting teritories of other tribes. Al around over this country I have spoken of, I have jurisdiction. I know no white man’s boundaries or posts. If the whites have put up posts and divided up my country, I do not recognize them. They have not consulted me. They have broken my house without my consent. Al Indian tribes have the same as posts and recognized boundaries, and the chiefs know them since long before the first whites came to the country.   10
Figure 2. Map Of Nłeʔkepmx Teritory     11
Nłeʔkepmx teritory, being geographicaly and biologicaly diverse, has alowed Nłeʔkepmxs to create a rich economy that continues to include fishing, hunting, gathering and trading (Hana & Henry, 196). Situated just to the interior of the Coastal Nations, the Nłeʔkepmx teritories also contain many important trade routes linking the interior and coastal peoples (M'Gonigle & Wickwire, 198). In the past these trails were traveled by fot; and then, by the mid 170s, by horse. Today most people use their vehicles to continue their trade relationships with neighboring nations.  The biological diversity within the teritory includes biogeoclimatic zones ranging from coastal western hemlock to ponderosa pine-blue bunch gras desert ecosystems (Turner, Thompson, Thompson, & York, 190). Nłeʔkepmxs expertise and knowledge of this diversity has translated into use of at least 30 diferent fungi, plants, and tres for fod, medicines, tols, and building materials (Turner, 205). To ensure the abundance of these plants, the Nłeʔkepmxs developed complex stewardship and management systems (Deur & Turner, 205). Plants were esential to the development of fishing technologies (dip nets, gilnets, drying racks, procesing) adapted to the diverse water conditions within the various rivers, lakes and creks (Turner, Thompson, Thompson, & York, 190).   Siska, a renowned Nłeʔkepmx fishing area, located near the southern border of the Nku’kʷuma (Uper Nłeʔkepmx) teritory. X̣ezumetkʷu (Siska Crek Watershed), Siska’s water source, enters the Qʷuʔúy (Fraser River) from east of the Siska. X̣ezumetkʷu Crek, is one of the coldest creks along the Qʷuʔúy, making it an important resting place for salmon to col down and clean their gils before continuing upstream in their migration (Siska Traditions Society, 209). Combined with the Qʷuʔúy geography at Siska, where the river narows and speds up, and strong south winds blow, make this an excelent area for fishing and producing Sc’uwen (wind-dried salmon). Sc’uwen is one of Siska’s trademark fods and important to the local economy. Trading their wind-dried salmon over the same trade routes used for thousands of years, salmon continues to be Siska people’s main staple fod.  Aproximately 12 comunity members live on two of Siska Band’s eight reserves, with aproximately 20 comunity members living of reserve. The Siska comunity reflects the statistic that throughout Canada, Aboriginal groups are the fastest growing and youngest overal population. Siska youth under the age of nineten make up 37%  12
of the total population. Almost two thirds of Siska comunity members live of reserve. Aproximately half of Siska comunity members live in urban centres similar to the statistic for Aboriginal people acros Canada with 53% living in urban areas (Statistics Canada, 202). Siska band membership, as defined by the Canadian government using the Status Indian designation, is aproximately 298 band members. Eighty band members live on reserve, 10 members live of reserve in the nearby Nłeʔkepmx city of Merit; another 10 members live elsewhere. However, people at Siska prefer the term “comunity member” to “band member,” as this is a self-designated description rather than a Canadian government-imposed identity of a person as a band member and status Indian. Therefore, throughout this research project I have used the term “Siska comunity members.”    The total land area of al Siska reserves combined is 319.6 hectares. The term “reserve land” is a Canadian colonial designation. The actual Siska resource area used within the Nłeʔkepmx teritory is much greater. By using Nłeʔkepmx terms for understanding their comunities and acknowledging the Nłeʔkepmx’s sacred history, I am ensuring that my research has the proper parameters neded to conduct a respectful and relevant study.  Nłeʔkepmx Sovereignty & Self-determination The Siska people and the Nłeʔkepmxs have always recognized their sovereignty and title and rights to the land, as Head Chief Sexpínłmx stated in his declaration of Nłeʔkepmx Teritory (se page 9) (Hana & Henry, 196). This perspective has often conflicted with that of the Canadian government. It was in this context that the Traditional Knowledge for Health research project tok place.  Elder Arthur Sam of Merit provides an international relations example of how Nłeʔkepmx people practiced their sovereignty pre-contact: “To the Nlha’7kapmx people, sovereign authority was comonly recognized as the power that determined ownership, entitlement, inherent rights, laws, autonomous government and self-determination. The Nlha’7kapmx people made treaties with the Secwepemc and Stl’atl’imx peoples because they had the sovereign power to do so. There are specific sites that indicate the boundary lines betwen these nations. When a meting was to take place, a mesenger was sent to invite the people where we met to trade and to strengthen the relationship.” (Blankinship, 203) cited in (Blankinship, 2006)  13
 In recounting oral history, Chief Fred Sampson describes how Nłeʔkepmx people chose to maintain their own sovereignty with the coming of white people: “At the same time, when the white people or contact came, it was the interior tribes of BC that didn’t want to get into a treaty relationship with the new comers. They basically swore an aliance to each other at Spences’ Bridge in 1910 and in the Constitutional Expres that came years later. Before that there was a huge gathering at Spences Bridge where the five nations came together and basically declared their independence from staying under any kind of sovereignty or jurisdiction of the white people, the new comers.” (Blankinship, 206).  Chief Sampson links the historical Indigenous aliances for sovereignty and self-determination to the modern political situation. Interior Aliance of First Nations was created in the late 180’s to respond to First Nations concerns about the impacts of encroaching setlement and colonial regimes. The Constitutional Expres of 1979-81 originated in the Secwepemc Nation, one of the Interior Aliance Nations and led to the enshrining of Aboriginal and treaty rights in section 35 of the Canadian Constitution. The Interior Aliance maintains strong ties today in resistance to the Recognition and Reconciliation legislation, one of the curent colonial eforts of the British Columbian government (Government of British Columbia, 209).  Ardith Walkem of Spences Bridge, Nłeʔkepmx First Nation, explains contemporary concepts of Indigenous people’s sovereignty and right to self-determination: “Indigenous peoples have the right to self-determination. This right is not granted or given from any other power or government, but flows from the fact that we, as Indigenous peoples, exist. Self-determination is not only a right, it is a responsibility to live as a people: to promote and enhance our unique heritage, and to protect the lands upon which we came into being.” (Walkem, 200).  Walkem’s view is echoed by Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s (199) asertion that the international mobilization of Indigenous peoples in Canada and the United States neds to be sen within the context of Indigenous struggles for self-determination, which is ocuring at the grasrots level. These day-to-day struggles for self-determination are the background in which the Traditional Knowledge for Health research project takes place.   14
Today, though the Nłeʔkepmx people’s struggles for self-determination may take various forms, the people’s responsibilities to land remain the same. In 1858, the Nłeʔkepmx world changed drasticaly when 20,00 miners and prospectors folowed the gold rush into Nłeʔkepmx Teritory. The miners’ stealing, raiding, mistreating of women, kiling of men, and burning of vilages created an uprising among the Nłeʔkepmx people (Laforet & York, 198). Chief Sexpínłmx in 1858 had made peace with the St’at’imx and the then Governor Douglas. This ended a potential war, on the understanding that Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ concerns over the land would be considered. Later that year, however, Governor Douglas unilateraly proclaimed British Columbia to be a British Colony. The folowing year the Canadian-American border was defined, separating a large portion of Nłeʔkepmx teritory and important hunting grounds.  In 1875, the Federal Government created the Canadian Duty of Disalowance, striking down the BC Land Act. This was based on the 1763 Royal Proclamation, which recognizes Indigenous Sovereignty. The province had failed to make legal treaties obtain Indigenous peoples’ land. In response, BC threatened to withdraw from Canada. Sucumbing to these presures in 1876, the federal government created the Canadian Indian Act, leaving the Indigenous peoples’ land isues in British Columbia unresolved, and marking the beginings of the curent reserve system and residential school system (Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, 205).  Excluded from discusions of confederation, the Nłeʔkepmx Chiefs met at Lyton in 1879 to resist the mounting colonization efort. Concerned with protecting their sovereignty and self-determination, Nłeʔkepmxs reorganized their political system to deal with the colonial governments and asked that it be recognized within the Indian Act; it wasn’t (Laforet & York, 198; Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, 205). The international metings of Chiefs grew in frequency and size. This led to the Aliance of the Interior Nations and the historical Spences Bridge Chiefs’ meting of 1910. Chiefs traveled acros the province and from as far as Otawa to have their concerns heard (Laforet & York, 198). In 1924, with the threat of First Nations taking their land claims cases to court and in fear of recognition for Aboriginal Title, the British Columbia government made it ilegal for First Nations to discus land claims or hire a lawyer to represent them (Tenant, 190, p. 11-12).    15
Another First Nations institution efective in resistance to the Canadian and British Columbian government’s colonial eforts was also targeted. It was the potlatch ban from 184-1951 (Tenant, 190, p. 51). Potlatches are a First Nations institution during which governance, justice, land transfers, and social and spiritual afairs are caried out (Trosper, 198). In 1914-18 this law as expanded to include any First Nations gathering where money or goods was exchanged, efectively making almost al gatherings ilegal (Tenant, 190, p. 12).  First Nations were awarded the right to vote in Canada’s government electoral system in 1960 (Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, 205). The formation of the Union of BC Indian Chiefs in 1969, re-energized the First Nation land claims movement (Tenant, 190). However, recognition of Nłeʔkepmx sovereignty, the right to self-government and jurisdiction over their traditional teritories, has yet to be acknowledged by the Canadian or British Columbian governments. With the increased presure by First Nations in BC to resolve land claims, the BC Treaty Comision (BCTC) formed in 193. The purpose of the BCTC was to bring economic certainty to resources and crown land in BC. The BCTC proces is based on the extinguishment of Aboriginal title replaced by fe simple title (Mils, 205). The Nisga’a signed the first post-Calder treaty with the BC Government in 196, and were granted only 8 per cent of their Nisga’a Traditional Teritory (Mils, 205). The Nłeʔkepmx Nation refuses to recognize the BCTC proces. The Nłeʔkepmx Nation refuses to surender its complete sovereignty and Aboriginal title to be ruled under British Columbian and Canadian law.  The Delgamukw Canadian Supreme Court Case recognizes that Aboriginal Title exists in British Columbia, yet twelve years later there are stil questions around its implementation (McNeil, 200). With the failure of the BCTC proces, the recognition and reconciliation legislation is the BC government’s newest efort for economic certainty (Manuel, 209). This proposed legislation is based on recognition of First Nations Aboriginal title. It aims to create comprehensive agrements with First Nations for benefit sharing and co-management in First Nations teritories. (Government of British Columbia, 209). This proces is flawed in that it does not recognize the right to self-government and jurisdiction which Aboriginal Title necesitates (McNeil, 200). First Nations would have litle decision making power and no veto power to protect traditional fod relationships within their teritories under  16
this new legislation (Government of British Columbia, 209). These agrements would be contingent on recognizing British Columbian crown land and the BC government’s jurisdiction over Indigenous Nations teritories (Manuel, 209).   This continued climate of colonization, diferent in form from the 180s but similar in intent, impacts every aspect of Nłeʔkepmx people’s lives. However, Linda Smith states, these very sites of opresion can be the same sites for decolonization (L. T. Smith, 199). This research focuses on Nłeʔkepmx traditional fods relationships as a site for decolonization. This conects to the larger Nłeʔkepmx goal of self-determination. Jurisdiction over their traditional teritories is esential to ensure continued traditional fod relationships.  Nłeʔkepmx Education Nłeʔkepmx children’s education was often the responsibility of grandparents and great-aunts and uncles, alowing parents to focusing on providing for the family. Nłeʔkepmx education also recognizes knowledge and its asociated spiritual and moral teachings can be gained from experience on the land as wel as through dreams and prayers as described below by Anie York (Laforet & York, 198).  …In the morning an old man preaches the young people what to do. It’s to go up in these mountains like that Stein. They spend their life there and God is going to help them, to give them strength. The Indians claimed that place because, for thousands of years, that was just like a university to them.  They go up there [in the mountains], and they slep, and this dream tels them. Then he writes his dream on the rock. That’s left there forever.  We teach our young people to reverence things. In this life we have to have water, and we ned fire to warm us. Air, fod, mon, stars, and sun. The rain comes, then snow. The snow melts into the rivers. It’s the cycle of life. The Stein Valey is like Moses’ mountains, or Rome to the Catholics. These are sacred places.  While much of a child’s training was traditionaly practical or hands-on, oral histories and stories were also esential to education (Hana & Henry, 196; Johnson, 201; Laforet & York, 198; Sterling, 202). These oral traditions in the words of Ardith  17
Walkem and Halie Bruce (Walkem & Bruce, 203), “is not myths, legends, and folklore- it is the expresion of our laws and the source of our continued relationship to our teritories.” Children’s education has since changed considerably, but Elders and the previously mentioned oral traditions continue to be important in children’s education (Hana & Henry, 196; Sterling, 202). In aserting the concept of Nłeʔkepmx education the concept of teaching “culture” and “tradition” and “culturaly relevant” ned to be understod. Beyond the surface understanding of singing, dancing and storyteling Nłeʔkepmx culture expreses dep teritorial conections, along with laws and practices of the Nłeʔkepmx people (Walkem & Bruce, 203).   After contact, the Nłeʔkepmx people recognized that their children’s education would ned to adapt to the changing world by including both Nłeʔkepmx and the newcomers’ ways of knowing. At their meting with Governor Douglas in 1879, the Lyton chiefs expresed their desire to hire a teacher to instruct their children in these new ays in compliment to their children’s Nłeʔkepmx education (Laforet & York, 198).   Nłeʔkepmx Chiefs’ concern, in the 180’s, to maintain traditional educational practices while ading new material was not very diferent from today’s goals for Indigenous education. The Traditional Knowledge for Health research project aimed to uphold scholar Gregory Cajete’s ideals for Indigenous education. This same notion is, held by many Indigenous scholars (Demert & Towner, 203; Hampton, 195; V. Kirknes & Barnhardt, 191; V. J. Kirknes & Bowman, 192; Snively & Wiliams, 206; Sterling, 202). The concept folows that, to “develop a contemporary, culturaly based education proces founded upon traditional tribal values, orientation, and principles, while simultaneously using the most apropriate concepts of technology and content of modern education” (Cajete, 204). Elements of a culturaly based education is expanded upon by Demert and Towner (Demert & Towner, 203):   1. Recognition and use of Native [North] American .. languages. 2. Pedagogy that streses traditional cultural characteristics, and adult-child interactions. 3. Pedagogy in which teaching strategies are congruent with the traditional culture and ways of knowing and learning.  18
4. Curiculum that is based on traditional culture and that recognizes the importance of Native spirituality. 5. Strong Native comunity participation (including parents, Elders, other comunity resources) in educating children and in the planing and operation of school activities. 6. Knowledge and use of the social and political mores of the comunity. (Demert & Towner, 203) These elements contrast sharply with the educational regime imposed on Nłeʔkepmxs. Betwen 1923 and 1973, Nłeʔkepmxs’ desire for self-determined education was ignored and children were instead forced to atend St. George’s Residential School. Elder Horace Michel remembers the day the police came to pick him up to take him to residential school: “ our Mom and Dad told me in nineten thirty nine that I had to go to the residential school or else they would put my parents in jail if I did not go” (Siska Traditions Society, 209). In fact, the residential school system’s aim to “kil the Indian in the child” (Asembly of First Nations, 208) mets the United Nations’ definition of genocide, forcibly transfering children of the Nłeʔkepmx Nation to the Canadian government and church run residential schools (United Nations, 1948).   The consequences of the residential school system and the multiple forms of abuses sufered by children wil continue to have impact for generations to come (Wesley-Esquimaux & Smolewski, 204). One consequence of the residential school system was that the Nłeʔkepmxs did not have the Nłeʔkepmx education Anie York describes above. Traditional fod knowledge, practices, values and their ecologies have ben greatly impacted. This los of knowledge cals for a comunity wide, culturaly relevant, intergenerational program involving children, adults and Elders in learning about Indigenous fod relationships.  The vision for culturaly relevant Nłeʔkepmx education that the Chiefs described to Governor Douglas in 1879 stil has not ben realized. While the residential school system was one of the most brutal forms of colonization in First Nations education, subtle forms of colonization remain in the Canadian public education system (Bal, 204; E. J. C. Thompson, 204). Education is how culture is transmited from one generation to the next.  19
 Nłeʔkepmx people determined to re-claim the education of their children opened the Stein Valey Nłeʔkepmx School in 197. The new school built in 208 has created a solid foundation and more Nłeʔkepmxs are enroling their children in this Nłeʔkepmx-run private school from kindergarten to grade twelve (Stein Valey Nlakapamux School, 209).   The Stein Valey Nlakapamux School, in its student parent handbok (209), aserts their mision statement: To provide a healthy nurturing learning environment in which our students are encouraged to become knowledgeable, confident, self reliant citizens enabling them to contribute to the Nlakapamux (Nlha.kapmh) values, culture and heritage, and also to the social and economic life of our comunity. (Adopted May 208)  Folowing from the Stein Valey Nlakapamux School mision knowledge gained through education is how individuals and comunities gain the capacity or ability to reach their goals. For the Traditional Knowledge for Health research I consider capacity as the ability of Siska comunity to reach goals colectively. Siska Comunity’s goal is health and education creation through using traditional knowledge. Therefore education for that capacity wil also come from traditional knowledge of the comunity.  Stevenson and Pereault (208) identify colonization in federal and provincial government capacity programs that use the capacity-deficit model. The capacity-deficit model ignores First Nations’ knowledge or cultural worldview or that aserts that First Nations’ economic situations result from a lack of capacity. The deficit model therefore proposes the economic solution of increasing an individual’s skils to increase participation in the dominant society’s economy. In contrast, Stevenson and Pereault advocate a ground-up aproach to capacity whereby the comunity aserts its vision to build an economy that meshes with their specific culture and context by drawing on cultural strengths and thus increasing capacity not only for individuals but for the entire comunity (Stevenson & Pereault, 208).  This research uses this comunity-based, ground-up aproach.  20
Nłeʔkepmx Economies and Trade Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ economies work with the diverse ecosystems that suport them. Nłeʔkepmxs have developed complex stewardship and management systems to asure an abundance of diferent traditional fods and resources, while maintaining ecosystem diversity (Deur & Turner, 205; Morison, 206). Nłeʔkepmx economies are based on hunting, fishing, gathering sharing, giving and trading fods and technologies (Morison, 206). Salmon is one of the primary economies at Siska (Teit, 190). Nłeʔkepmx people honour and thank the salmon through ceremony for giving people life. In turn the Nłeʔkepmxs have maintained a responsibility to ensure the salmon’s survival (Siska Traditions Society, 209). The concept that pacific sockeye salmon are wild is a myth. Pacific salmon populations have ben managed by Indigenous peoples for thousands of years acording to Nigel Haggan of UBC Fisheries Centre (Haggan et al., 206). The Fraser River sockeye population was greatly abundant before contact at 60 milion (Routledge & Wilson, 199). Before contact Nłeʔkepmxs vast trade networks for sc’uwen (wind-dried salmon) reached as far as the prairies, acording to oral histories (Blackstock & McAlister, 204). Guy Dunstan of Siska describes trade trails that went as far south as New Mexico (Morison, 206).   The abundance of salmon atest to the Indigenous concept of economy expresed by Taiaiake Alfred (Alfred, 199), “The primary goals of an Indigenous economy are to sustain the earth and to ensure health and welbeing of the people…Upseting this economy upsets the balanced ideal that lies at the heart of Native societies”. The balance of Nłeʔkepmx economies has ben severely impacted by colonial policies, which have limited Nłeʔkepmx peoples' ability to manage and make decisions regarding their traditional teritories. The colonial industrial economic model reduced the Fraser River salmon population by half, to 30 milion, by 1913 due to over-fishing and environmental devastation of waterways and spawning areas (Routledge & Wilson, 199). The Hel’s Gate disaster of 1913, caused by the C.N.R. railway construction, could have wiped out the population completely. Nłeʔkepmxs practicing their responsibility to the salmon intervened. By building flumes for the salmon and carying them over the Hel’s gate slide Nłeʔkepmx ensured the salmon’s survival.  Colonial land policy equaly impacted Indigenous economies. Nłeʔkepmx family were alocated 10 acres of land by BC government, in their own teritories, while setlers newly imigrating into Nłeʔkepmx teritory were given 160 acres (Laforet & York,  21
198). Farms and ranches tok over Nłeʔkepmxs most productive graslands. Water diversion severely impacted much of Nłeʔkepmx grasland fod and economies (Blackstock & McAlister, 204; Walkem, 207). Forestry practices and prescribed burns had equaly devastating impacts on beries and forest fods (Deur & Turner, 205).  Siska Traditions Society recognizes the ned to bring Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ stewardship and management practices back on the land and into the waterways to restore ecological balance. STS is achieving this by promoting their traditional economies. "In our area we have to create our own economy. We lok to the gifts of the Creator to do this. We treat these gifts with respect, as they wil sustain us into the future as in the past," says Chief Fred Sampson (Efron, 204). This self-sustaining economy is the basis of the Nłeʔkepmxs’ traditional society. Ensuring a healthy existence for the nation’s people was easily facilitated by careful relationships of gathering, fishing, and hunting in acordance to Nłeʔkepmx stewardship, management and value systems. Trade was used efectively with surounding nations for localy specialized goods.  Today’s economic reality in the Nłeʔkepmx Nation is a stark contrast compared to the time before colonization. Presently, unemployment among Siska comunity members hovers betwen 75-80%. Many traditional sources of income, such as salmon and specialized plants, have ben devastated. Also, by creating a welfare economy, the government has reduced progres toward comunity driven initiatives. The government has created a history of dependency, rather than recognizing First Nations inherent right to use of their lands for economy (Mils, 205). John Scot, the social-afairs oficer at the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Isues explains (Lovgren, 204), "It's easy to blame Aboriginal people for being welfare dependent after taking away their resources… Everyone would be welfare dependent if they had lost their land and their right to make decisions about their own lives."  One of the specific objectives of the Traditional Knowledge for Health research was to identify how the traditional harvesting of plants could create economic oportunities for the comunity. The comunity Elders and leaders embrace this idea of renewing their traditional fod economies and related management practices. The ultimate aim of these goals is not short term profit, but using sustainable methods to ensure the health and longevity of the Siska comunity as wel as the land.  22
Nłeʔkepmx Health and Wellbeing In the context of Indigenous knowledge, health involves the inseparable realms of economic, social, and spiritual life (Batiste and Henderson, 200). The findings of the British Columbia First Nations Regional Health Survey (BC FNRHS) show that BC First Nations members consistently described health as comprising of physical, mental, and spiritual aspects (Atleo, 200). Folowing from these beliefs, research indicates that prior to European contact, the Indigenous peoples of British Columbia lived with litle or no ilnes and disease (First Nations Chiefs’ Health Comite & BC Ministry of Health Planing, 203). Mary Wiliams (Siska Traditions Society, 209) recals, “We kept our health: there was no one with diabetes at that time or cancer, you just died of real old age. Nowadays you don’t se that, people dying because they are old; they are young and they die.”  Curently, First Nations members are more likely than the general population to experience diabetes, high blod presure, acidents, alcohol and drug use, depresion, low income, and a low high school graduation rate (M. Atleo, 200; Dion Stout, 201; First Nations Chiefs’ Health Comite & BC Ministry of Health Planing, 203) These statistics can be sen as outcomes of the past and present social injustice isues faced by First Nations peoples, as outlined up to this point in the introduction. Wel known health researcher, Naomi Adelson aserts, “Indigenous Canadians as a group, are living out the efects of a chronology of neglect, indiference, and systematic opresion” (Adelson, 205). Within health care, the lack of cultural sensitivity was identified through a BC First Nations Regional Health Survey as a barier to achieving health (M. Atleo, 200). These negative implications have al ben compounded by the disruption of traditional fod knowledge and practices as wel as the degradation of traditional fod systems (H. V. Kuhnlein & Receveur, 196).  These Indigenous peoples’ health concerns cal for a holistic aproach grounded in Indigenous self-determination (Chandler & Lalonde, 198; Hutchinson, 206; Lemchuk-Favel, 204; Tokenay, 196). Furthermore, at the 196 Royal Comision on Aboriginal Peoples, witneses caled for “the protection and extension of the role of traditional healing, traditional values, and traditional practices in contemporary health and social services”.    23
Greater self-determination in health is being achieved through health services transfers whereby First Nations take greater taking control of their own health services. Since the Siska and Cok’s Fery bands tok control of their health services in the form of the “fuly-transfered” Heskw'en'scutxe Health Services (HS) five years ago, the overal health of the clients served by the HS has improved (Dempster, 206). However there are stil chalenges, Jean York, Director of Heskw'en'scutxe discuses that there is no programing specific to traditional fods or medicines, making it a chalenge to develop ways of integrating these into their health programing (York, 206).   In Yukon the negotiated First Nations Health Transfer Agrements are diferent than BC; Yukon First Nations specificaly negotiated for policy recognition and funding directed towards traditional health and healing including medicines and treatments (Gatey, 208). Such Aboriginal-specific health systems acros Canada have ben sucesful in creating responsive, sustainable and acesible health programs. These systems ofer holism, a synergy of western and traditional health philosophies, as wel as the oportunity to integrate traditional fod practices (Lemchuk-Favel, 204).  The 206 public health oficer’s report identifies the importance of traditional diets to the health of Aboriginal people (Oficer, 206). The B.C. First Nation’s Regional Health Survey showed that rates of diabetes were twice as high in the southern interior as compared to the Northern Interior, the authors speculate that this may be due to traditional fod use (M. Atleo, 200). These reports show how comunities can use their traditional knowledge systems to adres curent health problems (Kuhnlein, 204). Considering the First Nations’ concept of health the significance of traditional fod goes wel beyond a nutritional importance, impacting overal comunity health.  There has ben very litle traditional fod use research among any First Nations in Canada, the majority of Aboriginal traditional fod use research is with the Inuit (H. V. Kuhnlein, O. Receveur, R. Soueida and G.M. Egeland, 204; H. V. Kuhnlein, Receveur, & Chan, 201). The Nuxalk Nation and the curent Creator’s Gifts research in the Nłeʔkepmx Nation are of the few in the West Coast. Dr. Laurie Chan, UNBC is launching a Canadian wide research project among First Nations to get base line data on traditional fod use and environmental contaminants through health Canada.   24
A comparative analysis of the 202 Aboriginal Forum, co-hosted by the Romanow Comision and the National Aboriginal Health Organization, recomended that the design of health policies be specific to each cultural group and encouraged increased recognition and use of traditional practices (Spack, 203). The Aboriginal Healing Foundation identifies feasts, on-the-land activities, cultural celebrations, traditional fod harvesting and preparation as important to Aboriginal comunities healing proces from the legacy of the residential school system. The Aboriginal Healing Foundation identifies that more programs are neded which target healing for youth and men, also identified is the ned for non-verbal forms of healing. Of existing healing programs participants identified Elders involvement in the healing proces was the most afective (AHF, 202).  As the Traditional Knowledge for Health is working in colaboration with Heskʷ’en’scutxe Health Services, this research contributes to establishing a Nłeʔkepmx comunity-based aproach to integrating traditional fods and asociated knowledge, practices within existing health programing (H. V. Kuhnlein & Receveur, 196; Oficer, 206).  Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Fod Relationships Hariet Kuhnlein, Director of the Centre for Indigenous Nutrition and Environment, considers traditional fod systems as al fod from a particular culture available from local resources and culturaly acepted. It includes socio-cultural meanings, stewardship, management and acquisition/procesing techniques, use, composition, and nutritional consequences for people using the fod (Kuhnlein and Receveur, 196). The meaning ‘traditional’ here is the continued social proces of learning and sharing of certain knowledge , not implying any antiquity. This social proces is unique to each indigenous knowledge and heritage (Batiste and Henderson, 200).  In the context of indigenous knowledge economic, social, and spiritual realms canot be separated and a definition of health spans al of these. Ecologies are considered sacred realms and are encased in culture and language (Batiste and Henderson, 200). Fod is part of these realms and in fact most Indigenous Peoples do not separate fod from edicine (Kuhnlein and Receveur, 196).   25
There is strong evidence for health benefits of traditional fods. Evidence ranges from nutritional analysis of traditional fods to comunity based health programs focusing on traditional fod use (Blanchet et al., 200; H. V. Kuhnlein & Receveur, 196; Hariet V. Kuhnlein et al., 204; Trifonopoulos, 198; N. J. Turner, 203).  Traditional fods are directly linked with contemporary traditional knowledge by promoting use of traditional languages, harvesting practices, botanical education, social education, potlatches and gatherings as wel as other cultural and spiritual practices (Hariet V. Kuhnlein et al., 204; Nuxalk Fod and Nutrition Program Staf, 1984).   Many Nłeʔkepmx traditional plant fod resources are curently described as “non-timber forest resources” (First Nations Forestry Council, 2008), a term used without consultation with the First Nations, to whose health and culture, these resources are esential. In fact, the term “non-timber forest resources” erases the fundamental First-Nations relationships with these resources. Therefore throughout this thesis I have made an efort to use the term “Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships” recognizing the reciprocal nature of Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod systems.  Turner (201) states that over 50 plant and fungus species, the majority being forest species, are known to have specific cultural aplications among Aboriginal peoples of northwestern North America. In BC, Indigenous peoples’ plant fods represent a $280 milion anual industry that is largely unregulated, creating a situation in which forest resources can be and are being depleted (S. Teder, D. Mitchel and A. Hilyer, 202). Most of this activity takes place on First Nations teritories for which aboriginal title and rights are recognized. These curently unregulated forest resources, give First Nations’ management and policies oportunities for regaining control within their teritories (Menzies, 204).  Economies have derived substantial monetary value from Indigenous traditional fod relationships. For example, the pine mushrom industry in the Nahatlatch watershed of Nłeʔkepmx teritories was calculated at aproximately 17% of the market value of the timber in the same area. In 197, pine mushroms ranged in wholesale price from $35 US-$95 US/kg (Wils & Lipsey, 199). If Indigenous stewardship and management technologies are adopted and integrated within traditional harvesting practices of BC First Nations, certain provincial non-timber forest resources could increase to twice the  26
economic value of timber (Wils & Lipsey 199). In this way the Nłeʔkepmx Nation could achieve economic sovereignty, which is esential for the progresion towards self-determination.  These Nłeʔkepmx historical and contemporary contexts demonstrate Nłeʔkepmx and Indigenous peoples’ strategies in resisting colonization and aserting their self-determined worldviews. This review ilustrates what types of proactive strategies can be useful to achieve the research goal of: Education and health creation through contemporary practice of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems pertaining to ecological, spiritual and cultural values, including the local research and control of comunity health through fod.   27
Chapter 2: Research Relationship  This chapter describes how Siska Traditions Society (STS) and the University of British Columbia (UBC) created a respectful research relationship for the Traditional Knowledge for Health research project. This relationship made explicit the position, motivations and expectations of STS and UBC. These findings were articulated in the Traditional Knowledge Protocol (TKP) agrement, which set out research ethics, governance and proceses. The Traditional Knowledge Protocol enabled the achievement of objectives identified by STS.  To be a respectful and self-determining comunity-based proces, as set out in the Traditional Knowledge Protocol, comunity members’ expectations and motivations were also included in research proceses. Comunity members engaged in the Traditional Knowledge for Health research by participating in four diferent ways, through: the Siska Traditions Society, the Research Comite, the research team, and comunity research activities (presentations, potlucks, gathering, workshops, and interviews). Useful and practical ways to achieve research objectives were identified by comunity members engaging in decision-making and design. Comunity confidence in the project was demonstrated by comunity participation. Comunity participation made posible the research activities and outcomes described in later chapters.  One of STS’s research objectives was to sustain research actions into the future by increasing STS research capacity. Marlene Brant Castelano (200) emphasizes when research enters into the natural flow of the comunity, without disruption, it wil enter into the everyday decision making proces of the comunity. This is the empowering means for knowledge to be validated, generated and transmited to turn into daily used knowledge (Martin 202). Both Elders and youth are important teachers within Siska comunity, and their experiences were especialy privileged along with al comunity members. A safe environment for sharing research progres, results and recomendations was co-created with the research comite, research team and research participants. This transparency and inclusivenes ensured that the capacity to initiate comunity-directed research projects in the future evolved sustainably.   28
These aspects of the STS-UBC research relationship wil be explained throughout this chapter. In conveying the research position, protocols and proceses, I wil highlight learning that ocured, chalenges faced and how bariers were overcome and suceses achieved in creating a comunity-based research relationship.  2.1 Creating Respectful Research Relationships  As an academic student researcher, I was acutely aware of the colonizing potential of the university, as described by Rauna Kuokanen (Kuokanen, 207), “our lives are enmeshed in patriarchal global capitalism” and academe is part of capitalism through its focus on competition and individualization. As an academic partner, I focused on working with Siska comunity members coperatively and colectively in this research relationship. This section describes preparations made for a respectful research relationship- from the initial strategizing meting, seting research objectives, aplying for research funding, and creating the Traditional Knowledge Protocol (TK Protocol).   Chief Sampson invited Dr. Cowan and I to Siska November 21st, 206, to met with the board of directors of the Siska Traditions Society (STS) to discus the potential of working together in research. The board included key Elders, comunity members, and others who had ben involved with the STS’s past research initiatives. We discused how the society sought a research focus linking the STS’s curent economic initiatives with fod harvesting, comunity health, and education.  Apreciating the comunity’s investment of energy and trust in entering into a research relationship with UBC, Dr. Cowan and I prepared for the meting by examining our responsibilities as academic researchers and representatives of UBC. We then presented the STS with various examples of research ethics protocols and funding sources that recognized comunity-controled research and respected Indigenous knowledge (BC Aboriginal Capacity And Development Research Environment, 205; Indigenous Peoples Council on Biocolonialism, 200; Macaulay et al., 198; Menzies, 204; Mi'kmaq Ethics Watch, 202; Schnarch, 203; L. T. Smith, 199). As sign of respect we brought gifts to thank the Siska people for inviting us into their teritory (Wuye Wi Medek, 204). Our thre-fold intention for the  29
meting was to: 1) listen to the STS’s objectives and their identified next steps in acomplishing those objectives, 2) ofer our colaboration and asistance in a culturaly respectful maner, and 3) to establish interpersonal relationships built on trust and mutual respect for the similarities and diferences betwen us as people and as representatives of organizations.  Our first meting resulted in agrement betwen the STS and Dr. Cowan and I to enter into a research partnership. The objectives identified by the society during this meting formed the basis of the research proposal we later submited to BC Aboriginal Capacity and Development Research Environment (BC ACADRE)1.  These objectives within our proposal guided our subsequent Traditional Knowledge for Health research proces. The next sections describe topics discused at the initial research meting and how these were translated into specific actions to suport the research relationship.  Respectful Research Funding During our first meting with the Siska Traditions Society, Dr. Cowan presented research-funding oportunities in line with the Siska’s research objectives. These objectives included acknowledging Indigenous knowledge systems and established protocols for Indigenous knowledge protection. BC ACADRE was the most promising source of comunity-controled funding. Its respect for Indigenous knowledge and comunity ownership of knowledge suported Siska-identified steps toward achieving the comunity's research goals.  The guiding principles of BC ACADRE's research programs are the 4 Rs: respect, relevance, reciprocity, responsibility– adapted from Verna Kirknes and Jean Barnhart’s aproach to Aboriginal Education (V. Kirknes & Barnhardt, 191). For the STS-UBC research relationship to contribute to Siska comunity’s self-determination, these 4Rs were esential. As the rest of this chapter and thesis show, the aplication of the 4Rs principles was esential to STS-UBC achieving a respectful research partnership.                                                 1  BC ACADRE has evolved into the new Network Environment for Aboriginal Research BC, (NEAR BC) based out of the University of Victoria.   30
Traditional Knowledge for Health Research Objectives The Traditional Knowledge for Health objectives identified by Siska Traditions board of directors and key Elders informed a strength-based aproach, loking to traditional cultural strengths to increase health and educational capacity. In response, we stated our overarching research goal to be:  Education and health creation through the contemporary practice of traditional Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems relating to ecological, spiritual, and cultural values, including  local research into and control of comunity health through fod.  We identified thre specific research objectives steming from our overarching goal:  • Increase Siska comunity health, culture, and capacity by generating culturalyrelevant and ethical knowledge and practices for Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Fod Relationship (NTFR) management;  • Engage comunity members of al ages in the cyclic generation of Nłeʔkepmx (Indigenous) knowledge systems based on traditional values and contemporary methods (technologies); and  • Promote self-determined control and aplication of such knowledge systems to increase economic diversity for the Siska comunity.  This strength-based aproach can also be described from the perspective of apreciative inquiry focusing on the existing positive core and positive potential--in this case the practice of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems--that can be realized through recognition and suportive action. As Whitney and Trosten-Blom (203) contend, “focusing on strengths is much more efective than focusing on problems” when one seks to change “a situation, relationship, organization, or comunity.”  While it sems like comon sense to focus on positive change, the academe traditionaly emphasizes the importance of determining, defining and studying a research ‘problem’ (Smith, 199). Part of the colonial aproach to marginalizing Indigenous peoples is to frame a group of people as a “problem” in order to advance land, military, religious, health, or educational practices that atempt to undermine Indigenous eforts towards self-determination (Smith, 199). Similarly, even wel  31
intentioned researchers often identify a particular research problem within the Indigenous individual or comunity rather than as a social or structural isue (Smith, 199). Ignoring such isues often means ignoring the colonial or dominant structures, policies, and economics that have led to the marginalization of Indigenous Peoples while alowing the dominant society to consolidate its wealth and power (Marker, 203; L. T. Smith, 199). In situating this research, therefore, I have deliberately examined the impact of colonial structures on Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ self-determination, health, education and economy. The introduction focused on Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ historical and curent self-determining actions in resisting these colonial structures. Based on Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems, these self-determining actions of resistance have brought about such positive changes, in health, as Heskʷ’en’scutxe Health Services Society; and in education, the Stein Valey Nłeʔkepmx School. Acordingly, for this analysis, I saw the self-determining control and aplication of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems as critical to the achievement of both the identified research objectives and positive change. 2.2 Traditional Knowledge Protocol The first step in working towards the research objectives was to ensure a respectful research environment. The co-creation of the Traditional Knowledge Protocol and its proceses ensured Siska comunity ownership and control over al aspect of the research. The Traditional Knowledge Protocol was signed and agred upon by both the Siska Indian Band and UBC Research Services in April 206. The complete Traditional Knowledge Protocol can be found in Apendix B.  The Traditional Knowledge Protocol development was based on many Indigenous protocols. The protocols presented to the Siska during our first meting included, the Boston Bar Research Ethics Protocol (204) developed betwen the Institute of Aboriginal Health-UBC and Boston Bar First Nation, and other protocols created by Darwin Hana, the lawyer for STS. These protocols al informed the STS-UBC Traditional Knowledge Protocol. Darwin Hana, Chief Fred Sampson, Dr. Cowan, and I worked together with UBC Research Services to create this Traditional Knowledge Protocol that maintained the Siska Tradition’s ownership and control of the research proces and Siska’s traditional knowledge. The TK Protocol also acknowledges Siska peoples inherent title and rights as wel as their self-determination and jurisdiction to practice those rights. We felt that it was important to create a formal protocol through  32
the UBC Research Services so as to make that protocol legaly binding for not only the principal academic investigator (Dr. Cowan) but also for the university. Therefore the protocol was signed by the Asociate Director of the University-Industry Liaison Ofice of UBC Research Services and Siska Indian Band Chief and Council.  In review of the Protocol, UBC Research Services expresed concern over the clause stating that the Siska Research Comite would first aprove this thesis. From the academic perspective, inclusion of this clause was perceived to influence research and potentialy inhibit or slow the right to academic publication of research conducted by the University. Through our negotiations on this particular clause, and its final inclusion in the Protocol, the University has demonstrated its wilingnes to shift the traditional academic concept about how research is conducted with Indigenous peoples: it hereby agred to participate in protection of intelectual property rights of the Siska Band and Nłeʔkepmx First Nation.  The Traditional Knowledge Protocol was agred upon and behavioural research ethics board (BREB) aproval was granted before the Siska comunity's engagement in the research. These ethical agrements recognized Indigenous jurisdiction and provided Siska comunity’s colective consent for research. These ethical agrements also outlined how individuals provided their consent to participate in research. 2.3 Self-Determined Comunity-Based Action Research   Self-determination was common to each Indigenous research ethics protocol I studied when preparing to met with Siska Traditions board members. Not surprisingly, then, self-determination became a guiding principle in the Traditional Knowledge for Health research context, and is in fact exemplified in the National Aboriginal Health Organization’s framework of ownership, control, aces and possesion (OCAP) (Schnarch, 2003). I concluded that a respectful research relationship betwen UBC and the Siska comunity would recognize Indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination (Smith, 1999). I believe that in order to create truly respectful research, a researcher needs to recognize the Indigenous community’s goal of complete self-determination, politicaly, economicaly and socialy. In other words, while Indigenous research protocols and proceses form guidelines for respectful and self-determining research, the  33
position of the outside research partner is equaly important so that research wil create benefit for the community and not try to undermine its long-term goals (Menzies, 2009).  Self-determination recognizes the self as an integral part of determination. Acording to Taiaiake Gerard Alfred, of the Centre for Indigenous Governance at University of Victoria (Alfred, 199, p. 25),  “A crucial feature of the indigenous concept of governance is its respect of the individual autonomy. This respect precludes the notion of ‘sovereignty’- the idea that there can be a permanent transference of power of authority from the individual to an abstraction of the colective called ‘government’. The indigenous tradition ses government as the colective power of the individual members of the nation; there is no separation betwen society and state. Leadership is exercised by persuading individuals to pol their self-power in the interest of colective god. .. In the indigenous tradition, the idea of self-determination truly starts with the self; political identity- with its inherent fredoms, powers and responsibilities- is not surendered to any external entity.”  To aply Taiaiake’s description of Indigenous People's self-determination, researchers must act in an inclusive, comunity-based way, and recognize both the individuals and the colective.  In sumary, this research aproach was comunity-based: Siska comunity members were involved in multiple ways in every step of the research proceses (Whitney & Trosten-Blom, 203). This kind of comunity-controled research is a form of action-research based on principles and mechanisms that shift the balance of power to the comunity (Couzos, Lea, Muray, & Culbong, 205 ). As Smith (199) points out,“Comunity action aproaches asume that people know and can reflect on their own lives, have questions and priorities of their own, have skils or sensitivities which can enhance (or undermine) any comunity-based projects.” Comunity power is demonstrated when a comunity has the decision-making power and the necesary resources to make informed decisions (Arnstein, 1969). Action research seks to transform the people involved in the research; through the proces of the research itself, they wil make a change in their lives.    34
2.3.1 Siska Comunity Engaged In Research  “People have to come together and work together for the health of Siska community.” Participant in first potluck dinner, July 25th, 2006  Like any comunity, Siska is made up of individuals who have personal values, ideas, opinions, and ways of thinking about the world. Although I use the term “Siska comunity” or “Siska comunity members,” it is important to recognize both that this comunity consists of individual members who participated in the research, and some who did not. Those individuals with an interest in the project and in the Siska Traditions Society participated. The number of comunity members who participated increased over the life of the project.  Siska comunity members were decision-makers at every stage of the project. The research team tried to gain input and fedback about the research proces from each family. At the same time, the research team recognized that including the interests of al members would be a chalenge. As a result during the initial research team exchange we identified one goal: to find out why some people do not use traditional fods. However, because participation in this research was voluntary, the answers we received contained obvious biases. People with greater interest in traditional fods, culture, and health were more likely to participate, while those les interested chose not to participate. Comunity members also identified these biases during the first research forum, a comunity potluck July 25th, 206.  “It is always the same people interested in this type of thing.” -Josephine Thomas  “Find out why some people are not interested.” -Alice Munro  Comunity members were invited to participate in the research at several points and in various ways. Our first step was introducing the Traditional Knowledge for Health Project to the comunity and identifying our research structure, draft goals, and objectives. I joined Chief Fred Sampson during band metings so that we could co- 35
Building relationship        Carrying out research   present the research project at both Siska (on-reserve) and in Merit (to comunity members living of reserve in the urban centre of Merit) band metings. At these metings we invited comunity members to participate as research comite members, research cordinators, researchers, and/or research participants. We folowed up these invitations with newsleter articles, postings, and advertisements around the comunity. At these metings comunity members gave initial fedback and recomendations for the research. Participation in the research proces was inclusive; anyone who showed interest was invited to participate, in recognition of the experience or insight that they ofered.  The multiple perspectives of Siska comunity members participating in the research proceses led to a Siska-specific Indigenous Research aproach. This methodology included four specific research roles: 1) Siska Traditions Society who, in partnership with UBC researchers, developed the research proposal. 2) The research comite, made up Nłeʔkepmx comunity members from Siska and Lyton who governed Traditional Knowledge for Health research. 3) The research team, including the principal aplicant (Dr. Cowan) and co-aplicants (Chief Fred Sampson, Darwin Hana, Nancy MacPherson), involved mainly in the planing, as wel as researchers (Maurice Michel, Glen Michel, Nancy MacPherson, Daniele Michel, Holy Edwards, Forest Sampson) who caried out the research project. 4) Siska comunity research participants, including over 50 comunity members who participated in the research activities and determined the research outcomes.  Figure 3. Creating A Respectful Research Relationship    Siska Chief and Council STS Board UBC Researchers Research Participants Research Comite Research Tea  36
In the folowing sections each of these research roles is described. I explain how the original research objectives and proces were shaped by these multiple perspectives and participation, which ultimately led to the research outcomes. 2.3.2 Siska Research Comitee The Siska Research Comite guided the research, and met four times during the research to discus its direction and make recomendations about adjusting the research proces. In recognition of the Research Comite Members’ expertise, honouraria and travel expenses were provided.  The roles and responsibilities of the research comite were to make consensus decisions regarding the folowing tasks to: • Overse the overal course of the research project and proces, • Give direction and recomendations on the project's objectives, proceses, and activities, • Witnes research in the comunity and provide their observations about other comunity members' fedback and evaluation of the project, and • Recomend how research results should be used and shared.  Newsleter articles, posters, and word-of-mouth were methods used to advertise research comite positions. Because only four people put their names forward, no selection from amongst candidates was necesary.  These four members included two Elders, one councilor, and one youth: Horace Michel: Elder, fluent Nłeʔkepmxcin speaker, and retired orchardist, language teacher, and Siska Traditions harvester; Mary Wiliams: Elder, Nłeʔkepmxcin speaker, Lyton band member, and comunity health-care worker for over 25 years; Betsy Munro: Siska band member and councilor, experienced ambulance atendant, and comunity health care worker; and Charles Michel: Siska Band member, senior student at Kumsheen Secondary School, and fisher.   37
“ We can learn a lot more from Grandmom than this research can do.”  First Research Comite Meting, September 8, 206  The research comite metings informed every aspect of the research and each research activity. For action research to suced, comunity direction is of equal or more importance than theories and methodologies of per-reviewed published journals (Stringer, 199). Throughout the research proces, the research comite shaped research activities and informed the project's aproach to health, education, self-suficiency, and self-determination. The research comite direction is also reflected in each thesis chapter.  2.3.3 Research Team The research proces itself ofers a unique learning oportunity for those involved to learn by organizing, participating, and reflecting on that proces. To achieve living knowledge, comunity members must have at least as large a role in the research planing, implementing, and evaluating as outside researchers. The Siska research team included the principal aplicants and co-aplicants, and the researchers. The principal and co-aplicants were primarily involved in the initial planing stages, but also oversaw the remainder of the project. The researchers actualy caried out the research project under the direction of the research comite.  The research team aplicants were as folows: Dr. Shanon Cowan (ne Bins), Principal Aplicant, Asistant Profesor, UBC faculty of Land and Fod Systems, stewarded the aplication proces, and acted as the contact person for the project and my academic supervisor. Chief Fred Sampson, Co-Aplicant, Siska Indian Band and Chair of the Siska Traditions Society, oversaw the political implications of the project, and was also my supervisor. Darwin Hana, Co-aplicant, Lawyer for the Siska Indian band, member of the Nłeʔkepmx Nation, and adjunct profesor, UBC faculty of law, providing legal information for creating the Traditional Knowledge Protocol betwen Siska and UBC. Nancy MacPherson, Co-aplicant, Master's candidate UBC Faculty of Land and Fod Systems, I created conections betwen the university and the comunity, facilitating the work of comunity researchers throughout the resarch proces.  38
  The research team researchers selected STS's hiring comite included: Maurice Michel, Siska Research Cordinator, Siska Comunity Member, Siska Traditions Society Harvest Cordinator, Nłeʔkepmxcin teacher, cultural teacher Kumsheen High School, who lead al research activities. Glen Michel, Siska Researcher, Siska Comunity member, youth worker and researcher, who played an integral role in the youth-elder interviews, harvest site identification, and the harvest training program.  Daniele Michel, Siska Researcher, Comunity Member, Siska Traditions harvester, and researcher, who worked with harvest site identification, integrating Nłeʔkepmx traditional ingredients in STS jams and doing tasting surveys. Nancy MacPherson, UBC Researcher, Master's candidate UBC Faculty of Land and Fod Systems, I worked with Siska researchers to ensure the research protocols were implemented throughout the resarch proces.  The first step in our research together was an exchange of research methods, training, and planing by the research cordinator and researchers. The research team, consisting of Siska comunity members as cordinator and researchers and myself as a UBC researcher, provided a variety of perspectives regarding knowledge exchange and the bridging and creating of relationships betwen Siska and UBC.  I was responsible for compiling a researcher information kit with examples of Indigenous research principles . Elder Maurice Michel facilitated cultural protocols to ensure relevance and a respectful and safe research environment. Together as researchers, the research team decided by consensus which methodologies and methods were useful for achieving the resarch objectives.  Research Relevance The first research-team task was to revise the research project title: “Comunity Health Education and Promotion Through Sustainable Use of Non-Timber Forest Resources: Comunity-Based Co-Development of Research Environment to Increase Aboriginal Research Capacity in Siska Band, Nłeʔkepmx First Nation, British Columbia” While the original title had conveyed considerable information about the  39
original research plan for the BC ACADRE selection comite, the title was unworkable on a day-to-day basis.  The original title was problematic. Although Indigenous and non-indigenous members of the research team would be working together to create the research, this title's format and language were geared towards an academic audience. In other words, though we had aplied for funding to an organization that is suportive of Indigenous knowledge, our original title implied that the research was actualy primarily intended for an academic audience (Marker, 203). We recognized that in doing our research, this title might indicate our use of an exclusive language, that privileges certain types of knowledge and ways of comunicating rather than reflect an Indigenous worldview (Menzies, 209).   Fyre Jean Graveline’s work has encouraged me to test the boundaries of Eurocentric notions of knowledge; and to make rom for Indigenous ways of knowing not only within academic discourse and research, but in al contexts (Graveline, 201). Acordingly, I was pleased when, after the research team reviewed the original research proposal, and objectives, Maurice Michel, resarch cordinator, suggested the title: Traditional Knowledge For Health.  This synthesis of the original research objective and title is ingenious– it creates acesibility and it makes sense. The original research title included almost every technical term related to comunity-based research theories, but was opaque to anyone who had not taken academic courses on comunity-based action research methodologies, or was unfamiliar with forestry terminology. Each time I read the original title out aloud to Siska comunity members (which I had to do because it was so long I couldn’t remember it), I felt embarased by its exclusivity.  When the Traditional Knowledge for Health Project started the first wek was dedicated to an exchange betwen researchers. Maurice Michel, Daniele Michel and I discused how language would be important to the research. I asked Maurice if there was a word for health in Nłeʔkepmxcin. He said that, “No, there wasn’t.” The closest thing to health in their language was translated to English as, “ To survive on what the creator has provided.” This quote explicitly shows Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ understanding that health is directly conected to what the creator has provided. This helped our research recognize the reverent relationship betwen health and fod in the Nłeʔkepmx worldview.  40
 I was relieved to work with Maurice Michel, Daniele Michel, and Glen Michel in Indigenizing the research proposal, and begining to create a Siska research aproach. In the research proces and in comunicating the outcomes, this research project atempts to recognize Siska’s local knowledge systems. This was not a simple goal given that we were working in English, a young, noun-based, hierarchical language of a colonizing country. The English language has very diferent ways of comunicating about the world and relationships than Nle?kepmxcin, which is verb-based, non-hierarchical, and gender neutral, as are many Indigenous languages (Cajete, 194). Mamie Henry and Darwin Hana experienced this chalenge in translating Nłeʔkepmxcin stories into English for the bok Our Telings (Hana & Henry, 196). The Research Budget Funding isues also highlight the dynamics of power. Are diferent types of expertise valued equaly? What constitutes expertise? How are diferent kinds of expertise recognized? The research team ade decisions about the budget by consensus decision making. These decisions were then reviewed and aproved by the research comite, which had decision-making power regarding how ages and how funds were used in the project. The Siska Traditions Society and ultimately its board of directors were financialy responsible for the project.  Comunity members who participated on the Research Comite and as research participants received honoraria, which demonstrated that the Siska research aproach values Elders and knowledgeable comunity members. Youth were also given an honorarium for their contributions in the Youth-Elder Interviews. 2.3.4 Siska Comunity Research Process  During the comunity forums and metings, many comunity members afirmed their suport for the overarching goal and specific objectives and made suggestions for research activities. The forums confirmed the importance of both including intergenerational activities in research and involving youth. I believe the consensus achieved within the diferent forums was a result of Siska comunity members developing the original research objectives.  41
Comunity Diner This comunity potluck July 25th, 206 served as both an introduction to and a forum for recomendations related to the Traditional Knowledge for Health Research Project. Fourten comunity members atended. Individuals discused experiences and isues that were reafirmed by others. Several themes that emerged from the potluck included: the ned for fod and nutrition literacy, the ned to involve youth in the research through empowering means, the ned to reach out and involve those people not already participating in the workshop, the ned to come together as a whole comunity to adres health. As Josephine Thomas said, “There have ben workshops on diabetes by Heskw’en’scutxe Health Services, but people stil ned understanding about fod.” Youth Involvement Comunity members saw youth involvement as an oportunity to pas on knowledge, “Get the younger generation interested in the workshops so they may cary it on when they get older,” At the same time, Glen Michel suggested, “ask the youth what they want to do,” Others responded, “youth can get to know the Elders”. Maurice Michel recaled how, when going out with  two sumer workers to se if the mecek (blackcap bery- Rubus leucodermis) was ready, “The sumer students realy enjoyed going out on the mountain loking for mecek; youth just ned the oportunity to be productive and learn”  Comunity involvement provides a measure of the usefulnes and respectfulnes of the research. We found participation changed throughout the Traditional Knowledge for Health project depending on the research activity being conducted. Over sixty people from the comunity atended the final research gathering. This participation speaks directly to the importance of acknowledging both Elders' and youths' research contributions. 2.4 How Knowledge Is Shared  “Knowledge gains power when it is shared.” (Haig-Brown & Archibald, 196)  In regard to the second goal, engaging in the cyclic generation of knowledge systems, our research confirmed the responsibility Siska comunity members felt to pas on the  42
knowledge had ben shared with them. Elders were acknowledged as the people who maintained that cycle of knowledge creation by pasing on knowledge. There was les recognition for those who had knowledge but did not share it (Research Comite Meting January 16th, 208). During our research comite meting we discused how the local schools are asking for suport from organizations like Siska Traditions to include Nłeʔkepmx knowledge in their curicula.  “The schools are asking for our suport to teach this. What is Siska Traditions al about? It is about sharing, so I think we should share with them, it is for our children.” 2.5  Discusion The “Siska-UBC Traditional Knowledge Protocol Agrement” (TK Protocol) provided an ethical research environment whereby Siska Indian Band and Siska Traditions Society’s self-determination was legaly recognized by UBC. This agrement included the ownership and protection of Siska’s knowledge systems. The agrement created a level of respect and trust in which the research could efectively take place.  Folowing from the TK Protocol, guidelines were put into practice by the research team to ensure a respectful research environment: • Comunity perspectives and individual speakers were respected by listening to them without interuption in workshops, research comite metings, and outside of research activities • Research Comite direction was respected and acted upon by implementing their recomendations • Elders were encouraged to take leadership roles at workshops and the research team folowed their lead • Youth was heard and their suggestions acted upon in design and implementation of research activities relevant to youth • Beliefs and boundaries of individuals were recognized and acknowledged • As per cultural custom, comunity leaders (respected Elders and cultural leaders in the comunity) lead prayer and ceremony determined its apropriate timing throughout the project   43
The Siska Research Team was comprised of thre Siska band members and one outside researcher (me), to ensure there was a balance of perspectives in research implementation, analysis and interpretation. The balance also ensured that research proceses directed by the research comite were caried out in culturaly relevant ways. The Traditional Knowledge For Health research acknowledged the ned for First Nations’ participation on the ground to ensure that respectful protocols and proceses are enacted regardles of paper agrements (Pereault, 202). In the field of health, this asertion is echoed by Janet Smylie (Smylie et al., 203) saying that while there are increasingly more First Nations Health policy makers in comunities, many Aboriginal health researchers remain external to Aboriginal comunities. The Siska-UBC partnership exemplifies ways to lesen this reported gap.  Ultimately, in a comunity-based action research project where participation is voluntary, the number of comunity members engaging in the research is a good indicator of whether the research is meaningful to the comunity and whether it is caried out in a way that is in harmony with their values. Other research into Indigenous diabetes prevention programs found that suces and sustainability of the program originated from active comunity participation, a colaborative relationship betwen comunity and researchers, and the way traditional knowledge and beliefs were included in the program design (Haris, 198). The results of this study indicate that because the Siska Research Team engaged in grasrots, botom up aproaches to policy from the comunity, it was able to bridge that gap.  The guiding principles of this research folowed Siska Indian Band and Siska Traditions Society’s principles where “self-determination” was valued at both the level of comunity, and at the level of each comunity-member (Alfred, 205). These elements of the Siska-UBC research relationship provided clear structure and proces for research in which comunity members efectively contributed their suggestions towards research objectives; they informed research activities and participated in research itself. One example of a sucesful ‘structure’ in this research environment was consensus decision-making. For example, during comunity forums and metings, consensus decision-making ensured that al perspectives were heard as research was planed and conducted. As is comon with consensus-driven proceses (Butler & Rothstein, 1987), individuals with oposing opinions were encouraged to work colaboratively with the person proposing an idea in order to revise and re-work  44
ideas until they were aceptable to al. These comunity driven proceses have shown higher levels of culturaly-relevant research and comunity participation, as described in the constructivist interpretive paradigm of comunity-based action research (Stringer, 199).   Self-determined control and aplication of traditional knowledge by First Nations comunities within a research context is now a wel-established necesity. This is outlined in the Tri-Council Policy Statement (TCPS) for ethical research and in the CIHR Guidelines for Research involving Indigenous peoples’ (Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Natural Sciences and Enginering Research Council of Canada, & Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, 198 (with 200, 202 and 205 amendments); Ethics Ofice Canadian Institute of Health Research & Institute of Aboriginal Peoples' Health, 207). There are many acesible resources pertaining to ethical research protocols for comunity members and university researchers (Caine, 203). In these resources, First Nations comunities and university researchers are encouraged to be vigilant, as there are stil examples of people exploiting the knowledge, resources and hospitality of First Nations in the name of research. In Siska-UBC research relationship described in this thesis, Indigenous fod sovereignty and health research in general were specificaly examined because of their conections to self-determination.  Within the research relationship with Siska, I became aware of the influence that individual academic researchers and university Behavioral Research Ethics Boards have on outcomes for Indigenous peoples in similar research environments to that of Siska-UBC. For example, if not protected by efective ethical protocols that are adhered to by al parties, they may negatively impact direct economic benefits to the comunity, as wel directly impacting the posibility and asertion of Indigenous rights to ecological knowledge and governance, influencing important resource/species protection.  As a result of my observations, I share recomendations intended to help improve the guidelines for University research with Indigenous Peoples: • I recomend al research into ecological systems or individual species that ocurs within First Nations Teritories should go through an ethical review  45
proces that includes aproval by the First Nation Chief and Council or apointed oficial(s). • Funding resources should be dedicated to provide for that First Nations’ asesment of the research and posible impacts on the ecosystem, and on Traditional knowledge in that Nation • Explicit recognition and measures should be in place during the initial Ethical Board aproval of University-based research with First Nations comunities that require University researchers to demonstrate that they understand that Traditional Ecological Knowledge/Botanical research can have very real risks for First Nations peoples’ health and welbeing through potential impacts on sustainability and diversity of ecological resources for fods, as wel as political implications to land/resource rights and entitlement (Castelano, 204).  The Siska comunity research proces was not something that was acomplished over the span of the one year Traditional Knowledge for Health research project. Siska’s self-determined research methodology and methods are continualy evolving acording to the neds and priorities of the Siska comunity. They are also evolving in relation to continual reflection on suceses and chalenges experienced. The learning from those reflections are integrated into continued research. Ongoing learning is curently being integrated into further Siska-UBC research (and partnerships with other institutions, including University of Northern British Columbia).  Some of the chalenges and recomendations for change are outlined here:  Research Training-The research schedule and a change in the makeup of the Research Team ade it dificult to have enough time for research training for each member in the team. Ongoing training has ben a focus in the research, especialy because of the change in the research team folowing the initial visioning and training period.  Organization and Documentation- Seting up an ‘information management plan’ within STS for research documentation including data, results and resources. An important aspect of comunity controled research is the physical posesion of al research related data and information. Dedicating resources to how that information would be securely stored by STS and acesible by staf for future use is integral to long-term research sustainability.  46
 Comunication with the comunity- Despite posting the research activities in the newsleter and posting them at the band ofice and at the galery, the research team recognizes that extending personal face-to-face invitations to atend research activities and folow up reminders are important before an event. (This must be reconciled with academic protocols, as it is counter to behavioural research ethics board (BREB) regulations. Acording to BREB the researcher can only contact potential research participants by leter or notice. Personal invitation is sen as posibly coercive. Yet the Research Team and Comite find that it is personal invitations that make people fel welcome and comfortable to participate).  Siska Research team struggled to complete information exchange and training in the aloted training time and funding budgeted, mainly because of the ned to integrate both Nłeʔkepmx knowledge and science with relevant newcomer/Semeʔ knowledge and science. The research team identified that more time was neded to efectively discus, test and reflect, specificaly on methods used throughout the research proces. This recomendation has ben implemented more sucesfuly in subsequent research projects with Siska Research team embers.  In sumary, the creation of the Siska-UBC research relationship, position, protocol and proceses al contributed to the respectful research environment as outlined for sucesful Indigenous research by Menzies (209). The research environment was positioned within the Siska comunity Indigenous worldview and guided by the four R’s of research (Respect, Relevance, Responsibility, Reciprocity), as established by BC ACADRE (BC Aboriginal Capacity And Development Research Environment, 205) adapted from Kirknes and Barnhardt (V. Kirknes & Barnhardt, 191). Siska and UBC each agred on certain relevant protocols, which engaged and enabled both parties’ responsibilities in research. The research comite and team utilized these protocols to actualize a comunity-determined action plan for the research: acordingly, reciprocity has ben demonstrated by sustained research capacity as highlighted in the folowing outcomes:   There is an ongoing efective and safe research environment at Siska  The research comite in its advisory role has actively engaged the Research Team in the decision-making for research proces and methods  47
 The Research Team has continualy evolved research methods that are both culturaly respectful and aplicable while maintaining rigor  Over 50% of the Siska comunity actively participated at some or al points of research involvement with multiple expresed benefits; they left learning new things, they received worthwhile new information, they beter understod the importance of traditional plant fods. (For results demonstrating these outcomes please se Chapter 3 Section3.4, 3.5 and Chapter 4 Section 4.6).  48
Chapter 3: Nłeʔkepmx Fod Education And Policy Creation  3.1 Introduction The development of Siska Traditions Society Harvest Training and Certification Program is mobilizing comunity capacity to asert their values in the stewardship and management of their Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships (NTFR), in particular plant fods. The training aspect is an asertion of modern Indigenous education by and for comunity members, within the Nłeʔkepmx Nation. The certification aspect aims to implement comunity-based local level policy to protect their NTFR. Formalizing the Siska Traditions HCTP is also a strategy that suports greater comunity self-suficiency and self-determination.  The Harvest Training and Certification Program (HTCP) is one element of the Traditional Knowledge for Health Research and is also part of Siska Tradition’s broader strategies to strengthen Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships (NTFR). This chapter describes Siska Traditions Society’s and the research team’s actions to formalize HTCP. This chapter also examines the efectivenes of Siska’s proces to develop and implement the program to acomplish the folowing objectives: 1. Increase Siska comunity health, culture and capacity by generating culturaly-relevant and ethical knowledge and practices for Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships management  2. Promote self-determined control and aplication of such knowledge systems to create increased economic diversity for Siska comunity.  In analyzing these two goals I propose that culturaly relevant and ethical knowledge and practices must be embeded throughout the program to achieve the desired outcomes of increased: 1- comunity health, culture, and capacity 2- Self- determined ethical knowledge and practices for NTFR management 3- economic diversity for the Siska comunity  49
  Recognition of Indigenous peoples’ right to self-governance and jurisdiction over their afairs, is necesary for Nłeʔkepmxs to maintain their responsibilities for sustainable stewardship of Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships (United Nations, 207). The multiple policy proposals for Indigenous plant fod stewardship and managment wil be discused in section 3.1.4. Forestry companies expanding jurisdiction of their tenures to encompas the comercial harvesting al plants not only tres is one such policy (Gagné, 204). Siska Traditions strategy of seling Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod products raises awarenes that Indigenous people continue to use their teritories for sustenance, fods, medicines and economy (Turner & Cocksedge, 201). Taken as a whole program, the larger aim, as aserted by Chief Fred Sampson, can be expresed as:    “The dream is yes, there is economy, there are job oportunities for my comunity members; but the ultimate goal is to solidify our title and rights to the actual land itself, through our traditional oral history uses of the land. That is the ultimate goal.” -Chief Fred Sampson, CBC National June 21, 206  The research actions to achieve the goals of the HTCP include 1) Planing Symposium for the HTCP 2) Action of implementing the harvest training and certification workshops and 3) Reflection on the HTCP and outcomes by workshop participants. This chapter describes how the HTCP has contributed to Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod education and policy creation. I format this chapter adapting Stringer’s action research framework including planing, acting, and reflecting undertaken by comunity members to achieve this end. Using this framework I aim to convey the ever-growing spiral of learning and knowledge-creation that may be achieved through action research (Stringer, 199).   3.1.1 Nłeʔkepmx Stewardship And Management Practices  Historicaly, al Nłeʔkepmx Nation members shared hunting, fishing, and gathering areas comunaly. Blod relations to the Nłeʔkepmxs from neighboring nations also had the right to use these areas. However if someone not related to the Nłeʔkepmxs  50
was caught hunting, fishing, gathering bark, or digging rots they would often pay with their life (Teit, 190, p. 293). Acording to Teit (Teit, 190, p. 294), the only areas that were designated to the family or individual were der traps, fishing stations and Golden Eagle eyries. Often large groups of people from diferent Nłeʔkepmx divisions would travel to certain resource area and hundreds would camp there for weks at time. Pténi Valey a gathering place for uper-division Nłeʔkepmx and a prime rot-digging area would se thousands of Nłeʔkepmx gather during May and June, the prime rot digging period. Men hunted, women did bery picking, rot digging, and mushrom gathering. This time was also an oportunity for governance, trade, athletics, social and ceremonial activities (Teit, 190, p. 293).   Bery picking grounds are also comon property but were strictly managed. Teit records old women as having a primary managing role of bery grounds (Teit, 190, p. 293). Oral history provides more details of these practices. Horace Michel (Personal Comunication 208) has described that the bery picking grounds used to be managed by an old woman, of that particular area. Nłeʔkepmxs were strictly forbiden to pick beries before they were completely ripe. The old woman, by closely monitoring the picking grounds, would direct others to which areas were to be picked that season, when the fruit were ripe and picking could begin. Once given the signal for picking, people would travel to the bery picking grounds and camp for weks at a time. Large numbers of women from diferent Nłeʔkepmx divisions would pick in the same area. These colective picking practices, used for most plant harvesting, facilitated monitoring stewardship practices and education where required to corect such practices acording to late Elder Mildred Michel (Maurice Michel Personal Comunication, 209). People maintained regular stewardship practices while harvesting for beries pruning for example pruning. When a particular bery ground productivity declined despite these individual stewardship practices, the old woman would recomend large scale stewardship and management practices to increase bery abundance, the most comon being prescribed burns (H. Michel, 208).   These practices describe Nłeʔkepmx peoples’ complex stewardship and management practices. Stewardship is often used to describe Indigenous people’s relationship to their traditional fods and resources (Karjala & Dewhurst, 203). Indigenous stewardship embodies the responsibility Indigenous people asume to lok after and tend to diferent plants and resources to ensure abundance presently and in the long- 51
term future (Anderson & Barbour, 203). The way the term ‘management’ has ben used has often ben at ods of Indigenous peoples concept of stewardship (Kuptana, 196; McGregor, 204). However for Indigenous peoples to comunicate to government resource management agencies their Aboriginal title and jurisdictional relationship to the land has necesitated the use of the term anagement (Kuptana, 196). Until the recent Xeni Gwet’in BC Supreme court victory ("Tsilhqot'in Nation v. British Columbia", 207), judicial systems recognized title as existing only if there was significant ‘modification’ to the land (Arneil, 196). Within the colonial construct this meant cleared land, fields, and permanent buildings. The advanced management systems of Indigenous peoples that modified and sustained whole ecosystems, a type of permanent agriculture, to produce large amounts of fod, was dismised. Indigenous peoples’ ‘permanent agriculture’ known as permaculture is only now being taught in agricultural programs as a “new development” to adres serious problems of industrial mono-cultures (Cajete, 194, p. 147).  However Indigenous peoples are now defining their own concepts of management, which include traditional knowledge, spiritual values, and a holistic/ecosystem aproach. Indigenous peoples se their sovereignty, subsistence use and very survival contingent on the ability to exercise their jurisdiction to management their teritories and resources (Bengston, 204). As Indigenous peoples self-determination is becoming recognized, some aspects of Indigenous resource management concepts are now being used by government agencies such as ecosystem-based or adaptive management. These conditions provide the posibility of Indigenous knowledge having a greater influence on forest management practices (Trosper, 207).  Burning was one of many Nłeʔkepmx management techniques to increase the productivity of diferent traditional fod plants and increase grasland productivity for ungulates. Nancy Turner using anthropological records prescribed burns in Pténi, Nłeʔkepmx teritory (Turner, Thompson, Thompson, & York, 190). Evidence of frequent fires is visible in the charcoal black earth below the surface of the wide-open Pténi meadows covered with Nłeʔkepmx rot fods. Regular fire paterns from the 170s to early 190s have also ben demonstrated through core sampling in Stein Valey, a nearby NTFR area (Ricius, 198). The Nłeʔkepmx language contains over 25 diferent terms related to active management including: pruning, transplanting,  52
cultivating, cutings, prescribed burning, selective harvest, and propagation (L. C. Thompson & Thompson, 196).  Teit’s The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, edited by Franz Boas of The Jesup North Pacific Expedition focuses on material culture. Litle is discused of governance or land stewardship practices. This was characteristic of Boas’ style of anthropology: focused on material culture and an ‘imagined pre-contact past’ (Wickwire, 198). However Teit’s knowledge of Nłeʔkepmx world was much greater than was published, he learned much from his Nłeʔkepmx wife, Lucy Antko and her relatives as wel as chiefs and others as he became involved in Nłeʔkepmx political eforts in his later years. More insight into Nłeʔkepmxs stewardship concepts can be found in Teit’s unpublished notes. As brought to light by Nancy Turner’s (Turner, 205, p. 20) research into the reciprocal relationship concept of Earth’s Blanket. Teit describes Nłeʔkepmx plant names and uses. He describes “spákEm [sp’áq’m] flowers in general. Flowers are the valuables of the earth or mtns [mountains] and if they are plucked ruthlesly the earth sorows or cries.” The next entry continues: “siekEm [s-yíqm] gras in general. Flowers, plants & gras especialy the later are the covering or blanket of the earth. If to much is plucked or ruthlesly destroyed [the] Earth [is] sory and weps. It rains or is angry and makes rain, fog & bad weather.”  Nancy Turner in the Earth’s Blanket describes eight distinct but related concepts that when aplied together can help guide eco-cultural restoration and environmental renewal (Turner, 205). As STS’s work with Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships embodies restoring and renewing the Earth, The Earth’s Blanket concepts can also be aplied to Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices and to the larger policy dialogue surounding these important Indigenous plant fods. These concepts include: 1. Humans within Nature 2. Roted cultures 3. Elders’ Wisdom 4. Youth and Education 5. Local Languages 6. Ceremonial recognition 7. Diversity 8. Patience and Persistence (Turner, 205, p. 29-232)   53
3.1.2 Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices These beliefs recorded by Teit in the 190s are evident in Siska Traditions Society’s Ethical Picking Practices today (T. Sampson, 202): We as First Nations people must abide by our own cultural law of the land. The Elders and knowledgeable comunity members wil teach: how to give thanks for the gifts we receive from other earth, when we can start picking, how to share the bounty of Mother Earth and where and how to pick.  The asertion of Indigenous education, in Siska’s Harvest Training and Certification Program, further formalizes the Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices (STEP). Established in 202, STEP was created from Elder’s teachings when Siska first began harvesting Nłeʔkepmx traditional forest resources for the purpose of sale. Siska Traditions Society (STS) recognized the ned to re-educate the younger harvesters in Nłeʔkepmx ways – thus the concept of ethical picking and “training” for harvest emerged. Elders’ teachings form the basis for Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices and include 1)Nłeʔkepmx language and culture, 2) respect for the land, 3) harvester health and safety and 4) fod safety (T. Sampson, 202):  As Siska Traditions initiates our own protocols, how we conduct ourselves when out on the land must be on our minds at al times. When we pick, we must leave enough behind to fed al our relations our Elders and children, the bears, birds, and other animals that depend on our traditional fods. We, First Nations are the stewards of our land and we must be on constant guard that we do not abuse Mother Earth.  What was once “comon knowledge” of harvesting practices for Nłeʔkepmx plant fods and forest resources were new to some of the Siska comunity. Reflecting on the awarenes of the ned for harvest training, Chief Fred Sampson (Personal Comunication, February 1, 208) remembers, I have ben trained, I was trained by my grandparents. I like the idea of training because it is quite clear that a lot of our youth don’t know what a person like myself knows about plants and medicines and harvesting. So I thought that it was realy god that there was a training proces. … from the training itself, I learned that our young people ned to be trained. The c̓eweteʔ [Lomatium nudicaule] ordeal was a god example. People were bringing in the whole plant rots and al.  Since 202 al Siska Traditions Society harvesters had already ben receiving on-the job training in the Siska Ethical Picking Practices. In this research, the Harvest  54
Training and Certification Program formalized that proces and expanded its acesibility – beyond STS to the comunity at large. 3.1.3 Indigenous Philosophy On Stewardship And Management Practices Indigenous people have the philosophy, “We do not inherit the land from our ancestors, we borow it from our children.”(Morison, 206). This belief system creates an ethic of sustainability (Turner, 205). It promotes continued Indigenous peoples’ values that nourish comunity health concepts that include that of the land and the people (J. Bily, 206). This contrasts to a very diferent ethic in dominant contemporary culture which has led to vast material prosperity by exploiting natural and human resources world wide (Cajete, 194, p. 25).  Each Indigenous Nation folows laws to ensure proper relationships within their comunities (ecosystem and human). However the concept of law difers in that Indigenous law is derived from ecological observations of stability and balance, while European laws are about domination over ecological proceses as Sakéj Youngblod Henderson describes (Henderson, 200), Aboriginal law is a highly integrated comunion of values and proceses….Aboriginal order and law are about sustaining relationships through ecological understanding, shared worldviews and languages, and ceremonies. Aboriginal laws are more about respect for every proces in an ecosystem that about power over them….To remain rational all human societies must become more ecologically sustainable.  The context of climate change and ecological catastrophe makes Indigenous knowledge, pedagogy and practices relevant not only to Indigenous peoples but to al of humanity to restore balance to al beings through our actions. While Cajete urges us to consider these catastrophes as everybody’s concern, it is Indigenous Peoples who are being impacted most by these catastrophes (Cajete, 194; United Nations General Asembly, 205). Multiple modern presures contribute to devastating impacts on Indigenous Peoples’ fod resources. These presures include: industrial logging, mining, tourism, urban development and the non-timber forest resource industry (Morison, 206; Nancy J. Turner, 203). To aces Indigenous knowledge to restore balance due to the above presures, there must be a climate of social and economic justice and trust (Findlay, 200). In the words of L.M. Findlay, “The obligations and  55
oportunities are obvious enough but, but old colonial habits die hard and Aboriginal suspicions derive from a heinous experience of colonial encounter.”  As Indigenous Peoples’ fod plants are increasingly harvested comercialy by people from “outside”, who have no conection to the place and no vested interest in ensuring the survival of ecosystems and human comunities, more Indigenous peoples are witnesing abuse and damage to their traditional harvesting areas (Turner, 201; Nancy J. Turner, 203). Conflict over resources with non-indigenous comercial bery harvesters has ben reported by several people from the Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Nation where there is a significant comercial hucklebery harvest (Wiliams & Claricoates, 202). 3.1.4 Existing And Proposed Indigenous Food Relationships Policy Guidelines for gathering traditional fod plants Several guidelines for best practices in harvesting NTFR have ben developed to adres the increased impact and degradation to plants and harvest areas. These guides outline procedures to minimize impact of harvesting and to promote the ecological health of harvest areas and the plants themselves (Alberta Native Plant Council, 205; Howe, 206b). Royal Roads University- Centre for Non-Timber Forest Resources (CNTR) guidelines suggest that throughout First Nations traditional teritory, cultural gathering has ethical priority over comercial harvesting; the guidelines, however do not recognize Aboriginal title. These guidelines also outline proper plant identification, storage and fod handling to promote safety for the consumer (Howe, 206b). These guidelines ned to find their way into the hands of harvesters. However there is also the posibility that suggested practices may not be folowed. Certification of traditional fod plants Greater certainty of minimal impact to the environment and proper plant identification, handling and storage can be achieved through certification programs. While stil voluntary, these programs require a greater investment by the harvester to report procedures and a complete inspections to ensure standard practices are maintained (depending on the certification). CNTR is in the first phase of developing a Best Practices and Certification for Wildcrafting and Medicinal plants. They identified the ned for species-specific best practices information because there is such a variety of  56
practices for diferent species (Howe, 206b). In the God Wildcrafting Practices (GWP) for example, These GWPs provide clear specific guidelines and information on plant identification, harvest area assesment, avoiding contamination and misidentification, part of the plant that should be harvested, harvest time, sustainability of harvest, procesing, drying and storing for high product quality, batch tracking, oficial English language monographs, identification of comercial product, acces to harvest areas, special points of concern for the species.  Harmonizing CNTFR certification with International Standard for Sustainable Wild Colection of Medicinal and Aromatic Plants (ISSC-MAP) and Natural Health Products (NHP) wil help adres gaps in existing frameworks. Regulations for ISSC-MAP and NHP focus more on product eficacy, traceability, and safety including standardized God Manufacturing Practices than on environmental protection (Health Canada, 203; Howe, 206a; Leaman, 205).   CNTFR suggested that the certification of “raw ingredients” would be best under the Organic certification over the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) program (Howe, 206b). Organic Certification was favored as it already certifies fod products. Wide spread consumer awarenes of organic certification could increase return and create an incentive for the harvesters to certify. However organic certification does not require permision for harvest within First Nations traditional teritories as the FSC certification does. CNTR does not adres the ned for consultation and acomodation with First Nations ("Haida Nation v. British Columbia (Minister of Forests)", 204).   If wild crafting practices are to be integrated into another certification body they should at minimum include the FSC requirements with regards to Indigenous peoples’ rights (Turner, 201). Other certification programs also include these principles including the Silva Forest Foundation and the Forest Stewards Guild (Turner, 201). Nancy Turner (201) recomends that for development of sustainable harvest practices: “Folowing the lead, advice, and preferences of First Nations in harvesting NTFPs can give us much wisdom and direction.” Taking that lead with First Nations localy developed harvest certification is Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices and  57
the Northern Diversification Centre (Howe, 206b; Northern Forest Diversification Centre, 205; T. Sampson, 202).  With lack of NTFR legislation, plant species sen as profitable have ben exploited with a resulting population colapse, such as Western Yew and Cascara (Turner, 201). Industries that do have significant state controled resource management legislation have proved just as detrimental to the species targeted. State run forestry and fisheries resource management models enacted over the last 20 years in BC have led to devastating impacts to forest and ocean ecosystems. These systems under the control of First Nations were managed sustainably for thousands of years (Newel, 193). As an example in forestry the “Anual Alowable Cut” (AC) instead of acting as a maximum threshold, acts as a requirement to obtain a forest license, which is often exceded (C. Atleo, 201). For Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships (NTFR) we as a society can choose a diferent vision of stewardship and management recognizing First Nations knowledge and leadership (Turner, 201).  Criteria and Indicators for Sustainability Tl’azt’en Nation is taking a leadership role developed local level criteria and indicators (C&I) of sustainable forest management, within an Indigenous worldview. Tl’azt’en Nation’s indicators can inform the proces of policy creation for Siska and their Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships. These indicators are relevant to NTFR because the majority of plant fods are found in the forest and can be significantly impacted by forestry operations. Within the Tl’azt’en Nation aproach “criteria are the esential elements that must be present to achieve a comunity’s goals” and “indicators are direct or indirect signs and signals that can be used to monitor and ases criteria” (Shery, Halseth, Fondahl, Karjala, & Leon, 205).   Tl’azt’en’s research shows that national and international frameworks can provide a foundation, but localy defined C& I and methods to generate them are required (Shery, Halseth, Fondahl, Karjala, & Leon, 205). Siska Traditions used a botom up aproach involving local people in NTFR policy creation. This aproach may interest and motivate local peoples to become involved in research, management and monitoring (Shery, Halseth, Fondahl, Karjala, & Leon, 205). In New Zealand, the Maori have also created culturaly relevant indicators of stream health based on Maori science and ecology to increase Maori participation in stream anagement and the  58
overal efectivenes of management practices (Townsend, Tipa, Teirney, & Niyogi, 204).    Tenure The question of Forestry tenure is integral to First Nations ability to continue their traditional fod relationships. In Canada 80% of the 603 First Nations live in productive forest areas (NAFA 205). Historicaly in BC, 95% of the land was apropriated unilateraly from First Nations peoples by the BC government, much of which is curently under the jurisdiction of “crown land” (Atleo, 201). Much of the crown lands in BC make up the working forest, under the Forest Act the BC government awards tenures to log crown land. Since the late 180’s First Nations people were largely excluded from the forestry sector, in fact prohibited from entering onto forestry companies’ tenured lands (Manuel, 199).  Canadian Courts have consistently ruled that Aboriginal and treaty rights have ben inextricably linked with natural resources and that the government has the duty to consult with Aboriginal peoples and acomodate their interests ("Haida Nation v. British Columbia (Minister of Forests)", 204; National Aboriginal Forestry Asociation, 205).   The government is begining to include non-timber forest products in some comunity forest agrements as wel as Aboriginal Forest and Range Agrements. Within forest tenures, aside from the exclusive right to harvest timber in a specific area the government may also grant the forest tenure holder exclusive rights to harvest, manage and charge fes for NTFP (Hilyer and Atkins, 204).  These forest tenures are managed under the new Forest and Range Practices Act (FRPA). FRPA identifies eleven forest resource values— soils, visual quality, timber, forage and asociated plant comunities, water, fish, wildlife, biodiversity, recreation resources, resource features, and cultural heritage resources—that must be considered when planing and conducting forest practices (Government of British Columbia, 202). What neds to be identified is how this act wil be implemented and the inclusion of contemporary economic rights of First Nations recognized within the act.  59
Pamela Pereault’s research into culturaly modified tres (CMT) in Nłeʔkepmx Teritory, found First Nations ned to be involved with implementing decisions on the ground for forestry operations to recognize and respect legislated cultural and heritage values (Pereault, 202).  Comercial harvesting of Indigenous peoples’ traditional fod plants curently hapens on the fringes of the MOFR Forest and Range Practices Act. Within the curent forest tenure systems there are significant impacts on many traditional fod relationships, and posibly further implications if NTFR are integrated into the existing forest tenure (Gagné, 204). This aproach to tenure is not suported by STS, as expresed by Chief Fred Sampson (F. Sampson, 204),  The aproach to management within our teritory is to establish a relationship with the Ministry of Forest to move our values into forest management practices especially around traditional uses and non-timber forest products. Elders talk about who should be doing this, they are quite adamant that it should only be First Nations people harvesting within their traditional teritories…….I think that the management of non-timber resources is going to come from the pickers themselves and it neds to come from the pickers themselves. The pickers ned to be a big part of how harvesting hapens within traditional teritories… We know that people aren’t going to go away and we know that we ned to develop partnerships, but we, at the same time, ned to be able to have a strong voice in the management of our traditional teritories.  Siska Indian Band signed a five-year Interim Forest and Range Agrement with MOFR in December 204. Siska has a side agrement for “non-timber forest products” (NTFP) for the management and stewardship of non-timber forest products. This agrement includes the involvement of Siska in the Public Timber Suply Review that leads to the AC in their area Siska Interim Forest (Siska Interim Forest and Range Agrement, 204).  The idea of logging companies having control of non-timber forest products and seling rights to those botanical products within their tenures does not sit wel with Chief Fred Sampson (Fred Sampson, Personal Comunication, November 21, 205). Using that model there is no responsibility for sustaining the plants; the logging companies can simply sel the rights to Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships to the top bider and that bider would do everything posible to make money back on that capital. This system could squeze out independent harvesters, and harvesters would have to work  60
for brokers, who have the rights of the tenure. Harvesters would have to hope that they receive a fair price for the product; rather than independently being able to sel to the person who ofers the best price for gods.  Perspectives on NTFR Tenure Ministry of Forest and Range (MOFR) Sinclair Teder of MOFR, in his latest NTFP tenure research, suggests that due to the many contextual influences of NTFP establishing property rights or tenure in a similar way to timber may not necesarily lead to sustainable management. The specific resource and user related conditions suggest no single comprehensive management regime would be afective. Any management regime would ned to be developed in cordination with First Nations and the users themselves. As First Nations comunities have knowledge of and are tied to specific harvest areas, they have the conditions to efectively cary out local management. He also suggests that learning and adapting is integral to any management regime as it would be a new institution (S. Teder, 208).   Teder does envision two posible ways management of NTFPs could be caried out. The first is to provide individual permits to specific species, however this may limit development of other species and whole ecosystem. The second proposal is to restructure the curent forestry tenure system into timber harvesting and post-harvesting activities. This would lend to a co-management or joint management, where the post-harvesting activities would be managed by another entity that would manage for both silviculture reforestation and NTFP (S. Teder, 208).  BC Fod Systems Network- Working Group on Indigenous Fod Sovereignty The Working Group for Indigenous Fod Sovereignty (WGIFS) with over 60 Indigenous fod harvesters at the first anual Interior of BC Indigenous Fod Sovereignty Conference make several recomendations for Indigenous fod policy. WGIFS state that an inter-ministerial aproach betwen Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Health and Ministry of Forests is neded in the development of statutes  61
and policies that wil protect, conserve and restore Indigenous hunting, fishing, and gathering fod systems. Health funding alocated to comunity-based Indigenous fod and health programs and centres is caled for to suport Indigenous fod systems. Indigenous fods and economies ned to be prioritized over large-scale comoditization in the newly emerging “non-timber forest products” industry. WGIFS go a step further than Teder’s vision recomending removing comercial timber and NTFP harvesting aspect from adequate tracts of land set-aside for the exclusive purpose of protecting, conserving and restoring Indigenous fod systems (Morison, 206).   First Nations Forestry Council The First Nation Forestry Council (FNFC) position paper on NTFR gives further insight into future management strategies. They provide multiple solutions for both the short-term (12 months) and long-term (13-24 months). The first concern curently not being adresed within the existing forestry legislation is recognition that First Nations retain rights, title and interests to one hundred percent of non-timber resource values within their respective teritories. FNFC adreses the ned for First Nations to lead cros-cultural competency training with regards to NTFR use by First Nations people and the funding to do so. The government neds to facilitate the inclusion of First Nations representatives in al provincialy focused research and regulatory discusions. Research funding is neded for First Nations to self-determine research neds. The scope of resource based acomodation agrements ned to include management of NTFR. As a central management regime wil not be efective for the diverse species, ecosystems and Nations in BC funding is required to set up regional discusion forums that would facilitate extension and learning oportunities. Finaly as recomended by Monique Ros long-term area based forest tenures ned to be made available to First Nations.  In the long-term the FNFC cals for the co-development of a regulatory regime betwen government and First Nations that recognizes, reconciles, and prioritizes Aboriginal rights with respect to aces and use of NTFRs. Al of these aces and benefit sharing agrements ned to be based on shared decision-making authority. Finaly they cal for funds to be made available to First Nations to explore NTFR  62
harvesting certification options and means of monitoring impacts apropriate to First Nations management concerns.  However policy alone wil not create changes, it is in the proceses enacted by policy (Pereault, 202). In finding a new aproach to conserving and protecting NTFR First Nations people practicing traditional fod relationships must be provided a leadership role in the proces. Traditional harvesters stil maintain codes of ethics for harvesting as pased down to them by their ancestors. Siska’s traditional knowledge holders play an esential leadership role in order to create Siska’s proactive policy and certification for NTFR. STS aproach couples policy with education recognizing many young people have not ben taught in the traditional ways due to the harmful impacts of residential school. Siska’s policy strategy focuses on Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationship education so the younger generation wil be empowered to act with their ancestors’ land management knowledge. Therefore Indigenous science is important to achieve Siska’s goals. Using the relevant aspects of Eurocentric science centered within an Nłeʔkepmx worldview can serve to met the goals of STS within a value system congruent with their comunity’s values (G. H. Smith, 200).    63
3.1.5 New Ways Of Learning Traditional Knowledge  Eber Hampton expreses that his ideal contemporary Indigenous education is roted in traditional Indigenous education values while integrating new aproaches and technologies to reach the aims of self-determination, cultural continuity and suces within both Indigenous and non-indigenous contexts (Hampton, 195). The Siska Research Comite also acknowledged that new ays of learning are neded, that learning traditional knowledge canot always hapen within the family as it did in the past (Siska Research Comite, Wiliams, Michel, Munro, & Michel, 208). Traditionaly Nłeʔkepmx education hapened primarily within the family, mainly by relatives older than the learner (Sterling, 202). As part of this research, Siska Research Comite explained several reasons why a comunity-wide aproach to education was important for contemporary pasage of traditional knowledge. • Some families/generations had disruption of knowledge transmision within extended family due to residential school. • Now the family unit is not always together; aunts, uncles, children, grandchildren living of-reserve or at a distance. • Having comunity focused training provides a non-threatening way to learn for al generations. It removes the fear of ridicule a person may have because they did not learn certain traditional knowledge  • Multi-generational learning is important, providing learning for al ages from infants, children, youth, adults and Elders  64
NTFR Sector, Training and Certification Programs Overview  3.2 Harvest Training and Certification Planning Symposium This section describes the first step of comunity-based action research towards formalizing the HTCP. To create Siska’s Harvest Training and Certification program Siska Traditions Society hosted a two-day planing symposium to 1) survey the curent state of the “non-timber forest resource” industry and regulatory regime in BC and 2) identify components for a local culturaly-relevant program. The planing symposium and the harvest training certification program that folowed were funded under Siska Band’s Forest and Range Agrement (FRA), within Siska’s Non-Timber Forest Resource Pilot Project (One of the few FRAs to include NTFR), funded by the Ministry of Forest and the BC ACADRE Grant.  Figure 4. Siska NTFR Planing Symposium Proces To Establish Harvest Training And Certification Components        Resource Management, Market and Tenure Dialogue NTFR, Mushroms, and Education Break-out Sesions  Consensus Discusion for Siska Traditions Harvest Training and Certification Program Components   65
In planing the symposium, Siska invited Indigenous and non-Indigenous speakers to share their knowledge. This also created a space for dialogue and understanding of difering worldviews and strategies used by the diferent parties to gain validity within the “non-timber forest resources sector”. This folows from one of the characteristics Taiaiake Alfred (Alfred, 199) identifies as a contemporary ideal of a strong Indigenous Nation: The comunity has extensive positive social, political, and economic relationships with people in other comunities, and its leaders consistently sek to foster god relations and gain suport among other indigenous peoples and in the international comunity.  The symposium tok place March 24, 25th, 206 at the Siska Hal, Siska, Nłeʔkepmx Teritory. Twenty-five people were in atendance, including 17 Siska comunity members. Folowing the opening prayer by Elder Horace Michel, Chief Fred Sampson gave opening remarks and co-facilitated the symposium with Michael Kefer, ethnobotanist.  Day 1 of Planing Symposium: Survey of the Curent State of NTFR and regulation in BC Begining the workshop, Tim Brigham, from the Centre of Non-timber Forest Resources of Royal Roads University presented the Northern Diversification Centre and the Neskonlith case studies of comunity based training and certification programs for comercial models of ”Non-timber forest resource” harvesting.  A panel discusion folowed providing an overview of the curent NTFR sector in British Columbia.  Bernice Garcia and Tracy Aljam, cultural resource experts of Tmixw Research, Nicola Tribal Asociation presented ethical Indigenous research methodologies, methods for traditional use studies, including interview and maping techniques.   66
Resource Management • Use Indigenous and Western perspectives and practices • Adres los of knowledge • Use four elements (air, fire, earth and water) to manage resources • Children are most important resource • To provide for children ned to manage other resources • Renew what is taken from the land • Plan for seven generations • Management plan from comunity • Adaptability is a strength of Indigenous Peoples Resource Management, Market and Tenurization The day ended with a facilitated dialogue by Jim Adams, then Chief Executive Oficer, Nicola Tribal Asociation about resource management, market and tenurization of Indigenous Traditional Forest Resources. Adams explained that the fundamental part of the discusion is policy around tenure. In order to defend proposed tenure policy, First Nations ned research to validate it. Resource management and traditional use studies can provide that neded research to demonstrate the merit of proposed tenure policies. Key points from the dialogue with Jim Adams are presented in figure 1.  Figure 5. NTFR Resource Management, Market And Tenure Points Of Discusion  Market • Recognition for economy. Not only fod social and ceremonial. • Indigenous Peoples’ diferent trademark resources ned to be respected  Tenurization • The land belongs to Nłeʔkepmx peoples • Forestry roads built should stay open to public • National political health affects individual and comunal health and ability to acces resources (Ned to tend to the nation- to get nutrition) • Management rights can be discused without Aboriginal Title discusion • What would be the division of jurisdiction? • Band Council, Tribal Council or Nation level? • Diferent models for diferent areas • Not rules, only guidelines and only local comunities decide rules   67
Day 2 of Planing Symposium: Comunity-created Siska Harvester Trainig and Certification Program The first day of the symposium set the tone for the next day’s discusion about designing a Siska Harvester Training and Certification Program. Thre concurent break-out sesions with the focuses of “Non-timber Forest Resource Sector”, mushroms, and education gave symposium participants an oportunity to distil the main points relevant to Siska’s Harvest Training and Certification Program in smal groups. Returning to the main forum, each group shared their points, which were posted on the wal with flipchart paper. A discusion of these points led to the symposium participants coming to a consensus of what components should be included in the Siska Harvest Training and Certification Program as listed below in Table 1.   Table 1. Siska Harvest Training And Certification Program Components Spiritual practices: respect/honour the land, water and the animals Build on Siska Traditions’ Ethical Picking Practices Stewardship and management at plant level, population level, ecosystem-level Language and culture throughout training  Elders take on the field training role The training would focus on a visual and hands-on learning style In-clasrom: bear alert, plant guidebok use, GPS training, first aid, fod safe One certificate for al plant types; training timed to coincide with harvest    68
Reflecting HTCP Planing Symposium- Survey and Evaluation “Any courses regarding our native culture/traditions plants wil be beneficial for sure. The hands on learning wil be very helpful to me.” -Workshop Participant, Siska 206  “Elders have the experience and are our teachers, they do not ned to be certified.” -Workshop Participant, Siska 206  To gain fedback from the wider comunity, 46 Siska Band members living in Siska and Merit completed a post-symposium evaluation survey. Participants indicated in evaluations that the symposium and speakers were relevant and that they learned more about the curent state of non-timber forest resources industry and regulatory system that exists in BC. The survey indicated: 74% of people harvested Nłeʔkepmx traditional forest resources. Al those that harvested did so for the purpose of personal/family/comunity fod use with 1% also harvesting for income. The most comonly harvested Nłeʔkepmx traditional forest resource was beries, folowed by, in descending order, mushroms, vegetables and medicines. The survey also included a section on educational preferences and computer skils. The prefered instructional method was almost unanimously hands-on, some also included visual and oral. Thirty-nine percent of people indicated good, average or above average computer skils. A smal majority of people indicated they would not relocate temporarily for training, and unanimously people prefered training in the comunity.  This symposium created comunity-determined policy for culturaly relevant capacity building program conected to practicing traditional fod practices as wel as identifying stewardship, management and tenure policy for the certification program to ensure sustainable harvest. It was these policies that were enacted in the Traditional Fod Harvest Training and Certification Program. It is these policies that are evaluated by training participants in the folow up interviews conducted after the training program.   69
3.3 Action: Traditional Food Harvest Training In each of the five training workshops held over the spring and sumer of 206 there was a focus on one particular plant harvested and sold by Siska Traditions Society. The cʔéłe (Mint- Mentha arvenis), swəlwłi̓qt (Stinging netle- Urtica dioica) and tokaletqaín (Heart-leaved Arnica- Arnica cordifolia) trainings tok place predominantly at the particular harvest area. The q’ám’es (generic term for mushrom- Morel- Morchela sp.) and the c’əlc’ále (Black Mountain Hucklebery- Vacinium membranceum) harvest trainings tok place in comunity hals. The Hucklebery Jam training tok place at the Siska Traditions Society laboratory. The folowing tables an overview of the harvest training workshops. These tables are folowed by an in depth description the mint and stinging netle training.  70
  Harvest Trainig Proceedings Table 2. Overview Of Harvest Trainings  Harvest Training Date Training Location Facilitators Participants in atendance 1 Stinging Netle and Mint May 3, 06 Field North of North Bend Horace Michel Maurice Michel Chief Fred Sampson Michael Kefer Nancy MacPherson 14 Participants Ages: 3-77 2 Morel Mushrom May 5, 206 Lyton Band Hal Host: Chief Janet Webster, LFN Michael Kefer An Shore, Bety’s Best Mushroms 25 Participants Ages: 18+ 3 Arnica May 20, 209 Pténi Horace Michel Maurice Michel Chief Fred Sampson Michael Kefer 17 participants Ages:10-77 4 Hucklebery Sept. 7 and 12th Siska Band Hal Maurice Michel Nancy MacPherson 5 participants Ages: 40-67 5 Hucklebery Jam Sept. 11, 209 Siska Traditions Society Maurice Michel Glen Michel Nancy MacPherson 14 participants Ages: 7-14   71
 Table 3. Nłeʔkepmx Traditional Plants Focused On During Training Nlaka’pamux (English) Latin Name Family Ecosystem swəlwłi̓qt (Netle) Urtica dioica L.  Urticaceae Coastal Western Hemlock cʔéłe (Mint) Mentha arvenis L Lamiaceae Coastal Western Hemlock q’ám’es- - generic term for mushrom (Morel) Morchela elata (black morel) M. semilibera (grey morel) Morchelaceae Interior Douglas fir/ ponderosa pine- bunch gras Tokaletqaín (Heart-leaved Arnica) Arnica cordifolia  Bong. Asteraceae Interior douglas fir/ ponderosa pine- bunch gras  c’əlc’ále (Black Mountain Hucklebery)  Vacinium membranaceum  Dougl. Ericaceae Interior douglas fir/ coastal western hemlock/ subalpine mountain hemlock Dry to moist coniferous forests; medium to alpine elevations (Turner, 190)  72
Figure 6. The Harvest Training Workshop Experience The Harvest Trainig Experience- Stinging nettle and mint (May 3, 2006) It was a bright suny morning when everyone met at the Siska Band Hal. Chief Sampson welcomed al participants. Participants car poled to the harvest area 60 km south of Siska near Q’apełcicn (North Bend). Driving along the Qʷu’uy (Fraser River) down the winding canyon and over Sxen̓x (Jack As Mountian) the dry Ponderosa pine, balsam rot, and grases landscape transformed into Douglas Fir, ferns and mos covered rocks. As we crosed the Qʷu’uy we felt the temperature drop as we entered into the moist mountain hemlock and cedar forests.  We arived as the last dew as evaporating from the leaves of mint and netle, yet before the heat of the day. We formed a circle with Elder Horace Michel and Maurice Michel in the clearing surounded by aspen and cedars. They showed us how to Yamet (pray), how to introduce ourselves to the area and the plants and give respect before begining to harvest. Using Nłeʔkepmxcin and English Elder Horace and Maurice introduced swəl’wl’íqt (Netle) and began to show how to harvest using scisors by pruning the plant to promote new growth. A rich group exchange folowed sharing swəl’wl’íqt’s traditional uses and properties. When people began harvesting the meaning swəl’wl’íqt – “creates a stinging sensation” became a lived-experience. Those with short sleves were shown how to use an antidote for the sting from the spores of the sword fern.  After harvesting there was a plant identification sesion with Ethnobotanist Michael Kefer and an introduction to using plant keys in the Lone Pine Plants of Coastal British Columbia. Upon returning to the Siska Hal we continued the workshop with a cup of wild mint tea and sampled the steamed netle. Some participants at first aprehensive were asured that its sting disapears after coking.     73
 3.4 Reflecting On The Harvest Training And Certification Program Folow Up Interviews The goal of the HTCP was to be culturaly relevant. For the folow up interviews I focused questions towards whether this goal was achieved. What was the learning impact? Did people transform their actions? What improvements could be made and what were implications of cultural relevance to traditional fod stewardship, management and related policy?  To answer the question of cultural relevance I scripted the questions based on Ron Trosper's Comparative Framework for worldviews focusing on epistemology Ie. “What is knowledge? and how do we learn?”. The interviews also had an evaluative component of the HTCP acesing learning impacts, transformative action by participants and implications and thoughts towards policy and rights to harvest. These findings are directly linked to the Traditional Knowledge for Health Research Objectives.  The interview guide was then reviewed with my supervisor, Shanon Cowan, and with coleagues, Maurice Michel, Traditional Knowledge for Health Research Cordinator, and Tina Edwards, Siska Language Instructor and harvest training participant. The interview guide can be found in Apendix H.  I did folow up interviews with nine harvest training participants a year and a half folowing their participation in the harvest training. I interviewed five women and four men. Thre of the people interviewed were facilitators during the trainings. There was a range of traditional fod and medicine harvesting experiences among participants. Al people tok part in at least one of the field trainings, and six people tok part in two of the field trainings. Four people tok part in at least one of the in-house trainings either for morel mushroms or hucklebery. The majority of people interviewed said they learned how to harvest a plant for the first time during the training. Of the nine people, four diferent families within Siska were represented.    74
 Folow Up Interview Results The harvest training folow up interviews were analyzed qualitatively (O'Conor & Gibson, 203). Participant responses were grouped together acording to question and then sumarized (O'Conor & Gibson, 203). There was significant repetition in responses among participants. This repetition or saturation of the data is a measure of reliability, demonstrating that enough people were interviewed to make conclusions from the findings presented here (Paton, 202). Reviewing the interview guide I grouped interview questions and responses in themes acording to each question topic. For each theme, I listed the questions and sumarized responses into tables. With each table I included quotes ilustrating comon responses in order to engage the reader into the narative, alowing the reader to make their own conclusions (Archibald, 208; Clandinin & Conely, 200). To ensure reliability and credibility of results; and for a respectful research proces I verified the responses with each participant (Clandinin & Conely, 200).  I present the sumary results within each theme. 1) Cultural Relevance 2) Learning Impact 3) Transformative Change 4) Lesons Learned 5) Self-determined Responsibilities   75
Cultural Relevance  Table 4. How People Learned Prior To The Training How did you learn to harvest traditional fods? (Question 2) Responses Learning ocured by hands-on methods or being shown how to pick Grandparents and Elders Parents Friends Husband Harvest training was first time learning   “How did I learn, I learned from y grandmother, my mother, it was hands on, we went out, I learned from them as we were picking, and from y husband.” - Tina Edwards  To ases whether the harvest training and certification program was culturaly-relevant participants answered several questions related to knowledge creation (epistemology). The first question participants answered was about how they had learned to harvest traditional fods. Most participants had previously learned to harvest Nłeʔkepmx fods from family; grandparents, and parents were most often mentioned. However, two people interviewed said they had learned from friends and Elders, as they were not exposed to traditional harvesting as children; they learned as adults. For al participants, previous learning methods were hands on. For one participant the STS harvest training was their first time harvesting traditional fod.   76
Table 5. Indicators Of A Knowledgeable Teacher How do you judge a teacher’s knowledge is true or fact, or worth knowing? (Question 7) Responses Asociation to learner Shows how it is done and why it is done in that way Uses plants themselves Is an Elder Enthusiasm for the subject Knows Nłeʔkepmxcin- Can name plants in the language Knows harvest areas Teachings can be verified in published bok Teaches survival knowledge Everyone knows something diferent   I like them to show how something is done, and explain why, and then explaining what to do.. And the teacher, I think it is very important for a teacher to know hat they are teaching not learning things from a bok, actualy using the plants themselves. - Betsy Munro  I gues judging knowledge comes from association. Knowing the Elders for a long time. Those Elders being able to identify the plants, using Nłeʔkepmxcin, you couldn’t name a plant in the language and not know hat that plant was. That is what I would judge an instructors ability on is do I know them, do they speak the language are they familiar with the areas. Those are pretty god indicators. - Chief Fred Sampson  Participants provided various indicators of a knowledgeable teacher. Most participants responded that they judge a teachers’ knowledge through asociation with that person. Other indicators included whether the teacher showed how to harvest, their enthusiasm and their enjoyment, and their use of the fod or plants. It was also important if the teacher was an Elder or learned from an Elder.  77
Table 6. Learning Preferences How do you think is the best way to learn? (Question 8) Responses Hands on (experiential), engaging al senses Learning language, learning about harvest area and history Immersion, regular harvesting from a young age Bok learning is not beneficial for learning to harvest  Me, for myself, I like to actualy go out there and lok at the plant and describe the plant and which parts are useful, because sometimes, like I was saying, you use the bulb and not the flower part. I always like hands-on learning myself, I like to se and do it not just lok at a picture and they tel you this is what you do, I can’t learn that way. - Virginia Bleakney  Hands on learning, like when we went out with Horace and Maurice for the stinging nettle and the mint, I thought that was great, just learning about it, and learning the language along with it, learning about the area, especially the history. - Tina Edwards  The unanimous learning style preference was hands-on learning. Some people specificaly stated they could not learn to harvest from a bok.   78
Table 7. Knowing Whether Learning Has Ocurred What is the best way to know or test whether learning has ocured? (Question 9) Responses Observe person harvesting Combine on the land observation and in-house review Observe their ethical picking practices Person able to explain how to harvest Monitor continued use By a person's interest or curiosity By the quality of product a person brings in  Just ask them, if somebody is showing me something, just ask them can you show me how you dig out that plant or only take the parts that you ned and you don’t take every plant, you got to leave half the plants, or 40 % of the plants there, so it wil accumulate next year, Cause if you take al of them, it wil be barren… That’s with any plant, you always leave 40 % of the plants there, especially with c̓tewete, because then they wil get a chance to sed, and they wil grow again. - Virginia Bleakney  Seing how fascinated they are with it, if they are interested, if they show a lot of interest… like I said al those boys they just grew up around me, so its just something that they’re growing up with, curiosity. If I am curious in it then they wil get curious in it. - Glen Michel  In order to know (or test) whether learning ocured most participants replied that observing the person harvesting the fod or plant. Some people replied that interest or curiosity shown by the learner and continued use of the fod is a good indicator whether learning has ocured.   79
Learning Impact Table 8. What Participants Liked Most About The Training What did you like most about the harvest training? (Question 4) Responses Learning uses of plant fods and medicines Hands on learning, how to pick, when to pick, where to pick Togethernes, group learning, interaction betwen youth and Elders, sharing a meal Being on the land Survival skils Open learning dialogue, fre to ask questions Learning one plant at a time Practicing our traditional customs Doing something so natural Table 9. What People Remembered And Learned What do you remember most from the training? (Question 5) What did you learn at the harvest training? (Question 6) Responses Plant uses: cautions, what parts to use, diferent plant species, what is edible and not How to pick: plant identification, when and where to harvest, how to respect the plant How much fun people had learning hands-on, how fascinated youth were Proper clothing to wear Nłeʔkepmx and English names How to teach How some people do not know about the power plants have to heal Memory of late Elder Changes in weather Changes in transportation methods  Seing the interaction betwen the youth and the Elder, getting out there on the land base within our traditional teritories and practicing traditional customs. - Chief Fred Sampson  80
 Wel it got everyone together, and we got to pick their brains about diferent plants, because everyone semed to know already. Ask them questions about it, what is its use and when to pick it and that is all interesting, plus you all get together and have your lunch together. - Virginia Bleakney  The learning impact of the harvest trainings was judged by what participants liked, learned and remembered. Participants liked learning the uses of the plants and medicines, the hands-on aproach, how, when and where to pick as wel as the intergenerational group learning.  Emotion is an important aspect of learning. Le Brown describes this using the terminology of afective learning (F. L. Brown, 204). There was a distinction of responses betwen those most experienced harvesters and facilitators responding to the positive group learning and interaction, and those least experienced focusing on learning traditional plant practices and uses.   81
Transformative Change Table 10. Using Knowledge Have you used the knowledge you learned at the harvest training? (Question 10) Responses Yes, have used knowledge since training Pased on knowledge Use plants more and a greater variety of plants Use STS products more Have identified plant to others Invested in equipment to harvest more Have increased my income Table 11. Using Fods Have you used those fods since the training? (Question 11) Responses Have used fods since training Use more STS products Make my own teas Eat new fods that never did before Ned more training in preparation, to be comfortable using Same Same for favorite fods Table 12. Spending Time On The Land Base Did you change the amount of time you spend on the land base? (Since your participation in the harvest training) (Question 12) Responses Spend more time on land base, facilitated by group harvesting More observant of diferent plants Same time spent on land base (both experienced harvesters) Depends on ability to find time   82
 Oh yes, I spend more time out there. Now when I am out there, now I se, I lok at everything, rather than just lok for the der and the mose, now I lok at the conditions of the rose petals, the raspbery bushes, everything like scáqʷm and hucklebery bushes… we take note of where we are going what we se and try to go back there the next year to go harvest. -Tina Edwards  To determine the transformative nature of the training, I asked a series of questions about how participants had used the knowledge and whether participants changed their actions since the harvest training. Al participants interviewed had used the knowledge they learned since the training. An unidentified benefit of the training is the power of the teachings to reach beyond those participants that atended, similar to the “training the trainer” model. The majority of participants have pased on the knowledge they learned to others.  One participant invested in equipment to increase harvesting capacity/eficiency and has increased his income from seling mushroms.  Those les experienced with that fod felt they neded more training in fod preparation to be comfortable using the fods. Whereas those with more experience were likely to either use the fods more often or maintain the same rate of use.  The majority of people spent more time on the land base, since participating in the harvest training with the exception of some experienced harvesters who spent a similar amount of time.    83
Lessons Learned  Table 13. Efective Way To Pass On Traditional Fod Knowledge Do you think this is an efective way for knowledge to be pased on to the next generation? If not what do you sugest? (Question 16) Responses Yes, the harvest training program is an efective way to pas on knowledge  Yes, for me because I had nobody to teach me. Yes it was god, because I was always too ashamed to ask al the time.  - Anonymous  I think so, because it only takes one youth or child to remember and learn [for knowledge to be passed on]. - Alice Munro  There was consensus that this was an efective way to pas on knowledge and the majority of people pased on the knowledge they learned in the training to someone else.   84
Bariers  Table 14. Barriers To Harvesting Traditional Fods What bariers are there for you to get out on the land? (Question 14) Responses Aces, road closures, outside users, loging, road conditions Transportation, rides, have to travel further Weather, climate change No bariers Balancing ful-time work and harvesting  Yes there are barriers, there are loging trucks, logers, sometimes we are told we canot go up in the mountains because of the fire warnings, because it is to dry. Depending on the weather, whether the plants have grown or they are healthy, whether or not we harvest from them, because sometimes the weather plays a factor with the condition of the beries..Weather, loging trucks, time is a barrier sometimes, even rod conditions…Sometimes, I would say vehicle traveling is a barrier. Sometimes we ned vehicles to travel we don’t have horse and bugy anymore, and we have to go further than we used to. We have to travel farther. - Tina Edwards  The majority of participants discused bariers related to aces and transport while one third of people stated they had no bariers.   85
Improvements  Participants’ suggestions for improving the HTCP were organized within categories of structure, delivery and content in Table 15. The consensus point was a desire for more training. From the policy perspective, Chief Fred Sampson identified the ned for further legitimizing the certification proces.  Table 15. Sugested Improvements And Extensions To The Harvest Training And Certification Program How could the Siska Traditions Harvest training be improved? (Question 13) What other kind of workshops would you like to se? (Question 15) Responses Structure Legitimize protocol surounding certification Increase recognition of peoples skils Ofer immersion programs- ful day and wek long camps on the land Youth focused workshops- begining with beries Delivery Ofer courses more often Ofer courses regularly acording to seasonal rounds Repeat the same trainings Introduce thre to four plants at a time More and beter quality video Use everyday language Include multiple harvest areas and elevations to understand growth paterns Content More STS harvested plant species More plant fod species Cedar rot diging and other materials related to basket making More about mushroms More medicines  86
How could the Siska Traditions Harvest training be improved? (Question 13) What other kind of workshops would you like to se? (Question 15) Responses Include fod/medicine preparation ( Eg. Caning, ctewete salt, pit coking, soap making) Documentation- GPS/GIS skils, map reading, film training Survival skils- including poisonous and edible plants   87
Self-determined Responsibilities Table 16. Self-Determined Responsibilities To Acess What The Land Provides What knowledge maters for aces to power and rights of what the land provides?  (Question 17) Jurisdiction Responses The right to harvest comes from knowing the Creator provided for everything neded for survival Nłeʔkepmxs have the right to pick what they ned for fod and survival Ownership and rights are gained by learning ancestoral teachings from Elders Language conects a person to the teritory To have the right to harvest one neds to know the pre-contact landscape, the factors that impacted the pre-contact landscape, the present landscape and the vision for the future landscape We ned to asert our neds Open aces to Nłeʔkepmx people within Nłeʔkepmx Teritory Request permision from the people of that specific area (Eg. Band, reserve, Teritory) Request permision from Chief of that area Make sure it is not private property Stewardship & Management Responses Know ancestral uses Know the language conected to harvesting Know the terain Share harvest with Elders and those who can not aces harvest areas Use the plants in a god way that wil not harm anyone Trade, do not sel Understand the plants spiritualy, biologicaly, ecologicaly Know what is poisonous and edible Know when to harvest Implement stewardship practices Know how to lok after each plant. For example, breaking branches (pruning) bery bushes to promote new growth and more beries for the folowing year Use a thining aproach, picking from "here and there" leaving enough for others to pick, and for plants to resed themselves Protect areas from overuse Take only what is neded If a person takes to much or wastes what they have take, there wil be les next year Do not step al over the plants Take proper suplies and wear proper clothing  88
 Continuing into policy dimensions participants shared what responsibilities come with using what the land provides. The main points participants shared are sumarized in the above table under the categories of jurisdiction and stewardship and management in table 16.  3.5 Discusion Of Folow Up Interviews The harvest training folow up interviews were analyzed by diferent interview question themes. The folow up interviews provide a useful indicator of whether the criteria established for the training is being met (See Table 1). Participant responses provide an evaluation of the HTCP as wel as an identification of how the HTCP was fulfiling the Traditional Knowledge for Health research objectives. I begin by highlighting the broad conclusions as related to the original Traditional Knowledge for Health objectives. Folowing this section I then describe in detail the parameters of the conclusions made. Specificaly: • Increase Siska comunity health, culture and capacity by generating culturaly-relevant and ethical knowledge and practices for NTFR management o Cultural relevance- Increased culture o Learning impact- Self-determined responsibilities- The interview results clearly identify that there is an increased engagement in Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships and capacity in ethical knowledge and practices- The majority of people citing ethical practices they use while harvesting o Transformative change- Increased fod use and harvesting therefore increased health, nutrition, and physical activity  • Engage comunity members of al ages in the proces of cyclical generation of Nlaka’pamux (Indigenous) knowledge systems based on traditional values, and contemporary methods (technologies) o Transformative change- Majority of respondents pased on knowledge o Learning Impact- People enjoyed group and intergenerational learning  89
 • Promote self-determined control and aplication of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems to create increased economic diversity for Siska comunity. o Transformative change- Majority of respondents harvested more plants increasing the comunity economy, one participant increased income through harvesting o Self-determined responsibilities- Interview participants clearly practice stewardship and management practices diferentiating them as land stewards and managers as oposed to simply harvesters  o Lesons learned- Next steps for further self-determination, control and application of such knowledge systems were identified Cultural Relevance Cultural Relevance Cultural relevance of the training was judged acording to the components identified during the STS planing symposium (Refer to Table 1) as wel as Demert and Towner’s (Demert & Towner, 203) six elements for culturaly based education (CBE) (See Section 1.4- Nłeʔkepmx Education). The folow up interviews confirmed that people had learned through hands-on methods in previous traditional fod training and that this method was prefered unanimously. The preference for hands on learning is in agrement with the STS educational neds asesment survey (See Section 3.2) and to the neighboring Secwepemc First Nation educational neds surveys (Brigham, Kefer, Morison, & Ralph, 205). While always an important aspect of Indigenous education, the concept of the student imersing in a real experience is recognized in al education to ensure values are instiled. It enables a person to realize the consequences of their actions on other beings- human and non-human (Or, 204, p. 96-97).  A knowledgeable teacher is judged through the indicator of asociation for the majority of those interviewed. This speaks to the ned for the lead trainer to be a local person with a favorable reputation in the comunity. For a non-Indigenous person to be involved in training, as was the case at Siska, this fedback indicates that that person would ned to be asociated with other wel respected comunity members and use culturaly apropriate teaching style. As Alice Munro stated it was okay to have a non-indigenous facilitator, as long as they have learned from an Elder. Elders guiding the  90
non-indigenous persons role, coupled with comunity control and direction is recognized in Maori research as the only way for a respectful and efective aproach including non-indigenous peoples (L. T. Smith, 199).   Folowing from the preference of hands on learning the majority of participants indicated that a knowledgeable teacher shows how it is done, and that testing for skils should be through observing the person harvest. This indicates that knowledge must be put into practice to be recognized as such, which folows from theory of learning as transformation (Owen, 191).  While these trainings were aimed at youth and adults, the youngest participant was thre years old; she watched her parents and helped them pick. It is creating this open environment where families can atend and participate together that ads to the cultural relevance, as the family unit is central to harvest activities. Teaching children early fosters interest in traditional fods as they get older (Morison, 206). There are Nłeʔkepmx education methods to start training todlers to harvest at an early age. Maurice Michel described to me that while the adults were out picking, the smal children would stay in the camp and the older children would watch over them. When his mother returned to camp her basket would be ful of beries. “Mom would pick a few branches, with beries on them, that is what we were alowed to eat. We would pick them of the branch, it was like training, learning how to pick the beries of the branch to eat.” These Nłeʔkepmx Educational methods have the ability to increase the benefit from the existing Siska HTCP. Learnig Impact The learning impact of the training revealed an emotional interest in what was taught confirming afective learning; important for transformative education (Brown, 206). While the training is aimed at increasing traditional fod knowledge and practices, the results showed an unexpected benefit for those most knowledgeable and experienced. The facilitators were positively impacted from the apreciation the learners had for their instruction. Facilitators were empowered by the sucesful sharing of their knowledge and were motivated to continue sharing their knowledge with others.  91
Transformation The transformative nature of Siska’s HTCP is demonstrated in participants unanimously responding that they used the knowledge since the training (Owen, 191). To increase least experienced participants traditional fod use, trainings must include the complete proces of harvesting including: procesing, storing and fod preparation. With the majority of participants using these plants more, a direct link betwen the training and health can be made as traditional fods: • Provides an excelent source of nutrition (H. V. Kuhnlein & Receveur, 196; Hariet V Kuhnlein & Turner, 191),  • Requires physical activity to harvest (Bul, Eakin, Reves, & Kimberly, 206) • Are a cultural activity recognized as important to overal welbeing, mental and spiritual health (Kishk Anaquot Health Research, 203; Spack, 203) Programs aimed at increasing culture and social capital, such as the STS HTCP, are important in reducing the risk of suicide among First Nations youth. Culturaly relevant health programs, such as STS HTCP, ned to be suported in policy along with standard mental health care services (MacKinon, 205; Mignone & O'Neil, 205).   The only person who increased their income folowing the trainings had participated in the morel mushrom training. While the morel mushrom training did not met al the criteria identified in the planing symposium such as being hands-on, and taking place on the land it had the greatest number of participants.  There was the unexpected result found that Siska’s HTCP acted as a “training the trainer” program, as the majority of participants pased on knowledge from the trainings, to their children and other family members. This also tok place in the reverse, youth who participated pased on what they learned to their own parents, which inspired further learning by the parents (Piere, 206). These paterns in knowledge translation confirm the cyclic and active characteristics of Indigenous knowledge (Smylie et al., 203).  92
Lessons Learned Participants identified similar bariers to harvesting as reported by neighboring Sto:lo First Nations and many other First Nations around BC (Fediuk & Thom, 203; Turner & Turner, 208). These similarities point to systemic reasons for decline in traditional fod use, such as reduced aces due to government legislation and environmental degradation. Also conected to aces is the barier of transportation. Participants spoke about having to travel further as many traditional harvest sites are no longer productive, due to Nłeʔkepmxs lack of jurisdiction to steward and manage sites (T. Edwards, 208).   The HTCP provides an oportunity to bring some traditional management practices back onto the landscape through the education component of the HTCP. The Research Comite identified comunity wide learning proceses as important and so did participants. Policy makers recognize that for survivors to heal from residential school impacts, non-threatening, on-the-land learning environments to conect to cultural and traditional values are especialy important (Wesley-Esquimaux & Smolewski, 204).  Improvements Participant’s unanimous desire for more training and Chief Fred Sampson’s desire to legitimize the HCTP can both be achieved through implementing the New Relationship and specificaly the Forest and Range Practices Act (First Nations Sumit, Union of BC Indian Chiefs, BC Asembly of First Nations, & Government of British Columbia, 205). In forestry this means recognizing Siska Traditions ability to create and implement policy for NTFR and cultural and heritage values. Benefit sharing from curent forest revenue within the Nłeʔkepmx Teritory could be directed towards continued pilot of the HCTP and further development of Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationship policy in colaboration with the wider Nłeʔkepmx Nation. Wider colaboration within the Nation has the potential to strengthen Siska’s initiatives, and increase oportunities for peoples’ learning.  The HTCP directly responds to the Transformative Change Acord action areas including mental health strategies to reduce substance abuse and youth suicide and reduce incidences of preventable diseases such as diabetes (First Nations Sumit, 208; Morley, 206).   93
Self-determined Responsibilities Jurisdiction When asked, what knowledge maters for aces to power and rights of what the land provides, participants responded by discusing both jurisdictional and stewardship & management responsibilities. By participants’ responses focusing on responsibilities it demonstrates Nłeʔkepmxs act as stewards and managers, not mere users of plants (S. Teder, 208). Nor are Nłeʔkepmx people stakeholders as refered to by the Centre for Non-Timber Forest Resources at Royal Roads University (Royal Roads University, 207). The Oxford dictionary refers to stakeholders as a third party. First Nations are the original sovereign nations that govern this land, now known as British Columbia. Refering to First Nations as stakeholder undermines that sovereignty.  Some participants identified jurisdiction as granted directly from the Creator, conecting Nłeʔkepmx traditional forest relationships to the spiritual. There is a reverence and reciprocity shown in the jurisdictional right to traditional fod relationships- as the plants ofer themselves as gifts, they must be respected through use. If plants are not used it is believed they wil disapear as Maurice Michel ilustrates,  “Like my Mom said, when the Creator made us there, he made everything for us to use and she said, if you stop using it, it wil start go away. So she said pick a litle bit of whatever… that way the Creator knows you are stil using it.”  Other people expresed the right to harvest originates from being Nłeʔkepmx and that gives the right to survive- to pick what was neded. Traditionaly Nłeʔkepmx people shared harvest areas comunaly, however some participants described curent aces as being open. This contrasts the change that has ocured in traditional fod stewardship and management. Traditionaly comunal harvesting ocured by folowing an old woman’s direction and management for specific harvesting areas (H. Michel, 208; Teit, 190). Some participants described a modern translation of this direction by respecting diferent areas by requesting permision from the chief or people of that area. Participants explained that their right to pick was always paired with responsibility to provide for Elders and others who canot aces harvest areas. This type of benefit sharing (or redistribution of wealth) is a comon Indigenous resource use practice, as described by Ron Trosper’s description of the West Coast  94
Indigenous potlatch institution (Trosper, 198). Participants described the right to pick is gained through such ancestral teachings. Knowing Nłeʔkepmxcin conects a person to ancestral teachings and to the teritory, as language expreses local ecologies including both external life forms and invisible forces (Henderson, 200). As described by participants and articulated in STEP, most Aboriginal law are proceses that sustain and nourish relationships expresed as an ecological unity without separation of humans and nature (Henderson, 200). Similar to Tl’azt’en criteria for sustainable forestry focus on the degre to which their Nation is healthy and sustainable including the environment in which to live and grow (Shery, Halseth, Fondahl, Karjala, & Leon, 205). This aboriginal law transmited through ancestral teachings speaks directly to stewardship and management practices as described by participants, for example: giving respect to the plants and to the land, understanding the plants spiritualy, biologicaly and ecologicaly, using harvest techniques that promote plant health, and take only what is neded.  Together the jurisdictional, stewardship and management responsibilities identified by Siska HCTP participants demonstrate proactive practices to nurture traditional fod relationships. These responses demonstrate that Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices (STEP) are being practiced folowing the trainings. These responses from participants and the complete STEP could be used, to formalize a framework for criteria and indicators of Siska Ethical Picking Practices. 3.6 The Next Cycle Of Learning A First Nations teritory-based aproach to management would compliment the natural ecosystem boundaries found within BC. Chief Fred Sampson (C. F. Sampson, 206) has pointed out that First Nations teritorial boundaries are aligned with many of natural ecosystems found within the province. Each First Nation has learned to work in harmony with the particular ecosystem niche for survival. Each First Nation has intimate knowledge of the lands criteria and indicators for health. First Nations position to manage for NTFR is further suported by the fact that First Nations have long roted histories in particular ecosystems and have developed strong ecological management and observation practices particular to these ecosystems (S. Teder, 208; Turner, 205).   95
 3.7 Conclusions  The Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices- Harvest Training and Certification Program (HTCP) provide policy for the management and protection of Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships, of which some are refered to as “non-timber forest resources”. There is a ned for policy and research cals for a diferent aproach from existing Ministry of Forest and Range timber tenure policy (S. Teder, 208).  The Siska comunity policy creation proces provides clear direction for jurisdication and management of NTFR. Aboriginal title and jurisdiction wil guide NTFR management. Management areas wil be agred upon acording to Indigenous teritorial jurisdiction. The management plan wil be determined by local comunity members, and wil be adaptable. Indigenous knowledge and values wil be used in cordination with Western science. One such Indigenous value integral to NTFR policy is benefit sharing to local comunity members.  At the forefront of the HTCP is Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationship education, as recomended by multiple Indigenous guidelines for sustainable resources. This research demonstrated the efectivenes of the NTFR harvest-training component in its evaluation. Interviews with HTCP participants demonstrated they are NTFR stewards and managers of NTFR, not mere users. Comunity members unanimously felt the STEP harvest trainings were an efective was to pas on NTFR knowledge, practices and values. Siska comunity members unanimously wanted the STEP harvest training to continue and to be expanded. This research concludes that the HTCP has clear benefits for Aboriginal peoples’ health, traditional fod health and ecosystem health.   96
Chapter 4: Youth-Elder Traditional Fod Interviews 4.1 Introduction Research into the importance of traditional fods among First Nations in BC has found the lack of First Nations autonomy in regard to the exercising of Aboriginal rights and the making of decisions afecting traditional fod resources to be major factors in not only environmental degradation afecting traditional fods, but also a decline in traditional fod use (Fediuk & Thom, 203; H. V. Kuhnlein & Receveur, 196; Richmond, Eliot, Mathews, & Eliot, 205; Turner & Turner, 208). Other causes of the declining traditional fod use deriving from colonization include the impact of residential schools, the shift to a wage-based economy, the presence of grocery stores and their supliers, and the impacts on youth of advertising (Turner & Turner, 208). This dietary change has led to por social, cultural, economic and physical health; at the same time, the knowledge, beliefs, and values asociated with Indigenous stewardship and management of traditional fod resources have also ben impacted (Fediuk & Thom, 203; Richmond, Eliot, Mathews, & Eliot, 205; Turner & Turner, 208).   Building fod sovereignty is a way of overcoming these impacts of colonization. Youth participation in the intergenerational pasing-on of traditional fod knowledge has created a turn-around in traditional fod knowledge and use in some comunities (H. V. Kuhnlein & Receveur, 196; Morison, 206; Nuxalk Fod and Nutrition Program Staf, 1984; Turner & Turner, 208). This turn-around is evidence that the most efective traditional fod research models are those that are: directed by comunities and combined traditional fod practices, promotion and long-term planing (Hariet V. Kuhnlein et al., 204; Lopaz, 202; Nuxalk Fod and Nutrition Program Staf, 1984; Potvin, Cargo, McComber, Delormier, & Macaulay, 203).   The Siska Traditions Society has declared traditional fods as central to comunity health and welbeing. Also, the wider Siska comunity has agred that traditional fods are important to strengthen and increase health, as expresed during research comite metings and comunity forums. This consensus led to the question of how Nłeʔkepmx knowledge about traditional fods and spiritual, cultural and linguistic practices can be used in a contemporary context to benefit the health of Siska  97
comunity members. Questions that came up at these forums included “How can we get our youth into traditional fods?” and “What good knowledge do we have to teach youth about health?” The wisdom and oral histories of the Elders in combination with the motivations and interests of the youth could give the Research Team valuable insight into these questions.  This chapter is about honouring Nłeʔkepmx Elders as educators and youth as the leaders of tomorow. Nłeʔkepmx Elders speak of a time when their people were healthy, when traditional fod practices and use were a way of life. These oral histories can serve as a powerful learning tol for younger generations (Huntley, 198; Snively & Wiliams, 206; Swan, 198; E. J. C. Thompson, 204). Nłeʔkepmx Elders hold the wisdom of their ancestors, realized through their own experiences; and they share their wisdom to help others improve themselves (Siska Research Comite, Wiliams, Michel, Munro, & Michel, 208). This chapter describes how Elders’ proces of sharing knowledge was facilitated through the Traditional Knowledge for Health Research Project. It aims to achieve the objective: engage comunity members of al ages in the proces of cyclically generating Nłeʔkepmx (Indigenous) knowledge systems, using traditional values and contemporary methods (technologies). 4.2 Methodology   “We can learn more from Grandma than this research can do.”   -Mary Wiliams, Research Comite Meting September, 8th, 209  Mary Wiliams’ words speak directly to the ned for Elders’ involvement in research, and for that research to be action- and education-oriented. Acordingly, the Research Team included each of these aspects in the Youth-Elder Interview methodology. Grounded in Indigenous self-determining and comunity-based action-research methodologies (se Chapter 2), the Youth-Elder Interview draws upon storyteling, First Nations education, and multi-media research methodologies. I wil first discus the comunity action-research proceses that recomended the Youth-Elder Interview methodology. I wil then introduce and explain how storyteling, First Nations education and multi-media research methodologies informed the Youth-Elder Interview research.  98
4.2.1 Developing Youth-Elder Interview Methodology  Action research recognizes that comunity members know beter than others what research actions wil and wil not work to adres their research objectives (Stringer, 199). As wel, Denzin (200) and Paton (202) aserted that including multiple comunity perspectives and recomendations in the research proces contributes to the reliability and validity of that research.  Here, the Youth-Elder Interview method emerged from ultiple comunity recomendations to acknowledge the role of Elders in pasing on traditional health knowledge directly to younger people. Siska youth engaged in and contributed to the Youth-Elder interview method by informing the Research Team of their motivations and learning objectives. Youth objectives were then integrated into the interview guide and youth researchers caried out the interviews.   By folowing a comunity-based action-research proces of planing, acting, and reflecting, our Research Team was able to gather research results that we could aply to subsequent research methods. This dynamic element of our work gave us ongoing oportunities to reflect on how to improve the usefulnes of our methods, thus improving our subsequent research. The comunity members’ opinions expresed in this chapter demonstrated that proces.  Afirmation of the important role of youth in research emerged through this proces in the comunity-wide forum for the Traditional Knowledge for Health project on July 26th 206 (Se Chapter 2, Section 2.3.4 ). Of the many suggestions voiced about youth participation in the research, some typical coments were “youth are very important, maybe if they got involved they could cary it on when they got older,” “ask the youth what they want to do,” “have once a month stories by Elders, have youth get to know Elders beter,” and “youth just ned the oportunity to be productive and learn.” Finaly, in a Siska Research Comite meting September 8th, 206, the discusion, focused in large part on health education and Nłeʔkepmx teaching methods, turned to how Elders could help develop the knowledge of youth: “grandparents are a very important part of education,” “you ned to talk at someone’s level. Ned to use humour, to teach about health,” ned to find an Elder that can relate to young people”  99
and “do storyteling about health,” since “puberty is a time to talk to our children, that is the key time that can decide a person’s life, which way are they going to go.” Comite members pointed out not only that “the kids want you to give them your time,” but also that “working with the kids, you can start to influence the parents.”  What these multiple comunity perspectives have in comon is the importance of both Youth and Elders in improving comunity health and continuing Nłeʔkepmx knowledge and practices. In the next section I link these comunity-based recomendations to the storyteling, First Nations education, and multimedia methodologies that informed the research methods. 4.2.2 Storytelling Methodology Indigenous knowledge systems use stories as a way to convey values and proceses to form knowledge. These stories have historical bases and are securely roted in actual events and geographical locations; therefore, the term “oral history” may be used interchangeably with the word “stories.” Through experience and reflection, the knowledge comunicated through these stories becomes wisdom. This knowledge creation proces is cyclical, since the resulting wisdom can be pased on in the same way through new stories (Smylie et al., 203). Jeanete Armstrong (198, p. 181), renowned story-teler, educator and Director of the En’owkin Centre, describes this cyclic proces of story-teling as conecting her and the listener to her people, her ancestors, and the land: “Through my language I understand I am being spoken to, I’m not the one speaking. The words are coming from any tongues and mouths of Okanagan people and the land around them. I am a listener to the language’s stories, and when my words form I am merely reteling the same stories in diferent patterns.”   Maurice Michel, our Research Team cordinator, speaks to the values embeded in Indigenous stories: “If everyone went by stories, everyone would be in tip top shape because there is a leson in every story” (M. Michel, Pers. Com. 209).  The idea for youth to interview their Elders as a storyteling methodology that could be used for research about traditional fods and health came from Darwin Hana, lawyer for the STS, who stewarded the development of the ethical research Traditional Knowledge Protocol (See Chapter 2, Section 2.2). As co-author of Our Telings,  100
Hana described how stories, especialy those told oraly, served sucesfuly to enhance cultural and linguistic continuity among Nłeʔkepmx people (Hana & Henry, 196).   Nłeʔkepmx stories can be characterized as sptákʷeł, the “Creation stories” and spilaxem,  “historical stories” (Hana & Henry, 196; Johnson, 201).  In her research into Nłeʔkepmx oral traditions, Shirley Sterling uses storyteling, sptákʷeł and spilaxem as the research subjects, methodologies, and methods. Sterling describes storyteling as a living story experience shared by the teler and listener. While the stories may take place in the past, they are relevant to today’s contexts from learning how to gather fod or make a fish trap, to understanding strategies for resistance, university courses, or land claims. At the same time as they comunicate such knowledge, they also pas on values and atitudes that conect the listener to other people, places, the comunity, the land, the elements, animals, their own emotions or self-identity, and they facilitate decolonization and the development of an Indigenous world view and self-determination (Sterling, 202). In adition to storyteling being a culturaly relevant and empowering methodology, Indigenous educator, Ida Swan points out (Swan, 198), that storyteling methodology may be so sucesful largely because “al people, young and old, love stories.”  Indigenous oral tradition of storyteling serves many purposes beyond recording factual histories. Wiliam Baso began his work with the Apache people of Cibecue, recording place names and their asociated oral histories to suport land claims. These oral histories related to places are also a concrete reminder of ethical standards and a respectful, harmonious way of being in the world, as wel as of the consequences of unethical actions (Baso, 196). These embeded meanings sharply distinguish Indigenous stories and oral histories from European atempts to present these Indigenous tales, atempts which tend to diminish them to litle more than simplistic, proto-science explanations of natural phenomena (Johnson 201). For centuries, this view of Indigenous oral traditions caused Europeans to discount Indigenous knowledge and culture. In Delgamukw v. the Quen (197), however, these stories and oral histories were recognized by the Supreme Court of Canada as legitimate forms of evidence (Mils, 205). Marie Batiste contends that, folowing this legal recognition, al other decision- makers should similarly consider the relevance of oral traditions to their research and in education (Batiste, 200).  101
 In her work concerning transformative education, J. Bal (204) describes the suces that Indigenous students achieved through interacting with Elders and participating in and listening to stories. Bal highlights the importance of role-modeling for students by mentors during storyteling. Sterling (202) described specific sucesful outcomes of the use of narative, or Indigenous storyteling, for educational purposes: they represent one of the most lasting methods of Nłeʔkepmx education over time; the story teler as a role model;  hands-on experience, theory, and concrete practice being used together; mnemonic devices, which help listeners to remember, use, and love the activities learned; and the egalitarian rather than hierarchical relationship betwen the story teler and listener.  Jo-an Archibald’s Storywork methodology explains that for a listener to learn from an Elder’s storyteling, there must be a respectful knowledge-sharing protocol and active participation for both- of heart, body, mind, and spirit (Archibald, 208). When this respect ful sharing ocurs stories can take on a life of their own. Each person may interpret stories diferently and gain diferent meanings from them at diferent developmental stages in their life (Archibald, 208). These aspects of the storyteling methodology are discused in greater detail in the methods and results sections of this chapter. 4.2.3 Lifelong Learning From The Heart The Research Comite and Research Team discused Youth-Elder Interviewing at length. During a comite meting on October 16, 206, Elder Mary Wiliams expresed the strong desire to share knowledge with the younger generation in a way that would be long lasting and transformative. She stresed that for real learning to take place, youth had to fel motivated, to actively participate, and to experience real pasion and inspiration: “We ned youth that want to learn these things, take it into their heart…that is diferent than learning from a bok or a video.” It apeared to the Research Team that the use of narative methods would serve this purpose. Similarly, in the film “Bowl of Bone - Tale of the Syuwe” that Anie York created with Jan Marie Martel, Anie York, who taught many Nłeʔkepmx and non-indigenous people Nłeʔkepmx ways, expreses her frustration with the method frequently practiced today by non-indigenous learners of relying on recorded teachings (Martel & York, 192). She explains that to learn, she didn’t write things down or record them; for her to learn  102
meant taking the teachings into her heart so that when the moment came for her to use them, she would be able to draw upon them. These words from Mary Wiliams and Anie York expres how important emotional investment is to learning.  The emotional investment in learning is an important aspect in transformative education-that which seks to change a person’s atitudes and behaviors. Le Brown using the Medicine Wheel model for education discuses that when a learner has the wil to learn and engages emotionaly, physicaly, spiritualy and mentaly with the subject mater transformative learning can ocur (F. L. Brown, 204). Methodologicaly, video recording can document Elders’ stories and wisdom for future listeners. However the Siska Research Comite recognizes the knowledge creation proces also requires the learner’s emotional investment and active participation in the proces (Siska Research Comite, 206). In practice, the Youth-Elder Interview method meant that the learners’ emotional investment and wil to practice the knowledge learned was integral. Learners embracing these conditions can then gain biophysical information about plants and other fods–their ecology, harvesting, and procesing –and their recognition and development of values, cultural meaning, personal experience, and reflection (Bop, Bop, Brown, & Lane Jr., 1985; F. L. Brown, 204).  Elders’ knowledge about traditional fods and medicinal plants already contributes to culturaly relevant curicula for science, history, social studies, life sciences, and other courses. Much of this curicular content draws on participatory research methods involving comunity Elders and Youth (Huntley, 198; Snively & Wiliams, 206; E. J. C. Thompson, 204). Traditional fods research contributes the conceptual and theoretical knowledge taught in Aboriginal science courses, which emphasize how conections and sacrednes relate to health and wholenes (Godfeather & Wenie, 207).  Furthermore, recent research has brought Elders and Youth together; it has empowered Youth in BC Indigenous comunities and schools to co-create health- promotion curicula and to identify Youth preference for an aproach roted in existing strengths of cultural and traditional knowledge to promote health (Riecken, Tanaka, & Scot, 206; Scot, 206).  Because they provide oportunities for afective learning (hands-on doing and reflecting), which is directly related to strengthening interest in  103
subject mater, the wil to learn, and emotional afirmation, such Youth-developed curicula are more likely to apeal to the interests and perspectives of young people (Bop, Bop, Brown, & Lane Jr., 1985; L. Brown, 204).  Culturaly relevant curicula have ben acknowledged as a solution to the education system’s failure in regard to Aboriginal children for over twenty years (Huntley, 198; V. Kirknes & Barnhardt, 191; V. J. Kirknes & Bowman, 192). Such curicula have increased school completion rates and achievement among Indigenous students (V. J. Kirknes & Bowman, 192). However, education that is liberating rather than asimilating for First Nations students is not yet ofered in many schools (Swan, 198). Indigenous Education Profesor Ida Swan contends that “the whole proces and purpose of Aboriginal education must be established at the comunity level if it is to benefit Aboriginal People” (198).  Dela C. Warior, tribal leader, member of various US national educational advisory comites, and retired president of the Institute for American Indian Arts, has found that where Indigenous people celebrate their culturaly relevant education, grasrots people from the local comunity are involved in the achievement (Warior, 207). Many Nłeʔkepmx people suport cultural relevance in the clasrom, which in turn requires culturaly meaningful curicular material (Openheim-Lacerte & Loring, 209). The Youth-Elder Interview methodology developed for our project may help to provide such material in a variety of subject areas. 4.2.4 Multi-Media Research Methodologies In the first Research Comite meting (September 8, 206), discusion turned towards the chalenge of geting youth involved in learning about traditional fods because of many modern day distractions. One of the Research comite members, Mary Wiliams, suggested, “You know, technology may be part of the problem, but it could also be part of the solution…”. This coment opened up a dialogue on how to include video technologies within the traditional knowledge learning proces in order to be more apealing to youth. As youth were realy interested in using technology, such as computers and cameras, incorporating these technologies into research methods became an incentive for them to participate in the interviews. In fact, it could be argued that use of video and computer technology in the interview portion of this research provided a bridge acros the metaphorical river of time so that the younger  104
generation, whose worldview encompases technology and information much diferently than that of their Elders, could engage actively and pasionately with the traditional teachings about fod and health.  The capacity for video recordings to serve as educational tols, as part of a legacy of learning and comunity socio-ecological history, is acknowledged. Along with Indigenous knowledge being pased on oraly, video and print-based technology was used in this research to make recordings of the interviews. Video recordings have the capacity to promote, and asert Indigenous knowledge more than audio or print recordings because the knowledge-holder is visible and their voice and actions tel the story along with their words (Huntley, 198). In this way, the viewer/learner has more potential to interpret the multiple levels of learning that are available, beyond the language comunicated (eg. Body posture and emotion that reveals depth of significance of the teachings and opinions held)(Archibald, 208).  The Research Comite anticipated that no amount of technology to aid in sharing of research results would be as powerful as an experiential learning interaction and direct oral transmision of Indigenous knowledge (Archibald, 208). Importance of maintaining oral history and traditions is also recomended by educator and researcher Bente Huntley (Huntley, 198). Hence, the research methods included some of the Siska comunity younger generation directly in the interview proces.  4.3 Methods 4.3.1 Planning And Preparing  One of the Research Team embers, Glen Michel, informaly surveyed some of the youth for interest in film-aking and their positive response set the film project in motion. The Research Team then adjusted the budget to purchase a camcorder and cover course fes for Glen Michel to atend the Aboriginal Intensive Media Course at Galiano Island Film and Television School (GIFTS). Glen completed this course and then mentored nine youth in filmaking for the purpose of the Youth-Elder interview portion of this research.   105
Youth Engagement Workshops  Leter-writing workshop The objective of the Leter Writing Workshop was to create a space where al youth could come and learn about the Traditional Knowledge for Health project. The research team had previously put up posters asking youth to sumit a leter to the Band Ofice in interest to participate in the project, and no one responded.  Posters around the reserve achieved advertising for the leter-writing workshop. The Research Ream also used “word of mouth”, directly inviting youth to atend the workshop and reminding youth of the workshop by contacting them individualy that day.  Youth wrote leters in response to questions: 1) Why do you want to interview your Elders? 2) How il this help you and your comunity? After this was complete, the research team presented the goals of the project and how youth could be involved. Youth asked questions and shared their opinions about the project.  After the workshop, the Research Comite decided that al youth who had writen a leter would have the oportunity to participate in the project, in an efort to send the mesage that the research environment in the comunity was inclusive. Nine youth chose to participate in the research. Each youth who chose to participate gave their own informed consent and received consent from a parent or guardian.  Interview and Documentary Skils Workshop  Maurice Michel, facilitating protocols for working respectfuly with Elders, and Glen Michel, facilitating the use of video technology, led the interview capacity building workshop.  Maurice discused showing gratitude and reciprocity towards the Elders. Youth would present a gift to the Elder before the interview to thank them for coming and sharing their knowledge. In interacting with Elders, Maurice guided youth on respectful maners: to lok directly at their Elder, and not to interupt Elders while they are speaking. In consideration of the Elders’ age and hearing, youth were asked to raise their voice and if necesary to repeat what they said with respect. Maurice directed  106
youth that even if the Elder went of topic let them continue speaking, it was because Elders wanted youth to know hat they said. Most of al Maurice instructed the youth to aproach the interview ith an open mind, and to listen to the Elder.  Glen taught youth al about video technology from treating equipment respectfuly, to using diferent camera angles. In teaching, Glen first introduced the equipment and demonstrated its use, then guided youth to each take turns practicing because they would be responsible for al technology during the interviews. In consideration and respect for the Elder, youth had the responsibility to ensure al equipment was set up, checked and working before the Elder arived to ensure a smoth and comfortable interview proces for the Elder.  For many youth this was their first working experience therefore Maurice and Glen stresed the importance of profesionalism and first impresions. Youth were asked to come to the interviews wel dresed as a sign of respect to the Elders, to take initiative in their diferent roles and suport each other to do their best for their Elders. Developing the Interview Guide The research team decided to combine a short interview guide and a storyteling oportunity in the interview proces. The short interview guide was to asist the youth think of questions to begin the conversation alowing the advisor to warm up for storyteling. While Maurice, Glen and I worked as a team to create the interview guide, we each contributed our personal perspectives. The interview guide focused on the overal Traditional Knowledge for Health goal of how traditional fods can contribute to health and education; we also drew on the leters youth had writen so their learning objectives would be represented in the interview guide found in Apendix I.  In conversation about the interview guide I asked Maurice if we should focus on topics that were not previously documented. He responded, “I don’t think we should. We should just let the person tel what they want to tel about and if it is already written in a bok, then it is confirming what was said and written.”   107
My question to Maurice came from trying to understand a local aproach to research in comparison to the academic convention of novel discoveries (L. T. Smith, 199). Maurice’s response demonstrates that for research to be sucesful it does not ned to include novel discovery, equaly valid qualitative research aproaches asert that knowledge repeated from diferent sources demonstrates reliability and validity (Clandinin. Jean & Conely, 200; Comunity Asociates Training Workshop, 203; Denzin, 200; Paton, 202; Van Manen, 190) Throughout this research, multiple cros-cultural dialogues such as that one, created understanding and trust among members of the Research Team (under direction of the Research Comite). This open, colaborative proces was how e came to consensus on the research methods chosen. 4.3.2 Interview Protocol And Process Maurice Michel, as the Elder of the Research Team, purposefuly invited Elders and knowledgeable comunity members for the Youth-Elder Interviews. As this was the first project of this kind for Siska, Maurice invited those Elders he knew ould be patient with youth and who would be wiling to be video taped. Maurice explained to Elders the interview purpose and how the knowledge they shared would be used. Maurice also explained the informed consent proces and each advisor gave permision to share their interview for the purpose of the documentary and for my thesis.  The interviews tok place over four days from November 20th-24th , 206. Two interviews were scheduled each evening. Maurice Michel made records of al those involved and tok detailed notes during the interview.  Youth participated in the interviews by operating the bom icrophone for sound, operating the video camera, or interviewing the Elder. To promote punctuality the first thre youth that showed up for the interview participated in a paid researcher role. Any other youth that were present were invited to listen and take part in the next interview. As it turned out, youth organized amongst themselves to take turns in the diferent researcher positions. Youth were responsible for seting up, operation of and puting away the audio and video equipment. Druming was also always a part of the interview proces and provided a fun and familiar activity folowing the interviews and built teamwork among the youth.  108
 A short biography of each Elders that participated in the Youth-Elder Interviews is provided in the Apendix J. Creating a Documentary Film Youth researchers expresed their strong motivation to participate in making the documentary was because it was for their Elders and it would be shown to the wider comunity. Folowing the interviews the youth al learned how to operate the computer video-editing software and spent over 60 hours colectively creating the documentary with the mentorship of the Research Team. Youth had creative fredom in choosing what to include from each interview in the documentary, which also contributed to interest in the project. Youth were also fre to work on the project at their own pace, taking breaks to check email, mesenger, play video games and surf the internet. The combination of these factors along with the group dynamic contributed to youth’s continued engagement in the project.  As a respectful way of giving back to the Elder interviewed youth made individual archival DVDs for each person interviewed. The DVDs included the documentary and the Elder’s ful interview. STS manages archival copies of the documentary and STS has ownership and control over aces to information. 4.3.3 Method Of Interpreting Youth-Elder Interviews Methodolgy for Interpreting Youth-Elder Interviews Cedar rot baskets are more than containers, they are important tols. They can hold many things, babies, water, fod, and values. They represent the work of women. Nłeʔkepmx women are renowned for their basket making skil. During the interviews Freda Loring speaks about what cedar rot baskets mean to her, “I am going to talk about a passion of mine… it’s a way of life that I had grown up in with my parents, and it has made me stronger today, and it has given me patience and a lot of strong values that I use with this, and it is cedar rot basket making.”   109
I have ben told by Tina Edwards, a Nłeʔkepmxcin instructor at Siska, that cedar rot baskets represent the strength of comunity- a single strand is weak by itself but when the strands are woven together they are strong, when the people are united together they are strong.  The youth used these cedar rot baskets made by their comunity’s women in the “Traditional Fods of the Nłeʔkepmx Teritory” documentary to visualy weave the stories of their Elders together. Elder Rita Haugen invited youth into her home to videotape these cedar rot baskets that she has ben repatriating back to Nłeʔkepmx Teritory for many years. In presenting these results I use cedar rot baskets as a metaphor. To make meaning from the youth’s work with the Elders I lok towards Jo-an Archibald’s (208) seven powerful storywork principles that she learned from her Elders: respect, responsibility, reciprocity, reverence, holism, interconectednes and synergy. These principles form a framework for making meaning from stories and for their use in an educational context. Acording to Jo-an Archibald (208):  “…these storywork principles are like strands of a cedar basket. They have distinct shape in themselves, but when they are combined to create story meaning, they are transformed into new designs and also create a background, which shows the beauty of the designs. My learning and the stories contained in this bok form a “storybasket” for others to use.”  I use this “storybasket” metaphor and their principles to weave together the themes of the Youth Elder Interviews and the values they represent. Interpreting the Youth-Elder Interviews I became very familiar with each of the Elders’ interviews from working with youth researchers in the proces of creating the documentary. Folowing from a grounded theory aproach, I gained more meaning from the interviews with each time I viewed them (Corbin & Straus, 208).  There is a synergy betwen the storyteler and the listener in the oral teling that can be lost in the writing (Archibald, 208). As I prepared to transcribe the interviews I adresed the chalenge of maintaining the integrity of what was told without the help of the telers’ voice, gestures and feling, by including complete segments of the  110
interviews. This is esential in narative inquiry and phenomenological methodologies that compliment Indigenous storywork methodology. I used this phenomenological aproach so the experience of Elders could be conveyed more authenticaly in my writing. As explained by Max Van Manen’s (190) bok Researching Lived Experience,  “Phenomenology, which asks, ‘What is this or that kind of experience like?’ difers from almost every other science in that it attempts to gain insightful descriptions of the way we experience the world pre-reflectively, without taxonomizing, classifying or abstracting it”   Corect cultural interpretation of the intention behind Elder’s storyteling was another chalenge for me, coming from another culture. To adres this chalenge, I folowed narative inquiry and Jo-an Archibald’s Storywork methodologies (Archibald, 208; Clandinin & Conely, 200). I engaged in conversation with each Elder about the meaning of their stories and quotes, checking whether my interpretations were acurate and if the stories were properly represented in the context of my thesis. This type of verification is esential for reliability, credibility of results; and for a respectful research proces (Clandinin & Conely, 200).   So while I share my own interpretations that have ben verified by each Elder, by including complete quotes, the reader can derive their own meanings,. The meaning is interpreted coperatively by the Elders, the researchers (Youth, Maurice Michel, Glen Michel and myself), and readers (Rigney, 199; L. T. Smith, 199). Making Meanig through Themes To make meaning from the interviews I went back to the original research questions, then I used Van Manen’s (190) ‘holistic reading’ aproach- to find the main significance or meaning of each of the interviews as a whole. I then reviewed each interview again and asked “What reveals more information about the primary significance?” (Van Manen, 190). I highlighted key concepts that revealed this information. I also loked for specific words, topics and concepts that kept reapearing in al of the interviews. As I considered these words, topics and concepts, I could se themes emerging.   111
I coded the transcripts with these themes using the data management software TAMS. TAMS analyzer is an open source share ware developed by Mathew Weinstein (Weinstein, 205). Through doing a search for a specific theme, the TAMS analyzer produced a query of al the coded interview segments for that theme. By grouping comon examples of themes, I focused on the shared themes and similarities of the Elders’ wisdom that could be conceptualized (Comunity Asociates Training Workshop, 203). It is these themes in which I represent the teachings shared by Elders in the interviews (Corbin & Straus, 208). 4.4 Results And Discusion About Youth-Elder Interviews 4.4.1 Results Of Letter Writing Workshop The folowing table sumarizes themes youth expresed in their leters to participate as researchers interviewing their Elders.  Table 17. Youth Motivation To Participate In Youth-Elder Interviews What do you want to learn from your elders? How il this help you and your comunity? The Past My ancestors Culture Wildlife Respect, honour and dignity My Language- My native name Traditional fods- beries, plants, herbs and medicines How and where Elders used to live when they were young Residential school Pasing on Knowledge Learning about the land Helping the litle Learning from the Elders Helping people understand our culture For people to start to learn about our language Respect for ourselves and our comunity    112
The folowing quotes demonstrates how youth expresed their motivations:  “I would like to learn al about culture. I think that would be nice and about wildlife. One thing I never knew about the earth and plants and learn more about respect, honour and dignity.” - Eric Michel (Age 1)  “I want to learn about my culture and language. I also want to learn as much as posible about traditional fods and how the Elders used to live when they were young. To be real I would like to learn as much as I can from the Elders before they pas on. I would interview the Elders by asking them whatever pops into my head. Like where did they live when they were young and what their daily life was like. What they can remember about their parents and grandparents.”- Dakotah Nordquist (Age 13)  “I think it wil help me know the knowledge I did not know from the past. I think it wil help the comunity when I know from the past and pas it on.” - Joe Michel (Age 12)  “Not many people know much about our Elders, and interviewing them wil help our people understand our own culture and maybe others to. Our people should know al there is to know about our native culture. I would like Siska reserve to know our language, and for generations to come to know the language.” - Forest Sampson (Age 14) Youth Letter Writing Outcomes The outcomes of the leter-writing workshop alowed the personal interest and motivation of the youth to drive the interviews, which can be critical to suces for not only research but al aspects of education (Bop, Bop, Brown, & Lane Jr., 1985; Riecken, Tanaka, & Scot, 206). Al youth showed an interest in learning about and from the past; how their elders lived. Some youth literaly and metaphoricaly conected this to learning more about their own identity. Richard Vedan, UBC’s past director of the First Nations House of Learning aserts awarenes of one’s identity is neded to dream and atain goals (Vedan, 209).   113
 The motivation to discover and re-new identity through learning about traditional knowledge for health that Siska youth demonstrated was mirored by other indigenous youth. In 201-202 the Asembly of Manitoba Chiefs conducted a series of youth workshops to increase awarenes of welfare dependency on reserve and get input for social development policy. In the workshops youth stated: “culture, including language and tradition, is esential to… growth as independent self-suporting people” (Ten Fingers, 205). The report: Sayt K’ulm Got- of One Heart- Preventing Youth Suicide created by 150 youth and comunity members also reiterated the desires of youth at Siska to have more oportunities for involvement in cultural activities, oportunities to work with Elders and suportive adults, along with other factors promoting a safe and nurturing environment (Morley, 206). Youth ned a spirit of belonging, this research provided that belonging and recognition for their wisdom (Morley, 206).  In the Siska leter-writing workshop, youth al described how the Elders’ knowledge would be able to help the comunity today; they would pas on Elders knowledge. The results of this workshop indicated to me youth were aware of the transformative and cyclic intent to use Elders’ knowledge for the benefit of the comunity as a whole. While youth are growing up in a digital world of mp3s, chating, instant mesaging, emails, YouTube, Gogle, etc., the results of this leter-writing workshop demonstrate that youth perceive Elders’ wisdom to be relevant to the curent and future welbeing of their comunity. This finding is suported by research by Riecken et al. (Riecken, Tanaka, & Scot, 206) who, when working with Aboriginal youth on a health promotion curiculum, identified that many youth independently chose to go to their Elders for wisdom to contribute to the project. Finaly, time with Elders is precious and limited, as outlined in Dakotah Nordquist’s leter in the above section. Snively and Wiliams highlighted the sense of urgency for Indigenous comunities and the global comunity to not merely acknowledge the wisdom of Elders, but to actively fund and suport research and continued transmision of this invaluable Indigenous science knowledge before Elders who hold this knowledge pas on (Snively & Wiliams, 206).  114
4.4.2 Youth-Elder Interview Thematic Results  From the analysis of the Youth-Elder interviews I identified four main themes expresed in the interviews (Corbin & Straus, 208). Within each theme are sub-themes identified with sub-headers. The four main themes are: o Spiritual and Cultural Practices o Educational Practices o Health o Change in Traditional Fod Use  Very quickly the storywork principle of interconectednes emerged (Archibald, 208). Many of the interview segments or quotes I highlighted represented multiple themes. I believe this could be for two reasons: o Elders explain their experiences in a holistic and interconected way o Traditional fods are interconected to every aspect of Nłeʔkepmx life Multiple Layers of Meanig I interpreted meaning within the interviews using two layers:  1) The Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod knowledge, practices and values. This level of meaning was empirical in that it was consistent, and acurate and reliable predictions could be made and tested. 2) Elders as educators: Elders’ method of teling stories and historical data is an efective method for learning about traditional fod knowledge, practices and values.  Ading the second layer of meaning in my analysis provided insight into efective educational strategies to suport youth learning about and using traditional fods for increased health.   115
The results and discusion are presented by theme. For each theme, and sub-theme within, I sumarized Elders’ comon views shared during the interviews. I then exemplified this sumary by highlighting a quote or story from Elders’ interviews that embody the particular theme. In adition to providing the thematic analysis, within each of the themes I also demonstrated the second layer of meaning- the way Elders pased on their knowledge. To folow each of the Elders’ stories or quotes I discused my interpretation, which has ben verified with that particular Elder. I ended each thematic section by contextualizing Elders’ wisdom with discusion of related research and movements. Cultural and Spiritual Traditions Al Elders interviewed spoke of how traditional fods are an important way to learn about spiritual and cultural values. Interviews demonstrated specific cultural values and spiritual traditions through reference to language, spiritual teachings, reciprocity, family, identity and conection to place.  Elders spoke of the importance of learning practical traditional fod skils. The cultural learning from these skils reaches far beyond the importance for survival and self-suficiency. Elders encouraged respect to the spiritual teachings Elders share. These teachings included how to have reverence for the location and the plant or animal to be taken as fod. Elders expresed how using traditional fods made them stronger as an individual, as a family and as a Nation. For the older generations, traditional fods were a way of life, a mainstay in the diet and important for winter survival. Today, traditional fod continues to be an important part of the diet especialy in winter. Elders imparted the value of sharing and providing for those who do not have the means to gather provisions. Traditional fod practices are also a time to share in the non-material, like stories, knowledge and conections with family. This sharing takes place on the land, in the mountains, meadows, at the rivers, lakes and creks and specific valeys. Elders felt it was important to continue to learn about and use traditional fods as it conects the learner to their identity, culture and to place.  The theme is encompased in Ina Dunstan’s interview, for example:  “I love to harvest and use our traditional fods. I like to go picking huckleberies, that’s in the fal time… And I like doing that because we get together as a family, there  116
is four or five or six of us that go at a time and it is more like an outing and it is fun. We go leave early in the morning and bring lunch and we go picking and then we have lunch out there and its like a gathering of the family and we find the time to share, at that time, so I really enjoy the harvesting part of our culture, cause I realy believe that is what brought our people together and made them stronger as a people, because we were able to get out and share and do things together… And I usually like to do a lot of harvesting because I harvest for my children also and I believe that in sharing with them, my harvesting, that they become more aware of where they come from, their traditions and their culture.”  Language Nłeʔkepmxcin (Nłeʔkepmx language) continues to be an important for people to expres themselves. Elders say using Nłeʔkepmxcin is easier to expres cultural values and conections to the land. Al those interviewed used Nłeʔkepmxcin terms for fods with youth. While youth that interviewed Elders are not fluent speakers, Elders used Nłeʔkepmxcin to the ability that youth could respond and understand giving youth confidence in their skils.  Reciprocal Relationships Elders shared the spiritual, energetic and reciprocal relationships they have with fod and al beings. Freda Loring discused this respect when taking the legs of der for making awls for cedar rots basket making, “My brother would go hunting and get their der and I would always go and get their legs of the der, and I’d say my prayer because, you know, whenever you take something, you have to respect it or it can harm you.”  Mary also mentioned this relationship to fod when sharing how they harvested and stored potatoes, “Not one potato turned rotten, because we were nice to it, we were realy nice in placing it and putting it in. We just do that to al our fod, we have to be realy nice, so the fod can kep nice to us, it is healthier that way, we eat realy god.”  Family The concept of reciprocal relationships extends to al aspects of Nłeʔkepmx life. Elders described the extended family as the core of traditional fod knowledge and practices. Participating in traditional fod activities together is where these reciprocal  117
relationships are learned. There is a complex exchange of traditional fods within family and giving to those who canot aces traditional fods themselves, whether because of ability or leaving of reserve in urban areas. Fod continues to be given to people in ned as a way of the harvester recognizing their privilege to harvest by giving away. Drives are an important exchange for some people to be able to aces traditional fods.  Horace Michel when asked who he harvested for stated in the interview: “Wel mostly for ourselves and a long time ago we used to harvest for my uncle, Uncle Shaleten, ‘cause he had a stif leg and couldn't get around and his wife she was kind of old, so we used to harvest for them and a lot of people. You know, my grandmother had a lot of relatives so they would come, you know, she would share whatever it was with them. Most of the time they brought something to, you know, my grandmother would have a trade, you know.”  Changes within the household and extended family influence how the extended family worked together to use traditional fods and traditional fod knowledge. For example, some family members lived of reserve and some families may not have parental figures present in the household.   Ina Dunstan shared, “I do can quite a lot, I have my younger brother, Wilmwilmest, that catches fish for me in the sumer time and I can up to about ten dozen cases of salmon and he just gave me thre big bags of sc’uwén [wind-dried salmon].”  Knowledge was also pased down within the extended family system. Freda mentioned that two of her Cedar rot basket teachers were her relatives and so they were hapy to tel her where to find rots. “Suzanna was one of my teachers, and she was also my relative, so she would tel me how, how and where, to go to get the best cedar rots.”  Identity Freda Loring shared that there are a lot of strong values that come with learning about traditional fods. Learning about traditional fods, including knowledge and practices helped her children remember the important values pased down from their Elders, “I think the values that was instiled in us, is what I wanted to pas on to my children  118
too, it is important how you pitch in and you help your family and how you give and that made me fel god, and that is what I do today, I stil go out in the mountains, although there are supermarkets, and there is such aces to other fods now. My children because I pass it on to them they come to me and tel me, “Mom, I am mising hucklebery jam” or “why don’t you make a mə́cəkʷ pie” or “ where is that sc’uwén?” or you know “the mose meat, we ned some of that” and they just like the traditional fods and they remember, they remember that those are important things and it has ben passed down from our Elders and from yself.”  Conection to Place This quote from Freda shows the conection to place one fels when eating traditional fods as wel as the satisfaction gained from the efort taken to gather the fod to be self-suficient.  “I always get the scaqʷm beries, we have to dry it and we use that in our poridge every morning, a handful of that in the midle of January, and you just think about where you got it from and appreciate that you put it there…”  People interviewed stated they ate as much traditional fods as they could achieve. Even though there are supermarkets, Elders stil felt it was important to go out to the mountains to get and use traditional fods. They indicated that the purpose was equaly for health and nutrition as wel as the fact that practicing their use instils strong values such as conection to place. Learnig Within this section I highlighted both teaching and learning because it is reciprocal and both are neded for the learning experience.  Elders were hapy to share their knowledge with the youth. They spoke of how they learned about traditional fods with their grandparents, parents, aunts and uncles. From a young age, those interviewed had a responsibility in harvesting traditional fods and were trusted by their elders. This is exemplified in the story told by Horace: Horace’s uncle trusted him to shoot the Groundhog and Freda’s mother trusted her to use her mother’s sharp der awl. That sense of trust apeared to encourage the learner, from what Elders revealed about these experiences. Elders revealed that by watching their own Elders, they learned this knowledge; watch and then do.  119
 Elders spoke of the determination required to learn diferent traditional practices. Teachings conected to place may aid in the complexity of this type of education, as identified by those interviewed here. It folows that learning from relatives, or from people of the same place is important for depth and dimension in learning about traditional ecological knowledge.  Elders acknowledged their own teachers and were proud of their role here in these interviews as “Elders”, in turn. To learn through having fun and nurturing acknowledges the learner as important to the proces. Laughter and humour helped kep the learners interested and motivated. Learners expresed this interest by asking the Elders to continue teling stories.  Elder Horace Michel (Sla) enjoyed teling one particular story to youth in the interviews for this research project (G. Michel, 206). This story highlights many of the themes and Nłeʔkepmx values conected with traditional fod gathering. Sla in this story shares some of the training he received from his Uncle Jimy White (Xʷelix). This story is also an oral history acount of traditional fod use and resources areas used. Siska youth researchers chose this story to open the documentary- “Traditional Fods of the Nłeʔkepmx Teritory”. This story demonstrates the interconectednes in Elders’ teaching highlighting al themes and values identified through the analysis of the Youth-Elder interviews. Hunting With Uncle Jimy White (Xʷelix)  My uncle [and I], we used to go hunting. My uncle, Xʷelix, his name was Jimy White, we used to go way up the mountain acros from Jack As Mountain, used to take us about a day to get up there on horse back, and we’d stay up there, it al depend how many der we'd get, we used to get thre before we come home. There was one day there, we had to stay up there one wek before he finally caught his thre. Most of the time he used to leave me at the camp, and I'd be the camp man, make sure the coyotes and stuf like that don't come around rob our groceries. Sometimes they go out before I'd even wake up and they would get back after dark... Used to show me how to cok and make fire you know, and make that bread, used to make dough you know, and put it in the pan, and put it up against the fire like that, and every once in a while we'd have to take it of and turn it so the other side would cok.  120
 On the last day he took me for a ride, way over that way, above Kefer's. The trail was realy, wel it wasn't really a god [trail], but it was a god der trail, it was getting late in the fal, the leaves had droped of al the huckleberies, you could se just the huckleberies, just hanging there of the tres, we were going by, then we sen this one lake, he told me don’t lok down there, don't lok at the lake, or else it wil give us a big rain storm, or a kind of bad storm. We were going by there I was kind of loking trying to lok sideways you know. He said, ‘Hhhhugh that there is sʔúsmn [sacred] don't lok down.’ So when we came back by above Kefer's there, you could lok down and se the highway, way down. We stayed there about an hour or so, we went down to where the beries weren't frozen yet, we picked a little bit before we came back up. And on our way back we came to where that lake was, where I was kind of loking down, and boy that rain came down, and he told me, “You sen what you done? You loked at that lake, that is why we are geting rained on.”  We got back to camp, I think we only came home with two der that time, wel we ran out of fod.  So we had to come home, and my grandmother told my uncle to get one of those xʷsule, one of those big groundhogs, those big mountain groundhogs, they are big, so I was coming home, so coming by a pile of rocks and they were runing around there and he told me, you get one, so I was loking and I thought I sen one, so I took a shot at it, and it was just a stick sticking up, and the thing kind of all blew apart, and my uncle said, “Ooh, that's the smart guy” [Smart guy is the xʷsule’s nickname]. And we kept on coming down a little further down, and then he got one for our grandmother.  And then later on we got home, oh I gues a lot later, I think we got home after midnight, after we got down, down below, you know, we had to depend on the horses to get us back home, cause they knew where they were going, and we couldn't se where we was going, got home and the first thing my grandma asked, “Did you guys get my groundhog?” My Uncle Xʷelix said, “Héiy, I shot the groundhog.”  Next, first thing in the morning, my grandmother took that groundhog and singed the hair of it, and she didn't skin it, just singed the hair of it, she made a fire and put a stick there, and put the groundhog on it, and she just coked it there, outside on the stick, and kept turning it, and then towards evening she ate it and said, “c’ə́l’t nuk xéʔe!”, Ooh my that is tasty.   121
Discusion of Elder Horace Michell’s Story of Hunting with Uncle Xʷelix  The story gives a rich description of what hunting was like half a century ago, and the deper layers in it draw atention to many traditional fod themes and values at the foundation of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge and Archibald’s storywork principles (Haig-Brown & Archibald, 196). The values of reverence, discipline and responsibility were highlighted, which are key Nłeʔkepmx principles in resource stewardship. Maurice Michel told me that he thinks the story teaches the leson that if an Elder tels you to do something you should take it to heart and folow it with self-responsibility and discipline. Horace’s story also exemplifies the theme of learning traditional fod and knowledge practices with extended family, such as uncle Xʷélix (Jimy White). Experiential education with extended family remains the core of most traditional fod activities, as described by al Elders interviewed in this research.  Acording to Swan (198), Indigenous children were encouraged to demonstrate readines for learning new tasks rather than being coerced or proded. In the story above, Xʷelix acknowledged Sla’s readines, abilities and interest by taking him hunting, yet because he demed Horace was to young for certain tasks, the child was entrusted with the responsibility to tend the camp. Tending camp taught Horace self-suficiency and discipline by being alone from dawn until after dark. Through this experience he learned to cok for himself and others. Al Elders interviewed spoke of taking responsibility (from a young age) to participate in their family’s fod harvest and preparation.  In his story, Horace also described learning reverence for the mountain and sacred areas, including a sacred lake. This aspect highlighted the degre to which al water was sacred to the Nłeʔkepmxs. When Horace disobeyed his uncle’s request to avoid loking directly at the sacred lake, the themes of discipline and reverence were again revealed. Horace expresed his enjoyment at geting to pick huckleberies and being high on the mountain with his uncle. This showcased fun, adventure and the pasions of youth today. As they reached the sacred lake a second time in the story, Horace learned from the weather about reverence and respect for the mountain and sacred areas. The consequence was they got rained on and left the mountain with one les der then they would normaly bring home. Uncle Xʷélix brought Horace’s atention  122
to the consequences of his actions by saying, “Lok what you did, you loked at the lake and now you made it rain.”  Rather than dweling on corection of mistakes, Elder-youth knowledge transfer often folowed the “watch and learn” method and emphasized an environment where mistakes were aceptable, even beneficial for learning. For example, Xʷélix nurtured Horace with a caring coment and gave him another chance to hunt in order to practice his new skils, even when Horace acted in ways that reduced efectivenes and eficiency of the hunting trip as a whole. This method of holistic teaching was an important part of traditional Indigenous education and was spoken of by many Elders in their interviews. Creating many chances to experience and to emulate role model’s behaviour is also a halmark of Indigenous education (Swan,198). In his second chance at hunting, Horace mised the mark, yet rather than dweling on what did not work, Xʷélix emphasized that xʷsule was a realy “smart guy”, which was suportive and non-critical of Horace’s practice atempts at hunting.  The story ends hapily as Xʷélix ends up geting the groundhog and sharing it with Grandmother. Horace is rewarded by Grandmother’s hapines geting to eat this tasty traditional fod. This highlights the important values of sharing fod with family members, especialy Elders and those not able to get out to harvest themselves.  This story is also rich with important Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod resource information, including areas used for harvesting and hunting, plus animals and plants used for fod. This story also demonstrates the changes in aces to traditional fods. In the 1950’s, horse was the main form of transportation to get up the mountains. Horace tels about staying out on the mountain for a wek at a time and it taking a day to get up the mountain by horse in contrast to today’s vehicle travel people make day trips to the mountain. With horse travel Nłeʔkepmx trails and diferent resource areas were used; areas not acesible by road. Al Elders interviewed remembered staying in the mountains for weks at a time. Thirty or forty people would camp and harvest together in one area. It was a rich time for Nłeʔkepmx cultural and material sharing betwen and amongst families. Today, most youth have not gained the knowledge or experience from spending an extended time in the mountains as previous generations.   123
Youth interest in traditional fods is encouraged by Horace’s description of ripe huckleberies, one of the most popular beries. Horace describes the hucklebery harvest timing, the leaves starting to fal of the bushes can indicate ripenes as wel as cold weather or frost. While der continue to be an important traditional fod, the xʷsule or Whistler Marmot/groundhog (Marmota flaviventris), is rarely eaten curently. With this story Horace provides insight into past fod preferences and preparations by the older generation. Health Elders told numerous health properties of particular traditional fods during the interviews. Elen Spinks emphasized how certain traditional fods were as efective or more efective that store-bought herbs or fods. Everyone interviewed shared that their own parents and grandparents taught them to go out and get as much traditional fods as posible. When asked how much people harvested everyone responded that they harvest as much as they can. Elders discused the importance of traditional fods to survival. Elen shared that her family mostly live on der meat and fish, “Yeah we love doing al these Indian traditional fods because that is how we survived when our grandparents, as we were growing up, that is al they used to do,”  Sx̣ʷúsm, mentioned by everyone interviewed is one of the most prized traditional fods and people wil travel large distances to pick it. Elen says how it is much beter than pop or juice to quench your thirst. Mary speaks about how it is a purifier. Freda shared, “And the sx̣ʷúsm you know the sx̣ʷúsm the bery is very medicinal has got a lot of vitamins, and our Nłeʔkepmx People swear that it is very god medicine for you, for everybody, al year round,”  This medicinal knowledge of sx̣ʷúsm, is comon knowledge among the Nłeʔkepmx. However sx̣ʷúsm is only starting to be understod for its properties by Western science. Sx̣ʷúsm is health promoting and preventative against diabetes confirmed by laboratory analysis in colaboration with United Tribes Technical Colege, North Dakota serving five Native American Tribes (Kraft et al., 208). There are both benefits and risks for using Western science to test for health properties of wild plants. Wild Cascara and Pacific Yew populations have ben devastated from over harvest to suply the nutraceutical industry (Turner, 201).   124
Comparing Traditional fod and Store Bought Fod Everyone felt that al traditional fods were healthy fods and healthier then what you get in the store. That anything you get out in the forest is good. That nature is the best source of vitamins, and that traditional fods do not have al the sprays, pesticides, and fertilizers. Traditional fods don’t have the aditives procesed fods do either. Ina thinks that al these sprays and aditives are afecting the children. Mary Wiliams also shares the same sentiment in this quote: Chad- Do you think that the nutrition of the traditional fods is healthier then the store bought fods?  Mary- Oh definitely, at that time when I was little and eating al that fod I didn't have diabetes, like I have now, you'd go to the store now and everything in there that you se contains sugar, or something we shouldn't have or isn't god for us, but years ago all the fod that we put away was natural, we didn't have anything that was soaked in this or soaked in that.  Elders also talked about the physical activity while picking, Horace shared, “Wel I think the traditional fods is a whole lot better because it doesn't have al that fertilizer and that to make it grow, it is a real natural fod. You have to work for it though, but it is god for you to get out and do your own thing, instead of just going to the store and buying it, you get exercise and lots of fresh air. I think in that way natural fod is god, you know traditional fod.”  Storytelling as a means for Health Education Elders told stories in the research interviews to share their wisdom about traditional fods and health, yet a secondary purpose was to give explicit health/spiritual guidance to the youth interviewers. In the example below, Mary Wiliams shared the changes she has observed in peoples’ health over time and she imparted on the interviewer the belief or moral that each individual holds self-responsibility for their own health. Mary’s guidance was even more efective because she uses humour and inspiration to engage youth in topics relevant to their lives.  “But anything we did in those days we were always preparing for to put away, to store it and sometimes we'd go in to a gathering or sometimes a party and we'd bring out our fod and I am going to trade with you. I’l trade, we'd trade, maybe they'd have caned  125
fish or something, not too much over there, so we'd trade over there. We'l give you maybe rhubarb, or maybe even wine, you know they make rhubarb wine or they make sunflower wine, but I don't know how to make wine ‘cause that’s no god for you. (Everyone laughs) But what, all the god stuf I know, we kept our health, there was no one with diabetes at that time or cancer, you just died of real old age, now a days, you don't se that people dying cause they are old or to old, they are young and they die. Wel any coments, want to hear more? (Everyone laughs) I could have you here all night, no schol tomorow.  Mary- Okay?  Everyone Laughs  Mary- Yeah, so that was a little bit of my history, a little bit about me and how I got here, but you know what bothers a person in their health is stres. It is what you do to yourself, what you do, you wana drink, you wanna go party, you want pop like I do, that's no god for you. You know, you should drink lots of water, but you gotta boil your water now-a-days, but have lots of water ‘cause it flushes out your system, keps you healthy.  Chad- So is that everything?  Mary- No. Like I said, I could have you here al night.  Chad- Some of it?  Mary- Some of it, I'l save some of it for another time.”  In this research, Elders, including Mary Wiliams in the example above, used storyteling techniques to generate curiousity, interest and pasion for the topics so that the learning became more transformative and les about merely listening pasively. Mary’s interaction with Chad ilustrated how Mary used storyteling not merely to deliver traditional teachings, but to alow Chad the experience of learning in the moment – for him to reflect during the interview on complex life decisions with regards to per presure, alcohol, drugs, and fod choices combined with the direct instruction to drink water, something youth can easily understand and act upon. This technique has ben utilized often throughout Indigenous education, as demonstrated by  126
the work of Jo-an Archibald. Archibald (208) related that suces of storyteling as an educational tol relies on the meaning children make of the stories, which can be enhanced through the use of some dramatization, or ading the element of intrigue and curiousity. Changes in Traditional Fod Use  Environmental Degradation Modern ecological and economic realities afected aces to traditional fods acording to each Siska comunity member interviewed for this research. Each participant described staying out in the mountains weks at a time when they were young, which is more of a chalenge with peoples curent schedules. Participants also cite environmental degradation as partialy responsible for curent aparent resource scarcity. Curent resource management practices also play a role in making the traditional fod species more scarce than what Siska comunity members recal from their past. Scarcity of resources was described specificaly for each type of ecosystem where Siska traditional fod knowledge was practiced, and specific cultural/economic actions were related. For example, intensive logging practices were cited for scarcity of the pine mushroms, reduced forest burning practices in other areas were cited for scarcity of certain bery plants, which in turn afected population health of der and mose.  Over time, Siska Elders described that travel distances have increased to reach resource areas where abundance was able to suport harvest. This comon experience described in the interviews have indicated a change in forest stewardship practices over time such as the diversion of water suplies to farms and catle which have influenced health of the grasland ecosystems in which important Siska rot and plant fods and medicines were found (Turner, 205). Also Ina Dunstan and Horace Michel both expresed that in adition to scarcity of traditional bery plant comunities, those located nearby have become “overgrown”, which suggests forest management practices eliminating controled burns have impacted bery production, as reported by other Indigenous peoples in BC (Deur & Turner, 205). Finaly, Horace Michel, discused these interview results during the January 16, 208 research comite meting. Horace Michel emphasized that the impact of contemporary environmental degradation and forest stewardship practices on salmon may be more critical that to  127
other traditional fods. Horace described the salmon is more susceptible to human presure because they depend on the health of entire rivers and the Pacific Ocean (Siska Research Comite, Wiliams, Michel, Munro, & Michel, 208).  For traveling the greater distances from home to harvest fods, Siska Elders also described that an increase in automobiles and roads may be partialy indicative of the resource scarcity afecting the use of traditional fods by Siska comunity members. In adition, the railroad has severe environmental implications for Siska comunity. In her interview, Freda Loring cited a train derailment as the sole reason that her family did not have enough salmon to proces into sc’uwén (wind-dried salmon) during sumer 205, which was a time of thre train derailments in the Lyton area. The creosote and other chemicals released into the air, soil and water of Siska comunity as a result of the railroad that bisects their land may be responsible for a significant amount contamination or degradation of traditional fod resources, among other more direct negative efects on human health (Johanesen & Ros, 202).  Here, I highlight another direct example of environmental degradation: Freda Loring shared a story about harvesting cedar rots with her teacher, the late Elder Suzana Swartz, renowned cedar rot basket maker from North Bend, and grandmother to Chief Fred Sampson. Elder Suzana was also known to be a self-determined woman, in this story Elder Suzana Swartz teaches Freda Loring about the changes in their harvesting areas.  “Come on Freda I am going to show you where we get the rots.” I got her in the car and a way we went to Boston Bar, and we puled over. She says, “Pul over here.”  And I says, “Suzanna there is nothing there. Suzanna, there is nothing there, you can’t go.”  “But that is where I get my rots.”  And I am going, “Oh my gosh, I can’t tel her, there is nothing down there”. So I puled over to the side of the road and we got out and she had on these warm pants on, like snow pants, and she sat on her bum and she slid down this little hil. And I am going, “Where are you going?”   128
“I am going down here this is where I dig my rots.”  And she got down there, and she is loking around, and it was a road that had ben built in there, it was all loged of, and there was just a road.  “Oh my godnes, everything’s changed, they have taken everything out of this area.”  So I hauled her back up to my car, and she said, “Okay, let’s go up to this other area.”  But she had a vision in her mind, that the location where she got her straight cedar rots, because it is realy hard to get straight cedar rots, was down in this area, which hapened to be al loged of and a road was put in, wire, and that was where she always got her rots, but just bringing her out in the wods and being more aware of the environment where she was taking me was realy important. I wasn’t at that time, it didn’t matter to me, I was just learning, but I thought, it is important enough for her to take me down this hil, and she was an Elder, who had to show this location. So when I talked to her she said, “It’s realy hard to get god cedar rots. They have taken it all away.”  And that’s true, I have to go to Boston Bar and even then I have to go way up to get the god rots.”  From y perspective, Freda’s story captures Elders’ determination to expres the changes that are hapening in their teritory and the impact of those changes on integral aspects of Nłeʔkepmx life. It also iluminates the importance of Elder’s place-based teaching the impact of changes to the environment.  Freda’s story also highlights how Elders may not reveal what they are teaching explicitly; in this example, Elder Suzana Swartz guides Freda, but leaves Freda to make her own personal realizations. This story also ilustrates Freda’s respect for her Elder Suzana, that although she did not understand why Suzana wanted to show her certain locations, she trusted in Suzana and folowed her lead.  As indicated by Horace Michel’s coments about degradation of water systems that impact salmon and human health, water is very sacred to Nłeʔkepmx people. In the cedar basket story, Freda Loring also mentioned how important water is to cedar rot basket making. During the interviews, Elders expresed that there is much les winter  129
snow pack than there was fifty years ago and there is les water. Nłeʔkepmx people believe that these facts are partly due to logging, and also diverting creks for agricultural irigation (Walkem, 207). Climate change is also a contributing factor. Elders also indicated in this research that they believe lack of water to be part of the reason for reduced bery plant population abundance . As a result, Elders fel like they have les autonomy due to the lack of water because of its direct efects on their fod, cultural traditions and health of their families. Elen Spinks also describes how ater restrictions means more dependence on comercial fods because she canot grow the gardens she had in the past.  From the interviews as evidence, it can be concluded that curent environmental destruction (primarily industrial and economic-based), degradation and contamination (from both anthropogenic causes) in Nłeʔkepmx teritories makes it more dificult to practice traditional fod knowledge systems today compared to 10-40 years ago.  Self-suficiency Siska Elders remember even fifty years ago a large part of the economy was based on trade. Mary Wiliams remembered that during the war (WI) everything from the store was very expensive, her family grew beans to trade for al of their store-bought suplies. However at there home there was always an abundance and variety of fod both traditional fods and introduced fods they grew themselves. She describes their celar as integral to their fod sovereignty. Gatherings and parties were a time of trade for this great variety of fods. People from diferent areas would bring certain trademark items. Trade continues to be an important part of the Nłeʔkepmx economy. Modern expresions of Indigenous economies include sharing, giving, trading, bartering and seling (Morison, 206).  Just as traditional fod use has changed much over the last half century, so has gardening in the Lyton area. Most Elders remember growing up with large gardens to suplement their traditional fods. Local introduced agricultural crops and orchards were also an important part of fod production, diet, and economy; however water shortage makes it more dificult to practice. Curently at Siska water restrictions are enforced for the spring, sumer and fal months, many people do not garden for this reason. A few Elder’s households stil kep gardens. There is an abundance of fruit tres in areas surounding Siska where crek or river fed irigation is stil posible. The  130
Spence’s Bridge area suplies a wide variety of fruits and vegetables. Most people proces large quantities of fruits and vegetables for winter months. Mary Wiliams remembers back when the canyon was al gren with gardens. Now she says everything is al dried up and brown. Mary described this shift in landscape coresponded to change in climate and the introduced welfare system. Elen and Mary talked about gardening and storing vegetables for the winter. Mary remembers the luscious garden of her childhood. She learned to help her family in the garden from a young age, “So as I grew up I didn't go to schol, I was about six, seven, I took care of myself, I helped my Mom and Dad they hoed the garden, you had to plant the garden, hoe the garden, water the garden, al those things that you have to do, just to get your fod… We used to do a lot of gardening. Everything I ate as a little girl was right from our garden just like watermelons, cantaloupes, you name it, we had everything in our garden.”  Mary describes how here family combined both gardening and traditional fod activities to maintain their self-suficiency and fod security, …But in late fal when harvesting season for the garden is over we would hike up to Pténí Lake and we'd pick wild potatoes, wild onions, bitter rot, sometimes sunflower seds if we could find it, I know lots of names but I don't know no white man's name for it, and one of those rots its like a clove like this we take it and we dry it out on a net or a blanket or something and when its dry we dig a hole and we put it in there. So come sumer or when sumer ends those bitter rots are stil in there, so come winter time when we are out there hunting, my Dad used to know here to find the fod and he didn't have to pack anything. Because all our fod was already stored up there and he'd go there and dig it up… but when we got back home I was sure glad there was caned fruit in the celar and aples and pears, you name it, it was stil god, in the celar, so it stayed in the celar until, oh I'd say, early spring before we finished the whole thing, our celar was like our dep freze, there was no ice in there though, hahaha just col.  Change in Transport Over the last sixty years the main form of transport has changed from fot and horse and buggy to vehicles. Elen Spinks remembers, “Oh I used walk a long way for picking beries, years ago, when I was younger, when I used to go out with my mom. And I used to pick with her and we used to walk. But now that there are a lot of roads, that reaches all these beries, now you don’t have to  131
walk anymore. You go in a truck so its not that hard now to get to them beries. Okay?”  While having vehicles has made it les efort to get into the mountains to aces traditional fods, the change in lifestyle means people spend les time out in the mountains.  Change in Procesing Some interviewed said how certain traditional fods are not used as frequently or in the same quantity as they were or are procesed diferently. Fred Sampson doesn’t remember seing pit coking. Ele Spinks a generation older remembers her grandma preparing rots but she did not proces as many. Mary Wiliams the same generation as Elen remembers preparing large quantities of rots and using fod caches. The diferences among Elders traditional fod use could be due to number of reasons, including geographic area where Elders are from, decrease in trade and diferences in retention of traditional practices by family.  Change in Gender Roles From the interviews, and the literature it sems that in the past, distinct gender roles were more prevalent (Teit, 197). Women mainly did plant and mushrom gathering and procesing of al traditional fods including animals and fish, while men did most hunting and fishing, however neither gender role was exclusive and men and women worked coperatively during these activities. Today, gender roles are far les distinct. However, the division of tasks is stil largely determined within the extended family and extended families work together to prepare fods. There are complex reasons for the change in gender roles in traditional harvesting that are beyond the scope of this research.   Change in Storage and Quantity As a child, Mary Wiliams recounted in the interviews that her family stored traditional fods (rots, seds, beries) up in the mountains, so in the winter when hunters were out hunting they didn’t ned to pack any fod. They would store it in many places miles apart, not only for themselves but for others to aces as wel. Those interviewed al spoke of procesing fods for the winter:  132
“We pick lots, we pick I'd say almost half a sack, or when you go the white man's way, I'd say about fifty pounds. But to us, when we place it, we place it over here, or on the other side of the crek, or we place it miles apart because a person could be walking way over there or riding his horse over there and he could get stranded because there is too much snow and he'l say oh I know there is fod down in the ground here, and he'l park his horse there and camp over night and he'l dig up that, its like a little celar for them.”  Chief Fred remembers going out into Siska Crek with his grandfather and grandmother hunting der, and gathering beries and mushroms: “I was started of when I was about six years old, and my grandparents started taking me out into the land base, we used to go by horse up in the back of the Siska watershed here, and we’d go up there for two weks, in the fal, and that’s what they were doing, they were out, they would pick mushroms, and dry it right there at the site, and the old man would go out and shot der and they would dry that meat, right there at the camp, and we’d be picking beries and through out the whole fall time, we’d stay right in the mountains and we’d pick everything and when we left the old man would have two or thre der, on the horse, but it was all dry, so it compacted down, and it was easier to carry, same with the mushroms, they dried lots out there in the field, then plus al the fresh ones they’d take home for caning.”  Fred’s grandmother taught him how to make sc’uwen and he remembers picking 100 scaqʷm twigs, neded to spread the salmon for making sc’uwén (dried salmon). “You know what sc’uwen is, but when I a kid, when I got taught by my grandmother how to do dried fish, it doesn’t lok like it does now, we used to do the whole salmon, so cut it through the back, lay the fish out, so the bely wasn’t cut through, we cut it through the back and spread it out this way and the head was on there and the spine, all of that, and we spread it out and we cut little holes at the top and at the bottom and put scaqʷm bush in there, kind of bend the stick and put it in there and we’d put little notches on the sticks and it would help spread the fish right out and the head and the tail would hang down on the back. When you dried it, it was the whole salmon, the only thing that was mising was the insides and even then, they’d made sure they’d eat the, ʔék̓ʷn, the egs, and the pəne, which is the white sack from the males, that was eaten to, not like today when we throw out a lot of fish, it gets wasted.”  Changes in Sharing Resource Areas and Equipment Those interviewed placed a lot of emphasis on salmon as one of the centraly important  133
traditional fods for Siska people. The comunity held a focus group-style interview for a concurent research project: Sisqeʔ Sqyéytn eł ̓’uʔsqáyʷs Suméx Scúws- Siska Salmon and Indigenous Peoples Life Work- on September 29th, 207. In that interview, Wesley Wiliams shared how much things had changed over time with regards to fishing areas. He remembers when everyone would share fishing areas. If one area was runing wel people would go there, and depending on the time of year and water level people would use diferent locations. He remembers, “ If you were fishing you would get your share then let the next family fish.” He remembers in those days’ people left al their fishing gear down at the river for the next person to use. He talked about how the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO) divided up the river in parts, each Band with part of the river and that DFO asigned specific areas to each nuclear family. People in the focus group discused the social and disruption and the division the DFO management created. Some examples include people not leting others in to fish at a comunal fishing area. Some people wil not let anyone even come near their fishing area. Fishing in another Band’s area could cause trouble. Gear is no longer left at the river as it once was for fear either someone might take or DFO might take it.  Older people remember leaving camping suplies, like pots and pans up in the mountains at campsites so they would not have to pack it and so others frequenting the area could share them. 4.5 Youth-Elder Interview Overal Outcomes And Discusion  The suces of the Youth-Elder Interviews is atributed to Nłeʔkepmx teaching strategies (Demert & Towner, 203; Hampton, 195; Sterling, 202). The Nłeʔkepmx teaching strategy used here acknowledged reciprocal nature of learning, Elders as educators and youth as self-determined contributors to their comunity (Alfred, 199; Archibald, 208; Ermine, 198; Huntley, 198; Riecken, Tanaka, & Scot, 206). The intergenerational aspect of the Youth-Elder Interviews created a strong bond for important traditional fod relationship knowledge and history to be exchanged. Youth expresed the desire to pas on Elders’ knowledge of their fods, culture, language, and history to help their comunity. Elders expresed the desire to share their wisdom to achieve continued traditional knowledge practices and transmision as expresed in the next quotes. Elen Spinks encouraged youth to continue traditional fod practices because traditional fods are beter than store bought fods and modern conveniences make traditional fod use easier. She describes  134
the abundance of traditional fods she stores and ofers these fods to Joe. She closes by describing how she had learned about traditional fods and gave words of encouragement to Joe Michel in his learning.  Joe- Thank you for sharing, I am sure this wil help our youth get back into traditional fods.  Elen- Yes, that would be god, because I know that it is neded in some places where you can’t get to the stores. It comes handy. So I am glad that I am able to share this with you young people. Because, you know picking, it doesn’t take much to put a little bit in the frezer, or else do something with it to, make use of it through the winter. Al through the sumer, I use soapberies for juice, you know, and it realy comes handy in the sumer time, especialy when you go out picking in the sumer. I make juice, and I put it in the frezer, and I take it with me when I am picking. Oh gosh, it is god. It just quenches your thirst. It is better than pop and juice, you know, what you buy from the store. That is what I use. I use that a lot, I got lots on my shelf now. If you ever want come and get some, it’s there. Same with the jam, it lasts longer than the jam you buy from the stores… So to me that is all healthy fod. And that’s how I was growing up my Mom and Grandmother, they used to do all this to, you know, before I was able to do it. I used to watch them, that’s how I learned how to do caning and drying. I used to watch my Mom and my Grandmom do that. The only thing I didn’t know how to do was drying salmon. Do you? Have you tried it?  Joe- Yeah  Elen- Or you just watched? That’s is realy god. Oh I used walk a long way for picking beries, years ago, when I was younger, when I used to go out with my mom. And I used to pick with her and we used to walk. But now that there is a lot of roads that reaches al these beries, now you don’t have to walk anymore, you go in a truck so, its not that hard now, to get to them beries. Okay?   135
Elder Horace Michel spoke to the relevance of learning traditional fods today and left the youth reflect on what it would be like if they had to be self-suficient, as he had grown up. I share this excerpt when Eric Michel thanked his Grandfather, Horace Michel,  Eric- Thank you for sharing, I am sure this wil help our youth get back into traditional fods.  Horace- That's okay, I think you young people should learn a lot of that stuf, maybe one day your going have to make use of it. You know, go back to the old days when we used to have go out and survive on our own. Okay?  Eric- m hm [noding in agrement]  Horace- Okay? Húm̓eł.  Eric- Húm̓eł.  Storyteling as a research method emerged from the Research Team trusting in the comunity-based research proceses (K. Edwards, Lund, Mitchel, & Anderson, 208). The intergenerational aspect created a strong bond in which valuable historic knowledge was documented through documentary. Youth had a ken interest in learning their history. Elders had a strong desire for youth to know and value traditional fods in the same way they did. Elders expresed this desire through sharing their life experiences growing up, as Freda Loring expresed, “Traditional fods were a way of life”.   136
The main outcomes of the Youth-Elder Interviews are presented below in relation to the Traditional Knowledge for Health specific research objectives. This is folowed by an expanded narative acount.  • Increase Siska comunity health, culture and capacity by generating culturaly-relevant and ethical knowledge and practices for NTFR (Non-timber forest resource) management; o Youth afirmed interest in learning about culture and traditional food practices o Youth gained understanding and awarenes of importance of traditional fods to health and culture o Youth gained understanding of traditional fod use changes in Elders life time  • Engage comunity members of al ages in the proces of cyclical generation of Nłeʔkepmx (Indigenous) knowledge systems based on traditional values and contemporary methods (technologies) o Youth afirmed desire to pas on cultural knowledge o Reafirmed Elders’ role as educators o Intergenerational learning betwen youth and Elders o Oral traditions upheld and maintained o Created a Nłeʔkepmx documentary serving as a education tol and historic record • Promote self-determined control and aplication of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems to increase economic diversity in the Siska comunity o Youth researcher role is an empowering way for youth to contribute to their comunity and participate in research o Youth increased their research, technology and comunication capacity in a culturaly relevant way o Thre youth have gained sustained part-time employment in cultural video production o Created a spirit of storyteling that fostered future storyteling events at Siska   137
Comunity-Based Researcher Perspective- Glen Michell The impact of the Youth-Elder Interview methodology for youth researchers, was reflected upon among research team embers. The folowing discusion section recounts a dialogue I had with co-researcher, Glen Michel, and verified by Glen. Glen discuses both the strengths and chalenges faced in the research as wel as the intricacies of research by both outside researchers and comunity-based researchers (G. Michel, 209).   When I first asked Glen Michel what the benefit of the Youth-Elder interviews “Thre” was his reply. Glen was refering to the thre youth who have continued working in film since 206. This emphasizes the importance Glen places on sustained actions and transformative change from research. Along with sustained actions, Glen acknowledged the oportunity for youth to demonstrate their capacity and skils and work coperatively as a team, “For me this program [Traditional Knowledge for Health] was realy good, it gave me a chance to se what we could do, everyone finished the program.”   Glen is a strong advocate of sharing knowledge with and mentoring youth. Glen dedicated many volunter hours during the Traditional Knowledge for Health working evenings and wekends to cordinate with youth school schedules, “ You know people say they don’t have time [to work with youth], but I believe you have got to make time. We ned suport for the youth.” Glen’s wilingnes to mentor youth was returned by youth’s interest for the project. Youth’s enthusiasm was maintained throughout the Youth-Elder Interviews research with Glen’s guidance creating a balance of work, leisure and familiar cultural activities, such as druming.  The main chalenge Glen discused was “folow-through” in research or programing in general. Glen said he tried not to get atached to initiatives from previous disapoint seing beneficial programs not continue. Glen identified the power diferential betwen comunity-based researchers and outside researchers as myself as part of that chalenge. Glen reminded me, “ They [Band administration] don’t listen to us like they listen to you, you may not know it, but you have authority. You are a student, going to one of the best schools, they wil listen to you, they won’t listen to us. You have got to live it, to understand what it is like here.”   138
While Glen acknowledged the benefit of youth empowerment through comunity-based research methodologies, the chalenge was to maintain this programing without continued advocacy and suport, “Wel you are going to be leaving, there have ben other students come work with forestry and fisheries, but they never did anything like this for the youth. It is just hard to kep things going, you are leaving. ” Glen is a strong advocate for the past Stein Rediscovery program a cultural imersion program where, as he expreses, “youth spend time geting to know the plants”. In evaluating the Traditional Knowledge for Health Project, one of Glen’s primary recomendations was to continue a youth film program and more oportunities for film and cultural training. Glen made that recomendation a reality through leadership of an Aboriginal Arts Development Award, from First Peoples’ Culture Council, with the suport of research cordinator Maurice Michel and myself. In reflection of that program Glen speaks about exposing youth to broader oportunities, “ I try to get the kids out of here [the Siska Reserve], to se new things, expose them to diferent things, because around here it is always the same thing.”  Overal Glen would like to se the continued suport for youth in technology, he ses technology as a key literacy for the future. “ We are so far behind with computers, I understand we are fighting for a cause with fisheries and forestry… but what is being put into technology?” He advocates that youth ned encouragement, individual recognition, and Band administration suport to navigate oportunities for funding and education to increase their technological skils, which could one day be used for land management such as maping. University-Based Researcher Perspective- Nancy MacPherson The Youth-Elder interviews were a learning experience for everyone involved, the research team, Elders and youth. The research team identified several ways to improve future research. We identified that the research team ake up itself largely determines participation. To create a gender balance for youth participation it is important the research team has men and women comunity researchers that are respected by youth and parents. Other Nłeʔkepmx research involving youth also expresed this key determinant of participation (Martz, 209). There were certain technical aspects that could be improved in the documentary, such as the seting for the interviews and ensuring gift giving protocols did not hinder Elders use of body language and hand signals to tel stories.  139
 As a non-Indigenous researcher working cros-culturaly, learning Nłeʔkepmx teaching strategies was key to maintaining a positive learning environment that encouraged youth in self-directed cultural learning (Archibald, 208). Working within the research team, folowing the lead of Glen and Maurice and learning Nłeʔkepmx values, was esential for my skils to have meaning in this research (L. T. Smith, 199). Youth who participated had a strong negative asociation to learning because of their experiences in the curent public education system. I learned how to earn the respect of youth by working with Glen and Maurice and seing how the demonstrate respect to youth. Through this proces I am learning some Nłeʔkepmx teaching strategies. These strategies have also ben identified by other Indigenous scholars (Demert & Towner, 203; Hampton, 195; Sterling, 202). They include building relationships outside of formal research, ensuring a non-hierarchal aproach, maintaining a colective team aproach, involving youth in decision making, providing artistic fredom, leading through example, mentoring in smal groups or one on one, use of humour, integrating cultural practices such as druming and promoting self-directed learning. I also thank youth and their apt recognition of apropriate cultural and teaching practices; youth were also excelent teachers to me. They were quick to make me aware when I strayed from the above practices. When I folowed the above practices they expresed their apreciation and respect in return. 4.6 Sharing And Celebrating Research Publicly giving back research findings is an important aspect of respectful and culturaly relevant research with Indigenous comunities (Menzies, 205). The Traditional Knowledge for Health Project held a research celebration presenting its findings with the focal point being the youth documentary “Traditional Fods of the Nle?kepmx Teritory”. Atended by over sixty people, the potluck table was lined with many Nłeʔkepmx delicacies. After diner the research team presented the Traditional Knowledge for Health research findings including the Traditional Knowledge Protocol, the Harvest Training and Certification Program as wel as the Youth-Elder Interviews. Chief Fred Sampson honoured the youth researchers caling them up in front of their comunity to be recognized. With this recognition the youth in turn honoured each of the Elders that shared their knowledge by presenting to them a DVD of the documentary.   140
Then came the first screning of the documentary film, it was so quiet you could hear a pin drop. Tina Edwards came up to me while her mother, Mary Wiliams, was being interviewed and said, “ Nancy, you know my mother has never shared that story with me before.”  That whispered moment, in a packed hal of over sixty people encapsulated the strength of bringing elders and youth together in research. The proces of sharing this documentary with the comunity was profound from the perspective of education, research and culture: it was the first time youth were empowered to interview their Elders, create educational resources and to bring research alive in the Siska comunity and the wider Nłeʔkepmx Nation. 4.7 Conclusions Curently, funding for Nation-specific curicular development is piece meal. Sheley Openheim-Lacerte, District Principal for Aboriginal Education for School District 74, expreses that schools want to implement more culturaly relevant education specific to the Nłeʔkepmx Nation. However, relevant curicula and mentorship/training for teachers to learn Aboriginal teaching methodologies is largely absent. As Ida Swan (Swan, 198) and Dela Warior (Warior, 207) confirm, sucesful First Nations Education that is integrated into schools is that which is created and grounded in grasrots comunities. I recomend that funding towards Aboriginal Education curicula creation be directed towards Aboriginal comunities.  The content of the Elders stories and interviews directly related to youths learning objectives including practical knowledge about harvesting, procesing and stewardship of traditional fods and wildlife. This knowledge is equaly as important as the resources themselves, for without knowledge it is not posible to use them (Turner & Turner, 208) The themes from the interviews such as culture, history, and changes in traditional fod use also responded directly to youth’s learning objectives. How Elders told their stories highlights how traditional fod knowledge, practices and values can be pased on through engaging youth with stories. This amounted to active learning and the continuation of the cyclic generation of knowledge. Youth acknowledged this point in their learning objectives by describing how they wanted to pas on the knowledge they learned with others.  141
Chapter 5: Conclusions And Recomendations  Overarching Concluding Remarks This conclusion discuses how our Traditional Knowledge for Health research has contributed to the research goal and objectives, the continued traditional fod actions at Siska, and the broader Indigenous fod movement; it then ofers a number of recomendations.  Overarching Goal: Education and health creation through contemporary practice of traditional Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems pertaining to ecological, spiritual and cultural values, including the local research and control of comunity health through fod  To close the gaps betwen Aboriginal peoples and the Canadian population,  Aboriginal health, education, and economic, research and policy has caled for culturaly relevant and self-determined aproaches (The First Nations Leadership Council, Government of Canada, & Government of British Columbia, 206). Acordingly, our Traditional Knowledge for Health research developed a self-determined comunity-based proces to fil those gaps betwen research, policy and practice (Haris, 198; Smylie et al., 203).   Traditional Fods was the focus of this research, creating a culturaly relevant, strength-based aproach. In other research, the development of traditional fods programs has ben shown to improve a comunity’s health, education, and economy (Berkes, 190; Berkes et al., 194; Nuxalk Fod and Nutrition Program Staf, 1984; E. J. C. Thompson, 204).  This research shows that when these strategies include self-determining factors such as comunity control, Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships are an afective focus for health and education creation. These self-determining factors include the aplication of OCAP principles: Ownership, Control, Aces and Posesion in the Siska-UBC Traditional Knowledge Protocol agrement (Schnarch, 203). The principles of the agrement were fulfiled by comunity-controled funding, decision-making, and resources for the research (Arnstein, 1969). Independence from colonial structures, such as the Indian Band structure, encouraged  142
participation and trust in the research proces (Alfred, 205). A strength-based aproach that recognized comunity capacity gave our project relevance and, in turn, encouraged comunity participation in the research (Stevenson & Pereault, 208).  Both the Harvest Training and Certification Program (HTCP) and the Youth-Elder (YE) Interviews contributed to the overarching goal while these proceses difered significantly. Elders’ role as educators was comon to both, as was the focus of traditional fods, Nłeʔkepmxcin (language), and the use of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge, values and practices. Youth participated in the HTCP, while in the Youth-Elder interviews they acted as leaders, a role demonstrated to promote resilience and mental health (Morley, 206). The research activities hapened during diferent seasons. The HTCP ocured during harvesting seasons and therefore focused on curent traditional fod knowledge and practices on the land. In contrast the Youth-Elder Interviews tok place late fal after harvesting, hunting and fishing seasons had finished, and therefore focused on storyteling (including past and present traditional fod use), feasting and research celebration.  The combination of these two research activities could posibly bring greater benefit to strengthening Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships. Creating videos of the harvest training could produce culturaly relevant curicula, as recomended by Tina Edwards, an HTCP participant and language instructor. Indigenous peoples have ben using video to create culturaly relevant curicula two decades (J. D. Bily, 193; Maltby et al., 202; Yinka Dene Language Institute, 1989). Similarly, Elders and knowledgeable comunity members integrating storyteling and the teaching of harvest practices at Nłeʔkepmx harvest areas and feasts could increase the culturaly relevant learning component for youth and al comunity members.  Like other Elders acros BC, Siska Elders discused how the decrease in traditional fod use in their lifetimes has weakened comunity health, wel-being, strength, and self-suficiency (H. V. Kuhnlein & Receveur, 196; Turner & Turner, 208). Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships are being impacted by ecological degradation and climate change, and by a lack of traditional management practices (Bandringa, 199; Blackstock & McAlister, 204; Richmond, Eliot, Mathews, & Eliot, 205; Siska Traditions Society, 209; Turner, 205; Turner & Turner, 208). Despite ecological degradation Elders encouraged youth interest in traditional fods by  143
pointing out that vehicles and roads made aces to traditional fods more convenient than it was when they were young. Elders also stresed how relevant traditional fods are today for strengthening individual and comunity health, for pasing on Nłeʔkepmx values such as sharing and self-suficiency, and for nurturing cultural identity. This continued relevance is demonstrated by the multitude of traditional fod initiatives in Indigenous comunities acros BC (Morison, 208).   Participants of both the HTCP and the Youth-Elder Interviews al expresed a great desire to se these activities continue in their comunity. Below, I discus how the research actions taken led to the achievement of our specific objectives, and I link these achievements to ongoing Siska Traditions Society traditional fod initiatives. Specific Objective Concluding Remarks Specific Objective: Create increased Siska comunity health, culture, and capacity by generating culturaly relevant and ethical knowledge and practices for NTFR (Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationship) management  The creation of STS HTCP has transformed participants’ health, culture, capacity, and economy. These are results that we identified in the HTCP folow up interviews. These results were evaluated acording to cultural relevance, learning impacts, transformative changes, lesons learned, and self-determination in stewardship and management responsibilities. Improved health was suggested by how participants changed their actions folowing the HTCP. Participants described harvesting traditional fod plants more frequently and in greater variety folowing their training. This activity, which was also observed within the Nuxalk Nation, resulted in increased health measures such as key vitamin levels (Nuxalk Fod and Nutrition Program Staf, 1984). Further research would be neded at Siska to quantify the nutritional change due solely to the harvest training. We determined that for the HTCP to achieve transformational benefits for health, especialy for those with the least experience, al steps of traditional harvesting from picking and procesing to coking must be undertaken. Repetition repeating HTCP training would strengthen these benefits.     144
The cultural relevance of the harvest training and certification program was evaluated acording to components identified during the comunity-planing symposium. The HTCP also met criteria for culturaly based education (Demert & Towner, 203) and Shirley Sterling’s characteristics of Nłeʔkepmx cultural education (Sterling, 202). The harvest training participants’ evaluation of their training confirmed the value of hands-on learning and of learning about the cultural practices and language asociated with NTFR. In future, Siska Traditions Society could enhance the transformative nature of the training by including al of the steps in the harvest proces: gathering, procesing storing, coking and feasting, as do other Indigenous traditional fod programs such as the Feasting for Change Program led by the T’Sou-ke First Nation. The folow up interviews also identified participants as not only users of the traditional fods but also NTFR stewards and managers. Participants identified management techniques to promote plant abundance and harvest in future years. Their knowledge suports the asertion by the Ministry of Forest and Range researcher, Sinclair Teder (208), that First Nations would be wel positioned to manage NTFR.  An expected and welcomed outcome of the training, demonstrated during folow-up interviews, was its “training the trainer” quality, with its benefits reaching further than the atendes to their families and the wider Nłeʔkepmx comunity. This outcome also demonstrates culturaly engrained practice of pasing on knowledge for others benefit (Smylie et al., 203).   The cultural relevance of the HTCP was also confirmed through the positive fedback we received via the surveys and evaluations folowing the Siska NTFR Symposium: for example, “any courses regarding our native culture/traditional plants wil be beneficial for sure. The hands on learning wil be very helpful to me.” Similar afirmations were made during folow-up interviews with participants of the Siska HTCP a year and a half after their training. As Tina Edwards said, the best way to learn was “hands on . . . like when we went out with Horace and Maurice [comunity Elders] for the stinging netle and the mint, I thought that was great, just learning about it, and learning the language along with it, learning about the area, especialy the history.”   In fact, al sources of evaluation and folow-up identified the prefered learning style as hands-on (experiential). Participants’ transformative actions resulting from their HTCP training coresponded to their previous knowledge and practices; the HTCP had a  145
particularly catalyzing efect on the most experienced harvesters, who, realizing the enjoyment other participants felt, not only gained confidence about pasing on their knowledge to others, but also more deply apreciated the importance of comunity-wide learning.  Specific Objective: Engage comunity members of al ages in the proces of cyclical generation of Nłeʔkepmx (Indigenous) knowledge systems based on traditional values, and contemporary methods (technologies)  Nłeʔkepmx knowledge circulated in this way during the Traditional Knowledge for Health Research. In Indigenous comunities, the proces of knowledge translation hapens when knowledge is pased on then upon practice and validation becomes wisdom (Smylie et al., 203). The proces of comunity researchers and research participants working together to pas on knowledge inspired aditional research activities, mutual trust, and a positive atitude towards the research (K. Edwards, Lund, Mitchel, & Anderson, 208). In fact, participation in the research increased over the life of the project:  by the end, over half of the Siska comunity had participated. Ultimately, the cyclical use of knowledge promoted by the research proces led to Youth-Elder Interviews, one of the most sucesful research activities.  Both The HTCP and the Youth-Elder interviews reinforced the role of Elders as educators and demonstrated the cyclic generation of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge. Youth involvement in the Youth-Elder interviews created an especialy strong dynamic because of the Elders’ desire to share their knowledge. Youth expresing self-determined learning objectives confirmed the young people’s desire to learn from Elders about culture, language, and history as wel as the Elders’ desire to pas on their teachings so as to help others in their comunity, as has ben documented by youth in other Indigenous Nations (Morley, 206; Ten Fingers, 205). Clearly, youth are strongly motivated by the wider comunity’s acknowledgement of young people’s wisdom and contribution to their comunity (Morley, 206).  The Youth-Elder Interviews produced resources that can be used for curicula. Local schools have ben requesting culturaly relevant curiculum to teach; through this and subsequent projects, Siska has built the capacity to give them local, place-based, culturaly-relevant curicula. Siska Traditions Society developed Nłeʔkepmx curicula  146
includes the bok Sísqeʔ Sqyéytn eł ̓’uʔsqáyʷs Suméx Scúws- Siska Salmon and Indigenous Peoples’ Life Work, which presents the Nłeʔkepmx science, knowledge, and practices related to salmon and the environment, as wel as Western scientific environmental testing. STS Nłeʔkepmxcin curicula include Traditional Fod Seasonal Rounds and Nłeʔkepmx Place Names and Stories DVDs.  Other research into Indigenous ecological knowledge has resulted in culturaly relevant curicula development (Snively & Wiliams, 206; E. J. C. Thompson, 204). This has ben shown to be important to academic achievement, cultural relevance, and the strengthening of identity (V. J. Kirknes & Bowman, 192; Marker, 203). The STS videos have the ability bring the voice of elders into the clasrom and have the ability to help non-Indigenous teachers to learn about local Indigenous cultures. However, because how a subject is taught is as important as what is taught (Archibald, 208), the teaching aproaches used in the interpretation of these educational resources require the continued involvement in the clasrom of comunity members and Elders (Swan, 198).  Youth participants in the Youth-Elder Interviews identified a desire for more oportunities to learn about culture. Research among many groups of young Aboriginal people has identified the same desire (Morley, 206; Ten Fingers, 205). Siska youth and research team embers also expresed a desire for the STS focus be expanded to include those technological advances in computer and multimedia that wil complement fishing and forestry initiatives. These science capacity initiatives are important to future practices concerning the land jurisdiction and management modeled by the Nłeʔkepmx organizations Es-kn-am Cultural Resource Services and Tmixʷ Research, who specialize in cultural resource maping.  Youth’s desire to learn culture and technology cals for a culturaly relevant science education. A western perspective dominates curent science curiculum. What is neded is a science education centered within an Nłeʔkepmx worldview and recognizes Indigenous science (G. H. Smith, 200) An education is neded that balances comunity-based experiential learning and science education, that wil provide skils and Nłeʔkepmx values to asert Indigenous jurisdiction and management for land, culture and resources in the future.   147
Specific Objective: Promote self-determined control and aplication of such knowledge systems for economic diversity.  The Traditional Knowledge for Health realization of this objective was integral to the ongoing significance of research actions. Our combination of the Traditional Knowledge Protocol, comunity-based action research proceses (Alfred, 205; Menzies, 201), a strength-based aproach to health, education and economy that recognized the knowledge, skils, and capacity within the Siska comunity (L. T. Smith, 199; Whitney & Trosten-Blom, 203) led to achieving self-determined control and aplication of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge systems.  The self-determination gained within this research is specific to comunity-university research partnerships. It is a smal step towards the ultimate goal of the Nłeʔkepmx Nation for complete self-determination, not internal to the Canadian state but with external and equal status as the Canadian state (Moses, 200).   The Siska Traditions Ethical Picking Practices Harvest Training and Certification Program is a precedent in the Southern Interior BC for self-determined Indigenous education and policy creation for Nłeʔkepmx traditional fod relationships (NTFR). Siska comunity members are proactively determining their future jurisdiction, stewardship and management relationship with the land and Nłeʔkepmx fod plants. STS’s aproach comunity-based consensus aproach to policy provides a new vision for forestry and range management. The Nłeʔkepmxs taking this forward-loking vision wil empower the provincial government to suport STS. Folowing from STS’s established NTFR policy the provincial government wil have no ned to try to regulate the harvesting and use of Nłeʔkepmx fod plants within Nłeʔkepmx teritory with methods that do not fit Nłeʔkepmx values system or that do not protect traditional fod relationships for curent and future use (First Nations Sumit, Union of BC Indian Chiefs, BC Asembly of First Nations, & Government of British Columbia, 205).  Within the Siska comunity, the suces and aceptance of the STS Harvest Training and Certification program comes from its grasrots consensus aproach to policy creation, as sen in other research (Fernandez-Gimenez, 208; Shery, Halseth,  148
Fondahl, Karjala, & Leon, 205; Trosper, 207). Such self-determination promotes Nłeʔkepmx values and related concepts.  Siska’s NTFR policy aproach integrates aproach including culture, health, education, economy, and land stewardship and management. This integrated aproach is in agrement with other Aboriginal criteria for sustainable forest management (National Aboriginal Forestry Asociation, 195; Shery, Halseth, Fondahl, Karjala, & Leon, 205) and specificaly with NTFR management (First Nations Forestry Council, 208; Morison, 206).   To adres the isues pertaining to the multifaceted Indigenous fod systems, the First Nations Forestry Council and the Working Group for Indigenous Fod Sovereignty cal for a provincial government inter-ministerial aproach that incorporates meaningful Indigenous participation, (First Nations Forestry Council, 208; Morison, 206). Several provincial ministries are curently meting on an inter-ministerial comite for NTFR. However, this comite does not include representation from the Ministry of Health, nor does it have formalized Indigenous participation. The Ministry of Health’s knowledge about how important Indigenous traditional plant fod relationships are to Indigenous peoples’ health is as important as the Ministry of Forest and Range’s knowledge regarding the ecological and economic perspectives of NTFR.  Thus, for instance, because beries represent an important part of the economy and nutrition for Aboriginal comunities in Canada, the provincial forest management policies have direct impacts on Aboriginal health acros Canada (Berkes et al., 194; H. V. Kuhnlein & Receveur, 196). Forestry management practices, such as spraying herbicides to inhibit al plant growth except plantation tres, not only kils the bery plants but can have serious health impacts for animals and pickers (Suzuki & Mola, 209).   Like other certification and tenure programs (Cocksedge & Schroeder, 206; Howe, 206b; S. Teder, 208), the STS’s policy aproach to NTFR suports the ned for species- and region specific training and certification. This was implemented through the STS’s Harvest Training and Certification Program. Indigenous peoples’ complex ecological knowledge of their teritories beter equips them to manage their teritories  149
than a centralized government agency (Shery, Halseth, Fondahl, Karjala, & Leon, 205; S. Teder, 208; Turner, 201, 205).  Some Indigenous comunities have viewed formalized resource management planing with aprehension due to the danger of an external body apropriating the plan. In past experience this has resulted reduced flexibility for adaptive management and conflicting conceptions of enforcing law (Fernandez-Gimenez, 208). However a crisis is a strong factor influencing a comunity’s desire to make a stewardship and management plan. There is a sense of crisis to maintain Indigenous fod systems within the Indigenous teritories of British Columbia Interior. The mountain pine betle epidemic is compounding the isues surounding increased development in rural and remote areas, there is evidence of increased harvesting of Indigenous fod plants by outside users, and there is yet absence of legislation protecting traditional fod sources (J. Bily, 206). In response to this crisis, the STS is developing proactive educational and other policies to asert Nłeʔkepmx teritorial jurisdiction. And just as Maori people have defined the roles of their knowledge and values to increase their place in resource management (Townsend, Tipa, Teirney, & Niyogi, 204), the STS’s harvest training and certification program has made Nłeʔkepmx knowledge and values explicit, to guard against potential misuse and apropriation of their resources.  Furthermore, economic diversity within the Siska comunity increased as a result of HTCP a year and a half folowing the training; people were harvesting a greater variety of plants, and harvesting plants more often. This activity has translated to an increased fod suply, for the elderly and those least able to harvest themselves, as wel as for participants. Indigenous economies combine both monetary and non-monetary sources of value. One HTCP participant noted that he had increased his income by aplying the skils he had learned at the morel mushrom training workshop.  It is posible that his financial gain may be related to a greater market demand for morel mushroms than for other NTFR.   The morel training was the least culturaly relevant part of the HTCP, as it was held in a hal versus on the land, and neither employed Elders as teachers, nor drew on hands-on experiential learning (Grenwod & Leuw, 207; Scot, 206). However, mushrom picking acords with the Indigenous values that are integral to sustained economic development among Aboriginal peoples (Myers, 196). The morel harvest  150
training was best-atended workshop, ofered to spur economic diversity by providing harvesters with the skils they ned to take advantage of local morel availability. And in fact Nłeʔkepmx knowledge and skils undoubtedly played a factor in this suces, since those who atended were experienced at picking other beter known Nłeʔkepmx mushroms such as the pine mushrom. The morel harvest training workshop demonstrated that Nłeʔkepmx people are interested in an economy aligned with traditional values, as is true in Cre Teritory (Northern Forest Diversification Centre, 205) and confirmed among other Indigenous peoples in the North (Myers, 196). It also confirmed that if there is a market, harvesters can quickly adapt their fod-gathering skils to take advantage of that oportunity.   5.1 Significance And Implication For Further Work As a result of this research, STS continues to implement culturaly relevant policies and practices for NTFR and land stewardship and management. For example, Siska formalized the HTCP and continues to develop Nłeʔkepmx management guidelines for specific traditional plant fod species. This research identifies many criteria for responsible NTFR practices, yet more research is neded to expres the complete Nłeʔkepmx stewardship and management systems and Nłeʔkepmx criteria for maintaining ecosystem health. Local Siska level and Nłeʔkepmx Nation level dialogue and consensus proceses would ned to take place to determine the value of developing a more elaborate framework of criteria and indicators, as exemplified by the Tl’azt’en Nation’s criteria for sustainable forest management. The Tl’azt’en Nation’s criteria for sustainable forest management has increased there ability to asert their values into forest management (Shery, Halseth, Fondahl, Karjala, & Leon, 205). An Nłeʔkepmx Nation asertion may help foster recognition for a localized aproach where the Nłeʔkepmx Nation jurisdiction is recognized to implement NTFR and forestry policies. By working at the Nation level the Nłeʔkepmxs can gain a stronger voice for Indigenous jurisdiction, self-determination and protection of their teritories.  Continued STS research loks to Elders direction to bring Nłeʔkepmx management practices back onto the land. “Measuring Suces in Managing for Saskaton Beries and Other Traditionaly Important Plants” funded by the Forest Science Program focusing on scaqʷmełp (Saskaton bush) as this is a trademark plant fod in abundance  151
in one of the ecosystems surounding Siska. Management practices wil include trials of selective logging techniques combined with prescribed burns, planting and pruning tested against control plots. Chief Fred Sampson expreses that this research combined with the continued comunity-level HTCP literaly, “Secures their fothold on the land, the Siska aproach starts from the people, to the land” and literaly brings the people out onto the land along with Nłeʔkepmx knowledge and values. The strong foundation of Nłeʔkepmx knowledge and values wil alow the people to integrate certain Western science tols without compromising an Nłeʔkepmx worldview.  5.2 Recomendations  • Further research should be suported to pilot and monitor outcomes from Siska Ethical Picking Practices. In this way, as other sucesful Indigenous science research has shown (Shebitz & Kimerer, 204; Townsend, Tipa, Teirney, & Niyogi, 204), traditional management practices can be tested for efectivenes. • HTCP neds to be expanded upon for both content and delivery and have a legitimized certification proces with greater recognition for the participants’ achievements. • Any BC government policy discusion regarding NTFR should include multiple First Nations representation and resources to participate in such dialogue. • NTFR should create an oportunity for government to implement the “New Relationship” legislation, whereby First Nations determine how NTFR policy recognize Aboriginal title, rights, and self-governing teritorial jurisdiction. • Begining with the harvesters themselves, policy should be created from a grasrots perspective and founded on Indigenous principles of stewardship and management. • Since schools are now asking Indigenous comunities for culturaly relevant curicula, clear long-term provincial funding streams should be created to enable comunities to create such curicula. • Curicular funding focus on culturaly relevant science education is integral to Nłeʔkepmx future land jurisdiction, stewardship and management. • Recognizing the unanimous preference for hand-on learning, comunity-based on-the-land training is required in compliment to clasrom based learning for the next generation to learn Nłeʔkepmx stewardship and management practices.  152
• HTCP and the Youth-Elder Interviews use a strength-based culturaly relevant aproach caled for to improve Aboriginal Health. Provincial and Federal Health policy should alocate First Nations Health Transfer funding for programing specific to Aboriginal healing and welnes promotion practices, traditional fod and medicines in British Columbia. • While university behaviour research ethics boards review research involving humans, other types of research involving NTFR can also involve risk to humans, especialy Indigenous peoples who depend on land based relationships (Castelano, 204). Universities should establish a referal practice for research; curently researchers require a permit for doing research on crown land or in park land. Researchers should also require a permit from the First Nation of that teritory where they are conducting research.  153
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Appendices Appendix A: Siska Band Heritage Park Declaration  175
Apendix B: Traditional Knowledge Protocol   To: Whom it may concern  In the spirit of Aboriginal capacity and developing healthy research environments Siska Indian Band would like to share the Traditional Knowledge Protocol Agrement developed by Siska in colaboration with UBC. We fel that this protocol may give a strong grounding to other Aboriginal comunities to begin respectful research relationships recognizing the rightful ownership and protection of traditional knowledge. As Aboriginal Peoples’, we at Siska fel solidarity with other Aboriginal comunities continuing to strengthen our cultural traditions for the health of our comunities.  In this, we ask for the good faith of those who would like to use this protocol. Please contact Siska Indian Band and make a formal request introducing the research organizations and their objectives.  Thank you again,  Yours truly,    Chief Fred Sampson  Box 519 Lytton, BC V0K 1Z0 Phone: 250-455-2219 Fax: 250-455-2539 E-mail: siskaib@hughes.net  176
TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE PROTOCOL THIS AGREMENT dated April 10, 2006 is AMONG: THE SISKA BAND and SISKA TRADITIONS SOCIETY (collectively, the “Siska Band”) AND: THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (“UBC”)  BACKGROUND: A. The Siska Band is comprised of members and is located in the Fraser River Canyon, approximately 11 kilometres south of Lytton. The Siska Band represents the Aboriginal rights, titles and interests of its members. The Siska Band is a member of the Nlha7kapmx (Nlaka’pamux) Nation. The Siska Band has extensive knowledge relating to the use of Non-Timber Forest Resources (the “NTFR”) within their culture and traditions. The Siska Traditions Society is a non-profit society with a purpose to manage and develop NTFR on behalf of the Siska Band. B. UBC is the University of British Columbia, Canada.   C. The Siska Band and UBC have agred to work in collaboration for the purpose of community health education and promotion through sustainable use of NTFR. Together, Siska and UBC have developed a Siska Traditional Knowledge Research Project (the “Traditional Knowledge Project”) with the purpose of enhancing aboriginal community health and education through intergenerational NTFR apprenticeship and contemporary translation, as described in the atached Schedule “A”.   D. The sharing, respect, understanding and use of Traditional Knowledge wil be a key element of the Traditional Knowledge Project.  E. Traditional Knowledge is integral to the way of life of the Siska Band.  F. The Siska Band needs asurance that UBC wil respect the guardianship interests of the Siska Band in Traditional Knowledge.  G. UBC acknowledges the importance to the Siska Band of maintaining the integrity of Traditional Knowledge.  H. The use of Traditional Knowledge in furtherance of the Traditional Knowledge Project wil be governed by this Traditional Knowledge Protocol (the “Protocol”).   177
THEREFORE THE PARTIES AGRE AS FOLOWS: 1.0 DEFINITIONS 1.1 “Confidential Information” means al information, regardles of its form disclosed by UBC to the Siska Band and which is clearly identified in writing as "Confidential" either at the time of disclosure or within thirty (30) days thereafter, or disclosed by the Siska Band to UBC and which is clearly identified in writing as "Confidential" either at the time of disclosure or within thirty (30) days thereafter. Except that "Confidential Information" does not include information: 1.2  a) posesed by the recipient (the "Recipient") prior to receipt from the disclosing party (the "Discloser"), other than through prior confidential disclosure by the Discloser, as evidenced by the Recipient's busines records;  b) published or available to the general public otherwise than through a breach of this Agrement;  c) obtained by the Recipient from a third party with a valid right to disclose it, provided that the third party is not under a confidentiality obligation to the Discloser in respect of the same; or  d) independently developed by employes, agents or consultants of the Recipient who had no knowledge of or aces to the Discloser's information as evidenced by the Recipient's busines records.  1.2. “Inventory” means an inventory that may be held at the Siska Band containing Traditional Knowledge in writen, audio, video or other digital or electronic form, including maps designating specific traditional land use and occupation within the Traditional Teritory. 1.3. “Non-Timber Forest Resources Research Commite” or the “Commite” means the commite established by the Siska Band or the Siska Traditions Society for the purposes of overseing and providing direction on the Traditional Knowledge Project and the implementation of this Agrement. 1.4. “Non-Timber Forest Resources” or “NTFR” means materials derived from living systems which are plant-based including but not necesarily limited to beries, herbs, mosses, fungi, ferns, leaves, resins, roots, sap, branches, bark, cones, and are utilized for food, health, social, economical, comercial and ceremonial use by Siska Band members, but does not include the timber of the tre.  178
1.5. “Parties” means the UBC and the Siska Band and “Party” means one of them. 1.6. “Research Thesis” is a writen, academic publication of the theoretical framework, objectives, methods and findings of the research. 1.7. “Project Report” means a writen narative that includes the nature and scope of the Traditional Knowledge Project including objectives, methods and findings, including al versions, editions and drafts thereof. It is writen documentation co-developed by Siska community members in collaboration with UBC, and shal remain the intelectual property of the Siska Band. The Project Report is distinct from the UBC Research Thesis, and non-confidential findings contained in the Project Report may be used to create the Research Thesis. 1.8. “Sacred Site” means a site used and/or identified by the Siska Band for sacred purposes since time imemorial, including but not limited to, burial sites and sites of ceremonial, social and/or cultural significance. 1.9. “Siska Band” means the collective membership of the Siska Indian Band, and “Siska Band member” means a member of the Siska Band. 1.10. “Traditional Knowledge” includes tradition–based literary, artistic or scientific works; performances; inventions; scientific discoveries; designs; marks, names and symbols; undisclosed information; and al other tradition-based innovations and creations resulting from intelectual activity in the industrial, scientific, literary or artistic fields. “Tradition-based” refers to knowledge systems, creations, innovations and cultural expresions which have generaly been transmited from generation to generation; are generaly regarded as pertaining to the Siska Band or its Traditional Teritory; and, are constantly evolving in response to a changing environment. Categories of Traditional Knowledge could include: agricultural knowledge; scientific knowledge; technical knowledge; ecological knowledge; medicinal knowledge, including related medicines and remedies; biodiversity–related knowledge; “expresions of folklore” in the form of music, dance, song, handicrafts, designs, stories and artwork; elements of languages, such as names, geographical indications and symbols; and, movable cultural properties. 1.11.  “Traditional Teritory” means that portion of the traditional teritory of the Siska Band located within the Fraser Canyon and to the headwaters of the mountains, as set out in the map entitled “Siska Band’s Traditional Teritory”, a copy of which is atached as Schedule “B” to this Protocol. 1.12.  “Traditional Knowledge–holders” means members of the Siska Band that have traditional knowledge and have been given the responsibility by elders to act as custodians of particular Traditional Knowledge to ensure the preservation of such Traditional Knowledge for future generations.  179
1.13.  “Workplan” means the plan in efect from time to time for gathering, documenting and preserving Siska Band Traditional Knowledge and appended as Schedule “C” to this Protocol. 2.0 PRINCIPLES The Parties agre to the following principles: 2.1 Aserted Rights.  The UBC acknowledges that the Siska Band has aserted Aboriginal rights and title over the land, waterways and the natural resources within the Traditional Teritory. 2.2 Self-Determination. The UBC acknowledges that the Siska Band has the right to self–determination regarding Traditional Knowledge. 2.3 Traditional Guardianship.  The UBC acknowledges that the Siska Band has a holistic interconnectednes with the ecosystems within its Traditional Teritory and the Siska Band’s obligation and responsibility to preserve and maintain its role as traditional guardian of these ecosystems through the maintenance of Siska culture, spiritual beliefs, and customary law. 2.4 Active Participation.  The UBC acknowledges the crucial importance of the Siska Band to actively participate in al phases of the Traditional Knowledge Project and documentation, and in the integration, use and application of such Traditional Knowledge. 2.5 Ful Disclosure.  The UBC acknowledges that the Siska Band is entitled to be fully informed about the nature, scope and ultimate integration of the Traditional Knowledge (including methodology, data collection, and the disemination and application of results) into the Research Thesis. This information is to be given in a form and style that has meaning to the Siska Band, including translated information where possible. 2.6 Suport of Siska Band Traditional Knowledge Research.  The UBC acknowledges the Siska Band’s need to develop capacity to undertake their own Traditional Knowledge research and publications and in utilizing their own collections and databases. 2.7 Suport of UBC.  The Band acknowledges the research asistance of UBC for the Traditional Knowledge Project. 3.0 PURPOSE OF THIS PROTOCOL 3.1 The purposes of this Protocol include the following: (a) documentation of Traditional Knowledge to ensure the continuity of Siska Band’s customs, practices and traditions from one generation to the next;   180
(b) provide a proces to gather, preserve and integrate the Traditional Knowledge with respect to the Traditional Knowledge Project; (c) set out the mutual understanding of the Parties about ownership, protection and use of such Traditional Knowledge; (d) set out a Workplan for the purpose of carying out the Traditional Knowledge Project;  and (e) commence research to enhance aboriginal community health and education through intergenerational knowledge apprenticeship and translation for the direct economic and social benefit of the Siska Band. 4.0 PHASES OF THE TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE PROJECT 4.1 The Traditional Knowledge Project wil consist of five phases: (a) Phase 1: Community consultation metings informing members of the Siska Band of the Traditional Knowledge Project and introducing the UBC researchers to Siska members and resource personnel. (b) Phase 2: Reviewing, gathering and documenting Traditional Knowledge from participating Traditional Knowledge-holders with the asistance of a Siska Research Coordinator and Resarch Asistants from the Siska Band. (c) Phase 3: Preparation of Traditional Knowledge Documentation by UBC in collaboration with the Siska Band. (d) Phase 4: Review by the Commite of the Traditional Knowledge Documentation. (e) Phase 5: Integrate Traditional Knowledge into: (i) Community health and cultural education and promotion activities and resources; (i) Language preservation (Siska Nlaka’pamux language integrated into al documentation, education, and health programs); (ii) NTFR Product Procedure manual for management, harvesting, procesing; (iv) Policy Documents for Siska management and stewardship of NTFR products; and (v) Data for preparation of Research Thesis, containing Traditional Knowledge from the Traditional Knowledge Project (even if previously published) wil be first approved by Siska Band and the NTFR esearch Commite. 4.2 The particulars of the work to be performed, services to be provided and payment with respect thereto wil be as established in the Workplan.  181
4.3 The Parties agre that the Traditional Knowledge Research Project coordinator, UBC M.Sc. student Nancy MacPherson, wil be co-authoring the final Project Report with the Siska Band. As wel, Nancy MacPherson wil be utilizing information contained in the final Project Report to the Siska Band for development of a Research Thesis for UBC. The Research Thesis is not to contain any Traditional Knowledge or Confidential Information disclosed to UBC by Siska Band that may be in the Project Report, and to ensure this the Research Commite wil be given the opportunity to review the Research Thesis for any Traditional Knowledge or Confidential Information prior to finalization and publication of the Research Thesis by UBC. If any Traditional Knowledge or Confidential Information is found in the Research Thesis, it wil be removed prior to publication of the Research Thesis by UBC unles the Siska Band provides authorization that the information can be included in the Research Thesis. 4.4 Al publications arising from the Traditional Knowledge Project wil be either authored, or co-authored by the Siska Band/Siska band members, except for the Research Thesis, which wil be authored by student Nancy MacPherson, who wil owns the copyrights in the Research Thesis. 4.5. This Protocol held betwen UBC and Siska Band shal remain in acordance with UBC policies regarding scholarly conduct (Policy #85) and Research (Policy 87), appended as Schedule D. 5.0 RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE UBC 5.1 For the purposes set out in Clause 3 of this Protocol, the UBC wil do the following: (a) respect the privacy, dignity, cultures, practices, traditions and rights of the Siska Band; (b) recognize that the Siska Band’s rights to ownership, protection and custody of their Traditional Knowledge; (c) ensure that the Traditional Knowledge Project occurs in an orderly, legal and respectful manner with due regard to the peaceable enjoyment of the Siska Band to the Traditional Teritory; (d) offer to, and if acepted, respect the anonymity of the Traditional Knowledge–holders; (e) in the manner set out in the Workplan, asist the Siska Band to develop the capacity to cary out the orkplan; and (f) take any reasonable action required to ensure compliance with this subsection as requested by the Siska Band. 5.2 The UBC wil not, without the prior informed consent of the Siska Band:  182
(a) use or permit the Traditional Knowledge to be used by any other person or body other than for the purposes of or incidental to the Traditional Knowledge Project; (b) knowingly undertake any collection of heritage or cultural materials; (c) disclose any aspect of the Traditional Knowledge which is not publicly available and which was communicated to or observed by the UBC pursuant to the Traditional Knowledge Project, except as set out in Clause 10; (d) sek to obtain any Traditional Knowledge of the medicinal and cosmetic properties of plants from a Traditional Knowledge holder which is not publicly available; and  (e) sel or claim rights to sel plants as herbal medicines or cosmetic products that were obtained as a result of the Traditional Knowledge Project. 5.3 Sacred Sites. In the event of and upon becoming aware of any Sacred Site within the Traditional Teritory, the UBC wil adhere to the following procedure: (a) not undertake any activities which could reasonably be expected to damage or interfere with the Sacred Site; (b) disclose the location of the Sacred Site to the Siska Band or a designated representative thereof, (c) treat al information with respect to the Sacred Site as confidential to the benefit of the interests of the Siska Band, and (d) sek the advice of the Siska Band regarding the Sacred Site. 5.4 The UBC wil not, without the prior informed consent of the Siska Band, knowingly enter upon any Sacred Site. 6.0 RESPONSIBILITIES OF SISKA BAND 6.1 For the purposes set out in Clause 3 of this Protocol, the Siska Band wil do the following: (a) instruct and supervise the Traditional Land Stewards, Siska Research coordinator, and Siska researchers in their gathering, analyzing and documentation of Traditional Knowledge; (b) provide the Traditional Knowledge as described by the Workplan; (c) use reasonable eforts to secure the cooperation and participation of the Traditional Knowledge–holders;  183
(d) in a timely manner, bring information, maters or isues of concern forward for discussion and resolution in order to asist the UBC in the planning and development of the Traditional Knowledge Project; (e) provide advice and asistance to the UBC, as necesary, to enable it to fulfil its responsibilities under this Protocol; (f) on a regular basis or when requested by the UBC, provide an update of progres on the Traditional Knowledge Project to the UBC; and (g) take any reasonable action to ensure compliance with this subsection as agred to by the UBC. 7.0 PRIOR INFORMED CONSENT 7.1 Prior Informed Consent.  The UBC acknowledges that the prior informed consent of the Siska Band must be obtained before the Traditional Knowledge or any work asociated with the Traditional Knowledge Project is transmited from Traditional Knowledge-holders to the UBC. Ongoing consultation is necesary to maintain the prior informed consent throughout the Term of the Traditional Knowledge Project. This principle wil be satisfied by meting the obligations set out in Clause 8 herein. 7.2 Siska Band’s Responsibilities and Obligations to the Siska Band Members.  Pursuant to internal Siska Band protocols and for the purposes of the Traditional Knowledge Project, the Siska Band must sek, obtain and maintain the prior informed consent of the Siska Band members with respect to the protection, preservation and maintenance of Traditional Knowledge, which may include the recommendations of the Commite. 7.3 The Siska Band responsibilities and obligations to the Siska Band member with respect to the gathering, collection, integration and use of Traditional Knowledge are further elaborated in the Workplan. 7.4 The UBC Responsibilities and Obligations to the Siska Band.  The UBC recognizes and respects that the Siska Band’s Traditional Knowledge is collectively owned, managed and controlled by the Siska Band.  7.5 Unles authorized by the Siska Band, the UBC wil not approach individual Traditional Knowledge–holders in an efort to obtain Traditional Knowledge.  7.6 When requested by the Siska Band, the UBC wil explain the potential benefits and outcomes asociated with the Traditional Knowledge Project to Siska Band members. 7.7 For clarity, the Parties acknowledge that ongoing consultation and provision of information wil be required throughout the duration of the Traditional Knowledge Project to maintain prior informed consent.  184
7.8. For further clarity, the UBC acknowledges that the Siska Band may withdraw their prior informed consent in writing or by termination of this Protocol. Al information and Traditional Knowledge documented prior to withdrawal of the Traditional Knowledge Project wil be returned to the Siska Band and no information arising prior to withdrawal wil be used in any way by UBC.  8.0 BENEFIT-SHARING 8.1 Benefits to the Siska Band. As agred to by the Parties and for the purposes of the Traditional Knowledge Project, benefits relating to the Traditional Knowledge Project may include, but are not limited to, the following: (a) training of community members; (b) equipment; (c) production of procedure manuals; (d) video/audio recordings; (e) contribution to the Siska Band by cultural, commercial or community-based undertakings related to the Traditional Knowledge Project; (f) remuneration, including honoraria, as set out in the Workplan and  (g) any other maters set out in the budget of the Workplan. 8.2 Benefits to the UBC. The benefit to the UBC includes, but is not limited to, the following: (a) Siska Band asistance and advice to the UBC for the purpose of original research education experience and scholarly contribution in the form of an interdisciplinary Research Thesis; (b) opportunities to establish positive engagement of the Siska Band; and (c) the authenticity and evidentiary value of the Traditional Knowledge contributions wil be enhanced through Siska Band participation in the development of the Traditional Knowledge Project. 8.3 Mutual Benefits to the Parties.  Mutual benefits to the Parties include, but are not limited to, the following: (a) protection and enhancement of the Siska Band’s cultural pursuits and traditional activities; (b) protection of areas of traditional use and sites of cultural importance to the Siska Band;  185
(c) preservation, aces, control and regeneration of Traditional Knowledge; and (d) furthering the development of positive, beneficial and harmonious relationships betwen the Parties. 9.0 CONFIDENTIALITY 9.1 The UBC acknowledges that the Siska Band has information concerning their Traditional Knowledge, including particular aspects of their culture, traditions, spiritual beliefs and customary laws that must be maintained and treated as confidential by the UBC.  This principle wil be satisfied by meting the obligations set out in Clause 9 herein. 9.2 Unles otherwise agred by the Parties, neither Party wil disclose, divulge, or otherwise comunicate to a third party any Confidential Information received from the other party as a result of this Traditional Knowledge Project nor use such Confidential Information for any purpose. 9.3 Where Traditional Knowledge that is confidential is required or requested by a third party, the Parties wil make reasonable eforts to engage, negotiate and conclude an agrement with the third party that wil safeguard that Traditional Knowledge from public disclosure. 10.0 OWNERSHIP 10.1 Siska Band Exclusive Ownership of the Traditional Knowledge. The Siska Band shal remain the exclusive copyright owner of the Traditional Knowledge. The UBC acknowledges and agres that it has no interest whatsoever in the ownership of the Traditional Knowledge, including any intelectual property rights there under. The UBC hereby waives any intelectual property and/or any other rights that the UBC may have with respect to the Traditional Knowledge. If, notwithstanding the foregoing, rights to Traditional Knowledge are recognized by a third party as residing in the UBC, the UBC wil take al reasonable eforts to waive or transfer al or any such rights to the benefit of the Siska Band. 10.2 The UBC Use of Traditional Knowledge. For the consideration provided under this Protocol, the UBC wil be able to use the Traditional Knowledge for the purposes set out in the Traditional Knowledge Project and Workplan, subject to terms and conditions set out by the Commite.  For clarity, the Parties do not intend that this use of the Traditional Knowledge includes any grant of ownership to the UBC. 10.3 The UBC shal retain ownership of the intelectual property contained in the Research Thesis, and shal retain the right to publish al or portions of the Research Thesis after a maximum of 12 months from termination of the project, or submision of the Project Report to Siska Band, whichever is later, acording to UBC Policies. The Siska Band shal be given the opportunity to review the  186
Research Thesis, for any Confidential Information and Confidential Traditional Knowledge information, before publication of the Research Thesis by UBC. 1.0 PROCES MATERS 11.1 Review of the Traditional Knowledge Documentation by the Comite.  Prior to the release of the Traditional Knowledge documentation to the UBC for the purpose of writing the Research Thesis, a draft report of the Traditional Knowledge documentation wil be distributed to the Commite for its review and approval. 11.2 The UBC Comments on the Traditional Knowledge Documentation.  The UBC shal have the opportunity to review and provide comment on the Traditional Knowledge documentation before it is finalized by the Siska Band for the use of Siska Band. 11.3 Communications. Al external communications with respect to this Protocol or initiatives pursuant to this Protocol wil be undertaken by joint communiqué, as authorized by the Parties. 11.4 Communities Information Strategy.  The Parties, by their designated representatives, wil collaborate in the development and implementation of a Siska Band community information strategy with respect to the Traditional Knowledge Project and any and al agrements, including the preparation of a summary thereof. 12.0 DISPUTE RESOLUTION 12.1 Notice.  In the event that the Siska Band or the UBC finds a conflict with the fulfilment of the terms, conditions or responsibilities set forth in this Protocol, that Party shal give writen notice to the other Party. 12.2 Meting.  The Parties shal convene a meting within 15 days of receiving the notice and shal atempt to reach a mutualy aceptable resolution within 7 days. 12.3 Apointment of a Third Party. If the Parties cannot resolve the dispute within 7 days they shal agre to designate a third party mediator to mediate the dispute. 12.4 Resolution by Third Party. The parties shal atempt to reach a resolution with the asistance of the third party mediator. If a resolution cannot be reached within 30 calendar days of the designation of the third party mediator, the third party shal provide recommendations on how to resolve the dispute. 13.0 TERM, EXPIRY, AMENDMENT AND ASIGNMENT 13.1 The Parties agre that this Protocol is a document of a “living nature” and may be amended from time to time to continue to achieve the purposes of this Protocol or such other objectives as may be agred upon by the Parties from time to time.  187
13.2 This Protocol and the Workplan may be amended by agrement of the Parties in writing. 13.3 Unles the Parties agre otherwise in writing, the term of this Protocol is indefinite.  If the Parties do agre to terminate this Protocol, the specific conditions and covenants that survive termination must be specificaly agred. For clarity, section 9 – Confidentiality and section 10 – Ownership, wil survive termination of this Protocol. 13.4 This Protocol may not be asigned without the expres writen consent of the other Party.  14.0 MISCELANEOUS 14.1 Implementation of this Protocol.  The UBC and the Siska Band acknowledge that a serious ongoing commitment by both Parties and the dedication of necesary resources to implement this Protocol wil be required to met its objectives in a timely and complete way. 14.2 Non-Derogation. Nothing in this Protocol does or wil abrogate, derogate and/or prejudice any of the Siska Band’s Aboriginal rights, titles and interests in the Traditional Teritory. 14.3 Third Party Consultation. Nothing in this Protocol does or wil limit the Parties ability to participate in consultations, discusions and agrements with any third party.   188
 14.4 The Parties agre that this Protocol may be executed in separate counterparts, each of which so executed shal be deemed to be an original. Such counterparts together shal constitute one and the same instrument and, notwithstanding the date of execution, shal be deemed to bear the efective date set forth above. TO EVIDENCE THEIR AGREMENT each of the Parties has executed this Protocol on the date appearing above.  UBC  By:  ________________________      Barbara M. Campbel_____ Title: Asociate Director________      University-Industry Liaison Ofice Date: April, 21, 2006___________     SISKA BAND   By:  _______________________      Fred Sampson___________  Title: Chief- Siska Indian Band__ Date: April, 21, 2006___________  By: _______________________       Betsy Munro_____________ Title: Councilor- Siska Indian Band Date: April, 21, 2006___________  By: _______________________       _Angela Philips__________ Title: Councilor- Siska Indian Band Date: April, 21, 2006___________      189
SCHEDULE “A” The Traditional Knowledge Project has been initiated for the purpose of enhancing aboriginal community health and education through intergenerational NTFR knowledge apprenticeship and contemporary translation.  This partnership is based on Siska’s proactive approach to protecting and continuing their relationship with their traditional foods. The research team wil be community-based and organized through the Siska Traditions Society, a non-profit organization curently involved in NTFR research and contemporary economic initiatives. The overal goal of this research is to enhance aboriginal community health and education through intergenerational knowledge apprenticeship and translation for the direct economic and social benefit of Siska Band. This research addreses the current economic environment, potential for degradation of resources, as yet unregulated NTFR management and policy options that give an opportunity for First Nations meaningful involvement in the non-timber forest resource industry.  The UBC researcher who has collaboratively developed this research project with Siska Band is Dr. Shannon Binns, Faculty of Land and Food Systems. Dr. Binns was approached by Siska Band Chief Fred Sampson on behalf of Siska Band. UBC researchers Binns and her student Nancy MacPherson then met with Siska Traditions Society to further develop this research potential. Together with Dr. Binns, M.Sc. student Nancy MacPherson wil collaboratively conduct the research project with Siska Band, and the project wil serve as part of Ms. MacPherson’s Research Thesis document for UBC as partial completion of the requirements in the graduate degre program “Integrated Studies in Land and Food Systems”. Nancy MacPherson has posed the following research question:  Research Question: How can Siska traditional cultural knowledge of NTFR (including health uses as foods and medicines, as wel as spiritual and linguistic practices) be used in contemporary contexts to create health benefits for Siska community members?  The research objectives of the Traditional Knowledge Project include: a) Education and health creation through contemporary practice of Nlaka’pamux knowledge systems pertaining to ecological, spiritual and cultural values, including the local research and control of community health through continued, sustainable and secured use of food and medicine; b) Create increased Siska community health and capacity by generating culturaly-relevant and ethical knowledge and practices for non-timber forest resources (NTFR) management, and use towards local health goals; c) Engage community members of al ages in the proces of cyclical generation of Nlaka’pamux knowledge systems based on traditional values, and contemporary methods; d) Promote self-determined control and application of such knowledge systems to create increased economic diversity for Siska community   190
Traditional Knowledge data from the research wil be used as determined by the Non-Timber Forest Resources Research Commite. Expected uses of this data include creation of a Siska management plan for NTFR, GIS mapping, community resources for health and education (integrated with existing programs), archival purposes, evidence for Aboriginal Title, community and academic publications (including a UBC Research Thesis – which is not to contain any confidential Traditional Knowledge owned by Siska Band), and continued research initiatives by the Siska Band. The Project outcomes may include direct economic and social benefit of Siska Band, including research capacity-building and cultural relevance of knowledge systems and contemporary technologies.  191
 Schedule C- Workplan  Community Health Education and Promotion Through Sustainable Use of Non-Timber Forest Resources: Community-Based Co-Development of Research Environment to Increase Aboriginal Research Capacity in Siska Band, Nlaka’pamux First Nation, B.C.  1. Creation of Non-timber Forest Resources Research Commite (Commite)- By June 30, 2006  • Wil comprise of Siska Traditions Society Board Members and Nlaka’pamux elders that agre to participate. • UBC academic researchers may take an advisory role but wil not sit on the Commite. • UBC academic researchers shal atend and provide updates, guidance and proposals for early phases of the Commite upon request.  2. Presentation of Traditional Knowledge Project (TK Project), Draft Goals and Objectives to Siska Band- By May 30, 2006 • Meting for Siska Band embers: o Presentation of research structure, draft goals, objectives and outcomes, to al, o Recommendations from Siska Band members for structure, goals, objectives and outcomes of project are addresed. • Invitation to Siska Band Members for participation in the TK Project. • Postings/Advertisements to participate in TK Project in various roles, including Siska Band research coordinator, researchers, and participants.  3. Structure of Project Management- By June 30th, 2006 • Structure for communication, metings, and activities. • Commite approval of goals, objectives and outcomes incorporating recommendations from Siska Band Members. • Al project volunters wil give fully informed consent before participating • Identify organizations and social programs/protocols in Siska community in which the TK Project wil be integrated. Integration into already existing proceses in the community enables ongoing sustainability.  4. Research Methods Training- By July 30th, 2006 • Asesment of research strengths and skils for project. • Research methods training for research coordinator, and researchers. • Dialogue about worldview related to research. • Nlaka’pamux and Indigenous Research Methods, Western Research Methods.  194
• Interview methods, facilitation methods, survey methods, video and audio taping methods, GPS & GIS training, herbarium plant specimens, interpretation of research results. • Ethics & protocols and informed consent proces.  5. Research Planning- By July 30th, 2006 • Research schedule for al researchers and coordinator and al research activities. • Information Strategy to keep al Siska Band members directly or indirectly involved in the project informed. • Clear proces for recommendations, and fedback from Siska Band members.  6. Comite Meting- By August 7th, 2006 • Asesment of research to date. • Recommendations, suggestions and revisions of research activities and workplan.  7. Research Activities: By August 30th, 2006. All research activities will have Nlaka’pamux values and language as a common theme. Values may be embedded in stories and oral history, and are equally important. All research activities will include contextual cultural processes involving experience and application of knowledge. All research activities involve planning, doing, reflecting, documenting and recommendations for future activities.  I. Siska Band’s relationship with Traditional Foods Facilitated open meting to addres the question: What are the strengths of traditional food use within Siska Band? - Sharing of stories and knowledge (traditional and contemporary). - Identifying what current relationship is with traditional foods and future goals.  II. Asking the experts Younger members of the Siska Band and the family of elders wil interview elders about traditional foods and management practices. - Inviting elders to participate as recommended by the Commite, - Seting dates and places to met for interviews, - Audio/video taping for future educational uses by community.  II. Documenting harvesting and procesing of traditional foods Including current management practices (may include GPS, GIS and coordination with Tmixw research).  IV. Traditional Plant Resource Protection Methods Creating procedure manuals for harvesting, documenting, procesing and conservation management practices.  V. Working with Traditional Foods: Youth Education  195
Integrated with youth programing (before school starts). Using traditional food harvesting, management and feasting as a way to discuss Nlaka’pamux science related to western science, introduction to research methods.  VI. Working with Traditional Foods: Health Promotion  In cooperation with existing health providers open to al ages: - Traditional food harvesting and feasting, - Exploring the health benefits of eating traditional foods (Include literature review, primary scientific investigations of select traditional foods not yet reported for nutritional and/or phytomedicinal content), - Comparisons with “fast” foods and contemporary/other dietary practices, - Integration of traditional foods into contemporary diets.  8. Commite Meting - Including Siska Band researchers and coordinator, and UBC researchers- By September 30th, 2006 • Discussing research activities, identifying succeses and weakneses, evaluating, monitoring and giving recommendations for documentation and future activities.  9. Reflection and Further Integration- By November 30th, 2006 • Al research activities wil be documented including the recommendations and evaluations of the Commite in a participatory fedback proces and be presented as the Siska Band Research Report to the Commite.  10. Planning for 2007- through to March 31, 2007 • Commite wil continue to met to ases Siska Band Research Report, ases “pilot” findings and results, and generate further objectives based on resources for the research (financial, other) and any other potential collaborations identified by the Commite.  Suplies Budget Item: Education and Databasing Materials  Amount: $50.0 Interview and educational materials (multimedia images, laptop presentations), multimedia equipment rentals Budget Item: Suplies      Amount: $150.0 Plant colection suplies (secutors, clean sample bags, gloves, noteboks, paper, writing/drawing suplies, identification guideboks), herbarium shets and plant mounting equipment, safety equipment, fod/medicinal preparations (cokware, containers, clean sample vials, fod grade ethanol for tinctures), bateries (handheld recorder, other equipment) Budget Item: One desktop computer    Amount: $100.0 Siska Band has a local information technology provider who wil source this equipment.    Honoraria, Salaries and Wages Budget Item: Wages/Compensation-related expenses  Amount: $10,00 The Siska Traditions Society, through the Siska Band ofice, wil administer the honoraria, salaries and wages paid to Siska Band members. Determination of the number of Siska Band research cordinator, researchers, participants, clerical employes and guest lecturers for the duration of this 1-year pilot project wil be determined by the Comite. It wil be based on a) actual funding awarded, and b) requirements determined by research methods for short term (1 yr).  196
a) Participation honoraria for sharing of knowledge, expertise, participation or other resources (proposed $7/hour for youth under 18 and $10/hour for adults) b) Salary for Siska Band Research Coordinator (stipend to be determined) c) Salary for Siska Band Researchers (stipend to be determined) d) Honoraria for elders, guest lectures in the Siska community (or externaly, as determined by the Commite) (workshops, skil-sharing).      197
SCHEDULE “D” UBC POLICY #85 AND #87   Please See UBC Intelectual Property Policies: http:/ww.grad.ubc.ca/students/ipguide/index.asp?menu=003,00,00,00 198
Appendix C: Jurisdictional Approval  To: Shirley Thompson, Manager UBC Behavioural Research Ethics 6190 Agronomy Road Vancouver, BC  V6T 1Z3  From: Chief Fred Sampson Siska Indian Band PO Box 519 Lytton, BC V0K 1Z0 Fax: 250-455-2539 Telephone: 250-455-2219  March 20, 2005   Dear Shirley Thompson,  With this leter the jurisdiction of the Siska Indian Band indicates the approval of the research project titled: Community Health Education and Promotion Through Sustainable Use of Non-Timber Forest Resources: Community-Based Co-Development of Research Environment to Increase Aboriginal Research Capacity in Siska Band, Nlaka’pamux First Nation, British Columbia.  This project is a collaborative initiative with principle investigator, Dr. Shannon Binns, UBC Faculty of Land and Food Systems. As a co-investigator and Chief of the Siska Indian Band I represent the Siska Indian Band’s decision to approve this project. The Siska Indian Band supports this research and the methodologies indicated in the Application for Behavioral Research Ethics Review. The Band Council and members of the Research Commite of the Siska Indian Band have reviewed the application in detail and approve of it in full.  The Siska Indian Band is currently finalizing a Traditional Knowledge Protocol which wil guide the research under the direction of the Research Commite. We are confident that this research wil be a model for how community-based research by and for indigenous people should proced ethicaly.  Sincerely,   Chief Fred Sampson, Siska Indian Band  199
Appendix D: Behavioural Research Ethics Approval   200
Appendix E: Adult Consent Form TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE FOR HEALTH  Comunity Health Education through the Sustainable Use of Non-Timber Forest Resources: Comunity-Based Research Project of the Siska Band in colaboration with the University of British Columbia  INTERVIEW PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM  Principal Investigator: Shanon Bins, Asistant Profesor, Land and Food Systems, University of British Columbia (“UBC”), Phone: 604-822-2941 or email: bins@interchange.ubc.ca Co-investigators: Chief Fred Sampson, Darwin Hana, Nancy MacPherson Research Team: Maurice Michel, Glen Michel, Nancy MacPherson Phone: 250-455-219  Non-Timber Forest Resources Research Project: This research focuses on how traditional knowledge and the use of fods by members of the Siska Band contribute to comunity health. The goal of the research is to strengthen comunity health and education through the sharing of knowledge. The Siska Band and the Faculty of Land and Food Systems, UBC, are working together on this research project. Funds suporting this research are from the B.C. Aboriginal Capacity and Development Research Environment. Information documented in the interview il provide a valuable contribution to the project, and may be integrated into: (i) A documentary about traditional knowledge for health (i) Comunity health and cultural education and promotion activities and resources; (ii) Nlaka’apmux / Nlha7kapmx language preservation; (iv) Non Timber Forestry Resources Product Procedure manual for management, harvesting, procesing; (v) Policy Documents for Siska management and stewardship of NTFR products; and (vi) Data for preparation of Research Thesis by Nancy MacPherson, Masters of Science candidate, UBC. Any traditional knowledge from the research project that is incorporated into the Research Thesis must first be aproved by the Research Comite and Siska Band. (together the “NTFR Project”)  Interview Procedure: You have ben selected for this project because of your interest and knowledge. You wil be asked to tel about traditional knowledge for health and about how traditional fods are related to health. A family member or comunity member wil interview you. The interview wil take aproximately one hour. If you agre the interview wil be tape and/or video recorded.  Review of transcripts and data: You wil receive a copy of the interview transcript and any tape and/or video recordings. You may edit the information as you wish. Al edits wil be taken into acount and the research team wil revise the interview transcript taking into acount any edits. The revised interview transcript wil then be provided to you for further review and aproval. You may identify any information that should not be disclosed to the general public.   Storage and Aces to Recordings, Transcripts, and Data:  Copies of al data, including audio/video recordings, wil be stored at the Siska Band ofice and Dr. Shanon Bins’ ofice, UBC. Aces wil be restricted to the Chief and the research team for  201
purposes asociated with the Research Project. Shanon Bins wil return al data to the Siska Band, including audio/video recordings, after five years. Aces by anyone other than the project research team to the information that was shared by yourself wil require your permision.  Use of Recordings, Transcripts, and Data: This material (recordings, transcripts and data) is being colected for the NTFR Project, which may be made available to the Siska comunity and the general public. Recordings, transcripts, or data colected that relates to information you shared wil not be reproduced or distributed without your prior consent.  Thesis: With the consent of yourself, the research comite and the Siska Band, some of the recordings, transcripts and data may be used for Nancy MacPherson’s master’s thesis for the UBC. The thesis is a public document owned by UBC, including al intelectual property of the thesis. Siska Band wil review the thesis and wil ensure that no confidential traditional knowledge is included.  Confidentiality: You wil not be identified by name in any reports or articles produced unles you provide consent. The research wil be identified as taking place in the Siska Band.  Traditional Knowledge Protocol: The Siska Band, Siska Traditions Society and the University of British Columbia have entered into a Traditional Knowledge Protocol to adres confidentiality, ownership, protection and use of traditional knowledge of comunity members.  Contact: If you have any further questions or would like more information about this project, please contact Dr. Shanon Bins or Chief Fred Sampson. If you have concerns in your role as a participant, please contact the Research Participant Information Line at Research Services, UBC at 604-82-8598.  Remuneration: In recognition of your contribution for information sharing during the interview an honoraria of $50 wil be paid to you.  Consent: I, ____________, understand that my participation in the Traditional Knowledge for Health Research Project is entirely voluntary and I may refuse to participate or withdraw at anytime throughout the project without any penalty.  I give my consent to participate in the Traditional Knowledge for Health Research Project as described in this consent form.  I wish for my name to be recognized for al of my contributions:  yes   no  ___________  ____________ ________ Participant’s signature   Name of Participant   Date  202
Appendix F: Youth Consent Form TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE FOR HEALTH  Comunity Health Education through the Sustainable Use of Non-Timber Forest Resources: Comunity-Based Research Project of the Siska Band in colaboration with the University of British Columbia  YOUTH PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM  Principal Investigator: Shanon Bins, Asistant Profesor, Land and Food Systems, University of British Columbia (“UBC”), phone 604-822-2941 or email: bins@interchange.ubc.ca Co-investigators: Chief Fred Sampson, Darwin Hana, Nancy MacPherson  Non-Timber Forest Resources Research Project: This research focuses on how use of plant fods by members of the Siska Band contribute to comunity health. The goal of the research is to enhance comunity health and education through the sharing of knowledge. The Siska Band and the Faculty of Land and Food Systems, UBC, are working together on this research project. Funds suporting this research are from the B.C. Aboriginal Capacity and Development Research Environment. Information documented in the workshop wil provide a valuable contribution to the project, and may be integrated into: (vi) Comunity health and cultural education and promotion activities and resources; (vii) Nlaka’apmux / Nlha7kapmx language preservation; (ix) Non Timber Forestry Resources Product Procedure manual for management, harvesting, procesing; (x) Policy Documents for Siska management and stewardship of NTFR products; and (xi) Data for preparation of Research Thesis by Nancy MacPherson, Masters of Science candidate, UBC. Any traditional knowledge from the research project that is incorporated into the Research Thesis must first be aproved by the Siska Band. (together the “NTFR Project”)  Research Procedure: To participate in this workshop you ned your parent or guardian to give writen consent. During this workshop you wil be asked to participate in gathering traditional fods, and a traditional feast. Learning about traditional fod plants wil give an oportunity to explore Nlaka’pamux aproaches to science and how use of traditional fods is asociated with health. You wil have an oportunity to contribute through art, poetry, music and story in creating a record of the learnings from the workshop. The workshop is six hours in length and lunch wil be provided. The procedings from the workshop wil be compiled for the NTFR Project and wil inform future research activities related to the NTFR Project. The workshop may be recorded by digital, tape and/or video recording. You wil be informed if the discusion is being recorded. Also, you may be photographed during the workshop procedings.  Review of transcripts and data: You wil receive a copy of the workshop proceding documentation (e.g. report), including transcripts of any recordings that relate to any discusion that you shared information. You and your parent /guardian may edit the information as you wish. Al edits wil be taken into acount and the research team wil revise the workshop procedings taking into acount any edits. The revised workshop procedings wil then be re-circulated to you for further review and aproval. You and your parent/guardian may identify any information that should not be disclosed to the general public.  203
 Storage and Aces to Recordings, Transcripts, and Data:  Copies of al data, including audio/video recordings, wil be stored at the Siska Band ofice and Dr. Shanon Bins’ ofice, UBC. Aces wil be restricted to the Chief and the research team for purposes asociated with the Research Project. Shanon Bins wil return al data to the Siska Band, including audio/video recordings, after five years. Aces by anyone other than the project research team to the information that was shared by yourself wil require your permision.  Use of Recordings, Transcripts, and Data: This material (recordings, transcripts, data and photographs) is being colected for the NTFR Project, which may be made available to the Siska comunity and the general public. Recordings, transcripts, or data colected that relates to information you shared wil not be reproduced or distributed without your prior consent.  Thesis: With the consent of participants and the Siska Band, some of the recordings, transcripts and data may be used for Nancy MacPherson’s master’s thesis for the UBC. The thesis is a public document owned by UBC, including al intelectual property of the thesis. Siska Band wil review the thesis and wil ensure that no confidential traditional knowledge is included.  Confidentiality: Participants wil not be identified by name in any reports or articles produced unles you provide writen consent. . The research wil be identified as taking place in the Siska Band.  Traditional Knowledge Protocol: The Siska Band, Siska Traditions Society and the University of British Columbia have entered into a Traditional Knowledge Protocol to adres confidentiality, ownership, protection and use of traditional knowledge of comunity members.  Contact: If you have any further questions or would like more information about this project, please contact Dr. Shanon Bins. If you have concerns in your role as a participant, please contact the Research Participant Information Line at Research Services at the University of British Columbia: 604-822-8598.  Remuneration: If you agre to participate in the workshop you wil be paid an honourarium at the rate of $7 per hour.  Consent: I, ____________, understand that my participation in the NTFR esearch Project is entirely voluntary and I may refuse to participate or withdraw at anytime throughout the project without any penalty.  I give my permision for participation in the NTFR Research Project as described in this consent form.  I wish for my name to be recognized for al of my contributions:  yes   no  ___________  ____________ ________ Participant’s signature   Name of Participant  Date  204
Appendix G: Parent/Guardian Asent Form TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE FOR HEALTH  Comunity Health Education through the Sustainable Use of Non-Timber Forest Resources: Comunity-Based Research Project of the Siska Band in colaboration with the University of British Columbia  PARENT/GUARDIAN CONSENT FORM  Principal Investigator: Shanon Bins, Asistant Profesor, Land and Food Systems, University of British Columbia (“UBC”), phone 604-822-2941 or email: bins@interchange.ubc.ca Co-investigators: Chief Fred Sampson, Darwin Hana, Nancy MacPherson  Non-Timber Forest Resources Research Project: This research focuses on how use of plant fods by members of the Siska Band contribute to comunity health. The goal of the research is to enhance comunity health and education through the sharing of knowledge. The Siska Band and the Faculty of Land and Food Systems, UBC, are working together on this research project. Funds suporting this research are from the B.C. Aboriginal Capacity and Development Research Environment. Information documented in the workshop wil provide a valuable contribution to the project, and may be integrated into: (xi) Comunity health and cultural education and promotion activities and resources; (xii) Nlaka’apmux / Nlha7kapmx language preservation; (xiv) Non Timber Forestry Resources Product Procedure manual for management, harvesting, procesing; (xv) Policy Documents for Siska management and stewardship of NTFR products; and (xvi) Data for preparation of Research Thesis by Nancy MacPherson, Masters of Science candidate, UBC. Any traditional knowledge from the research project that is incorporated into the Research Thesis must first be aproved by the Siska Band. (together the “NTFR Project”)  Research Procedure: During this workshop your child wil be asked to participate in gathering traditional fods, and a traditional feast. Learning about traditional fod plants wil give an oportunity to explore Nlaka’pamux aproaches to science and how use of traditional fods is asociated with health. Youth wil have an oportunity to contribute through art, poetry, music and story in creating a record of the learnings from the workshop. The workshop is six hours in length and lunch wil be provided. The procedings from the workshop wil be compiled for the NTFR Project and wil inform future research activities related to the NTFR Project. The workshop may be recorded by digital, tape and/or video recording. Youth wil be informed if the discusion is being recorded. Also, youth may be photographed during the workshop procedings.  Review of transcripts and data: You wil receive a copy of the workshop proceding documentation (e.g. report), including transcripts of any recordings that relate to any discusion that your child shared information. You and your child may edit the information as you wish. Al edits wil be taken into acount and the research team wil revise the workshop procedings taking into acount any edits. The revised workshop procedings wil then be re-circulated to participants for further review and aproval. You may identify any information that should not be disclosed to the general public.    205
 Storage and Aces to Recordings, Transcripts, and Data: Copies of al data, including audio/video recordings, wil be stored at the Siska Band ofice and Dr. Shanon Bins’ ofice, UBC. Aces wil be restricted to the Chief and the research team for purposes asociated with the Research Project. Shanon Bins wil return al data to the Siska Band, including audio/video recordings, after five years. Aces by anyone other than the project research team to the information that was shared by your child wil require your and your child’s permision.  Use of Recordings, Transcripts, and Data: This material (recordings, transcripts, data and photographs) is being colected for the NTFR Project, which may be made available to the Siska comunity and the general public. Recordings, transcripts, or data colected that relates to information your child shared wil not be reproduced or distributed without your prior consent.  Thesis: With the consent of you and your child and the Siska Band, some of the recordings, transcripts and data may be used for Nancy MacPherson’s master’s thesis for the UBC. The thesis is a public docuent owned by UBC, including al intelectual property of the thesis. Siska Band wil review the thesis and wil ensure that no confidential traditional knowledge is included.  Confidentiality: Participants wil not be identified by name in any reports or articles produced unles you provide writen consent for your child. The research wil be identified as taking place in the Siska Band.  Traditional Knowledge Protocol: The Siska Band, Siska Traditions Society and the University of British Columbia have entered into a Traditional Knowledge Protocol to adres confidentiality, ownership, protection and use of traditional knowledge of comunity members.  Contact: If you have any further questions or would like more information about this study, please contact Dr. Shanon Bins or Chief Fred Sampson. If you have concerns about your child’s role as a participant, please contact the Research Participant Information Line at Research Services at the University of British Columbia: 604-82-8598.  Remuneration: If you agre to your child’s participation in the workshop they wil be paid an honourarium at the rate of $7 per hour.  206
 Consent: I, ____________, understand that my child’s participation in this NTFR esearch Project is entirely voluntary and my child may refuse or I may refuse on their behalf to participate or withdraw at anytime throughout the project without any penalty.  I give consent for my child to participate in this project as described in this consent form.  I wish for my child’s name to be recognized for al of their contributions:  yes   no  ____________ Name of child   ___________  ____________ ________ Parent / Guardian signature  Name of Parent / Guardian  Date  207
Appendix H: Harvest Training And Certification Program Folow-Up Interview Guide  Harvest Training and Certification Program Folow-Up Interview Guide  I would like to interview you about the harvest trainings that Siska Traditions Society held during the spring and summer of 2006. I am realy interested in what you learned in the training and whether the training is useful or not. I have about 15 questions that wil help to answer these questions. The interview il probably last about twenty minutes. Do you have any questions before we begin?  1. What Siska Traditions harvest training did you take part in? 2. How did you learn to harvest traditional foods? 3. Had you ever harvested that plant before the STS harvest training? 4. What did you like most about the harvest training? 5. What do you remember most from the training? 6. What did you learn at the harvest training? 7. How did you judge a teacher’s knowledge is true or fact, or worth knowing? 8. How do you think is the best way to learn? 9. What is the best way to test whether learning has ocurred? 10. How have you used the knowledge you learned at the harvest training? 11. Have you used those foods more since the training? 12. Did you change the amount of time you spend on the land base? 13. How could the Siska Traditions Harvest training be improved? 14. What bariers are there for you to get out on the land? 15. What other kind of workshops would you like to se? 16. Do you think this is an efective way for knowledge to be pased on to the next generation? If not what do you suggest? 17. What knowledge maters for aces to power and rights of what the land provides? Or What do you need to know to have the power to and the rights to what the land provides?   208
Appendix I: Youth-Elder Interview Guide  1. Helo My name is _________ and I wil be interviewing you about traditional foods.  Youth presents a gift to the elder.  2. What is your name and where do you come from?  3. Do you harvest and use traditional foods?  4. If you don’t mind me asking where do you harvest and how much do you harvest?  5. Who do you harvest for?  6. Do you think that traditional foods are beter than the store bought foods and why?  7. How much of these traditional foods do you can yourself and how long does it last you?  8. How often do you eat the foods?  9. Thank you for sharing, I am sure this wil help our youth get back into traditional foods.   Following the interview segment, the Elder is invited to tel any stories that they may want to tel. Al of the youth present gather in a circle around the Elder to listen.   209
Appendix J: Elders And Knowledgeable Comunity Members Biographies  Horace Michel (Sla) Horace is from Sísqeʔ, Siska Flat and the oldest of seven siblings his parents are Mildred Michel (Whalinak), from the Okanagan Nation, and (Kanustkin) from the Nłeʔkepmx Nation. His paternal grandparents are Austkwu, from the Sto:lo Nation, and Balutkan from the Nłeʔkepmx Nation. Horace grew up in Nahaminak acros from Siska on the west side of the Qʷu?uy (Fraser River). He also spent much time growing up with his Aunt Julie and Uncle Jimy White in Kanaka Bar (South of Siska). He is maried to Josephine Thomas, from the Secwepemc Nation. Together they raised two sons and have 4 grandchildren. Horace worked for many years as an orchardist and is now a director on Siska Traditions Society Board, member of the Siska Research Comite, language instructor, caretaker, Elders’ fishery cordinator and traditional fod gatherer, Sla is one of the most active Siska comunity members as wel as the oldest.  Elen Spinks (K’əłpetkʷu) Elen lives in Spápiye’m on the west side of the Qʷuʔuy and acros from ƛ̓q’əmcin (Lyton). She is the younger sister of Horace Michel and the eldest woman sibling in her family. Elen spends considerable time gathering and preparing traditional fods for her family.  Ina Dunstan (Timitetkʷu) Ina Dunstan is Horace Michel’s younger sister. Ina enjoys atending family and comunity gatherings and always enjoys going out gathering Nłeʔkepmx traditional fods. She does beadwork, cedar rot baskets and many Nłeʔkepmx arts and textiles.  Rita Haugen Rita is from ƛ̓q’əmcin (Lyton). She is active in the Nłeʔkepmx comunity and has ben repatriating Nłeʔkepmx cedar rot baskets to Nłeʔkepmx teritory with her son John for over 20 years.   210
Mary Wiliams Mary is maried to Wesley Wiliams and had thre children, now she has two, she has four grandchildren and one great grandchild. Mary grew up with Jimy Charlie, and Lena Charlie. From a young age Mary learned to asist Lena Charlie who was a mid-wife. Mary went on to be a comunity health worker for over thirty years in Nłeʔkepmx teritory. Now retired she serves on the Siska Research Comite, shares her wisdom and enjoys traveling and visiting family.  Chief Fred Sampson Fred is from Sísqe and grew up with his parents as wel as his maternal grandparents Suzana and Richard Swartz. Together with Tina Edwards, he has two children, Holy Edwards and Forest Sampson and one grandchild, Rhianon. Fred learned to hunt and gather from his grandparents and is know to be an excelent hunter and fisher for the comunity. He is also renowned for his sandstone carvings. Fred is serving his second term as elected Chief at Sísqe and is active in land and resource stewardship and management isues important to the Nłeʔkepmx people.  Freda Loring Freda is from Meyxʷetm (Snakehead Flat) near ƛ̓q’əmcin (Lyton). Her parents were from Bothroyd, but they moved to Meyxʷetm. She also spent a lot of time with Noxʷanek (Runing on the ridge of the mountain) while growing up and with Hilda Austin her stepmother. Freda is an educator and teaches at Kumsheen Highschool. One of her pasions is cedar rot basket making, continued on from her Mother.  Charlie Michel Son of Ernie and Pauline Michel. Together with Angie Isac they have one son Justus. Charlie is a role model to other youth in his comunity, is a fisher and works with Siska’s fisheries program. He is a drumer and dancer and is an active contributor to the Lyton Remembrance Day Powow. Charlie is also the youth representative on the Siska Research Comite.  


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